PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS. IN FIVE BOOKS. The sixth, Containing English Voyages, to the East, West, and South parts of America: Many Sea and Land Fights, Invasions and Uictories against the Spaniards in those parts, and the Spanish Lands, and Coast Towns on this side; Plantations in Guiana, and many strange adventures of Englishmen amongst the Americans. The seventh, Voyages to and about the Southern America, with many Marine Observations and Discourses of those Seas and Lands, by Englishmen and others. The eighth, Voyages to and Land-travels in Florida; Virgina, and other parts of the Northern AMERICA. French Planting, Spanish Supplanting; English-Virginian voyages, and to the Land's AZORES. The ninth, English Plantations, Discoveries, Acts, and Occurrents, in Virginia and Summer Lands, since the Year 1606. till 1624. The tenth, English Discoveries and Plantations in New England, newfoundland; with the Patent and Voyuges to New Scotland: Relations also of the Fleets set forth by Queen ELIZABETH against the Spaniards. The Fourth Part. Unus Deus, Una Veritas. LONDON Printed by William Stansby for Henry Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Rose. 1625. TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, GEORGE, Lord Archb. of Canterbury His Grace, Primate of all ENGLAND and Metropolitan, One of HIS MAJESTY'S most HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL, His very good Lord. Having brought unto your Grace the Sheafe Levit. 13. of my first Fruits to be waved before the Lord, I am bold now also to offer (not after 7. but above 77. weeks) these wave loaves for my harvest, that both may be hallowed by the same Priestly hand: in which respect your Grace's Name which first honoured my Pilgrimage, hath the last place in these Pilgrime-Volumes, that my All might be blessed by your gracious embracing (the Alpha and Omega of my Dedications) and might be by your Fatherly benediction commended to vulgar use. The suitableness of the former work to your Grace's Place and recreations, caused the former presumption: but now the Author, by frequent Dedications known and graciously acknowledged Yours (how unprofitable a servant soever) is guilty not of single boldness; beautifying the Frontispiece with His Highness' Name unto your Grace's entertainment (especially in this time so many ways Festiuall) that your Grace's Name and entertainment might so much more Entitle and Endear the same to His Highness. The authorising of Books in justest order belongeth to your Grace, as doth the Author also: whose misty conceits of ignorance, or smoky vapours of ambition; suffering the exhaling rays of Princely heat and Highness, hope in the Middle Region of your Gracious and virtuous moderation to be so mildly attempered, that they shall neither fall short in vanishing dews, nor be rejected after a short blaze as falling Stars, nor transcend into combustious Comets, nor fall down in furious Storms, but gently descend as fresh and fruitful Showers on the thirsty Candid Readers. Pardon farre-fetched similitudes to a History of farre-fetched rarities, and the Elements of the world borrowed to patronise our world of literate Elements, not being (as the commendable labours of Others) a Book of Voyages and Travels in the world, but the World historised in a world of Voyages and Travels. Wherein our Ship hath been longer in her Circum-navigation then any of the World-Compassers here related; often in danger to be overset, whiles the Author's impotent and impatient Genius filled all her sails to the Top and Top-gallant beyond the proportion of her ballast; whereby some leaks of unwitting errors, happening in so new a course thorough so various Seas, implore your Grace's indulgence to the Ship and Pilot. Sir Francis Drake a Minister's son, after a happy environing of the Globe, feasted Queen Elisabeth aboard his Argo, and then laid her up at Deptford, devoting her Carcase to Time, Her (or rather his) exploits to Fame and Eternity. An English Minister, beginneth and endeth his more than Circling Navigation with the glorious Name of His Majesty, in poor, but his best entertainment, and returning thus manned and freighted, humbly sueth to be laid up in the Liberties and Libraries of Saint james, Yorkehouse, Westminster, and Lambeth. Here also the Pilot further petitioneth, that his Body being more leaky than his Ship, your Grace (to whom principally the promise was made) will accept this Part of payment in satisfaction of the whole debt of his European Peregrination and Christian Visitations. But a long Epistle were injury to your Graces more necèssarie employments for the Church and State: Myself am the Epistle, this Work the Seal, this Epistle but the Superscription, these Pilgrims all humble Suitors for your Gracious favour to the worst of Your Graces SAMVEL PURCHAS. ENGLISH VOYAGES, TO THE EAST, WEST, AND SOUTH PARTS OF AMERICA: MANY SEA AND LAND FIGHTS, INVASIONS AND VICTORIES AGAINST THE SPANIARDS IN those parts, and the Spanish Lands, and coast Towns on this side; plantations in GVIANA, and many strange adventures of Englishmen amongst the AMERICANS. THE six BOOK. CHAP. 1. A brief Relation of the several Voyages, undertaken and performed by the Right Honourable, GEORGE, Earl of Cumberland, in his own person, or at his own charge, and by his direction: collected out of the Relations and journals of credible persons Actors therein. THe first Voyage of this Right Honourable Earl was intended to First voyage 1586. The Spanish King had imbargued all English ships in his Ports of Spain and Portugal 1585. whence wars were not only expected at home, but every where honourably sought and happily prevented. See Hak. tom. 3. Sierra Leona. Abraham Cock. Andrew Battle was one of his company. See of this voyage, Tem. 1. l. 7. 6. 3. john Drake. Fenton and Wards expedition. See Hak. l. 3. I had it also written. the South Sea: and begun from Gravesend, june 26. 1585. with three Ships and a Pinnace; the Red Dragon Admiral, of 260. Tons, with 130. men, commanded by Captain Robert Widrington: the Bark Clifford Vide-admiral, of 130. Tons, with 70. men, commanded by Captain Christopher Lister (he had been taken prisoner in Barbary at the battle of Alcassar, in which King Sebastian was slain) the Roe Rear-admiral, commanded by Captain Hawes: the Dorothee, a small Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleighs (This voyage being published at large in Master Hakluyts printed voyages, I will here but briefly run over) Septemb. 7. they fell with the Coast of Barbary, haling in with the Road of Santa Cruse: after that they anchored in Rio del Oro, and searched up the River, finding it fourteen or fifteen leagues upward as broad as at the mouth, some two leagues over. The last of September they resolved for Sierra Leona, from whence they departed the seventh of November. The fourth of januarie they fell with the American shore in 30. degrees and 40. minutes South latitude, the weather temperate. jan. 10. they took (a little short of the River of Plate) a small Portugal ship, and in her Abraham Cock of Leigh near London, married in that Country, who was brought home by the Admiral. They learned that in that River were five Towns each of seventy households or more. Buenos Aeres, fifty leagues up the River, the rest forty or fifty above each other; Tuccaman the uppermost 230. leagues from the entrance: In which was store of Corn, Cattell, Fruits, but neither Silver nor Gold. In this Bark were five and forty Negroes. The next day they took another, in which were five and thirty Negro women, four or five Friars, one an Irishman. Their Books, Beads, and Pictures, cost above 1000 Ducats. The Bishop of Tuccaman had sent for them to take possession of a Monastery. They learned of Master john Drake who went in consort with Captain Fenton, cast away near the River of Plate, his company taken or slain by the Saluages: of which john Drake and Richard Fairweather escaped with two or three others in a Canoa to the Spaniards and lived in those parts. Here also they took Miles filips left in the Country by Sir john Hawkins. After counsel taken they fell April 3. with the Land of Brasil in 16. degrees and a Terse, and watered in the Road of Camena. They proceeded and anchored before the Town of Baya, and found in the Harbour eight Ships and one Carvel. The next day they forced the Portugals Baya. to abandon four of the best of those ships, and towed them forth in despite of infinite store of Bold courage. great and small shot from the shore and ships: one Hulk having in her four and twenty pieces of Ordnance. The least of these prizes was 130. Tons. After this they haled the Hulk and commanded the Master to follow them, which he did, together with a Carvel with fifty Butts of wine. They fetched relief from the shore also in despite of innumerable Indians and all the enemies forces. May 24. they took a ship of 120. Tons laden with Meal and Sugar. But the voyage to the South Sea was defeated by some men's desire to return, in which Captain Delamour took a small Pinnace. The Fle●●●sish Hulk taken into the Fleet in stead of the George Hulks disaster. cast off, furnished with her men, suddenly took fire and perished, Ship, Men, and Goods. Septemb. 29. the residue reached the Coast of England after an unprofitable and unfortunate voyage. IN the year 1587. when the Town of Slewse was besieged by the Duke of Parma, Sir Roger Williams being Governor there, the Earl put himself in person to make proof of his valour The Earl in Sluice, 88 service. in that service, but at his arrival found the Town surrendered unto the Duke, the said Sir Roger being not able to hold out longer. Anno 1588. amongst many of the Nobility which distributed themselves into diverse of her Majesty's Ships upon the approach of the Spanish Armada, the Earl put himself aboard the Bonaduenture commanded by Captain George Raymond; when they won that honour that no Sea can drown; no age can wear out. The Queen so accepted Second voyage 1588. this Noble Earls resolution, that she gave him leave the same year to go as General, and for his greater honour and ability was pleased to lend him the Golden Lion, one of the Ships Royal, to be the Admiral; which he victualled and furnished at his own charge and adventure, having Commission to pursue his intended voyage towards the Spanish coasts, under the broad Seal of England, bearing date the fourth of October, 1588. Attended with many brave Gentlemen he set forth about the end of October, and in the Narrow Seas met with a Ship of Dunkirk called the Hare, laden with Merchandise for Spain, which after some fight he took and sent home. But contrary winds first suspended, and after that a storm (which forced them Hare taken. to cut the main Mast overboard) deprived him of further hopes and ability to prosecute his true designs. HIs spirit remaining nevertheless higher than the winds, and more resolutely by storms Third voyage 1589. compact & united in itself, he procured a new of her Majesty the Victory, one of the Royal Navy, accompanied with the Meg and Margaret, two small Ships and one Carvel; which were set forth at his charges, and manned with 400. Mariners and Soldiers: the Admiral commanded by his Lordship, and under him Captain Christopher Lyster: the Meg by Captain William Mounson Vice-admiral: the Margaret by Captain Edward Careless alias Write Rereadmirall: the Carvel by Captain Pigeon. The eighteenth of june they set forth from Plymouth and within three days met with three French Ships, Leaguers of New Haven, and Saint Maloes laden with The League then was enemy to Queen Elizabeth. Newfound land fish: two of them with the Margaret not able to endure the Sea, were sent for England. The thirteenth of july his Lordship met with eleven Dutch Ships which at first made show to abide a fight, and after a few shot yielded and sent their Masters aboard showing their Passports from Hamborough, Lubeck, Bream, Pomerland and Calais: who confessed that they had goods aboard to the value of four thousand & five hundred pounds of a jew of Lisbon; which being delivered and distributed, his Lordship set sail for the Asores. The first of August he had sight jew of Lisbon. of Saint Michael, and to disguise himself put forth a Spanish Flag. Espying four Ships in the Road, he resolved that night to cut their Cables and to bring them away: which he accordingly The Azores four Ships taken. performed before he was descried. The Spaniards in three of them leaping into the Sea, with much noise and outcry gave the alarm to the Town, which made many vain shots at his Boat in the dark. The fourth was the Falcon of London, under the name of a Scottish Ship, having a Scottish Pilot. The three Spaniards were laden from Seville with Wine and Salad Oil. The Pinnace took a small Ship wherein was thirty tons of Madera wines, same woollen Cloth, Silk and Taffeta. The Carracks were departed from Tercera eight days before. He manned his Boats and obtained refreshing at Flores professing himself a friend to their King Don Antonio. From thence rowing a shipboard, the Boat was pursued two miles together by a monstrous Fish, whose Fins many times appeared about the gils above water four or five yards a sunder, A monstrous Fish. and his jaws gaping a yard and a half wide, not without great danger of overturning the Pinnace, and devouring some of the company: but at the last they all escaped. Here his Lordship met and accepted into consort Captain Davies with his Ship and Pinnace, a Ship of Sir Walter Raleighs, commanded by Captain Markesbury, and the Bark Lime. Having intelligence that the Carracks were at Tercera, he came up to the road of Fyall the seven and twentieth of August, and descrying certain Ships at anchor close aboard the shore; See Linscbot. c. 96. he sent his Boats which boarded a Ship of 250. ton armed with fourteen cast Pieces, and continued fight till a supply of Boats came from the Fleet to second them, and then recovered the prize. The Spaniards (except john de Palma) leapt all overboard to swim to the shore, A prize of Port Ricco. which was so near that the Ship was moored to the Castle, from whence the great Ordinance played all the time of the fight: only it was not a play to the Master of the Carvel, whose calf of his leg was shot away. This Ship came laden from Port-Racco with Sugar, Ginger, and Hides. The Shipboates fetched also out of the Road some other small Ships laden from Guinnee Guin●ee Ship taken. with Elephant's teeth, Grains, Coca nuts, and Goat Skins: most of which prizes he sent for England. The next day, eight Englishmen prisoners stole from Tercera in a small Boat, having no other yard for their main sail then two Pipe staffs. These told his Lordship, that the Carrackes were departed a week before, which moved him to return for Fyall with purpose to take that Town. He arrived, September the tenth, landing his men, the Platform shot at them in their march, Fyall taken. but they coming up found it and the Town ahandoned, and took thereof possession. This Town containeth 500 households well and strongly built of Lime and Stone, well stored with fresh water, delicate Fruits and Grapes of diverse sorts. He set a guard to preserve the Churches and Religious Houses, and stayed there four days till the ransom was brought him, which was The spoil. 2000, Ducats, most of Church Plate. He shipped from the Platform eight and fifty Pieces of Iron Ordnance. The Governor of Graciosa sent his Lordship sixty Butts of Wine, but excused his want of fresh water. A Ship of Weymo●●h came thither with a Spanish prize worth sixteen thousand pounds, and brought news of the West Indie Fleet shortly to come; which after three or four days playing to and fro in rough weather (I let pass a Ship of Saint Malo, Ship of Saint Malo. which he took laden with newfoundland Fish) he espied going into the haven at Angra in Tercera to the number of fifteen sail, being too far to Leeward to come near them: and they being strong and fortified with the Castle and Fort, he was forced to give over. And although he left a Pinnace for advice, intending to wait for them at Sea; yet she returned with news that they had taken off their sails, and down their topmasts with resolution of longer stay. Wherefore he sailed to Saint michael's, and being there repelled from watering, went to Saint mary's, where they found two Brasil Ships laden with Sugar, which the Islanders fought to bring a ground: but Captain Lyster hastening the attempt in the face of the enemy and danger of continual Captain Lysters valorous attempt. shoare-shot, boarded the uttermost, cut asunder her Cables and Hawsers and towed her away, whiles Captain Davies entered the other than a ground and abandoned, and was forced to forsake her. Two men were slain and sixteen hurt. But a greater loss followed whiles the His audacious enterprise and rash endangering the quarter. Earl in person sought to get the other ship, Captain Lyster rashly disvaluing the enemy's force, the Bar also detaining them on ground in the midst of danger from the enemy, to the loss and hurt of eighty men. His Lordship received three shot upon his Target, and a fourth on the side, not deep, his head also broken with stones that the blood covered his face, both it and his legs likewise burned with fire-balls. The Meg being leaky was sent with the prize into England, and his Lordship held his course for Spain. By the way he took a Portugal ship laden from Brasil, and after that another which was one of the fifteen which had before entered Angra, being a ship of 400. Tons, laden from American ships taken. Mexico and Saint john de Vlhua with seven hundred hides, six chists of Cochenele, certain chists of Sugar and some Silver. The Captain was an Italian, and had in her five and twenty thousand Ducats adventure. Thus full of joy they resolved homewards, but Sea-fortunes are variable, having two inconstant Parents, Air and Water. His Lordship sent Captain Lyster in the Mexican prize for Portsmouth, which at Helcl●ffe in Cornwall was wracked, the Captain and all his company drowned except five or six. Scarcity of drink caused by Captain Lyster drowned. contrary winds, caused his Lordship to seek to recover some part of Ireland for relief; but waiting for entrance was put off again, their Beer and Water being all spent. Three spoonfuls of vinegar were allowed to each man at a meal with some small relief squeezed out of the l●es Miserable distress for want of drink. of their wine vessels: which continued fourteen days without other supply then the drops of Hail and Raine, carefully saved with Sheets and Napkins. Some drank up the soiled running water at the Scupper-holes; others saved by devose the run down the Masts and ●arred Ropes; and many licked the moist Board's, Rails, and Masts with their tongues like Dogs. Yet was that Rain so intermingled with the sprie of the foaming Seas in that extreme storm, that it could not be healthful: yea, some in their extremity of thirst drank themselves to death with their Cans of salt-water in their hands. Notwithstanding this extreme scarcity, his Salt deadly draught. The Earl's equity and courage. noble charity caused equal distribution of the small store they had aswell to all his prisoners as to his own people. By this time the lamentable cries of the sick and hurt men for drink was heard in every corner of the ship: for want whereof many perished (ten or twelve every night.) more than otherwise had miscarried in the whole Voyage. The storm continuing added to their misery, tearing the ship in such sort, as his Lordship's cabin, the dining room, and half Deck became all one, and he was forced to seek a new lodging in the hold. His mind was yet undaunted and present, his bodily presence and preventions ready. The last of November he spoke with an English ship, which promised him the next morning two or three tons of Wine, but soon after unfortunately came on ground. The next day he had some supply of Beer, but not sufficient to enable him to undertake for England. He therefore (the wind serving) put into Ventre Haven, in the Westermost part of Ireland, where having well refreshed, the twentieth Ventre Haven in Ireland. of December he set sail for England. His Lordship in this Voyage took thirteen Prizes, but that which was worth more than all the rest was lost, yet the profit redoubled his adventures. At his arrival in London, he met with the unfortunate news of the death of his eldest Son Francis Lord Clifford, which died the twelfth of December, 1589. yet was comforted with the The Countess of Dorset borne jan. 31. 1589. birth of the Lady Anne Clifford (borne the last of january following (his Daughter, and by the death of Robert Lord Clifford, who died the fourteenth of May 1591.) his heir, now the virtuous wife of the Right Honourable Richard Earl of Dorset. THis Honourable Spark was further kindled and inflamed by former disasters, and obtaining of her Majesty a new ship called the Garland, a ship of six hundred tons, added the The fourth Voyage 1591. Samson Vide-admiral, a ship of his Lordships, of two hundred and sixty tons, the Golden Noble Rear-admiral, and to them the Allagarta, and a small Pinnace called the Discovery. With these he set forth 1591. at his own charge to the Coast of Spain, where he took good Ship of Saint Thome taken. purchase, a ship laden at Saint Thomas with Sugars, which he was forced to cast off by an irrecoverable leak: another also which after long contrary winds in her course for England, was driven to put into a Spanish Harbour for want of victuals. But in two other he was more unfortunate. For Captain Munson being sent to dispatch the goods, and the Golden Noble to accompany them (which the night's calmness prohibited) the ships being thus severed, were by the Chance of war: Takers taken. Galleys of Penocha set upon, his Lordship being within hearing of the shot, but by reason of the calm not able to relieve them: so that the two ships were recovered, Captain Bayly slain, Captain Munson and the rest carried Prisoners to Penecha, and thence to Lisbon. His Lordship wrote to the Archduke Albert, than Viceroy, for their good usage, otherwise threatening requital to theirs of whom he presumed he should take store. For fear whereof the common sort were returned a few days after new clothed, Captain Munson with six others only detained. His Lordship having intelligence of a great Armada prepared in the Groin; to be sent against the Lord Thomas Howard then Admiral of her Majesty's fleet at the Asores, attending to Advise. surprise the West Indian fleet, sent the Moonshine with advice; otherwise the Lord Howard had run the fortune of Sir Richard Greenuile, who lost his ship and life, or rather exchanged the one for honour, and for the other made the Spaniards the greatest losers in so dear a purchase. Sir R. Greenuile. Thus weakened by disaduenture, he was forced to return for England. HIs Lordship considering the inconvenience of her Majesty's command, not to lay any Spanish ship aboard with her ships, lest both might together be destroyed by fire, rather chose Fifth Voyage 1592. to seek out amongst the Merchants, then to make further use of the ships Royal. And so he hired the Tiger a ship of six hundred tons, furnished by the Owners for three hundred pounds a month wages, in which he went in person, thereto adding his own ship the Samson, and the Golden Noble, with two small ships. These in the year, 1592. were set forth, but so crossed with winds, as three months victuals Ill beginnings. were spent in Harbours, before they could get to the Westward of Plymmouth: whereby also one of his Lordship's principal designs was frustrate, which was the taking of the Carrikes outward bound, as also the means to perform his intended Voyage to the West Indies. Whereupon, not like to satisfy that expectation which might arise from a personal expedition of his Lordship, he transferred the chief command to Captain Norton, and returned to London, leaving His return, and Captain Norton substituted. instructions with the Admiral to go for the Asores. Captain Norton near Cape Finisterre, met two of the King of Spain's Galleons, returning from Breast in Brittany; in fight with whom the Golden Noble received a shot in her foremast, which made them doubt of her further sufficiency: but having fished it aswell as they could, Captain Cave her Commander espied an Argosy bound for Lisbon, and gave chase to her within shot of the Fort of Cascaijs within Argosy taken. five fathom water of a should called Catchops, and there in sight of the men on shore laid her aboard, and returned into England with her. The Admiral with the rest of the fleet arrived at the Asores, and having watered and refreshed at Flores (which that Island permitted to all men of war, as not able to withstand them) Flores courtesy. Santa Cruse a▪ Carrike. put to Sea and spreading themselves, the Santa Cruse was descried, which made all the haste she could for Angra in Tercera. They hasted after, and being within half a league of her, they espied Sir john Burroughs in the Robucke, a ship of Sir Walter Raleighs of two hundred tons (which had ridden unseen on the Eastern side of the Island) standing to cross the Carracks way, so that Sir, I Burrough. now she was forced, the wind being Westerly to luffe up, & recover the Road of Lagow●a on the South end of Flores. The law and custom of the Sea, making all ships of war then together (though Sea-custome of sharing. not formerly consorted) equal sharers according to their tonnage of the prizes gained, Captain Norton out of civil respect (and not needing help) consulted with Sir john Burroughs, and they agreed to board her the next morning. But a storm in the night forced them all from their anchors, which the next day being somewhat allayed they recovered the road & found the Carrike warped as near the shore as they could, having indevoted also to put ashore such goods as time would permit) Portugal's fire their Carrike. and fired, with all her sails and flags up and Ordnance laden, which went off on every side when the fire came to them: a sight more pleasing to the Portugals then the English, whom those accounted now the Owners of that consumed substance. The surge also (issue of the late storm) scarcely permitted their Boats to land, to seek to get wracks, and what the Portugals had carried ashore: e●●ry man (for fear of wracking the Boats on the Rocks) being up to the neck, Auri sacra fa●●s. and some over head and ears before they could obtain the shore, where also they were forced on hands and knees to climb up a steep hill, on the top whereof stood many Islanders tumbling down great stones on them. But all difficulties were made easy by resolution and hope, which brought them to the Town (now forsaken by her Inhabitants) and made them Masters of the wracked goods, which seemed to fly thither for refuge from the fire and water. Town taken. Whiles they were thus employed about this burnt Carrike, Sir Robert Cross Captain of the Foresight of her Majesties, Master Tomson Captain of the Dainty (a ship of Sir john Hawkins) Captain Newport in the Golden Dragon came into this consort. They were much grieved with this spectacle, but comforted that there had but one of the five Carracks passed, this had fallen into this terrible Purgatory, and three were still expected. They spread themselves, & continued expecting from the nine and twentieth of june, till the third of August, at which time Master Tomson first had sight of the great Carrack, called Madre de Dios, and coming up, gave her a broadside of Ordnance; & falling a stern came (having laden his Ordnance) again and again to Made de Dios a great Carrik deliver his peals to hinder her way, till the rest of the fleet could come, the Carrack answering with the like. Sir john Burroughes and the Golden Dragon came in about three a clock, and Sir john received a shot of a Canon Perier under water in the Bread-roome, which made him bear The fight. up to stop his leak. Sir Robert Cross was the next, who to give her his broad side, came so near, that becalming his sails he unwillingly fell aboard the Carrack, which having lashed her fast by the Strowdes, sailed away with her by her side. The Earl of Cumberlands ships, worst of sail, were the last which came up, about eleven aclocke at night, not minding then to board Queen's ships danger. her: But hearing the Foresight, calling to Captain Norton, And you be men, save the Queen's ship: he gave order to the Samson, to lay her aboard on the one side, and promising to do the like in the Tiger on the other, which about twelve a clock was performed. The Tiger running stemling aboard, broke her beakhead to the huddings; the Samson laid the Forefight aboard, and entered thorough her into the Carrack, whereby the Forefight without entering any one man, took opportunity Carrike entered. to free herself. And now both ships companies being entered into the Fore-cheynes, the Forecastle was so high, that without any resistance the getting up bad ●●●ne difficult. But here was strong resistance, some irrecoverably falling by the bo●rd, a●● 〈…〉 ssault continued an hour and an half, so brave a booty making the men fight like Dragons till the Forecastle being gained, the Portugals Fight and Engglish Victory. stowed themselves in holds. The English now hunted after nothing but pillage, and were ready to go to the ears about it, each man lighting a Candle, the negligence of which fired a cabin, in which were six hundred Cartrages of Powder. The rumour hereof made them all ready to forsake the Carrike, when Captain Norton with some others with buckets of water, adventured the quenching of that fire: Fear of leak by the fight and nearness of the shore Danger by fire. were great parts of his care. All these dangers freed, contention about so rich a pillage was well-nigh kindling in the Commanders, being so diversely commanded and employed: but Sir john Burroughes pretending the Queen's name, Captain Norton yielded that he should take care of the Carrack, which he accordingly repaired, lands about eight hundred Negroes on Coruo, detains Contention about the booty. In M. Hak. his second Tome, this Carrikes purchase is attributed principally to Sir I. Burgh. there may the Reader also see her dimensions & goods, etc. I have here followed that Relation which I found, and leave free judgement to the Reader. My copy also argueth my Lord's case, which I ha 〈…〉 itted. the ordinary Sailors, commits the Gentlemen to a ship of the Ea●le of Cumberlands to go whether they would, who escaped not a second rifling by other Englishmen of war, which took from them (thus negligently dismissed) nine hundred Diamonds besides other odd ends. The Earl of Cumberland had notice by a Pinnace sent from Captain Norton twenty days before the Carrack came into England, and had Commission from the Queen for her safe harbouring. Hardly she escaped the Rocks of Silly (the Tiger also participating in that danger) and came to Dartmouth, being so huge and unwieldy a ship, as she was never removed out of that Harbour, but there laid up her bones. His Lordship's share would have amounted according to his employment of ships and men, to two or three Millions, but because his Commission large enough otherwise, had not provided for the case of his return, and substituting another in his place, some adjudged it to depend on the Queen's mercy and bounty. Neither yet by reason of some men's imbezelling had her Majesty the account of the fifth part of her value; and the Earl was fain to accept of six and thirty thousand pounds for him and his, as out of gift. THe next year 1593. his Lordship procured two ships Royal, the Golden Lion Admiral commanded sixth voyage. 1593. by himself, the Bonaduenture Vide-admiral, and therewith employed the Back Chaldon, the Pilgrim, the Anthony, and the Disconerie: which three last when he came to the Coast of Spain he sent for the West Indies. He took from the protection of fourteen great Hulks, two French ships of Saint Malowes (which then held for the league, and v●●re therefore Two French ships very rich taken. reputed in state of Spaniards) of great value, one of which he carried with him, and sent the other into England. The Spaniards having intelligence, set forth an Armada against him, which waited for him at the Lands, and the Earl hearing of their being at Flores, and within five leagues of them, lighted on a ship which they had sent to descry, which before she could recover her fleet, he took. He learning by these that the Spanish fleet trebled the force of his, having Scout taken. kept company with them one day, quitted them and kept ten or twelve leagues distant from them three weeks. In which space he fell sick beyond hope of life, without return or refreshing His sickness and return. from the shore. Captain Monson with much hazard, procured him some refreshing from Coruo; and leaving the rest of the ships (which took one Prize after) he returned for England, this proving the most gainful Voyage which he made before or after. THe Anthony of one hundred and twenty tons, commanded by Captain james Langton, Pilot Antonio Martino a Spaniard, which had long lived in those Indies, and well acquainted The seventh Voyage. 1593. with those Ports: the Pilgrim of one hundred tons, commanded by Captain Francis Slingsbie, Diego Petrus a Spanish Pilot, and the Discovery: these three after fare well solemnly taken and given by shot on all hands, shaped their Course for the Antillas', and fell with the Island of Saint Lucia, there and at Matinnio, refreshing themselves three days, they concluded to attempt the taking of the Rancherias', which are the Pearle-fishings of Margarita, containing six or seven Pearl-fishings. several small Villages, which for that purpose they inhabit but not above one of them at once, when their fishing fails there, removing to another and so by course, having empty houses standing always ready for that purpose. The Pearls for more safety are monthly carried to the Town of Margarita three leagues from the waters side. They kept out of sight all day for fear of discovery, and at night landed and visited two empty Rancherias': but taking a Spaniard which then came thither in a Boat with two Indians, they made him their guide to the inhabited Rancheria, five leagues off, commanding the Boats to row along the shore, and not to double the point till evening. The two Captains with eight and twenty men, marched by land in the heat, which with want of water much annoyed them. They came thither in the beginning of the night, and agreed to assault the place in three places at once, notwithstanding their small numbers, lest they should gather head any where. The Spaniards at first thought it Rancheria assaulted and taken. had been some false alarm of the Governor, and bid away with this jesting, but finding it earnest, hastily fled to the woods. Thus did they take the Town, with some two thousand pounds value in Pearl besides what other pillage the Soldier's gate. Their weapons they broke for fear of pursuit. In the morning they went aboard the fishing Boats, and took their Oysters gotten the night before: and gate aboard their ships (much in suspense for them, not knowing of this sudden enterprise) the fifth day after they had gone from them. The ships now coming before the Town demanded ransom for their houses and Canoas', to redeem which from destruction they gave two thousand Ducats in Pearl. But Carvels of advice having everywhere given intelligence of them, at Cumana they found them on their guard and returned, not without loss. Thence they coasted Terra F 〈…〉 ma, till they came to the Lands of Aruba and Corresao, where they landed and refreshed themselves: Thence to Rio de Hache, which they thought to have taken, Aruba and Corresao. R. de Hache. but found the enemy ready for them, with other intelligence that they had carried their goods into the Mountains. They therefore set sail for Hispaniola, came to Cape Tuberone, and thence to the Bay of Saint Strange watering. Nicholas, and thence to Fort Plate, and others on the North side: thence to Mona, and so Savona, where they watered again, in this manner. The Island is low destitute of any Spring, and to the Sea a small fine Sand. Not twenty paces from the wash of the Sea digging a hole and setting Estanchas' or Stantias. therein a Hogshead (the head knocked out) water is plentifully taken, seeming to be no other than the Sea water, losing the saltness in that passage. Thence they went to the River of Socko, about 5. l. Eastward of Saint Domingo, and went in the night 4. l. up and suddenly surprised an Estanca, that is, a Farm place, where slaves keep the great men's cattle, make their Cassavi bread, dress their Ginger and Fruits, and do other offices of Husbandry. Being thereof possessed, they came to parley for ransom of their Houses, and for their Negroes, for which they gave them the flesh of thirty Beefs with Cassavi and Fruits. Beef will not keep in those Beef how kept there. parts above four and twenty hours, unless first salted, and then dried in the Sun, being first cut into two sides like Bacon, without any bone left in it, nor any piece of flesh thicker than a man's hand. It must first be searched with a Knife, then rubbed over with Salt, and having so remained twelve hours must be dried in the Sun: and four hot days drying will save it sufficiently. Other Estanças being likewise taken yielded like contributions. From thence they went upon Ri. Marracava. another River called Marracava, where there was an Ingenio of Sugars which they took for their provisions and caused the owner to ransom it from burning. Thence they went to the mouth of the harbour of Saint Domingo, and rid there at the East side of the same, at Point Torrosilio to intercept any Shipping coming forth. The Sergeant Mayor came hither to treat for ransom of some prisoners, and with him an Englishman of Captain Lancaesters' company of Captain Raymunds' fleet, whose Ship was newly cast away coming out of the East Indres into Cap. Raymund. those parts, a little to the West of Saint Domingo at Acoa. The Spaniards set forth two Carvels to intercept the Boats, which they did, but the Ships recovered the taken and takers together. They brought four brass Falcons of Captain Lancaster's Ship, ten others of Iron they left for the heaviness being somewhat far from the water. They took also a fine Friggot hidden under the trees, which they brought for England. Thence they went for jamaica, and there found two Barks laden with Hides and Cannafistula, jamaica. one of which they manned and sent for England, taken by a French man of war by the way. Thence they went to Cuba, to Cape Corientes, and Cape Saint Antonio, to expect shipping coming for the Havana, but in vain. Thus after eight months spent in the Country, the Antony and the Frigate went to the Bay of Honduras; the Pilgrim at Havana spent some few days, and then set sail for England, where they arrived in Plymouth, Bay of Honduras. May 14. 1594. The Antony and the Frigate within four leagues of Porto cavallo descried seven Ships in the Porto Cavallo. Road, the least of ninescore tun. They anchored within Calivar shot of the Spanish Ships and moored their Ships a head and stern, and bend their broad sides unto them, and there fought all that day with those seven Ships and all night, now and then a shot: Captain Langton sent The fight. the Boat and Shallop to the shore, from whence they brought a Frigate of twenty ton. The next morning they fired the Frigate, and with their Boats purposed to bring her cross the Admiral's half. But when they saw them coming, they all ran into the Boats and got ashore. The Admiral let slip the other six, unhanged their Rudders, and carried them ashore that Ships fired. none should sail away with the Ships if they were taken. They laded the Admiral with the best out of all the Ships, and sent ashore to know if they would ransom the rest, which they delaying, they fired one of them laden with Hides and Logwood, and then another laden with Susaparill. But the King of Spain had forbidden them any ransoming, and they came not. All their Ordnance was heaved overboard saving two or three Brass pieces, in hope some Englishmen might be the better for them afterward. One of them was a Ship of five hundred tons. They brought away the Admiral of 250. and came into Plymouth the fifteenth of May, the next day after the Pilgrim's arrival. ANno 1594. The Earl of Cumberland on his own charge with the help of some adventurers The eight Voyages 1594. set forth for the Tercera Lands the Royal Exchange, Admiral of 250. tons, commanded by Captain George Cave: the May Flower Vice-admiral, of like burden, commanded by Captain William Antony: the Samson Rereadmirall, commanded by Captain Nicholas Downton, a Carvel and a small Pinnace. They set forth from Plymouth, April 6. In the way they took a small Bark laden with Galicia wines, etc. june the second, they had sight of Saint Michael; After ten days they descried the great Carrack of 2000 tuns, called the Cinque LLagas or Five Wounds. The May Flower first got up to her and received an unwelcome salutation. In the night The great Carriks called Five wounds. the Samson came in and continued the fight, and at last the Admiral. They agreed that the Admiral should lay the Carrake aboard in the Prow, the Vice-admiral in the Waste, and the Rereadmirall in the Quarter. But it fell out that the Admiral laying her aboard at the loof, recoiled a stern, the Vice-admiral being so near that she was fain to run with her bolt spirit between the two quarters, which forced the Rereadmirall to lay her aboard Boarded. on the Bow. After many bicker, fireworks flew about interchangeably. At last the Vice-admiral with a Culuering-shot at hand fired the Carack in her Stern, and the Rear-admiral her Forecastle Carraks' fired. by a shot that gave fire to the Mat on the Beakhead, from thence burning to the Mat on the Bolt-sprit, and so ran up to the Top-saile-yard: they plying and maintaining their fires so well with their small shot, that many of those which came to quench them were slain. These fires increased so sore that the Vice-admiralls foresail and fore-top-saile were both burnt, the Rear-admiral being in like predicament, whiles the Admiral with much danger and difficulty English Ships in danger. quenched the fires thrown into her from the Carack. To save themselves in this heat and fury, the Admiral and Vide-admiral fell off, leaving the Rear-admiral foul of the Carricks sprit-saile-yard in great danger to have been consumed with her, had they not helped her off with their Boats. In this distress the company brought the Commander Don Francisco de Melo to put forth a flag of truce: but the Carricks Carpenter more desperate, comforted him with hope of quenching Pitiful distress of the Carrike. the fire, whereupon he cried, Coragio, I will never yield, notwithstanding the protestations, contestations, and obtestations of the lamenting out-crying company. One ran ●●raged on him, charging him with this foul uncharitableness, threatening vengeance on him and his for this obstinacy in suffering so many souls to perish, rather than to accept the English assistance. Some of their chiefest, rich in chains and jewels, cast off all, and naked as they were borne cast themselves into the Sea to adventure upon English mercy; amongst all which, was taken up by the Rear-admiral's Boat, two men of note and three of inferior quality. These three were clothed and set on land: the other two were Don Nuno Velio Periera (who had sometimes been Governor of Mozambique and Sofala, and returning for Spain in a Carack of great value, lost near Bona Speranza, was now here a passenger) and Bras Carero, Captain of another Carack cast away near Mozambique, here also a passenger. These two were brought into England and ransomed. Three impediments happened to the Assailants, the Rear-admiral hurt with a shot The impediments of taking the Carrike. and made in person unserviceable being a valiant man; the Vide-admiral slain; and the Admiral himself Captain Cave shot at the first thorough both the legs, whereof shortly after his return he died. The Carvel and Pinnace were accidentally absent: one and twenty were slain in the fight. In the Carack were many of quality; and before infection had fallen amongst them near the Cape, their number of white and black men exceeded 1100. all which perished but those before named. The burden of this Carack and her lading in wealth did far exceed the Madre de Dios, returning after a long voyage freighted with pearls, jewels, drugs, silks (her meanest lading pepper) besides the best of the Nazaret (lately cast away) her commodities, the Captain whereof had been Bras Carero aforesaid. They set sail after this disaster for Flores and after some refreshing, on the nine and twentieth Another Carrike. of june descried another Carack of 1500. Tons, which they supposed to be the Saint Philip one of the King of Spain's men of war. After some more cautelous fight occasioned by that conceit, they sent their Boat to summon her to yield to the Queen of England's ships under the command of the Earl of Cumberland, or else to undergo the fortunes of the Five wounds, the sorrowful witnesses whereof they presented those two former Captains: to whom the General Don Lewis de Costynio answered; As your General hath been at the burning of the Five wounds, so I have been at the burning and taking of the Revenge of the Queen of England's. Therefore let him do what he dare do for his Queen, and I will do what I am able for my King: commanding the Boat instantly to be gone. The fight was renewed, but intermitted by the calm, and remitted by the remisser company, their Captains being slain and wounded. Whereupon they gave over and arrived in England in August and the beginning of September, having done much harm to the enemy, and little good to themselves. THe Earl not liking his ill partage in the Madre de Dios, nor this unhappier loss of two The ninth voyage. 1595. Carricks for want of sufficient strength to take them, builded a ship of his own of 900. Tons at Detford, which the Queen at her launching named The Scourge of Malice, the best ship that ever before had been built by any subject. She made his Lordship three voyages, and after was sold to the East Indian Company, whence she made many returns (before in the name of the Dragon related) and proved fortunate against the Portugals in the East. His Lordship had The Dragon a fortunate ship to the East Indian Society: surprised unluckily by the Dutch: see Ho●es relation. To. 1. l. 5. An. 1595. Fight. thought to have gone in her in person, and prepared the Alcedo his Vide-admiral, commanded by Captain Monson, the Antonio commanded by Daniel jarret and the old Frigate. But when he had gone as far as Plymouth on his intended voyage, Her Majesty by Sir Francis Drake and Sir john Hawkins, sent for him to return, which commandment his Lordship obeyed, but the ships proceeded to seek their adventure, giving command of the Admiral to Captain Langton; which Captain Monson misliking went forth severally to seek his own fortune in the Alcedo. The Scourge, the Antony, and the Frigate, went together to the Asores, where first they took a Saint Thome Carvel of 100 Tons laden with Sugars. After which near the Island of Flores in a fog they espied a great Ship lying by the Lee, which they conceived to be a Carack, but found it to be the Saint Thomas, Vide-admiral of the King of Spain's fleet, lying for the waftage of the East and West Indian fleets: with whom they fell in so hot a fight that she was glad to bear up to recover herself amongst the rest of her Consorts; which after the clearing of the fog they discerned not far from them. Thence they went to the Coast of Spain, where they took three Dutch ships of the East-Countries laden with Wheat, Copper, and other munitions and provisions for the King of Spain. Having spent their victuals they returned. AN. 1596. his Lordship set forth again the Scourge of Malice, in which he went in person accompanied Tenth voyage. 1596. with the Dread-naught of the Queens, and some other small ships; and about thirty or forty leagues from England was encountered with a storm, wherein the Scourge spent her main mast, and was made unserviceable for that voyage: so that he was forced to return for England in the Dread naught. THe same year perceiving that the Earl of Essex and the Lord Admiral were to go to the Coast of Spain with a great fleet of the Queens, together with a squadron of Flemish Eleventh voyage. men of war, his Lordship thought good to a wait some glean in so great a Vintage, and set forth the Ascension of 300. Tons and four and thirty pieces of Ordnance, manned with 120. men, commanded by Captain Francis Slingsby, chiefly to expect such ships as should come from Lisbon. The Ascension thus furnished, met with such a fret of wind that with all haste they handed in their sails, and being within the Hook of Godwine Sands drove with two anchors ahead, Godwine sands: till they were within two Cables length of the Sands. They then let fall their short anchor, which by God's grace stayed them till the next day noon (hourly expecting their wrack) and at last cut their Cables. Having refurnished themselves at Plymouth they set forwards and coming to the Rock, say off and on. After some frustrated attempts by the Boat on a Carvel (in which the Captain was sore wounded) the King of Spain's Admiral Sirago set forth six ships against them, and himself and another ship laid the Ascension aboard, the one on the Bow, the other on the Quarter, and now the mouths of the great Ordnance (being near in place to Sea fight. whisper) roared out their thunders and pierced thorough and thorough on all hands. Which ended, the Spaniards leapt into the fore-chaines and mayne-chaines, thinking to have entered the ship, but were bravely repelled. The English seeing many Spaniards together under the Admiral's half deck, discharged amongst them a Fowler laden with case shot to their no small harm: To that the Spaniards had enough and were content to fall off. Of ours two and twenty were slain and hurt, which loss lighted as much on them which hid themselves as those which stood to the fight. To prevent the like afterwards, they put safe in hold the Chirurgeon, Carpenter, and Cooper for the public dependence on them, and made fast the hatches that others should not seek refuge. But the Spanish Admiral making a bravado, and seeing them ready to receive them, tacked about and went in for Lisbon without any further leave-taking. The Ascension continued on the Coast till they had but fourteen days victuals left, and then returned with hurts to themselves, and loss also to his Lordship. AN. 1597. the undaunted Earl having furnished and victualled his own ship the Malice-Scourge, The twelfth voyage. Names of the ships and their Captains employed in the twelfth voyage. undertook a voyage in person. Under him in it commanded Captain john Wat's outward, and Captain james Langton homewards. The Merchant Royal was Vide-admiral, commanded by Sir john Barkley; Captain Robert Flicke commanded in the Ascension, Rear-admiral; Captain Henry Clifford commanded the Samson, after whose death at Porto Rico, Christopher Colthurst was her Captain; Master john Ley, and homewards Thomas Cotch Captains of the Alcedo; Francis Slingsby Captain of the Consent; Captain james Langton of the Prosperous, and homewards Captain john Wats; Captain Henry Palmer in the Centurion, and homewards after his death his son William Palmer; Hercules Folyambe Captain of the Gallion-Constance; Captain Fleming in the Affection; Captain Christopher Colthurst in the Guiana, homeward Gerard Middleton; Captain Henry jolliffe in the Scout; Captain Robert Careless, and after his death Andrew Andrew's in the Antony; Captain Edward Goodwin in the Pegasus; Captain Henry Bromley in the Royal Defence; Captain john Dixon in the Margaret and john; Master john Lea Captain of the Barkley Bay; William Harper Captain of the old Frigate. To make up the score we may reckon two Barges used for landing of men, as occasion required. For the land Soldiers, Sir john Barkley was Colonel General: Captain William Mesey Lieutenant Colonel: Captain Hercules Folyambe Sergeant Major: Captain Arthur powel Lieutenant Colonel of the Earl's Regiment: Captains, Lewis Orrell, Thomas Roberts, Henry Gyll, Thomas Coche, Hugh Starkie, Ralph Rookesby, Roger Tirwhit; Captain Andrew Andrew's Leader of the Earl's Company: Captain james Tothill Leader of Sir john Barkleys' Company: Captains, james Euans and George Orrell Corporals of the field: Captain john Man Provost Martial: Captain Arthur Milles Master of the Artillery and Provant Master. The noble Earl thus attended and furnished (chiefly at his own charges) set sail with this Fleet from Portsmouth the sixth of March. But you shall have a better Relator. His Lordship having had the spoil of all things at his pleasure, prepared for the sending aboard the Ordnance, Munitions, Bells, Ginger, Sugar, etc. of brass Ordnance he took above sixty pieces: setting sail for England july 16. In which return his Lordship lost a Barge, by his commandment sunk in the Haven to the prejudice of the Enemy. Another Barge cast away in a storm at the Bermudas. The Pegasus wracked upon Goodwin Sands, and the old Frigate upon Vshent, with the loss of about seven hundred men, whereof fix hundred died of the bloody flix and Calenture at Porto Rico: sixty slain in fight, and forty drowned in the wracks of the old Frigate and Pegasus. CHAP. II. The Voyage to Saint john de Porto Rico, by the Right Honourable, GEORGE, Earl of Cumberland, written by himself. WOrthiest of your Sex, my chief Commandress, to give content to your wish in bare plainness. I have set down the courses and fortunes of my late performed 1596. journey. The sixth day of March, with my whole Fleet I set sail out of the Sound of Plymouth, the wind being prosperous though much. We kept altogether till the when the fair passage put me in hope that God had prepared this an unlooked for fortune, if it were well handled, in getting upon the Coast of Spain sure intelligence whether the Carricks were gone, and how near they were ready if not gone. The doing of which undiscovered, though I knew was hard, yet not impossible for him that His purpose frustrated. could well work: And considering the mighty importance, I took the course to do it myself, taking with me the Guiana and the Scout; which two I meant should only be seen upon the Coast, and left the rest of the fleet, appointing them where to lie till I came unto them. But God whose will is beyond man's resolutions, forced me to alter this; for my Masts not made so sufficiently as I expected, both now began to show their weakness, especially my main Mast, which I continually looked would have gone over board. My Mariners were at their wit's Defect in the main Mast. end: and I protest I would have given five thousand pounds for a new one; the greatest part of my strength both by Sea and Land having been lost, if that ship had returned in this extremity. Hearing all that would, I heard many opinions to little purpose, and at length resolved (though many thought it dangerous) lest the wind should with a storm come up at West Northwest, to go to the Burlings and there ride, till my Masts were fished, myself knowing the Road, though not any else in my ship: the winds they spoke of, I feared not; my only The Burlings. doubt was that I should be discovered, being within three leagues of Penechia; Carvels coming off every day to fish; but this extremity forced device how to hide what I was. For go thither Penechia. I must, hopeless otherwise to repair those desperate ruins. My ship was black which well furthered my device, and though she were great, yet showed not so afar off. Wherefore I came in about eight of the clock at night upon Thursday, when I was sure all the Fishermen were gone to sell their fish at Lisbon, and from the main they could not make moe: this was the sixteenth of March. Before the morning I had down my top-masts, my main yard unrigged, and all things ready for my Carpenters to work. The small ships with me I made stand off to Sea all day, that not having any in my company I should be the less suspected. And thus with a strange Flag and Ancient upon my poop, I rid without giving chase to any, as though I had been some Merchant, every day diverse ships coming by me that were both good prize, and had been worth the taking. Upon Sunday night the Fishermen return to the Burling; wherefore to go away undiscovered of them, and also soon to meet with my fleet, which I had appointed to tarry for me in that height betwixt twenty and thirty leagues off, and that they should keep with them what ships soever they met, that were outward boon: I ceased not working day nor night, and by Saturday at night was ready to set sail, when within night I heard the Ordnance go off betwixt me and the shore, and well knew it was a small ship of Hampton and my little Pinnace the Scout, that were in fight with a ship which they chased to windward of me before might, and fearing their match too hard, as in truth it proved. ay, for losing time let slip mine anchor, and soon came to help the poor little ones much over-matched. At my first coming up she shot at me; yet forbore I, and went so near that I spoke to them, and demanding of whence they were? answer was made, of Lisbon. Then assuring myself she was a Biscaine, and would fight well, I came close to her, and gave her my broad side, which she so Biscainers good fighters. answered as that I had three men killed, five or six shot, and my ship in six or seven places, some of them very dangerous. So I laid her aboard and took her, she proving a ship of Hamburgh, laden with Corn, Copper, Powder, and prohibited commodities. I made the more haste to end this fight, for that I would be out of the sight of the Land before day, which as I desired I Ship of Hamburg taken. was, and there met with a French man laden with Salt going into Lasbone: which small Bark was very fit to serve my purpose. For putting some of my men into her, I sent her into Cales Road, commanding them to fall with it by day in the morning, and keeping themselves close to show none but the French, and make a waft to call some Portugal to them for Pilotage up the River. This device succeeded well: for betimes in the morning they were fast by a Carvel that was going to fish, which (not suspecting them) came close to them, so as the men I put in shot at them with Muskets so fast, as not any of them durst stir to handle their sails till their Boat went aboard, and so brought them off to me. These men came that night from Lisbon, and assured me that the next far wind there would come forth five Caracks, with more treasure than ever Intelligence from Lisbon. went in one year for the Indies, and five and twenty ships for Brasil. This welcome news was accompanied with the meeting again of my whole fleet, which at that very instant I descried. Five Carraks and twenty five ships. So none being joined, I wished for nothing but an happy hour to see those long-lookedafter Monsters, whose wealth exceeds their greatness, yet be they the greatest ships in the world. My fleet being thus joined, I called all the Captains and Masters aboard, and gave directions where and in what order we should lie, and how we would fight, not doubting to meet them being undiscovered, and well knowing the way they would come. Being drawn from our rests with our joy in our hope, we so long continued gazing for that which came not, as I began to fear some unlucky accident, and leaving my fleet alone, with a Carvel I went in with the shore, and with her and my Boat got another Carvel, by whom I understood that the very New intelligence. same day that I took the first Carvel at the Rock, there came into Lisbon a ship that brought Spaniards out of England, and was in Plymouth when I came by, which assured them that I was comen forth, and they verily believed was looking for them, so as they sent Carvels of advice to search every where for me, one of which when I returned to my fleet, I understood had comen by them to windward and discovered them all. So I feared it was vain to tarry there any longer; for either they would shift their course or not come at all. So knowing that their seeing of Another attempt. me could not hurt, I went to see if they were comen so low down the River, as that it were possible to lay them aboard in the night where they road. Now again I left my fleet at Sea, and (the wind something favouring me) got in betwixt the Cat-ships, from whence I saw them riding in the Bay of Wires. Here had I too much of my desire, seeing what I desired to see, but hopeless of the good I expected by seeing them: for they were where no good could be done upon them, riding within the Castle of Saint julian, which hath in it above an hundred pieces No hope that way. of great Ordnance; so as though I could have got in (which I verily believe I could) it had not been possible to have returned, the wind being ever very scant to come forth withal, and hanging for the most part so far Northerly, as that for fear of the Cat-ships, I must of force have comen close by their platforms. With this unpleasing fight I returned to my fleet, and that night being the fifth of April, we went altogether for the South Cape. The eight day I went from thence towards the Canaries, and the thirteenth day I came to Lancerota, where by diverse both He comes to the Canaries. Rich marquis. Englishmen and Spaniards I had been informed that there dwelled a marquis, that was worth 100000. pounds, if he could be taken suddenly: which I doubted not, having aboard me three or four which had been prisoners there, who assured me they could bring me into the Road by night: and being on land could guide me to the Castle where he dwelled, how dark soever it were. But they failed in all: for when I came to the land, they knew not where the Road was, so as I Poor performance of rich promisers. was forced to anchor finding ground, but where it was they knew not. And in truth, it was so near a ledge of Rocks, as if we had gone any further, the ships had been in danger. In the morning, though then I had no other hope left me to catch the marquis, save only that perhaps he would hold his Castle; yet I thought it meet to set all my Soldiers on shore, for that till this He lands his Soldiers. time I never had given them any training, and well knew many of them to be very raw and unpractised to service at land. Wherefore myself then fearing an ague, took physic, was let blood, and sent Sir john Barkley with them, knowing for certain that place could make no resistance Sir john Barkley. against such a force. So being landed they marched to the Town, which the guides said, was but three miles from the landing place. But it proved more than three leagues, the most wicked marching for loose stones and sand that ever I saw. That night I heard not from them, nor the next day till night, when I had word brought that they had taken the Town and Castle Town and Castle takers. without resistance. Only as they marched the people of the Country (I mean the mountaineers) would watch if any straggled, and would most desperately assault them with their Lances, being so swift of foot, as when once they run, not any could come near them. In the Castle was not any thing but some few pieces of Ordnance dismounted. In the Town (whose houses were most beggarly) some little wine only, which little was too much; for it distempered so Poor purchase and yet too rich. many, that if there had been a strong enemy to have attempted, they should have found drunken resistance; the meaner sort being most overthrown already, and the Commanders, some distempered with wine, some with pride of themselves, or scorn of others, so as there were very few of them but that fell to most disorderly outrage one with another. And Sir john Barkley with much grief told me, if I took not some severe course to remedy those things, he assured himself it would be the ruin of our voyage. Whereupon the next day I went on shore to see my men trained, and calling all the Commanders before me, rebuked them for those faults, and gave Articles The Earls honourable care and wise provision. both for their courses at Land and Sea, reading to them my Commissions, that they might know I had full power to execute those punishments I set down for every offence; and assuring them I would not be slow in doing it if they offended. The next day being the one and twentieth of April, I set sail, and betwixt the Grand Canary and Tenerife met with the Royal Defence, a ship which should have comen with me out of England, but being not ready followed me; and thwart the Rock, after I was comen from thence met with a Carvel, which by ten English men that were prisoners in Lisbon, was stolen forth in the night. They assured me (word Carvel stolen forth by English captives. being brought thither that I was gone off the Coast) they resolved to send forth the Carracks, and that within a few days they would come forth. Which I making known to all my Commanders, they agreed with me that it was fit to spend some few days and look for their coming; so did we: but not seeing them, the year was so far spent that I assured myself they were either gone by, or would not go this year, their time for doubling the Cape of Buona Speranza being now past; for they never went out so late but once, and then were all forced Danger of late going forth for the Cape of Good Hope. to return. Though many would imagine the missing of this fair fortune should much have troubled me; I assure you it did not: the reason I will let you know hereafter. Now again, calling all the Captains and Masters aboard me, I first asked them whether they thought it was fit to tarry any longer upon that hope, telling them mine opinion how little reason there was in it, and that longer stay might much hurt our other purposes, to which all agreeing, we resolved to proceed. Then I asked whether they thought the time was not too far spent to get Farnanbuco? to which many answered; No. And though I well knew what it was, I would not reply till I had called two Portugal Pilots, which I brought with me out of England, old men that had at the least been twenty times a piece there out of Portugal: And ask their opinions, they Old Portugal Pilots. told us that they had gone it at that time of the year, but diverse times put back, and at their best passage been six or seven weeks in getting one degree. To which there were that answered, though sometimes it happened so, yet it might fall out otherwise: and if not, though we should be long in getting thither, yet there was assurance to win that place with ease, and Rash advisers. getting it to have wealth enough. Till this I kept secret, what now every occasion gave me fit time to utter. Having dispatched from me a ship that was in Trade at the Canaries and bound for England, and being so far shot to the Southwards, as I was sure not to meet with any going to the Northwards; so as not any news where I was could come into Spain, till it came out of the Indies: which winning of time would give me so good leisure to fortify myself in the place The Earl's m●●ture and discreet intendments. whither I meant to go, as hardly I would be supplanted till either we honourably quitted the place, or had supply; you may see, too greedy desire is a dangerous enemy, for where I should have but lightly touched this as yet, I was almost entering into the bowels of my intention, the time ripe I saw to speak more freely than I had done. I told them I had advisedly considered, of all these things now pleaded, and could, as I thought, before their speech have given them so sufficient reasons His speech. for the shaping of some other course than Brasil, as would have stayed all these plead. But I thought it better first to hear every one speak his mind, and then to utter my conceit. Which though I assured myself was the best for us, yet if any amongst them could give reason against it, I would not only take it well, but be drawn to them. Then laid I before them how our men were already many of them sick; and that undoubtedly the crossing the Line would keep those from recovering, although the passage were as good as man could wish. Besides, I remembered them of intelligence given us both upon the Coast of Spain and the Island, that the King had sent thither to defend the place against me six hundred Soldiers; and also it was likely that he had given order, that if they saw not themselves strong enough to resist, that with their portable goods they should flee into the Mountains, and set their Sugar and Brasill wood on fire; then were we sure to have nothing: and lastly, if we beat long under the Line, undoubtedly the most of our men would fall sick, and then should we be forced to return without doing any thing, for to no other place could we go, once bearing up upon that occasion. With this I paused, to hear if there would be any thing said by them: but not any speaking, I told them I well perceived by their silence the doubts my words had driven into their minds: but not to conceal any longer from them, that which hitherto I had for all their goods done, the truth was I never had intention after I found I could not get out of England before Christmas, to go for Brasil, but only for the west Indies, where there were many possibilities to make a voyage by: as first, the sacking of His purposes and probabilities. Margarita, which they knew was rich; then Porto Rico, after that Saint Domingo, then in july the outward bound fleet would be in the Acoa, where we could not miss them: and if these gave us not content, in the end of july or August, we should meet the fleet at Cape Saint Antonio. Many of these reasons I uttered, more to carry my men with good liking thither, then for any thought I had of diverse of them. And my speech had desired success, for they all went with greedy desire, and hopeful expectation, I appointing them to make what haste they could to Dominica, where we would stay one for another, thinking it better to go straggling thither then to go together, there being possibility to meet some purchase by the way, which we were in most likelihood They proceed. of when we spread furthest. Therefore we spread thus till we met at Dominica, we straggled all saving the Alcedon, the Centurion, and two Flemings, laden with Corn, which I took upon the coast of Spain, and still carried alongst with me, as chief means to effect my most desired purpose. These with all the rest came safely to Dominica, where we carried our sick people ashore They arrive at Dominica. the three and twentieth of May, and tarried till the first of june. This Island is only inhabited by Indians that mightly hate the Spaniard, but love the English very much. They brought us great store of Potatoes, Pines, Plantins, Tobacco, Mammyes, Indies-pepper, and other of their Country commodities to trade. They most desired to have Swords, Hatchets, or Knives, and very much Clothes. But if they could get none of these, they would sell their commodities for glass beads, and such trifling things. From hence I went to the Virgin's Lands which are not inhabited, and there purposed again to muster my men, the Las Virgins. Island of Dominica being so woody as that there I could not do it; and in the evening the third day I came there to an anchor. The next morning early I had them on shore, and after mustering them for many respects, found it meet to speak to them, which as near as I can remember, was thus: Kind Countrymen and fellow Soldiers, I am sure there is none here but have marked, My Lord's speech. and the wisest wonder at my light regarding the many gross faults committed amongst you since my coming to Sea; suffering every man to do what he would, urging no man further than he listed: Many courses drew me to this patience, only one I will now utter, the rest being fitter to conceal to myself, then to make so many acquainted with. The great hope of meeting the Caracks made me hope for a short journey; which happening, I thought it better to return with every man's good word, then by just punishing of any to have their ill word at my return. But that hope as you now see is altogether passed, and now we are settled to another course, which though it may be will not prove altogether so rich, and must of force keep us longer abroad; yet I assure you upon my honour and conscience, I do constantly believe there will spring out of it more glory to God, more service to our Prince and Country, and more honour to ourselves, than could have done by the Caracks if we had taken them all. For the better performance we must fall to another course; I in governing, you in obeying; I in directing you what to do, you in following my direction. To which end I have already delivered you certain Articles, wherein you may see how the breach of them shall be punished. And though these twenty days at the least you have had them amongst you, yet hear I, there are some which wish they could but light upon so much as they would conceal from me. Base conditions be hateful things in men professing Arms, there is none base than theft; and no theft so base as for a man to steal from his own companion. And he that concealeth any thing gotten in this journey, stealeth from every man in it, all going to have their part of what soever is Baseness of theft. gotten. This I thought not unfit particularly to touch, because the speech hath given great offence to the whole Army, and no doubt may encourage some men of lewd and base humours amongst us to do the like: but let the warning I now give you drive those thoughts out of their thoughts that hold them: and be also a warning that they beedfully observe the rest of the Articles. For I assure you, my over-patient and forced sluggish humour is shaken off, and I will neither oversee, nor suffer to pass unpunished ill deservers. This delivered, I presently shipped my men which were by muster and gave order to set sail. Now having set all things in order, and wanting nothing but sure knowledge, where might be our safest and most commodious landing, there were many of my Masters and Sea Captains that would willingly have gone through the Virgins, as Sir Francis Drake did, when Sir Francis Drake. he was there. But I finding the way though the passages more certain and safe took that course; more desiring to be the first that took Porto Rico, than the second that passed through the Virgins. And the fifth day in the morning, I sent for Captain Lanckton, and Knotsford, who was Master of the Gallion, very expert in those Countries, and was Pilot with john Hawkins when he died, and putting either of them into a small Pinnace, sent them before that they might make the landing place before night, and myself with the fleet did linger, and so when it was dark, putting out all our sails, came to them undiscovered, which was about one of the clock that night. But they did me no good, for the place they went to discover was further They arrive at the Island. from them than they expected, so as it was dark before they came to it, and for fear of carrying me to leeward stayed, and told me they had done nothing. Wherefore I stood close upon a wind off and on, until the morning, when being close by the shore there was to my seeming Evil surmise●. a smooth landing place, which by all them in my fleet that were there with Sir Francis Drake, I was told was impossible to get, the wind over-blowing all day out of the Sea. Wherefore I took my Boat and Sir john Barkley with me, rowed thither, and found it not only smooth, but His search. by the view of our eyes a most goodly sandy Bay, to march all alongst by the Sea side till we came to the Town. Being well pleased with this sight I returned aboard, and gave order to all the Commanders presently to land there. But by diverse of them many objections were made against landing there. First, that the march seemed to be great: Then, that none knew the way: Objections. and lastly, if the Town stood in an Island, as they often had heard it did, we should be forced to return to our ships, not having means to get unto them. Gentlemen, said I, a willing mind makes long steps with great ease: I have been sickae and am not now strong; you shall go no further nor faster The Earls answer. than I will do before you: for guides we need no better than our eyes; the Town standing by the Sea side, and we landing from the Sea see no other but fair sandy Bays all the way thither: so as much nearer we might land if we were sure there were any where to leeward such a head-land as this that maketh smooth landing within it. But that being uncertain I mean to take this, which I do assuredly believe God hath directed us unto; for I am sure, it is better than any ever told me of. And for your last argument, that if it be an Island we shall not get into it, that reason is nothing; for you see our Boats may row by us, and when we shall come to any water they may set us over, if it be deep: in shallow places we shall pass ourselves. So all you have or can say being now throughly answered, let me have no more speaking, but get your men all into your Boats, and follow in order as I have directed you. I will go before in my Boat, and when you see my Colours displayed, make all the haste you can to land. This do with good heart and courage, assuring yourselves you have the maidenhead of Porto Rico, and so possess the keys of all the In 〈◊〉. And though there be not so many millions in it as there was when a greater force than we went without it: yet assure yourself the Town is rich. The last year there were eighteen ships laden with Ginger and Sugar from it. I assure you there are mines of gold in it. And though these be motives to draw you to fight, yet have I not told you of one. You being Soldiers and carrying the minds of Soldiers, will, I doubt not, carry you beyond all profit. It is thought by men of judgement too strong for this strength to carry, because it hath already resisted a much stronger force: so as we should have just cause to be proud of taking it, and (believe me) assured we are to take it, now we see where to land quietly, the Indian Soldiers living too pleasantly to venture their lines: for if they line two or three years, they get with the labour of their slaves (without taking any pains themselves) whatsoever they lose; so as they will make great shows, and it may be endure one brunt; but if they do any more, tear me in pieces. This said, the Captains that were there went for their men, telling all the rest my resolution. And as soon as they saw me row towards the shore all followed as I had directed. Thus landed we the sixth day in a most fine place, where not any wet his furniture nor saw any enemy. They land the fixed of june. By which means all our troops were put in good order, and we made much stronger; then a small resistance before we were martialled would have made us. This place was leagues from the Town, towards which we marched in the extreme heat of the day, the way being sandy, and would no doubt have tired many, but that going all alongst by the Sea, we at pleasure marched in it when we listed; and besides had the place we went to, still in our fight, which standing upon the top of an hill showed much nearer than it was. When we had gone some three leagues, we saw six or seven Horsemen; which (the forlorn hop●) coming within sixteen or twenty score of, presently turned their Horses and galloped away. Not long after there came a Negro willingly offering his service, which I was most glad of; assuring myself he would have guided me to the Town: but he not speaking Spanish nor understanding it, we Negroes misleading. were led by him to the entrance of the Sea that maketh the Island, where I imagined with Boats to get over. But of that we were hindered by a bulwark standing on the Island side close upon the mouth of the entrance, and having in it five pieces of Brass. The entrance is not above sixty yards over, and a little within it is stopped quite over with piles driven in; so as it was not possible to get in there so long as the enemy possessed it. Then were we at our wit's end, but I assured myself there was some other good way over where those Horsemen rid which we saw before; and with much a do made this dumb guide understand that I would have him carry me to the place where they went over. When I perceived he understood me, I followed him through the most wickedest wood that ever I was in in all my life, & at length he brought me to the rear part of all my troop. And for that it grew late, and I was loath to lose any time, I made them march, being Sir john Barkleys' Regiment; and gave order mine own should come in the rear, not having place nor time then to shift them. We had not gone far, but we crossed the footing of the Horsemen we saw before, and following them were about Sunset brought to a narrow Bridge, whereon three might go a front about two score over, and to our seeming about the A Bridge. midst of it a strong Gate of wood close shut; and at the further side of the water a Block-house with Ordnance, by which there stood five Spaniards. When I and Sir john Barkley had viewed this place, we understood by another Negro, that coming thither, at a low water we might pass over wading besides the Causey. And he telling us that it was not low water till two of the clock in the morning, we returned to a little plain (that we passed by before) to rest our men and give them some refreshing, for the better enabling them to fight in the morning. THus far the same honourable hand hath been our Actor and Anthour: but here when he comes to doing, breaks off speaking, and (tam Marte quam Mercurio) exchangeth words for swords, and Mercurial arts into Martial acts; of which we have another Relator, as of the rest of this Voyage: a man near in attendance to his honourable Master. But I cannot give him that which yet this gives them, a name * I have since heard that his name was Doctor Layfield. It is a copious discourse, which we have somewhat abridged; both in that former part of the History, which you already have from Him which best know it and in the rest, in some superfluities or digressions (seeming such at least to me, who having so much work, make myself more to make the Reader less) providing nevertheless that not a drop of necessary blood be lost, or strange injected, how often soever we seem to open a vain to our redundant Auhor bleed. It was another cause which made me leave out a political discourse and State-morall mystery of this History, written by the same Noble Commander, whose worth here we honour. The times are altered, and howsoever Planets have their peculiar course fixed Stars must move with their Orb, and follow the first Movable. The men of Bethshemesh bought dear their prying into the Ark: and I know not how I may be tolerated to utter now in public, those State-mysteries which he then in private counselled for his Country's good. I could also be willing, as I know the world would be greedy of such morsels: but Aesop's Dog snatching at the shadow of a morsel in the water, lost that which he had in his mouth; and his Crow gaping to sing to please the Fox displeased herself with loss of all her other wealth and purchase. Every where in this vast work we have been wary, and yet scarce wary enough of this danger, in our wariest wariness; wherein yet (if any such fault be) it is not an itching finger, busy in things above us, but store of business in so multiforme a task perhaps hath occasioned oversight to eyes, otherwise dim enough. Once; whatsoever the King and State disclaim, I disclaim also as not mine, because I and mine are theirs; and no farther desire to be or see mine own then in the public, of which, and for which (under God) I am, have, can, write, do, speak, acknowledge all things. I will pry in the East and West Indies rather than state it at home. CHAP. III. A large Relation of the Port Ricco voyage; written, as is reported, by that learned man and reverend Divine Doctor LAYFIELD, his Lordship's Chaplain and Attendant in that expedition; very much abbreviated. §. I. The Ships employed in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spain, in the Canaries, and the Navigation thence to Dominica. HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents given at Westminster the foureteenth An●. 1596. Aug. of january, to levy Forces serviceable by Sea and Land, came down to Portesmouth the eight of February, wherein nothing memorable happened till Monday, being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer, his Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company (purposely I name him not) reading of Worthy act of a worthy man. Orlando Furioso; to whom himself in person went presently after Service, all the Company being by, and having told him that we might look that God would serve us accordingly, if we served not him better; bade him be sure that if again he tooks him in the like manner, he would cast his Book ouer-bo●●d, and turn himself out of the Ship. The next day by observation it was found, that towards the evening we had run within five or six and twenty leagues of the North Cape: whereupon his Lordship gave direction to the Vide-admiral, that he should carry his Flag in the Main-top, and with a piece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleet to his Lee, and that they all with him as their Admiral for the time, should this night wind South and by West; and there they should ride off and on scattering themselves to the North and South, in the height of the Burling, till his Lordship should come to them. In the mean season himself attended only with the Guiana, and the Scourges sco●t, run to fall in with the North Cape, meaning by the taking of some Carvel or some Fisherman to have some certain intelligence in what forwardness the five Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound, The defect of his main Mast caused him to stand in for the Burling. The Burlings is an Island something longer than broad, and by the violent beating of the Sea, The Burling●s or Berlinga. itself almost made two Lands, and within few years it will be so; exceeding rocky it is and barren above measure. We found no living thing in it, but Lysards and some few Coneys. Upon thursday, being the thirteenth of April, we had sight of the Lands. The first that was The Canarie Lands. within kenning, was Alegrança, the most Northerly of the Canaries: we left it on the starboard side, as also three little hills rather than the Islands having all one name of the Grange. In the afternoon we had Lancerota, one of the six great Canaries, in clear kenning. The next morning 'twixt five and six, we were come to an anchor in the Road, which beareth East Southeast of the Island. His Lordship had taken cold with watching the last night, whereupon he found himself so ill the next morning (being good Friday) that he kept his cabin, and was glad to take some strong Physic: He sent therefore for Sir john Barkley his Lieutenant general, and gave him order to land with certain Companies, to the number of between five and six hundred men. They were in their March by ten that morning, and marched the next way (as they thought) to the chief Town of the Island, but their foremost desire was if they might, to have surprised the marquis, who commandeth both that and the next Island called Fortenentura, as his own possession. The Town is from the place they landed at, as they conjecture, some ten miles at the least. By five in the afternoon they entered the Town, which besides the expectation They take the chief Town of L●●●erota. they found clearly quitted of the enemy, and nothing in a manner left, saving good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese. After the Town was assured, Sir john sent a troop to a strong Hold some half a mile of from the Town, called the Castle; a place which the marquis had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance. When our Troops were come up the Hill, they found 'twixt 80, and 100 Islanders and Spaniards within and about the house, The Cas●le taken. but without fight they quitted the place, so that our men entered it without loss or danger. They found in it a dozen or more cast Pieces of Brass, the least Bases, the most whole Culvering and Demiculuering, and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest advantage. The House itself built of squared stone, flanked very strongly and cunningly, both for defence and offence: the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equal height with the foundation and ground, but raised about a Pikes length in height, so that without the use of a Ladder, there could be no entrance there. I have heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say, that if they had drawn in their Ladder and only shut the door, twenty men victualled might have kept it against five hundred. The Town consisteth of somewhat more than a hundred houses, whose The Town described. building is rude, being commonly but of one Story; their Roofs flat and something sloping to cast of rain, covered only with Canes or Straw laid upon a few rafters, and very dirt cast upon all, which being hardened by the Sun, becometh of showre-proofe. The Inhabitants are of very able and active bodies, their stature commonly tall, of swiftness (in that Mountainous Country) not far behind their Horses and Camels: their Arms Inhabitants. are Pikes and Stones; when a Piece is presented to them, so soon as they perceive the cock or match to fall, they cast themselves flat to the ground, and the report is no sooner heard, but they are upon their feet, their stones out of their hands, and withal, they charge with their Pikes, and this in scattered encounters or single fight (for either they know not or neglect orderly battalion) oftener giveth than receiveth hurt. The Island it is not round, but stretched The Island of Lançero●a. somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west, parted by a ridge of Hills from end to end, as Italy is by the Mountains - Appenine. These hills are barren, otherwise then that in pretty store they feed flocks of S●eepe and Goats. Their Valleys promise no fruitfulness, being Beasts. very sandy and dry, something like Rye-fields in England, and yet they yield passing good Barley, and Wheat. Their beasts be Sheep and Goats, few Neat, many Asses, fewer Camels, but fewest Gennets, and these of no great stature. The Island is thought to exceed the Wight both in breadth and length: of the Temper a man may judge (besides that it lieth in 28. degrees, and some minutes) by the complexion of the Inhabitants, which is blackish, and by their Harvest-time, which was passed before the midst of April, and look for a second about One harvest done before the midst of April. Michaelmas, their landing there was upon good Friday. The next day, the fifteenth of April, Sir john Barkeley, being out of hope to find the marquis, not knowing where to seek him, whom fear had taught to hide himself closely, marched back to the Navy, without farther ●arme to the Town or Castle, then borrowing some necessaries. There is in the Town The Church. a Church of old, and a Friary not yet finished. Their Church hath no windows, nor admit●eth light otherwise then by the doors, it hath no Chancel, but is one undivided room, stone seats along the sides, and in the one end an Altar with the appurtenants: for the people seemeth full of ignorant Superstition, many Bulls and Pardons being found in diverse houses. The Friary is a pretty square, with more commodities of fresh water and Gardens, than any other place of the Town, even the marquis his house. They came that night to the waters side, yet thought it better to lodge abroad then aboard, though there were Boats to receive them. The next day being Easter day, his Lordship having something recovered his strength, after dinner went ashore to the Companies, having seen them trained, knowing that the enemy watched for advantage of scatterers, saw all his men shipped first, and then himself taken Boate. The next day, being Monday, all the Captains dined aboard the Admiral, and after dinner his Lordship caused his Commission (which was exceeding large in many points) to be openly read; and Articles of government were given for Sea-matters to the Captain of every Ship, and for service by Land to the Captain of every company; besides which Articles to the Sea Captains, was delivered a sealed letter, which they should open, if upon any accident they lost the Fleet, and thereby learn direction where to seek his Lordship. But withal it was expressly articled, that in no other case they should adventure to open it; and that if they came into any danger of being taken by the enemy, they should not fail to cast the Letter overboard sealed, as it was delivered; for in no sort would his Lordship have his purpose disclosed, no not by examination nor torture. While his Lordship was coasting near Teneriffa, the breathes rather than winds were so diverse, that it was doubled on every side almost and came so close aboard the shore, that we did easily see into Santa Cruz, and some other coasting Towns, and might discern the men upon the hills, the rather by conjecture, by reason of the eminency and height thereof; among which there is one above the rest incomprable, generally held to be much higher than the Pike of the Açores, being then covered with Snow, when the bottom was as hot as at Midsummer it is in Pike of Teneriffe. England. The Island though to the Sea a very high land, yet is full of many very fruitful Plains, and Vineyards, yielding to the King yearly (by credible men's report) 28000. Butts of Canary-Sacke. Certain it is, that in common reputation it is held richer not only than the rest, but Riches thereof Captain Leighs voyage to Orenoque. even then the grand Canaria itself (though it seem not so goodly a champion Country (for we had that also in very near kenning.) And that the King esteemeth it more, no man can doubt seeing he keepeth a far greater Garrison there, then in the Canaria. Captain Charles Leigh which hitherto had commanded of the Alcedo, on the fourth of May last, the Fleet and in his own Bark, called the Black Lee, run himself alone for the River of Orenoque. His Lordship after diverse consultations determined that the Fleet should go for Dominico. (His speeches, Captain Slingsbies' employment, and other particulars, are here for brevity omitted. An old Portugal Pilot told his Lordship that he had been in eight and twenty voyages into Brasil, but at this time of the year only in one; wherein, he saith, the winds were so contrary, and they had so many other difficulties, that they were forced to put in again and lose that years voyage; so that the winds being in these parts at set times of the year, themselves also constantly set, we might well think we should be encountered with the same difficulties. All this while we held on our course for the West Indies, running West and by South, and West South-west, but bearing still to the Westward, both because we are likelier to keep the fresher gale that way (though some were of contrary opinion) and because the later we entered within the Tropic, we should be the likelier to meet with the Brasil fleet, whose course homewards must of necessity be much to the North. By Wednesday the tenth of May (for till than we met not with any memorable accident, seeing to tell of the flocks of flying fishes, might justly seem trivial) we were come so directly under the Sun, that none could see evidently the shadow Sun in their Zenith. of a stile set perpendicularly, but if there were any it inclined rather to the due South. For by observation by the Astrolabe (the use of the staff now failing) we were found to have passed our Tropic three degrees and a half, and the Sun's declination that day was precisely twenty degrees. This was more clearly perceived at night by taking the height of the Crosier (a star which of all other distinctly to be perceived near the Antarctic Pole, serveth for those Southerly The Crosier. parts, as the lesser Bear doth to the Northerly countries.) It is a long step from the Canaries to the West Indies, which first of all we had in our kenning upon Sunday being the one and twentieth of May. But to lay, if it be but a handful of peeble stones, in this gap. Upon Saturday being the thirteenth of May, we had the first gust, and it had Gusts. many followers, for few days passed without rain. When this rain began, immediately we all felt a very noisome savour, it was very sulphurous, and lasted so long as the rain did. Whether Unwholesome rain. this proceeded of the nature of the water that fell from so near the Sun, or from the ship being very dry (as on land after a great drought there will rise a hot savour) it is not clearly known, nor yet determined, but that others may the better, this observation is expressed. This savour was not felt upon the decks, or any where else besides the cabin, or at least not any where so much. The reason whereof may happily be, that the air being suddenly beaten in, and that by narrow passages, came the more violently, and by consequent the more sensibly into the cabin, then into other parts of the ship, and therefore whatsoever quality it bore with it, it was there the strongliest felt. In the following of as great gusts as that which came first, there was no such savour felt, the fleet going still farther and farther from the Sun. And which may be most to the purpose, not any of them that felt it, found any distemper after it, only the sense was much displeased therewithal; his Lordship had at this time aken much physic, but still rather to prevent sickness, then for to recover health (for God be thanked, his body was very able to obey his mind) finding no difference in the world in the working of physic there and in England. Navigators may help themselves by his Lordship's observation: That upon Friday being the ninteenth of May, the colour of the Sea began Colour of the Sea black. sensibly to alter, that whereas before it was of a clear azure, it than began to incline to a deep black. We were that day a hundreth and sixty leagues (or thereabouts) from the West Indies and held ourselves so certainly in the height of Dominica, that we run a due Westerly course. It is not unlikely but this colour will be found in the same place at another time. And in such a course, wherein (besides the great difference of Cards) a man must be forced to trust to a dead reckoning; this may be some help to a heedful man. Upon Sunday in the evening his Lordship directed the Master to run that night with an easy sail, because he took himself nearer land than most of the Mariners would consent to, being himself the first that both spied and cried land; they were but few that did assent at the first: some desired it so much, that they durst not let themselves be over credulous; others happily would have had themselves the first discryers, but his Lordship still made it land. We set sail for the land, and within two hours it was Matinino. D 〈…〉. made to be Matinino. Leaving it therefore on the larboard side, we stood for Dominica, and within an hour or thereabouts had it in kenning. §. II. Description of Dominica and the Virgins. Their landing on Port Ricco, march, fights, and taking the Town. BY two in the afternoon we were come so near aboard the shore, that we were met with many Canoes, manned with men wholly naked, saving that they had chains Naked Ind 〈…〉 and bracelets and some bodkins in their ears, or some strap in their nostrils or lips; the cause of their coming was to exchange their Tobacco, Pinos, Plantins, Potatoes, and Pepper with any trifle if it were gaudy. They were at the first suspicious that we were Spaniards or Frenchmen, but being assured that we were English they came willingly aboard. They are men of good proportion, strong, and strait limmed, but few of them tall, their wits able to direct them to things bodily profitable. Their Canoes are of one Tree commonly in breadth, but containing one man, yet in some are seen two yonkers sit shoulder to shoulder. They are of Their Canoas'. diverse length: some for three or four men that sit in reasonable distance, and in some of them The people described. eight or nine persons a row. Besides their Merchandise for exchange, every one hath commonly his Bow and Arrows; they speak some Spanish words: they have Wickers plaited something like a broad shield to defend the rain, they that want these, use a very broad leaf to that purpose, they provide shelter against the rain because it washeth of their red painting, laid so Red painting. on that if you touch it, you shall find it on your fingers. That night, having with much a do found land, within a quarter of a mile of the shore, we ankored for that night only, for though there were a good watering place, and a very sweet riveret fast by us, yet his Lordship meant to way anchor the next morning, and to bear in to another watering place, wherewithal we certainly looked for a hot Bathe. Their Oars wherewith they row are not laid in banks as Shipboates have, but are made like a long Battledoore, saving Their Oars. that their palms are much longer than broad, growing into a sharp point, with a rising in the midst of them a good way; very like they are to blades of big Western Daggers, that are now made with graving. The shanks of these Oars are of equal bigness, and at the top crosset, like a lame man's crutch. These they use always with both their hands, but indifferently as they find cause to steer this way or that way. The next morning we bore in to the Northwest end of the Island, where we found a goodly Bay able to receive a greater Navy than hath been together in the memory of this age. There his Lordship found the hot Bathe fast by the side of a very fine River. The Bathe is as hot as either the Crosse-bathe or Kingsbathe at the City of Bathe in England, and within three or four yards runneth into the River, which within a stones cast disburdeneth itself into the Sea. Here our sick men specially found A hot Bathe. good refreshing. In this place his Lordship stayed some six days in watering the whole Fleet, which in that time was all come saving the Frigate, one of the black Pinnaces, and one of the Flemings (which we hoped to be before us, for they have directions.) It was held convenient here to take a Muster of our companies, and something better to acquaint every one with his own colours; but the weather was so extremely foul, that in three or four days spent to this purpose, there could be nothing done. Upon Wednesday therefore, being the last of May, it was resolved to stay no longer there, but to come again to anchor at the Uirgines, and there bestow one day in training our men. For that was our way to Saint john de Puertorico, whether The Virgins. his Lordship now declared it was his purpose to go first of all. By this time (for his Lordship would not have any thing done in that foul weather) the other black Pinnace was taken down for a long Boat to serve for the more convenient landing of our men. That evening and the next morning all our men were brought aboard, and on thursday night our sails were cut for the Virgins. To describe this Island, it heath Northwest and Southeast, Description of Dominica. the soil is very fat, even in the most neglected places, matching the Garden-plats in England for a rich black mould: so Mountainous (certain in the places where we came near the Seacoasts) that the Valleys may better be called Pits than Plains, and withal so unpassably woody, that it is marvellous how those naked souls can be able to pull themselves through them, without renting their natural clothes. Some speak of more easy passages in the Inland of the Island, which make it probable that they leave those skirts and edges of their Country thus of purpose for a wall of defence. These Hills are apparelled with very goodly green Trees, of many sorts. The tallness of these unrequested Trees make the hills seem more hilly then of themselves happily they are: for they grow so like good children of some happy civil body, without envy or oppression, as that they look like a proud meadow about Oxford, when after some irruption, Thames is again cooched low within his own banks, leaving the earth's Mantle more ruggie and flaky, then otherwise it would have been; yea so much seem these natural children delighted with equality and withal with multiplication, that having grown to a definite stature, without desire of overtopping others, they willingly let down their boughs, which being come to the earth again take root, as it were to continue the succession of their decaying progenitors: and yet they do continually maintain themselves in a greene-good liking, through the liberality partly of the Sun's neighbourhood, which provideth them in that necrenesse to the Sea, of exceeding showers; partly of many fine Rivers, which to requite the shadow and coolness they receive from the Trees, give them back again, a continual refreshing of very sweet and tastie water. For the Inhabitants of this Country. A Captain or two watering near the place where his Lordship first anchored, found a leisure to row up a River with some guard or Pikes A Town found in Dominica. and Musketers, till they came to a Town of these poor Saluages; and a poor Town it was of some twenty cottages rather than Houses, and yet there was there a King, whom they found in a wide hanging garment of rich crimson Taffeta, a Spanish Rapier in his hand, and the model of a Lion in shining Brass, hanging upon his breast. There they saw their women as naked as we Wild Majesty. had seen their men, and alike attired even to the boring of their lips and ears, yet in that nakedness, they perceived some sparks of modesty, not willingly coming in the sight of strange and apparelled men; and when they did come, busy to cover, what should have been better covered. The Queen they saw not, nor any of the Noble wives, but of the vulgar many; and the Maidens it should seem they would not have so squeamish, for the King commanded his Daughter's presence, with whom our Gentlemen did dance after meat was taken away. This withdrawing of their wives seemeth to come of the common jealousy of these people; for (it is Adultery punished with death. reported) that though they admit one man to have many wives, yet for any man to meddle with another man's wife, is punished with death, even among them. And no marvel if the severity of law be set instead of many other wanting hindrances. It seemeth that themselves are weary of their nakedness, for besides the King's apparel, they are exceeding desirous to exchange any of their Commodities for an old Waistcoat, or but a Cap, yea or but a pair of Gloves. It is pretty that they say is the difference 'twixt the habit of a Wife and a Maid. The Maid Difference of maid & wife. weareth no garter (and indeed she needeth none) but the Wife is the first night she is married (which is not done without ask at the least the consent of her parents) so straightly gartered, that in time the flesh will hang over the list. The hair of men and women are of like length, and fashion. But of all other things it is most memorable, that whereas their Houses are private to all other uses, yet they have one common place, where all their men at least take their diet, Common diet room. nature teaching them that Law which in Lycurgus his mouth was thought strange and perhaps needless. The King sitteth in the same great room with the rest, but withdrawing himself King's state. into some more lovely part, accompanied only with three or four of the best esteem; their meats are their fine fruits, yet have they Hens and Pigs, but it should seem rather for delight, than victual: their drink is commonly water, but they make drink of their Ca●●ain, better of their Pines (and it should seem that might be made an excellent liquor) but the best and reserved for the King's cup only of Potatoes: their Bread is Cassain. The last report of them shall be what I have seen in experience, namely their great desire to understand the English tongue; for some of them will point to most parts of his body, and having told Desire to learn English. the name of it in the language of Dominica, he would not rest till he were told the name of it in English, which having once told he would repeat till he could either name it right, or at least till he thought it was right, and so commonly it should be, saving that to all words ending in a consonant they always set the second vowel, as for chin, they say chin, so making most of the monasillables, dissillables. But it is time to leave them who are already many leagues of. On thursday night his Lordship set sail for the Uirgines, and on saturday morning had They come to the Virgins. them in sight: and in the afternoon we were come to an anchor. On Whitsunday in the morning betimes (for there was a fit place sought out the evening before) our land forces went on My Lord's land companies about one thousand. shore, and there his Lordship took a perfect muster of them. The Companies indeed were (though after much sickness) goodly, in number one might well say not so few as a thousand. When the Companies had been trained into all sorts, and faces of fights, at length his Lordship commanded the Drums to beat a call, and the troops being drawn in the nearest closeness The speech you have before in his own relation, and therefore here omitted. that conveniently they might be, that he might be heard of all, his Lordship standing under a great cliff of a rock, his prospect to the Seaward, stepped upon one of the greater stones (which added to his natural stature, gave him a pretty height above the other company) so commanding audience, made a speech to them. After which, the Fleet then within one days sailing from Puertoricco, his Lordship presently See before the names of the Captains and Commanders, here omitted. appointed Officers for the field. They all made up a dozen Companies: whereof if any wanted the full number of 80. they were plentifully supplied, by a large overplus of gallant Gentlemen that followed his Lordship's colours, borne by Captain Bromley; and Sir john also had more than 80. so that the whole Army appointed to Land, was near upon a thousand, specially seeing the Officers of several Companies were not reckoned in these numbers. The Offices thus bestowed, his Lordship forth with commanded every man to be shipped in Boats, and to go aboard, where after dinner it was debated, whether it were better to pass through the Uirgines, a way not clearly unknown (for diverse of our company both Soldiers and Mariners had gone it before with Sir Francis Drake, in his last voyage) or else to hold the old course Sir Fr. Drake. through the Passages. It was acknowledged that the Virgins was the nearer way, but withal none can deny, but that it was the more dangerous; for the way is very narrow (about the breadth of Thames about London) and we durst not promise ourselves the continuance of a leading wind. The way through the passages was found to be farther about, but withal it was without danger, and therefore having no great haste choose the safer way by the passages; for (said his Lordship) I choose rather, to be the first that shall take Puertorico, than the second that shall pass the Uirgines. The Uirgines are little Lands not inhabited; some think for want of The Virgins described. water, some think that is no cause, and that there is store of water. They are very barren and craggy, somewhat like the Burlings, but being much more sandy, as it is much more hot. Among these many scattered Lands there is one called the Bird-Iland, by reason of the incredible Bird-Iland. store of Fowl. So stored is it with plenty of Fowl, that never was English Dove-coat more willing to yield her increase then that hillock, for you may take with your hands only, as much as you will to the filling of Bushels and Quarters. That evening we cut sails, and ran through the Passages in the night time. Incredible store of Birds. Upon Monday afternoon, we made ourselves to be not far from Puerto rico; and our desire was to bear in with it in the morning before day, that by that means we might least of all be discovered. For this cause therefore the Scout and the Anthony were sent before to make our landing place, and that done to return, which was about midnight. His Lordship's greatest care was and had been some days to set his men safely and well on land, for he doubted not to make them a way, if once they were landed without impeachment. Himself therefore having commanded that Sir john Barkley should come aboard with him, took a Boat and w●nt himself no otherwise accompanied then with Sir john and the Cocksons ging, to discover a landing place. Without long stay he returned again, so wet, that he was forced to change his apparel, but withal gave present commandment that every Captain and Ship should put their men into Boats, and that they should follow his bloody colours, which he would have presently landed. By eight of the clock that tuesday, being the sixth of june, his Lordship's regiment, and most They land upon the I'll of Saint john de Puerto rico the si●t of Iu●●. part of Sir john Barkleys were landed, which amounted near to the number of a thousand men. We began to march as soon as we could be brought into any order, & the forlorn hope drawn out, which was led by Captain Andrew's the Commander of his Lordship's private Company, which that day was brought up in the the Battle by Captain powel, Lieutenant Colonel of his Lordship's regiment. The way we marched was along the Sea side, commonly on firm, sometime on loose sand, but yet it was a fair march, for three leagues at the least, till we met with a blacke-Moore, who we hoped should have been our Guide (and so he was willing to be) but he neither spoke good English, nor good Spanish, and besides was affrighted, so that a great while he did misled us; for through most unpassable rocks and cliffs he brought us: for betwixt the cliffs where we stood, and the Island wherein the Town stood, there we saw an arm of the Sea, in breadth not Caliever shot, but on the other side was a fort with five piece of great Ordnance, and some, though not many, Musketeers; for both the evening before they had discovered our Navy, and this morning our landing, as we were sure by diverse Horsemen, whom we saw come forth to view our strength. Here there was offer made by some, so to plant a number of Musketeers in these rocks, as that they might beat them in the fort from their Ordnance: this was thought possible, and afterwards was done but now deferred, because though we had no annoyance of the fort, yet we knew not how to get over, for the depth of the passage merely unknown, and our Boats yet had not found any landing place near the fort. And while here we were at a flat bay, even at our wit's end, what course we might take to come to the Town, there was sent a Piece or two of great Ordnance (but without any hurt) from another fort, which standeth upon the narrowest part of the same arm of the Sea, and was the only passage that was used from the main Island where we were, to the Island where the Town is. Here the Nigro was so nething comforted, and brought to the little wit he had; at length, with Negroes misguiding. much ado, being made to understand, we took ourselves to be out of the way, because we could not pass that way; partly with threatening and partly with promises if he brought us into a better way to the Town; he began again to lead, and we to follow with as nimble minds as weary bodies, for we had marched from morning till now that it was even in the edge of the evening; but we would not be weary. At length through many untrodden paths, or rather no paths, but such wooden holes, as would have taught the most proud body to stoop very humbly; he brought us into a beaten Bad March. sandy way. But for all this we were not near the Bridge which must be passed, and diverse even of our leaders began after so long and troublesome a march to faint, so that order was given to stay the Vanguard, when it pleased God to help by one mean or other to as many Horses, as kept us from staying our march. There might be seen a poor tired jade, without Saddle or Bridle, only with a match in his mouth very welcome to them that commanded the best Horses of England. But at length we overcame the length of the way, and even to the Bridge were come, but it was so late, that that night we were out of hope to pass it, being (as we had great reason to think) fortified against us. Only the Companies were commanded to keep their guard, till his Lordship in person with Sir john Barkley went as quietly as they could to take view of the place; which they found to be narrow and a long Cawse-way leading to a Bridge reaching from the one Island to the other. The Bridge they perceived to be pulled up, and on the other bank was there a strong Barricado, a little beyond which was a Fort with Ordnance. But how much or what we could not learn, nor by how many men it was held, yet perceived Bridge and Barricado. they it absolutely not to be passed but at a low water. Our Mariners and Seamen could say little to the ebbing and flowing in this Country, and therefore the only way to know the fit time of assault, was to set a continual watch to give present information of the ebb. The mean time the Army was led back to repose themselves a while. In a great Lawn we all sat or lay down, and with fresh water, which the first Negro, and another, that was afterwards taken in this wood, led our men to, they refreshed themselves; some had some Bread, his Lordship was no niggard of that he had. His lodging that night was his Target; I lay at his head, and to my remembrance, never slept better. In the morning (two hours at least before day) the alarm was given very quietly, and was readily taken, for we needed not but to shake our ears. The Companies were straight ranged, and every man had forgotten how weary he had been the last night, so forward they were to be in service. Even betwixt his Lordship and Sir john Barkeley there grew a little question; whether of them should have the point that day. Sir john's answer was, that his Lordship might command them all, and therefore it was at his pleasure to have or leave the point; but since it had pleased him to Sir john Barkeleys honourable ambition. divide the Army into two Regiments, and his Lordships Leaders had all the last day had the Point, he took it to be nearer the order of the Wars if the other Regiment this day were respected. This reason together with request to his honour to remember himself to be the General, and therefore his place should not be so full of danger, so far moved his Lordship that Sir john's Regiment had the Point; nevertheless his Lordship would be at the service in person. Thus the manner of the enterprise being upon the present resolved on, his Lordship put himself into his Armour, so did all the Commanders, and who else had Armours, for they looked that the service should be hot, as indeed it proved. By and by the enemy's Sentinel had discovered the approach of our Companies, and they The fight betwixt the English and Spaniards. took the Alarm. It may be well said it was well fought by the English, and if it had been day that every one might have seen what he did, it is to be thought so many would not have deserved so much commendation. The assault continued above two hours, during which time the Spaniards were not idle. For though the assalants left no way in the world unattempted, yet no way could they find to enter the Gate. The Causeway, which was the ordinary way of passage, was purposely made so rugged: that our men to keep them on their feet, made choice to wade The Earls accidental danger. in the water besides it. Here his Lordship was (by the stumbling of him that bore his Target) overthrown, even to the danger of drowning; for his Armour so overburdened him, that the Sergeant Mayor that by chance was next had much ado at the first and second time to get him from under the water: when he was up, he had received so much Salt water, that it drove him to so great extremity of present sickness, that he was forced to lie down in the very place upon the Causeway; till being somewhat recovered, he was able to be led to a place of some more safety and ease; in which place the Bullets made him threatening music on every side. His Lordship being brought to this little safe place (whence yet he would not be removed till the fight was done) Sir john Barkeley led on his Regiment, from whom there were not less than 3000. English Bullets sent among the Spaniards, who had not so many hands as we, yet were not much behind us, in sending these heavy leaden messengers of death. For besides fix piece of great Ordnance, which were bend and played just upon the Causeway, and some pretty store of Musketeers; at a port fast by the gate lay there a fowler, or a cast piece, that did more scathe, than all the rest, for that at once shot many murdering shot, whereupon the piece is also called a murderer; for all this our Soldiers came to the very gate, and with Bills, some two or three that they had, wanting other fitter instruments, began to hew it. At their ports and loop holes they were at the push of the Pike, and having broken their own, with their naked hands Valiantassaults at the gates. took their enemy's Pikes, and perforce broke them. But for all this no entrance could be got. Sir john Barkeley attempting to discover if any Sir I. Barkleys courage. passage might be found of either side of the gate, twice waded so far, that if he could not have swam, he had been drowned. They that were come to the gate called to their own Companies, that some Pikes should be drawn to them: this word was given farther than was intended, for by and by all the Pikes were called for. Then his Lordship's colours began to march, and to the Causeway came, where he was very exceeding sick lying upon the His Lordship's peril. ground in a place, no less dangerous than if he had been upon the Causeway; a place so perilous that it had been as safe being at the entry of a breach by assault.: but the end was, it could not then be taken; the tide came in so fast, that what was at our knees before, was now The tide hindereth them. come up to our middles: and besides the day began to break, which though some thought would be advantageous for us, yet certainly it would have been the death of many a man; their Ordnance being bend to scour the Causeway, and the ruggedness which they had made to hinder our approach, had made us forsake it; which if the day had once discovered to them, they might easily have bend their Artillery to our much greater loss. But God would not have more blood shed, nor ours as yet to have our wills. The Companies therefore were brought off to the place where we lodged all night, before where the Chirurgeons were presently to look to the hurt, which were not many, and the slain much fewer, all under fifty of both sorts. No Commander slain or hurt but two Lieutenants. Lieutenant Cholmley, that had served excellently well, and Lieutenant Belings. The loss that the enemy had was much like, saving that of the assaults there were some few more slain: from this place our Companies marched to the Seaside, whether his Lordship had appointed victuals to meet them. His Lordship having given the Soldiers some time to refresh themselves, in the mean time His Lordship goeth aboard. went himself aboard so sick that in truth he was to be feared, with purpose to r●pose himself for that night, but his thoughts were so busied and restless, that within few hours he came ashore again, and presently put in execution a purpose, which his Lordship had this mean time digested: it was to land men at the other Fort. For effecting whereof he gave direction that one of the Ships should bear in close to the shore, though it were (as indeed at proved) with His return and second Stratagem. apparent danger of casting her away: But the service was to be done whatsoever it cost: Withal there were in the rocks on the other side over against the Fort (I mean that which we first came to see, but could not come at) some fifty Musketeers placed, to beat the enemy from their Ordnance: mean while there were shipped in Boats Captain Coach, and Captain Orrell with two hundred Pikes and shot to land on the other side the Fort, 'twixt it and the Town, that they having made good the place, might either make a stand till the rest of the forces were landed (if it were thought needful) or else might march and charge the other Fort on that side, when our men should assault it on this side. This plot took very good effect; for within an hour that the Good success thereof. attempt was given, partly the Ship, and partly the Musketeers had so beaten the Fort, that the Boats had good leisure to land; whereupon within short space the enemy quitted the place without loss to be spoken of to our Companies: for of all ours there were not above three hurt, and one slain, only the Ship was driven upon the rocks, and finally cast away. Their direction Ship lost. was that the Soldiers should make the place good (for there was no doubt of their sufficient strength) the Boats were commanded to come back again to his Lordship, who appointed to The red Fort, called Mata-diabolo. tarry at a Conduit which is in the main Island but from whence men might be landed betwixt the point or the Bridge, and the red fort, called Mata-diabolo. Our men were safely landed some pretty distance beyond the red Fort; where the Spaniards were ready to receive them, and a while they skirmished gallantly, but finding themselves over-weake, they made an honourable retreat till they were fallen into the wood, in the edge whereof Spaniard's beaten. they made their first stand. Ours marched directly to the Fort, which they found quitted, and there lodged all that night. By that time that the Boats were come back to his Lordship, the The English take the Fort. Moon was grown so light, and the water fallen to so dead an ebb, that there was no hope of passage till the next flood. There was not so much as a candle or a match to be seen in the Fort, whereupon his Lordship told Sir john Barkeley that he took that Fort also to be quitted, the rather because some were seen passing from the Fort to the Frigate. Hereupon himself accompanied with Sir john Barkeley, went to the Causeway to see if they could perceive any more Another Fort quitted. certainty, and Captain Rukesby was sent and brought certain intelligence, that the enemy was gone. By this time it was grown very late, and our men needed some refreshing: the Companies therefore were drawn up to the place where we had lodged the last night, where having eaten something they were within a while brought down to the point, where meeting with Captain Coach and Captain Orrell, all began to march directly towards the Town. And now our men made but little doubt of all having once set safe footing in the lesser Island. It was night when we began to march, and by break of day we were at the Town. This day was thursday, They enter the less Island and march to the Town. jun. 8. The passage is woody on either side, and so narrow that not passing three at the most can march in rank; and from the Town this Fort is a mile and a half: yet all this way being so fit for Amb●skadoes, or for the Irish manner of charging by sudden coming on and off, there was not a Dog that barked at us, so that in great quietness we came to the Town, The Town quitted of all people able to bear arms and entered by the English. and found it quitted of all able to make resistance: fo. besides women and men, whom either age or wounds had disabled for the wars, all the rest had quitted the Town, and betaken themselves as to their last hope, to one of their Forts to the Sea-wards, called Mora. §. III. The Fort Mora besieged and taken. The Town described: the Mines. Purpose to hold the place; altered by the death and sickness of many. AFter that the place was assured with sufficient guards, and every Company quartered: first of all the Spaniards that were left were delivered to the Provost, and then his Lordship sent a Drum to summon the Fort to be delivered to him for the Queen of England, The Fort summoned. who had sent him thither to take it. The Governor made answer ●hat the King of Spain had sent him thither to keep it, and that so long as he lived it should not be delivered. The Governor's bravado. After this summons his Lordship took exceeding care for the taking in of this hold with the least loss of men that possibly might be; for he considered that he was to leave a strong Garrison there, and that he must himself go home well guarded. His purpose therefore was to take it without fight, only with a strait siege to force them to yielding: his Lordship's special purpose and desire was by hunger to drive them to a yielding (as in the end he did) but Care to save men's lives. withal he provided a battery, if their victuals should last longer than he wished and hoped. At one time therefore he took order to cut off all possible means of relief of victuals, by sen●ing Boats, which continually lay 'twixt the Fort and their Main; and withal he provided two platforms, and several Gabions, that from two place● at once their wall might be beaten. To this purpose there was brought from the Scourge two whole Culuerings, and two Demiculuerings, and about the Town were found four other pieces that would serve for battery, among the which one was that which had slain Sir Nicholas Clifford there not long before. By Saturday Sir Nicholas Clifford. the seventeenth of june the Ordnance was ready to batter. But his Lordship would not have them begin on the Sabbath day; so that it was deferred till Monday. All this while the noise of war was not so great among us, but that the still voice of justice His Lordship's justice. was well heard. It is no news that in such companies there will be outrages committed, and so was it there: for his Lordship publicly disarmed a very good Soldier, for overviolent Soldier disarmed for unmanly and unmannerly usage to a woman. Churches and Women secured. Ravisher executed. Sacrilege terrified. spoiling a Gentlewoman of her jewels. But because this was not terrible enough to the rest, and he was desirous to arm justice with the authority of all the Commanders, forthwith he caused a martial Court to be called. Whereupon the Article of defacing Churches or Houses of Religion, and of offering force to Women, there were two condemned to die. He that had done violence to a Spaniards wife, was a Soldier, and had given very good proof of his valour, so far, that his Lordship had taken special notice of him, but being convicted of this crime, there was no place left for mercy, but hanged he was in the market place; the Spaniards as many as would come, being suffered to be present at the execution. The other fellow was a Sailor and an Officer in the Vide-admiral, for defacing some things in the Church, without order from the General, he was brought thrice to the Gibbet, and at length his Lordship was entreated to grant him mercy. These few but indeed notable examples of justice have since held us in much better terms of ruly obedience. Upon Monday the battery began to speak very loud: both the Gabions beat upon a Cavalero which they had made upon the Point next to the Town. The Ordnance which they had planted thereon, by dinner time was judged to be dismounted, and though that were the thing specially respected in the battery, yet because the Wall and the Cavalero that stood upon it began to nod, they beat that place till towards the evening. All this while scarce was there a Spaniard to be seen upon any part of their wall, whereas before the Ordnance began to play, there could not within the sight and reach of the Fort, four or five of the Soldiers come together, but there would a shot of great Ordnance be sent to scatter them. In the evening the Cannoneers found that they had spent all the Culvering shot, and therefore shut up that day with the lesser pieces. Against the morning there was more provided; but in the mean season it was perceived, that the Cavalero was already sufficiently beaten, and that with the next rain (which in that Country and time of the year, is neither seldom nor little) it Raines. would fall, being (as all the Country is) of a sandy earth, it did but crumble into dust. The Cannoneers therefore were appointed in the morning to beat the other Point nearer the Sea. For that so flanked the Gate, and the breach already made, that without great danger there could not any approach be made, and his Lordship was grown exceeding niggardly of the expense of any one man's life. This wrought so with them in the Fort, that about one a clock, they sent forth a Drum to Parley demanded. demand parley. His motion was, that two of their Captains might be suffered to speak with two of the English. It was granted; and they met in a place of the greatest indifferency that could be found, so that neither party should discover others strength. The demands were delivered Conditions demanded. in Paper, written in Spanish: the sum whereof was; for themselves they desired that with Colours flying, match in their cocks, and bullets in their mouth be set beyond the Point at the Bridge, to go whither they would. Further, they demanded all the prisoners to be delivered without ransom, and that no man's Negroes and Slaves should be detained from them. His Lordship utterly refused any such composition, but told them because he took no pleasure in s●edding Christian blood, he would deliver them some Articles, which if they liked, he would without more ado receive them to mercy. Which Articles were these, delivered under his Lordships own hand to the Governor. A resolution, which you may trust to. I Am content to give yourself and all your people their lives, yourself, with your Captains and Articles offered. Officers to pass with your Arms: all the rest of your Soldiers with their Rapiers and Daggers only. You shall all stay here with me, till I give you passage from the Island, which shall be within thirty days. Any one of you, which I shall choose, shall go with me into England, but shall not stay longer there then one month, but being well fitted for the purpose, shall be safely sent home into Spain without ransom. It was doubted whether there were any in the Fort that spoke English, and therefore some were wishing the Articles were translated into Spanish. But his Lordship peremptorily refused to seek their language, but would have them to find out his; but because it was now grown late, he gave them respite to think what they would answer till eight a clock the next day, and promise was given on either side, that neither should practise to put things out of the state, they now were in. The next morning rather before then after the time appointed, there returned to his Lordship, besides the two former Captains, both he that now was, and he that had been last Governor, and withal they brought with them one of good place in his Lordship's service whom they had taken prisoner, while he was viewing a piece of Ordnance that lay near the Fort. These also required (as Captain Lansois and the Sergeant Major before) private audience who without much difficulty yielded upon the foresaid conditions; and farther desired they might have two Colours left them, & in lieu hereof they made promise that nothing Spaniards yield the Fort. should be spoilt in the Fort. That day the Governor and his Company dined with his Lordship, and after dinner the Governor went and brought out his Companies out of the Fort (which of all sorts were near four hundred) and delivered the keys to his Lordship, who The Fort Mora wherein were 400. Soldiers, delivered up to the English. immediately brought in his own Colours, and Sir john Barkleys, and placed them upon the two Points of the Fort. The Spaniards without being pillaged (for beside all promises his Lordship suffered them to carry their stuff away) conveyed safely into a strong Castle in the Town called Fortileza. This Fort was taken in upon Wednesday being the one and twentieth of june, and upon Thursday our fleet was commanded to come into the Harbour, for all this while it had rid without. This Fort is to the Seaward very strong, and fitted with goodly Ordnance, and bestowed for the most advantage to annoy an enemy that possibly could be devised. It is held absolutely impossible that any ship should pass that Point without sinking instantly, if the Fort do not grant her passage: And the riding without the Harbour is very dangerous as we found by the loss of many Anchors and Cables, to the extreme danger of many of the Ships, and the final casting away of one of them. The Fort to the landward is not altogether so strong as towards the Sea, but yet being victualled able to abide a long siege. The Town consisteth of many large streets, the houses are built after the Spanish manner, The description of the city of Saint john de Puerto Rico. of two stories height only, but very strongly, and the rooms are goodly and large, with great doors in stead of windows for receipt of air, which for the most part of the day wanteth never. For about eight in the morning there riseth ordinarily a fresh breeze (as they call it) and bloweth till four or five in the afternoon, so that their houses all that while are very cool, of Fresh air. all the artificial day the space from three in the morning till six, is the most temperate, so that then a man may well endure some light clothes upon him; from fix till the breeze rise is very soultering, from five in the afternoon hottest of all the rest till midnight, which tim● Heat, how ordered. also is held dangerous to be abroad, by reason of the Screnaes' (they call them) which are rainy dews. And indeed in the nights the Soldiers which were forced to lie abroad in the fields, when they awaked found as much of their bodies as lay upwards to be very wet. The Town Great dews. in circuit is not so big as Oxford, but very much bigger than all Portesmouth within the fortifications, and in sight much fairer. In all this space there is very little lost ground; for they Greatness. have been still building, insomuch as that within these three years, it is augmented one fourth part. The Cathedral Church is not so goodly as any of the Cathedral Churches in England, Cathedral Church described. and yet it is fair and handsome; two rows of proportionable pillars, make two allies besides the middle walk, and this all along up to the high Altar. It is darker than commonly Country Churches in England. For the windows are few and little, and those indeed without No glass windows. glass (whereof there is none to be found in all the Town) but covered with Canvas, so that the most of the light is received by the doors, the greatest whereof is just in the West end The doors, etc. to the Seaward, so that out of it a man walking in the Church may behold the ships riding in a very fair Harbour. The other two doors (besides that which is private from the Bishop's house) are on either side, a little above their Quire. For that of all other things is the most singular and differing from the fashion in England, that their Choir is in the very lowest and Westermost part of their Church, wherein is the Bishop's seat raised three good steps above Choir in the lowest part of the Church. the rest, and pompously built. On either side of him seem to sit six prebend's, and upwards are places for singing men and Choristers. Their Church wanteth no necessary implement. On the North side a fair pair of Organs; at either side-doore a poor man's box: above the Organs on the same side, there is a decent Pulpit very conveniently placed; on the other side of the side-doores, there were two Lauers for holy water, to sprinkle the Incommers, and in the South-west corner fast by the great door is there a place seemly enclosed with joiners' work, where is a fair Font placed. This Church is sacred to Saint john Baptist, as is all the Island; besides his Image there were many other in particular shrines, which the Soldiers could not be held from defacing unorderly. There are in the City three or four little Chapels to Chapels. Saint Anne, Saint Barbara, and others. Besides the Fort, which held out those few days, and is of some twice twelve score removed from the Town: there is in the West and by South side of the Town a strong Castle, The Castle. built of squared stone, commonly called the King's house, named before Fortileza, wherein was found good store of Munition. Betwixt this Castle, and the Fort Mora, there is another piece of fortification of squared Stone and battlemented, it also coasteth along the Sea, and may beat the harbour. So that all things considered, it was the mighty hand of God, which with the loss of two men only at one shot slain with a piece of Ordnance, delivered a place of such strength, to so small a troop of men, the rather if it be considered, that we came not thither unlooked for; for they had particular warning a month at least before, and to the waterside where Boats use to land out of the harbour, they had cast up a strong ditch to impeach landing there, but God brought us a better way. There is also a fair Friary standing on the North side Monastery. of the Town, but little distant from it: it is built of Brick in a good large square, with a Church and Hall, and all necessary rooms for a Prior and Covent of Friars, it seemeth not to be perfected yet, for they are beginning of a Cloister not yet covered. The Covent was fled all, saving one old Friar, who in the little broken Latin that he had told me, that they were Dominicani ordinis praedicatorum mendicantium. The situation of this place is exceeding delightful: it standeth upon the easy hanging of a hill, enclosed on three parts well near by the Sea. The soil sandy and very light, like to our Rye-fields in England: the temper as in that height hot, and yet rather effectually and in operation, then to the sense. There books have their glued backs, there melted and loosened; Flowers or Fruits candied in England, there lose their crust, and English Comfits grow liquid. But after some little acquaintance, it is likely it would prove a very healthful place; for though they speak of some mortality (as what place in the world is always free from that scourge of God?) that hath been there of late, yet have I been told by them that have lived there, in seventeen months there have not above two been buried, and those of extreme age. And at his Lordship's coming hither people of 80. and 90. years old were of good ability of body. The rest of this little Island (at the least half of a league in length) is for the most Woods complaining Woods of unknown trees. of the want of dressing and industry, yet are they all youthfully green, and none without some fruit or other, but so strange as would pose the professors of that skill in England: and in these woods Horses and Oxen grow fat, if they be suffered to rest. Therein be also some large enclosures carefully dressed, not unlike to our manner of dressing Hop-yards, and every hillock laden with the fruits of the Country. Lemons or rather Lymes, and the goodliest Oranges that ever I saw are ordinarily to be found where no man set them. In and about the Town there is store of Coker-nut-trees, which, beside the excellency of the Fruit, give a very delightful gracing to the Town. There is not in this little Island any known River or Spring ', but hard beyond the point in the other Island there is an excellent Conduit of very good fresh water, handsomely overbuilt with squared Stone; and in the Town every house hath a large Well, and some two, so as they cannot want water in such plenty of rain, which is there both often and abundant. And if men will not lose themselves with overmuch ease and pleasure, there will be no necessary thing wanting. But the eminent and known profits of this place are Ginger, Sugar and Hides, besides the secrets of the Gold Mines, howsoever of late years neglected. Some reasons have been given, why the King left working though he knew there were exceeding store of Gold. The first is, the very store of Gold; for say they the sweetness he found, made him unwilling to have any copartners, and therefore knowing this place to be the nearest to the Indies to Why those mines are neglected. those Countrymen, whom he most feared that they would in time become sharers with him, he would not lay such a bait to entice them to set footing there, where being once entered, they would not only gild their fingers, and pay their Soldiers for the present with his Treasure, but would make this their baiting place in the longer journey to the other Lands, and continent of the Indies, which are the very coffers whence he feedeth his wars. And if it be objected, that the working in these Mines was ceased before the King had cause to fear the English or French invasions thereinto, there being then no wars 'twixt him and them; let them rest satisfied, that with the answer made by a Spaniard to his Lordship, objecting the same, that the wars were then a brewing. Secondly, they say that the King left working in this, because he would have all not only this, but the other Mines also; for he saw that all men, as they do love wealth, so do they also seek after ease, And if with less labour they may get the same profit, none will undergo needless travel. From which general, the descent is very easy and direct to this particular. That if in a shorter voyage and less time his subjects were sure to make themselves Masters of as much gold, as if they went farther and should come no heavier home; he should find but few that would fetch gold from Peru, or the other more inland parts of the Indies, when as they might have it with half the travel, and in half the time. Besides, the Spaniards great lands and poverty of men will not suffer all works go forwards at once. There are among the Spaniards whom God hath delivered to his Lordship's hands, the same Lansois of whom was spoken before. In what reckoning he is held by the Spaniards, may be perceived, by their employing him, in time of so great necessity. Once it is confessed, that he almost only was he that held the rest from present yielding, and who after yielding (which yet they say was without his consent) taketh the loss of the Spaniards most of all to heart. He seemeth truly to be wise above the common pitch of Soldiers which is his profession, yet hath he been heard say and protest by the faith of a Soldier, that there is not so rich and good a mine in all the King's Dominions to the Westward, as that of Puerto Rico. Others whose fathers were employed in the works, report what their dying fathers told them. But that which maketh most of all to the purpose, is the present preparation which the King is even now a making, for the reviving of these works afresh in Puerto Rico, by setting two hundreth Negroes to work, and for that purpose had sent great store of Mattocks and Spades thither, there found in his store-house, and for what other use they should have needed, is not well conceivable. Much time was spent in taking order how the Spaniards might be dispatched to Carthagena; (for thither it was resolved they should be sent) being a place so far to the leeward of Puerto Rico, as that they neither could in haste themselves make any head, nor send news to Spain, to procure the le●●ing of any forces thence: and in providing victuals for this place, and repairing ships that were first to come for England. Upon Thursday being Saint Peter's day, there was a sail descried at Sea in the morning, and by noon she was come into the Harbour, which Sail descried. with much astonishment she found turned English. The Spaniards had some few days before reported that they looked for a ship to bring from the Havana much of the Soldiers pay that was behind. This held us for the time in great suspense of hope and doubt, whether this might be she or no; the rather because this seemed to be of the same bigness that they had spoken of, but when she was fallen into the trap, it was found indeed to be a very Mouse, where we looked for a Mountain. For her lading was a number of poor naked Negroes from Angola to be sold there. Yet was she a pretty Boat, and of her lading likely to be made of A ship of Negroes. good use. Within few days after there was another sail almost taken after the same manner, yet perceiving a greater fleet riding there, than she could hope to find Spanish she got her tack aboard, and went away lasking, so that though the Affection was sent away in chase after her, yet she escaped. Upon Friday being the seventh of july, all things being made ready for their passage, the Spaniards were embarked in a Carvel, and in another ship, which during the time the ships road without the Harbour, for fear of them whom she could not pass, or envy that they should receive good by her, ran herself desperately ashore, but she and most things in her were saved, and here she saved the sending away of a better ship. With these two, wherein the base Spaniards were put, there were two other ships sent to waft them, wherein also went the Governor and some few others, who deserved some respect. And for themselves it was permitted them to come directly home for England. The next day being the eighth of july, there came to his Lordship two Negroes from the main Island with a flag of truce, and a letter from one Seralta, an ancient Commander in that Island, and who upon a wound received in the first fight at the bridge had withdrawn himself into the Country. The effect of his desire was, that being in great distress through fear of the English, that daily marched up and down the Country, he desired his Lordship to grant him and his protection to travel without danger. Whereunto his Lordship made this answer to be written, and sent him. That he must absolutely deny his request, but yet if himself, or any of his Nation, or any dwelling with him or them would within eight days come unto him to Puerto Rico, he should by the virtue of that his Letter be protected from being taken or spoilt, by any of his Soldiers: and this he willed him to signify to them near about him, that they might give notice of the same throughout the whole Island. And further, his Lordship promised that to as many as would come, that they should both come safely, and if they so would should be embarked, and sent away as the Governor with the rest of the Spaniards were already. His Lordship's honourable resolution and intendment was, not to come so far from home, to take only or spoil some place in this other world, and then run home again: but he had determined (by the leave of God) to keep Puerto Rico, if it pleased God to give it into his hands. That was the place he meant to carry, whatsoever it might cost him, being the very key of the West Indies, which locketh and shutteth all the gold and silver in the Continent of America and Brasilia. He knew that Saint Domingo might with much less loss be taken, and would bring much greater profit for the present; in regard whereof, and of the desire he had his Adventurers should become gainers, his thoughts sometime took that way, but finally they stayed at Puerto Rico, and there settled themselves. As this was his resolution before he had it, so was it also after Purpose of stay and holding the place. he had it, and then not only his, but every man of worth or spirit saw such reason in his Lordship's designments, that some thought themselves not so graciously dealt withal, that they were passed over, when others were named to stay. But God had otherwise disposed. For within a while that his Lordship had been in Puerto Rico, many of our men fell sick, and at the very first not very many died. The Spanish as well as the English were both sick and died of the sickness, as besides Seralta was seen in diverse others. O h●rs suspected their bodily labours to have procured Alteration by sickness and mortality. it, and both seem to have concurred. In july and August is their Winter, so called for their great reins at those times, which to bodies already rarified by the heat of the Sun then over them, and yet rather where vehement Winter (so called of abundance of rain) in july and August. The disease. exercise hath more opened the pores whereby inward heat is exhaled, must needs be very dangerous. It was an extreme looseness of the body, which within few days would grow into a flux of blood, sometimes in the beginning accompanied with a hot Ague, but always in the end attended by an extreme debility and waste of spirits: so that some two days before death, the arms and legs of the sick would be wonderful cold. And that was held for a certain sign of near departure. This sickness usually within few days (for it was very extreme to the number of sixty eighty, and an hundred stools in an artificial day) brought a languishing weakness over all the body, so that one man's sickness (if ●ee were of any note) commonly kept two from doing duties. And this was it, which rather than the number already dead, made his Lordship first think of quitting the place. For though towards the beginning of july, there were not much above two hundred dead, yet was there twice as many sick, and there was no great hope to recover the most of them. The ships were left weakly manned, for when we landed we landed about a thousand men, of which the greater part was dead or made unserviceable for the present. There were above four hundred reported dead when his Lordship left the 400. English de●● of sickness in Puer●o Rico. Town, and surely as many so sick, that most of them could not bring themselves aboard, before his Lordship left the place. After that it was once openly given out what his Lordship purposed, then was order taken to make ready the ships, in which time these things happened. Upon Friday the seventh of july, there was a sail descried, which being come in was found to be one of our own, though made ours by purchase. Heretofore it was noted, that at our coming from the Canaries, we wanted the Frigate and one of the black Pinnaces, which being sent upon a piece of service with Captain Slingsby in the Consent, had left him, and were gone after a chase, but how far or whither none knew till this sail came in, which told us that they had taken that chase, whose lading was Muttons only and Hens, passing from one Island to another, but withal they had so irrecoverably lost the fleet, that after they had there stayed five or six days, beating up and down to find us again, but without effect. Captain Harper that commanded the Frigate, was forced to break open his Letter, to know his direction whither his Lordship had appointed him to come to him. According whereunto they first stood for Margarita, where not finding his Lordship, nor hearing any news of the fleet; they put off again for Puerto Rico, according to the direction they had received. But by reason of the violence of the Current there not so well known to them, they were driven to the leeward of Puerto Rico, and so had been at Domingo before they came to us. There they heard news of his Lordships being at Puerto Rico, and that he had taken the Town, but the Fort held out still. Making therefore all the haste they could, bearing up as high as the Passages, they got thither at last. The men in this ship were they which had been in the black Pinnace, but because she began to be leaky, and not to brook Black Pinnace sunk. these Seas, they had sunk her, and put themselves into the prize, which being of better sail than the Frigate, had outgone her some days sailing, for they told us she would also be there within few days, and so she was on Tuesday next after, having lost one man of their company, all the rest were very strong, and in good liking. Upon Wednesday the nineteenth of july, there came into this Harbour a Carvel: She was found to be of Margarita, laded only with passengers that were bound for Spain. There were also found some rags and medicine pearl, to the value of a thousand Ducats; the men were not many, and it should seem they had not A thousand Ducats worth of pearls ●ound. further furnished themselves, than might provide them necessaries at their arrival in Spain, and to present their friends. Upon interrogatories therefore he found it very certain by the agreeing confession of them all, that they were so far from hearing of any fleet of the English in these Western parts, that in much security the King's Chest was yet remaining in Margarita, with no more than the ordinary guard. For besides the old Garrison of about thirty Soldiers, there The King's rich Chest of pearls in Margarita. was not any new supply. Only they had received direction from the King, that seeing the Chest was very rich, they should not adventure to send so great treasure without assured strength; and therefore his pleasure was signified to be, that it should attend his sending of some Galleons or Frigates for the safe wafting of the same. The Chest had not been stirred some years, and therefore rich it must needs be, in a place which so plentifully yielded pearl. trial was made by his Lordship with three ships; but Margarita lying Southeast or Southeast by South from Puerto Ricco, and the winds at that time of the year constantly blowing East Southeast or Southeast by East, they were forced back frustrate of their hopes. §. four Purpose of return. Treaty with the Spaniards. His Lordship's departure. Description of the Island, the Beasts, Fruits, Plants, etc. HIs Lordship after he saw it was not God's pleasure, that this place should yet be kept by the English, had made some offers afar off to the Teniente, and other chief men that were in the main Island, for ransomming their Island and City. To this purpose he used one Antonio Robles, a Licenciate in physic, that had been taken in the ship of Angola, whereof I noted something before. This Robles is a man, whom some learning and much experience added to his natural wit, had made very subtle and crafty. He once returned, but soon after gave the slip, as also did two others. By reason of this accident, the old Governor and the rest of the Spaniards, were restrained of much liberty they had, and were kept in closer durance: which wrought with them in such sort, that at his Lordship's return into the Harbour, the Governor Pedro Suarez made offer to his Lordship, that if it would please ●im to send one Vincent Lopez (that was in restraint with him) again to negociate with the Teniente touching the ransom of the City and Stansies, he would become surety for his return. His Lordship refused to write any more to men so unworthy of his courtesy, which they had much abused; Marry if you, said my Lord, do see likelihood that any thing would be effected, and would yourself and as from yourself write to them to persuade them for their own good, I would upon your word and suretyship, be content that the said Lopez should pass. Lopez sent with Letters. Thus upon Tuesday the first of August, was Lopez dispatched with one Letter to the Bishop, and another to the Teniente, both from Pedro Suarez. Upon Thursday the third day, Lopez returned. And brought his Lordship a Letter in show from the Licenciate in physic, Antonio Robles, but indeed it was an answer from the Teniente, Pedro Garcia, and the rest, into whose hands the government fell, upon the sending away of the present Governor Antonio Muschere. In this Letter, besides many idle excuses for his own treacherous breach of promise (the convenient doing whereof was in likelihood the cause, that he specially was deputed to write for the rest) there was offer made, that if it would please his Excellency, to set down and send them a definite sum, which he would accept, they would look into their present ability, and accordingly would send his Lordship assurance, that within seven days it should be sent to him, to be received at the Point, where he held continual guard. Concluding, that in these sendings they sought nothing but delays, his Lordship determined not to send them any more, but withal speed to make himself and the fleet ready for a happy, and by many much desired return, since it was clear, that it was not God's pleasure, that yet this Island should be inhabited by the English. All the Hides therefore, and Ginger and Sugar, which either was already ready or in time could be gotten, was forthwith shipped, and so was all the munition in the Town, all the Ordnance in any place of that Island, which amounted in all and of all sorts very near the full number of fourscore cast pieces, some of them the goodliest that ever I saw. But when they saw his Lordship 80 pieces of brazen Ordnance brought from Puerto Rico. resolute to send no more to them for negotiating touching the ransom of their City; they now begin to send again and again to him. His Lordship never meant to deface their City, or to make it unfit to be inhabited. But withal he took the likeliest ways, to conceal this from the knowledge of the enemy, whom he could not so well rule with any other bit, our own strength being now grown so weak. His Lordship therefore entertained their offers, and so far granted their desires, that some in the name of them all, might with his Lordships Pass come to the City to go through with his Excellency. There came two, Imma●●el Corder● and Don Pedro de Pantoia, who without the Bishop's consent, they said, offered five hundred kintals of Ginger; at whose return (which should be within three or four days) they did think that thrice so much would be given. The fleet was not yet altogether ready, and Sir john Barkley not yet so well recovered of his the common disease, as that it was deemed fit he should presently commit himself to the Sea, being to be so long without a baiting place; and he by his Lordship's directions left him, might dispatch the matter. These two therefore were licenced to return to Luisa to their friends upon Saturday being the twelfth of August, with promise to be again with us on the Tuesday following. But before their appointed day his Lordship set sail: yet it is not unlikely his return was something hastened, by an accident that fell out. The old man Pedro Suarez had a countenance that promised an honest mind, and in regard of his age and weakness, he was not so narrowly looked to, as for sometime he had been. This old sick man found a means to escape the Sunday-night after they were gone to Luisa, certainly not without practice with his Countrymen; and it is thought with the privity of his Keeper. Now this man's departure only therefore misliked, because it was traitorous and without leave, did more and more confirm his Lordship in his opinion that the Spaniards dealing with us was traitorous, and for some other end, than was pretended. And therefore seeing his own stay should not be needful (for he knew Sir john very sufficient to dispatch any thing that was to be done) he presently commanded that his own ship should weigh, and with her, of great ships only the Samson; of the lesser, the Royal Defence, the Frigate, the Scout, the Elizabeth, the Guiana, and two little ones that were found in the Harbour, one a Frenchman, and the other a Spanish Frigate, which were rigged during our abode there. So that his Lordship left with Sir john the Ships left with Sir I. Barkley. strength of the Navy, the Ascension, the Gallion, the Alcedo, the Consent, the Pegasus, the Centurion, two strong flie-boats, and the Anthony. The true reason of his Lordship's desire to be gone from Puerto Rico quickly, was indeed a longing he had to be quickly at the Lands. For he had so plotted the voyage, that still he would have a string left in store for his Bow. And now he had intelligence that the fleet of Mexico, which he knew was to go this year, was even Cause of the Earls quick departure: now upon their dispatch. For upon very good advertisements he was given to understand, that the fleet meant to disimbogge the first light Moon in their September, which falleth out to be the seven and twentieth of our August, and his desire was to be at the Lands before them, which he might well hope for being in the height of the Bermuda by that time they should put forth of the Bay. Besides this he had reason to look for the meeting of a Carack, if by the midst of September he were at the Lands. For though they, which are homewards bound having made their voyage in the East Indies, ordinarily have timelier passage, and are at home by August, yet if any of them, which this year were to go from Lisbon, should be put back again, September is the month, wherein they were to be expected at the Açores. And for their more certain meeting again with his Lordship, that so all the fleet might come home together, his Lordship left them this direction, which was given to every ship under his hand. You shall steer in with the Southward part of Flores: if you find me not in that course, then seek me betwixt ten and fourteen leagues of Fayal, West South-west. If there you find me not, then come through betwixt Fayal and the Pike; and seek me in the Road at Gra●iosa; if you find me in none of these places, you may be assured I am gone from the Lands for England. And for the Town, Sir john had order given to leave it undefaced, saving that the Fort Mora should be razed to the landward. Thus we left Puerto Rico, and steered as directly to the Lands as the winds would suffer us, which are there continually Easterly, yet served us so favourably, that blowing much at East Southeast, we took ourselves to hold a North North-east course, allowing our ships to drive one point to the leeward; which course it we could hold, we hoped to weather the infamous Island of Bermuda, notorious with unmerciful and incredible storms of fearful thunder and lightning. It was the The Earl departed from Puerto Rico the 14. of August. sixth day after our departure from Puerto Rico, being Saturday the nineteenth of August, when I writ out this note, than were we a great way from the height of the Bermuda, which lieth in thirty three degrees. Now we are in the way from Puerto Rico to the Lands of Açores, which must needs be found a long passage, and the way being not much beaten with resort of the Passengers, puts me in hope that this may be a leisurefull place, to pay a piece of a promise that I made before, to say something more of the nature and quality and largeness of the main Island of Puerto Rico. The means which I did most wish and hope for, to enable me the better for the payment of this debt, I could never with conveniency come by. For I always waited if his Lordship would pass over into the Main. For without him I had no great desire, and indeed I should have been quickly miss, seeing it pleased his Honour to use me in the dispatch of all things, which were The Author's employment with the Earl. to be done by warrant or direction under his hand. So that whatsoever I shall say here, I must be content to report upon the report of others; and I will not tell you any thing, which (me thought) myself did not first see reason to believe. The plat and figure of the Island is a square, Of the nature, quality, ●nd largeness of the main Island of Saint john de Pue●●● Rico. altera parte longius, the length exceeding the breadth near the proportion of seven to four; for it is told me, to be six and thirty leagues long, and twenty leagues broad, bearing itself out from end to end near in the same distance. It lieth East and West: at the West end the two corners do so jut out, that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them, but yet not so profitable, because a goodly River, which would gladly disburden itself into the Bay, is choked with sands, which the Sea casteth up into the mouth of the River, which being navigable a good way up into the Land, is within a stones cast of losing his old name, and being called the Sea, made shallow and unfit for the receipt of Vessels of burden. There are indeed in the same Bay other lesser Riverets, whereat Passengers use to take in fresh water, as Sir Francis Drake did, after he was beaten from the City of Puerto Rico, and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Upon this part of the Island, which is commonly called La Aquada, in English, The watering place, the greatest Commander, and of largest possessions, is, or of late hath been, one Chereno; whose proper land, is thought to contain in compass and circuit near the quantity of ten leagues. The other end, the Easterly end is known by the name of La cabeça de San juan, in English Saint john's head. The City of Puerto Rico is his right side or arm: and the South side about the Country of Choama (whither the Bishop at our coming had carried himself) will be answerable to the left side or left arm, as being less fit for action, and his feet is the watering place. The most famous Rivers of this Island are Toa and Baiamond, the rather because they run into the Harbour of the City of Puerto Rico; whereof Toa is by much the greater, and falleth more with River Toa. the West of the Town: This River riseth out of a Mountain, called Guiamo, being on the South side of the main Island, some fifteen or sixteen leagues from Rico●o ●o the Eastward; from Guiamo it runneth North in one stream, till it come to another Mountain, called Cawas, and though in this way it receive many Riverets into it, yet it cannot be said either to lose or retain his name, for thus far it is not known certainly what name it had, as they say; but here parteth itself into two streams, the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa, a Town not great but somewhat fortified, standing some six leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Town do give or take his name of this arm of the River, it is unknown. But well known it is, that they have both one name. The other stream being once divorced from Luisa, runneth North Northwest and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico, where it is called Toa. Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa, and runneth a Northerly, but more Easterly River Baiamond. course withal, till it mingleth itself with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Island is watered with very many other Rivers, and Riverets and Springs without number, or names, but those that give or take names of the Villages and Towns which stand upon them, for the most part run Northerly. For besides Guiamo, which riseth in the Country of Coama, and runneth into the Southerly Sea, and the River whereon Saint German (which also is called Salamanca and Guadianilla) is situate towards the West end of the Island near to Cape Roxo; all the other of name run to the leeward of the Island, and fall into the Northerly Sea. As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward, the River and Town of Sa●uco: next to it Guiamo, than the Recibo, 'twixt which and the Laguada is another, whose name I could not learn. The Laguada, whereof I spoke before, and which giveth name to the Westerly end of the Island, where Sir Francis Drake (as I said) watered, is next unto the choked Bay before mentioned; in which Bay at the Northwest Point is the Gawaraba, which the Seas violence hath made something unprofitable for navigation, so that the passage to Saint Domingo, and the other leeward parts of the West Indies, are most ordinarily from the Laguada, if they of the Westerly part of the Island have any business that way. For as Saint Germans or Salamanca, though I have heard it to be a Harbour and a Seafaring Town, yet I am told so much to the contrary, as makes me doubt of the former report, though I dare not absolutely assent to this later, though a Spaniard of good understanding told it me. Now, in every one of these Rivers which I have named is Gold found ordinarily ●n the Rivers of Saint john de Puerto Rico. there gold found ordinarily before it be sought. And (I know it to be true) when the Spaniards perceived by his Lordship's manner of leaving the City of Puerto Rico, that he went not away without purpose to return, one of them told his Honour in plain terms, that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Rivers, and many other besides these, but he should find gold. This certainly is true, and I have seen the experience, that some of the gravel of one of these Rivers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich, when trial was made, only by washing away the sand and gravel, there was corns of very good gold found in it, and that for the quantity and proportion in great measure. Where, because we are again fallen into this argument, I will report unto you a certain truth, whereby the richness of the mines in Puerto Rico may be esteemed. One joancho de Luyando, a Mintmaster in this Island, dwelling in the Guadianilla near to Saint Germans, or at the least having works there, took a bullion or mass of gold so pure, as it needed no further trial, that being sent to the King it was found worth three thousand and five hundreth Ducats, and diverse times he found such plates, that only splitting them, he made himself trenchers of gold to eat his meat on. This man may be judged to have been of no great either wit or care; for it is certainly reported, that oftentimes meeting his own slaves coming out of the Country to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold, he did not know them to be his own, till themselves told him so; and yet this man died so very rich, that he left every of his three sons a hundreth thousand Ducats; insomuch that the youngest of them being in Spain upon the dispatch of some business, which his father had left vnsettled, was there thought of state so good, that a marquis thought his daughter well bestowed upon Vanity of riches. him in marriage, But see how nothing will last where God with his preserving blessing doth not keep things together. For at this day, scarce is there any remainder left of all his riches, and this now most poor though great Lady, not being able to proportion herself to the lowness of her fortune, and besides vexed with her husband's ill conditions, hath by authority left him, and having entered religious profession, is at this present in a Nunnery in Saint Domingo. I have been very inquisitive of the best observers, and most able to judge among ours, that have upon occasion travailed into the inparts of the Island. They do agreeingly tell me, first that their ways are very miry, or rather dirty, as proceeding of mould rather than gravel or sand; The soil. now, the proverb in England is, that that Country is best for the Byder, that is most cumbersome to the Rider. Secondly, the grass and herbage they meet withal everywhere is very proud and high, though somewhat course, which argueth a lustiness, and strength of fatness in the soil, and which wanteth only store of mouths to overcome that luxuriant pride, and to bring it to the fineness which we most commend in England, which is made most probable, by that, which in the third place they report of their experience, that the soil is a black mould, underlaid within some two foot, with a lair of reddish clay, which is one of the most infallible marks by which our English Graziers know their battle and feeding grounds. The whole Island is delightfully and pleasurably diversified with Hills and Valleys. Among the Hills there is one eminent above the rest, called the Loquilla, commended with the greatest plenty and riches of mines. And yet M. Loquilla. none of the Rivers that I can hear of, have their heads from thence, which perhaps may be the reason, why it above the rest is less wasted. For they say that in the other Hills also there are veins found, of whose poverty no man needeth to complain. This Hill which they call Loquilla, is placed Easterly above Luisa. The Valleys are much woody, but in very many places interlaced with goodly large Plains and spacious Lawns. The woods are not only underlings Woods and Timber. (as in the lesser Island for the most part they are) but timber trees of goodly tallness and stature, fit for the building of ships, and of every part of them. For not to speak of a ship which we ourselves found here a building towards the burden of a hundreth, the great Bougonia; a ship of a thousand, having lost her Masts at Sea, had them all made here of the timber of this Island, her main Mast being of two trees only, and being there and all other ways fitted for Spain, was even upon the point of putting forth of this Harbour, when Sir Francis Drake and Sir john Hawkins came hither with an honourable intent to take her and the four Millions, which she brought hither from the Havana. For this ship was the Admiral of the fleet, which that year went from Tierra firma; and being taken with a storm at Sea, and having lost her Masts, with much ado recovered this Harbour, and here was again fitted. But the Queen's Navy (upon advertisement Great ship sunk with four mi●●ions and a half of treasure. of this accident) came so just in the nick, that they were forced to sink her in the Harbour, and that with so great haste, that the passengers had not time to fetch their clothes, but lading and victuals and all was lost. Some of the ribs of this great Beast we found here, but the marrow and sweetness of her was gone; for she brought in her four millions and a half of treasure, for the wafting whereof those Frigates, which Sir Francis burned in this Harbour, were purposely sent. For while Sir Francis was watering at Guadalupe, some of his fleet discovered the passage of these Frigates by Dominica; which good news (as truly they were very good) assured Sir Francis (as he openly told the fleet) that the treasure was not yet gone from Saint john de Puerto Rico, for as much as he assured himself that these ships were going to fetch it home. The Plains and The plains. Lawns of the main Island ●re graced with much variety of many kinds of fruit: for besides the great Countries of ground where their Herds roam with such uncontrolled licence, as that Herds almost wild. they grow almost wild, the champain which they have chosen to place their Stancies and Ingenios' upon, are richly laden with Ginger and Sugar-cane. Their Ingenios' are commonly upon Ginger and Sugar. some River, or near some moore-marrish and waterish places, for in places of that quality do their Sugarcanes prosper best. And besides, there is much use of water for their Mills, and other works, though most commonly their Mills go with the strength of men and horses, as I understand, like our Horsemills in England, which if I had seen myself I should have been better able, and consequently more willing, to have reported to you the manner and cunning of the same. They that have been eye-witnesses, do with great wonder and commendation speak of them. Their Stansias are more inwardly placed in the Country, and yet a convenient nearness Stansias for Ginger. to some River is desired, for more convenient carriage of their Ginger to Puerto Rico, whence they vent their commodities into other Countries; which I take to be some part of the cause why more follow Ginger then Sugar works, because their Stansias do not need such choice of place, and therefore the poorer may more easily come by them, which yet also more easily they set upon, because much needeth not to set upon the commodity of Ginger. I have heretofore said Ginger and Sugar their richest commodities. Hides. in general, that Sugar and Ginger are the greatest known commodities of this Island. A third commodity of the Island besides Ginger and Sugar, I did before note to be Hides. Whereof without contradiction there is very great store. I have been told by the Spaniard, that that same Chereno, whose Country is near to the Laguada of the quite contrary side to Cape Roxo, is generally reported to feed to the number of twelve thousand head of Cattle. Whereupon One man having 12000. head of beefs which usually are greater than the English. we may easily conjecture, how infinite the number of cattle in this Island is, seeing in the Westerly end thereof, which is held far worse for feeding then the Easterly, near Saint john's head, there is so incredible abundance. Once, it is generally spoken and believed, that by reason of this overflowing of Beefs, it is lawful for any man to kill what he needeth for his use, if only he be so honest as to bring the skins to the proper owners. Now, these Hides must rise to a huge sum of riches, considering that their cattle are far larger, than any Country that I know in England doth yield. For their Kine that I have seen here, are for goodliness both of heads and bodies comparable with our English Oxen. And I wot not how that kind of beast Beefs prosper there better than horses. Their horses hath specially a liking to these Southerly parts of the world, above their Horses, none of which I have seen by much so tall and goodly as ordinarily they are in England. They are well made, and well metalled, and good store there are of them, but me thinks, there are many things wanting in them, which are ordinary in our English light horses. They are all Trotters, nor do I remember that I have seen above one Ambler, and that a very little fiddling Nag. But it may be, if there were better Breeders, they would have better and more goodly increase, yet these are good enough for Hackneys, to which use only almost they are employed. For Sheep and Goats I cannot say that there are any great flocks, and of the two, fewer Sheep than Goats. For I have seen and tasted of many Goats, but to my remembrance, I did not see one Sheep, yet (say they) that the Island is not without reasonable flocks: and I have been told so, by them who have received information from their own eyes. Neither can this scant of sheep be Goats. laid upon the nature of the soil, as being unfit or unwilling to feed that sober harmless creature, Why she●pe are scarce. but it proceedeth rather of a wolvish kind of wild Dogs which are bred in the woods, and there go in great companies together. This cometh to pass, by reason that these Dogs find Wolvish Dogs. in the woods sufficient sustenance, and prefer that wild liberty before domestical, and to themselves much more profitable service. These Dogs live of Crabs; I mean not fruits of trees: The wild dogs live of Crabs. but an Animal, a living and sensible creature, in feeding whereupon, even men find a delight, not only a contentedness. These woods are full of these Crabs, in quantity bigger than ever I saw Description of th●se land-crabs quere if they b●e not Tortoises. any Sea-Crabs in England, and in such multitudes that they have Berries, like Coneys in English Warrens. They are in shape not different from Sea-Crabs, for aught I could perceive. For I speak not this out of report, but of my own sensible experience. I have seen multitudes of them both here, and at Dominica. The whitest whereof (for some are ugly black) some of our men did catch and eat with good liking, and without any harm, that ever I heard complaint of. At our first coming to Puerto Rico, the Dogs of the City, every night kept a fearful howling, and in the day time, you should see them go in flocks into the woods along the Sea side. This we took at first a kind bemoaning of their Master's absence, and leaving of them: but Their experiment. when within a while they were acquainted with us, who at first were strangers to them, and so began to leave the howling by night, yet still continued their daily resort to the woods, and that in companies. We understood by ask, that their resort thither was to hunt, and eat Crabs, whereof in the woods they should find store. This then is the sustenance which the wild Dogs of Puerto Rico find in their woods; which either failing them sometimes, or our of a wolvish disposition they get by living apart from men, they fall upon the sheep, whereof they have made great waste; but which easily might be repaired, if the Spaniards would be content, to sweat a little, or to be a little weary in killing of these Dogs. Their Goats live more securely, because they love cliffs of Rocks, or the tops of Hills, and therefore they are out of the ordinary Goats more safe than Sheep. haunt of these murderous Dogs, by reason that their ordinary food the Crabs are most usually in bottoms, and along the Sea side. Besides Sheep and Goats there is reasonable good store of Swine, which in these Westerly and Southerly Lands yield most sweet Pork. I do not remember Swine. that I have seen here either Hare or Conie, but here is store of excellent Poultry, as Cocks and Hens and Capons, some Turkeys and Ginny-hens, Pigeons in marvellous abundance; not in Fowls. Pigeons in Trees. Dove-houses as with us, but which breed and build in Trees, they are both of great number and goodness. For besides other places, there are two or three little Lands hard by Puerto Rico, near to the mouth of Toa, where a Boat may go in an evening or morning, and suddenly take nine, ten, or a dozen dozen; the chiefest of these three is called (as I have heard) the Governors' Island. I have not marked any store of Fowl upon this little Island, nor have I heard of more by any that have been in the main Island. Parrots and Parrachetoes are here, as Crows and Daws in England; I have ordinarily seen them fly in flocks, and except it be some extraordinary Parrots as Crows. talkative, they are not here much regarded, as it should seem. Now, fruits of the Island are abundant in number and measure, very excellent; Potatoes are ordinary. Their Pines are in shape like a Pineapple, and of this likeness, I think, these had Fruits. Pines. their names, but neither in feeling or taste are they any thing like; for that wherewith this Pine is enclosed is not wood, but soft, that you may squeeze it in your hand, and so apt to be mellow, that it will not keep long, whereas a woody Pineapple is of an exceeding durance and lasting. The taste of this fruit is very delicious, so as it quickly breedeth a fullness. For I cannot liken it in the palate to any (me thinks) better than to very ripe Strawberries and Cream, the rather if a man have already eaten almost his belly full: for than they much resemble a Pine; I have seen some a quarter of a yard long at least, and in proportionable thickness, to be like a Pineapple; it groweth upon an herb like an Artichoke. Their Mammeiss are of the colour of a very dark russitting apple, or a leather-coat, of the bigness of a great Costard, the rind of it as Mammeis. thick or thicker than the bark of a Sallow, which being easily pulled off discovereth a yellow, but well tasting meat, something like a Carrot root, but much better. Within this meat, there are two or three great rugged ill-shaped stones, which (as I remember) have kirnels in them. Their Guiavas are a lesser fruit, as big as a Peach, and without not much unlike, but within not solid as the Mammeiss, or as an Apple is, but full of such little seeds as a Goose-berry hath, Guiavas. not so greenish, but inclining to a sanguine colour, the taste of this is (me thought) like to a very ripe great white Plum: this fruit is (which a man would not think) a remedy against the flux, and so are their Papays, a fruit like an Apple of a waterish welsh taste. They have Plums black and white, their stones much bigger, and their meat much less than in England, and these also That and Papules good against flux. Plums. Wild grapes. stay the flux. And so do their wild Grapes, which are a fruit growing in Clusters, and therein only (me thinks) like Grapes, they are round, and as great as a good Musket-bullet, and yet have they very little meat upon them, for their stone (if that which is not hard may be called a stone) is exceeding great for the proportion of the fruit, insomuch that the meat seemeth to be but the rind of this stone. A stone I call it though you may put it together with your finger, but it hath a bitterish kernel in it, and that which is without: it is meat, and that of a del●ightfull saporous taste. Their Plantines are a fruie which grow on a shrub betwixt an herb and a tree, but Planticle. it is commonly called, a tree of the height of a man, the stem of it as big as a man's thigh, the fruit itself, of the bigness and shape of a Goat's horn, it groweth yellowish and mellow: being ripe either upon the tree, or with keeping, and then eaten raw or roasted, it is a good meat, coming near to the relish of an Apple-john, or a Duson that hath been kept till it is over-ripe, saving that me thought I still found some taste of a root in it, the meat of it is lapped up in a thin skin, which being, scored the long way with a knife, easily delivereth what is within it. Their Coker-trees please the eye, as well as their Nuts do the taste. The body of them is but Cocos. slender, no where so big as a man's middle, and upwards growing proportionably less, till they are risen some thirty or forty foot high without sprig or bough, then break out their boughs all at once, every one whereof is just like a goodly Ostrich feather; their leaves are so cunningly set together, every one whereof alone is something like a Sedge or the leaf of a wild Lilly. Under this bush which is the head of the tree, do the Coker-nuts grow, some forty on a tree round about the Bowl, some yard downward from where the branches break out. These trees are a very great grace to the City of Puerto Ric●, and very many there were found in it: and he that hat● seen this may somewhat conceive of the form of a Palm to tree, for in shape they are not unlike. This Palmeto tree, while it is young (and yet of good years) is much of itself meat, and Palme●os. tasted (me thought) like a Walnut, but some what bitterish; when it is old they say it beareth fruit, the Date, one of the best fruits in my judgement; I saw not any fruit upon any of the Palmetoes that I saw, and therefore this shall be said only upon the report of others. Besides these fruits the Island yieldeth Figs, Pomegranates, Muske-millions, Po●e-cit●ons very 〈◊〉 (as my Other fruits. self saw) but it is incredible almost that is reported of them by men of good credit; that their Pomecitrons grow to so huge greatness, as that a very little number three or four of th' 〈…〉 will Huge Citrons. lad a horse. Lemons I did not see any, yet they say there are some, but of Limbs the number is numberless; and as for Oranges, truly I think they are the best tasted, and most goodly in the Oranges. world. For both their sweet and sour Oranges are full of most delicate and 〈◊〉- pleasing juice, and besides they are the goodliest both in colour and greatness, that ever I saw. They have Pepper also growing upon trees, the Pepper itself is a little seed of colour ●●ixt white Pepper. and yellow, and enclosed in a bag which sometime is round like a B●ll, sometime it runneth o●● in a picked length like a fruit, which we gather in our Gardens in England, and eat as a salad with Mutton. This pepper is much hotter and stronger than the black pepper used with us in our Country. These fruits and many more grow upon trees, and common to them all it is, and I think to all the fruits of the Island, that the same tree at once beareth buds, green fruit, Trees diversified in fruits, green & ripe, and buds at once. Cassavy bread. and ripe fruits, and often withal seedeth. Now if any man think that we have found meats in good store, but yet want bread and drink, it may at one word be answered, that the industrious and 〈◊〉 can want 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of either. For first of all their Cassavie specially new, and carefully dressed is good bread ●●ead 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ll keep so well that ships that go hence to Spain are victualled with it to the good like 〈…〉 of ●●ssengers. This Cassavie is the root of a small tree, like, me thought, to an overgrown Hyssop Cassavie descr 〈…〉. stalk, or a young Sallow, but that the leaves are not so broad, but by much 〈…〉 ker upon the branches of Cassavie: this root is very full of liquor, which must be carefully pressed forth, before the drier part be fit to make bread. For the root eaten with the juice, or the juice by itself, bringeth a painful swelling in the belly, whereof death doth often follow. Wher●fore the The juice not poison. Spaniards generally hold it for a kind of poison. Yet our men (I am told) meeting with the roots unpressed, and mistaking them for Potatoes (whereby you may conjecture their shape) have eaten them without after feeling any mortal distemper. And to a body whose natural heat is able to overcome their crudity and rawness, there is happily no present danger, for they tell me that of this juice sodden, there is made a pretty kind of drink somewhat like small Ale. The bread which they make of this root is very passing white, not kneaded into loaves, but rolled out in Cakes of a reasonable thickness, yet may they be better called thin, and of ●●●h breadth that they lap them in ●oldes one upon another. Besides their Cassavie, they have Mais, May●. which maketh a much ●●ner bread, and used of the better sort. There are two sorts of Maiz, the lesser they say not unlike to Rice, in proportion and bigness and taste; this I never saw either growing or raw, but I have seen it in the dish, and at first did take it for Rice, saving that me thought it was something overswollen; they that eats it said, it tasted like Rice. The bigger sort of Maiz I have seen growing, and it is either the same or exceeding like to the grain which we call Ginny wheat; it groweth up with a knotted stalk like a Reed, with large scattered leaves; it riseth to a fathom and a half at least in height, and at the very top shooteth out the grain. Besides Maiz and Cassavie, there is good store of Rice growing in the Island, and where Ric●. Rice will grow, who will make a question of Corne. But to put it without contrad●●●●on, that Corn will come up with good increase, experience hath determined the question. For that same Mulato Cheren● (whom I mentioned before) did make experience ●nd did sow Corn, which he reaped with good increase. But because it was painful to follow husbandry and tillage, and (forsooth) Cassavie and Maiz would serve, the Spaniards would none, nay this Molato half borne a slave, would not be at the paives to continue tillage. For drinks, the Drinks. Spaniard doth here, as in Spain he doth, use water for most of his drink, which in so hot a climate, would well agree with the English after some acquaintance; yet the Spaniard hath two other sorts of drink, the one called G●acapo, made of Molasses (that is, the coursest of their Sugar) and some Spices; the other kind, and used by the better sort of them, is called Al●: which is a kind of Bragget made with many hot spices. And if both these failed, yet have they good store of wines, indeed brought in from other Countries; not that this Island will not nourish Vines: for I have seen some grow here in P●erto Rico very flourishingly. But I have heard the King will not suffer them to plant and dress Vineyards, as a matter of policy. I might here, and so would I make an end of speaking of the fruits of this Island (for me thinks what hath been said, showeth it to be self sufficient to live well and happily) but their Yerua vina will not have me forget it. This herb is a little contemptible weed to look upon, with a Sen●●●iue plant. long wooden stalk creeping upon the ground, and seldom lifting itself above a handful high from ground. But it hath a property, which confoundeth my understanding, and perhaps will seem strange in the way of Philosophers, who have denied every part of sense to any plant; yet this certainly seemeth to have feeling. For if you lay your finger or a stick upon the leaves of it, not only that very piece which you touched, but that that is near to it, will contract itself, and run together, as if it were presently dead and withered, nor only the leaves but the very sprigs, being touched, will so disdainfully withdraw themselves, as if they would slip themselves rather then be touched, in which state both leaf and sprig will continue a good while, before it return to the former green and flourishing form. And they say, that so long as the party which touched it standeth by it, it will not open, but after his departure it will, this last I did not myself observe: and if it be so, it must be more than sense, whence such a sullenness can proceed; but for the former, I have myself been often an eyewitness to my great wonder, for it groweth in very many places in the little Island. His Lordship made some of it be put in pots with earth, and yet it liveth, and how far it will so continue is uncertain. There hath been Cinnamon and something else given me as fruits of the Lands, but: I do think they are but Cinnamon. rarities at the most, and therefore they shall not come in my bill. But now to return to the slow steps we made towards the Lands of the Açores. §. V. Accidents by Sea in their way to the Azores and there. ON Saint B 〈…〉 es eve we had store of lightning and thunder, which besides the observation, put us more out of doubt of our nearer approach to the Bermuda. The next day about noon we began to steer East North-east and better. Upon Friday the five and twentieth, we were melted with a greater and more smothering calm than any time before; and yet (which made it strangest) we had out of the Northwest higher High 〈◊〉. Seas, then before that time I had ever seen, in the greatest winds that we had had. The hugeness of this Sea was perceived not only by the view of our sight, but rather by the extraordinary heeling of our ship, certainly as much or more impatient of a high Sea in a calm, as of any other weather. This calm was so extremely hot, that we were in hope it would be like other Hot calm continuing thirteen days. extremes, of no long continuance; but behold it lasted obstinately thirteen days, saving that sometimes there would be some show of a gale, but it would so instantly and frowardly leave us, as if it had been come only to let us see we needed not to despair. There had been often spench of a Current, that we were to have, and some thought that they had found it, the most durst not be apprehensive. But upon Wednesday the thi●tieth; it began to be clear: for though the wind was not worthy to be called so, nor scarce by the name of a breath, and besides so narrow, that we stood upon abowling, yet we were found in that last passed artificial day, to have run above fifty leagues at the least. For whereas upon Tuesday we were by observation found to be almost precisely in thirty two: upon Wednesday at noon, we had the Sun in thirty An apparent Current in 32. degrees. three, and two terces, and eight minutes. So that in four and twenty hours we had raised one degree and forty eight minutes, which if we had run due North or South; had risen to about four or five and thirty leagues. But seeing our course was three parts of the time at East North-east, and East and by North, the ship could not be allowed less way, then fi●tie leagues at the least; and this being without wind, argueth a violent Current, and the rather because for the time we had a hard Sea. This was made yet more certain by observation of the Polestar upon Thursday at night. This opinion for a Current, was upon Saturday Sept. 2. made undoubted, for the substance of the thing, I mean that there was a Current, but the circumstance seemed ●o vary something. For the Current was then judged to set rather to the East & by South, though this would fill the former observations with greater difficulties. This was perceived by many drags, which howsoever the ship scaped, yet they still run or were carried to the East Southerly. And then many other things purposely cast into the Sea to make further trial, all went the same way and that a good pace though directly ahead the ship. And yet farther if there were any breath at all, it was at Southeast, so that they went against the wind that was. And now I come to that the remembrance whereof rather then present apprehension yet maketh me quake, like the man that died upon the fearful knowledge of how great danger he had passed at Rochester bridge. It was a fearful storm, which I truly not knowing how dangerfull it was, feared not much while we were in it, but since hearing old Seamen and of long experience speak of it, I perceive it is good to be ignorant sometime. Upon Thursday the seventh of September, Ignorance beneficial. the gale began to be very fresh and to keep the sails stiff from the Masts, and so continued all that day. Upon Friday it began to speak yet louder, and to whistle a good in the shrouds, insomuch that our Master made the Drabblers be taken off, and before night it had A terrible storms blown the fore-top-saile in pieces by the board; this was taken for the beginning of a storm, and the storm itself was looked for: which came indeed about the shutting in of the day, with such fury and rage, as none could say it stole upon us unawares. For I am out of doubt that I had never heard any wind so high. One of our Bonnets had been taken in in the evening, and the other was rend off with the fury of the storm. And thus (for our mayne-top sail was taken in and the topmast taken down) bearing only a bare corpse of each, if the ship had not been exceeding strongly sided, she could not have endured so rough weather. For oftentimes the Sea would ship in waves into her of three or four Tun of water, which (the ship being leaky within board) falling often, was as much as both the pumps were able to cast out again, though they went continually all night, and till noon the next day were never throughly sucked, so that if any leak had sprung upon us under water, it could not have been chosen, but she must have foundered, seeing the pumps were hardly able to rid the water that was cast in above hatches. The Missen-saile had been in the evening well furled (for the wind came upon the starboard quarter) and yet the storm had caught it, and with such violence and fury rend it, that with much ado the Misse● yard was halled down, and so the quarter deck and poop saved from danger of renting up. All this was in the night, which made it much more hideous, specially in the fore-end of the night before the Moon got up. The wind continued in this excess of violence till midnight, and then abated he something, but then began the effect of his blowing to show itself, for then the Sea began to work, and swell far higher than before. His Lordship's ship is a very goodly one, and yet would she be as it were in a pit, and round about vast mountains High-swollen Sea. Vndique pontus. of water, so that a man might leave out the rest of the verse, and say only undique pontus. For I protest, besides that which was over our heads, our prospect any other way was quickly determined, with waves, in my conscience, higher than our mayne-top. And that (which is strangest) round about us: for the Sea came upon every point of the Compass, so that the poor ship, nor they that directed and cunned her, could not tell how to ken her to be safe from the breaking of these vast waves upon her. This continued all night: and though the wind fell by little and little, yet the Sea was so light, that all Saturday it was not quieted, so that though out of a storm, yet were we still in a stormy Sea, insomuch that our mayne-top mast was broken. By Sanday we were come to have reasonable weather, and rather too little then too much wind. And upon Monday being the eleventh of September, we were not much from a new calm, which we could not with much more patience have endured then a good storm; for than we began to look out for land, and now to come so near, what so long we had longed for. After the storm, the Admiral found himself all alone, and so were we the most part of the next day, but towards evening, came the new Frigate to us. And a stern her there was a ship seen, which within a day or two afterward, the Samson came and told us, was herself. With day the fifteenth Flores descried. of September, we had the South-west side of it in sight, and bore in therewith till noon. His Lordship had no meaning to make any forcible attempt against it, nor to stay longer, then to take in some fresh victuals; for which purpose, he sent the Boat off with an old Portugal, and an African of Mozambique, who bearing a flag of truce, should give the Islanders to understand what his Lordship's pleasure was, that if they would let him have things for his money, he would not use them worse than in former times, they had had experience of him. Withal he gave the Boat commandement, that she should bring him answer to the East North-east side of the Island, where he meant to come to anchor, and tarry for the news they could learn either English or Spanish. This stay in hoisting the Boat out, gave the Samson time to get a head us, and within awhile she was at anchor. When, behold, at the opening of the Point, first there came one sail, than two, and then three sails, and within a little the fourth was seen; it was not at first known what these might be, yet because the Samson being much nearer, made no haste to weigh, we thought she made them to be friends. And within awhile we perceived them to have pendents in their fore-top-mast heads: this put us out of doubt, that they were of our own fleet. For his Lordship at his departure from Puerto Rico, had given them direction that every ship should so bear a pendent, for a mark to be known of their friends, and which would make stranger's never a whit the wi●er. These four were the Merchant, the Ascension, the Consent, and the Pegasus, which by and by came to an anchor with us. Now were we grown a pretty strong fleet again, either part receiving new strength of other, each having formerly lost their own. For the storm had scattered Sir john's company as well as ours, though it should seem not to have been altogether so great with them, as us. Of Sir john's we had not yet, the Gallion, the Alcedo, the Centurion, the Anthony, the Kesar, and the Dove, which were the Flemings. The first news that the Boat brought us, made these though friends yet more welcome if that might be. For the Boat having told his Lordship that they could not be suffered to land, yet had promise that his Lordship should have any thing that the Island would afford. Marry (said they) we are ill provided, by reason of the King's men of war, nine and twenty of them have within these few days been here, and taken almost all our provisions, for they were great ships, and full of gallants, five of them being the five Caracks, that should this year have gone for the East Indies, but being by the Condes lying on the Coast kept in till it was too late for them to have any hopeful passage, they were of Merchants made men of War, and with the rest or rather the rest with them, were sent to these Lands to waft the Caracks which were looked for at home this year. But the Caracks (said they of Flores) were gone by, before their coming hither, for the safety whereof, they had commandment to stay if need were, till the end of this month. Whither this Armada was gone they said they knew not, nor whither it would return, but the very last day a great Gallion was within kenning. These news, as they gave great cause of circumspection and care, not to meet with them, whom we could not doubt to be too strong for us, and therefore made us wish they were finally gone from the Lands; so on the other side, if knowing that the Caracks were passed, if yet they stayed, it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable. And therefore if this were the cause of their stay, our hope to make some purchase of it, made us more willing, to have their neighbourhood. Marry, it might be, they were sent to look for our coming home, which they might think would be straggling and weak, and yet on the other side the uncertainty of our coming either at this time or certainly this way, made this something unlikely. His Lordship therefore commandeo Captain Slingsby (a fine Gentleman) to go ashore and to learn more certainty what was become of the King's fleet, and why they came. This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz: but the intelligence which Captain Slingsby brought the same night late, was from Uilla de la punta Delgada, another Town of the Lands. The sum of his report (for I was by when he made it) was, that his Excellency should have any thing where withal they could do him service, and if it would please him to come ashore, they would take it as a great favour. For the King's men of War, they said, that they judged them certainly to be gone home, for they were gone hence upon a fortnight before. The cause of their coming was to waft the Caracks, which all four were gone by, before the King's fleet came hither, with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this month for them. But since the Caracks were come home, there had been sent a Carvel of Advice to recall them. As for the Mexico fleet, there was not at the Lands any news of their coming this year. This report made by Captain Slingsby overnight, was confirmed early the next morning by the Governor himself of the place (a poor Governor scarce so good as an English Constable.) But this Captain juan de Fraga de Mandoça, came himself and made the same offer to his Lordship, and withal brought both Hens and Muttons with him, which he knew he should not give for nothing, though he would seem unwilling to receive any thing. He having been sometime with my Lord, and told all the news he remembered, was licenced, having first asked and obtained a Pass for himself, and a Protection for the Islanders, to keep them from spoil by ours. His Lordship granted his suit, and (which he farther desired) that they might be conceived in the same form as those were which the Earl of Essex had given Earl of Essex his Island voyage. 1597. him, within two days of the same day twelve month; and which himself had carefully kept ever since. When this fellow was gone, the flag of Counsel was hanged out, etc. The return of this fleet upon consultation after the news aforesaid, I forbear to mention in regard of the length of this The rest (as needless) is omitted. discourse. They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded, and the ground on the fallow did still more assure us of being in the sleeve: and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held us rather on the Coast of France, by the Master and others judged otherwise: whose judgement if his Lordship out of his judgement and authority had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course; all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks. For the next morning we saw the land of Normandy. CHAP. four The first Voyages made to diverse parts of America by Englishmen, Sir SEBASTIAN CABOT, Sir THO. PERT: also of Sir JOHN HAWKINS, and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, and many others: collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN, Master HAKLVYT, and other Writers. SIr Sebastian Cabota we have already mentioned in the former Book, as a great Discoverer of that, which most justly should have been called Columbina, and a great deal better might have been styled Cabotiana then America, neither Uesputius nor Columbus having discovered half so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be (yea, the Continent was discovered by him, when Columbus had yet but viewed the Lands) this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the River of Plate before, naming him an Englishman: and for the North is by us in the fourth Book delivered. A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabota, Sir T. Pert set forth by King Henry the eighth. were set forth with a fleet to America, by King Henry the eighth in the eight year of his reign, the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned, of an English ship at Hispaniola, and other American Lands, in the year 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts: as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant, and john Field, Master Tomson etc. See Hak. tom. 3. pag. 448. which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of john Sweeting dwelling at Cadiz, all Englishmen An. 1555. sailed to Hispaniola, and thence to Mexico in New Spain, where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman, who had dwelled there twenty years. At Mexico, Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian, were imprisoned many months by the Inquisition, and Spanish Inquisition. then brought out in a Saint Benito (or fool's coat) to do penance, a thing never seen there before; which caused much concourse of people, given to understand of I know not what enemies of God, and expecting to see some Monsters of uncouth shape. They were much pitied by the people Monstrous lies. seeing such personable men, but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spain, where Tomson did his three years enjoined penance at Sivil. Boatio found the means to escape and died after in London. Tomson after his liberty married with a rich Spanish heir. The history at large and his description of Mexico, with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images (his Master had made an Image of our Lady of above 7000. pesoes price, each pezo being A pezo 4●. 8ds. Master Bodenham. Master Chilton. Chiltons' seventeen years' travels in New Spain, and Peru. Ecantepec a hill supposed nine leagues high. I suppose it should be nine miles. Good out of Evil. Henry Hawkes. Sir john Hawkins his third voyage to Guinea, and thence to the West Indies. Sir Francis Drake. Saint john de ullua. The opinion of lawfulness to do any inhumaniti to Savages punished: God used Christians unchrist 〈◊〉 dealing to punish 〈◊〉 〈…〉 vagenesse to Savages. four shillings and eight pence of our money) the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt. Where also is delivered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico: also of john Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueva Bisca●a, and to the Port of Na●idad on the South Sea: to Sansonate in Guatimala, to Tecoantepec, to S●conusco, to Nicaragua, to Nombre de Dios; to Potossi. Cusco, Paita; to Vera Paz, Chiapa, three hundred leagues from Mexico. From Chiapa he traveled thorough Hills till he came to Ecatepec, that is, The Hill of wind, in the end of that Province, supposed the highest Hill that ever was discovered, from the top whereof are seen both the North and South Seas; deemed nine leagues high. They which travel up it, lie at the foot overnight, and about midnight begin their journey, that they may travel to the top before the Sun rise the next day, because the wind bloweth with such force afterwards, that it is impossible for any man to go up. From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Town of New Spain are fifteen leagues. From Mexico he traveled again to Panuco, and there fell sick, which sickness in his return benefited him: for he fell amongst Cannibal Indian which afraid to eat him for fear he had the pox, let him go. He went to R. de las Palmas, and to the mines of Sacatecas, the richest in all the Indies. After his return to Mexico he traveled to other parts, spending seventeen years in his American peregrinations. Henry Hawkes lived five years in those parts, and his observations are recorded by Master Hakluyt. AN. 1567. Master john Hawkins General in the jesus, departed from Plymouth with five other ships, the Minion, of which Master john Hampton was Captain; the William and john, Thomas Bolton Captain; the judith, of which Master Francis Drake was Captain; the Angel also and the Swallow. Having on the Coast of Guinea taken some five hundred Negroes, they sailed with them to the Lands of the West Indies, to sell them to the Spaniards. By tempest they were driven to the Port of Saint john de ullua, where the Spanish ships with 200000. pounds in treasure were at his mercy, but he dismissed them; which they repaid him with treacherous dealing, the Spaniards perfidiously setting on the English contrary to the Covenants betwixt them concluded. For after that, when as the whole fleet with their new Viceroy coming thither had perished, if Master Hawkins had not permitted them to enter the Haven, out of which he could easily have kept them: they practised secretly and against agreement to certain Articles, assaulted the English perfidiously and treacherously, using both fraud and scorn, in which fight two ships of the Spaniards were sunk, and one burnt; Some of ours were slain, others taken and dispiteously tortured, all distressed; all their ships also sunk and burnt, saving the Minion and judith, which were by a storm ensuing betrayed to famine at Sea, which forced the General to set 114. men on shore to the cruel mercies of the Savages and Spaniards. Yea, one Boat not being able to get to shore, two were drowned, the rest getting a mile thorough the Sea thither as they could, as Miles filips one of that forlorn company hath recorded. Miles Philips. Some were dead in seeming two hour's space with abundant drinking of fresh water, others swollen exceedingly with salt water and fruits they found; a shower also leaving them not one dry thread, as if Heaven had pursued the Seas challenge, without; and partly hunger, and partly the water and fruits of the Earth, within their bowels, had conspired against this poor crew. The Chichemici Indian Savages added their inhumanity, killing eight of their company in the first onset, but they yielding (having neither weapons nor hearts to resist) the Savages perceiving them not to be their Spanish enemies pointed them to Tampice, saying, Tampice Christiano, Tompice the Po●t of Panuco▪ David Ingram. which they understood not: but divided themselves into two companies, one going Westward, of which Philips was one, the other Northward, and with them David Ingram, which recovered his Country. After the stingings of flies, deaths by Indians, and manifold miseries, this Western company got to Panuco where the Governor stripped them of the little which they had, and of their liberty, calling them English Dogs and Lutheran heretics, and when they demanded Spanish governors cruelty. help of their Surgeons for such as the Indians by the way had wounded, he said, they should have none other Surgeon but the Hangman: and after four days sent for them out of the Prison, and with many new Halters (wherewith they expected hanging) bound and sent them to Mexico ninety leagues distant West and by South, with a great guard of Indians. At Mèstitlan they received kind usage. One of their keepers used them kindly, the other would strike them to the ground, and bid them, March, march English Dogs, Lutherans, enemies of God. Thus marching they came within two leagues of Mexico, where was our Lady's Church, and therein her Image of Silver guilt as large as a tall woman, and before it as many Silver Nuestra Sennora de Guadalupe. Lamps as are days in the year, which on high days are all lighted. Neither Horseman nor Footman will pass by this Church without entering and praying. After their coming to Mexico many died, the rest had kind usage in the Hospital, Thence they were carried to Tescuco, to be used as slaves, but by one Robert Sweeting (son of an Englishman by a Spanish woman) were holpen much from the Indians, or else had all perished. After this they were put to Spaniards as servants, and had means to get somewhat for themselves, till they became a prey to the Inquisition, which seized their goods and persons, shutting them asunder in dungeons a year and half. By frequent examinations they would have pumped Devilish inquisition. somewhat out of them in matters of faith, and not being able, they yielding to their Assertions in that kind, craving mercy as men which came into that Country by distress of foul weather: they nevertheless racked them to extort confession that way, which made some to say that which cost their lives. After solemn Proclamation that all might come to this sight, they 63. Englishmen sentenced at once. Anno 1575. besides. Three Marryrs were brought in fools Coats, with ropes about their necks and candles in their hands to the Scaffold. George R●nely, Peter Mo●●frie, and Cornelius an Irishman were burnt, others condemned to 200. or 300. blows on Horseback with long whips, and to serve in the Galleys, six, eight, or ten years: others to serve in Monasteries, in the S. Benito, fooles-coates, diverse years, of which Philips was one. The whipping was cruelly executed on Good Friday, two Criers going before proclaiming, behold these English Lutherans, Dogs, enemies of God: the Inquisitors themselves and their Familiars, crying, Strike, lay on those English Heretics, Lutherans, Gods enemies. All bloody and swollen they returned to prison to be sent into Spain to perform the rest of their Martyrdom. Philips and the rest having served their times (in which he learned the Mexican tongue) they had their fooles-coats hung up in the chief Church. The rest married there Philip's escaped a second imprisonment and after many travels in the Country and dangers in Spain, returned to England 1582. job Hortop another of this company hath related like adventures. He saith, that he and some job Hortop his 23. years' misery. Sceleton of a huge Giant. others were sent Prisoners into Spain, by the Viceroy with Don juan de Uelasco de Uarre, Admiral and General of the Spanish fleet, who carried with him in his ship to be presented to the King of Spain, the Anatomy of a Giant, sent from China * Understand it of the Philippinae ships. to Mexico, to the Viceroy Don Martin Henriques. The skull of his head was near as big as half a bushel; his neck-bones, shoulder-plates, arme-bones, and all other lineaments huge and monstrous; the shank of his skull from the ankle to the knee, was as long as from any man's ankle up to his waste, and of bigness accordingly. At this time were also sent to the King two chists full of earth with Ginger growing Ginger how it groweth. in them: The Ginger runneth in the ground like to Liccoras; the blades grow out of it in length & proportion like to the blades of wild Garlic, which they cut every fifteen days, and water them twice a day. They put the blades in their pottage, and use them in other meats, of pleasing taste and good for appetite. When they came in the height of Bermuda, they discovered a Monster in the Sea, who showed himself three times unto them from the middle upwards: in which parts he was proportioned Sea Monster like a man. like a man, of the complexion of a M●llato, or tawny Indian. The General commanded one of his Clerks to put it in writing to certify the King thereof. Presently after for the space of sixteen days, the weather proved very foul. Offering to make an escape they were descried and severely stocked, and imprisoned a year in the Contractation house in Seville, and breaking prison were taken, and by the Inquisition were sentenced: Robert Barret and john Gilbert to be Second sentence of Inquisition. burnt, job Hortop, and john Bone to the Galleys for ten years, and after that to perpetual prison. Others were adjudged to the Galleys some eight, some five years. Hortop served twelve years in hunger, thirst, cold and stripes, and after four years' imprisonment in his Fool's coat, was redeemed to the service of Hernando de S●ria, from whom after three years' service more, he stole away and landed at Portsmouth in December 1590. after three and twenty years miserable bondage. As for David Ingrams perambulation to the North parts, Master Hakluyt in his first Edition David Ingram. published the same, but it seemeth some incredibilities of his reports caused him to leave him out in the next Impression, the reward o● lying being not to be believed in truths. And for Sir john Sir I. Hawkins his 3. voyages. Hawkins himself, he had made one Voyage with three ships and three hundred Negroes gotten on the Coast of Guinea to Hispaniola, 1562. and other Ports; and returned with a rich gain: This encouraged him to a second Voyage with the jesus, Solomon, Tiger, and Swallow, 1564. And having visited diverse Ports be returned by Florida. Anno 1567. their unfortunate Voyage before mentioned was set forth, in which his unjustice to Savages was chastised by unjustice of Christians, in manner as you have heard. Himself with his remaining company were first endangered with an extreme storm, after that with famine his men dying continually, so that the rest being not able to manage the ship, and the winds crossing, seeking to relieve themselves at Ponte Vedra, with fresh meat, they grew diseased and many of them died, and thereby were also in danger of a second Spanish betraying, which they hardly escaping arrived in England, january the twentieth 1568. The Spanish indignities and treacheries were deeply lodged in the wronged minds both of Sir john Hawkins, and of Captain Drake: men borne for the honour of the English name and Nation M. Wil Hawkins. in Marine affairs. Sir john Hawkins was son to Master William Hawkins of Plymouth, a man much esteemed by King Henry the Eighth, as a principal Sea-captain. He had long before armed a ship of his own of two hundred and fifty tons, called the Paul of Plymouth, wherewith he made two Voyages to Brasill, one in the year 1530. and the other 1532. in the first of which he brought a Brasilian King (as they termed him) to present him in his wild accoutrements to King Henry. It seemed, that Sea affairs and arts remained an Inheritance, from the Father to the Son; and from him also to the Nephew, as shall after be seen: neither did the West of England yield such an Indian Neptuni●● pair as were these two Ocean Peers, Hawkins Sir Richard Hawkins. and Drake. A brief History of Sir FRANCIS DRAKES Voyages. OF Sir Francis Drake Master Camden reports that he hath heard him say of himself, that he was borne in the County of Devon, of mean condition; his God father was Francis Russell Sir Francis Drakes birth. afterwards Earl of Bedford, who gave him his name Francis. Whiles he was young, his father being called in question for Religion, by reason of the six Articles set forth by King Henry against Camdeni Elizabetha, pag. 301. & s. His education. the Protestants) was driven to shift, and withdrew himself into Kent. After King Henry's death, he obtained a place in the Nawl Royal to read Service, and soon after was ordained Deacon, and made Vicar of the Church of upnor on the River of Medway: where by reason of his poverty he put this his son to serve a Neighbour Mariner which traded with a small Bark into France and Zealand, who brought him up in the Mariner's art, and took such liking of him, that at his death he bequeathed (being a Bachelor) unto him his Bark. This Bark, upon the report of Sir john Hawkins his preparations for that disastrous Voyage 1567. he sold His first founders. and joined to him in society aforesaid, and at Saint john de ullua lost all, and hardly brought himself back. Hereupon seeking by his Mariner's practice to repair his losses, and thereby, and as a man of war, having gotten store of money together, he made a second Voyage to recover in the Spanish Indies what there he had lost (quod licere Theologus classiarius facilè persuaserat) Ex operana●tic● & piratica. Drakes second Indian voyage. This discourse was written by Lopez Vaz who was taken by the Earl of Cumberlands ships 1586. with his discourse about him. and with a ship of war called the Dragon, and another ship and a Pinnace, none knowing it but his own consorts, Anno 1572. sailed to Nombre de Dios, which Town he suddenly surprised and lost. For having landed one hundred and fifty men, and leaving seventy of them in a Fort, with the rest he went to the Market place, and there discharged his Calievers and sounded a Trumpet, answered in like manner from the Fort. The Townsmen hereby terrified, fled into the Mountains. But fourteen or fifteen would backe with their Harquebuses to see what the matter was, and discovering the Englishmen, shot and by hap killed the Trumpeter. Hereupon they in the Fort not seeing their Trumpet answered, after they had heard the Calievers, supposed all those which had entered were slain, and fled to their Pinnasses. The Captain coming and seeing his men all gone, was surprised with a new fear, and leaving their furniture they swam and waded to their Pinnasses and departed the Port. In the Sound of Dariene heehad intelligence by certain fugitive Negroes of Mules coming joden with treasure from Panam● to Nombre de Dios; and guided by them, intercepted two companies of Mules, and carried away Negro fugitives. the Gold only; for they were not able to carry the Silver thorough the Mountains. Two days after he came to the house of Crosses, and burnt above 200000. Ducats in Merchandise, and so departed. When he traveled over those Mountains he beheld thence the South Sea; and thereby inflamed with desire of glory and wealth, was so rapt with desire of sailing therein, that he fell there on his knees, and begged of God, and besought the favour of God to assist Camden. ubi sup. Drakes vow for the South Sea. him in that exploit, and made a solemn vow to that purpose, one day to sail on that Sea, which every day and night lay next his heart, pricking him forwards to the performance. Whiles he was musing and hatching these haughty Designs, john Oxenham, who in the former john Oxenham. Navigations, had served under Captain Drake, both Soldier, Mariner, and Cook, became a Captain also, and with a ship of one hundred and forty tons, and seventy men came to the said Sound of Dariene, Anno 1575. and had conference with those Negroes. But hearing that the Mules were now conducted with Soldiers, he resolved on a new Enterprise, which His audacious enterprise. never any had attempted, and landed in that place where Captain Drake had had conference with the Negroes: and having brought his ship aground, and covered her with boughs, and hid his Ordnance in the ground, he took two small Pieces of Ordnance and Calievers, with store of victuals, and went twelve leagues with six Negroes into the main Land, to a River which runneth into the South Sea. There he cut wood and made a Pinnace forty five foot by the keel, and therewith went into the South Sea, to the Island of Pearls, five and twenty leagues distant from Panama, to watch for ships coming from Peru thither: he took a Bark with 60000. Pezos' of Gold, coming from Quito: and staying six days longer, took another which came His prizes. from Lima with 100000. Pezos' of Silver in bars, and delaying somewhat long sent away his Prizes, and went with his Pinnace up the River. This delay gave opportunity of intelligence, and john de Ortega was sent to pursue him: at a partition of the River into three, when he was taking up the greatest, feathers of Hens which the English had plucked, diverted him up the lesser stream, whereby he lighted on the treasure first, Oxenham being gone to get Negroes to Discord causeth destruction. Delay breeds danger. help him carry his treasure, his own men quarrelling for larger pay. Some of the English were taken, which bewrayed the ship, and the rest were betrayed by the Negroes, whiles they were making Canoas' for the North Sea, there to take some Bark. They confessed that they had no licence from the Queen, and were all executed, but two Boys. Thus perished Oxenham a man, if his Case had been just, worthy of lasting memory for an attempt so difficult, Quem sinon tenuit, magnis tamen ex●idit ausis. The King of Spain sent Soldiers to take those fugitive Negroes, which had assisted the English, and two Galleys to guard the Coast. This and Captain Barkers frustrated attempts give greater lustre to Drakes glory. Andrew Barker of Bristol, much wronged by the Inquisition, Anno 1576. sought to right Captain Barker of Bristol. himself in those parts, and came with two ships to Nombre de Dios, and the River of Chagre, eighteen leagues distant to the Northwest, landed ten men to seek intelligence of Negroes, which they could not find, and most of the men also died of the Calentura. Betwixt that and Veragua he took a Prize, and another in the Gulf of Honduras. Mutual quarrels betwixt Cox and the Captain betrayed them to the Spaniards, which assailing them, slew the Captain and Coxes quarrels. eight men at the I'll Francisco. After this Cox went with his Pinnace, and took the Town of Truxillo, but eight men were (by reason of men of war chase the ship, thus forced to shift for themselves) left there to their fortunes. Fourteen others and the Frigate with the treasure were cast away. diverse of the rest after their return were long imprisoned. These indeed are petty things to Captain Drakes expedition in December 1577. wherein Drakes happy Circumnavigation, see sup. Tom. 1. l. 2. c. 3. he encompassed first of any General, and except Candish more fortunately than all of them together, this whole Terrestrial Globe. He set forth with five ships, and one hundred sixty three Mariners. The whole Voyage you have before at large. The Carcase of the ship; or some bones at least of that glorious Carcase, yet remain at Deptford, consecrated to Fame and Posterity; in which Queen Elizabeth being feasted, Knighted this noble Mariner: at which time a bridge of boards made for her Majesty to pass, fell with one hundred men thereon, of which none were hurt, as if Good Fortune had both sailed abroad, and feasted at home in that ship. The goods taken were sequestered by her Majesty, for answer to the Spaniard if need should be. Some principal Courtiers are said to have refused the offer of some of this, as Piratically gotten. Bernardine Mendoza made demand for the King of Spain, (whose Ambassador he was) and received answer from the Queen, that the Spaniards had unjustly prohibited commerce See Camd●●i Eliz. pag. 309. to the English, that Drake should legally answer if any thing were proved against him, the goods being to that purpose sequestered, howsoever the Spaniard had put her Majesty to greater charges against the Rebels, which the Spaniard had raised in England and Ireland: Neither did she know why her subjects and others were prohibited the Indies, which she knew no reason to think proper to the Spaniards, by virtue of the Pope's Bull (which could nothing oblige Princes which owed him no obedience) nor by reason that the Spaniards had arrived here and there, had directed Cottages, and given names to Capes and Rivers. Neither might these things hinder other Princes from commerce, or to transport Colonies to places not inhabited by the Spaniards (the Law of Nations not infringed hereby, seeing prescription without possession is nothing worth) the use of the Sea and Aire being exposed to all. Nor might any people or person challenge right over the Ocean, whereof neither nature, nor course of public use permitted possession. Yet a great part of the money was repaied after to Peter Sebura the Spanish Agent, which he repaid not to the owners, but made use thereof against the Queen in the affairs of the Spanish Netherlands, as was afterwards found. Thus far briefly collected out of Master Camden and Lopez Vaz a Portugal. Men noated to have compassed the world with Drake, which have come to my hands are Thomas Drake, brother to Sir Francis; Thomas Hood, Thomas Biaccoler, john Gripe, George a Musician, Crane, Fletcher, Cary, T. Moon, john Drake, john Thomas, Robert Winterly, Oliver the Gunner, etc. A little before this the Prince of Orange had been murdered, and Parry had undertaken the same on her Majesty, having the Cardinal Comensis instigation, and the Pope's absolution to that purpose. The Spaniards had given great distaste in English and Irish rebellions, and had lately arrested the English Ships and goods in Spain, with other unkindnesses in Belgian businesses. The Belgians had offered the confederate Provinces to her Majesty's Protection and dominion. This she refused, but their Protection she accepted, having discovered the Spaniards hatred to her Religion and Nation, which how easy were it to put in extremest execution, if the Low-Countries were subdued to his full power (their ancient privileges being all swallowed up) and so England should be exposed to Spanish machinations with such opportunities of neighbouring Forts, Forces, Harbours, and Shipping. She therefore to remove present war and future perils from her own Country, with masculine magnanimity adventured, not for vainglory but necessity, to undertake a business which made the world to wonder; being little less than denouncing war to so mighty a Monarch. She agreed with the States to minister to their aid 5000. foot, and 1000 horse at her own charge, to be by them after repaid, the first years charges in the first year of peace, the rest in the four following, Flushing and the Ramekins and Brill to remain ●ers in caution, etc. Her Majesty set forth a Book also for her justification by the ancient leagues with the Belgian Provinces for mutual defence, the Spanish cruelty on the poor Belgians, and their nefarious devices against her: neither had she any intent in administering these aides, but that the Low-Countries might enjoy their ancient liberty, she and her subjects their security, and both Nations peaceable commerce. And to the end that war might not first be brought home to her own doors, she set forth a Fleet to find the Spaniard work abroad. Hereupon An●o 1585. Sir Francis Drake with a Fleet of five and twenty sail, and 2300. Soldiers and Sailors was set forth from Plymouth Sep. 12. Christopher Carlisle his Lieutenent Sir Fr. Drakes to Domingo, etc. General, Anthony powel Sergeant Mayor, Captain Matthew Morgan and john Samson Corporal of the field: Land Captains Anthony Plate, Edward Winter, john Goring, Robert Pen, George Barton, john Merchant, William Cevill, Walter Bigs, john Haman, Richard Stanton, Captain Martin Frobisher Vice-admiral in the Primrose, Captain Francis Knolles Rereadmirall in the Gallion Leicester, Captain Thomas Venn●r in the Eliz. Bonaduenture under the General Captain Edward Names of the Captains and Commanders by Sea & Land Winter in the Aid; Christopher Carlisle in the Tiger, Henry White Captain of the Sea Dragon, Thomas Drake Captain of the Thomas, Thomas Seely Captain of the Minion. Captain Bayly of the Bark Talbot, Robert Cross of the Bark Bond, George Fortescue of the Bark Boner, Edward Careless of the Hope, james Erizo of the White Lion, Thomas Moon of the Fancis, john Rivers of the Vantage, john Vaughan of the Drake, john Varney of the George, john Martin of the Benjamin, Richard Gilman of the Scout, Richard Hawkins of the Duck, Captain Bitfield of the Swallow. They took a Ship of Saint Sebastian's laden with fish, entered the Isles of Bayon, and sent to the English Ship● arrested, the cause of the breaking out of Hostility. City to know whether there were wars betwixt England and Spain, and why the English Merchants and their goods in Spain were embarged or arrested. The Governor professed his ignorance in both, and that this later was the King's pleasure. After some spoils done about Vigo, they fell with Hierro, but the Island being poor, departed without harm. Thence they went to the Isles of Cape Verde, and at Saint jago entered betwixt the Town called Playa or S. I●go taken. Praya and Saint jago, landed 1000 men, and (the men being fled) entered the Town and shot off all their Ordnance, being 50. pieces, answered from the Ships to honour the Queen's day, the 17. of November. No Treasure was found but Wine, Oil, Meal, etc. They possessed it fourteen days. November the four and twentieth, they marched to Saint Domingo, twelve miles within land, and found the people fled. After fourteen days they departed having burned the Town of Playa, none of the inhabitants having offered to intercede, which seemed to happen from their guiltiness towards old Voyage of old Master William Hawkins. Dominica. Master William Hawkins, whose men perfidiously they had murdered four or five years before, against their promise, putting off to the West Indies, they could not put off the effects of the air of that Island, which by a Calentura killed two or three hundred of their men. The first Island which they fell with was Dominica, the next Saint Christopher's, and having there spent S. Christophe●●. their Christmas, they resolved for Hispaniola: and having received intelligence by a Frigate which they took in the way, they landed nine or ten miles to the Westward of Saint Domingo on New years day. About noon they approached the Town under the conduct of Master Carlisle, and 150. horsemen presenting themselves from the City being retired, they divided their forces to assault both the Western gates at once. The Ordnance being discharged on them, they Saint Domingo assaulted and taken. ran in to prevent a second charge and entered with them pell mell into the Gates, the enemy altering their fight into flight, which they made by the North gate. Both troops met in the Marketplace and there barricadoed themselves. The Castle was abandoned the next night. They held the Town a whole month. They burned many houses before they could bring the Spaniards to a price for the ransom of the rest, for which at last they paid after much spoil 25000. Ducats. The pray was not much. In the Town-house were the King's arms, and in the lower part of the scutcheon was painted a globe of the Sea and Land, a horse standing thereon with his hinder legs, the forepart without the globe, with this motto ascribed to his mouth, Non Ambitious Arms. sufficit Orbis. From Saint Domingo they set sail for Carthagena on the Continent, landing some Companies with Captain Carlisle five miles of, which were led on by night, the General with this Cartagena assaulted and taken. Fleet presenting themselves before the chained Port: and having gotten the City, held the same six weeks. They took Alonso Bravo the Governor. After many houses burned 11000. Ducats were paid for ransom of the rest from burning. The Calentura continued, killing some Mortality by a Calentura. The Cause. (being a pestilent spotted Fever) and spoiling others of their strength and memory for a long time. The Serena or Evening air is said to cause it to them which are then abroad, if not of that Country: so that by holding their watch, the English were thus infected. This forced them to give over their intended voyage to Nombre de Dios, and Panama, sailing therefore alongst Other Towns taken. the coast of Florida, they took and fired two garrison Towns of the Spaniards, Saint Anthony * So Camden. others, Saint Augustin. First use of Tobacco: and (as may be thought) of the foolish look at the left ear which the Virginians say the Devil (so appearing to them) taught them. and Saint Helena, and the Fort of Saint john. Then passing alongst the Virginian shore they took home the English Colony there remaining with Master Lane their Governor, sent by Sir Walter Raleigh. These are said by Master Camden to have been the first bringers in of the use of Tobacco, since so frequently abused by our Nation. They arrived at Portsmouth the 28. of july 1586. They got Ordnance of Brass above 200. pieces, and about 40. of Iron. They prey was valued at 60000. li. English. There died (most of the Calentura) 700. persons. The industry of the General in all places is remakeable, whose vigilance and bodily presence, and labour in all business was much, that had he been in the meanest he had merited the highest place. To this is fittest in next place to add his Cadiz exploit Anno 1587. and the taking of the rich Carrack, called Saint Philip. HEr Majesty being informed of that invincible Armadas preparing in Spain (which did come and was overcome the year after) sent a fleet of 30. sail under the command of Sir * This voyage is printed in Master Hak. Tom. 2. part. 2. but fincing this written Relation, I thought good to insert it. It was written by one Tho. Pinner Francis Drake: the Bonaduenture, the Lion, the Dread-naught, and the Rainbow were out of her Navy Royal chosen to this service. The 16. of April two Ships of Middleborough which came from Cadiz (with whom we met in 40. degrees) gave him to understand that there was great provision in Cadiz and thereabout provided to come to Lisbon, whereupon the General with all possible speed bending himself thither to cut of the forces and provisions, the 19 of April, one hour before the Sun setting, entered the harbour of Callz, and the Spanish Fleet there checked us, at the entering thereat with the Town Galleys, but in short time retired under the Fortress. There were in the Roads 60. Ships, and diverse other small shipping under the fortress. There fled 20. French Ships to port rial, and some Spaniards, which could not be hindered of the Fleet by reason of the sholdnesse. There were sunk by us at our coming in with shot, one Orgasey of 1000 tun, furnished with thirty pieces of Brass, and richly laden. There were two Galleys more came presently from port rial, and two other from Saint Mary port, but all in vain the expenses of powder and shot, the greatest gain to themselves. There were to the number of 38. Ships taken before night, and the English victors of the Road: the Galleys retiring under the Fortresses. Twenty Hulcks Hollanders confiscated to the King, and their goods sold to the King's use: fourteen of them were fired the other six were at port rial laden with Wines and Bread, and to be presently full laden for Lishburne one Carrack of fourteen hundreth tun appertaining to the marquis of Saint Cruse; five great Biskainers fired, four of them lading and taking in of victuals for the King's provision for Lishburne, the Saint was a Ship of 1000 tuns, bound for Lishburne having in her great store of Pikes, much Caricke of 1400. tuns. Iron, Nailes, Spikes, Iron hoops, and such like, fired. One Shataya laden with Wines of 250. tuns for the King's provision, which we brought to Sea with us, and discharged at Sea a part of their Wines, for the provision of the Fleet, and there fired her. Three Flye-boates of four hundreth tons laden with Biscuit whereof the one being of two hundred tuns and upwards, we half unladed and then fired her, the other two are yet with us in company. Some ten Barks more laden with Wines, Raisins, Figs, Oil, Wheat, with such like, fired. By supposition the eight and thirty Ships and Barks fired, sunk, and brought away with us, amounted in judgement to thirteen thousand tuns of shipping. There rid in sight of us at port rial, by estimation, above forty sail, besides those that fled from Callz road. They gave us little ease during our abode there, which they shot from the Galleys, as also from the Fortresses and from the shore, where continually they planted new Ordnance at places convenient to offend; notwithstanding their Ships we continually fired as the flood came, thereby to be cleared of them, which terrible fire was pleasant unto us to behold, and mitigated the continual burden of travail, which lay upon us day and night in discharging, firing, and unlading, such provisions, with observations for good and gardable defence of the enemy. It pleased the General, after his great care and pains day and night, to finish this happy Action in her Majesty's service, in one day and two nights, and he came forth again the Friday in the morning, with very little loss, thanks be to God. Of twelve Galleys, and those that came from port rial, and Saint Mary port, ten of them came forth after us, as it were to make some pastime with their great Ordnance. At length, the wind standing, we cast about again and struck in for the shore, and came to an anchor within a league of Cales, where their Galleys suffered us to ride quietly. There were also three Fly Boats more at Mallegai laden with Bysket, bound for Calez, and so for Lisbon. We understood of their great provisions and forces provided within the straits. We doubt not, but as God hath begun this work in great happiness, to the daunting of the enemy: so God will bless this Army in cutting daily their forces shorter, to the great annoyance of the enemy, and to the honour of our Prince and Country. We have had the experience of Galley fights (wherein I can assure you) that these only Gally-fight. four of her Majesty's Ships will make none account of twenty Galleys; so as they were alone, and not driven to guard others. There were Galleys had place fitter for their advantage in fight upon shot they received, they had present succour to ground under the town, which they sundry times did way, riding in a narrow gutter, the place yielding no better, in that we were driven to maintain the same until we had discharged, and fired the Ships, which could not conveniently be done but upon the flood; that thereby they may drive clear of us. We rest now victualled with Bread and Drink, for six months in our Ships, and Bread besides in two fly Boats to maintain a good Army three months. We rest all in good love with our General and unity in all the whole Fleet. After this, they came before the haven of Lysbon, where the marquis of Sancta Cruz was with his Galleys, whom the General invited to some exchange of Bullets, but he refused. Thence they sailed to the Azores, and met with a Portugal Carrack, called Saint Philip, which had in her voyage outward carried the three japonian Princes into the Indies. This Carrack he took, the first of that kind taken by the English, ominous in the name: and so it proved not only by the loss of so great wealth to King Philip, both in leading the dance to others after taken, and in opening the eyes of the English to visit the Indian fountains, whence such wealth issued; wherein also the Hollanders quickly imitated them. To omit other brave exploits nearer home, as that most glorious of 88 and the rest: our purpose Sir Francis Drakes last voyage. is to give you the remote Voyages of this worthy Seaman; and now lastly that last and fatal expedition Anno 1595. with six of the Queen's Ships and one and twenty other Ships and Barks, containing 2500. men and boys, intended for some special service in the West Indies. Sir Francis Drake and Sir john Hawkins were joined in Commission. They set sail from Plymouth the eight and twentieth of August. November the twelfth, near the Eastermost end of Saint juan de Puerto Rico, Sir john Hawkins died. The haven of Saint john they found strongly Death of Sir john Hawkins. S. 10. Port Rico. fortified against them, but yet they fired their five Ships each of 200. tons, having in every of them twenty Pieces of Brass, and richly laden. Much harm was done on both sides. The five and twentieth they passed by Mona. In the beginning of December, they took Rio de la Hacha. R de la Hacha taken: and They took also the Rancheria or fisher town for Pearls. The Spaniards offered to ransom their Town at 24000. Ducats which they brought in Pearl so dear rated, that the General sent them back, and both were burnt. The seventeenth they took Tapia, and after that Saint Tapia. Martha, and the Spanish Lieutenant General. The seven and twentieth Nombre de Dios was taken, a Town subject to rain, and very unhealthful: the road fair, having on each side as you S. Martha. Nombre de Dios. S. Th. Baskervile. come a ledge of rocks. The nine and twentieth, Sir Thomas Baskervile with 750. Land-soldiors went for Panama, a sore march thorough the woods, the way cut out of the woods and rocks, very miry, the Spaniards playing on them out of the woods. After ten leagues march, they came to a fort on the top of a hill: two such more were betwixt that and Panama, that also strongly fortified, March for Panama. the enemy having knowledge before of this design. Hereby was he forced to return. january the eight and twentieth. Sir Francis Drake died of a flux. He made his brother Thomas Drakes son his heir. Sir Thomas Baskeruill succeeded. The six and twentieth of February the S. Fr. Drakes death. Spaniards fleet of twenty sails, and the English met; a fight followed, & continued two hours, and then they parted. A great Ship of the Spaniards that night was burned. In April following Sea. fight. they arrived at Plymouth. In this Voyage I have followed the printed Relation: but because another hath comen to my hands, written (as it seems) by one offended therein, I have to thy other ear permitted him to speak, that freedom of judgement may remain to every Reader. THe seven and twentieth of August, having our dispatch from her Majesty, we brought all our fleet into the Sound of Plymouth, and the eight and twentieth day we set sail for our pretended Uoyage. I●● our course alongst the Coasts of Spain, was diverse meetings with our Generals, where passed Quarrel betwixt the Generals. many ●●nkind speeches, and such as Sir john Hawkins never put off till death. In this tract was put on a resolution with Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Thomas Baskervile to take the Grand Canaria, whereupon a counsel was held, and therein propounded by Sir Francis, how great a benefit, much honour, and Reason for and against the Canary exploit. good refreshing was offered us, and therefore would stand on most voices. Sir john Hawkins to whom he spoke this utterly refused, with these reasons following. First, there could be no need considering our small time out. Secondly, not possible to carry it without hazarding all, and Thirdly, not good to lose time, which would never be recovered. To this last reason Sir Thomas Baskervile answered. First, for time, he would require but four days in this manner, In four hours he would take it, and in the rest would he burn it down, except they would compound, thus the fourth day would he be shipped ready for our Voyage. In this controversy Sir Francis would go for the Canaria with such as would follow him, and Sir john Hawkins with the rest for the Indies, yet after this hard debating, at the earnest request of some friends, Sir john Hawkins upon the confessing of need, was content to assist them, yet in his judgement labour lost with much hazard of all. Thus altogether standing alongst, the six and twentieth of September we came to anchor afore the Fort that guards the landing place at Grand Canaria, where were The Grand Canaria. put into our Boats and Pinnasses, all our land men under the conduct of Sir Thomas Baskervile Colonel General, who drew head near the midst of the Beatche. Betwixt the Fort and the Town, as most safely for our landing. To this place even then did the Spaniards draw two or three very small Pieces of Ordnance, with which, and with some companies of Soldiers made some show of resistance, whereupon notwithstanding most of our smaller shipping, who accompanied our Boats with their Artillery, Sir Thomas made his retreat without putting foot on land, and then to know, as it was reported, if our Generals would put their Voyage thereon or no. With this better consideration were all our men shipped again, and stood alongst to the Westermost end thereof. Here went many ashore some for water, some for pleasure, amongst whom, the eight and twentieth day was Captain Grimstone with two more in his company slain, and by Peasants as was thought? with this evil beginning, this night we weighed and stood alongst for the Indies. The eight and twentieth of October, we came fair by the Southermost end of Dominica: and the Dominica. thirtieth day we came all to safe anchoring at Guardalupa, only the Delight and the Francis, two of our smallest Pinnasses, who being to leewards out of fight, was there chased by five Spanish ships, in which chase the Francis was taken, the other escaped with this news. The last of this month Sir john Hawkins Sir I. Hawkins sickneth. not able to bear his griefs out longer, sickened. Here we built seven Pinnasses. The fourth of November were they launched, and we stood of for Porto rico, the eight day in the way we anchored among the Land's Virgins, where all our Soldiers were appointed to their land Captains. The twelfth day we came to anchor afore the Harbour at Porto rico, where died Sir Nicholas Clifford, by a shot from At Porto rico. a platform, sitting at supper in the Defiance, with this shot was likewise Master Brewt Brown hurt, who lived but few days after, and this day also died Sir john Hawkins, whose death of many was much He dyeth. lamented. In this Harbour rid those five Frigates of the Kings, which came for the treasure. This place being well viewed by our General, and Colonel General, a counsel was held and therein agreed, That first and most necessariest these Frigates should be burned; and for that service was named out the next night thirty of our Boats and Pinnasses with fireworks, and with warlike weapons, these Frigates were so well defended aboard, and with the Ordnance ashore, that our men returned with consuming only one of them, out of which were saved some of the Spaniards, who reported certainly, that there the Treasure of Treasure lost. two Millions was, and so were our men taken in the Francis. Notwithstanding all these quickening news after some few days, we weighed and stood alongst to the Westermost end of this Island, where we contented us with some refreshing of water, Oranges and Plantanes, here were built four Pinnasses more. At this place sent he aboard me with his Warrant forty Soldiers out of the Defiance. The four and twentieth day we weighed and stood alongst for one Island, called Knaw-saw, with which we fell the nine and twentieth day, but stayed not; thus standing alongst. Know-saw. The first of December we arrived at Cape dela Vela, the second in the morning was put into our Boats and Pinnasses, all our Soldiers for Rio dela Hatcha. This was taken, the people being all fled, yet here Rio dela Hatcha. with search in the Woods, and intelligence of some Negroes, was found great store of Pearl, Plate, jewels, Rials of Plate, Bolts of Silk, rich apparel, with much other luggage. The sixth of this month brought in Sir Francis from one other Town called Rancharia, great quantity of Pearl and luggage. The ninth day came in some Spaniards, with intent to ransom their houses, Negroes, and some Spaniards Prisoners, and concluded for 24000. Pezos', every Pezo worth five shillings six pence. The thirteenth day, came in the same all in Pearl, and the fourteenth day came in their Lientenant for the delivery. But in the valuing, their quantity and quality would not be taken, wherefore departed they with four hours' respite for further answer from their Governor Don Francisco Manso, his answer was himself would come to conference, which he did the sixteenth day. After dinner our General and Colonel General, with the Spaniards had secret conference about this Ransoms, whereupon concluding, they absolutely broke of, and therefore in all haste was fire put 〈◊〉 some of the houses, and the Governor had two hours' time to clear him of our Army. Thus having burnt Rio dela Hatcha, Rancharia, and Tapia. The eighteenth day we weighed and stood alongst for Sancta Marta, to which we came thetwentieth day, here we only took some five Prisoners, whereof one was the Lieutenant there. The one and twentieth, it was put to fire, and we set sail Santa Marta. for Nombre de Dios, to which we came the seven and twentieth day, where in like manner the people had acquitted the Town, yet here was found by intelligence of some Negroes, as I heard, two and twenty Sows of Silver, Gold in Bullion, some jewels, great store of Plate, and Rial of Plate, with much other luggage. The nine and twentieth day, Sir Thomas Baskervile, Colonel General with all his ablest Sir T. Baskeruils journey for Pa●ama. Captains and Soldiers took their journey for Panama, now the mark of our Voyage: who near the midway being empea●hed by some Spaniards and Negroes, made their retreat to the Ships at Nombre de Dios, at this encounter were few of our men slain, some hurt, some of the which there left to the mercy of the Spaniards. The fifth day of january, all our men being shipped, the town and Galliots put to fire, we set sail then by the advice of a Spaniard, for the River Nicorago, in which way we fell with one Island called Escudo, a place which affordeth nothing good, yet here we stayed from the tenth day until the three and twentieth, Escudo. when we set sail and plied to the Eastward, which by God's special favour, the eight and twentieth day we came in with Porta la●bella. This morning died our General Sir Francis Drake. This is the place where the people of Nombre de Dios meaneth to dwell at. Here found we a beginning of a strong platform Sir F. Drakes death. with three Brass Pieces unmounted. In my opinion, this was our best remove, for if God had not prevented our General's purpose for the River Nicorago, it would have hazarded all her Majesty's Ships, far with the rest. Here took we in ballast, water, mended our sails, and calked our ships, such as had need. The eight of February, Sir Thomas Baskervile taking upon him General, we all set sail for Santa Marca homewards, but not able to recover higher than Carthagena, as we guess in the Bonaventure, with the splittng of all our sails, put over for jamaica. In this course lost we the Foresight, the Susan Parnell, the Help, and the Gregory. The five and twentieth day came we fair by Canaria granda, which bore over us in the morning East North-east, and this day was all our flesh and fish spent. The second of March, making this our misery like to be known to Sir Thomas Baskervile, who hath given me his promise to relieve me at my need, his answer was carelessly for us, and with all said, he would go in with the Island Pinos to water, which I utterly misliked, the wind then being good to stand alongst, very ill to lose, and more for that no Englishman in our fleet either knew or ever heard of any watering or other good there. In this reasoning betwixt us, we descried twenty sail of ships a head us, who were the King's men of War, waiting our home coming, it was my fortune in the Bonaventure to take to task the Vide-admiral, one of the twelve Apostles of the Kings, for so I thought by a great golden Saint, which manned her Poop. The manner of our fight and my deserving, I leave even to the report of mine enemies, yet thus much understand, their Admiral with the rest, all the next day being in the wind, was content we should pass in peace. Thus being quietly, and we all disimbogued some two hundred leagues, I made a second demand of Sir Thomas, his promise for victuals, which he utterly refused, wherefore aswell in regard of our General's lack as mine own danger, with a shot in our fight, wherein it was indifferent with me to live or die, I told him I must make more haste home then I presumed he would, yet we stayed with him two days longer, when in a storm I left him, and this was the fourteenth day of March. Now for these two English Sea-worthies, as we have begun their American Adventures, and ended them together, so I have thought good to insert this following censure of a Gentleman in a Letter of his, touching them both, as an Epitaph dedicated to their memory. SIr, I have according to your request, and my own plainness sent you here the comparison between those two Commanders Sir Francis Drake and Sir john Hawkins. They were both much given to travel in their youth and age, attempting many honourable Voyages alike; as that of Sir john Hawkins to Guiny, to the Isles of America, to Saint john de Vlua. So likewise Sir Francis Drake after many Discoveries of the West Indies, and other parts, was the first Englishman that did ever compass the World, wherein, as also in his deep judgement in Sea causes, he did far exceed not Sir john Hawkins alone, but all others whomsoever. In their own natures and disposition they did as much differ; as in the managing matters of the Wars, Sir Francis being of a lively spirit, resolute, quick, and sufficiently valiant: The other slow, jealous, and hardly brought to resolution. In Council Sir john Hawkins did often differ from the judgement of others, seeming thereby to know more in doubtful things, than he would utter. Sir Francis was a willing hearer of every man's opinion, but commonly a follower of his own: he never attempted any action, wherein he was an absolute Commander, but he performed the same with great reputation, and did easily dispatch great matters; chose Sir john Hawkins did only give the bare attempt of things, for the most part without any Fortune or good success therein. Sir john Hawkins did naturally hate the Land-souldier, and though he were very popular, yet he affected more the common sort, than his equals; Sir Francis contrarily did much love the Land-souldier, and greatly advanced good parts, wheresoever he found them. He was also affable to all men and of easy access. They were both of many virtues, and agreeing in some. As patience in enduring labours and hardness, Observation and Memory of things past, and great discretion in sudden dangers, in which, neither of them was much distempered, and in some other virtues they differed. Sir john Hawkins had in him mercy and aptness to forgive, and true of word; Sir Francis h●rd in reconciliation, and constancy in friendship; he was withal severe and courteous, magnanimous, and liberal. They were both faulty in ambition, but more the one than the other; For in Sir Francis was an in satiable desire of honour▪ indeed beyond reason. He was infinite in promises, and more temperate in adversity, then in better Fortune. He had also other imperfections, as aptness to anger, and bitterness in disgracing, and too much pleased with open flattery: Sir john Hawkins had in him malice with dissimulation, rudeness in behaviour, and passing sparing, indeed miserable. They were both happy alike in being Great Commanders, but not of equal success, and grew great and famous by one means, rising through their own Virtues, and the Fortune of the Sea. Their was no comparison to be made between their well-deserving and good parts, for therein Sir Francis Drake did far exceed. This is all I have observed in the Uoyages, wherein I have served with them. R. M. A brief recital or nomination of Soldiers, other Englishmens Voyages related at large in the printed Works of Master HAKLVYT. OTher Voyages might here be inserted, made by Englishmen into the Bay of Mexico, as that by Captain W. Michelson, and William Mace of Ratcliff, in the Dog 1589. Captain Michelson. which there took three ships. They held fight with a Spanish man of War, who by fraud sought perfidiously to obtain that which they could not by unspotted Fortitude. They put out a flag of Truce, and after kind entertainment aboard the English, invited them to their ship, where they assaulted them, stabbing Roger Kings●old the Pilot to the Heart, Treachery of Spaniards. staying others, and forcing the rest to trust God and the Sea rather than the Devil and the Spaniards; thus swimming to their ship. The valiant fight of the Content, a small ship of Sir George C●reys, (Lord Hundsdon, Lord Sir G. Careys. Chamberlain) 1591. june 13. with three great Spanish ships, each of six or seven hundred, and one small ship and two Galleys, far more being slain of the enemies than the English had to fight: I leave to Master Hakluyts report: as also Captain Christopher Newport his Voyage Captain Newport. with three ships and a Pinnace the same year, which took and spoilt Yaguana and Ocoa in Hispani●la, and Truxillo, besides other Prizes, and in the way homeward, were at the taking of the Madre de Dios. The next year Captain Lane Gen. of Master Wats his fleet, Captain Roberts in the Exchange of Brist●ll, and Captain Benjamin Wood with four ships set forth by the Lord Earl of Suffolk. Thirteen sails English before Havana. Sir R. Dudley. Thomas Howard, Captain kenel of Limehouse, and Captain King of Ratcliff Road, with thirteen sails before Havana, waiting for purchase. Anno 1594. the Honourable Sir Robert Dudley set forth with two ships and two Pinnasses, and made his Voyage to Trinidada, and the Coast of Paria, returning by the Isles of Granata, Santa Cruez, Santa juan de Puerto Rico, Mona, Zacheo, and Bermuda. In which Voyage he and his company took or sunk nine Spanish ships; of which one was a man of War of six hundred tuns. The particulars are related by himself in Master Hakluyt. Captain Am●as Preston. Captain Summer. Sir Antony Shirley. Captain Parker. Sir W. Raleigh. M. W. Hawkins. M. Reniger. M. Pudsey. M. Hare. Sir I. Lancaster. Fenton and Ward. john Drake. In him also the Reader may find the victorious Voyage of Captain Amias Presten, and Captain George Summer (both since Knights) Anno 1595. in which the Isles of Puerto Santo, and of Coach near Margarita, the Fort and Town of Coro, the City of Saint jago de Leon, were sacked and burnt; the Town of Cumana ransomed, and jamaica entered. Sir Antony Shirley. Anno 1596. set forth from Hampton, with nine ships and a Galley, to Saint jago Dominica, Margarita, jamaica, Bay of Honduras, and homewards by New foundland. This and Captain Parker's Voyage 1596. to the same parts and Ports, with his taking of Campeche the chief Town of jacatan, and bringing thence a Frigate, laden with the King's Tribute: Also the Voyages of Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana, and other intelligences of that Nation: likewise Master William Hawkins his Voyages to Brasill, and those of Re●iger and Borey, Puds●y, Stephen Hare, Sir james Lancaster's taking of Fernambuc: Fenton and Ward, and john Drakes Voyage after his departure from Fenton up the River of Plate, and living fifteen months with the Savages, Anno 1582. All these I refer to the painful labours of Master Hakluyt, who hath well deserved of the English Nation, and of these Neptunian Heroes; that I mention not the many Voyages of others in those times of difference betwixt England and Spain, which here and there you shall find mention of in these Relations. Also, Anno 1589. three ships were set forth by Master Chidlie and others for the Magellan straits, one of which arrived there and took there a Spaniard, one of the four hundred which had been sent thither to inhabit, which had long lived there alone, the rest being famished. They spent six weeks there with contrary winds, and six only of their company teturned, they also being racked on the Coast of Normandy, as W. Magoths one of the six hath related. These I do but summarily mention, as an Index rather to Master Hakluyt● labours, then with any intent to give the discourse thereof. But the strange fortunes of Peter Carder (not hitherto published) compel me to take special notice thereof, which himself hath thus related. CHAP. V. The Relation of PETER CARDER of Saint Verian in Cornwall, within seven miles of Falmouth, which went with Sir FRANCIS in his Voyage about the World, begun 1577. who with seven others in an open Pinnace or Shallop of five tuns, with eight Oars, was separated from his General by foul weather in the South Sea, in October, An. 1578. who returning by the straits of Magellan toward Brasill, were all cast away, save this one only afore named, who came into England nine years after miraculously, having escaped many strange dangers, aswell among diverse Savages as Christians. AFter Sir Francis Drake had passed the straits of Magellan, the sixth of September 1578. and was driven down to the Southwards in the South Sea, unto the latitude of fifty five degrees, and a terse, with such accidents as are mentioned in his Voyage, and returning back toward the Straight again. The eight of October we lost sight of the Elizabeth, one of our Consorts, wherein Master john Winter Captain Winter's return. With this Cap. Winter I have had conference in Sept. 1618. at Bath: which told me that solemn possession was actually taken of those parts, to the use of her Majesty and her successors: which he desired also should be published to the World. The names of his companions. They lose their ship. Their return to the Straits: and thorough them to the North Sea. Penguin Island. Port Saint julian. River of Plate. Seales. Four English taken by Savages, the rest wounded. was, who returned by the straits again, as we understood afterward at our coming home into England; according to his Voyage extant in print. Shortly after his separation from our company, our General commanded eight men to furnish our small Pinnace or Shallop with eight men, whose names were these, myself, Peter Carder aforesaid, Richard Burnish of London, john Cottle and another, both servants to Master john Hawkins, Artyur a Dutch Trumpeter, Richard joiner, servant to Vincent Scoble of Plymouth, Pasche Gidie of Salt Ashe, and William Pitcher of London. This company was commanded to wait upon the ship for all necessary uses, but having not passed one days victuals in us, nor any Card nor Compass, saving only the benefit of eight oars, in the night time by foul weather suddenly arising we lost the sight of our ship, and though our ship sought us and we them, for a fortnight together, yet could we never meet together again. Howbeit within two d●●es after we lost them, we recovered the shore, and relieved ourselves with Muscles, Oysters Grabs, and some sorts of Roots in the Woods, and within a fortnight after the loss of our con 〈…〉 s, we returned back into the straits of Magellan, and in two places came on land on the main of America, to relieve ourselves in certain Bays, where we found Oysters, Muscles and Crabs as before, and filled our Barricos with fresh water, and in one of these places we found Savages, but they fled from us. Afterward we came to Penguin Island in the straits, and there we salted and dried many of the Penguins for our sustenance. Thence we shaped our course for Port Saint julian, where Sir Francis Drake not many months before had beheaded Captain Doutie: In this Port we stayed a day or two, and took fish like Breames and Mackerils, with hooks and lines. Then costing the land for some fortnight, some hundred leagues beyond the River of Plate, we found a small Island three leagues from the main full of Seals, whereof we killed good store to our sustenance, the young ones we found best and eat them roast. Then passing over the River of Plate to the North side, we put into a small River, and went up into the Woods six of us: other two remaining on the shore to look to the Boat. While we were thus seeking food in the Woods the people of the Country, called Tapines, some sixty or seventy armed with Bows and Arrows shot fiercely at us, and wounded us all very grievously, and four of us were taken by them, and never recovered: the rest of us they pursued to our Pinnace, and wounded us all: but in the end we put them to flight. Thence we went to an Island some three leagues of in the Sea, not above a league in compass. Where we cured ourselves as well as we might, yet so, that two of us died of our late wounds, and that, which was worse for want of help. Through foul weather our Pinnace was dashed against the Two dye. Their Pinnace ●●st P●●cher & Card●r remain. Rocky shore and broken, and now there remained alive of us eight, no more but myself, Peter Carder and William Pitcher. Here we remained the space of two months, in all which time for our victuals, we had a fruit somewhat like unto Oranges, growing upon a high Tree, the leaf whereof was somewhat like the Aspen leaf, and small; white Crabs creeping upon the sand, and little Eels which we found under the sands, but in all this Island we could not find any fresh water in the World, insomuch that we were driven to drink our own urine, which we saved in some shards of certain No fresh water They drink urine. jars, which we had out of our Pinnace, and set our urine all night to cool therein, to drink it the next morning, which thus being drunk often, and often avoided, became in a while exceeding red, in all this time we had no rain, nor any good means to save it, if it had Red urine. fallen, whereupon, seeing ourselves in so great extremity, we devised how we might get unto the Main, and by good fortune, found a plank of some ten foot in length, which of likelihood had driven from the River of Plate, whereunto with withes, we bound some other wood, and furnishing ourselves with the foresaid fruit, Eels and Crabs, we committed ourselves to God; hoping with the setting in of the tide, and with the help of two poles, which we used in stead of Oars to attain unto the Main, which was some three leagues off, but we made Pa●●ag● to the Main. it three days and two nights before we could come to the Main. At our coming first on land, we found a little River of very sweet and pleasant water, where William Pitcher my only comfort and companion (although I dissuaded him to the contrary) over drank himself, being pinched before with extreme thirst, and to my unspeakable grief Pitcher breaks with drinking fresh water. and discomfort, within half an hour after died in my presence, whom I buried aswell as I could in the sand. The next day following, as I traveled along the shore towards Brasill, having mine Arming Sword and Target with me, I met with some thirty of the Savages of the Country, called Tuppan Tuppan base Savages. Basse, which being armed with Bows and Arrows, and having two or three great Rattles with stones in them, and a kind of Tabrets that they used in stead of Drums, they went dancing before me about a Musket shot off, and then they stayed and hanged up a piece of a white Net of cotton-wool, upon a sticks end of four foot high, and went from it about a Musket shot off: then I coming unto it, took it in my hand, viewed it, and hung it up again, than many of them, beckoning and weaving with their hands, cried unto me, jyorie, jyorie, He goeth with them. which (as afterward I understood, by living long among them) was as much as Come hither, Then I came to them, and they friendly led me a long some half a mile, all the way dancing, aswell men as women, whereof there were some eight in the company, until we came to another River side, where they hanged up their Beds, tying them fast to a couple of Trees, being a kind of white Cotton Netting, which hanged two foot from the ground, and kindled fire of two sticks, which they made on both sides of their Beds, for warmth, and for driving away of wild beasts, and having fed me with such as they had: we took our rest for that night. The next day early in the morning they took down and trussed up their beds, crying tiasso, tiasso, which is to say, away, away, and marched that day towards Brasill some twenty miles, and came to their Town where their chief Governor was. This Town was built four square, with four houses only, every house containing above two Bow shot in length, and the houses made with small trees like an Arbour, being thatched over down to the ground Savage town described. with Palm tree leaves: they have no windows, but some thirty or forty doors on every side of this squadron, by which each Family passeth in and out; their chief Lord, whose name was Catou, being a man of some forty years old, had nine wives; but the rest have only one wife, except such as are counted more valiant, than the rest which are permitted two wives, one to look Caiou their Lord. to their children at home, and the other to go to the wars with them. This Town contained very near 4000 persons of all sorts. The next day the Governor sent diverse of his people abroad to bring in all sorts of victual which the Country yielded, and offered them unto me to see which of them I liked best, among which there was great store of fish, as well Sea-fish as Hospital entertainment. fresh water-fish, many sorts of Fowls, many sorts of Roots, and diverse Land-beasts, as Armadillos, which afterward I found to be very good meat. Of all these at the first, I only took one Fowl, and a couple of fishes, and bestowed the rest among their children, which procured me no small good will among them. Here I stared among them (being well entertained) for certain months, v●●ill I had learned most part of their language, in which mean space I noted their manners, which were as followeth. He learneth their language They went out to the wars armed at my first coming, only with Bows and Arrows, some three or four hundred at a time, and when they had the victory of their enemies, Their wars. Captives. they tied one of their Captives to one of their company with Cotten cords fast arm to arm, and bringing them home, within two or three days after they would tie them to a post, and with a madie club of red wood one of the strongest of the company (after they have drunk a certain strong drink with dancing round about him) at one blow slits his head a sunder: this Man-eating. drink is made by their women of a certain root called I. P. which first they seeth, and afterward chew in their mouths, and then spit it out again into a long trough and mingle it with Their drink and drunkenness. water, and there let it work two or three days, and gat●●● yeest upon it, like to our Ale: which done, they take the liquor and put it into broad mouth jarres of earth, and of this both their men and women do drink at their feasts, till they be as drunk as Apes. I could observe no Religion amongst them, but only that they reverence and worship the Moon, especially the new Moon; whereat they do rejoice in leaping, dancing; and clapping Religion. their hands. The Merchantable commodities of this Country, are Brasill-wood, Tobacco, red Pepper, and Cotten Wool. They have also great store of Apes, Monkeys, Armadillos, Hogs without tails as big as ours; their Birds are Parrots, Parraketoes, black Fowls as big as He teacheth them to make Targets and Clubs. Doves, and Ostriches as high as a man. After I had lived about half a year among stithem, and learned their language, the King requested me to go to the wars with him against his enemies the Tapw●es, which I granted, but before we set out, I showed them a way for making of certain Targets of the bark of a Tree some three quarters of a yard long for defence against Arrows, whereof we made some hundred; and withal I wished them to make some two hundred of Clubs. Which being done we marched forward some 700. in number, which by mine advice were all marked with a red kind of Balsam from the knee downward upon one leg, to be known from our enemies (by the way it is to be noted that there are three sorts of Balsamum in that Country, to wit, White, Red and Black very odoriferous and excellent good for a Three kinds of Balsam. green wound, and the White I esteem to be best.) In three days march we came to another Town built four square, as before I have declared, but much lesser; we set upon the Town about four of the clock in the morning, the enemy standing upon defence of their Arrows, were much deceived by reason of our Targets, which being seconded by our Clubs, we immediately knocked down to the number of two hundred, the rest, except some twenty prisoners escaped into the woods. Here the King stayed one day, and caused many of their carcases to be broiled upon the coals and eaten. The chiefest riches which we found here was their drink Man-eating. which they used to make themselves drunk withal; their Cotten Beds and their Tobacco. As for Gold and Silver they neither seek, nor make any account thereof. This is to be noted, Spoils. that how many men these Savages do kill, so many holes they will have in their visage, beginning first in their nether lip, then in their cheeks, thirdly in both their eyebrows, and lastly in their ears. Those twenty prisoners which we brought home, were afterward killed, Notes of gentry. roasted and eaten. While I remained here amongst these people, certain Portugals accompanied with certain Negroes and Brasilians, came within some ten leagues of our town, to see whether they could surprise any of our Savages, and to hearken what was become of me, for that they had heard by this time that some of Sir Francis Drakes company were east ashore amongst the Savage people, but there coming was not so secret, but that two of the Portugals and certain Negroes were taken, and after their confession, of the intent of their coming thither, they were brained with clubs, Portugal's eaten. broiled and eaten. These things thus passing, I became suitor to the King to give me leave to depart his Country, and to go to some River of Brasill not planted by the Portugals, to see if I could spy out any English or French ship to pass me into my Country, which he in the end favourably granted; and sent four of his people with me to furnish me with victuals, which they His departure. did very plentifully of Birds, Fish, and Roots, for the space of nine or ten weeks, all which time they did accompany me, and I desiring to go toward the Line, they brought me into the town of Bahia, Detodos los Sanctes. But about four or five miles before we came to the town, I yielded myself to a Portugal, He yieldeth himself to a Portugal. called Michael jonas, declaring unto him that I was an Englishman, and enquired whether there were any Englishmen dwelling in the town, he told me that there was one Antonio de Pava in the town which could speak good English, and was a lover of our Nation, and brought me directly unto his house. This Antonio de Pava, pitying my case, and advising me not to be known, that I understood the Portugal Tongue, brought me to the Governor, whose name was Diego Uas, this Governor told me by Antonio de Pava, which became my Interpreter, that seeing I was found in the Inland of their Country Westward, being a stranger, contrary to their Laws, he could do no less than commit me to Prison, and send me into Portugal to be committed to the Galleys for term of life, to this I answered by the advice of my good friend Autovio de Pava, that I came not willingly into those Dominions, but being by casualty once come there, I was not taken Prisoner, but sought them out and came and yielded myself into their hands, laying down my weapons at one of his Nations feet. Nevertheless he sent me to Prison, whereby the means of Antonio de Pava, and other of His imp●●●●ment. his friends, I was sufficiently relieved, and within one fortnight after brought again publicly to the bar in the Town-house to mine answer. There I answered the second time by Autovio de Pava, my Interpreter, that I thought it sufficient, that when I might have kept our, yet of mine own free will I had made a long journey, with great hazard of my life through the Countries of Savages, being Man-eaters, which favoured me to seek the Portugal Christians out, and peaceably to put myself into their hands. Hereupon the Governor and his assistants consulted and concluded together, that I should be committed to the house of Antonio de Payve, & there remain Deliverance. until they might write into Portugal to know the King's pleasure concerning me. Within one year they received answer from Lisbon concerning me, that I should be forth coming, and that hereafter the King would send further order for my transporting into Portugal. But above two years passed before this order came: In which mean space, first I spent part of my time in going into the fields as overseer of my friends Negroes and Savages in their planting and His employments. dressing of their Sugar Canes, and in planting of Gingers, which grow there exceeding well, but is a forbidden trade to be transported out for hindering of other places, and in cutting down of Brasil-wood, and in bringing it down by Rivers upon rafts unto the Port where the Ships do lad it, and in seeing them gather their Cotten wool, and picking the seeds out of it, and packing the same, and in gathering of the long Pepper both white and red. After I had spent, some year and an half in this business, my friend Antonio de Payve having a small Bark of his own, which he employed in carrying of wares from Port to Port, and for bringing of Sugars to places where Ships should lad, used me, knowing I had been brought up to the Sea, in these his businesses. Our first Voyage was to Ilheos, where we left some wares, His coast voyages to IIheos. Puerto Seguro. Spirito Sancto. S. Vincent. R. Ie●ero. Davide Leake an English Surgeon. and stayed there some month: then we went to Puerto Seguro, and there took in some Sugars for Linen Cloth, Bays, Wine and Oil. Then returning home, shortly after we were set forth again in the same Bark to Spirito Sancto, and Saint Vincent, and the River jenero, where discharging our wares to certain Factors, and receiving Sugars and Cotten Wool aboard, we returned safely home. In my first Voyage one Master David Leake an English Surgeon, lost there out of an English Ship in the Country, being much sought for because of his skill, had passage with us from Bahia to Spirito Sancto. Upon my return of my second voyage, my good friend Antonio de Payve advertised me, that a Ship was shortly to arrive there to carry me into Portugal prisoner, telling me that he should not be able any longer to help me, and therefore wished Honest Portugal me to look to myself; but kindly offered me his help to convey me away: whereupon I took his Boat and four of his Negroes, pretending to go on fishing to the Sea; and so of purpose going much to Leeward of the place, I put in to Feruambuc: where the Negroes being examined whence we came, and for what cause, being utterly ignorant of mine intent, answered that they Fernambuc. were drawn thither by force of weather, and for their Master's sake were well entreated, and returned home with the next wind, myself remaining secretly behind them. Within certain months there came thither a Hulk with eight English men and fourteen Portugals, who after some three months had laden the same with English and Portugal goods to Hulk with eight English. come for England. The English goods belonged to M. Cordal, M. Beecher, and M. Sadler, worshipful Merchants of the City of London; which had been left in the Country before by the Merchant Merchant Royal. Cap. Raymond. Captain George Drake. Royal. Thus passing homeward in our course as far as the Isles of the Açores, within sight of the I'll of Pike, being five Portugal Ships in consort, we met with Cap. Raymond, and Cap. George Drake of Exeter, with two English Ships of war, who because the peace between England and Spain was broken the year before, commanded us to yield ourselves to them as their lawful prizes, which we did all five accordingly without any resistance. But by contrary weather we were driven into Baltimore in Ireland, and within a while after we arrived in the narrow Seas in the haven of Chichister, in the end of November 1586. nine years and fourteen days after my His arrival in England. departure out of England with Sir Francis Drake in his Voyage about the World. My strange adventures, and long living among cruel Savages being known to the right honourable the Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admiral of England, he certified the Queen's Majesty The Q. rewardeth him. thereof with speed, and brought me to her presence at Whitehall, where it pleased her to talk with me a long hour's space of my travails and wonderful escape, and among other things of the manner of M. Dowties execution; and afterward bestowed 22. angels on me, willing my Lord to have consideration of me: with many gracious words I was dismissed; humbly thanking the Almighty for my miraculous preservation, and safe return into my native Country. To the Reader. HEre ma●st thou read that dismal and fatal voyage of Master Thomas Candish, in which he consummated his earthly peregrination. In the former voyage of his (which amongst our Circum●auigations See Tom. 1. l. 2. c. 4. of the Globe, we have presented thee) thou findest a perpetual Sunshine, no man ever having in near so little time compassed that huge circumference, or taken his choice of so much more wealth than he could bring home, or revisited his native soil with greater pomp and triumph. The clearest day hath a night, nor doth Summer last always; the Sea hath his ebbing as well as flowing: the Air hath calms and I have heard that all his sails at his return in the river, were silk▪ storms: the Moon ●●deth sometimes the Sun's lustre from us by her interposition; sometimes is herself merely darkened by the Earth's shadow. And if the Elements, Seasons, and Heavens two Eyes be subject to such vicissit●des; what is this little m●lchill of earth, this model of clay, this movable circumference of constant inconstancy, immutable mutability; this vanishing centre of diversified vanity, which we call Man; that herein also he should not resemble this sampler of the universe, as becometh a littls' map to be like that larger Prototype. This we see all, and feel daily in ourselves: this in Master Candish here, in Sir Francis Drakes before, the Seas two darlings, there and thence both living and dying; if dissolution of the body may be called a death, where the soul arriveth in heaven, the name fills the earth, the deeds are precedents to posterity, and England their Country hath the glory alone that she hath brought forth two illustrious Capta●●es and Generals, which have fortunately embraced the round waste of their vast mother, without waste of life, reputation, and substance; yea victorious over elements and enemies, illustrious in wealth and honour, they have comen home like the Sun in a Summer's day, seeming greatest nearest his evening home, the whole sky entertaining and welcoming him in festival scarless and displayed colours of triumph. No Nation else hath yielded one, which in all these See Osorius de reb. Eman. respects may be matchable. Magalianes hath left himself odious to his Portugals for offered service to the Spaniard, and like Phaeton thinking with Phoebus his Chariot to compass the World, perished midway. Midway was Schoutens' Ship and men attached, and be and his had a servile return. Canon came or rather ●●●d homes like Magalianes' ghost, hardly and with a few escaping. Noort scarcely escaped taking, drowning, firing, treachery, and hostility. Spilbergen got blows in the South Sea where Drake and Candish were made rich, and returned an Indian Merchant. Three Dutch worthies: but all lighted their candles at these two English Torches. Thus may we magnify Drakes swimming, and can die the memory of our Candish. But where it is said ye are Gods, it is added, ye shall dye like men. The Sea is a ●a●ing wavering foundation, the winds theatre both for Comedies and Tragedies. You have seen Drake acting both: and in both you here find Candish. Christ is yesterday, to day, the same for ever; God is without shadow, (without passibility or possibility) of change, a light in whom is no darkness: but sublunary things are like the Moon their nearest Planet, which never views the earth two days together with one face. God hath made our way to him so full of chances and changes, that our unstedie, slippery way on this earth, and calme-storme-voyage in these Seas, may make us more to meditate and thirst after that haven of instability, and heaven of eternity. Some passionate speeches of Master Candish against some private persons not employed in this action, I have suppressed, some others I have let pass; not that I charge Captain Davis' or others, but that it may appear what Sup. To●. 1. l. 3. the General thought of them. Master Hakluyt hath published Master janes' report of this Voyage, which makes more favourable on Captain Davis' his side. If he did deal treacherously, treachery found him out, as in his last Voyage before is declared. If any think the Captain here to conceive amiss, I shall be willing to have the most charitable conceit, and therefore remit the Reader to Master Hakluyts Relation afore said, for his apology: the sum whereof, and of that Voyage is this. Master jane there relateth, that Aug. 26. 1591. Captain Candish set forth from Plymouth with three tall Ships, the black Pinnace, and a Bark. novemb. 29. they fell with the coast Cap. Davis' his voyage into the South Sea, reported by M. jane. Hak. To. 3. of Brasile. They took the Town of Santos, and burnt Saint Vincent. After a cruel storm they arrived at Port Desire, and after fell with the Magellan straits. Occasionally (saith jane) they lost Captain Candish, and went back to Port Desire to seek him: and whiles Captain Davis' further intended to seek out the General, a dangerous conspiracy was plotted to murder him by Parker and Smith. There is also a testimonial subscribed by forty men. Thence they returned to the Straits, and had sight of the people, which were very strong, nimble, and naked. Sep. 13. they came in sight of the South Sea, and being forced back, the next day put forth again, and being eight or ten leagues free from land, were repelled into the Straits. Octob. 2. they put into the South Sea again, and were free of all land, and there in a storm lost the black Pinnace. The Ships company were in despair of life, but by God's grace recovered the Straits, and a third time came to Port Desire; and there lost nine of their men (of which Parker and Smith were two) being on Land for Wood and Water: they knew not what became of them, but guessed that the Saluages had devoured them. For the eleventh of November, while Strange Canlbals with dog's faces orvizars. most of the men were at the I'll of Pengwins, only the Captain and Master with six others left in the Ship, there came a great multitude of Savages to the Ship (there on ground on the oaze) throwing dust in the air, leaping and running like bruit Beasts, having vizors on their faces like Dogs faces, or else their faces are Dogs faces indeed. We feared they would set our Ships on fire, for they would suddenly make fire, whereat we marvelled, setting the Dreams omivous. Men lost or taken as K●i●et saith. Loathsome Worms. bushes on fire, but scared with Pieces they fled. Here they found much Scuruie-grasse which recovered them; and dried 20000. Pengwins, making some salt by laying the salt water on rocks in holes. The sixth of February, many reported to each other their dreams of killing, and the like, and that day they lost 13. men at Placentia. Their dried Pengwins, when they came nearer the Sun, began to corrupt, and there bred in them a most loathsome and ugly worm which devoured their victuals, clothes, timbers, and all but Iron, not sparing their flesh when they were asleep, so that they could scarcely sleep. Their multitude was such that they could not destroy them. Another disease took them with swelling in their ankles, two days after which, shortness of breath, then falling into their cod and yards, so tormenting them that diverse fell mad and died: on five only did the labour of the Ship rely; and june 11. 1593. without victuals, sails, or men God guided them to Beare-haven in Ireland. But let us hear Master Candish himself more than acting his own part. Discite justitiam moniti. Let not prosperity poison the soul, with the sting of the old Serpent, swelling in pride, ingratitude, or contempt of God, or Man: let not any magnify himself in whatsoever exploits, or trust in uncertain The moral of this and other historical Tragedies. riches, or promise to himself the perpetual smiles of the world; and than it shall seem no new thing, nor cause of despair, if she hites in stead of kissing. She is a Witch which transformeth men into Swine with her Cyrcaean cups, if the mind learn not by Religion to fasten itself to God, to account him her treasure, and make herself the treasury, as a Pilgrim pressing toward the prize of our high calling, that inheritance of the Saints in light; for which Robes, to be stripped of these Rags is a blessed purchase; meanwhile knowing that nothing doth, shall, can happen but by his providence, which is a Father, most wise, loving, bountiful, and merciful, which already hath given us his Son, doth now give his Spirit, and will give us himself. No Rocks can wrack that Soul, no storms oppress, no Seas can sink, no fortunes can either puff up with success, or sink and make to shrink in itself by any pressures to despair, which hath thus made God her portion: yea the worst of adversities by a holy Antiperistasis do contract and more unite the soul's forces to greater acts of fortitude in doing and suffering his Will, to whose ours ought always to be subordinated. It is the voice of a Pagen, but the virtue of a Christian, Omnia mea mecum porto, and with job to say, The Lord hath given, the Lord hath taken, blessed be the Name of the Lord. I have given Master Knivets' Relation after this of Master Candish, as before Peter Carder after Sir Francis Drake; that at both served under them in their Discoveries, so they may in this our Discovery of those Discoveries, as Pages to those Worthies; the one a Mariner waiting on a Mariner; the other a Gentleman following a Gentleman; both unmatchable by any English for the rare adventures, disaduentures, and manifold successions of miseries in those wild Countries, and with those wilder Countrymen of Brasilia; especially Master Knivet, who betwixt the Brasilian and Portugal, as betwixt two Millstones, was almost ground to powder: whom Colds, Sickness, Famine, wanderings, Calumnies, Desertions, Solitariness, Deserts, Woods, Mountains, Fens, Rivers, Seas, Flights, Fights: wild Beasts, wilder Serpents, wildest Men, and strait passages beyond all names of wildness (those Magellan Straits succeeded by drowning, fainting, freezing, betraying, beating, starving, hanging Straits) have in various successions made the subject of their working: whom God yet delivered, that out of his manifold pains, thou mayst gather this posy of pleasures, and learn to be thankful for thy native sweets at home, even delights in the multitude of peace. CHAP. VI Master THOMAS CANDISH his discourse of his fatal and disastrous voyage towards the South Sea, with his many disaduentures in the Magellan Straits and other places; written with his own hand to Sir TRISTRAM GORGES his Executor. MOst loving friend, there is nothing in this world that makes a truer trial of friendship, then at death to show mindfulness of love and friendship, which now you shall make a perfect experience of: desiring you to hold my love as dear dying poor, as if I had been most infinitely rich. The success of this most unfortunate action, the bitter torments thereof lie so heavy upon me, as with much pain am I able to write these few lines, much less to make discovery unto you of all the adverse haps, that have befallen me in this voyage, the least whereof is my death: but because you shall not be ignorant of them, I have appointed some of the most sensiblest men that I left behind me, to make discourse unto you of all these accidents. I have made a simple will, wherein I have made you sole, and only disposer of all such little, as is left. The Roebuck left me in the most desolate case that ever man was left in, what is become of The Roebuck. her I cannot imagine: if she be returned into England, it is a most admirable matter; but if she be at home, or any other of my goods whatsoever return into England, I have made you only Possessor of them. And now to come to that villain that hath been the death of me, and the decay of this whole action, I mean Davis', whose only treachery in running from me, hath Captain Davis' blamed. been an utter ruin of all: if any good return by him, as ever you love me, make such friends as he of all others, may reap least gain. I assure myself you will be careful in all friendship, of my last requests. My debts which be owing be not much, etc. But I (most unfortunate villain) was matched with the most abject minded and mutinous company, that ever was carried out of England by any man living. For I protest unto you, that in going to the Streits of Mutinous company. Magellan, after I was passed to the Southward of the River of Plate, and had hidden the fury of storms, which indeed I think to be such as worse might not be endured: I never made my course to the Straits-ward, but I was in continual danger by my company, which never ceased to practise and mutiny against me. And having gotten the appointed place called Port Desire, Port Desire. I met with all my company, which had been there twenty days before me: and had not my most true friends been there (whom to name my heart bleeds) I mean my cousin Lock, I had been constrained either to have suffered violence, or some other most disordered mishap. I came into this Harbour with my Boat, my ships riding without at Sea: where I found the Roebuck, the Desire, and the Pinnace, all which complained unto me, that the Tide ran so violently, as they were not able to ride, but were driven aground, and wished me in any wise not to come in with my ship, for that if she should come on ground, she would be utterly cast away: which I knew to be most true. And finding it to be no place for so great a ship without her utter ruin: I forthwith commanded them, to make themselves ready to depart: they being fresh, and infinitely well relieved with Seals and Birds, which in that place did abound, and my company being grown weak and feeble, with continual watching, pumping, and bayling. For I must say truly unto you, there were never men that endured more extremities of the Seas, than my poor company had done. Such was the fury of the West South-west, and South-west winds, as we were Tempests. driven from the shore four hundred leagues, and constrained to beat from fifty degrees to the Southward into forty to the Northward again, before we could recover near the shore. In which time, we had a new shift of sails clean blown away, and our ship in danger to sink in the Sea three times: which with extremity of men's labour we recovered. In this weakness, we departed for the Straits, being from that Harbour eight leagues, and in eighteen days, The Streits. we got the Straits: in which time, the men in my ship were grown extremely weak. The other ships company were in good case, by reason of their late relief. And now we had been almost four months between the coast of Brasile, and the straits, being in distance not above six hundred leagues, which is commonly run in twenty or thirty days: but such was the adversenesse of our fortunes, that in coming thither we spent the Summer, and found in the Straits, the beginning of a most extreme Winter, not durable for Extreme winter. Christians. In despite of all storms and tempests, so long as we had ground to anchor in, and Tides to help us, we beat into the Straits some fifty leagues, having (for the most part) the They enter fifty leagues. winds contrary. At length being forced by the extremity of storms, and the narrowness of the Straits (being not able to turn wind ward no longer) we got into an Harbour, where we rid from the eighteenth day of April, till the tenth of May: in all which time, we never had other then most furious contrary winds. And after that the month of May was come in, nothing but such flights of Snow, and extremities of Frosts, as in all the time of my life, I never saw any to be compared with them. This extremity caused the weak men (in my ship only) to decay; for in seven or eight days, in this extremity there died forty men, and sickened seventy, so that there were not fifty Death of men. men that were able to stand upon the hatches. I finding this miserable calamity to fall upon me, and found that besides the decay of my men, and expense of my victual, the snow and frost decayed our sails, and tackle, and the contagiousness of the place to be such, for extremity of Miserable distress. frost and snow, as there was no long staying, without the utter ruin of us all. What by these extremities, and the daily decay of my men, I was constrained forth with to determine some course, and not (for all this extremity of weather) to tarry there any longer. Upon this, I assembled my company together, and showed them that my intention was to Consultation, go for China, and that there were two ways thither, the one through the Straits, the other by the way of Caput bone spei; which course showed them, as was well known to me, as the way I had undertaken. And although that fortune had denied us this passage, yet I doubted not, but soon to recover to this Cape, where I showed them, I made no doubt, but we should relieve ourselves, and perform to their contents our intended voyage. These persuasions with many others, which I used, seemed to content them for the present: but they were no sooner gone from me, but forthwith all manner of discontents were unripped amongst themselves, so that to go that way, they plainly and resolutely determined never to give their willing consents. Some of the best and honestest sort hearing this their resolution, wished them rather to put up a supplication to me, than thus privately among themselves to mutiny and murmur, which course might cause an utter ruin to fall upon them all: affirming, that they knew me to be so reasonable, as I would not refuse to hear their petition. Upon this, they framed an humble supplication unto me (as they termed it) the effect whereof was: That first they protested, to spend their lives most willingly for my sake, and that their love was such to me, as their chiefest care was for me, and they grieved very much to see me put on a resolution, which (as they supposed) would be the end of my life, which was their greatest grief. And next their own lives would immediately follow, both by reason of the length of the course, all which they must perform without relief. And further, we had not left four months victual, which might very well be spent in running a course not half so long. But if it would please me to return again for the Coast of Brasile (where they knew, my force being together, was able to take any place) there we might both provide victual to return again, and furnish ourselves of all other such wants, as these extremities had brought upon us, and at a seasonable time return again, and so perform our first intention. Now, I knowing their resolution, and finding, that in some things their reasons were not vain, began more seriously to look into all my wants. First, I found my greatest decay to be in ropes, and sails, wherein (by means of such mighty extremities) I was utterly unfurnished, for I lost a new shift of sails coming thither; and further the Desire had bidden the like extremity, which I furnished: so as I had left no store at all: for no ships carry three new shifts of sails, all which, had been little enough for me: and last of all, our victuals to be most short, I was to fall into consideration what to do. I knew well that the winds were such, and so continually against us, as by no means it was possible to pass through: for the violent snows were such, as in two days together we should not be able to see five hours, the place not a league Winds and snows violent. over in breadth, our ships not to be handled in such extremity of wind: no, nor Canvas to hold the fury of the wind, our men so weak, as of one hundred and fifty men, I had not in my ship fifty in health. And this ship coming with all her company, was like three times to have been upon the shore, by reason of her unyarie workings. These causes made me utterly despair of any passage at this season: so I resolved the company I would put out of the Harbour, and beat to get through, so long as the furious and westerly winds would suffer us: but if they came upon us, so as we could not hold it up, we would then bear up again, and so (according to their request) go for the Coast of Brasile, which they so much seemed to desire, and I so much hated. But in truth I was forced to take that way, for that there was no place, where this ship could come into, to tarry out a winter. For Port Saint julian is a barred Harbour, over which two of my ships would not go; and Port Desire hath neither wood, nor water: and besides that, the Port S. julian. Port Desire. Tide runneth so extremely, as it is not possible for anchors to hold, the ground being so bad. But the last cause of all to be considered, was the sickness of my men, having no clothes to defend them from the extreme cold. These causes, and their ardent desires of being out of the cold, moved me to go back again, for that most wicked Coast of Brasile, where I encountered all manner of misfortunes, which as I have unripped these former, so I will briefly declare the latter. We were beaten out of the Straight with a most monstrous storm at West South-west, from which place we continued together, till we came in the latitude of forty seven, in which place His return from the Straight. Davis' in the Desire, and my Pinnace lost me in the night, after which time I never heard of them, but (as I since understood) Davis' his intention was ever to run away. This is God's will, that I should put him in trust, that should be the end of my life, and the decay of the whole action. For had not these two small ships parted from us, we would not have miscarried on the coast of Brasile: for the only decay of us was, that we could not get into their barred Harbours. What became of these small ships, I am not able to judge, but sure, it is most like, they went back again for Port Desire, a place of relief, for two so small ships. For they might lie on ground there without danger, and being so few men, they might relieve themselves with Seals, and Birds, and so take a good time of the year, and pass the Streits. The men in these small ships were all lusty, and in health: wherefore the likelier to hold out. The short of all is this: Davis' his only intent was utterly to overthrow me, which he hath well performed. These ships being parted from us, we little suspecting any treachery, the Roebuck and myself, held our course for Brasile, and kept together, till we came in the latitude of thirty six, where we encountered the most grievous storm, that ever any Christians endured upon the Seas to live, in which storm we lost company. We with most extreme labour, and great danger, Grievous storm. got the Coast of Brasile, where we were fifteen days, and never heard of the Roebuck. We came to an anchor in the Bay of Saint Vincent, and being at an anchor there, the Gentlemen desired me to give them leave to go ashore, to some of the Portugals Farme-houses, to get some Saint Vincent. fresh victuals, which I granted: willing them to make present return, knowing very well, the whole Country was not able to prejudice them, if they willingly would not endanger themselves. They went to a Sugar mill hard by me where I road (for that was my special charge, that they should never go a mile from the ship) where they got some victual, and came aboard again very well. The next day in the morning betimes, an Indian came unto me with Captain Barker; which Indian ran away from his Master, at my last being there: this Savage knew all the Country. He came unto me, and said, that beyond a Point, not a Culvering shot off, there was a very rich farme-house, and desired ten or twelve men to go thither. Captain Barker being one whom I most trusted in the conduction of men, and (who ever was the most careful in such matters of service) I appointed to go, and to take some twenty or thirty men with him: and willed him (as he had any respect or regard of my commandment) not to stay, but to come presently away, finding any thing or nothing. He forth with took five and twenty men of the most principal men in the ship, and then your cousin Stafford would by no means be left behind. They departed by four of the clock in the morning, so as I did not see their company. But what should I write more than this unto you? they were all such, as neither respected me, nor any thing that I commanded. Away they went, and by one of the clock, they sent my Boat again with Ginny wheat, and six Hens, and a small Hog. I seeing no return again of the company (for they had sent away the Boat only with men to row her aboard) was very much grieved, and presently returned the Boat again with message: That I much marvelled they would tarry at a place so long, with so few men; and further, that it was not a Hog, and six Hens could relieve us: and seeing there was no other relief to be had, I charged them straightly to come aboard presently. Thus having dispatched away my Boat for them, I still expected their present coming aboard: all that night, I heard nothing of them, the next morning I shot Ordnance, yet I saw no Boat come. Then I weighed anchor, and made aboard into the Bay, yet for all this, I heard nothing of them: then I doubted with myself very greatly, knowing there were no means left to make any manifester signs to them to hasten away. All that day I heard nothing of them, in the evening I set sails again, and ran into the shore: all that night I heard no news of them. The next morning, I saw an Indian come down to the Seaside, and woven unto the ship: we being desirous to hear some news, caused a raft to be made, for Boat we had none, and sent it ashore, and set the Indian aboard. When we saw him, we found him to be our own Indian, Captain Barker and four and twenty others slain. which had escaped away, being soar hurt in three places: who told us, that all the rest of our men were slain with three hundred Indians, and eighty Portugals, which (in the evening) set upon them suddenly. Then I demanded, why they came not aboard? the Indian answered me, that some were unwilling to come, and the rest, did nothing but eat Hens and Hogs, which they had there in abundance, and that they minded nothing to come aboard. I leave you to judge, in what grief I was, to see five and twenty of my principal men thus basely and wilfully cast away: but I leave you to inquire of others, the practices of these men, lest in writing unto you it should be thought I did it of malice, which (I protest) is far from me, they being now dead, and myself looking imminently to follow them. Thus I was left destitute of my principal men, and a Boat, and had I not (by great hap the day before) taken an old Boat from the Portugals, I had been utterly undone. This Boat I sent to an Island fifteen leagues off, to see if they could hear any news of the rest of my ships: she returned within eight days, all which time I remained without a Boat. Thus I was six days before I heard news of any of my consorts. The seventeenth day came in the Roebuck, having The Roebuck cometh in. spent all her Masts, but their Mison, their Sails blown clean away, and in the most miserable case that ever ship was in: all which missehaps falling upon me, and then missing my small ships wherein (upon that Coast) consisted all my strength, having no Pinnaces nor great Boats left to Brasilian Coast full of shoalds and bars. Master Candishes high spirit. land my men in, for they were all cast away going to the Straight. I (notwithstanding the want of Boats and Pinnaces) determined rather than not to be revenged of so base Dogs, to venture the ships to go down the River afore their Town, and to have beaten it to the ground, which forthwith I put in execution. And having gotten down half the way, we found the River so narrow by reason of a should, as all the company affirmed plainly, it was both desperate and most dangerous. For the River is all Ose, and if a ship come aground, it is impossible ever to get off, for there riseth not above a foot water, and no anchors will hold to hale off any my ships, in so narrow a place, as we were almost aground in wending. Seeing this apparent danger, I forthwith bore up out of the River, where we escaped no small danger to get well out, for we had not little more water than we drew: and if she had come aground, it had been impossible ever to have gotten her off. By these means of not passing the River, we were constrained to let our revenge pass: for our Boats were so bad and small, as we durst put no men in them. Notwithstanding we landed, and did them much spoil upon their Farme-houses, and got some quantity of fresh victuals. This place being not for us, considering our ships were not able to pass to their Town; and further our great wants did constrain us to seek some course of relief, which being not to be had there, both for that we had spoilt it a little before, and also for that we could not conveniently come to do them any prejudice, without most loss to ourselves: I determined to part from thence, and to go to a small Island some His intention. twenty leagues off, and there to have fitted all my necessaries, and to have cast off the Roebuck, for that by no means her wants could by me be furnished, and so at a seasonable time, to have gone for the Straits of Magellan again. Which intention (I must confess) I kept most secret, for fear of some mutiny, but showed His pretence. the whole Company, that I would go for Saint Helena, where we should meet with the Carracks: which course I well knew did not much please them; for they desired nothing more than returning home into England, and if I had but named the Straits, they would forthwith have fallen into a most extreme mutiny: for such were the miseries and torments they had endured, as all the best sort had taken an oath upon a Bible, to die rather than ever to yield their consents to go back that way again. I knowing this, seemed to speak nothing of that course, but comforting their despairing minds as well as I might, seeing their greatest grief was for the wants of the small ships, without which, they all affirmed (and that truly) we were able to do nothing. For the Ports where their Towns stand, were all barred Harbours, and that it was not Necessity 〈◊〉 small s●●ps 〈◊〉 the BSpan● c●ast. poss●ble to get any of these ships over them, whereby we could relieve ourselves of such wants, as we were in. These things being alleged, I seemed to pass over as slightly as might be, but yet comforted them, that we would presently seek some place of relief with all speed. There was a Portugal aboard me, who took upon him to be a Pilot, who came unto me, and told me upon his life, that he would take upon him to carry both my Ships over the bar Portugal Pilots undertaking for Spirito▪ Sancto. at Spiritus Sanctus, a place indeed of great relief, and the only place in Brasile for victual, and all other wants, that we were in. I knowing very well, that if I could bring my Ships within shot of the Town, I should land my men, and further, it could not be in them to make resistance. The whole company desired this course, affirming that there was no way left to relieve all our wants but this: and that there they were in hope to find some Ships, to repair the Roebuck again. I finding their willingness, and charging the Portugal upon his life, to tell me truly, whither the Ships might pass over the bar without danger; he willed me to take his life, if ever the Ships came in less water than five fathom, with such constant affirmations as he desired not to live, if he should not perform this. I considering the greatness of our wants, and knowing right well, the place to be the only wished Town on all the coast to relieve us, forthwith gave my consent, and thither we went, leaving all other intentions. We anchored before the bar, and sent my Boat to sound the bar, and found the deepest water to be but fifteen and seventeen foot (the Portugal himself going with them, all over the bar) the most water to be but three fathom. They coming aboard, brought me word of the truth, I called His ignorance. for the Portugal, ●nd demanded of him why he had so lied unto me? who affirmed that he never sounded the bar before, and that he had brought in Ships of 100 tuns, and that he made account, there had not been less water than five fathom. This mishap was no small amazement to me, and all the company, considering our distress for water and other necessaries, and that the road was so ill, as we were scant able to ride there, so as we could neither take in water, nor do any other business. In this mean time while we were scanning of these matters, the Roebucks Boat rowing further into the Bay, saw where three Ships were at an anchor, not far from ●he Town, and came aboard, and brought me word thereof: at which news the Company seemed much to rejoice, and all affirmed Three Ships. that they would go with our Boats, and bring them out of the harbour. I showed them how much the taking of them imported us, and told them, that although the day was spent, yet I thought the night not to be altogether inconvenient, if they would put on minds to perform it. Resolutely my reasons were these: first they were not so sufficiently provided to defend themselves at that instant, as they would be in the morning; and further I told them, that if His couns●ll not followed. they were not able to defend them, they would take the principal and best things out of them, being so near the shore, and that if they had where with to defend themselves, it would be less offensive to us in the night, then in the day, and we in greatest security, and more offensive to the enemy, especially this exploit being to be done on the water, not landing. These persuasions seemed a little to move them, for they all desired to stay till morning: yet some of them prepared themselves. Coming amongst them, I found them, all, or for the most part utterly unwilling to go that night: upon which occasion (I confess) I was much moved, and gave them some bitter words, and showed them our case was not to make detractions, but to take that opportunity which was offered us, and not to fear a night more than a day, and told them plainly, that in refusing of this, I could stay there no longer, for over the bar we could not go, and the road so dangerous, as never Ships rid in a worse. And further, we saw all the Country to be fired round about, and that to land we could not without utter spoil to us all, for our Boats were naught; and further, we could by no means be succoured by our Ships, so as I intended to depart. The next morning, there was almost an uproar amongst Their unseasonable eagernes them, the most of them swearing that if I would not give them leave, they would take the Boats and bring away those Ships of themselves. I coming among them, began to reprehend them for their rashness, and told them that now all opportunity was past, and that they must be contented, for go they should not. They much importuned me, and some of the chiefest of them desired me with tears in their eyes, that they might go, affirming, that there was no danger to be feared at all; for if they were not able to take them, they would return again, and that to depart without attempting to do this, was a thing that most greatly grieved them. I knowing right well, that if they landed not they could receive no prejudice: for if their Ships had been able to withstood them, it was in their power to go from them, being stark calm. And further I knew that no Ships use Brasile that be able to defend themselves from a Cockboat: much less that they should be of force to offend those Boats, wherein there were so many Musketteeres as could sit one by another. I seeing their great importunity, was contented to give them leave to go: and this was my charge to Captain Morgan (to whom at that present I left my directions) that first, upon pain of his life, he should not land at all what opportunity soever was offered; and that if he saw any danger in coming to these Ships, he should attempt no further, but return aboard again; but chose, if he saw that the His instructions to Captain M●●gan. place was such, as we might land without too much disadvantage, and if we might land on plain ground, free from woods or b●shes, hard before the Town, that then he would presently repair unto me again, and I, and so many as these bad Boats would carry, would presently land upon them. Thus my Boats departed from me, having some eighty men, as well furnished with weapons, as it is possible to sort such a number withal. Now you shall understand, that in the night the Portugals had hailed the Ships hard afore the Town: the River where the Town stood was not above a Bird-bolt-shot over, and half a mile from the Town where the Ships road: the night we came in, they had new cast up two small trenches, on each side the River one, The place described. where they had planted some two small bases a piece upon an hill. Right over them were thick woods, and great rocks, so that if any were possessed of them, they might but tumble stones down, and beat away 1000 men. The trench on the Westerside of the River shot at our Boats, once or twice; upon that they began to think with themselves what to do, Captain Morgan affirming the place to be very narrow, and that they could not well pass it without danger, considering the many men in their Boats, and also the charge which I had given, was such, if they saw any danger, they should presently repair aboard, and certify me, and not to pass any further, till they had understood my further determination: This Master Morgan made known Mad Mutineers. amongst them, whereupon some of the harebrain Sailors began to swear, that they never thought other, but that he was a coward, and now he will show it, that durst not land upon a babble ditch, as they termed it. Upon this, the gentleman was very much mon, and answeswered them, that they should find him to be none such as they accounted him, and that, come what could happen him, he would land. Upon this, in they put the Boats between the two sconces (that on the Easter-side they had They land not seen) and the Boats being hard upon it, were shot at, and in the biggest Boat they hurt two, and killed one with that shot. Upon this, they determined, that the smallest Boat with their company should land on the Westerside, and the other to land on the Easter-side. The small Boat landed first, and that place having but few in it, they being not able to defend themselves, ran away, so that our men entered peaceably without hurt of any. The other Boat drawing much water, was aground before they came near the shore, so as they that landed, were fain to wade above knee high in water. Now the place, or Sconce, was in height some ten foot, made of stone (Captain Morgan more resolutely then discreetly) scaled the wall, and ten more with him, which went out of the Boat together. Then the Indians and Portugals showed themselves, Captain Morgan slain. and with great stones from over the trench, killed Morgan and five more, and the rest of them being sore hurt, retired to the Boat, which by this time was so filled with Indian arrows, as of 45. men being in the Boat, there escaped not eight of them unhurt, some having three arrows sticking Many others slain or hurts in them, some two, and there was none which escaped without wound. The fury of those arrows coming so thick, and so many of them being spoiled, they put the Boat from the shore, leaving the rest on land, a spoil for the Indians. By this time, there came two Boats full of lusty Portugals, and some Spaniards, who knowing the sconce on the Westerside to be weakly manned, came with their Boats to the forts side: one of them ran ashore which was fullest of men, than our men let fly their Muskets at them, and spoiled and killed all that were in that Boate. The others, seeing their fellow's speed so ill, rowed back again, with all their force, and got the Town again. In this mean time the great Boat being gotten of, they called to them in the Sconce, and willed them to forsake the Fort, and to come and help them; for they told them that all their men were spoiled & slain. Upon this they straight came out of the Sconce again, and retired to their Boat; who rushing in all together into the Boat, she came on ground, so that off they could not get her, but some must go out of her again: ten of the Iustiest men went out, and by that time the Indians were come down into the Fort again, and shot at our men. They which were a land (perceiving the arrows Ten brave men lost. fly among them) ran again to the Forts side, and shot in at the lower hold with their Muskets. By this, the Boat was got of, and one that was the Master of the Roebuck (a most cowardly villain that ever was borne of a woman) caused them in the Boat to row away, and so Cowardly baseness. left those brave men a spoil for the Portugals, yet they waded up to the necks in the water to them, but those merciless villains in the Boat, would have no pity on them. Their excuse was, that the Boat was so full of water, that had they come in, she would have sunk with all them in her; thus vilely were those poor men lost. By this time, they which were landed on the other side (the great Boat not being able to row near the shore to relieve them) were killed with stones by the Indians, being thus wilfully and undiscreetely spoiled, which you may well perceive, if you look into their landing, especially in such a place, as they could not escape killing with stones. They returned aboard again, having lost five and twenty men, whereof ten of them were left ashore, in such sort 25. men slain, others wounded. as I have showed you. When the Boats came to the Ships side, there were not eight men in the biggest Boat, which were not most grievously wounded. I demanded of them the cause of their mishaps, and how they durst land, considering my straight commandment to the contrary; they answered me, that there was no fault in Captain Morgan, but the greatest occasion of all this spoil to them, happened upon a controversy between the Captain and those Soldiers that landed with him, and were killed at the Fort, for their ill speeches and urging of Captain Morgan, was the cause that he landed contrary to my commandment, and upon such a place, as they all confessed forty men were sufficient to spoil five hundred. I leave it to yourself to judge, what a sight it was to me, to see so many of my best men, thus wilfully spoiled, having not left in my Ship fifty sound men: so as we were no more than able to way our Ankers, which (the next morning) we did, and finding it calm we were constrained to come to an Anchor again; for my only intention was, to get out of that bad road, and to put of into the Sea, and there to determine what to do, for that place was not for us to tarry in, for the road was so bad, as we were not able to help ourselves with a Boats loading of fresh water, whereof we stood in no small want. In this days stay in the Road, I comforted these distressed poor men, what I might, and found most of their desires, to return again into England. I let them understand, how we would go back again to the Island of Saint Sebastian, and there we would water, and do our other necessary businesses, and there make a resolute determination of the rest of Purpose for S. Sebastian. our proceedings. This course seemed to like them all very well, but the company in the Roebuck, instantly desired nothing more, then to return home, all affirming, that it was pity such a Ship should be cast of. But in truth, it was not of any care of the Ship, but only of a most cowardly mind of the Master, and the chiefest of the company to return home. Now you shall understand that the Captain was very sick, and since the time that the Ship lost her Ma 〈…〉 s, she became the most laboursome Ship that ever did swim on the Sea, so as he was not able to endure in her, and at that present he lay aboard my Ship, so as there was none of any trust, or account left in her. But such was the case of that Ship (being without sails, masts, or any manner of tackle) as in the sense & judgement of any man living, there did not live that desperate minded man in the world, which (in that case she was then in) would have ventured to have sailed in her half so far as England: and if she do return, it is (in my opinion) the most admirable return that ever Ship made, being so far of, and in her case. These villains having left in my Ship, all their hurt men, and having aboard of them both my Surgeons, I, having not one in mine own Ship, which knew how to lay a plaster to a wound, much less to cure any by salves: and further, having in their Ship three times the proportion of my victual (wherein consisted the only relief and comfort of all my company) these most hard hearted villains, determined that night amongst themselves, to lose me at their next convenient time they could espy, and in this case to go for England, leaving us in Da 〈…〉 able designs. the greatest distress that ever one Christian left another in: for we had all her hurt men in us, and we had taken out of her the best part of her men not long before: so as in running from us, they not only carried away our Surgeons, and all their provision, but also our victual, wherein consisted all our relief and comfort: having in them at their departure but six and forty men, carrying away with them the proportion for six months victual of one hundred and twenty men at large. I leave you to consider of this part of theirs, and the miserable case I was left in, with so many hurt men, so little victual, and my Boat being so bad, as six or seven men continually bailing water, were scant able to keep her from sinking; and mend her we could not by any means, before we recovered some shore: for had not these villains in the Roebuck (that night we road in this Bay) suffered their Boat to run ashore with Irish men (which went to betray us) I had taken her Boat, and sunk this great naughty Boate. Such was the greatness of our mishaps, as we were not left with the comfort and hope of a Boat to relieve ourselves withal; we not having left in the Ship scarce three tuns of water for 140. men, the most part whereof being hurt and sick. We putting out of the road the next day, they, the same night in this case left us, The Roe buck forsaketh him. and (as I suppose) they could not account otherwise, then that we should never again be heard of. The next morning looking for the Roebuck, we could no where be seen. I leave to you to judge in what plight my company was, being now destitute of Surgeons, victuals, and all other relief; which in truth was so great a discomfort unto them, as they held themselves dead men, as well whole as hurt. The scantness of water made us that we could not seek after them, but were enforced to seek to this Island, with all possible speed, having to beat back again thither two hundred leagues: which place, God suffered us to get with our last cask water, the poor He cometh to S. Sebastian's. men being most extremely pinched for want thereof. Where (after we had a little refreshed ourselves) we presently mended our Boat in such sort, as with great labour and danger, we brought forty tons of water aboard. And in the mean time searching our store of ropes, tackle, and sails, we found ourselves utterly unfurnished both of ropes and sails: which accident pleased the company not a little, for by these wants, they assuredly accounted to go home. Then making a survey of the victual, we found to be remaining in the Ship (according to the rate we then Their manifold wants. lived at) fourteen week's victuals large. Having rigged our Ships in such sort, as our small store would furnish us, which was most meanly, for we had but four sails (our sprite-saile, and foretoppe-saile being wanting) which two, the Ship (most principally loveth) and those which we had (except her main sail) were more then half worn. In this poor case being furnished, and our water taken in, my company knowing my determination (which was to hail my Boat a ground, and build her a new) they forth with openly began to murmur, and mutiny: affirming plainly, that I need not Mutinous murmuring. mend the Boat, for they would go home, and then, there should be no use of her. ay, hearing these speeches, thought it was now time to look amongst them, calling them together, and told them, that although we had many mishaps fallen upon us, yet (I hoped) that their minds would not in such sort be overcome with any of these misfortunes, that they would go about to undertake any base, or disordered course; but that they would cheerfully go forward, to attempt either to make themselves famous, His persuasions. in resolutely dying, or in living, to perform that, which would be to their perpetual reputation: And the more we attempted, being in so weak a case, the more (if we performed) would be to our honours. But chose, if we died in attempting, we did but that which we came for, which was either to perform or dye. And then I showed them my determination, to go again for the Straits of Magellanus: which words were no sooner uttered, but forthwith they ●ll with one consent affirmed plainly, they would never go that way again; and that they would rather stay ashore in that desert Island, then in such case to go for the Straits. I sought by peaceable means to persuade them, showing them that in going that way, we should relieve our victuals, by salting of Seals, and Birds: which (they did well know) we might do in greater quantity, than our Ship could carry. And further, if we got through the Straight (which we might now easily perform, considering we had the chiefest part of Summer before us) we could not but make a most rich Voyage, and also meet again with the two small Ships which were gone from us: and that it was but six hundred leagues thither; and to go into England they had two thousand. And further that they should be most infamous to the world, that being within six hundred leagues of the place, which we so much desired, to return home again so far, being most infamous and beggarly. These persuasions took no place with them, but most boldly, they all affirmed, that they had sworn, they would never go again to the Straits; neither by no means would they. And one of the chiefest of their faction, most proudly and stubbornly uttered these words to my face, in presence of all the rest: which I seeing, and finding mine own faction to be so weak (for there were not any that favoured my part, but my poor cousin Lock, and the Master of the Mutineer punished. Ship) I took this bold companion by the bosom, and with mine own hands put a rope about his neck, meaning resolutely to strangle him, for weapon about me I had none. His companions seeing one of their chief champions in this case, & perceiving me to go roundly to work with him, they all came to the Master, and desired him to speak; affirming they would be ready to take any course that I should think good of. ay, hearing this, stayed myself, and let the fellow go: after which time, I found them something conformable, at least in speeches, though among themselves they still murmured at my intentions. Thus having something pacified them, and persuaded them, that by no means I would take no other course, then to go for the Straits, I took ashore with me thirty Soldiers, and my Carpenters, carrying fourteen days victual with me for them. Thus going ashore, I hailed up my Boat, to new build her in such sort, as she might be able to abide the Seas, leaving aboard all my sailors, and the rest, to rig the Ship, and mend sails, and to do other business. And now to let you know, in what case I lay ashore among these base men, you shall understand, that of these thirty there were very few of them, which had not rather have gone to the Portugals, then to have remained with me; for there were some, which at my being ashore, were making rafts to go over to the main, which was not a mile over, where the Portugals had continual watch of us, looking but for a fit opportunity to set upon us: being in this case, always expecting the coming of the Portugals, against whom I could have made no resistance, and further the treachery of some of my company, which desired nothing more, then to steal over, so to betray me, I protest, I lived hourly, as he that still expecteth death. In this case I made all the speed I could to make an end of my Boat, that we might be able to row her aboard, which in twelve days we mainly finished, which being done, I came aboard, and found all my business in good forwardness: so I determined with all possible speed to dispatch, and be gone for the Straits of Magellane. But ere ever we could get in all our water, and timber-wood, and other necessaires an Irish man (a noble villain) having made a raft, got over to the main, and told the Portugals which An Irish rascal and trai●or to his fellows. were there (watching nothing but an opportunity) that if they would go over in the night, they should find most of our men ashore, without weapon, and that they might do with them what they would: upon this, the next night, they came over, and having taken some of our men, they brought them where the rest lay, which they most cruelly killed, being sick men, not able to stir to help themselves. Those which were ashore, more than the sick men, had stolen out of the Ship, for it was all my care to keep them aboard, knowing well, that the Portugals sought to spoil us, the place being so fit for them, all overgrown with woods and bushes, as their Indians might go and spoil us with their arrows at their pleasures, and we not be able to hurt one of them. In the morning perceiving their coming, I sent my Boat ashore, and rescued all my healthful men, but five, which they found out in the night, without weapons to defend them: whereof (besides the loss of our men) we having but four sails, left one ashore, which was no small mishap among the rest. The Portugals went presently again over to the main, but left their Indians to keep in the bushes. About the watering-place, our men going ashore, were shot at, and hurt, and could by no means come to hurt them again, by reason of the wood, and bushes. Wherefore finding my men hurt, and that by no means I could do any thing there, without more loss of men Cap. Candishes weakness. (whereof I had no need) for I had not abou● ninety men left, or little over, notwithstanding my wants of wood and water, and my Boat (not being sufficiently mended) was in no possibility to do me pleasure, in this case was I forced to depart; fortune never ceasing to lay her greatest adversities upon me. But now I am grown so weak and faint, as I am scarce able to hold the pen in my hand: wherefore I must leave you to inquire of the rest of our most unhappy proceedings, but know this, that (for the Straits) I could by no means, get my company to give their consents to go. For after this misfortune, and the want of our sails (which was a chief matter they alleged) and to tell you truth, all the men left in the Ship, were no more than able to weigh our anchors. But in truth I desired nothing more, then to attempt that course, rather desiring to dye in going forward, then basely in returning back again; but God would not suffer me to dye so happy a man, although I sought all the ways I could, still to attempt to perform somewhat. For, after that by no means I saw they could be brought to go for the Straits, having so many reasonable reasons to allege against me, as they had: first, having but three sails, and the place subject to such furious storms, and the loss of one of these was death: and further, our Boat was not sufficiently repaired, to abide the Seas: and last of all, the fewness, and feebleness of our company (wherein we had not left thirty sailors) these causes being alleged against me, I could not well answer: but resolved them plainly, that to England I would never give my consent to go, and that (if they would not take such courses as I intended) I was then determined, that Ship and all should sink in the Seas together. Upon this, they began to be more tractable, and then I showed them, that I would beat for Saint Helena, and there, either to make ourselves happy, by mending, or ending. This course (in truth) pleased none of them, and yet seeing my determination, His purpose for. S. Helena. and supposing it would be more danger to resist me, then in seeming to be willing, they were at quiet, until I had beaten from 29. degrees, to the Southward of the Aequator to 20. At which time, finding that I was too far Northerly, to have good wind, I called them to tack about the Ship to the Southward again. They all plainly made answer, they would not, and that they had rather dye there, then be starved in seeking an Island, which (they thought) that way we should never get. What means I used to stand again to the Southward, I leave you to inquire of themselves: but from the latitude of 20. I beat back again into 28. with such contrary winds, as (I suppose) never man was troubled with the like, so long a time together. Being in this latitude, I found the wind favourable, and then I stood again to the Northward, willing the Master & his company to sail East North-east, and they in the night (I being a sleep) steered North-east, and mere Northerly. Notwithstanding all this most vile usage, we got within two leagues of the Island, and had the wind favoured us so, as that we might have stemmed from 18. degrees to 16. East North-east, we had found the Island: but it was not Gods will so great a blessing should befall Sailor's disobedience. me. Being now in the latitude of the Island, almost eighteen leagues to the Westward of it, the wind being continually at East Southeast, the most contrary wind that could blow: I presently made a survey of my victual, and found, that according to that proportion (which we then lived at) there was not left in the Ship eight week's victual; which being so far from relief, was (as I suppose) as small a portion, as ever men were at in the Seas. Scarcity of victual. Being so uncertain of relief, I demanded of them, whether they would venture (like good minded men) to beat to the Southward again, to get this Island, where we should not only relieve ourselves, but also to be in full assurance, either to sink, or take a Carrack: and that by this means, we would have a sufficient revenge of the Portugals, for all their villainies done unto v●: or that they would pinch, and ●ate half the allowance they had before, and so to go for England. They all answered me, they would pinch to death, rather than go to the Southward again. I knowing their dispositions, and having lived among them in such continual torment, and disquietness; and now to tell you of my greatest grief, which was the sickness of my dear kinsman john Locke, who by this time was grown in great weakness, by reason whereof, he desired rather quietness, and contenteduesse in our course, than such continual disquietness, which never ceased me. And now by this, what with Desperate thoughts. grief for him, and the continual trouble I endured among such hellhounds, my Spirits were clean spent; wishing myself upon any desert place in the world, there to dye, rather than thus basely to return home again: which course, I had put in execution, had I found an Island, which the Cards make to be in 8. degrees to the Southward of the line. I swear to you, I sought it with all diligence, meaning (if I had found it) to have there ended my unfortunate life. But God suffered not such happiness to light upon me, for I could by no means find it, so as I was forced to go towards England: and having gotten eight degrees by North the Line, I lost my most dearest cousin. Master Locke● death. And now consider, whether a heart made of flesh, be able to endure so many misfortunes, all falling upon me without intermission. I thank my God, that in ending of me, he hath pleased to rid me of all further trouble and mis-haps. And now to return to our private matters, I have made my Will, wherein I have given special charge, that all goods (whatsoever belong unto me) Cap. Candishe● Will. be delivered into your hands. For God's sake, refuse not to do this last request for me, I owe little, that I know of, and therefore it will be the less trouble: but if there be any debt, that (of truth) is owing by me, for God's sake, see it paid. I have left a space in the Will for another name, and (if you think it good) I pray take in my Cousin Henry Sack●ford. he will ease you much in many businesses. There is a Bill of Adventure to my Cousin Richard Locke (if it happen the other ship return home with any thing, as it is not impossible) I pray remember him, for he hath nothing to show for it. And likewise Master Heton the Customer of H●●pton, which is 50. pounds, and one Eliot of Ratcliff by London, which is 50. pounds more, the rest have all Bills of adventure, but the ruin in the victual, only two excepted, which I have written unto you. I have given Sir George Cary the Desire, if ever she return, for I always promised him her, if she returned, and a little part of her getting, if any such thing happen, I pray you see it performed. To use compliments of love (now at my last breath) were frivolous, but know: that I left none in England, whom I loved half so well as yourself: which you, in such sort deserved at my hands, as I can by no means requite. I have left all (that little remaining) unto you, not to be accountable for any thing. That which you will (if you find any overplus of remained, yourself specially being satisfied to your own desire) give unto my sister Anne Candish. I have written to no man living but yourself, leaving all friends and kinsmen, only reputing you as Mistress Ann● Candish. dearest. Commend me to both your brethren, being glad, that your brother Edward escaped so unfortunate a voyage. I pray give this Copy of my unhappy proceedings in this Action, to none, but only to Sir George Cary, and tell him, that if I had thought, the letter of a dead man would have been acceptable, I would have written unto him. I have taken order with the Master of my ship, to see his pieces of Ordnance delivered unto him, for he knoweth them. And if the Roebuck be not returned, then, I have appointed him to deliver him two brass pieces, out of this ship, which I pray see performed. I have now no more to say but take this last farewell. That you have lost the lovingest friend, that was lost by any. Commend me to your wife, no more, but as you love God, do not refuse to undertake this last request of mine. I pray forget not Master Carey of Cockingto●, gratify him with some thing: for he used me kindly at my departure. Bear with this scribbling: for I protest, I am scant able to hold a pen in my hand. CHAP. VII. The admirable adventures and strange fortunes of Master ANTONY KNIVET, which went with Master THOMAS CANDISH in his second voyage to the South Sea. 1591. §. I. What befell in their voyage to the Straits, and after, till he was taken by the Portugals. WE departed from Plymouth with five sail of ships, determining to go for the South Sea (the names of our Ships were these) the Gallion Leicester, which was our Admiral; the Roebuck, Vide-admiral; the Desire, the Da●tie, and the Black Pinnace. Six or seven days after that we were departed from the Coast of England, we met with nineteen sail of Flemings in the night. Not regarding what they were, our Vide-admiral took one of them, and all the rest escaped. In Flemish prize satisfied with English price. the morning the Master of our Flemish prize was brought before the General, and of him we had news of a fleet of ships, that was departed out of Lis●one for Brasile, the which news we were very glad of. The Flemish sh●p was laden with Salt, whereof the General took three ●unne for his provision. This Fleming also showed us a licence that he had to pass the Seas, vn●er her Maj flies hand and seal, the which as our General had seen he presently commanded, that every man should return all such things as they had taken from the Fleming, and he himself paid for the Salt that he had taken, and so we departed from them with a sa●e wind, holding our cour●● from the Coast of Portugal to the Lands of Canaria. Thus in twen●ie days we had sight of the said Lands, which when our General knew of ●roth to be the same, he co●m●nded his two smallest ships, the Dainty and the Black Pinnace, to be sent along the shore, to see if they could espy any Carvels fishing, or any ships between the Lands, and not descrying any thing, the next morning they returned back unto us. Under the Equinoctial ●●ne, we lay seven and twenty days driving too and fro without puff of wind: In which time most of our men fell sick of the Scurvy by reason of the extreme heat of the Sun, and the vapours of the night; notwithstanding our great danger of sickness did S●orbuto. not appause the hardness of our hearts, being in as great extremity as ever men were, it happened that two men of japon which the General had taken in his first voyage (be●ring envy to a poor Portugal that went with us from Plymouth, accused him to the General) having before Iapand●rs. conspired his death in this sort: The General being at dinner, these two japoners came to his Cabb●n, telling their tale so loud that every one might hear the report (which was thus) that the Portugal of the ship was a Traitor, and that he had often given them counsel to run away wi●h him at Brasil: moreover (quoth he) if it so had pleased God we had taken the Town of Portugal hanged. Santos, as our General had pretended, from thence that he would guide them to the South Sea, where they should be well rewarded for their intelligence; upon the which accusations, the poor Portugal was hanged. And as for his going from Santos by land through America, to the South Sea, had been a thing impossible, for the Country is all Wilderness, and full of Savages. After we had been so long becalmed under the Line, we had a fair Northwest wind, and in twenty days sail we had sight of Land on the coast of Brasile, but no man knew certainly what part it should be. At length coming near the shore, we espied two small ships, the one Brasil. of them we took, the other escaped; that we took was laden with Blackamoors, and some merchandise; they came from Fernambaquo, and were determined to ●aue gone to the River of Plate. By the Pilot of this ship we knew we were at Cape Frio, that is, Cold Cape. This Cape Cape Frio lieth twelve leagues from the River of jenero, and thirty leagues from Santos, which was the Town we meant to take. In this ship we took a Friar that hid himself in a Chest of meal; the night following by the directions of our new taken Pilot, we came to a place called Ilha Grande, twelve leagues from Santos, at this place we took five or six houses with Portugals and Savages of the Country. Here we had good store of Potatoes, and Plantons, diverse kinds of Ilha Grande. good roots, with some Hogs and Hens, which was very good and comfortable for the refreshing of our men. Here we had such disorder amongst ourselves, that if the Portugals had been of any courage, they might have killed many of us, for our men would fight for their victuals as if Portentous pr●sage● of ill ●nd from so ill beginning. they had been n● christian's but jews, and they that got the best, would get them into some hole, or into the Wilderness under some Tree, and there they would remain as long as they had meat. For mine own part (there was such sharking) I could in that place get neither meat nor money, and pure hunger compelled me to go into the Woods, to see if we could kill any thing with our p●eces, or if we could find some Potatoes. And as we went, we encountered with seven or eight of our company, that were together, by the 〈…〉 es abou● a Hog they had killed, and the strife was, who should▪ have the best share, we coming in at that time, when every one used their fists, stole away a quarter, and went a good way into the Wilderness, where we were merry for that night; the next day we came back ●g●ine with good store of Potato roots; and going into the house where the General's musicians were, we found them dressing of eight young Whelps for their dinner; we giving them of our roots they were contented that we should dine with them. In the afternoon we set fire on a new ship, and burned all the houses, leaving the Merchant and all his Moors ashore, we departed from thence, and having a fair wind about six of the clock we came to the Island of San Sebastian, where we anchored, being five leagues from Santos. Saint Sebastian. As soon as the ships were in the 〈◊〉, every Master and Captain came aboard of the General, to know how he pretended to take the Town of Santos, and they all resolved that our long Boat and our Shallop only with one hundred men was enough for the taking of it. F●● the Portugal Pilot told us, that it was of no strength. On Christmas-eve about ten a clock in the night, when the Boats were to go ashore there were so many that would ha●e gone, that we began to fight and cast one another overboard into the Sea; but as soon as our General Unruly demeanour. heard the noise, he commanded every man to come aboard the ship again. I fearing the General, and being desirous to go ashore with the first (for I had seen before that they which came last got nothing) crept under the seat of our Shallop, where I was for the space of two hours, and the Boat being full of men, I could not get out, but there had been smothered, if it had not been for William Waldren that was our Boatsman, and steered the Boat, who hearing me cry under him, tore up the boards, and saved my life. About three a clock in the morning, we met with a Canoa (which is a Boat that they make of a whole Tree) in which we took four Portugals and two Women; the one of them was going to be married that morning. After we had taken this Boat we went close to the shore; and having tarried for our Boat an hour, we heard the Portugals ring a Bell, presently jasper jorge the Portugal Pilot told us, that now was the time to land, for he knew by that Bell that they were in the middle of their Mass, and at that instant the Friar was holding up the Bread of Sacrament before the people to worship it. He had no sooner spoke, but we were all on shore, and so marching to the Church, we took Santos take●. every man's sword without resistance, and there we remained till it was seven of the clock, for the coming of our long Boat, and the rest of our company (for we were but twenty three in all) and we durst not take sack of the Town with so few. By that means some of the Portugals that were in their houses escaped with their persons and money. Here was good store of victual and great store of Succats, Sugars, and Cassavie meal, of the which we made very good bread. In the Church there were three hundred men beside women and children. as soon as we had taken the sack of the Town, and placed all our men in order, word was sent to our General of all that had been done. After the General had sent answer again to the Town, all the Portugals were set at liberty, and we fortified ourselves in the Town, keeping only seven or eight of the chiefest and principal prisoners, Master Cook Captain of the Vide-admiral, went Captain of all the company that went ashore; he favoured me very much, and commanded me to take a Friar's Cell to lodge in, in the College of jesus, where he himself lodged with many Captains and young Gentlemen. It was my chance going up and down from Cell to Cell, that I looked under a bed standing in a dark hole, where I found a little chest fast nailed, and the Ho● Anthonis Knivet found a chest of silver. seams thereof were white with wheat flower. I drew it forth, and finding it of great weight, broke it in pieces, wherein I found 1700. R●als of eight, each whereof containeth four shillings English. This hole I took for my lodging, and no man knew of my good purchase; cloth, shirts, blankets, and beds, and such stuff no man regarded. The next day following, being S. Stevens day, the Portugals gave us a false alarm; the General came also with all the ships into the Road, and presently landed with two hundred men, and commanded all the outward part of the Town to be burned. Then he gave order for the building of a Pinnace to row with twenty Oars, and commanded all the ships that were in the Harbour to be set on fire. At this Town we took an English man, called john King, which had john King English man. Jesuits College. been there fifteen years. Our General lay in the College of jesus all the time that we were at Santos. This College had many back-wayes to the Seaside, and it happened one night, that two Savages being abused by the Portugals ran away, and knowing the passages of the College, came in the night to the General's bedside, and brought with them Turkeys and Hens: The The General by two savages first scared, and after instructed. General being awaked by them cried out for help. One of them that could speak Portugal, fell down on his knees, and said, that he came to cra●●e his favour; and not to offend him. The morning following the General had discourse with these two Savages, and by them he knew of what strength the Portugals camp was, and how that at his going out of the Town they were determined to give battle: likewise they told him of three great bags of money, and a jar, that was hid under the root of a Fig tree, and guided us where we had three hundred head of cattle, which served us all the time we were there. The Dainty being a small ship made a good voyage to Santos, for she came in before any of our fleet, by the which means they laded her with Sugar, and good commodities of the Portugals ships that were in the Harbour; this ship went voluntarily with us, and having made a good voyage, the Captain told the General that he would return for England, the General answered, The Dainty would have returned from Santos to England. that he was determined to send him into the River of Plate, and then with all his heart he should return. We continued two months at Santos, which was the overthrow of our voyage. In the time that we were there many Cannibals came unto us, desiring the General that he would destroy the Portugals, and keep the Country to himself, protesting to be all on his side; the General thanked them for their kindness, and told them that at that time he had a farther pretence. We found store of gold in this Town, that the Indians had brought from a place, called by the Indians, Mutinga, and now the Portugals have mines there. Many of our company counselled Mutinga mines. the General to winter at this Town, but he would not by any means. From our first setting forth from England, till we came to Santos, I had great love to Christopher the japon, because I found his experience to be good in many things. This Indian and I grew into such friendship one with another, that we had nothing betwixt us unknown I●panders perfidy. together. I a long time having found him true, I told him of the money I had found under the Friar's bed; with that he told me of some money that he had got, and we swore to part half from thenceforth whatsoever God should permit us to obtain: some four days after that, when we were ready to depart, he told me that that time of the year was past, wherefore it was best to hide our money in the ground, and remain in the Country. I believing his persuasions, agreed to do what he thought best; thus we determined both, that the same day we were to go a shipboard, that then he should take all the money in a Canoa, and hide it by a River side; in the morning I delivered all the money into his hands, and he swore that in less than two hours he would return, but I stayed above five hours, and might have tarried all my life, for he was gone aboard the Ship, afterward by good means I got mine own again, and so our former friendship was parted. Our men marched by Land from Santos, to another Town called San Uincent, and in the way our men burned five Engenios', or Sugar-mils, the disorder of our men was such at their embarking, that if the Portugals had been of any courage, S. Vincent. they might easily have cut our throats, the two Indians which came at night to the General's chamber went with us to the Straits. We departed from Santos, with a fair wind for the straits of Magellan, fourteen days we had fair weather, the fifteenth day all the Masters and Captains of the fleet coming aboard, the Admiral won a great sum of money. Two days after we were becalmed, and the Pilots taking their height, found it to be in the altitude with the River of Plate. And we being far from the shore did bear room for Land, determining to send the Dainty, the Black Pinnace, and the into the aforesaid River of Plate, but it was not the will of God that we should execute our pretence. For the same day we thought to have descried Land, the wind began to blow South-west, and the Seas were very dark, swelling in waves so high, that we At the river of Plate we had a great storm. In this storm the Crow a small Boat of 20. tun sunk before our eyes, with twelve men & a boy. The Roebuck lost her boat with two men, and we lost ours with three men. And at the Straits we took the Desires long Boat for the Admiral. Murmuring. could not perceive any of our accompanied ships, although we were very near one to another, the Seas broke over the Poop of our ship, and washed our men astonished with fear into the Skippers, the Roebuck in this storm ran her against our Poop, and broke down all our Gallery: all things were cast into the Sea that stood above Hatches, here miserable Fortune began to frown on us all, especially on me, for all that I had, both in clothes and money, were cast into the Sea, all our ship with the Seas that broke over her sides. Here our General showed himself to be of a noble courage, for he did nothing but run up and down encouraging his men which were all amazed, thinking that to be their last hour, this storm continued three days, in which time we lost most of our sails blown away from the yards. It was the will of God, that after we had been three days in the storm, the wind ceased, but the Seas continued so great, that we were not able to bear any sail. We lying thus tossed with Seas, without sight of any of our fleet, the company murmured, and wished themselves again at Santos, and indeed we all thought that the rest of our company were driven back with the storm to the Coast, thinking it best for us to return again. The General hearing what speeches passed in the ship, came forth upon the half deck, and commanded all the company to come before him, and after he had heard them speak, he answered that he had given directions to all the Masters and Captains of the fleet, that what weather soever should part them, that they should use their endeavour to take Port Desire, and that they should tarry a fortnight, so if none of the company came, they should leave some mark on the shore, and go on their Voyage, with that every man was satisfied, the General promising twenty pounds to whomsoever could first spy a sail, we made our course to Port Desire, and in ten days we safely arrived at our desired Port, where we found all our fleet but the Dainty, which was no little comfort to us all, because the Port Desire. time of our year was almost past, we stayed here but two days taking a few Penguins, from an Island right before Port Desire. When we came to the mouth of the Straits we found the wind contrary, and were forced to lie beating before the Harbour of Port Famine, three days ere we could double that Cape, Magellan Straits. Port Famine. for many times we did cast anchor without the Cape in twenty fathoms water, but on a sudden, the current would carry away the ships with Cables and Anchors afloat in the night, in this current the Roebuck driven with the current, fell cross over the haze, there we had no other Current. remedy, but were forced to cut our cables, and so lose our Anchors. In the end with much ado we doubled the Cape, and got into Port Famine, where we lay a seven-night for want of wind and weather to go forward. It the time that we were at Port Famine, every day our men went on shoáre, to get Muscles and Fruits of the Country to eat, and the bark of a tree that was like Cinnamon. One day the Boat being ashore, there came to us above a thousand Cannibals naked, with feathers in their hands, but they would not come so near us, as we could Bark like Cinnamon. Naked Savages. touch them. If we offered them any thing, they would reach to us with a long Pole, and whatsoever we gave them, they would return us feathers for it, we made our signs to them for victuals, and they would show us by signs, that they had none, but what they could kill with their Darts. I have told you how my chest, and all my clothes were cast overboard, now coming to this cold Climates, and wanting clothes my hope of life was little, for here men were well at morning, and by night frozen to death. It was my fortune to go ashore to get some food, for the allowance of our ship was little, and coming aboard again with my feet wet, and wanting shift of clothes, the next morning I was numbed, that I could not stir my legs, Miserable co●d and pulling off my stockings, my toes came with them, and all my feet were as black as soot, Anthony Knivet lost his toes in the Straits. and I had no feeling of them. Then was I not able to stir. Thus I continued for the space of a fortnight, till we came into a fair Bay, where there were many fair Lands, and on the rocks of some of these Lands, we found Scouts made of the barks of trees, and afterwards we found many Indians, but none of them would come to us. On the South-west side of the Main we found a River, which we thought had gone to the Straight and deep River. Muscles with Pearls. South Sea: Our long Boat was sent up this River, and found it to be very straight and deep. On the sides thereof they found great Muscles, and in them good store of Pearls, and we named it the River of Pearls; the Bay had the name of the Master of our Pinnace, because he first found it and did discover it, called it Tobias Bay. From this place we went further into the straits having the wind against us, and with the cold there died every day out of our ship eight or nine men. Here one Harris a Goldsmith lost his Nose: for going to blow it with his fingers, cast it Harris his hard hap. into the fire. This john Chambers, Caesar Ricasen, and many that are now in England can testify. The General having experience, that the wind would tarry at the least two months, his men died so fast, that he thought best to return for the Coast of Brasill, and there to separate our fleet to the Havens, of Santos that lie on the Coast, River of jennary, Spirito Santo, determining by this means, to furnish himself with Ropes, Sails, and Victuals of such prices as he How we returned from the straits of Magellan. General Candish cometh again to Port Famine, where bee setteth eight men on shore and would have set me on shore with them, had it not been for Captain Cock. How I got feeling again of my limbs after we came out of the straits. did not doubt but to take, and likewise determining to take Santos again. The General came back with this pretence for Brasill, came to Port Famine, where we anchored two days, and there took a note of all his men, that were living, and finding some of them very sick, commanded them to be set on shore, I was so ill in the straits that no man thought I would have lived, and twice I was brought upon the Hatches to be cast into the Sea; but it was the will of God, that when they had said Prayers, as they accustomed when any man died, and that they laid hands on me to cast me overboard, I spoke, desiring them not to cast me overboard, till I was dead. At this Port Famine coming back, the General would have set me on shore, but Captain Cock entreated for me; so I remained in the ship. I had very sorry clothes, the toes of my feet full of Lice, that (God is my record) they lay in clusters within my flesh, and of many more besides myself; I had no cabin, but lay upon a chest. Now we come out of the Straits with all our fleet, but the Dainty that lost us in the River of Plate, in the storm that we had, and the Crow that was sunk. After that we came out of the Straits, we came before Port Desire again, and there our Boats went to Penguin Island for Penguins; at this place the General took a Chirurgeon who cured with words; This man coming aboard our ship, said some words over my feet, and I had feeling in my legs and feet which I had lost before, for the space of a fortnight, many times before this man came, I had hot Irons laid to my feet, but I had no feeling were they never so hot. That day that we departed from Port Desire, the General sent for all the Masters of the ships, and commanded them that till midnight they should keep there course with him, and that when he should show them two lights, than they should cast about and bear in with the shore, but Davis' which was Captain of the Desire, and Toby Master of the Pinnace did deceive us, and went for the Straits, as I was informed afterwards by some of there men that were taken at How the Desire and the Black Pinnosse goeth away from us. Brasill, after that I was taken. Three or four days after this we had a great storm, in the which the Roebuck lost her main Mast, and we lost her. Now were we all alone in a great ship, and we knew not what we were best to do, but in the end we determined to come for Santos, hoping there to find the rest of our company. In this storm I sat on a chest, and was not Of a great storm we had coming back. able to stir, for still as the ship seeled on one side, the chest went from starboard to larboard, and it was the will of God, that it fell between a piece of Ordnance, and the Carpenter's cabin on the one side, and on the other side between another Piece, and the Surgeon's cabin. Thus all the night I lay very cold, and it was the will of God that the chest never turned over, for if it had, I could not have escaped death, the next day the storm ceased, and most of our young Sailors, which we call men of top a yard, being wearied with their night's work that was past, were under Hatches asleep, and would not come up to do some business that was to be done. With that the General came down, with the end of a Rope as big as mine arm, and one of the Sailors hid himself behind me; the General spying him, struck at him, and hit me on the side of the head, and half an hour after, finding me in the same case that the General had left How the General strooke me dead against his will. me in, they took me, and would have cast me out of one of the parts of the ship, but it was the will of God that I spoke and was saved. Here one of the Indians that came to the General in the night at Santos, fell overboard by a mischance and was drowned. We with much ado in the end got to the Harbour of Santos, where we found none of our company, we anchored right before a Sugar-mill, that stood hard by the Sea side, the General asked They come to Santos again. if there were any that would go ashore, then Captain Stafford, Captain Southwell, and Captain Barker offered themselves to go on shore, and twenty more with them, the Boat that they went in was made of Sugar chists and barrel boards, they landed and took the Sugar-mill, at the which they took a great Bark, and sent it laden with victuals, aboard our ship, which was more welcome unto us then if it had been gold. Here we continued all that day, and the next day they sent the great Boat again laden with Sugars and Guinee Wheat, than the General sent them word that they should come away, but they sent him word again, that they had more provision on shore, and before all was aboard they would not come. The third day, that our men were on shore, the Portugal set on them. They had the little Boat ashore, The Portugals kill our men. See Cap. Candish before. but the wind being from shore, the great Boat went not from the ship side that day, the next day that our men were slain, our long Boat went ashore, and brought us news how the little Boat was broke and how all our men were gone. One of the Indians that I have told you of landed here with our men, and having experience of the Country, when our men were in the hottest of their fight ran away, having one Arrow shot thorough his neck, and another in his mouth and out at his pole, this Indian swam aboard unto us upon a log, and told us that all our men were slain. The General thought good to go from hence to the Island of San Sebastian, and there if he S. Sebastian. did not meet with some of the ships, that then he would return for England, the same day that we were to depart from Santos, the Roebuck passed by the mouth of the River of Bertia: where The Roebuck come to us at Santos. we were, and shot a Piece, and we answered with another, than the Roebuck came into us with her Masts broken. After the Roebuck came to us, we went nearer the Town, determining to have beaten down the Town with our Ordnance, but wanting water, the Gallion Leicester touched ground, and we had much ado to get her clear again. Then we landed eighty of our men, at a small River near the Town, where we had great store of Mandiora Roots, Potatoes, Plantons, and Pine Apples. The Portugals seeing our men going into the River, sent six Canoas' to meet them, we seeing them, made a shot at them with the chain of our Pump, with that they returned, and our Boats came safely aboard with good store of the aforenamed Roots. In our ship there was a Portugal whom we took in the ship taken at Cape Frio, this Portugal went Portugal's advice. with us to the Straits of Magellanus, and seeing of our overthrow, told us of a Town called Spirito Sancto, this Portugal said that we might go before the Town with out ships, and that without danger, we might take many Sugar-mils, and good store of cattle. The words of this Portugal made us break off our pretence that we had for San Sebastian, and we went to Spirito Sancto, in eight days we got before the mouth of the Harbour; at length Spirito Santo. we came to an Anchor in the Road, and presently we sent our Boats to sound the Channel, and we found not half the depth that the Portugal said we should find, the General thinking that Portugal hanged. the Portugal would have betrayed us without any trial caused him to be hanged, ●he which was done in a trise. Here all the Gentlemen that were living, desired that they might go ashore to take the Town. The General was very unwilling, & told them of diverse inconveniences, but all would not suffice them, they were so importunate, that the General chose out one hundred and twenty men, of the best that were in both the ships, and sent Captain Morgan a singular good Land-souldier, and Lieutenant Royden, for choice Commanders in this action. They landed before a small Fort with one of the Boats, and drove the Portugals out of it, the other Boat went higher, when they had a very hot skirmish, and their lives were quickly shortened, for they landed on a Rock, that stood before the Fort, as they leapt out of the Boat, they slid all armed into the Sea, and so most of them were drowned. To be short we lost eighty men, at this place, and of the forty that returned, there came not one without an Arrow or two in his body, 80. men slain: 40. wounded. and some had five or six. When we saw we could do no good at this place, we determined to come again for the Island of San Sebastian, and there we meant to burn one of our ships, and from thence we determined to go for the Straits again, the company that was in the Roebuck, hearing of it, in the Robucke fleeth. night run away from us, and we were left alone again, well we came to San Sebastian Island, all this while I lay under Hatches lame, sick, and almost starved: I was not able to stir, I was S. Sebastian. so weak. After we came to this Island, the first thing that was done, the sick men were set on shore to shift for themselves, twenty of us were set on shore, all were able to go up and down although very weakly, but (I alas!) my toes were raw, my body was black, I could not speak nor stir. In this case I was laid by the shore side, and thus I remained from five of the clock Anthony Knivet left for dead. in the morning, till it was between eleven and twelve of the clock, that the Sun came to his highest, and the extreme heat of the Sun pierced through my body, whereby I came to myself, as a man awaked from sleep; and I saw them that were set on shore with me, lie dead and a dying round about me: these men had eaten a kind of Pease, that did grow by the Sea side Venomous Pease. which did poison them. When I saw all these men dead, I praised God that had rid them out of their miserable estate, and cursed my hard fortune, that Death itself did refuse to end my tormented and most miserable life. I looked towards the shore, and saw nothing but these Pease, and if I did eat them, I was sure of death, if I did not eat them, I saw no remedy but to starve. Seeing in this manner, I looked towards the ship, to see if the Boat came ashore, but (alas) all my hopes were with speed to end my life, but that it was the will of God, I saw things stir by the Sea side, and it was a great ebb: then I went creeping on my hands and my feet like a child, and when I had gotten to the Sea side, I saw many Crabs lie in the holes of the mud. I pulled off one of my stockings, and filled it with Crabs, and as well as I could, I carried them to a hollow fig tree, where I found a great fire made, so casting them on the coals, I did eat them, and so I lay down to sleep till the next day; and then I watched for the ebb to get some more meat. Thus I lived eight or nine days without sight of any man, the stink of some of the dead men that the Sea came not to, was so noisome that I was fain to remove from that place, and as I went along the shore to seek some place to abide in, I passed by a fair River that went into the Sea; where I thought it good to make my abode because of the fresh water, I had not been there scarce the space of half a quarter of an hour, but I saw a great thing come out Kniuet●er●●●●d ●er●●●●d w 〈…〉 ha 〈◊〉 〈…〉st 〈…〉 me ●ut 〈◊〉 the water. of the water, with great scales on the back, with great ugly claws and a long tail; this beast came towards me, and I had not the power to shun it, but as it came towards me I went and ●et it, when I came near it, I stood still amazed to see so monstrous a thing before me. Hereupon this beast stood still and opened his mouth, and thrust out a long tongue like a Harpingiron. I commended myself to God, and thought there to have been torn in pieces, but this beast turned again, and went into the River, and I followed to the Rivers ●ide. The next day I went farther into the Island, fearing to tarry in this place, and I found a great Whale lying on the shore like a ship with the keel upwards, all covered with a kind of short moss with the long lying there. At this place I made a little house, and fed on the Whale for the space of a fortnight. In this time the General set forty men more ashore, at the place where I Whale. was set first on land, likewise the General trimmed his Boat at this place, and had a Net continually a fishing, of which john Chambers his Cook had charge, who is this day living in London. After that these men came ashore, I left the place where I was with the Whale, and came to our men and lived with them, being at this time reasonable well, and able to go very well, for the use of going into the Sea did heal my toes. After these men had been on shore seven or eight days, we had taken wood and water for the ship, the Portugals of the River of january, landed on the North point of the Island hard by the Whale, they took two of our men and one escaped, who came to us in the night, and told us that the Portugals and the Savages were landed. That day we had taken a great Tortoise ashaore, and we did bid the Sailor to be of good cheer, for if it were true, it was the better for us, for we were sure, that the General would not take us again into the ship, with that we all commended ourselves to God, and drank to our friends in fair water, and so we determined to march along the shore with a white shirt instead of a flag of truce, but the Sea was so high that we could not, than we determined to watch quarterly, till such time as we could espy them, I had the first watch, and watched till I was weary, so called one of my fellows, to watch, and lie answered angrily, Tut, 'tis a lie: with that I lay down by the fire as well as the rest. Before I was asleep, the Portugals were at our door, than I started They are taken and slain. up, and one of them took me by the leg, presently we were all led to the shore side, there all that were taken with me, were knocked on the heads with firebrands, the Indian that had hold of me, struck twice or thrice at me with a short Bill, but I striving, cried out in Portugal, He escapeth. That if they would save me I would tell them news, with that a Portugal passed by, an I caught hold of him, so well as I could I told him a Tale which saved my life at that time, this Portugal gave me again to a Savage, & I cried to him that I would go wheresoever he went than he bid me not fear, for that Savage was his slave, and that he would carry me to the Captain, so I was content perforce to go I knew not whether, this Cannibal carried me along the ashore, and when we came where any Rocks reached into the Sea; he would take me on his back, and swim with me round about the Rocks, till we were free from the Rocks, thus we went almost all night, till at length we came by a great Cliff that stood by the shore. Then the Savage whistled, and another Savage answered him from the Cliff, whereupon five or six Portugals came forth, and amongst them came the Captain with a piece of bread and Marmallet in his hand, and as soon as he saw me, he asked me what news, I answered that I was very hungry, and desired him that he would give me some meat, and then I would tell him all the news that I could, with that all the Portugals broke out in a laughter, and gave me bread and fish to eat, after I had eaten that which they had given me, I told them the truth of all that they asked me, here they killed eight and twenty of our men, and saved only myself, and Henry Barrawell, who was saved by my means. §. II. ANTHONY KNIVET his coming to the R of janero, and usage amongst the Portugals, and Indians: his diverse travels thorough diverse Regions of th●se parts. THe next day our ship weighed Anchor, and whether she went I knew not, we were carried by the Portugals to the River of janero, I went with a Mestizo, which is half a Portugal, and half a Savage that saved my life in the night w●en I was taken. When we came to the City of San Sebastian in the River of janero, the Portugals in the Canoas', made such a noise, with Pipes and Drums, that all the people of the City came to shore to see us, with that the Canoas' going round, as if they were in fight, two Portugals took me, and cast me towards the shore, saying, here is our prize; the tide being strong carried me to the main, where I had been drowned had it not been for a woman, who seeing the tide carry me away, sent two or three slaves, and they saved me. When I came ashore, all the Portugals were at the Church of our Lady, and I would have gone into the Church, but the Portugals would not let me, saying, that I was not a Christian. Then I was brought before the Governor, and he gave me to the man that had saved me, and I was very well contented, for he used me very kindly as I came with him from the Island of San Sebastian. For the space of three months that I was with this man, I kept a house, and went to the Seaside with his Hogs, and there I every day brought him home a basket of great Crabs that lie in the holes of the mud, as deep as you can thrust in your arm. This w●s a good life, my Master called me son, and I dined and supped with him: also I had a hanging Net to lie in, and lay in the same room which he lay in. It happened one day being by the Seaside washing of little Dogs, there came a Canoa full of Portugals, and they took me to the Town with them, but as soon as I landed I remembered my Master's house and ran to it. As I went I met with Henry Barway: the next day the Governor Henry Barway. sent for me and examined me what I was, I told him that I was a poor ship boy, with that Henry Barway reproved me, ask what I meant to say so to the Governor; I replied, that I was no other but what I had told him, than the Governor commanded me to be carried to the Sugar mill, where I was three months, till all the clothes that I had were torn in pieces, with He is sent to a Sugar-mill. working in a Bark going day and night up and down for Sugar canes and wood for the Mill; the miserable life that I was in made me careless what I did. I had neither meat nor clothes, but blows as many as Galley slaves. Then I determined to run away into the Wilderness, for I was ashamed to be seen naked of the Portugals. I made me a Cottage in a great Cave in the Wilderness, He fleeth. where I was seven months. In the day I fished for to live, and in the night I came to some Indians houses, and for fish they gave me Cassavie meal, and many kinds of Roots, that served me for bread. In the end the Governor caused me to be sought out, and gave me a suit of blue clothes, and commanded me to work in a Garden, where I carried earth, and digged the ground to plant Cabidges and Turnips. After that I was commanded again to take charge of the Sugar boat, where I was worse used than ever I was before, for the Factor was a man that hated English men, and would use me more like a Dog then a Man. When I had continued four months in the Bark, it happened that one of the Governors' sons, called Martin de Saa, came from Spirito Santo. This man pitying my poor and miserable life, desired his father that he would give me unto him, which his His new Master. father granted, and I was very well used of my new Master, two years after I had served him. It happened that he and his Mother in law fell out, whereupon the Governor his father sent him to a Town, called Wyanasses, which were in peace with the Portugals, and for Knives and Wyanasses. Hatchets, they sell their Wives and Children. This journey I went with him, and we came to a Town called jawarapipo (that is to say) Is this the Dog? He seeing me forward to do him service, jawarapipo. sent me from this Town with eight of his slaves laden with Hatchets and Knives, to another kind of Cannibals, called Pories, which had been likewise friends with the Portugals, but it was long before any Portugal had been there, I came to the Town of Pories, where I was Pories. saluted in this sort. As soon as I came into a great house, which I thought was their Kings, which they call Morovichava; presently, they had hanged up a fair Net between two posts, in the which I was commanded to sit down, and as soon as I was set, there came at the least twenty women, and Strange entertainment of strangers. some laying their heads on my shoulders, and others on my knees, they began to cry out making such a piteous noise, that I was amazed: yet I determined to sit still till they had done. As soon as the women were gone, an old man came in, all painted with red and black, and he had three great holes in his face, one in the under lip, and one on either side of his mouth, and in every hole stood a fair green stone. This Cannibal came through the house where I was, with a wooden sword in his hand, and as he came he spoke very loud, and looked as though he had been mad, striking his hand on his breast, and on his thighs; still crying out, he walked up and down. After this Savage had ended his speech, he struck me on the head, and bade me welcome; and commanded such things as were in his house to be set before me to eat. After I had been there two or three hours, news went through all the Town of my being there, and from this Town to others that were bard by. Whilst I continued in this Town a Savage called Way●●●buth, who bore a great grudge to His danger by a Savage. the Portugals, came where I was, with two women, and when he came into the house where I was, he laid his hands on their necks, and so came dancing before me, thus after he had danced some quarter of an hour, he spoke to me, saying, Dost thou see th●se women, by my valour I g●t their loves, and now their desire I am sworn to fulfil, which is to kill thee, as I have done many more. I answered him that I came not as an enemy against him, or any of his, but as a friend that brought him many things that I was assured he wanted, and that if nothing would satisfy him but my life, I assured him, that he and all his Country would pay for it. To this he made no answer, but went to separate my things that lay by me to his Concubines, withal I started out of my bed, and took my sword in my hand, and thrust the Cannibal from my things, that I had almost overturned him, and he durst not touch them nor me any more, but stood railing, and threatening to kill me, and with the noise that he made, the old man came into the house, and seeing me stand with my sword in my hand, asked me what was the matter, and I told him all that had passed betwixt me and the foresaid Cannibal. After he had heard me, he turned to the Cannibal that had offered me abuse, and asked him what reason he had to do him so great a discredit, and to meddle with any friend of his in his Town, and angrily commanded him to avoid his Town, if not he would make him repent that ever he came thither; with that, for fear of afterclaps, he went away with his Concubines: the next morning news came to the Town, that Wa●ambuth was coming with three hundred Cannibals, and that perforce he would have me to his Town, and that there I should be killed according to the order of the Country; and how he left order with his wives to prepare wine through all the Towns in readiness. When the old man heard of this, he presently commanded all his people to take their weapons, and desired them to go with him into the field to meet them that were coming to wrong him; whereat they all gave a great hoop, saying, that they would all die rather than they would be disgraced. The old man embraced me many times, and desired me that I would Hospital fidelity in Savages. tarry in his house. I thanked him for his love, and told him that in any wise I would not tarry behind him; so I went with him to meet the Cannibal in the field; we being a great many more than they, they sent three or four unto us as messengers, that they came to be merry, and to buy and sell such things as they had, than the old man gave leave for them all to come into his Town, except the Cannibal that had misused him the day before; that night I gave all my merchandise to the old man, and desired him for it, that he would cause me to be conducted out of his Country: the next day following the old man gave me seventy slaves, and caused three hundred Bow men to go with me till I was past the River of Paraeyva; from whence they returned to River Paraeyva. their Town, and in forrie days journey with ease I came again to Ilha Grande, where I found my Master, Martin de Saa, who was v●ry glad of my return, and for recompense of my pains, he promised me one of them to be my slave, bu● when he came to the River of janero, he sold them, and gave me nothing. After we had been at home two months, he would have sent me again into the savage country for more slaves, but I knew that thereby I should get nothing and refused to go. Whereupon he returned me again to his father, thinking I would rather choose to go then serve his He returneth to his o●d Master. father in the Sugar boat. But I was contented to go again to his father, hoping to be better used than I was before: then his father commanded me to go a fishing in a small boat, for to make oil for the Sugar m●ll. One night being upon a Rock fishing for Dogfish, which the Portugals Endangered by a Shark. call Tubarones'; I took my line, laid it under me and fell asleep: about midnight with the beginning of the flood a Dogfish took my hook, and the line being under me, I awaked, took the line in my hand, and running about the Rock (I know not how) the line tangled about my ●egge, and the fish drew me into the Sea; and as soon as I fell into the water the Shark swum at me as if he would have devoured me, but as soon as I saw him come near me, I caught hold on the hook that was in his mouth, and striking downwarke with my hand the Shark swum away again. I now remembered a knife, that I had about my neck tied with a string, as the Cannibals use, and there with cut the cord, or else there had I ended all my miseries; all my body was torn with the Crags of the Rock, so that for the space of a fortnight I was not able to stir. After I was healed the Governor commanded me again to go a fishing: we had news in the R●uer of janero that Master Hawkins was at Cape Fri●, which made me the more desirous to Master Hawkins at Cape Fri●. be on the Coast in hope to get to him. It happened that one day being a fishing by an Island that lay two leagues from the shore, Master Hawkins passed by the Sea as far as well he could be descried, but it was a very fair day: as soon as I saw the ships I set the Indians that were with me on shore on the Island, commanding them to seek provision for us for that night I did assure myself that Master Hawkins would refresh his men at the Island of San Sebastian, and seeing the Another double disaster of sense and loss● wind fair, and all the Indians ashore, I hoisted sail, and took my course towards the Island of San Sebastian, but fortune was so cross to me, that being in sight of the ships, a contrary wind blue with such a storm, that perforce I was driven upon an Island so full of Rocks, that my Boat was broken all in pieces, and myself all cut and bruised with the Rocks. Getting to the shore upon this Island I remained three days without meat, or means to get away from the Island, the Indians that landed upon the Island where we were a fishing, got to the Town and told the Governor how I had beguiled them. Presently upon that news the Governor sent two Canoas' to descry the ships, these Canoas' came on shore at the Island where I was, and there they found me almost starved, and all my face hurt beaten upon the Rocks. From this place they went to the Island of San Sebastian, and Master Hawkins was gone; then they returned again to the River of janero, and I was brought bound with my hands behind me, all the Town railed at me, calling me Runaway, than I was brought before the Governor, and he looking very angrily upon me sent me to prison, where I was used like a Dog for the space His imprisonment. of a fortnight: for I lay on the ground, and had no meat given me, but Cassavi meal and water. After I had endured this misery, I was condemned to be hanged for a Runaway and a Lutheran, Condemnation to be hanged. Jesuits save him! and as I was going by the College of jesus, all the Friars of the College came forth with a great Crucifix, and falling on their knees before the Governor they craved pardon for me, and I was carried again to prison, where I remained three days longer, than I was brought forth on a Market day, with my hands and feet bound, and there in public beaten with cords, that I had not a whole spot of skin on all my body. After they had punished me, as you have heard, I was commanded to be put again in prison, where I was for the space of a fortnight, with no meat Imprisoned again. but Cassavi meal and water, my lodging was the earth, my body was all bruised and full of worms with lying on the ground. After this the Governor commanded great hoops of Iron to be clinched to my leg, of thirty pound weight, the which I carried nine months, continually working in the Sugar mill like a bondslave. The Factor used me more like a Dog then a Man, for his hatred was so much to me, and to all strangers, that I never came by him but I was sure of blows. Now was my life so intolerable, that I grew desperate and careless what I did to end my life. Many times I would tell the Governor ●ow like a Tyrant the Factor used me, but for all that he saw my body black, and bruised with blows, he had no compassion on me. I had no means nor hope of any release of my miserable life, but to kill the Factor. Now occasion came fitly to execute my pretence, and Dissolute resolution. it happened thus; I coming in the night with a Bark laden with Sugar canes, after the Ba●ke was unladen, the night being cold, I lay upon the boards before the F●rnaces, and had not rested half an hour, when the Factor came into the Sugar house, so finding me asleep (as you have heard) he struck me with a with on the naked ribs, with such force, that I thought he had broken all the bones of my body. I started up, and seeing him before me ready to second his malice with another blow, I embraced him in mine arms, and with a great knife that I had, I hurt him in the side, the back, and the arm; he cried out I had slain him. I thinking no less ran away into the chiefest of the wood, and the favourable night being He fleeth again. dark, no man knew which way to follow me. When day came I went wand'ring up and down, praying to God to send some Leopard, or Lion, to devour me, rather than to be taken again by the Portugals, for I knew if the Governor once got me again, I should endure the most extreme torture that ever was invented for man. Wand'ring in the Wilderness, I did hear a great noise of people, than I was amazed, knowing not what to do to save my life, sometimes I run like a mad man, than would I sit down and listen if I could hear any noise, and which way soever I went I heard still the noise of people nearer me. Thus seeing myself at the last cast, I espied a great Tree, in which grew a thing of thick long leaves, called Danger o● taking in a Caravala. by the Indians, Caravala; as big as the nest of an Eagle, I got me into that, having not been there a quarter of an hour, many Indians came to seek me, and shot many times with their arrows at the thing where I was, when they saw that I did not stir, they went their ways, and I remained all that day in the Tree, the night following, and the next day and night, I came down very weak, for in two days I had eaten nothing, than the night being dark, I came to the Sea side, so going along by the shore side, I espied a Canoa drawn to shore, and hard by it on the ground lay three Savages asleep, by them lay bows, arrows, and roots, with hooks to fish with, of those things I took what I thought best, and went along the Sea side till I came to a Point of the Island, where I found a Sa●age asleep upon the sands, when I had viewed him well I knew him to be one of my Master's slaves, who killed one of his fellows, Sol●men miser i● soci●s h●b●isse dol●ri●. wherefore he d●rst not go home, I took his bow and arrows lying by him and awaked him, when he saw me he began to lament, and desired that I would not carry him home to my Master, I answered him that my cause was ten times worse than his, and desired him to tell me if he knew any place whither we might go to save both our lives, and with that told him what had befallen me. This Savage was a great man in his Country, his name was Quarasips iuca, that is, the yellow Sun. Never man found truer friendship of any than I did of him. This Cannibal and I after many discourses determined to swim from the Island to the main. When we had escaped the danger of passing the arm of the Sea, at least two miles in breadth, we both landed very feeble, with His wanderings. the long being of our naked carcases in the water. Now we are at the foot of the Mountain called Paranap●aca●o, a desert, where many have been devoured with Leopards, Lions, Crocodiles, and Surococous, and diverse other Serpents. Notwithstanding all these fearful inconveniences, we chose rather to fall into the paws of a Lion, and the claws of the Serpent, then into I suppose by Leopard's he ●●ean●th th●t sp●●ted b●●st, w●●ch oth●rs call a Tiger. the bloody hands of the Portugal. Seven and thirty days we two traveled through this desert, every day we were in danger of our lives, for we met many Leopards, Lions, and huge Serpents, but God delivered us from them. In this journey we eat wild Honey and Palmetoes, and a kind of Snakes, called by the Cannibals, Boa●yua. After we had passed this desert, we came into a champain Country, where we had great store of Pine nuts. Wand'ring up and down in this Country, one morning we espied smoke in a wood not far from us. Then we traveled that ways, and coming near, I knew where we were, and presently I told Quarisisacupa, that the Town was called Pianita, and that this was the place where jawaripipo had used me so well, when Wana●buth would have killed me. Now come we to the Town, where we are very kindly Pianita. received, especially of mine old friend jawaripipo. He cometh to his old host. After we had rested a little while among these Cannibals, I desired them that they would join themselves together; for in public I would rehearse somewhat unto them of my coming into their Country. Now when they were all together, I began to rehearse unto them, how cruelly Senate of Savages. the Portugal's did use their Nation, in making them bondslaves, marking them like Dogs, whipping and tormenting them, as if they were not of flesh and blood. I rehearsed unto them the course of mine own life, and desired them to remember how my Countrymen had used them in former times, encouraging them to be valiant, and to pull up their spirits, and persuading to defend themselves against such Tyrants, who under the colour of friendship used them most villainously. Then I told them that I had killed a Portugal, and that I was determined to end my life with them, if they would promise to defend me and themselves from the Portugals. With that many of them embraced me, all together giving a great hoop, saying, as long as their lives lasted, and their Bows broke not, that they would defend themselves and me. Here I continued nine months, till it happened that Martin de Saa came again to buy more slaves. He came to a Town hard by the Island of San Sebastian, called jaquerequere, where using the Cannibals kindly, jaquerequere. and giving them Knives and Hatchets and Beads, he won their hearts so much unto him that they gave him their Sons and Daughters to be his slaves; and moreover told him, that I and Quarisisacupa was at a Town hard by. Then Martin de Saa sent four Portugals and twenty Savages for me to the Town. When the Savages of jaquerequere came to Pianita, they gave such Savage faith. Antony Knives is bound by the Cannibals and brought to his Master. report in all the Town of the liberality of Martin de Saa, that without any deliberation they bound my hands, and brought me back again to my Master's son. When the Cannibals brought me before Martin de Sa●, all those that protested before most friendship unto me, are now become my greatest and most mortal enemies, and with hooping and hollowing deride me, striking me on the head, and declaring to the Portugals, how I used great persuasions to have them become their enemies. Martin de Saa made no answer to all their exclamations, but commanded certain Portugals and Indians to see that I run not away. Being brought the next morning before him, he told me that he did pity my hard fortune to come to so bad an end as I was like to come to, making me believe that the Factor was dead, and therefore he thought that the Law would condemn me. When he had spoken, I desired him to be favourable unto me, and that he would consider what service I had done him and his father, and to think how unreasonably the Factor had used me a long time. Then he promised me, that wherein he might he would stand my friend; then I entreated him to give me leave in that desert to end my life amongst the Cannibals, where he might well be assured I could never hurt him nor any of his Nation: he would not condescend thereunto, but promised he would save my life, if I would but go to a place in that Country, called Paraeyva Wereob, and there to traffic with the Cannibals for Women, Boys, and Girls. Paraeyva Wereob. Although the danger of going into the Country of wild Man-eaters where I never had been, was no less than the value of my life, yet considering with myself that my offence deserved death among the Portugals, I chose once again rather to stand to the Heathen mercy of ●auage Man-eaters, then at the bloody cruelty of Christian Portugals. And seeing myself in such extremity, I showed myself very willing and diligent to do the Captain service; but God His next adventure thorough the deserts. knows, my hope was never to have seen him again. Now go I alongst in the Wilderness, with twelve Savages, I know not whither, but as they guide me over huge Mountains, and many great Rivers, passing many dangers of our lives by land of Lions, Leopards, diverse great Snakes: in the Rivers, Crocodiles, jararaquas, and Capucaras, with many other Serpents that use the water. After we had traveled five and twenty days in the Wilderness, we came to a fair River as broad as the Thames, and the Cannibals that went with me said that the A fair River. Town stood by that River side, where we were to traffic, but certainty they knew not where about. Then we made us a Boat of the bark of a Cedar Tree, going down the stream in it. We had not been there long a going with the swiftness of the Current, before we espied a Boat of the same fashion that ours was, with two Cannibals in it, who as soon as Two Savages. they had espied us would have run away, but we being better manned than they overtook them before they got to the shore. With me there went one of their own Nation, by name Morosoeij, who had been taken by the Wayanasses, and they sold him to the Portugals. This Morosoeijs spoke the language of the Taymayas, which I understood very well. The two Cannibals that we took in the Boat, were amazed to see men apparelled, insomuch Apparel strange. that they knew not their own Countryman that was with me, when they saw him apparelled like a Portugal; if they were amazed at us, I was no less at them, for in all my travel I never saw the like fashion of Cannibals. For when I saw them first I thought Their strange habits. they had been borne with feathers on their heads and bodies, like fowls of the air, they had anointed their bodies with gum of the oiletusees of Balsam, and covered themselves so artificially Stranger nakedness. with f●athers of diverse colours, in such order, that you could not have seen a spot of their skins but their legs: after we had beholden them well and they us, I commanded Morosoeij, their Countryman to disclose himself to his Countrymen, and to tell them the cause of our coming, desiring them to go to their Town, and tell of our being there, lest our sudden coming should raise an uproar among them, the which they were very willing to do; so giving either of them a knife, and a few b●ades, they departed very joyfully. Two hours after that they were departed from us, there came at the least five hundred of His entertainment. them singing and rejoicing, showing themselves very glad of our coming to traffic with them, entreating us to go to then Town, the which we did, where we were received with dancing and singing of great and small, and in every house I was received with great ceremonies, and long speeches of the chiefest that were in the Town. The next day I began to traffic with them for slaves, and I bought ninety, all which I brought to Martin de Saa, who remained at Ilha Grande till I returned again. as soon as I came unto him, I delivered all unto him, desiring him to stand my friend, and to give me leave to tarry among the Cannibals, till such time as he had spoken with his fat●er in my behalf. Laughing, he answered that I need to fear to His return. go home, for the man was recovered, and gone to the R●uer of Plate, and that his father was very sorry, thinking I had been eaten by some Serpent, Leopard, or Lion. When I came before the Governor, he blessed himself to see me, marveling where I had been so long, and sent me again to his Sugar mill, where I continued a twelvemonth, and I had the charge to ch●stall the Sugar, in which time I got two hundred crowns. I determined to go to Angola in Aethiopia; and the Governor gave me his word that I shoul●, and that what favour he could-shew me, I should be sure to have, but when the ship was ready to depart, the Governor sent me out of Town on a sleeveless errand, and I remained ashore, and lost all that I had scraped together for my voyage. A monet● or two after this, it happened that the Wayanasses were set on by a kind of Cannibals, called Taymayas, the Wayanasses have traffic and friendship with the Portugals▪ and the most mortal enemies that the Portugals have in all America, are the Taymayas. The Wayanasses having lost Ambitious malice in savages. a great many men in a battle, not being able to make any head again of themselves, craved succour again of the Portugals. My Master being Governor of the Town, sent his son Martin de Saa with seven hundred Portugals, and two thousand Indians. The Wayanasses certified Expedition against the Taymayas. unto us that the most that we should be, before we come to the Taymayas, would be a month. Thus the fourteenth day of October 1597. we departed on our way with six Canoas' by Sea, some thirty miles from the River of januarie, for a Port called Paratee. The first day that we departed, we had a great storm, where we thought we should all have been drowned, but it was the will of God to save our lives, with the general loss of all we had, the Canoas' turned upside Danger of drowning. down with the storm, we holding fast on the bottom of them, were driven on shore with great hazard of our lives. From the place where we drove on shore to the River of Wareteena it was three miles, which we went by land, and sent the Canoas' to the River of januarie for victuals. We tarried two days at Wareteena till the aforesaid Canoas' returned, the third day we went to a place of Great Island, called Ippoa, where there dwelled two or three Portugals. Here we Ilha Grande. had great store of Potatoes & Plantons to eat. At this place we remained five days for five hundred Cannibals, that were to come from an Island called jawaripipo. When these Indians were come we dep●rted in our Canoas' for our desired Port called Paratee. As we went in the night we cut a great Bay of the Sea, where a Whale did overturn one of our Canoas', notwithstanding we Whale overturneth a Canoa. took the men that were in the Sea, and went on for the Harbour aforesaid. The next day the Captain commanded all the Canoas' to be pulled out of the water, and to cover them well with boughs, determining immediately to depart by land. That night that we came to Paratee, there came a Cannibal to us, called Alecio, from a Town called jequerequere, this Town lieth by the Seaside right over against the Island of San Sebastian. A Cannibal captai●e with eighty followers. This Indian brought eighty Bowmen with him, offering himself with all his company to go with our Captain. The next day we departed on our voyage, through the Mountains, at night the Captain seeing Alecio the Cannibal lying on the ground, took away the Net that I had to sleep in, and gave it to the Cannibal, I being fain to lie upon the earth. I complained to some of the Portugals of the wrong that the Captain did use unto me: they answered, that his father sent me in that voyage only to be made away; I replied, Gods will be done. After we had gone on our journey three days, we came to the bottom of a great Mountain, called by the Indians, Paranapeacano, that is in our language▪ The sight of the Sea; this Mountain is so high, that Three days ascending a Mountain. we were three days going up, and three days also going down. Two days after we were descended we came into a fair champain Country like meadow ground with long grass, and great store of Pine trees, where we lodged that night in a bottom, in which we killed above six hundred Snakes; it was the will of God that one Indian, called jeronimo, was bit by them, and Snake's very venomous. not any more. This Indian presently swelled, and his blood sprung out of his eyes and his nails, and so he died. After that we came to travel again through the Mountains some forty days, than we came to a great River called Paracuona; which River we passed with things made of Canes tied R. Paracuona how passed. together with withes, which the Portugals call jangathas. We were four days before we passed over this River it was so great, and ran so swift. After that, we travelled again some 20. days till we came to a great Mountain called Panaç● y●aw●●pacon●, we were four days going up this Mountain by reason of the great showers of rain that we had, besides we were very weak, and all our victuals were done. But hoping to find our enemies very soon, we did Mountain of four days journey. our best ●o hold out coming up this hill, from six of the clock in the morning, till it was two of the clock in the afternoon on a rainy day, the Captain commanded every man to make his abode for that night; whereupon I set down my burden, and went into the Mountains to cut some boughs of a Tree called Sa●●ambaya, to cover us from the rain, the weather was so cold, and I having traveled all day without meat was so feeble, that going to cut a bough, my His danger of death. sword fell out of my hand, and I sat under a Tree, where I had made mine end, if it had not been for my dear friend Henry Barrawell; who seeing that I tarried long came to seek me, and found me in such case, that I was not able neither to speak nor stand. After he had brought me to the Camp, he laid me by the fire, I recovered and was very well. After we had passed this Mountain of Pareena▪ we traveled in a kind of low wash ground; there were great store of Cannibals called Pories. Upon a sudden there would come one 100 of them out of the Wood, and as soon as they had gotten any thing from us, would be gone, we knew not whether: and presently there would come as many more. There we kept very good order, and had always very good watch, for fear they should work us any Treason; for all our men were very weak; within four days journey from the aforesaid Mountain, we came to the River of Par●●ua, where we had great store of fish, but nothing else to eat withal. At this River, one day I going a fishing, being a very rainy day, three Indians that went with me returned R. P●●a●●a. again, and left me alone. As I would have come back, I lost my way that I had gone with the Indians through the Wilderness, than I returned again to the River side, knowing thereby I could not miss my way, still going by the River sid● homewards where the Captain was, being somewhat late, suddenly I came to a place where there were at least a 100 men and women He loseth hi● way. of those Pories. I thought I should have died no other death, but these Cannibals did me no harm, but only took away my Knife and my fish-hooke, and gave me of their meat they were eating, which was roasted Monkeys. After I had eaten as much as I would, they made me a thing of dry Canes that they had to swim upon the water, which in a mean space carried me where the Camp lay by the River side. These Cannibals told us of a Town within two days journey, where we might get Pease and G●●nie Wheat, and some Roots of Cassam. In one day we passed Paryeva; and the next day we came to travel towards the Town that the Pories had told us of. We were seven days between the River and the Town, and when we came there, we found almost nothing but women, and ask for their Husbands, th●y told us that they had gone to war against the Taymoyes, and that they had killed them all at this Town. We found a little Guinea Wheat, but it was not ripe, of the which we fed a week being there, these Cannibals are called Tapuyas. We went forward to other Towns of a kind of Tapnyas. Waanawasons. Cannibals, called Waanawasons, that were hard by the ●apuyas. Coming to one of their Towns, there came twenty old men with wooden Swords in their hands, whooping and rejoicing, which is (as I have said) their manner of bidding welcome. After they had done, they asked what was our determination; we told them that we came to war against the Tamoyes, than there came an old man unto us all painted with red and blue, with Bow and Arrows in his hand, and a pair of slippers on his feet, and with one of his Daughters that had been captive to a Portugal of Santumsence, which had run away from her Master, with other Captives, and so came again to her father. This old man, by name Carywason, came before our Captain, and at this Poisonous fruit. Town, all our men both Indians and Portugals fell sick by eating of a kind of sweet pleasant fruit that was poison, and had it not been for a Gentleman called Enefrio de say my Master● Kinsman, who had a piece of Unicorn's horn, we had all died. At this Town we had nothing to eat but a few Potatoes. As we came through this Town, all the Cannibals Waanass●es ran away from us, with all our clothes. Now the old man with ten lusty young men went with us, and guided us between two Mountains▪ continually up a Riuer● from morning till night, for Forty days journey up a River. the space of forty days, we were never out of the water from morning till night that we should make our abode, and entered in the morning again. Our men were very weak, and almost starved with hunger. The Indians died, amazed (as Of Spirits that possessed the Indians. and killed them. Master Knives told me that he heard one Indian upon occasion of such possession, conferring with the Spirit and threatening, if the Spirits used them so ill they would turn to the Christians: and thereupon the Spi●i● left the person so possessed. some of them said) with a Spirit which they call Coropio, which did kill them, many would complain that they were possessed with Spirits called Auasaly. Those that were tormented with this Spirit, would command themselves to be bound hand & foot with their Bow strings, and then desire their friends to beat them with the cords, that they hang their beds withal, but for all their Ceremony, I saw not one of them escape after they came to that estate. The most of our Indians died with a kind of sickness, that is common in all hot Countries, that is, with a sweat and weariness of the body; with Worms in their fundament, that consume their guts, and they so consume away, knowing not what hurteth them. Against this the Indians do take slices of Lemons, and green Pepper, and put it in their fundament, likewise Salt-water is good, questionless all our Englishmen that died on the Coast of Guin●● and Brasill perished of this Disease: it breedeth with head-ache and burning Fevers, than we presently let blood, and that killeth us. After we had done travelling up the aforesaid River, we came into a fair Champion Country, Strange disease. all full of Pine Trees, but the Apples were not ripe, and we could find nothing to eat, but here and there a little wild Honey; we traveled at least a month; the Portugals began to despair, and threw away their Pieces, being not able to carry their clothes. In all this misery, the Captain made me carry two Muskets (as I hope to be saved) and I was fain to wait upon Hard servitude him every day to help to make his lodging, and my friend Henry Baraway, was so ill, that I was many times fain to carry him on my back, and continually to lead him by the hand. In this march we were forced to eat all our Targets, which were made of raw Hides of Buff; Miserable famine. likewise we did ea●e a Cow's skin, which the Friar carried with him (as he went with us) to cover his things which ●ee said Mass withal from the rain, happy was he who could get a Toad or Snake to eat. After we had passed those Champion Countries, where we lost ●80. 180. men lost. of our men, we came again into the Mountains, and traveled a great Hill called Etapuca; that is to say, the Mountain of long stones, for there we found black stones of a yard long, as round Mountain of black round stones. as if they were made of wood. When we came to the top of this Mountain, we were not able to go down, but as you shall hear. In those Mountains there are great store of withes that hang from the sides and the Iaquety●a Trees, we took of those withes, and making them fast to a great Tree, we were fain to slide by them at the least one hundred fathoms. In Steep descent. those Mountains, we had great store of Palmitoes and wild Honey, and many kind of Fruits. The Cannibals that guided us told us, within four days we should be with our enemies the Tamoyes, but we were above twenty days, we came into a dry black Champion Country, not having in it almost any grass, there we found good store of Honey that the Bees made in Ground Hony. Ant▪ bear. the ground, likewise we found a kind of great Beast as big as a Bear, and like a Bear in the body, but it hath a nose of a yard long, and a fair great tail all black and grey, this beast putteth his tongue through Ant-hils, and when the Ants are all upon his tongue, he swalloweth them up. After we had passed this place, we came to a Mountain called Etaowb●, that is to say, the Mountain of green stones; we were in as great misery as ever we were. Then the Portugals M. of green stones. assembled together, and told the Captain that they thought that the Cannibals did lead them up and down of purpose to destroy them. The Captain called the old Cannibal, and told him how long we had followed him, and how he told us before, that in twenty days we might easily go from his Town to the Town of our enemies the Tamoyes. The old man answered, that within two days he would bring us to the Town of our enemies, if not he would lose his head, and that all his company should be our slaves. Within two days according as the old man said, we came before the Town by a River side, which River is called jawary, it taketh the head from the Mountain Potosin in Peru, the Town R. Iawa●y which floweth from Potoss●. was on the farther side from us, and on the side that we were on, they had good store of Mandioqua and Peasen. We came before the Town in the Evening, and lay all night in ambush, thinking to take some of them the next morning coming for their meat. That night our men eat so much Mandioco, that when we thought we should have had some skirmish, they lay all vomiting that they were not able to stand, and thirteen of them died. The next morning, Vomits and death. when we saw no body stir, we marvelled, thinking that they were in ambuth for us, the Portugals durst not go over the River, for fear thereof. Then the Captain commanded me to pass over the River, the which I did upon a wooden Target, when I came into the Town, there was nothing but a few great pots that the Cannibals had left full of green Wheat, great store of Pumpions, and two great Ostriches, I took most of the provision that I found, and laid it altogether The enemy's town forsaken. for the Captain, than I called for the company that they might not fear, for there was no body. At this place we remained two months, here the Captain reaped the grounds, that the Indian●● had planted with Mandioque, commanding every man to make meal for his provision homewards, for he said that from thence he would return. We had nothing to eat at this place but Potatoes and Casa●i Meal that we made ourselves, and of that very little. By this Town there was a bog, and when it reigned, there would be great store of Frogs, of them we would take in the night with Torches of Wax to light us, It fell out one night that I should have been Sentinel at midnight, and about eleven of the clock it reigned, than I said to my friend Henry Barrawell, I would to God that one night you would go and take some Frogs, for you know presently I shall be called to watch, with that he went and presently returned again without any thing, and told us, that a great Snake was by the bogs, and that it leapt up and down after him. Then the Indians said, that it was a kind Snake which leaps at the fire. of Snake that flieth at the fire, I asked Henry Barraway where I might find the Snake, he told me at such a place, than I took the handle of an Axe being of a heavy black wood, and a little Wax Candle in a guard, because the Snake should not spy me, and made it very ready. When I came to the place that my friend had told me, I lighted my Torch, and was so near the Snake, that if I would, I could not shun her, this Snake had a great Frog in her mouth, and as soon as she saw the fire, she put the Frog out of her mouth, and raising up her skin like the scales of a great fish with her mouth open, she offered to fly at me, as soon as her mouth was open, I struck at her, and hit her on the head and the teeth, that I crushed her brains. as soon as I had struck her, I threw my Torch one way, and ran half a dozen steps another way, the Snake made a great noise in the water, but I looked still towards my Torch, to prove if it were true that they would fly in the fire, but when I saw no such thing, I went and took my Torch again, and very warily went to the place, where I had struck the Snake, where I saw all her head bloody, and her eyes broken, and so I killed her. When I had done, I took a with and bound it to her forequarters, and dragged her home to the house where I ●ay, when I came home I asked if I had been called to watch, the Portugal The Snake killed. and Henry Barraway said that no man had asked for me, than I took a Knife, and began to cut a piece of the Snake for the Captain, and would have parted the rest among the rest. As I was parting, the Ensign of our company came to the door, I went and opened the door, and assoon as he came to me, he struck me with a cudgel. I not knowing why he should use me so, came and closed with him, so both of us went to the ground, with that the Portugals Worse Snakes alive. that were in the house came and parted us, and asked him wherefore he struck me, than the ensign answered that the Captain had risen and found no body in the watch, to that they all answered, that no man had called me, than he commanded me to go before the Captain; he without hearing me speak, commanded two Indians to bind me to a post, and commanded them to take the cords of their beds and whip me, I desired that the Captain would hear the truth, and if he found any fault in me, I would according to marshal Law be hanged. Before the Indians had untied their beds, there came in an ancient old man, by name john de Soso, Captain of our Rere-guard, and with him some twenty Portugals, that lay in the same house where I lay. When they saw me bound they told the Captain that I was not in fault, for no man had called me. Then the Captain commanded me to be untied, and bade me go to my Watch, I went home and fetched my Sword, and presently came again where I should have watched, and when I came there, I found him that had gone his way before, and said to the Captain before my face, that he had called me, and that I made him no answer, when I saw him there, I asked him if he was not ashamed to avouch that which was a Lie? with that he began to abuse me in vile words, calling me English Dog and Heretic, when I saw myself disgraced by a paltry Mestizo, I took my Sword with both my hands, and struck him on the head with the Hilts, that I made a great wound. Then the Captain commanded me to be set in the Stocks, and bound my hands, where I He is set in the Stocks. lay all that night, and the next day in the afternoon, there came two Portugals and read certain Articles against me, which the Captain had caused to be made, saying, that I had killed many sick Indians when I had found them alone, and that I had deserved death by making a mutiny in the Court of Guard by striking, that was sufficient to make an uproar. After they had read all this, they bid me prepare myself for death, and so went their ways. Within half an hour after the Friar came to me, and asked me whether I would confess or no, I told him that I had stolen nothing from no man, and as for my sins God knew the secrets of all hearts, wherefore I had nothing to confess to him. With that after many Orations that he made to me, he went his way. All the Portugals went to the Captain entreating him to pardon me, but he would not hear them, desiring God that he might never come into Christian Country if he did not hang me. I lay all day and night in the Stocks, till it was four of the clock the next morning. Then the Friar came to me again, and told me that my hour was very near, and desired me to prepare myself to dye like a Christian, I told him I hoped the Lord would have mercy upon me. Betwixt six and seven of the clock, there came the ensign, and a Scrivener, and two or three Portugals with them, and an Indian with a cord in his hand, and by the command of the Portugals He is brought to execution. put it about my neck, than I was carried to the place of execution: all the Portugals being about me, I said, Gentlemen, the Captain putteth me not to death for the offence that lately I have done, but a grudge he holdeth against me falsely rumered by his Cousin, who is now present, because I would not save him; and for that, and no other matter I am condemned at this present. As I was speaking, the Indian that should have been my executioner, came from the top of the house, where I should have been executed, and thrusting me on the side of the head said, What dost thou prate, knowest thou not that the Captain's Father sent thee hither, that thou mightest never return? with that the Portugals checked the Indian, and john de soso standing with Honest Portugals intercede. Graned del Galbo, and ●ost●o Abanos, yea, a great many Portugals said, what authority hath the Captain to hang this man, we come not in the King's service, but for our own profits, and he is but the Governors' bastard Son; so they commanded the execution to be stayed, than john de Soso went to the Captain, and told him, Sir, we know not where we are, and many of our men are dead, wherefore it is not convenient at this time, that we should weaken ourselves, for we know not if any of us shall return again or not, wherefore we desire you to pardon this Englishman, for he is as good a Soldier as any of us, and the man that is hurt is not in danger. The Captain swore a great oath, that I should dye; then john de Soso, and the rest of the Portugals, bid him show what authority he had to put me to death, and if he show not authority from the King, I should not dye at that time, for they were to answer for me as well as he. The Captain came out very angrily, and made great protestations against john de Soso, that he was an upholder of mutinies. john de Soso said, that he would answer to all that he alleged, and so I was released from death. After we had been at this place, two months making our provision, we went forward to another Town, we found great store of Guinea Wheat newly planted; here we remained three months, till the Wheat was ripe, from thence all the Company returned home but myself, and twelve young men; we asked leave of the Captain to go to seek our adventure, the A new adventure. Captain gave us leave to do what we would; for mine own part, I asked leave only for fear to go homewards, lest the Captain should work me some mischief; likewise we did all think we should hardly get home, for we knew not where we were, and the way that we did come, we durst not return again, for fear of the Pories, and Lepos Tominenos, and other Cannibals, left they seeing us weak, should betray us. §. III. His strange travails with twelve Portugals, whom the Savages did eat. His life with the Cannibals: and after that with the Portugals, from whom he fleeth to Angola, is brought back, and after manifold chances, is shipped to Lisbon. I And the twelve aforesaid, took our leave of the Captain, determining to go to the South Sea, rather than return again without any thing. The names of the Portugals were these, Francisco Tavares, Lewes de Pino, Gonsalo Fernandes, Tomas Deluare, Lewis Loello, Matheas del Galo, john de Siluesa, Petro de Casta, Antonio fernandes Gorgedias, Manuel Caldera, and myself Anthony Knivet. After we had departed from our Captain, we made a great Canoa of a bark of a tree, and went down the River called janary for the space of a week, that we came where we found a little Village of six houses, and it seemed it had been a long time since any inhabitants were there; when we came to this Village we left our Canoa, and determined to go by land. In this Town we found great store of earthen Pots, and in some of them pieces of Gold tied at lines that the Indians fish withal; likewise we found Fishing with golden hooks. Stones as green as grass, and great store of white glistering Stones like Crystal, but many of them were blue and green, red and white wonderful fair to behold: when we saw the pieces Fair Ston. 5. of Gold and those Stones, we made account that we were very near Potasin, than we took our way South-west, and went up a great Mountain of Wilderness. After that, we came to a place of dry Brown earth, full of hills, rocks, and many small Rivers at the head; by many of Golden Rivers these Rivers we found little pieces of Gold, as big as an Hasell nut, and great store in dust like sand. After which, we came into a fair Country, and we saw a great glistering Mountain before us, ten days before we could come to it, for when we came into the plain Country, and were out of the Mountains, and the Sun began to come to his height, we were not able to Glistering Mountain. Tamandros' are the Ant-beares. travail against it, by the reason of the glistering, that dazzled our eyes. At the last, by little and little we came to the foot of this Mountain, where we found great store of Tamandros. We went along by this Mountain at the least twenty days, before we could find any way to pass over it; at last we came to a River that passed under it, here we determined to make some shift to get through, some of our company said that they thought it best to go still along by the foot of the Mountain, rather than to venture to go through; for they said, if this water go not through, we are all cast away, for it is impossible to return again against this current. Then I answered, friends, we may as well adventure our lives now as we have done heretofore Hideous adventure. in many places, if not, we must make account to live here like wild Beasts, where we shall have life as long as pleaseth God, without credit, name, or Religion: wherefore I think that our best way is to go through if we can, for no doubt but God that hath hitherto delivered us from dangers infinite, at this time will not forsake us, and questionless if it be our fortunes to pass on the other side, we shall find either Spaniards or India●●, for I am sure, that each of you have heard, that on a fair day it is to be discerned from the top of Potasin to this Mountain. After I had thus spoken, the Portugals determined to venture to go through; we made a great thing of great Canes, three yards and a half broad, and six yards long, that we might lie down and sleep upon it: we killed good store of Tamandroes', and roasted them very dry for our provision, for we knew not how long we should be in the vault. After we had made all ready, taking good store of wood with us, commending ourselves to God, we put ourselves into the vault, which made such a noise with the running of the water, that we thought it had been some enchantment. We went in on monday morning, and we C●arons F●r●y. came out on a morning (whether we were two days or one in the vault I know not.) As soon as we perceived light we were very glad, but when we came out, we saw on every side houses, than we took counsel what was the best for us to do, to hide ourselves, and see if we could pass the Towns in the night, or to go and submit ourselves to the Indians: we all agreed, that the best was to go to them; then I said, well friends, sithence we have agreed, let us fully determine here what we shall do and say, for questionless, they will examine us what we are, and from whence we came; then the Portugals said, we will tell them that we are Portugals, than I answered, I will tell them that I am a French man. We went towards their houses, who as soon as they had perceived us came out hooping and hollowing with their Bows and Arrows; and when they came unto us they bound our hands, and tied cords about our middles, and so led us to their houses: presently there came two or three old men, and asked what we were, than the Portugals answered, that they were Portugals, and I, that I was a French man. Within two hours after they had examined us, they took one of the Portugals, and tied a The Indians kills the Portugals, and after eat them. new rope about his middle, and carried him into a yard, with three Indians holding a cord on the one side, and three on the other side, and the Portugal in the midst, there came an old man, and bid him look on all things, that he liked, and told him that he should bid them farewell, for he should see them no more: then there came a lusty young man, with his arms and face died red, and said unto him, dost thou see me, I am he that hath killed many of thy Nation, and will kill thee. After he had spoke all this, he came behind the Portugal, and struck him on the nape of the neck, Devilish Butchers. that he felled him to the ground, and after he was down gave him another that he killed him; then they took the tooth of a Conie and opened all the upper skin, so they took him by the head and the feet, and held him in the flame of the fire: after that, rubbing him with their hands, all the upper skin came of, and the flesh remained white, than they cut off his head, and gave it to him, they took the guts, and gave them to the women, after which they jointed him joint by joint, first hands, than elbows, and so all the body. After which, they sent to every house a piece, than they fell a dancing, and all the women made great store of Wine: the next day they boiled every joint in a great pot of water, because their wives and children might eat of the broth; for the space of three days they did nothing but dance and drink day and night: after that they killed another in the same manner as you have heard, and so served all but myself. When I saw all the Portugals dead, I looked for the same, but after the Indians had done with Hatred of the Tamoyes to the Portugals. the Feasts, they came unto me and said, Fear not, for your ancestors, have been our friends, and we theirs, but the Portugals are our enemies, and make us slanes, wherefore we have done with them as you have seen. After I had heard what they said, I told them I had no reason to fear, for I knew they were my friends, and not mine enemies, and that I had been a long time prisoner to the Portugals. When I had been two months with these Indians called the Tamoyes, they went to war against Tomominos, and coming to fight, we had almost lost the field, for the Tamominos were a Tamominos. great many more, so that we were fain to take the Mountain: when I saw the rustical manner of their fight, that without any order they would set upon their enemies like Bulls, I taught them how to set themselves in Battle, and to lie in ambush, and how to retire and draw their enemies into a snare: by this means, we had always the upper hand of our enemies, and I was He teacheth them to fight. held in great account amongst them, for they would never go to the field, except I went with them: in a short time we gave so many battles to the Tomominos, that we made them leave their Country, and fly further from us: so we lived in peace. The Tamoyes offered me many wives, but I refused, saying it was not our custom to take wines out of our Country. After we had conquered the Tomominos, we lived in peace for the space of four months, and then there came another kind of Cannibals, called Topinaques. These made their Town very near us, at a Mountain called by the Indians Tamiwa (that is) the Mountain Topinaques. of Gold. When we heard of them, we prepared to make war against them, we went five thousand Mountain of Go●d. strong, in five days journey we came before the Town; but we being espied, they left their Town and fled, we followed them ten days, taking many old men and women, which as we took them we killed: we followed them till we came to a great River side, where we durst not pass for fear lest the enemy should overcome us at the landing, so we returned home again, from the River called Morgege, where we remained still in peace, for the space of eight months till we removed ourselves. At this place I went all naked with out any thing, only a few leaves I tied before me for shame. One day going all alone a fishing for pleasures sake, I sat down remembering myself in His rich apparel. what state I was, and thinking what I had been, I began to curse the time that ever I heard the name of the Sea, and grieved to think how fond I was to forsake my natural Country where I wanted nothing: then was I out of all hope either to see Country or Christian again; sitting by the River in these passionate thoughts, there came on old Indian one of the chiefest of them, and began to talk with me saying. It was a good time with them when they dwelled at Cape Frio, for than they had trade with the Frenchmen, and wanted nothing, but now they had neither Knives nor Hatchets, nor nothing else, but lived in great necessity, with that I answered I did heartily wish, that he and his company would go and dwell by the Sea-coast, without He persuades them to seek new habitations. danger of Portugals, whereupon he and I went home together, and the Indian reported in the Town what I had said unto him: the next morning there came (at the least) twenty of the chiefest of them into the house where I lay, and asked me if I knew my Place certain, where they might find any French Ships: I told them that I was sure betwixt the River of Plate, and a River called by the Portugals Does Patos', we should find French men, and if we did not, that here the Portugals could not hurt us. Moreover, it were better to dwell by the Sea side, where we should have plenty of all things, then where we did, where we had nothing to live upon but roots. These old men went and told the people, which all desired to see the coast, so they resolved, and making provision, we departed from our abode, being thirty thousand of us. After we had passed many a Hill, all Wilderness and Rivers, where we found many precious stones, we came to a fair sandy Country, through which we traveled some twenty days, and New discoveries of this wandering Nation. we went Northward for fear of coming into the Country where there are great store of Spaniards, and this Country is itself very populous, and are friends with the Spaniards. Therefore we changed our course and traveled all Northward, till we came into the Country of the Amazons, which the Indians call Mandiocusyanas, than we took our course Southward again. I would have persuaded the Tamoyes to have warred against the Amazons, but they durst not, for they said, we know that their Country is very populous, and we shall be all killed. After we came Amazons, not a on 〈…〉 breasted Nation, but warlike women. to the head of the River, called Patos, there we found Canoas' of barks of trees that came down the River some eight days, than we found the River very broad, and many trees cut by the River's side, whereby we suspected that we were near the Sea side, or some Town of the Waanasses, for the Waanasses never inhabit far from the coast. When the Indians saw these tokens of abidance; they asked me what I thought was best to do: I answered, I thought it best to hide ourselves, and to send some nine or ten young men to see if they could spy any Town, so we to circled them in their houses in the night: to that they all agreed, and ten of them were sent, they returned again at night without sight of any Town, but they said there went a great path by the River side, and brought pieces of Cords that they found in the way with them. Hence we judged that we should find some Town by the River side, and determined to go down the River in the night with our Canoas', to see if we could find the Town. About four of the clock we came to a fair Bay, and saw the Sea; and doubling a point of the shore we espied a Town, then as fast as we could we landed our men, and the day began to be clear, and one of the Town coming out to the Sea side, espied us, whereupon all the Town Battle of Savages. rose up in arms, and we had a great skirmish. We were many more in number, and had far better order, so we put them to flight killing a great many of them: we took three hundred prisoners men and women, which the Tamoyes killed and did eat afterwards. These Indians are called Carijos. After we had put them to flight they went to Saint Vincents by land, and craved Carijos. succour of the Portugals. At this Town of the Carijos we found great store of provision, Cassavi, Guinea Wheat, Potatoes, Plantons, Pumpions, and all other such like that the Country yieldeth, and in great plenty: there likewise we found great store of Rials of eight, for there had been a Carvel cast away in that place not long before, and the Spaniards were gone before by land to Bonas Airs in the River of Plate: with these Indians the Portugals had peace, but now they are in war with them again. Some of the Carijos went to the River of Plate to crave succour, others, as I said before, came to the Town of Saint Vincents: from Saint Uincents, news was sent to the River of janero, from They are assailed by the Portugals. thence the Portugals made a Navy of Canoas' and Carvels, of the which the Governors' son Marten de Sasa (which was come home from the River of javary, where I departed from him) was come again as Captain of all the Portugals, and coming upon us in the night, they seized our Town: about three of the clocks, an Indian that came with the Portugals began to speak very loud to the men of the Town, that they should not stir, for if they stirred they should be all put to the sword. When the Tamoyes heard the Indian speak, they began to russell with their Bows and Arrows, making a great noise, with that the Portugals shot of a Piece, than they all lay down in their beds, like men without lives or souls; when the day was clear, and my Master's Son saw me alive, he blest himself, and asked me what was become of my companions, I told him that the Indians had killed them, and eaten them. After that, about He returneth to his M●ster. ten of the clock, all the Indians were brought out of their houses, and being examined, some of them said that I bid them kill them, & if many of them had not been, I had died for it, but it was The Portugals kill 10000 and captive 20000. Indians. Gods will to discover the truth by their own mouths: then the Portugals killed all the old men and women, and all those that had been particular actors of the Portugals deaths, which were in all 10000 and 20000. were parted amongst them for their slaves. I came again to my old Master, and was sent with the Tamoyes to a Sugar Mill that my Master had newly made. There I went still to the woods with the slaves to draw out great pieces of Timber for the space of three months: then was news brought from Cape could, that the Cannibals called Vaytacasses, were come to make their abidance a little Southward of the Cape, in Vaytacasses. certain places, where before the Tamoyes had inhabited. The Saluador Coria de Sasa sent his Son Gonsalo Corea de Sasa, with whom I went against my will. We traveled eight days by the Sea side, where we had always great store of Fish. After that we came to a place, called Etaoca, that is to say, the Stone house, as strong a thing as ever I saw, for it was a great huge rock, and it hath an entrance like a great door, within it, as any Hall in England: the Indians say that Tale of Saint Thomas, savouring like Saint Francises Legend. there Saint Thomas did Preach to their forefathers there: hard by standeth a Stone as big as four great Canons, and it standeth upon the ground upon four stones little bigger than a man's finger, like sticks; the Indians say that was a miracle which the Saint showed them, and that that Stone had been Wood: likewise by the Sea side there are great Rocks, upon them I saw great store of prints of the footing of bare feet; all which prints were of one bigness. They say that the Saint called the Fishes of the Sea, and they heard him. From thence we went through the Wilderness, four days till we came to a great Mountain, called Abousanga retam; by the Sea side of that Mountain, we found a small Town of Tamoyes, that had escaped in the time of the first conquest, that Saluador Corea de Sasa made against that kind of people, and never were heard of till now that we found them by chance. Old Captains The Captain of them was (as they showed by signs) one hundred and twenty years old, and yet was very lusty: he had in his lip a great hole, and on either side of his cheeks a great hole, and in either of them a fair green Stone. After we had taken this small Town, wherein there were five hundred souls, we asked if they knew where the Waytacasses were, they told us all that they knew very well, so in three days they guided us into a low seggie Country, where the Waytacasses were: when we came to their habitation, this Abousanga came among the thickest of the Portugals, and said these words; He that never saw Abousanga let him look on me now, and they that dare follow me shall see my valour: and so with his Bow and his Arrows, he ran amongst the thickest of the enemy, where he was shot with one and twenty Arrows. In that enterprise we all saw him kill three of the Waytacasses. When we came to the fight, all the Waytacasses ran away, & we took but one of them: for all that Abousanga was so hurt, he lived four hours: the Portugals asked him why he had been so desperate? he told them that he had lived all his life a free man, and that he had been a great warrior, and would rather dye then be their Captive. Then he asked Baptism, and desired them that they would tell him somewhat of God, High spirit of a Savage. for he said whatsoever they told him he would believe; the Portugal friar told him that God was the saver of souls and the giver of life, and that if he truly repent and would be Baptised he should be saved; he answered, that all that was told him he truly believed, and de●●red that with speed he might be Baptised, and so died, calling to God for mercy till his last hour: from this place we returned home. After we came home again, his son Gonsalo Corea de Sasa, reported so well of me, that his father commanded me to wait on him whither soever he went: news came at that time from Portugal of a Navy of Ships out of England, that were come to Brasil; whereupon the Governor commanded a Fort to be made of his own cost upon a rock that standeth on the mouth of the haven, so near the River side, that three months after it was done, the Sea carried it away, with all the Ordnance in it. I have told you before that three months after I was taken, the Desire What became of the 13. men (so many M. jane reckoneth) lost out of Cap. Davis' his Ship. came from the Straits to a great Island, where sixteen of her men were slain, and one taken, by name Andrew Towers: this man was a Physician, and did many cures, the Portugals took him for a Sorcerer, for he would prognosticate many things; he had but one eye, and the Portugals said that in his eye which was out, he had a familiar: this man took upon him to make a device to take the pieces of Ordnance out of the Sea, which was this; he caused to be made a suit of Leather all greased and pitched, that no water could enter into it, than he caused a great head to be made all pitched, with a great nose, & at the nose were three bladders, and at the mouth two; he enticed me to undertake to go down into the Sea in that, saying it was very easy to be done. I told him, that if I might be well recompensed, I would venture my life to do it; then he made Andrew Tower's devose. it known to the Governor, that if I were well paid, I would venture my life, than the Governor called me and said, I will give you ten thousand Crowns, and a Passport to go for your Country, or whether you will, if you put a Ring into the ear of one of the Pieces. I told him, I would do my best by God's help. After the device of Leather was made, most of the Portugals went to the place, where the pieces were lost with great solemnity, praying to God to send me good luck. Putting on the suit of Leather, I was cast into the Sea in eighteen fathom deep, with a mighty great stone tied about me. The head was so big, all pitched and tarred, that the weight of the stone (for it was His mad adventure. great only) carried me down, and it was a great pain unto me, for the weight of the stone carried me downward, and the water by reason of the head bore me upward, that I thought the cord I was tied withal, would have cut me in pieces. When I felt myself so tormented, I took a Knife that was tied in my hand, and cut the cord, and as soon as I came above water, I tore the bladders from my face, and cut my suit before, for I was almost stifled, and for the space of a month, I knew not what I did. Continually I desired my Master, to give me leave to get my living, intending to come into my Country, but the Governor, would not let me go from him. When I saw no means to get leave of my Master, I determined to run away to Angola; for to serve the King as a Soldier in Massangano, till such time that I might pass myself to the King of Anyeca, which warreth Massangano a Portugal Fort in Africa. ●ee And. Battle. H●● escape to Angola. against the Portugals, and so have come through Prester john's Country into Turkey. On the seven and twentieth day of june 1597 I embarked myself unknown to my Master in a small ship of one Emanuel Andrea, for to come for Angola. In this Voyage we were driven so near the Cape of Good Hope, that we thought all of us should have been cast away, the Seas are there so great; and by reason of the current they broke in such sort, that no ship is able to endure. There we broke both our main mast and our Mesen. I● pleased God to send us the wind Eastward, which brought us to our desired Harbour Angola. We had been five months in our Voyage, and by that means other ships that departed two months after us were there before us, when I heard that there were ships of the River of jenero, I durst not go ashore for fear of being known of some of the Portugals, the next day after that we came into the Harbour; there came a great Boat aboard us, to ask if we would sell any Cassavi meal, we told them we would, and asked them whether they went with their Boat, they answered, that they tarried for the tide to go up to the River of Guansa Tomasongano, than I thought it a fit time for my purpose, and so embarked myself in the Bark, the Portugals marvelled to see me go willingly to Masangono; for there men die like Chickens, and no man will go thither if he can choose. Nine days we were going up the River of Guansa, in which time two Portugal Soldiers died, the Country is so hot that it pierceth their hearts, three days after I had been in Masangano, Don Francisco de Mendosa Fortado, the Governor of the City of Congo, having received a Letter from Saluador Coria de Sasa, who was his great friend, sent a Pursuivant for me, who brought me by Land through the King of Congos Country, and in six days we came to a Town called Saint Francis, (where the Governor was) hard by the Kingdom of Manicongo, when I came before the Governor he used me very kindly in words, and asked me, what I meant to cast myself away wilfully in Masangano, than I told him, how long I had served Saluador Coria de Sasa; and in how many dangers I had been for him and his Son, without ever having any recompense of any of them, and therefore I thought it better to venture my life in the King's service, then to live his Bondslave. The He is taken & sent back to Brasill. Governor commanded me to be carried to Angola, and charged a pair of bolts to be put upon my legs, because I should not run away. About a fortnight after I was sent back again in a Car●ell of Francis Lewes, and in two months we arrived in the River of jenero, and I was carried Nil habet insoeli● paupertas du●ius ●●se. Q●ám quòd ridicnlos hom 〈…〉 es facit. Captain Cock. with my bolts on my legs before the Governor; when he saw me, he began to laugh and to jest with me, saying, that I was welcome out of England. So after many jests he spoke, he bade pull off my bolts from my legs, and gave me cloth, and used me very well. After I had been with the Governor again some two months, than came a small man of War to great Island, the Captain's name was Abram Cock, he lay in wait for the ships of the River of Plate, and had taken them if it had not been for five of his men, that ran away with his Boat, that discovered his being there, for within a seven-night after he was gone, three Carvels came into the same Road where he was. These five men were taken by a Friar that came from San Uincents, and were brought to the River of jenero, I being at this time in some account with the Governor, favoured them aswell as I could, especially one of them, by name Richard Heixt, because that they all said, that he was a Gentleman, after that we had been in the Town together about some three months, one of them called Thomas Cooper, being married, had his house by the Sea side, where he used his Trade, we were then nine Englishmen, and three Dutchmen, and we determined when the shipping came from the River of Plate, that we would take one of them coming into the Harbour, this Heixt always went with me to a Portugals house where I was very well beloved. One night he comes into the house, and steals away Heixts perfidiousness to his Countrymen. a box; that had sixty Rials of eight in it, and two or three pieces of Holland, I desired him to restore the same, but this Heixt being a swaggering companion used me most vilely in words, and went and told the Governor, what we all had determined, and said that we were Heretics, and that he himself was a Catholic, that day at night I should have stolen the Key of the King's Storehouse to have taken Muskets and Powder, and have carried it to Thomas Cooper's house, but it was God's will that he had accused us before I had done it, or else we had been all hanged for it. We being all before the Governor, and denying that we had ever meant any such matter, Heixt said, Sir, send to Thomas Cooper's house, and you shall find 20. Muskets and powder, that Anthony hath stolen out of the King's Score-house for that purpose, if your Worship find it not so, say that I am a liar, and a false dealer. Then the Governor sent us all to Prison, & himself and Heixt, went to T. Cooper's house, where they found no such matter. He went to the King's Storehouse and saw that nothing was stirred: whereupon he was some what angry with Heixt, because he had taken him with an untruth, and said, that he never saw men of so perverse and vile condition as we were to seek the destruction of each other. Upon occasion of this Heixt Heixts miserable death. his ill demeanour not long after, the Governor sent him to Angola, and from thence Don Francisco sent him to Masangano, where he died in a miserable estate. Presently after that Andrew Towers, was accused for eating flesh on the Friday, and for that was put in prison, and paid 100 Rials of eight, and was set at liberty, within a month af●er he had been out of prison, he ran away to Fernambucke, the Governor being informed of it sent two small Carvels after him to bring him back again: in one of the small Carvels went his son Gonsalo Coreade Safa, and the High Priests Nephew, and a great many more young Gentlemen. After they were out on the Main, and almost aboard of the ship that Andrew Towers was in, on a sudden, there came a great storm, that the small Carvel that the Governors' sun was in, could not endure the Sea, but was fain to run on shore on the Coast, where three of their company were cast away, one of them being the High Priests Nephew, and I think that they had been all drowned, if it had not been for Martin de Safa, that was at that place with 100 slaves making Brasill ready for a ship of his Fathers, the other Carvel followed him to Fernambuquo, and brought him back again to the River of jenero, where he was put in prison and should have been hanged, but that all the Town begged him, he was sent to Masongona where he died. Anno Dom. 1598. there came two Dutch, ships being Captain of them, jasper Fernandes a Two Dutch ships. Dutchman, and leave of the Governor after he had showed his Licence out of Portugal, set all his goods on shore, and had bought and sold for the space of three months in the Town, and made great store of money. At the time of his going away, the King's Officers said that his Licence was not good, and would have stopped his ships, than the Governor said, why looked you not to that before, seeing I gave them leave to come in upon your words, saying, that his dispatch was good, answer it how you can, for seeing he came in with leave and upon my word he shall go out without any hearing, and so he departed for Angola. After that, the Governor General of all the Coast of Brasil, Don Francisco de Sasa, came to the River of jenero, with two Hulks, and being informed that jasper Fernandes was at Angola, he sent a Carvel thither, that his ships should be kept for the King, he hearing of it went aboard his ships, and went away in spite of the Portugals; the same year there came Francisco de mondunsa de vesconsales for Governor to my Master's place, that day the Hulk which the new Governor was in, came to the mouth of the Haven, the Governor Saluador Corea de Safa; was at a Sugar-mil that he had newly finished. The aforesaid, when she came to the mouth of the Haven began to shoot off her Ordnance, the Governor not knowing what it should be, presently caused a great Canoa to be made ready, for immediately, he would go to the Town to see what was the matter, within half an hour after we had 〈◊〉 out at Sea, to come to the Town, a great tempest rose and overturned the Canoa, there my Master had been cast away, if God first, and I had not laid hands on him, for all his slaves swam away to the shore, and Henry Barraway He saveth his Master. with them, only I, and Domingos Gomes a Molato slave that my Master carried with him in the Sea, and between us, we got him to the Canoa, where he held fast, till we drew near the shore, where the Sea broke like Mountains, there we had like to have been all cast away, for the Sea would cast us against the Hills of sand, and carry us back again to the Sea; after I had got myself ashore, I looked towards the Sea, and saw my Master come in a great wave, and as the wave broke, I and my dear friend Domingos Gomes took hold of him and dragged him out of the Sea; but we both thought that he would have died, for he could not speak, than we took him between us by the legs upon our shoulders, and made him vomit a great deal of water, and so recovered him, when I saw him well, I told him that the Sea knew no Governors better than other men, the next day the Governor went home by land, and found the other Governor in the Town, for whose coming I did not a little rejoice, for than I thought the time was come that I long had desired, hoping shortly to come into my Country. In the same year there came four Hollanders, and anchored before the City in the mouth of the Haven, than all the Town rose up in Arms, my Master was at his Sugar-mill, and I remained Four Hollan● ships. in the Town to wait on my Mistress. When she saw the Portugals run up and down with their Arms, she commanded me to take a Musket, and bade me go to one of the Forts, the which I did according to her command: the new Governor came to the Fort where I was, and viewed the men that were in the Fort, and commanded one of his men to give us Powder and shot. After I had spoken with the new Governor (who liked me very well, because he said I was ready with my Piece, and praised the English Nation to be very good Soldiers.) One john de Seluera told him, that he were best take heed of me, that I ran not away to the Hollanders, for I had done greater matters than that, and that he knew I made no account to swim aboard of them in the night upon any piece of wood, and rehearsed many things that I had adventured in the time that my Master was Governor. The new Governor came and took me by the hand, and carried me to Prison, where I lay 27. days, till the Hulks were departed from the mouth of the Haven, and went to Great Island, than I was set at liberty. After that the Governor General had been at San Uincents some two months, there came a great Hulk of Amsterdam, called the Golden World, and a Captain that was called Laurence Bitter, the Hulk had been at Saint Thomas Island, and an Island called the Prince, and from thence to the Straits of Magellan, where many of her men died, and by contrary wind they were compelled to return to the Coast of Brasill, this Hulk coming to San Vincent, sent her Boat to tell the Governor that they were Merchants, and that if they would give them leave, they would traffic perfidiousness of Portugals. with them, the Governor General made them a Certificate under his hand and Seal, that they should have no wrong, but pay the King's Custom and go their ways when they would, and whether they would: with that the Captain of the Hulk put into the Harbour; & commanded his goods to be set on shore. Every day he was visited by the Governor General aboard his ship, and promised him great courtesy. After that the Captain had landed all his goods, and most of all the Hollanders were ashore, a great many Portugals went aboard the Hulk with Gitternes singing and playing. When the Flemings saw them come in that sort they mistrusted nothing, the Portugals danced in the ship and drank with the Flemings, and upon a sudden when the Flemings thought lest of them, they drew their Swords and killed two of them, and possessed Fleming taken treacherously. themselves of the Hulk for the King. In the beginning of the year of the Lord 1599 there came nine Hulks before the City of Bacia, but they could do no good. After the Governor General had been some four months at San Vincents, my Master had some business thither, and I went with him, when we came to San Uincents the Governor General was departed fifty leagues within the land, at a place where he was informed of some mines of Gold, but when he came thither, he found that they were not worth the working, than he determined to send farther into the Land to a place called Etapusick, I being there, and knowing the place was commanded by the Governor General to go thither, when we came to the aforesaid place, we found very singular good mines, and we brought mines of gold. of the soil to the Governor General, and many small pieces of Gold that we found in many places where the water washed away the Earth, the Governor General took it, paying us for it more than it was worth, and sent it to the King with a Say, for to consider whether it should be wrought or not, the Governor General sent likewise 40000. pounds worth of Plate, that he had wrought out of the Mine of Saint Paul, which is twelve leagues from San Vincents, Silver Mine. In the time that I went to Etapusicke, my Master was gone home, than I served as a Soldier for the space of three months, that shipping went to the River of jenero; then the Governor General requited my pains very honourably, and sent me back again to my Master. After that my Master sent to a place called the Organs, which Hill is to be seen from the River of jenero, The Organs. where we found a little Mine of Gold, and many good stones. There came a Hulk out of Spain that brought a Bishop, and a Spanish Governor to go from thence in small shipping to the River of Plate, and from thence to Somma. A little after that, this Hulk arrived at the River of jenero, Mortality. diverse frays, dangers of the Author, which here followed, as in other places of the History, for brevity's sake are omitted. Legge swollen with the air. where fell a disease in the Country like the meazels, but as bad as the plague, for in three months their died in the River of jenero, above three thousand Indians and Portugals: this disease was generally in all parts of the Country. At this time going up and down from the Sugar-mill to the ship, in the night with a Bark lading of Brasill for the Hulk, with the Air one of my legs swelled, that I could not stir: it is common and very dangerous in those Countries when a man is hot, to come in the Air, especially in the night, for being a hot Country, it hath a piercing air, and suddenly striketh in any part of the body. I was very ill for the space of a month. The fourteenth of August 1601. Saluador Corea de Sasa; Governor of the River of january, embarked himself in the aforesaid Hulk with his Wife Donenes de Soso, determining to make his Voyage to Fernambuquo, we sailed East to Seaward. The fifteenth day we kept still Eastward to the Sea. The sixteenth day we kept North-east, and about ten of the clock we had sight of the Cape The seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth, having the wind Northwest, we kept still Eastward for fear of the sands and cliffs called Aborollas, they lie between the Cape and Spirito Santo. The twentieth day having the wind South, we sailed our course North-east. This course we kept till the five and twentieth of the month, than the wind turned Northward, we made East to Sea; this course we were fain to keep till the last day of the month, the first of February, the wind being at South-west we sailed North-east along the Coast, till the seventh day of the month. The eight day the Master and the Pilot took the height of the Sun, and were ten degrees and an half Southward of the Line. As the Master and the Pilot were talking together concerning the Voyage, there came a Seafoule, and sitting upon the back stay, cast out two or three little fishes, with that a Spaniard called jasper Conquero, who had some experience of the Coast, said to the Master take heed, for I am afraid you are nearer the shoate, than you take yourself to be, for you know not how the current driveth you Westward upon the Coast, the Flemings bade him meddle with his own business, and that they knew what to do without his counsel, the Pilot made himself forty leagues from the shore, & directed his course North. The ninth day at midnight we descried Land, the Pilot presently cast his Lead, and found but eight fathoms water, than he commanded the Sailors to cast about, the which they Danger at Sea. did, the wind being at North-east, and we being near the shore, could not bear up to Sea; for we saw Cliffs both on the starboard and larboard side of us, and before we could get out our Anchor, we were driven so near the Cliffs on the lee side of us, that we had no other remedy, but to run upon the Rocks, where we had been all cast away, but that it was the pleasure of God to deliver us, for we lay with the Prow of our ship upon one of the Rocks for the space of half an hour, and we were fain to cut off both our Masts, and to cast many chists overboard, thinking it had been impossible to save any thing, but it was the will of God when we least thought of it, that a great Sea broke over the Rock, and put us into eight fathoms water, between the Rocks and the Cliffs, so by the providence of God, we were delivered out of the aforesaid danger. The next day we saw Cannibals along the shore, than the Governor commanded me to be set on shore to talk with the wild people, and to know of them upon what Coast we were, or if we might go to Fernambuquo by land, the Captain commanded a Mamaluke, called Antonio Mamaluke. or Mestizos. Fernandes to go with me ashore, but when we came to land, this Mamaluke durst not go on shore, for fear of the wild Cannibals, so I went alone, and saluted them according to the fashion of the Country, than I enquired of them, how they called the place where they were, they told me that it was called Cororeyespe, which is the River of Toads, likewise they said that we were very near the River of Saint Francis, and Northward, we had the River called Saint Michael, and River of toad●. that they were slaves to the Portugals of Fernambucke, having driven cattle to Baya; and now they returned home again. One of these bondslaves went aboard the ship with me, and talked with the Governor, the next day, the Governors' Wife entreated her husband, that he would leave the Hulk, and go by land, the which he did at his wife's request, so commanding all his Treasure to be set on shore, we left our ship, the Governor commanded the Master to take Fernambuquo if it were possible, if not that he should go to Baya, and from thence into Portugal, with any ships that should depart from thence, this Hulk had nine tons of Silver in her, Nine tuns of silver. the which incharged to Diego de Guadro, by the Governor General Don Francisco de Sasa; and at Fernambuquo, the charge of it was given to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa, from the place where we were driven on shore to Fernambucke, is forty leagues. In this journey from the River of Toads, or from the Cliffs called Bayshas Deamrobrio did I and Domingos Gomes always carry a Box of pure Gold of my Masters, some twelve leagues, from the aforesaid River of Toads to a place called by the Indians Vpavasou; are three leagues, this Vpavasou; is a very singular good place to take flesh water, from Vpavasou to another River called Casuays, is one league from the Casuayes, Places on the Coast. to the River of Saint Michael are four leagues, at this River dwelleth a very rich Mamalucke, john de Recho, at this River we rested three days. The Governor General fraughted a small fisher Boat at this place, and determined to go to Fernambuquo in it. The same day that we made sail in the small Bark from the River of Saint Michael, there arose a great storm from that North-east, and we were fain to take the River of Saint Michel's again with great hazard of our lives, for the wind being very great, we were driven upon a A storm. Rock that lieth South-west from the mouth of the River very near the shore, all those that could swim leapt into the Sea; and so the Bark was lighter, and swam off the Cliff, than the Governor and his Wife said that they would go by Land, so the day after we departed from the River of Saint Michel's to another great River called Vno, this River is three leagues from Saint Michael, here my small ship may enter and take fresh water, and kill great store of fresh fish, from thence we went to another River called jaquareaficke, from this place the Governor sent me and Antonio Fernandes before to a small Village to provide some provision against his coming, there was in our company a Portugal called Rafiel Penera, that perforce would go with us, we told him that we had many great Rivers to pass, and that it were better for him to tarry with the Governor and his Wife, he not regarding our words went with us, so we departed all three of us, the next day after we had departed from the Governor, we came to a very fair River called Saint Antonio, that which we passed upon a jangarie made of Canes, from thence we went to a place called by the Indians Amrecwa Prisema, this is the Harbour of Frenchmen, from thence we came to a great fair River called Camarijiwa, we went on to the River of Stones. We departed from thence up the River on a Mangada, made of three dry posts pined together, the next morning we landed in a fair Champain Country, where we saw great store of Cattle, and a Sugar-mill grinding of Canes, to which we went, the Owner of the Mill was a high Dutchman, to whom we delivered the Governors' Letter, the which as soon as he had read, presently he commanded two Beefs to be killed, and sent away with ten bushels of Cassavi meal, and many Hens and Turkeyes, and we two were very honourably used for the space of a week that we were there, from thence we departed to a place called Porto do Calf, three leagues from the Aresee●e, this is an excellent Haven for all weathers, and all the year long, there is at the least two thousand chists of Sugar. At this place Manuel Masquerennas met us with two hundred Horse, and then after two days rest we came to Fernambuquo. Twenty days after we had been in the Town jelisiano Cuello, scent word to Manuel Masquerennas, how that he was beseeched in Rio Grande, by the Putewaras, and that if he were not presently aided by him, he should be forced to lose the King's Town, with the loss of all their lives, Masquerennas presently determined to go himself, and left the Town of Fernambuquo in charge to my Master Saluador Corea de Saa; and thus we departed from Fernambuquo with four hundred portugals, and three thousand Indians, and in seven days journey we came to Rio Grande, having many a brave skirmish, with diverse Cannibals in the way. As soon as we were come before the Town our Captain made a long speech to all the Portugals and Indians, encouraging them against those Infidels whose Army was at the least forty thousand strong, and desired Army of Savages. them all to confess to their Ghostly Fathers and to take the Communion, for the next morning he was resolved to give the onset on his enemies, the which was very bravely performed, for the Cannibals the ●ay before in a skirmish that they had, did take two hundred prisoners, and having killed many of them to eat, not expecting our coming in the chiefest of their feast, and their drinking we set upon them, the people of the Town on the other side, hearing the rumour, issued for●h, thus taking them on the sudden, we made such slaughter among them, that they were forced to remove their siege, with the loss of three thousand prisoners, and five thousand that were slain. The King of these Cannibals was called Pirai●wath that is to say, the ●inne of a fish, when this Heathen Prince saw himself overthrown with so small a number as we were, in comparison of his multitudes, he sent certain of his men to Manuel Masquarennas to treat of peace, upon these conditions, that if he would release all those prisoners, and admit him and all his Nation to live as free men, that then he and all his would submit themselves as subjects unto him and be baptised, which offer indeed was accepted of by Masquarennas, and thus one of the greatest Provinces of all the North part of Brasilia, became subject to the King of Spain. This conquest being ended, our Captain General Masquarennas' presently built two strong Forts hard by the Town, on the River side, and sent to Fernambuquo for forty cast Pieces of Iron, placing twenty in either Fort, many Soldiers, got at this conquest very rich stones, both Diamonds, Rubies, and great store of blue Saphires, in some small Villages that stood by the Sea side. We found great store of Ambergris, which the Indians call Pi●apoun Arep●ty, here fortune was somewhat favourable unto me, for I got above five hundred Crowns in this journey. Ambergris. After this conquest was ended, Manuel Masquarennas returned again to Fernambuquo, where I found my Master Saluador Corea, de Saa, ready to ship himself for Portugal, in the same ship that brought him from the River I●nero, which by this time was come from B●yey●, after we were set ashore at the place, called Ous Busshos de don Rodrigo, where we had all like to have been cast away, at my return from Rio grand● to Fernambuquo, I met with two Englishmen, the one of them a Gentleman called Thomas Turner, the other Musgrave, Pilot of a Flyboat of Master Newtons' a Merchant of London, Master Turner by my advice, went to the River of janero, This Thomas Turner I was acqu 〈…〉ed with, and received of him some notes, which follow after M. Kn●uet and from thence to Angola, where he made great profit of his Merchandise, for which he thanked me after we met in England. Now to my story. The thirteenth of August 1596. Saluador Corea de Saa, Lord Governor of the River of janero, Captain General of Spir●to Santo, Porta Segura, Santos, and San Vincent, departed from Fernambuquo, with fifteen Hulks of Hamborough, seven Fly-boates of Omd●n and Hamborough, and at the least twenty Carvels, all of them being laden with Sugars. The old Mary of Hamborough wherein the Governor came was Admiral, a ship of seven hundred tons, the Owner whereof was called Hans Burgo, the new Mary Vide-admiral a ship of five hundred tons, the Owner called Adrian Cornelias, Rear-admiral a ship of five hundred tons, the Owner called Conrado, likewise another great ship came with us, called the George of one Ha●s Duke, the David and others, with this fleet we departed from Fernambuquo, the fifteenth of August 1599 and in two month's sail we arrived at Lisbon, where I continued with the Governor in his house for the space of nine months, after which time I fell very sick, and by this time having spent all that I brought with me from Brasill, my misery great, and had been a great deal greater, had it not been for a virtuous English woman, which I met withal in a Nunnery, and in that time that I was there, she made her approbation. By God first, and by her means I was saved from dying a most A. Kni●et arriveth at Lisbon●. His sickness. miserable death. After my coming to Lisbon, I fell very sick in my Master's house, where I lay in a back room having only a piece of an old mat for my bed, thus I lay for the space of sick weeks, in the greatest misery that could be, for first I was sick of a burning Fever, none came at me but a poor slave of my Masters, for before this time my dear friend Domingos G●mes was dead, this slave in love to me, sometimes would bring me meat and water, sometimes I was two days without either meat or drink: in the end of this six weeks, Thomas Musgrave and Master Thomas Turne● came to me with some Dutchmen, and they amongst them gave me twelve shillings: I had received so many bountiful gifts before of my virtuous friend Mistress Foster, that I would have chosen rather to have died, than she should have known my want; but Thomas Musgrave of Ratcliff, knowing how much she favoured me, did persuade me to write unto her, the which (although unwillingly) I did; presently upon the receipt of my letter, I received from her fifty Crowns, and every day was visited from her, yet for all this my sickness grew to be such, that those that saw me thought that I could not escape, except I had the help of some Doctor, then by her means, reporting that I was her kinsman, I was carried to the King's Hospital, where in two months I recovered, being one and twenty times let blood, and shortly after that I was past all danger, I was very kindly discharged out of the Hospital, with ten shillings in my purse. After I came forth of the Hospital, I thought with myself, that the best way was to leave my Master's house, and determine how to get my living by some other means: with this determination I went to the King's Custom house, where I met with many men of all Countries, there I met with some Scotchmen, seeking of one that could speak the language; I hearing them, offered my service, & after that, I had as many customers as I could turn my hands unto, and got by them for interpreting very good maintenance: many Dutch Merchants would have had me gone back again in their affairs for Brusil, and the Indies, but I still had a desire first to come to England, thinking that there I should find some means to set forth myself in some good fashion, but alas I find that want hath no preferment: now for my coming into England, my determination was to have tarried somewhat longer than I did, but that my fortunes were and are everlike to be crossed, for living as I have told you in very good fashion, maintaining myself very well by foreign Merchants, that could not speak the Spanish tongue: one day amongst the rest in the King's Custom house I met with one who told me that my Master Saluador Corea de Saa, did command me to come to him again, if not, that he would make me be brought whither I would or no: in brief, I made little account of his message, and held on my course with them by whom I lived, but now my old friend, imprisonment, and misery comes again, and I am as far from my long desired home as ever I was, for Saluador Corea de saa, seeing I would not come at him, incensed the Viceroy Christopher de Mouco against me, telling him what harm I might do if I got into my Country, I presently upon this was taken in the street as if I had been some notorious villain, carried to prison, cast in a dungeon, where I lay (God be my witness) three days without meat, or sight of light; in the end I espied a little glimpse of the light, and clambering up the wall, in despair and half mad, I broke down a piece of a board that stood before an Iron grate, there I cried out in such sort that a great many came to the window, where many pitied me, but none could help me, etc. §. four The diverse Nations of Savages in Brasil, and the adjoining Regions: their diversities of Conditions, States, Rites, Creatures, and other things remarkable, which the Author observed in his many years manifold peregrinations. THe Petivares are not of so wild and barbarous conditions as many other Provinces are The Petiu●res described. in Brasil; for if you come as a Merchant unto them, they will traffic with you, if as a Warrior, they will fight very valiantly. They are men of good stature, their bodies are all carved with very fine works, and in their lips they make a hole with a Roe-bucks horn, and when they come to man's estate, they cut the hole of their lips with a Cane, and then the hole being big they wear a green Stone therein, and he that hath not this fashion is counted a peasant. These Cannibals have no religion, they may take as many wives as they will, or as they No set form of Religion. can get: the women can take no more husbands but one, except her husband give her leave in public before them all, than she may take whom she will. When these Indians go to the wars, Wars. Region. Diet. their wives carry all their provision in Baskets on their backs: these Cannibals go all naked, and inhabit on the Northern parts of Brasil from Baya to Rio Grande: they have no certainty of meat but roots, and if they kill any wild Beast or Fowl in the Mountains, when he comes home, look to which of his wives he giveth that which he bringeth, with her he will lie that night; then she presently goeth to the water, and washeth herself, and lying down in a net, commandeth all the rest of her husband's wives to serve her; which they do very obediently for that day. When the time cometh that any woman is to be delivered of Child birth, she R●t●● of child▪ birth. with any kind of Nation, but do eat all kind of people, Frenchmen, Portugals, and Blackamoor's. Many times whilst I was at the River of januarie, some ships were cast away at this Cape, and all the Portugals and Blackamoor's were eaten. I have seen them take great dog-fish by the tail, and drag them ashore. In this place I have seen very great water Aligartos Sharks devoured by Sharks. Crocodiles, how and why taken. (which we call in English Crocodiles) seven yards long. This Crocodile hath great scales, and long claws very ugly to be seen. The Portugals, when they know where any of these great ones are, do fish for them with a c●aine, and a great Iron hook, and for bait they tie a Cock or a Hen to the hook, they take this pains to take him because his Cod are very great, and better than any musk. At this place, the Mountains are so full of Crab-lice, that we knew not what to do, Crab-lice. they would stick in our skins that we could not get them off, but were fain to take dry straw and sing ourselves, as you would sing Hogs, and so rid ourselves of them. Here also we had great store of wild Hogs, and a kind of wild Fowl as big as Turkeys, called Mutas. Abausanga, is the name of a valiant Cannibal, that is adjoining hard by the Wataquazes, these Abausangaretam. Cannibals are a kind of the Tamoyes. Some twenty years agone there was a Governor among them, called Mendesaa, in the River of januarie, who made war against the Tamoyes, and in the end over run all their Country or Province; only this Abausanga remained hidden in Dungeons and gr●at Holes with some forty or fifty of his Countrymen. It was our chance going to war with the Wataquazes to come through this Town, and there we had news by Abausangas people, that he was at war against the Wataquazes; whereupon we made Spies to see if we could take him, before that we would set upon the Wataquazes. One evening, we heard a great noise of Cannibals, than the Captain sending out some Spies, myself being one, we saw that it was Abausanga, and his company, that had taken five Wataquazes, and with great stir were killing of them to eat. as soon as we had espied all that we could, we returned again to the Captain, and told him what we had seen, and that night circled Abausanga, and took him prisoner, with sixty young men of his company; we asked of him our best course, to war against the Wataquazes, he told us, that he was rather to take our advice, than we to ask his, that he used no policy but to fight in open field, and if we would, we should see how he made war against his enemies: the nex● day, we being hard by the Inhabitants of the Wataquazes; Abausanga See the former §. came forth, and joined all his company together with leave of our Captain, and as soon as they were all ready with their bows and arrows, he ran into the thickest of his enemies, with all his company, where eighteen of his company were presently killed, and most of them sore hurt, he himself being shot in one and twenty parts. In our sight he killed three Wataquazes before he fell; the Portugals kept still by the woods side, and with their pieces killed one hundred and thirty Wataquazes, the wild people were so amazed when they heard our pieces go off, that they thought the Devil had been amongst them, and every one began to fly as fast as he could, the Portugals following them, found Abausanga in the field hurt, as you have heard. This Abausanga as soon as he perceived the Portugals to stand amazed at him, desired them to tell him somewhat of God, for he said, that Frenchmen had told him that there was a God, and that he which believed in him should be saved. The Portugals telling him of their faith, he said that he believed in that God, and desired to be baptised, and had his name given him john. For the space of two hours that this Indian lived, he did nothing but call upon God, and so ended his life, being one hundred and twenty years of age, as he showed us by signs. The Wayanasses, inhabit eighteen leagues Southward of the River of januarie, at a place called The Wayanasses. by the Portugals, Ilha Grande, that is to say, The great Island. These Cannibals are of low stature, great bellies, and broad feet, very Cowards, of a reasonable good complexion. They do not carve their bodies, neither do they glory so much to eat man's flesh, as the Tamoyes, the Tomymenos, and other Cannibals do. The Women are big in the body, and very ugly, but they have very good faces. The Women of this Country do paint their bodies and faces with a thing Painting. called in their language Urucu; it groweth in a round Cod like a bean, and that maketh a red ink like Ochre; which maketh them seem most ugly. The hair both of men and women groweth long by the sides, and on the crown all shaved like Franciscan Friars. These Cannibals lie in Nets made of barks of trees, and likewise when they travel through the Wilderness, such provision as they have, they carry in little Nets at their backs; they are never without Tobacco, Tobacco, they esteem it more than any thing that they have in their Country, and with it do heal their wounds, when they are hurt. When the Portugals do stand in need of slaves, they do come to Ilha Grande, and there they shall be sure to meet with some of the Wayanasses a fishing, than they show them Knives, Beads, and Glasses, telling them what they would have for merchandise, and presently they will go to a place called in their language jawarapipo, which is their chiefest Town, and from thence bring all such as they mean to sell to the Sea side, and as good cheap as you can you may buy of them. The Topinaques inhabit at Saint Vincents, they are men of good stature, and of reasonable good complexion; their women are all painted with diverse colours, and on their heads, they The Topin●ques. wear a thin bark of a tree like a Ribbon: the Cannibals eat man's flesh as other Cannibals do, they adore no Idol, neither have they any kind of Religion, only when they kill any man, they all paint their bodies with a kind of fruit, called janipavo, and all their heads are set with feathers, and great stones in their under-lips, with Rattles in their hands, and thus they will dance for three days together. I was amazed to see how they would drink a filthy drink without breaking of their bellies, and asked them how they were able to stand so long and drink so much of that filthy drink: they answered me, that Tobacco did make them as fresh as if they had done nothing. Among these Cannibals there is great store of gold in many Hills hard by the Sea side, and now the Portugals have some of those places, I would we had the rest. Here I end to discourse any farther of the Cannibals that dwell by the Sea side, till I have told you of such Nations as I met withal when I went through the Country, and how I came again to the Sea; I have told you in the first book of my travel, how that five or six years after I had been taken by the Portugals, I went to war against the Cannibals with the Portugals. Now by the grace of God, as near as I can I have told you of all the Nations, that I saw, and conversed with in nine months, that I traveled through the Wilderness with the Portugals, and a year and eleven months that I passed with the Cannibals themselves. THe Cannibals called Pories, inhabit at the least one hundred miles within the land, they are Cannibals called Pories. Small Cocos. most like unto the Wayanasses, men of low stature, they live only on Pine nuts, and small Cocos that are as big as Apples, but they have shells like Walnuts, somewhat harder, the Indians call them Eyrires. They are of good complexion, and esteem very much of clothes if they can get them; the women are all painted with diverse colours, as red, blue, and yellow; they are in peace with the Portugals, and war with no Nation, neither will they eat man's flesh, if they have any other meat; they lie in little Nets made of barks of trees, they have no houses but two or three boughs tied together, covered with Palm leaves if it happe● to rain. In this part of the Country I saw great store of Leopards, and Lions; the Indians call the Leopard, jawaryle, and the Lions, jawarosou; and many great Cats of mountain, which the Indians call Marcayahite, here you may have of the Indians for a Knife or a Comb, five or six Gallons of Balsam oil. After you have passed the famous River of Paraeyva, you shall come into a Country of Cannibals, The Molopaques, bea●de● Savages, and civiller than others. called Molopaques; they are much like unto Dutchmen in bigness, very fair of complexion, they have all beards like other men; so hath not any other kind of Cannibals, except it be here and there one. Most of them do cover their privy parts, they are very civil in their behaviour: their Towns are very strong, all circled with walls made of earth and great logs, they have houses several every man with his family. They have one amongst them whom they call Houses sever 〈…〉 Morovishava, which is their King, but we saw no difference between him and the rest, but only the name, and he had (as I remember) thirteen wives, and no other had so many. Amongst these Cannibals we found good store of gold, the which they do not esteem, neither do they use Gold. it for any thing, but to tie on their fishing lines, when they go a fishing in the River of Para, where they take great store of good fish. Para is beyond Paraeyva eighty leagues: these Indians River Par●. do not work in the mines for gold, as the Spaniards do, but only take such pieces as they Mynes. find when the rain hath washed away the earth: for where the mines of gold are there are no trees, but are dry Mountains of black earth, which the Indians call Taiuquara; and the Mountain where the Molopaques do find this great store of gold, is called E●epararange: if these Cannibals had the knowledge of God, I might boldly say, that there are not any in the world like them. The women are goodly of person, fair of complexion, as our English women are, they Fair wome 〈…〉 are very modest and civil in their behaviour, you shall never see them laugh, they are people very capable to conceive any thing, they have their hair so long, that they tie it about their middles with the bark of a tree, wherewithal they cover their nakedness, they esteem very much of it. Their hair is of colours like our English women, some yellow, some white, some brown: the women that have not long hair, to cover their nakedness, do wear a kind of Fur, which they call Sawyathwaso●. These Cannibals do eat man's flesh, I was not passed nine or ten days among them, therefore I cannot resolve you further of their customs. In that time I was with them I saw no manner of Religion among them, they do keep very good order, observing times to eat their meat, at noon, and at night, and that doth not any other Nation amongst M●●le●● them, they are very cleanly in whatsoever they do. Then we came to a fair champain Country, where we found a kind of Cannibals, called The Motay●●. Motayas. as soon as these Cannibals heard of our being in their Country, they all left their houses, and came to meet us dancing and singing, telling us that they were very glad of our coming into their Country; they brought Ginny Wheat, Pepper, and diverse kind of roots to present us, and craved our friendship, desiring us, that we would aid them against the Tamoyes. We desiring nothing more, told them that to that purpose we were come. as soon as we came to the Weeping w 〈…〉 come. houses of these Cannibals, all the women would sit about us, and laying their hands on our bodies, they would weep most bitterly. After that, every one of them would bring such victuals as they had; some brought boiled Frogs, others brought Serpents, and Snakes, which we found very good; other some brought Munkeiss, and a kind of wild Dog that they kill in the Mountains. W 〈…〉 D 〈…〉 The men brought us man's flesh roasted, dry, as black as a coal, and told us that it was of a Tamoya that they had killed, and desired us that we would eat of it, thinking they had presented us a great and dainty dish. When they saw that we refused to eat man's flesh, they fell a laughing and some of them said that we knew not what was good meat. These Cannibals are men of small stature, brown of complexion, they go all naked, they wear their hair (as now we do in England) below their ears, and so do the women. As their hair g●oweth long, they burn it with fire, making it equal so artificially, that you cannot perceive but that it was cut with Sizors. They will not have any hair grow on their eyebrows, nor on their chin, but still as it groweth they pull it away with a shell: their food is Ginny wheat, and Roots, Frogs, Snakes, Serpents, Crocodiles, Monkey's, Dogs that they kill in the Wilderness, Leopards, and Cats of Mountain; all this ●s good meat amongst them, and we found them very good, and were very glad when we could get them to eat. Then we came to a kind of Cannibal, called Lopos, the Portugals call them Bilreros, these Cannibals The Lopos. are always in the Mountains of Pine trees, and have not any other thing to live on: I never saw any houses that they dwell in, but boug●s tied together with rines of trees, these Cannibals would come to us, and tell us of many things, and would go with us two or three days, and then would run away from us, and many times when they did meet with any of our Indians, or our Portugals, they would take away such things as they had about them, and send them away without any hurt to their persons. As we went through this Country we found many mines of gold, and amongst these Indians our Captain got good store of it, and many good stones. In Gold in plenty. all America, there is not a richer part than this, but it is so far within the Land, and that Country is so populous that as yet neither Portugal nor Spaniard can inhabit there. They are men of small stature, and very brown of complexion, their bodies are all painted as the other Cannibals before named. The women are as brown of complexion as the men, and very rude and shameless, for in their behaviour they differ not from wild beasts, but in all things live like them. After we had passed this Province, we came into the Province of the Wayanawasons, where we The Wayanawasons, simple savages. found them in small Towns built by a River's side, and found these the simplest Nation of all other: for these Cannibals would stand and gaze upon us like herds of Deer, and never say any thing unto us. Here we found great store of Ginny wheat, and pompions that we did eat. In many Bogs hard by their Town we killed good store of Crocodiles, and did eat of them, for in this journey we were almost starved. These Cannibals are of a good stature, big, and tall of body, and very clean made of their limbs, very sufficient to behold; but they are a kind of lazy people, that care not for any thing, but will lie all day lasing in their houses, and never go abroad but for their victuals. The women are of good stature, they are of a done pale complexion, and they do provide Pompions and Roots for their husbands. Here we were all, or most of us very sick with eating of a kind of fruit, which the Indians call Madiopuera, this fruit is as big Venomous plum. as a Horse plum, as yellow as gold, the kernel of it is as sweet as any Almond, of this fruit did most of our company eat, and of them died sixteen, and many others sick for a fortnight after. as soon as our company had recovered we went on our way to seek out the Tamoyes, having for our guides six of the Motayes, who carried us at the least two months up and down the Wilderness, every day making us believe, that we should come unto our enemy's Country. They brought us at last to the sight of two Towns along by a River side. The Portugals after they had seen how great the Towns of the Cannibals were, durst not adventure to pass over the River, for fear lest the Indians had espied us, and were laid in ambush. There was not any of all the company, Portugal nor Indian, that durst to go over the River; the Captain and the chiefest of the Portugals agreed together and made me go to the Town, whether I would or no. When I saw that there was no remedy, I took my leave of them all: for I thought verily that I went to the slaughter house, or at least to have lived a Cannibal with them during my life. With these M●ny straits. two extremities in my thought, commending my soul and body to Almighty God: I swum over the River upon a little Target made of Cork, and as soon as I had landed I went strait to the Town, where I found nothing but two tame Ostriches: he people had espied us, and were run away. When the Portugals had news from me that there was no body, than they were so T●me Ostriches. River jawary. Menua●e. valiant as Lions, striving who should get first into the Town, this was the River of Iawari●, the Town is called Menuare. Here it was that I should have been hanged, for striking of Antonio Martin's in the Court of guard, after I had killed the great Serpent, called Sorocueu. In this Town we found great store of Gi●●y wheat, and Pompions dried in the smoke. In this Town likewise we had great store of dry Tobacco, and Potato roots: we found great store of gold in pieces, and also store of Crystal, and many other good stones; some found Diamonds, and a kind Gold, Crystal and gems. The Serpent Sorocueu described, his strange form and qualities. of blue stones that the Portugals did esteem of very much, and called them Pedras de Sangua, bloud-stones. The Serpent that I killed was thirteen span long, it had four and twenty teeth, as sharp as any nail, about the neck it had greater shells than the other parts of her body; the shells were black and russet like a collar, and on her body they were russet and dark green; under her belly all speckled with black and white. It had four sharp feet, no longer than a man's finger, it had a tongue like a harping Iron, her tail was like a strait Bull horn, all black and white listed. From one of these did the Lord defend me, and permitted me to kill one of them with the helue of an axe in the night. The Indians dare not go to kill one of them except they go five or six of them with bows and arrows. All kind of wild beasts, Lions, or Leopards, all kind of Snakes, but only this, do fear the fire, and if they come where the Indians leave any fire travelling through the Wilderness, if any of these Serpents do find it, they never leave beating themselves in it, till they either kill themselves or put out the fire. These Serpents when they seek their prey will stand about a small tree or a bough, and when any wild beast passeth, he falleth upon him, thrusting his tail into the fundament of whatsoever it seizeth on. After we had remained at this place a fortnight, or three weeks, the Portugals did resolve to come back again without any purchase, there the Captain gave up his authority, and joined himself with his friends to seek the nearest way home, than did I and twelve young men of the Portugals determine to go to the South Sea by land, for we knew by the Notes of the Motayes, that we were not far from Peru, and Cusco, and we knowing how poor our estates were, and the great famine we had passed coming to the Town of Menuare, made us afraid to go back again, that way which we had come, and for mine own part, I encouraged the twelve young Portugals all that I could to go forward, for I had surely been knocked on the head if I had gone back in my Captain's company. With much ado, we thereon resolved to seek our fortunes in the Wilderness. After we were departed from our company, we came to many Mountains, where we found good store of gold, and many precious stones; when we came into this Country, we thought we had been in the Province of Peru, we had such plenty of mines, and there was not one of us but had store of stones, that those which we took as to day, we would throw away to morrow to take other better than them which we had before. Thus we traveled some two months in the golden Country, till at the last we came to that great and most Two months travel in a golden Country. Crystal mountain. Vault-straits. strange Mountain of Crystal. This Mountain is of a huge height, that it seemeth to be within the clouds, and so steep that it is impossible to go over the top. Here it was that we passed through the Vault, and in truth it was one of the greatest dangers, and the most desperate that ever I was in. as soon as we had passed this danger, it was the pleasure of God to deliver us into the hands of our mortal enemies the Tamoyes, where my twelve companions were killed and eaten, only myself remained among these Cannibals a year and eleven months, in the which time I went many times to war against other Provinces that were joining upon the Country of Tamoyes, and (I thank God) prospered so well that I was very much esteemed of them, and had a great comm●nd over them when they went to the field. These Tamoyes be as proper men as any be in all Europe; they use to make holes in their upper-lips like the Petewares'; most of them are of a Tamoyes proper men. very fair complexion. The men have their heads always set with feathers of diverse colours which showeth very prettily, they go stark naked. The women are as proper as any Nation can be, tall, comely, well legged, clean made of body, very small in the waste, very fair of complexion, fine handed, and very comely faces. They use a kind of carving over their breasts, which becometh them very well. Here the Cannibals esteem not any more of gold, or precious stones, Store of gold. than we do of any stones in the streets: if the Spaniards had known of this Country, they needed not to have gone to Peru, there is not like unto this for all kind of rich metals, and many kind of precious stones. In this place I lived eighteen months, and went naked as the Cannibals did. After I had lived with these Cannibals the time that you have heard, I was in great favour and credit with them, insomuch that they would not do any thing before they had made me acquainted withal: I have told them many times of the coming and going of our English ships to the Straits of Magellan, and how well we did use all kind of Nations, and what kind of all things necessary we had for their use. These words made the Cannibals desire to come to the Sea coast, and asked of me how it were possible for them to come to dwell by the Sea without being slaves to the Portugals: I told them that I knew many places where English men and French men did use to come, but that neither Portugal, nor Spaniard was never there. After I had His journey with the Sages. Tocoman. Pygmies dwelling in Caves told them what I thought best, we all agreed to come through the Province of Tocoman, and so to the Sea, between the River of Plate and Saint Vincents. This Country of Tocoman is all sandy, and in it inhabit the Pygmies; I have seen many of them amongst the Spaniards at the River of Plate. They are not altogether so little as we speak of them here in England: their inhabitation in Tocoman is in Caves of the ground. In this Country the Inhabitants in many places have such Wheat as we find in England, and Cassavi meal. This Tocoman is judged by the Spaniard to be the end of Brasill, and the entering into Peru; for in Tocoma there are all kind of Brasila Rootes, and all kind of Corn, aswell as Peru; this Country yieldeth nothing to the Spaniards, but wild Horses, and the Indians of Tocoman are mortal enemies to all the Inhabitants of Peru; therefore the Spaniards do keep this Country because they keep the Provinces of Peru in fear, or else they would rise up against the Spaniards. After we had passed this Country, we came to a River that runneth from Tocoman to Chile, where we tarried four days making Canoas' to pass the R●uer, for there were so many River running to Chile. Crocodiles, that we durst not pass it for fear of them: after we had passed this River, we came to the Mountain Detodas Metalas, that is, of all Metals. At this pl●ce diverse Spaniards and Portugals have been, and certain lawless men were set on shore on this coast by one Pedro d● Charamento, Mountains of a 〈…〉 Metals. which came to this place, and set up a great Cross, and on it writ, that the Country was the King of Spain's; the which I put out, and w●●t that it was the Queen of England's. This hill is of diverse kind of Metals, Copper and Iron, some Gold, and great store of Quicksilver. It is very high, and all bare wit out any Trees. Here likewise was a little Church made, where we found two Images, one of our Lady, and another of Christ crucified. When the Tamoyes saw those signs, they thought that I had betrayed them, and (indeed) I was amazed, thinking that we had been in some part of the River of Plate, and because the Indians should not be discouraged, I showed myself to be very glad, and told them that I knew those were signs tha● my Country men used to make when they came into strange Countries: with these persuasions I made the Tamoyes to come on their journey to the Sea; where otherwise if I had told them it had b●n set up by the Spaniards, the fear that the poor Cannibals stood in of them had been enough to have made them all return again from whence they came. At the last we came to the Sea, as I have told you, to the Town of the Cariyohs: this Town standeth in a fine pleasant place, hard by the coast in a fair Bay, where one hundred Ships may anchor without any danger. And in this place you shall always have great store of fish. In this Country, for a Knife or a ●●sh hook, you may buy a dozen of skins of very good Fur; and if you will, these Indians will go (for any tr●fle) and fetch two or three baskets of Metals, and some have had such good luck, that for two or three Glasses, and a Comb or two, with some Knives, they have got the value of four or five thousand Crowns in Gold and Stones. The Town stood upon a hill, but we pulled it down. But when we were taken by the Portugals, and that the Cariyohs were restored again to their Country, they did situate again with in the same place where they were when we drove them out of their Country. Here the Portugals did bind me, and would have hanged me for the twelve Portugals that the Cannibals had killed and eaten: The Caryi●hs are men of good stature, and very valiant: they make holes in their under lip as the other Cannibals do. These Cannibals likewise eat man's flesh, and speak the same language The Caryiohs. that the Tamoyes do: the women are very comely, the most of them are o● a fair complexion; they wear their hair lose about their ears, and all their bodies are died with black, and their faces withered, and yellow, their breasts are all carved with diverse colours, which be seemeth very well. Here is the end of my travel through America, with the Cannibals, from whence I returned again to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa; where I was worse than ever I was before. The Giants of Port Desire, and inhabitants of Port Famine: also Angola, Congo, and Massangana, and Angica, Countries of Africa. AT Port Desire, which is the next haven to the straits of Magelan, inhabited Giants of fifteen or sixteen spans of height. I affirm, that at Port Desire I saw the footing of them, by the shore side, that was above four foot of one of our men's in length; and I saw two of them that were bur●ed newly, the one of them was fourteen spans long. After I was taken with the Spaniards, the Desire, one of our Ships that had been all alone at Port Desire, lost nine men and a boy, and two or three of them that had been taken on the coast of Brasil, said that these Giants did throw stones of such bigness at them out of strings, that they were fain to weigh anchor, and to lie further from the shore. I saw another of these in Brasil, that was taken by Alonso Dias a Spaniard, that with foul weather was driven out of Saint I ul●ans; this was but a A youth 13. spans high. young man, yet above thirteen spans long. This Port Desire is a fair pleasant Country, it hath many fine Rivers, and the Spaniards do affirm, that from this place it is easy to go to the Indians Chele, which is a very rich Country. In Port Desire, in many small Rivers there is Chile. great store of Pearl, and Coral. Here you may have great store of Penguins and Seals at an Island that lieth a mile Southward of the mouth of the haven. These Giants whereof I have spoken, go all naked; they wear their hair long to the shoulders. He whom I saw at Brasil, was Giants habitlesse habit. a man of fair complexion, and very well proportioned according to his long stature: and this is all that I can report of them, for I know not their behaviour, but as the Portugals and Spaniards judge, they are no better than the Man-eaters of Brasil. At Port ●amine the General would have left me. Here inhabit a kind of strange Cannibals, Port ●amine in the Straits of Magelan. Wide mouthed men. short of body, not above five or six spans high, and very strong and thick made: their mouth are very big, and reach almost to their ears; they eat their meat in a manner raw, for they do nothing but scorch it a little in the fire, and so eat it, and with the blood that runneth from their mouths, they smear all their faces, and their breasts, and lay young feathers on their bodies to the blood that clingeth to their skins like Glue. When we were at the straits in this place, there came above four or five thousand unto us of them, but they never brought unto us any thing but Feathers and Pearl as much as we would (for there is great store in this Port Famine) all the while that we were at it. These Cannibals would never let us come so near them, as to touch any of them, for fear we should take them; when they would give us any thing, they would tie it at the end of a long staff, and so likewise we did to them. Here our General left seven sick men ashore: the Snow lieth all the year on the Mountains, and it is so cold in june, and july, that our men did freeze, and many of them lost their toes, as I myself for one, for in Extreme cold and naked people. one night that I lay moist of my feet, I lost three of my toes on one of my feet, and four of the tops of the other foot; some had their feet frozen, some their noses, as Harris a Goldsmith, Henry Barrawell, that was taken with me, lost his hair from his head, and was all bald for a year or two in Brasil: yet for all this cold, all the Inhabitants go naked, except here and there Harris the Goldsmith. H. Barrawell. one wear seal skins, or the skins of some wild E●asts, of the which there are many, as Leopards, Lions, and a kind of Beasts bigger than Horses, they have great ears above a span long, Beasts bigger than Horses at the M●gellan st●ai●s, called Tape●ywason, in Ethiopia: whether he meaneth Zebra or Dantec●, see Tom. 1. p. 1002. and their tails are like the tails of a Cow; these are very good, the Indians of Brasil call them Tapetywason: of these Beasts I saw in Ethiopia, in the Kingdom of Manicongo, the Portugals call them Gombe: farther within the Straits at Tolisbay, we found many barks of trees, that the Indians of the Straits do fish in, these Indians would not come near us, but still as they spied our Boats they would run away, but we plainly saw that they were men of good stature, and of white skins; they go all naked both men and women. And thus I end my travel of America. Angola is a Kingdom of itself in Ethiopia, where first the Portugals did begin to inhabit: the Country of Angola cometh along the coast, as Portugal doth upon Spain, so doth Angola Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil, as is before delilivered. run upon the Kingdom of Longa and Manicongo. In Angola the Portugals have a City, called the Holy Ghost, where they have great store of Merchandise, and the Moor do come thither with all kind of such things as the Country yieldeth, some bring Elephants teeth, some bring Negro slaves to sell, that they take from other Kingdoms which join hard by them: thus do they use once a week, as we keep Markets, so do all the Blackamoor's bring Hens and Hogs, which they call Gula, and Hens they call S●ng●, and a kind of Beast that they take in the Wilderness l●ke a Dog, which they call Ambroa: then they have that Beast which before I have told you of, called Gumbe, which is bigger than a Horse. The Blackamoor's do keep good Laws, The King's pomp. and fear their King very much: the King is always attended with the Nobles of his Realm, and whensoever he goeth abroad, he hath always at the least two hundred archers in his guard, and ten or twelve more going before him singing and playing with Pipes made of great Canes, and four or five young Moors coming after him as his Pages, after them follow all his Noblemen. When there falleth out any controversy among them, they crave battle of the King, and then they fight it out before him. They come before the King and fall flat on their breasts, than Rites of the people. they rise up and kneel on their knees stretching out their arms, crying Mahobeque benge, benge; then the King striketh them on the shoulders with a Horse-tail, than they go to the Camp, and with their Bows they fight it out, till they kill one another. After the battle is done, if any liveth, he that liveth falleth down before the King in the same manner as he did when he went to the field, and after a long oration made, he taketh the Horse-tail from the King's shoulder, and waveth it about the King's head, and then l●●eth it on his shoulder again, and goeth away with great honour, being accompanied with all the Nobles of the Court: the Moors of Angola do know that there is a God, and do call God Cariola pongoa, but they worship the Sun and the Moon. The Country is Champain plain, and dry black earth, and yieldeth very little Corn, the most of any thing that it yieldeth is Plantons, which the Portugals call Baynonas, and the Moors call them Mahonge, and their Wheat they call Tumba, and the Bread A●ou; and if you will buy The Country. any Bread of them, you must say Tala C●na a●en t●mbola gimbo, tha● is, give me some bread, here is money. Their money is called G●llginbo, a shell of a fish that they find by the sh●are side, and from Brasil the Portugals do carry great store of them to Angola. These Moors do esteem very much of red, blue, and yellow clothes, they will give a slave for a span of cloth in breadth I mean, and the length of it of the breadth of the piece, those pieces of cloth they wear about their middles, and under it they hang the skin of a great Weasel before them, and another behind them, and this is all the garments that they wear. A Weasel in their language is called P●cc●. You can do a Blackamoor no greater disgrace, then to take away his Skin from before Wezels s●i● affected. him, for he will dye with grief if he cannot be revengéd: the Portugals do mark them as we do Sheep with a hot Iron, which the Moors call Crimbo, the poor slaves stand all in a row one by another, and sing Mundele que sumbela ●e Carey ●a belelelle, and thus the poor rogues Branded beguiled slaves. are beguiled, for the Portugals make them believe that they that have not the mark is not accounted a man of any account in Brasil or in Portugal, and thus they bring the poor Moors to be in a most damnable bondage under the colour of love. The Country of Angola yieldeth no stone, and very little wood: the Moors do make their houses all covered with earth; these houses are no bigger than a reasonable Chamber, and within are many partitions, like the Cabins of a ship, in such sort that a man cannot stand upright in them. There beds are made of great Bulrushes sowed together with the rinds of a Tree. They do make cloth like Spark of Velvet (but it is thinner) of the bark of a Tree, and that cloth they do call Mollelleo. The Elephants do feed in the Evening and in the Morning in low marshes as there be Taking of Elephants. many. The Moors do watch which way they come, and as soon as the Elephants are at meat, they dig great holes in the ground, and cover them with sticks, and then they cover the pits with earth, and when they have made all ready they go to the Elephants, and shoot at them with their Arrows, and as soon as the Elephants feel themselves hurt, they r●nne at what soever they see before them, following after the Blackamoors that chase them, than they fall into the deep pits where after they are once in, they cannot get out. The Moors of Angola are as black as ●et; they are men of good stature, they never take but one Wife, whom they call Mocasha. These Moors do cut long streaks in their faces, that reach from the top of their ears to their chins. The women do wear shells of fishes on their arms, and on the small of their legs. The Law amongst them, is, that if any More do lie with an others wife, he shall lose his ears for his offence. These Moors do circumcize their children, and give them their names, as we do when we baptise. Angola may very easily be taken: for the Portugals have Circumcision. no Forts to defend it of any strength. The King of Congo is the greatest King in all Aethiopia; and doth keep in the field continually sixty thousand Soldiers, that do war against the King of Vangala▪ and the King of Angola; Of Congo. this King is a Christian, and is brother in Law of Arms with the King of Spain, his servants of his house are most of them all Portugals, and he doth favour them very much. The King is of a very liberal condition, and very favourable to all Travellers, and doth delight very much to The King. hear of foreign Countries. He was in a manner amazed to hear how it was possible her Majesty had lived a Maiden Queen so long, and always reigned in peace with her subject. When I was brought before the King, and told him of my Country; what plenty of things we had, if the Portugals had not liked of it, they would interrupt my speech, and the King would show himself very angry, and tell them that every man was best able to speak of his Country, and that I had no reason but to tell him that which was true. The King of Congo, when he goeth to the Camp to see his Army, rideth upon an Elephant in great pomp and majesty, on either side of the Elephant he hath six slaves two of them were Kings, that he himself had taken in the field; all the rest were of noble birth; some of them were brothers to the King of Ancica, and some of them were of the chiefest blood of the great King of Bengala. These noble slaves at every command of the King of Congo; do fall flat on the ground on their breasts. When the King doth ride as you have heard, they carry a Canopy as it were a cloth of State over his head. His two Secretaries, the one a Nobleman of Spain, the other a More, do ride next after him. Before him goeth at the least five hundred Archers, which are his Guard, than there followeth a More, which doth nothing but talk aloud in praise of the King, telling what a great Warrior he hath been, and praising his wisdom for all things that he hath accomplished very honourably to his great fame of such as knew him. When this King of Congo cometh to his Host, all the Soldiers as he passeth, fall flat on their faces to the ground. He never cometh into his Host after any battle, but he dubbeth at the least twenty Knights Portugals, and as many Moors, giving them very great living according to their callings, and the service that they have done. The brother of this King was in Spain, at my coming from thence for Ambassador from his brother. Here the Portugal Captain would have taken me perforce, to have been a common Soldier, but the King commanded that they should let me go whether I would, and my determination at that time was to have gone for the Country of Prester john, for I had a great desire to see the River of Nilo and jerusalem (for I accounted myself as a lost man, not caring into what Country or Kingdom I came) but it was not the will of God, that I should at that time obtain my desire. For travelling through the Kingdom of Congo, to have gone to the Kingdom of Angila, It was my fortune to meet a company of Portugal Soldiers that went to a Conquest, that the King of Spain had newly taken, called Masangana; which place is on the borders Masangana. See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battle lived here six years. of Anguca. Here they made me serve like a Drudge, for both day and night I carried some stone and ●ime to make a Fort. It lieth right under the Line, and standeth in a bottom in the middle of four hills, and about are many fogs, but not one River. It is the unfirmest Country under the Sun. Here the Portugals die like Chickens; you shall see men in the morning very ●ustie, and within two hours dead. Others, that if they but wet their legs, presently they swell bigger than their middle; others broke in the sides with a draught of water. O, if you did know the intolerable heat of the Country, you would think yourself better a thousand times dead, then to live there a week. There you shall see poor Soldiers lie in troops, gaping Sickly disposition of the place. like Camelians for a puff of wind. Here lived I three months, not as the Portugals did, taking of Physic, and every week letting of blood and keeping close in their houses when they had any rain, observing hours, and times to go abroad morning and Evening, and never to to eat but at such and such times. I was glad when I had got any thing at morning, noon or night, I thank God I did work all day, from morning till night, had it been rain or never so great heat. I had always my health as well as I have in England. This Country is very rich, Gold. the King had great store of Gold sent him from this place: the time that I was there, the King of Angica had a great City at Masangana; which City Paulas Dias, governor of Angola, took Paul Di 〈…〉▪ and situated there, and finding hard by it great store of Gold, fortified it with four Forts, and walled a great circuit of ground round about it, and within that wall, now the Portugals do build a City, and from this City every day they do war against the King of Angica, and have Angica. burnt a great part of his Kingdom. The Angica● are men of goodly stature, they file their teeth before on their upper jaw and Anzicans' valiant. on their under jaw, making a distance between them like the teeth of a Dog; they do eat man's flesh, they are the stubbornest Nation that lives under the Sun, and the resolutest in the field that ever man saw; for they will rather kill themselves then yield to the Portugals: Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceived by occasion of their circumcision; which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnics, with Mahumetans. they inhabit right under the line, and of all kind of Moors these are the blackest; they do live in the Law of the Turks, and honour Mahomet, they keep many Concubines as the Turks do, they wash themselves every morning upwards, falling flat on their faces towards the East. They wear their hair all made in plaits on their heads, as well men as women: they have good store of Wheat, and a kind of grain like Fetches, of the which they make Bread: they have great store of Hens like Partridges, and Turkeys, and all their feathers curl on their backs: their houses are like the other houses of the Kingdom's aforenamed. And thus I end, showing you as brief as I can, all the Nations and Kingdoms that with great danger of my life I traveled through in twelve years of my best age getting no more than my travel for my pain. From this Kingdom Angica, was I brought in Irons again to my Master Saluador Corea de sa sa, to the City of Saint Sebastian in Brasil, as you have heard. Now you have seen the discourse of my travels, and the fashions of all the Countries and Nations where I have been, I will by the help of God, make you a short discourse in the language of the Petiwares, which language all the Inhabitants of Brasil do understand, especially all the coast from Fernambucquo to the River of Plate, the which I hope will be profitable to all travellers, and of them I trust my pains shall be well accepted of. First, you must tell them of what Nation you are, and that you come not as the Portugals do, for their wives and children to make them bondslaves. We are Englishmen, as you all know that in times past had peace with you. Now knowing the need and want that you have of all such things as before your Fathers had, for the love that both your ancestors and ours did bear one to another, and for the love and pity that we have of your want, we are come to renew our ancient amity. o'er aqureiwa que se neering peramoya werisco Catadoro warevy orenysbe beresoy. Coeu pecoteve Cowavere pipope pewseva baresey opacatu baye berua oweryco coen pecoteve sou se-Core mandoare peramoya waysouba, o'er ranoya waysonua reseij eteguena rescij pecoteve pararava, oro in ibewith o'er ramoya pereri socatumoyn go pacum. §. V. The description of diverse Rivers, Ports, Harbours, Lands of Brasil: for instruction of Navigators. RIo Grande, is called by us the great River, lately was conquered by a Portugal, called Rio Grande, Manuel Masquarenhas. It is above two leagues broad in the mouth, and on the Southeast side standeth a great Fort made by the foresaid Manuel Masquarenhas: that Country is plain and sandy in many places, especially near the Sea, and yieldeth Sugar Canes in abundance. On the coast are many great Bays, where the Indians do oftentimes find great store of Ambergreese: within this place, there is also store of Wood, Pepper, Ginger, and Wax. Ambergreese. Here inhabit a kind of Cannibals, called Petywares: these Cannibals have had traffic a long time with France, and amongst them there are many that can speak French, which are Bastards, begotten of Frenchmen. On the coast of Brasil there are three Rivers of Paraeyva: one is this that lieth next to Rio Para 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Rivers. Gande, the other is a great River that runneth through the Country almost as far as Lymo, and cometh out between Cape Frio and Spirito Sancto: the third is a fair River that lieth between the River of Plate and Saint Vincents. This Pareyva whereof we speak, is a fair great Bay, where shipping being never so great may enter, within this Bay upon a hill, you shall see a fair City, and on the Sea side standeth two small Forts. You may anchor near the shore, at the entry of this Bay, you shall see three hills of red earth on either side of the harbour, which the Portugals call Barer as Mermeth●es. Guyana, is a small River that lieth by Paracua, it belongeth to jasper Desiquerd, who was chief justice of all Brasil. In the mouth of this River standeth a great rock, which is continually A River called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●an 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 ●●wly. covered with Sea Foules. This River hath two fathom water in the mouth, a quarter of a mile within this River, on the South-west side, you may take fresh water, and great store of cattle: upon this River there are great store of Sugar Mils, and continually you shall have in this River small Carvels that fish, and carry Sugar from thence to Fernambuquo: likewise here is great store of Brasil, Pepper, Ginger, and Cotten, Cocos, Indian Nuts, here likewise inhabit Petywares. Etamariqua in the Indian language is a bed, it is a point of the land like a Cape: the point runneth half a mile into the Sea, and upon it the Portugals have built a Town, you may anchor The description of a place, called by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. very near the shore, both on the South-west and on the North-east side of the Town, in seven and eight fathom water. All the Country till you come to Cape Augustin, is low land, and to sail from thence to Fernambuquo is no danger, but the cliffs which lie along the coast, as far as the River Saint Francis, which are always seen, the Seas when there are any Spring tides, do overflow the land behind: moreover if any wind blow from the East, it beateth the Sea into hills of the Cliffs, that it maketh a great noise. Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars, and great store of Coco Nuts. On the North side of Fernambuquo, you shall see white Downs, and when you are passed all the Downs on the South, you are by Capignramirinij, which is a place where always you shall ●●●n●mbuq●o and 〈◊〉 City o● 〈◊〉. see Fishermen in small Boats or jangades; and from thence to Fernambuquo, are five or six miles, and so if you be under 8. degrees, you shall see a flat land even and bare, called Capituya; than you must take heed you run not Southward, for than you run upon a point of the land, called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda, which is four leagues from the Cape, and stretcheth into the Sea as far as Cape Augustin. As soon as you have doubled this point, you must take heed you put not in with the Town of Olynda, which you shall see; for if you do, you will run upon the Sands, called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio, which lie at least four or five miles into the Sea, being near the shore, you shall see the Ships that lie at anchor over the Cliffs, called by the Portugals Arecias: this place is a league from Fernambuquo, being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo do arrive: from this place to the Cape you shall see the Cliffs, as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers, no higher in one place then in another, but all even. The Town of Fernambuquo is situated upon a hill, and very strongly entrenched round about, on the Sea side every twelve score, standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers, with four cast Pieces, and so they scour all the shore from the Arecias, where the Ships lie to the point of Olynda, which is the farthest part of the Town Northwards, from the Arecias where the Ships lie cometh a River through the land, a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast, and runneth right behind the Town from the South to the West and East, which maketh the Town almost an Island, all but a little part of the North side. The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles: Cape of Saint Augustine. from the Sea you shall see three hills, called by the Petiwares, Aquare Wason Remitum, they will seem unto you like the back of a Camel, and now you may easily know it, for you may see a Church that the Portugals have built; and half a league towards the South, you shall see the Island of Saint Aleyxo. The Island of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow: it lieth within a league of the shore, and stretcheth North-east and South-west, you may anchor between the shore and it all weathers, I●. of S. Aleyxo. for the Island hath very fair Bayss, where you may lie in ten or twelve fathom water. Upon this Island you may take wood or fresh water. Porto Docalno lieth Southward of the Island of Saint Alyyxo, it is a flat land, you need not Porto Docalo●. fear the coming in by the rocks, for hard by them you shall have fourteen fathom weater. Here you shall have great store of cattle, and Sugars. This Country is plain low land, and all planted with Sugar Canes: you shall know this harbour very easily from the Southern point of the Island Saint Aleyxo, for when it ebbeth, you shall see a fair Bay, and all the shore bore almost to the Cape, being black ground. Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno, is the River of stones. Southward of it you River of stones shall see three great red Hills, which stand over the River of Camarysu●a, which is a league from this River, you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land, and before the mouth of it many great Rocks, to come to this Bay you must come close to the shore on the South-west side, and after you be in the Bay keep full West, and it will bring you to a River that runneth into the Land at the least twenty leagues. In the mouth of this River dwell six or seven Portugals, that keep cattle for john Pays, but they are of no strength. Here you may take water at pleasure, and always in those houses, that stand in the mouth of the River, you shall have good store of Cassavi meal. If you be of any strength, that you dare go ten or twelve miles up the River you shall take good store of Sugars, for there standeth three or four Sugar mills only, an other on the River side; likewise here is good store of Brasill, and Pepper, Cotton, and many other merchandise. Camaryi●●● (as I have said) lieth a league Southward from the River of stones, to know it Camaryi●●●. you shall see three Hills of red ground, called by the Portugals, Bare●s Vernellios', this place is not inhabited: the mouth of this place is narrow, and hath not above five foot water, but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the River, and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger, or to fish with your Net, for there is great store of fresh fish of all kinds. The River of Saint Antonio lieth seven leagues from Camaryi●●a, it is a fair great River, lieth The River of Saint Antoni●. some fifty leagues within the Land, hath four fathom water at the coming in, but is so narrow that no ship can come in. It is a very good place for you if you stand in need (having salt) to make your provision, for there you shall have great store of all kind of fish, especially of Salt. Fish Var●●●. a kind of fish, called by the Indians, Vara●●, which is as big as an Ox. After you are within this River, you shall have high land on both sides, and you must be careful and keep good watch, for up this River dwelleth a kind of people, called Carayne, these people if they see you unprovided will fight with you, but if they see you able to defend yourselves, then will they bring such things as they have to traffic. The Harbour of Frenchmen, called by the Indians, A 〈…〉 pi●s●●e, lieth two leagues Southward A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen. from the River of Saint Antonio. It is a small Bay, that may be known by a high Hill that standeth over it, which is all full of Brasill trees. To enter into this Harbour, you must mark the Cliffs, and when you are to the North of them all but one, you may safely come within a stones cast to the shore. When you have landed if you want fresh water, you must seek on the South side of the Hill, and you shall find a stream that runneth out of the Hill into a great Cistern of stone, which is made out of a Rock, you cannot miss of this place if you seek for it, for all the way you shall see small Rocks, and men's names written in them. This River in our language is called the River of Crocodiles, for in it there are many, which the River called jaquareasicke. Indians call Faquares; it is narrow, and in the mouth of it standeth a white Rock. To enter it you must take heed you keep on the North side of this Rock, and you shall find nine and ten foot water; after you be within it you shall come to a great Bay, and on the North-east side you shall find a small River, where you may take fresh water, but let every man take heed how he leapeth into the water, for the Crocodiles lie by the bankside hidden, and if any thing fall into the water presently they kill it. Here is nothing to be had unless you will fish for the Crocodiles, and take the Bladders or Cod of musk from them: here you need not fear any Inhabitants, except you be espied by some passengers that go to Fer●ambuqu●. Alaqua is a very fair River, that lieth four leagues Northward from the River of Saint Alaqua. Michael, and three leagues Southward from the afore said River of Crocodiles. On either side of it you shall see a great Hill, called by the Portugals, Os Cai●●●. You shall find but seven or eight foot water at the coming, and very clear from any Rocks, but after you be within, you shall find many banks of sand, where you shall kill good store of fish, and always you shall be sure to have Carvels fishing in this place, at the coming in on both sides you may take fresh water. Before the River of Saint Michael you shall see the Cliffs like Arecines of Fernambuquo; you River of Saint Michael. must enter at the end of the Cliff, hard by the shore on the South-west: and you must mark a small Cliff that lieth between the mouth of the River and the shore, this Cliff you leave between you and the shore, and betwixt this Cliff and the great Rocks you may enter it; three fathom water. But take heed when you enter, that you sail not towards the North-east, although you see the Bay great, for you shall run upon many great banks of sand, therefore you must keep West still within a stones cast of the shore, so shall you be sure to keep in the Channel. Thus you must sail till you discover a house, that you shall see doubling a Point full South from you, than your best is to anchor, for if you go farther, you are in danger except you know the Channel very well. In this place dwells a Portugal, called john de Rocho: and up a River that you shall see run into the Land dwell many Portugals, where they have a Church with Friars to say Mass. Here you shall have good store of cattle if you need, and Brasill wood, Cassavi meal: and in this River you shall have good store of Oysters, and in them you shall find many great Pearls: likewise here is good store of Balsom oil, and trees of All Nesico, which is a very precious and rich wood, singular good for bruises, or old hurts: also here is good store of Tobacco. This place is eight leagues from the River of Toads, where we were driven on the Rocks, because we knew not where we were, for it is a singular good Harbour to enter, if a man know the coming in between the Rocks, called, Os Bayos de Don Rodrigo. Because the Indians indeed do kill many Toads, therefore they call it Cororoen, that is to The Harbour, called The River of Toads. say, the River, or water of Toads, I tell you the name in the Indian language. Because in all places you shall have of them, and so you may know when they tell you where you are. When you are in ten degrees and an half Southwards of the Equinoctial Line, you shall see five hills and the three that standeth on the North side of this place whereof we speak are round and high, the other two that stand on the South, not far in distance one from another, are long and lower than the other, if you come near the shore, you shall see a great many of small Rocks, and a great Bay which is the place I speak of, right before this Bay you shall see two great Rocks, to go into this Harbour, you must pass between these Rocks which are called Bayos de don Rodrigo, when you are ●ntred you may anchor hard by the Rocks, and sound the Channel, which will lie North-east from you. Here you may have fresh water up the River, but it will be hard for you to find therefore your best is to go a quarter of a mile by the Sea side, and you shall see a fa●re River, where you may take water at pleasure, and kill good store of fish. At this place coming from the River of jenero, in the night we were driven upon the Rocks for want of a Pilot that knew the Coast. I do not set down the places between this and the Cape Frio, because I know them not, but by report of other Travellers, and therefore I leave it to them, for I will write no more but what I have seen, and am able to prove when time shall serve, and thus▪ I end showing you all that I have seen on the Coast Northward of Cape Frio, which is in our Language Cape Cold. Cape Frio is a point of the Land that runneth into the Sea at least twelve mile, it lieth under 22. degrees. At this Cape you may have sight of a great Mountain, that you may see over it called Abausango Re●ambuera, here you may anchor on the East-side of this Cape in a Harbour called Aba●●a formozo. Here you may have great store of Brassell-wood, and in this Bay you shall find oftentimes good store of Ambergris, and on the North side of this Bay you shall see a great River called uparason, where you may kill good store of many kind of fishes, and in the mouth of this River you shall have great store of Coral, if you will drag for it. Saquarema is a River, where the Frenchmen did traffic with the Cannibals called Tamoyes; it floweth four leagues Southward from the Cape. This River is narrow at the coming in, you R. Saquar●ma. shall find twelve foot water, till you be three or four leagues up the River. You shall find fresh water on either side of the River, and great store of Brassell-wood, all along the River side. On the South side of this River you shall ●ee a great hill which the Indians call Boype●a, that is, The rotten Whale, for you shall see the top of it like a dead Whale. If you want refreshing, you may have good store of Potato Roots there, Plantons, Lemons, Oranges, and many other good Roots as big as great Turnips, which the Indians call Caravasou. Etioca is a league Southward of the River of Saquarema, It is (as I have said in the description Eti●ca. of my travel) a great and huge Rock, hollow within, where the Indians say that the servant of God did preach unto them, which they call Topa●uayaper●, before the mouth of this Rock towards the Sea standeth another flat Rock, that reacheth somewhat into the Sea; upon it you shall see the prints of bare feet, here if you fish with Lines, you may quickly lad your ship. A little behind this stone house, you shall see a fine River of water, where you shall find many pretty green stones that Indians do use to wear in their lips. You may anchor within a Musket sho● of the shore, but it is very dangerous if the wind be in the East. Piratening● is five leagues to the Southward of Etioca, right before it standeth a small Island, it is inhabited by the Portug●ls, It is a Bay that runneth between two Mountains a mile and Pir●teninga. more within the Land. There I have seen a Mermaid and many other strange fishes. You may M 〈…〉 maid ●een by the Author. lie with your shipping at the Island, and send your Boats ashore, where you shall find great store of Cattle; and you may take good 〈…〉 over of all kind of fishes i● you will, either with Hook or Net. Here you may have Oranges, Lemons, and Cassavi Meal, and all other such things that the Country yieldeth, but you must be always sure to keep good watch, for fear of the Portugals of the River of january, which are hard by you. The River of january lieth three leagues from Pirate●inga, it is a great Arm of the Sea, that runneth into the Land at the least fourteen miles; on the mouth of this place, stand four Lands, The River of jenero, and Ci 〈…〉 o● Saint Sebastian. and now the best mark that it hath to be known, is a Fort that standeth on the North side of the coming in of the Harbour, upon a Rock. On the South side standeth a Hill that reacheth into the Sea, which the Portugals call C●●o, that is, The top of a ship, for it seemeth like the main topsail of a ship from Sea. Heard by the Sea side on the foot of this Hill on the North side of the Hill as you sail into the Harbour; standeth a Rock of great height made like a Sugarloaf, and is called by the Portugals the Sugarloaf. In the midst of the going in, in the mouth of this River lieth a Rock plainly to be seen, to go in you must keep between the Rock and the Fort, that standeth on the North side of you. When you are entered the mouth of the River and are past the Fort, you shall see an Island lie right before you, and even with a Church called Santa Lucia, this Island is called the Island of Brigalion. You must be sure to pass on the North side of this Island, and as soon as you have passed it, you shall see all the City both on the Hill, and on ●he Sea side. Then you must take heed that you go not right to the Town, for you shall run upon certain shelves of sand, that lie right before the Town all along to a small Island called the Island of Saint Bent, this Island l●eth a quarter of a mile from the Island of Bragalion, and Eastward Island of Brigalion. of this Island of Saint Bent, standeth a great Rock, you may sail between the Rock and the Island, and as soon as you have entered, between them you may anchor hard by the Island, and then you shall see a Church standing upon a Hill which is called Saint Bent, than you need not Island of Saint Bent. fear to go right before the Town, within a Caleever shot of the shore from the Town, you shall see on the North-east shore a town of Cannibals, called Saint Lorenzo, which is in peace with the Portugals, and within the Bay you shall find many Rivers and Sugar-mils, where there is great profit to be made. Warativa lieth three leagues from the River of january, you may know it by two Lands that lie right before the mouth of the aforesaid River. At the mouth of the River likewise standeth a The River c●lled Warati●●. high Hill, and on either side both on the South-west and North-east is low Land, in this place you cannot enter with any ship, but you may anchor between the Lands, and send your Boats ashore. If you go up, you shall find good store of Potato Roots, Plantons, great store of Oranges and Lemons, and many other kind of fruits, which are very good to relieve sick men. If you will fish with you● Net, here you shall kill all kind of good fishes, but always be sure to keep good watch, for the Portugals are very near you. From the River of Warati●● for the space of four leagues is all s●ndy low Land, you shall see Certain Lands called by t●e 〈◊〉▪ gr 〈…〉; Grea● Ila●●. a high Hill which the India●s call M●rambayap●●●, that is in our Language, the end of War; right over against this point you shall see a great Island at the coming in of this Harbour, you need not fear, for hard by the shore, you shall have twinter fathom wate●. When you are in the mouth of this Harbour right before, you shall see a whi●e Rock, which will lie full West from you: you must leave the Island Southward from you, then shall you descry another great Island called Ep●oya; at a point of this Island that lieth full West, towards the firm Land, you shall see two small Lands, and when you are right against those two Lands you shall see a fair Bay, where you may anchor at pleasure to come into this Bay, you must enter between those two Lands that I have spoken of. I do describe this Harbour unto you above many good Harbours that you may find, because you may depart from hence with any wind, for the mouth of Marambaya lieth So●th-ea●●●rom you, when you are in this Harbour, than you have another going out that lieth North-east from you, from this Port where you shall anchor called Epeoya. If you want victuals for your ships, you may take your Boat or your P●nn●sse, and go out between the two Lands that you entered, and when you are between those Lands you shall see a flat broad Island, which will lie f●●t South-west from you; this Island the Indians called S●peawera; that is, the morning, and this is the Island that I was driven upon, when I run away to Master Hawkins, as I have told you in the discourse of my troubles, you must come with your Boat to this Island, and you must be sure to pass between the West shore and the Island; and as soon as you have passed the point of this Island, you shall see three Hills of red Earth one hard by another. You must leave one of them West from you, then may you land your men at pleasure, when you have landed, you must go through a little Copps, for the sp●●e of a Harquebusse shot, then shall you come into a fair Lawn, where you shall find great store of Cattle, and a house or two that standeth upon a Hi●l where you shall have always good store of C●ssa●i meal, if you will have Roots and Planton● upon the Island where you anchor there are good store, but there is an Island called the Long Island, where you shall have of all these things in abundance. To know this Hand, ●ow with your Boat to the Island of Epeoya that lieth full South from your ship, and then you shall see a long Island hard by the firm Land, which is this whereof we speak, and because you shall be sure not to miss it, be attentive. When you come near the shore, beholding a Rock that lieth a quarter of a mile from the shore, upon which Rock standeth a Cross, this is the place where a Portugal called Manuel Antones dwelleth, but now there is no body, but a kind of Cannibals that come and go, therefore be sure always in those parts to keep good watch and be careful; if you can speak their language you may have many things. From this Island Southwards you shall see two small Lands half a league from you, these Lands are called Am●●buq●●●o, right against them lieth a fair River, where you shall have always great store of fish, and by the River side you shall see the Mandioca plainly, and many other Roots very good to refresh your company. Southward from this place some two leagues you shall see a fair Bay called Paratory there dwelleth a kind of Cannibals called V●●●asses, of them you may buy skins of diverse wild beasts, and sometimes they have good store of Amber, which they call Pira p●ni● ergaty. Saint Sebastian lieth some three leagues from Great Island, It is a long and a fair Island, you The Island of 〈◊〉▪ Sebastian. may anchor between it and the shore. After you have entered at the North point of this Island, you shall see a great white Rock, right over against this Rock, you shall see a point of the fi●me Land run into the Sea, and right before this point lie three Rocks, where commonly you shall see Indians shooting fishes with their Bows and Arrows, if you go with your Boat to that point, you shall see a great Bay called by the Indians jequerequere. There likewise standeth a great Town of Cannibals, such as those that dwell at Great Island, half a league from Saint Sebastian's standeth a small Island right into the Sea, called by the Indians Uraritan, and by the Portugals Alquatrasses, here you shall find great store of Seafoules and Seals, Alegators that live on the Land called by the Indians Fisew●so●. Right over against the South point of the Island of Saint Sebastian standeth a great white Rock called by the Portugals Paidemilio, that is, the life of Guinea Wheat; then shall you see an Island hard by the shore call●d by the Indians Bo●souconga, that is, the Whale's head, this Island standeth in the mouth of Pertioqua, which is, the River that goeth to Saint Vincents, as you go to this place after you have passed the Island, you shall see North-east from you certain houses where there dwell a kind of Cannibals called Ca●●oses, there you may have good store of Cattle, Oranges, Lemons, and many kinds of R●ots and Fruits. Right against this Town of Cannibals called Caryhos, standeth the Town of Saint Uincents called by the Indians Warapiu●ama; as you go farther up the River you shall see a small Island The descripti 〈…〉 o● S. Vin 〈…〉 s & Sa●tos. Southward, where you shall see a Sugar-mill of the Captains of Santos called jeronimo Let●●, where our Gentlemen were slain. Farther up the River, you shall see a Castle stand at the foot of the Hill▪ then you come to the Town of Santos, which standeth ha●d by the water side. Right behind the Town of Sa●●os standeth a Hill where Brascubas had a house, from the top of this Hill did john Davies make a Plate of the Country. Now the Portugals have found mines of silver in this place. The third Pariena is a good Harbour for ships, and here are great store of Cannibals and Carij●os, The description of the third 〈◊〉; no● called by the P●●tugals O● paton, and by the Indian● V●●son. The description of the River of Plate. which very lately are inleagued with the Portugals, you may buy of them great store of Pepper and Ginger, very rich Furs, and cotton-wool, and Wax, this is the place that I came unto after I had been taken by the T●m●y●s within the Land. Here the Tamoyes were taken by the Portugals, and I was given again to be my Master's slave, when 10000 of the ●●●oyes were slain, and 20000. of them parted among the Portugals for slaves. The mouth of the River of Plate is wide, and within it there are many Downs of sand, you must be sure to keep very near the North shore, till you shall see a high Mountain white at the top; then must you sail Southward at least four leagues, and shall you see another small Hill on the Northside, you must sail right with it; then shall you come into a fair Bay, where you must be sure to keep still along the shore, and after you have passed the Western point of this Bay, you shall have the River Maroer; than you need not fear any shallowes till you come before the Town of Bon●s Ayres. There the River runneth full Southward, and along the River side from Bonos Ayres is a small Village built by the Spaniards of Lime and stone that they brought from Brasill, for all the Country is sandy: the Indians do make their houses all covered with earth. Here are great store of wild Horses and Cattle, sheep and Goats, but for silver and gold, there is none but that which cometh from Cordi●a and Potasin. Here likewise the Indians have great store of Wheat, twenty leagues within Land lieth a Province called Tocoman, now it is a Bishopric, this Country is the division of Brasill, and all the Provinces of No●a Hispania. Here the Indians have Wheat and Cassa●i, Apples, Pears, Nuts, and all other fruits of Spain, likewise they have all the fruits of Brasill. But after you travel Southward of this Country, you shall not find any thing that groweth in Brasill, nor any wild beasts, as Leopards, Note. Beasts of Brasil. or C●pi●●ras, jawasening, Cat of Mountains, Aq●eq●es, Wari 〈…〉 s, M●r●q●ies, joboyas, Sur●c●o●s, ●●rarcas, Boy●e●a, Boyseninga, Boybeva. Brasill is full of all these wild and dangerous beasts, and diverse others; But the Provinces of Peru are clear of them, except it be some chance. From T●coman to Saint I●go is eighty leagues, and you shall travel it as you do by Sea with a Compass, for the Country is all sand, and as the wing bloweth, so shall Traveil by Compass on sands. you have the Mountains of sand, to day on one side of you, to morrow on the other, in this passage you shall pass through many Rivers, which to your thinking are not above a foot deep, but if you have not good guides and great experience, your wagons and horses will quickly be cast away in them, and at an instant be covered with quick sand. After you have passed this Country, you shall come to Saint jago, then till you come to Potosin, you shall travel through great Mountains and Valleys, and all the way as you go, you shall have great Towns of Indians, who are all in peace with the Spaniards, you shall have five hundred of these Indians by the way as you travel ready with Nets to carry you, tied one a Cane from Town to Town, for a fish-hooke or a few beads of glass, or any such trifle; and there is no travelling in the World so easy as this, for you may lie, or sit, and play on a Gittern all the way if you will, for so the Spaniards do; you shall pass by many mines of Gold and traffic with the Indians for Gold, and diverse kinds of precious Stones, but not in that plenty as you shall at Pot●sin, by reason that there the mines are open and wrought on, and those between Santiago and Potossin are not. At Potossin there is no want of any thing, although the Country of itself be very barren, but by reason of the great traffic that they have from Lyma, and all the Towns of the South Sea; they have always provision enough, for from those Towns, they bring Oil and Wine in great jars of earth upon great sheep, which are called sheep of five quarters, for their tails have almost as much as a quarter. To tell the particulars of the mines, would be a new Story, only this: they find the Oar like black Lead, than they grind it in Engines, than they wash it through fine Sieves in paved Cisterns that are made for the purpose; the Moors are all naked as long as they work, because he shall not hide any precious stone. The Spaniards her● are all very rich, and in truth as gallant fellows as can be. The Francisco Friars carry a great sway in this Country, by reason that they were the first that preached in this part of India. CHAP. VIII. Relations of Master THOMAS TURNER who lived the best part of two years in Brasill, etc. which I received of him in conference touching his Travels. IN Saint Michael one of the Açores, they ascend up in a forenoon's journey unto Saint michael's. a hill into a Chapel, wherein they need a fire in Summer for the cold: there being a little off three Springs, the one whereof casteth up waters in a continual boiling with a terrible noise, and of great heat, the second of heat intolerable, which in short time scaldeth any living thing to death, the ground also hot to stand on: but the water calm. The third is warm, and a fit Bathe. In these Lands in Caves be found men buried before the Conquest, whole, etc. Brasilian Indians are Cannibals, Brasill. and not for revenge only, but for food also devour man's flesh. The Portugals make not slaves of them, nor can enjoin them work, by reason of a commission to the contrary obtained jesuits Savages friends. by the Jesuits: neither do they win of them ought but by fair means. They are most excellent Archers, go stark naked, the women's hair long and black, barsh as a Horse-tail. He Ciants. did see up the River of Plate, one twelve foot high, and report was of higher in that Country. Their Weapons are two massy bowls at the two ends of a string cast, etc. He saw also men there with the hinder parts of their heads, not round but flat, (and a little before this Relation, about Anno 1610. he said that at London he had seen carried to the Court a thigh bone of a man a yard Flat heads. and half in length.) Their beasts in Brasill are great Apes with beards and Mustachios. Kine like unto ours of both sexes, but living in the waters and resorting to land to feed. Having no Udders, nor horns, long legs, harmless, less somewhat than ours, their flesh like beef, but eaten in the name of fish. Strange Kine. Tigers like Greyhound's spotted like Ounces exceeding swift, the force of whose paw at a blow killeth his prey. Their beast by some called Hay, which yet he saith, eateth leaves of trees and not Air only: the lovely pretty Segovin. The Serpent Cobrus: whereof he saw one almost See before in Ouiedo. Strange Serpent. as big as himself, twenty foot long, killed by their Indian boy, of colour like an Adder. Of whom they report (and a Father gave him instance of the proof) that watching his prey', that is whatsoever cometh by, it windeth about and getteth the tail into the fundament drawing the guts after it: and so preyeth on the same, devouring all, till that it be not able for fullness to stir, but rotteth as it lieth, the flesh quite away, the head and bones remaining, in which the life continuing recovereth at last his former ●●ate. One was thus found in the rottenness, and being bound for proof by the Portugals, with a with to a Tree, at their return was so found repaired. The beast that baggeth up her young ones, etc. (as in others Relations, here therefore omitted.) The Indian is a fish in the Sea, and a Fox in the Woods, and without them a Christian is neither for pleasure or profit fit for life or living. Out of Angola is said to be yearly shipped eight and twenty thousand * ●his number may perhaps seem incredible and iustl●: veth●e tells the report, which in some one year after some great battle, may also be probable: but the general report is of diverse thousands shipped thence yearly: the Portugals making their gain by the Negro's foolish and spiteful wars upon each other. slaves and there was a Rebellion of slaves against their Masters, ten thousand making a head and barracadoing themselves, but by the Portugals and Indians chased, and one or two thousand reduced. One thousand belonged to one man, who is said to have ten thousand slaves, Eighteen Ingenios', &c. his name is john de Pa●s, exiled out of Portugal, and here prospering to this incredibility of wealth. There are Apples called Ananas, pleasant in colour and exceedingly in taste, and wholesome, but eating Iron as Aquafortis. Brasill is full of Mines, if the King would suffer the digging them. CHAP. IX. The taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello, by Captain WILLIAM PARKER of Plymouth, the seventh of February 1601. IN the beginning of November 1601. I departed from Plymmouth with two ships, one Pinnace and two shallops in quarters toward the West Indies. My chief ship wheie●n I went myself as Admiral was named the Prudence, of an hundred tuns, wherein I had an hundred and thirty tall men, the second was the Pearl, a small ship of sixty tons, wherein went as my Vide-admiral Master Robert Rawlin, accompanied with sixty lusty fellows, my Pinnace of twenty tuns was manned with eighteen men. In this Consort were Master Edward Giles, and Philip Ward Gentlemen Captains by Land, with Captain Antony Fugars, Captain Loriman, Captain Ashley, and diverse other Gentlemen of much towardliness and valour as they made good proof in the success of this Voyage. In our passing by the C●pe of Saint Vincent in Spain, commonly called the South Cape, I was encountered with such a terrible Ternado or gust of wind that my Pinnace with fifteen of our men, to our great grief was utterly cast away, we being not able Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado. with the uttermost of our endeavours to save above three of the rest. From thence I shaped my course to the Isles of Cape Verde, and immediately upon my arrival there, I set upon one of them called Saint Vincent, with an hundred men, and took the Island and the Town thereof, which Isles of Cape Verde. The I'll and Town of S. Vincent 〈◊〉. The Ra●chera in Cubagua, w●●h diverse 〈…〉 oners taken and ransomed. was a pretty place, the spoil whereof I gave to my Soldiers, which after they had pillaged it, set the same on fire. Hence we haled over to the Coast of Tierra firma, and arrived first at the I'll of Margarita, and coming to the Rancheria or fishing of Pearls in the small Island of Cubagua, we found the Governor of Cumana, there with a company of Soldiers: nevertheless we made bold to land, and in our landing we received a great fight wherein diverse of our men on both sides were wounded; but in the end I took the place with diverse of the stoutest of our Enemy's Prisoners, and thirteen Periaguaes and Canoes, which are Barks and Boats of the Country: for ransom of all which I received five hundred pounds in Pearl. This done I proceeded on my journey, sailing directly for Cape dela Vela, and there meeting with a Portugal ship of two hundred and fifty A great ship with 〈◊〉 Negroes taken. tuns laden with three hundred and seventy Negroes, brought from Congo or Angola, and going to Cantagena with little resistance I took the same. And sailing along with my prize Westward, not able to double the Isles, called Las Cabeças; I was driven far down to the Southward Las Cab●zas. into the Gulf of Acle, in Spanish called Eusenada de Acle, where we landed all our Portugals and Negroes, keeping only the Captain which afterward paid ●●e five hundred pounds for his own and their ransoms. Within a while after we stood Westward with our ships, and went into the Isles called the Cabeças, where I embarked an hundred and fifty of my men in two small Pinnasses and two fine shallops, and went for the Isles de Bastimentoes, and landing there upon the said Lands which are peopled and very fruitful, I took six or seven Negroes for guides, and so presently They take six or seven people of the Isles of Bastimentoes. R. of Puerto bello. with our Pinnasses and Boats entered the mouth of the River of Porto bello, the seventh of February about two of the clock after midnight, the Moon shining very brightly. At our first entrance into the Haven, which is above twelve score over, and very deep at the mouth and far upward, we were halled by the strong and stately Castle of Saint Philip, having thirty five great pieces of Brazen Ordnance and fifty Soldiers in the same, to know whence The great Castle of S. Philippe, with 25. pieces of brass, and 50. Soldiers. we were: we having aboard us such as could speak Spanish excellent well, answered that we were of Cartagena: then they commanded, us to anchor, which we did accordingly. About one hour afterwards with my two shallops which lay close by my Pinnasses, and some thirty of my principal men, I went up the River having some of the smaller Fort, called the Fort of Saint jago, which is directly over against the great Castle of Saint Philip, running still on the shore, and crying out on me to stay: but neglecting their outcries, I landed at the first Town called Triana, where the alarm was presently given: which nevertheless I set on fire, and marched over The Town Triana Porto bello. a little Brook into the great rich Town of Porto bello; and coming directly up to the King's Treasure-house, which is very fair and large, we found a squadron of soldiers (whereof there are two hundred and fifty always belonging to the Town and another company of the Inhabitants) with two brass Pieces of field Ordnance well mounted on their carriages, which we presently possessed, and fiercely set upon the Soldiers. At which alarm Captain Antony Fugars, and Captain George Lawriman of Ratcliff, came up with my two Pinnasses with an hundred and twenty men to my rescue, which was very hardly laid unto. At this house at our first coming into the Town, my Lieutenant Samuel Barnet was shot on the side of his head, and through his ear, and Captain Giles coming to second him, was likewise shot over the breast and through his arm. In this mean space Pedro Melendes Pedro Melendes the Governor of the Town, had gathered sixty Soldiers together, and was coming toward a certain bridge to encounter me, I having not then above eight or nine men with me to withstand them: but God did prosper our proceedings mightily. For the first two shot that went from us, shot Melendes through his Target, and went through both his arms: and the other shot hurt the Corporal of the field. Whereupon they all retired to the house, which they made good until it was almost day. Against whom I sent Captain Ward with some Soldiers, who entered the house, killing diverse of them, and wounded Melendes in eight places more: himself being shot through both his thighs in entering, and some of his men hurt: but in the Melendes the Governor taken prisoner. end he took Melendes Prisoner, and became Master of the house. Myself with others went to the King's house, wherein were many of the Soldiers, who would not come to any composition, but stoutly defended the same against Captain Giles and our Lieutenant Samuel Barnet: who in the end slew diverse of them and hurt many others, taking the Kings Scrivano prisoner. This fight endured for the space of four or five hours. The fight being ended, and we being Masters of the King's Treasure-house and all the Town, and having the Governor Melendes, and the Scrivano with many others of the chiefest my Prisoners, except the Alcalde which fled out of the Town with a chain of Gold about his neck. Such Treasure as was found in the King's house to the value of some nine or ten thousand Ducats, I reserved to myself, which was nothing to that which we did expect (that being the receit at one time of the year of all the Treasure that cometh from Peru and Chile, amounting at least to five or six Millions of Ducats) and had I come but seven days sooner, I had taken here an hundred and twenty thousand Ducats which were newly laden in two Frigates for Cartagena. The rest of the spoil of the Town, which came to no small value in Money, Plate, and Merchandise, I gave wholly to my Soldiers: which being done, I disposed my Corpses du guard in diverse places, for keeping the Town all that day: and at the end of the street leading toward Panama on the South Sea, being full of all Artificers, we made a barricado where Captain Giles stood with another Corpse du guard being diverse times assaulted by the enemy? whom still he valiantly repulsed and put to the worse. Pedro Melendes the chief Governor of the Town being my Prisoner, in regard that he had valiantly carried himself in making resistance until he had ten or eleven wounds upon him, I Brave spirit & liberal mind of Captain Parker. did not only at length dismiss without any penny for his ransom, but also caused my Chirurgeon very carefully to dress and trim his wounds: using him and his, far otherwise, than Pedro Melendes his great Uncle used john Ribault, Landoniere, and the French Nation in Florida, whom they most cruelly murdered and massacred as many as they could lay any hands upon. Thus being Master for one whole day of the stately and new builded Town of Porto bello, Porto bello described. which had two goodly Churches in it fully finished, and six or seven fair streets, whereof two were full of all necessary Artificers, and of Merchants, with three small Forts on the Town's He at 〈…〉 ineth from 〈…〉 tting the Town of Porto bello on fire. sides, besides the great Fort of Saint Philip on the other, when I might have speedily have consumed it all with fire, I willingly abstained from the same: knowing that though I could have done the King of Spain exceeding great hurt, and have undone a number of the Inhabitants, yet the good that I should have done myself, and mine thereby should have been very small in comparison of their damage. Only certain out houses wherein their Negroes dwelled, I caused to be burned to amaze and put them in fear: I also took two Frigates of theirs which road far Two Frigates taken and brought away. up within the River, the one of them having in her three pieces of Ordnance, the which I likewise took and brought away from thence with me, with the which Ordnance we beat upon the enemy marching unto us from the Wester Fort. The day being spent, at the beginning of the night I embarked my men, enriched with the Their departure. chief spoil of the Town, and set sail to depart with my own two Pinnasses and two shallops and the foresaid two Spanish Frigates which I had won: but in going out I was shot in at the elbow, and out at the wrist with a Musket shot which came from the Wester shore, whereof there were many shot over us: besides eight and twenty great shot from the chief and Easter Fort, which did endanger us often. But God so wrought for us, that we safely got forth again contrary to all our enemy's expectation, who made full account to sink us in going forth. Being safely come forth we road with our Pinnasses, and shallops behind a small Island which lay betwixt us and the Wester most Fort of Saint jago, until my Vide-admiral Captain Rawlins brought two ships thither, which road somewhat to the Eastward of the Castille of Saint Philip, Sir Fr. 〈◊〉 burial. under the Rock where Sir Francis Drake his Coffin was thrown overboard, all the while that we were busied in gaining, sacking, and possessing the Town. Our whole fleet being assembled together in the place aforesaid, I set the Kings Scriuan●, and the rest of my prisoners on shore, suffering them to depart without paying any kind of ransom. And the next day being the ninth of February, I set sail and stood off to Sea, leaving the goodly Haven and beautiful Town of Porto bello, which standeth in ten degrees of Northerly latitude: and directed my course back again toward Cartagena, and about twelve leagues to the Eastward thereof, I came into a good Bay called Sambo, where I watered and stayed some twelve or thirteen days, and riding there took certain Frigates which were bound for Cartagena. Whereupon the Governor Don Pedro de Coronna, armed out two Galleys and a Brigandine, Sambo. with some two or three Frigates, with a purpose to assault us; but being better advised they would never come near us. When he heard that I had taken Porto bello, one of the chiefest places of the West Indies, with so small forces, he pulled his beard, and swore that he would give his Mules lad of silver, but to have a sight of me and my company. From this Bay of Sambo we Virtue in 〈◊〉 laudanda. stood over for the Island of jamaica, and so doubled the Cape of Saint Antonio, being the most Westerly part of Cuba, and disimboked through the Gulf of Bahama, the last of March 1602 and came with good weather to the Isles of the Açores, where victualling my Vide-admiral and two Pinnasses ou● of mine own ship for two months, and leaving them at Sea to take some farther purchase, with mine own ship I took my course for plymouth, and arrived there in safety the sixth of May 1602. CHAP. X. Certain Notes of a Voyage made by me DAVID MIDDLETON into the West Indies with Captain MICHAEL GEAR, An. Dom. 1601. THe five and twentieth day of May, we set sail from the Lizard, and the tenth day of june we fell with the Grand Canary: the Town standeth on the North-east Grand Canary. point of the Island, and the Road is one league to the Northward of it. That night we stood of South South-west. And the five and twentieth day of june we were in the latitude of twenty two degrees thirty minutes. The six and twentieth day of june we came in company of seven sail of Hollanders, that were bound for the West Indies, to Punta delaraya to load Salt, and the seven Punta delaraya. and twentieth day we lost sight of them. The second day of julie we fell with Saint Vincent. When you came from Saint Uincent to the S. Vincents. Testogos, you must make the way South-west by West, or else you shall not fetch it, for the Current sets North and by West from them. Being to leeward from Caracus, two leagues we stood over North Northwest, the wind being at East North-east, we fell twelve leagues to the Eastward of Boinara, being the twelfth of julie. If you stand over from Boinara to Qurasao, minded to go to the South ward of the Island, ●oinara. you must stand South and by West, or else you cannot get about, because there is a Current that sets Northwest, and may set you upon the Island. The three and twentieth day of julie we anchored to the Westward of Qurasao, and there the Land lies North and South. The nine and twentieth of julie we landed upon Aruba, for to get fresh water, and there we Aruba. Seven men killed. had seven men slain by the Indians of the Island: and we rid with our ship in five fathoms water, half a mile from the shore. One point of the Land bare North, the other Southeast and by South, and there is an high Hill in the middle of the Island, and that bare East and by South. Betwixt Coque and the Main the course is East and West. The shoal of Puntall lieth two leagues off: the best of the Channel betwixt that Point, and Puntal. Coque is in eight, nine and ten fathoms. From Bracheo to the Parretaes' is five leagues course West and by South. From the Parretaes' to Cape Caldera is twenty five leagues course Northwest and by West, Bracheo. Cape Caldera. and betwixt the Parretaes' and the Main, you shall have four, five, six and seven fathoms water, The Road of Morecapana lieth betwixt the Main and Boracheo, within the Lands. The eight day of August we set sail from Aruba, and we stood over South for the Main, the Morecapana. wind being at East and by South, we fell with Mecola, being nine leagues from Aruba. Saine Ann is an high Hill upon the Main near unto Mecola. M. S. Ann. The seven and twentieth day of August we came to anchor at Portete, that is to the Eastward of Cape La vela, four leagues. The Cape bare West a little to the Southwards, at the going to Portete. Portete. And on your Larboard side going into Portete, there is a round Hill: being in the offing it showeth very black. The going into this Harbour is very narrow, but within it is a very broad Sound, and two thousand sail of ships may ride there in very good ground, and you may ride from five fathoms to twenty, but we rid in three, a little within the point, on our Larboard side going in. The eighteenth of january we parted from our Man of War at Cape Saint Anthony, and set sail for England, in a Prize, a ship of some one hundred and forty tons, laden with Campeche Cape S. Antony. Wood and Hides, the Master of the Prize, was William Goobreath: and from Cape Saint Anthony we stood off Northwest and by North. The nine and twentieth day at noon, we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organs, being East Southeast from us, and then we stood North-east, and the twentieth day we were in Organs. latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes, the wind being at East North-east, we stood off North, and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day we made our way West and by North, and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes, than we stood to the Eastward. The two and twentieth day, we were Northwest and by North, from the Crown in Cuba, Cuba. fourteen leagues, than we stood to the Northward: these fourteen leagues we turned up and down with the wind Easterly. The three and twentieth day, we were in la●itude of 24. degrees no minutes, the wind being at East North-east, and we lay North with the stem, and this night we came in twelve fathoms, being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes, the wind being at East and by South we stood to the Southward. The five and twentieth day, we fell with Cobey twelve leagues to the Eastward of the Havana, and this day about four of the clock in the afternoon, we had the Pam of the Matanças Southeast, and by South from us Cobey. some six leagues, the wind being at East, and we stood North North-east three Watches, and brought the Pan upon the Matanzas South of us: the wind being at East North-east, we stood to the Northward, for so we made the ships way. The seven and twentieth day at four of the clock in the afternoon, we fell with the Southeast part of the Martyrs: then we stood off Martyrs. Southeast and by South three watches with a low sail, and so cast about, and stood North-east and by North three watches, and then observed, and found the ship to be in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minutes, being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three Cape of Florida. leagues: the wind being at Southeast and by East, we stood off South and by West three watches, and then cast about, and stood North-east two watches, and then observed, and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of januarie, 1602. and then two watches North and by East, and four North North-east: and the thirtieth day at noon we had the Cape Canaveral West and by North from us six and twenty leagues: by supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes, the wind being at South, we stood North-east and by East into the Sea. The eighteenth day of March at noon (being Thursday) we fell with Silley, and we were South from it three leagues or ten miles, the Silley. wind being at West South-west, we stood for the Lizzard, and the twentieth day of this month we came to wind being at anchor in Dartmouth, this was my first voyage which I have to the West Indies. CHAP. XI. The description of the I'll of Trinidad, the rich Country of Guiana, and the mighty River of Orenoco, written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spain, and after long captivity got into England by great suit. 1602. The description of the I'll of Trinidad. POrta la Spaniola lieth North-east. The Spaniards name themselves Conquerabians. Anap●rima is the name of the River, which goeth to Corona the Spanish Town. The North part is very mountainous. The Indians of Trinidad have four names. 1. Those of Parico are called jaios. 2. Those of Punta, Carao Aruacas. 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages. 4. Those between Punta Carao, and Punta de la Galera, Nepoios. But those which are servants to the Spaniards, name themselves Carinapag●tos. The chiefest of the Indians, I mean the Kings and Lords of the Lands in times past, named themselves Acarewanas, but now Captains. The description of Guiana, and of the great River Orenoco. GViana beareth directly East from Peru, and lieth almost under the Equinoctial Line. The The River of Capuri. entrance to the River Orenoco through the River Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water, and at the ebb but five foot. The water floweth but a small time, but increaseth much; and the ebb goeth but slowly: for it continueth six hours. In the bottom of the Gulf of Guanipa there is the River of Amana, which leadeth into Orenoco also. In this The Gulf of Guanipa. The River Amana. Orenoco. River, which we named the River of the Red Cross, we took an old Tinitivan for our Pilot to Orenoco. The River of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouths, which lie on the North-side of the main land: but I could hear but of seven mouths upon the Southside. So that between Lands and broken Lands it hath some sixteen mouths in all. The Lands are somewhat big, so as I can hardly guess how many leagues it is from the North-side to the Southside. At the entrance of this River are two great Lords Tivitivans, which hold war one with the other continually: Tivitivas. The one Nation are called the Tivitivans of Pallamos, and the other of Hororotomaca. He that entereth the River of Amana from Curiapan, cannot possibly return the same way he came, by reason of the Easterly winds and the great Currents, but must of force go in a River within the Land, which is called Macurio. The River Macurio. Toparimaca a Governor. Arwacan. Carapana lieth in the Province of Emeria. To go from the I'll of Trinidad to the great River Orenoco the River of Amana beareth South: But parting from that River by a branch which beareth to the West we entered Orenoco. Toparimaca is the chief Governor under Topiawari, of the entrance of the Eastermost part of the River Orenoco. The Town of this Governor is called Arwacan. These are friends to the Carapanans, Tivitivans, and all Nations, the Caribes excepted. Carapana lieth in the Province of Emeria: and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria. Assapana is the first Island in Orenoco: it is but small. The second Island is called Iwana. There is another entrance into Orenoco, which I discovered not: but the Indians name it Arraroopana. 〈◊〉 Island. Iwana Island. Arraroo●ana. Europa River. Ocawit● Island. Morrequito. Arromaia. Putapaima Island. O●●●●e. The Plains of Samia. Cumana. Aroami Island. Aio Island. Manoripano. A omaio. Th' River Caroli. Cassipagotos. Mor●equito. ●a●●ma Island. Epuremi. Great Fall. Ca●uri. Store of gold among the Epuremians. Cas●ipagotos. E●ar●●o●os. Arawagotos. Store of gold beyond the Mountains of Curaa. Store of gold. River Arui. River Cassipa. River Atoica. River Caora. River Casnero. Amapaia. The Rivers Cariola, Limo, Paoo, Caturi, Voari, Capuri. The Province of Amapaia. Bad water. Guicar. Goavar. Papemena. The Island of Amazons. The Island Athul. River Vbra. Eregoodawe. Oromona. Tapiawary. Europa is a River which cometh into Orenoco; but the head of it I know not. In the midst of Orenoco there is a pretty big Island, which is somewhat mountainous; and the name of it is Ocawita. One Putima commandeth under Topiawari, in the Confines of Morrequito, which lieth in the Province of Arromaia. The Island of Putapaima is far up within the River of Orenoco, and standeth right against the high Mountain, called Oecope. Over this Mountain lie the Plains of Samia. Through these Plains you may go to Cumana, or to the Caraca●; which are at least one hundred and twenty leagues just North. In these Plains are four Nations, which are held for great men. The Samias, the Assawais, the Wikeries, and the Arroras. These Nations are something black. On the left side of this River Orenoco are two small Lands, a small distance the one from the other. The one is called Aroami, the other Aio. In the morning before the Sun be high the wind is still Easterly in this place. Manoripano lieth in the middle of Orenoco. Aromaio is the name of Morrequito. Orenoco reacheth to the Mountains of Wacarimoc, which is to the East in the Province of Emeria, or Carapana. The Valleys are called Amariocapana, and the people by that name also. Upon this River Orenoco there is a pleasant River for many kinds of victuals, which is called Caroli, and the people Cassipagotos. This Country of Morrequito lieth in some five or six degrees to the North of the Equinoctial Line. At the Point of the River Caroli is the small Island called Caiama. The Inhabitants of this Island Caiama are enemies to the Epuremi. Here is a very great fall of Land water. Canuri lieth in the Province of Morrequito. The Governor is called Wanuretona. The Epuremians are richest in gold only. These people called Epuremi have many enemies, but three especially which are very strong: which are these; the Cassipagotos, Eparigotos, and Arawagotos. He that will pass the Mountains of Curaa shall find store of gold; which is far to the West. The River Arni runneth continually North, and so to the River Cassipa, and from thence into Orenoco: near unto the River Arui are two Rivers, the one is called Atoica, the other Caera: and also one branch which is called Caora. To the Westward of Caroli is a fourth River, which is called Casnero: it falleth into Orenoco on the side of Amapaia. The first River that falleth into Orenoco from the North, is called Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the River Limo: to the West of it is the River Paoo: and beyond that are the Rivers Caturi, and Voari; and another called Capuri, which is dangerous to enter. To the Westward of Capuri in the Province of Amapaia, is most vile, unwholesome, and bad water to drink: it is of a bad tawny colour; it hath killed many a man, both Indians and others. They say this water cometh from Anebas. On the North part of Peru is a way to enter into Orenoco, as I have heard by the Indians. The first place whereby they are to pass, is called Guicar: the second Goan●●; and so to the River of Papemena; which is the River that runneth toward the Island of the Amazons. near unto the Island of the Amazons is the famous Island of Athul. The River Ubra, beating to the West of Carthagena, beareth to the Southward of the Island of the Amazons. This River Vbra, if you stand to the South-west, leadeth to a part of Aromaijo, which is called Eregoodawe. This Country of Eregoodawe is very Mountainous, and nothing fruitful: it is inhabited by the Coman Ibes. They have Ginny wheat but no store, and very little Cassavi: Venison, Hogs, and Coneys they have in great abundance. The King or chief Governor of this Province or part of Aromaijo, which is called Eregoodawe, is one which beareth great sway in those parts, whose name is Oromona. But all are chiefly commanded by Tapuawary King of Morrequito. In mine undertaking the discovery of the North part of Orenoco, I was advertised by certain Indian Pilots, that I should find a perfect and ready way to go to Peru. In which my travel, I fell, by reason of a great storm, into a River, which is called by the Indians Salma. This River is not great: in three days I passed through this River, and entered into the River River Salma. of Papemena. This River of Papemena is more in my judgement then five or six Leagues Papemena a great River. broad. North Northwest of this River is the Island of the Amazons. But leaving that course, I came to the most sweet, pleasant, and temperate Island which is called Athul. If I had had Athul, a most sweet & pleasant Island. company to my liking, I could have found in mine heart to have stayed there and spent my life. Athul is not rich in metals: but some stones I found in the freshwater Rivers: for there are great store of freshwater Rivers; and no want neither of Fish, Tortoises (which the Indians name Catsepames) Foules, nor other good things. It hath Wood great store, Fruits all the year in abundance, many good places to make a Town if you will, Cotton, and Balsamum, Brasill, Lignum vitae, Cypresses, and many other sweet trees. The earth of this Island doth promise to the eye to be good, it is very sad, and much like to Oar, which I found in diverse places. I cannot report of the goodness of the stones, because my knowledge in them is nothing. Athul is not inhabited by any. The Island is small, and for fear of the Caribes, there is no body. I returned from this good Island Athul toward the River of Orenoco, because I found my labour He returneth from Athul. was lost: For to find the way to Peru that way was impossible. And to make my journey the shorter, I returned by the River Papemena, but left the River of Salma clean, and Papemena. came my directest way to Orenoco: which mine Indian Pilots held to be through the River of Limo; and so I came into the River of Orenoco. Then I went from Orenoco, and held my course Limo. Orenoco. altogether Westerly: because I found the West most rich; although it was most dangerous to travail thither, I mean far into the Country, by reason of the Epuremi, which live continually in arms, and hold wars against many Nations, but against three Nations especially. These are, as I wrote before, the Cassipagotos, the Eparigotos, and the Arawagotos. My desire was to go to Curaa; and from Orenoco I first entered into the River of Cosnero, and so Cosnero River. Amapaia. coasted to Amapaia, where is the bad tawny water, which before I mentioned: from thence I went to the River Paoo; and within six weeks after I departed out of the River of Orenoco Paoo River. The rich country of Curaa six week's travel from Orenoco. Manoa. Gold in abundance. Gold in grains found in Rivers. Crocodiles in the River and worse on land, keepers of gold. Tulahe. Bad pearls. Top asses. Camalaha, Women-Faire and yet no fair women. Eight women for a halfpenny knife. Tar or Taroo, an Island. I came to the rich Country of Curaa. The Country of Curaa is in the Province of Guiana, or Manoa, where are the mines of white stone; in which mines is much natural and fine gold, which the Indians call Callicurij. The gold in this place, I say in Manoa, or Guiana, runneth between the stones like veins; of which gold I had some store: but now the Spaniard is the better for it. In Curaa is also gold in small grains, which lie in the sands in the little Rivers or Brooks. I always took those grains for the finest gold. In these Rivers where gold lieth, are many Aligattos or Crocodiles. I heard by the Nation of the Tivitivans, that a place called Tulahe, had many good things in it: but I found it nothing so. Some bad freshwater pearls I found there: which were nothing round, Orient, nor very great. I brought of them with me to the Spaniards; and they said they were no Pearls, but Topasses. Camalaha is a place where they sell Women at certain times, in the manner of a Fair. And there you shall buy colours, such as the Saluages paint themselves with. In this Fair, which is called Camalaha, which is to the South of Orenoco, I bought eight young Women, the eldest whereof I think never saw eighteen years, for one red-hafted knife which in England cost me one halfpenny. I gave these Women away to certain Saluages which were my friends, at the request of Warituc the King's Daughter of Murrequito. Tar or Taroo is an Island, which is to the South South-west of Orenoco. To which place I went, because they said there was never any that inhabited in this Island, but that it was in the manner of a baiting place for the Caribes, when they had stolen people, which they meant to eat. One Captain Caramatoij was my guide to this place: whither we went somewhat strong, with intent, if we could find any Caribes on this Island, to kill them; but we found none. Many houses we found there covered with straw, which we set on fire. And there I found close by the water side, going about the Island, which was but small, many stones of diverse colours. To the West of this River and Island, which is called Tar or Taroo, is a River, which is called Habuc: There are about this River in most places eight, ten, seventeen, and thirty Habuc a River. fathoms water. This River of Habuc cometh from the Sea. The entrance of this River at the mouth is barred; but at a full Sea you shall have fourteen and fifteen foot water; but in the Channel in which the Canoas' enter, which is but narrow; there is more than six fathoms: but I doubt that ships cannot enter there. This River Habuc is the best and surest harbour Habuc scarce eight days journey from Orenoco. Europa River. that I could find for our ships, and freest from the danger of the enemy; and is not full eight days journey from Orenoco. The River Europa lieth to the East of Orenoco as you come from Trinidad: you may, as I certainly know, going some twenty leagues in the River of great Amana, discover the great and high Mountain which is called Oecopa: being there you shall plainly see the Plains or Oecopa Mountain. Downs of Samia; through which Plains you may safely march over the Land within ten or twelve leagues of Cumana, or to the Caracas. From Orenoco also it is very easy to go to the Town of Santo Domingo, which beareth Santo Domingo. North Northwest directly: but you must pass of force the River Amapaia, leaving the Island Amapaia River. Amazons Island. called Amazons South: and bear your course as near as you can Northwest, or North Northwest. By this course you shall pass and escape the force and danger of the Town, and land some six days journey from Santo Domingo. The River Wiaumli is to the North of Orenoco. To go into this River, which is little worth, Wiaumli River. Maccah River. Woripur. Carrabouca. Guiana or Manoa. you may go in the Land till you come to another small River, which is called Maccah: directing your course South, you shall within two days, if your Canoa be good, enter the River of Wiaumli. The Land taketh the name of the River. The Governors' name is Woripur Worrok Halaha. Carrabouca is in the firm Land of the great Island, called Murrequito: it is the common trade to go to the rich Guiana or Manoa. Drano is a fair River, but it is dangerous to go far in it, by reason it lieth due Southeast from Orenoco: and the Southermost part of the Moors of Anebas is very low, so that the tanie Drano River. waters issue in great abundance into this River of Drano. The danger for entering this River is nothing, but the doubt is only of the bad water, and most terrible dews which fall from the A●●bas Moores. Moors, which are unhealthful, and kill the Indians daily; for that continually when they travel Unhealthful dews. they lie in the open air. The Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria. There is a small River, which lieth far East in Emeria, and beareth North Northwest. Through this River called Capurisol is a sure, a Emeria. perfect, and most safe way to go to Peru: but the journey will ask eight or ten weeks to finish it. Through these Rivers of force we must pass with Canoas' or Ship-boats, or such like: for there is always very little water. The River of Capurisol lieth in eight degrees and two terces to the North of the Equinoctial Line. But the North star keepeth his degree and altitude 11. degrees and two terces. In this Capurisol River. River is still a fine small brise of wind, which lightly bloweth at West: but at noon you shall hardly find any wind. CHAP. XII. Captain CHARLES LEIGH his voyage to Guiana and plantation there. THe one and twentieth of March, 1604. Captain Charles Leigh in the Olive Plant, a proper Bark of some fifty Tons accompanied with six and forty men and boys, departed from Wolwich with intention to discover and inhabit some part of the Country of Guiana, where he had been in a former voyage, they stayed in the Downs until the eight and twentieth of the said month, and passing thence they touched in the I'll of Mogador on the coast of Barbary in the month of April, where we stayed about some five days, and watered on the main land in despite of the rebel Moores, which would have had money for our watering. Thence with prosperous Canoa of water. wind coasting the Isles of Cape Verde, we passed over to the West Indies, and upon the tenth of May coming in change of water, which showed thick and white, by the next day we were in fresh water, and the next day following about five in the morning we saw two Lands in the mouth of the River of Amazons, making account that we were forty leagues up the River, and River of Amazons. came to an anchor in three fathoms under them, which we found low land covered with high Trees. Then the Captain with some eight of the best men of the ship went toward the shore, and finding many Indians coming toward them they returned aboard, and found the ship almost aground, but sounding the Bay brought their ship into the Channel which they found very narrow. Within awhile after four Indians in a small Canoa showed themselves unto us, to whom we sent our Boat with some of our commodities, as Hatchets, Knives, Glasses, Beads, they had nothing but Maiz and small blue-headed Parrots, for which we gave them some of our trifles. Not long after another Canoa coming out, our Boat clapped between them and the shore to take some of them, to learn the state of the River by them, but they freed themselves all save one youth, which was brought aboard, which next day after escaped leaping into the Sea twelve leagues as we judged from land. Thus we took our leave of the River of Amazons, and having uncertain shoaldings all the way in our way, about ten a clock in the night we struck upon a sand before we could let fall our anchor, where we beat off a piece of our false keel, before we could get off. Being gotten off, we came to an anchor in four fathom and a half water, and road there until the next morning, where we descried the land six leagues from us with the entrance of a River: The two and twentieth of May, we arrived in the River of Wiapogo, in the latitude of three degrees and a half to the North of the Line, where we found the people ready to give us the River Wiapogo. best entertainment they could, bringing us Honey, Pines, Plantons, Potatoes, Cassavi (whereof they make their bread and wine) Fish of many sorts, Hens, Coneys, Hogs, and such like. This day he took an oath of all his people to be true to him as long as he abode in the Country. Then after diverse conferences with the chief Indians, and namely with two of their Country, which had been before in England, and could speak some English, he found them very willing to have him and his people abide in their Country: who pretending want of many necessaries, whereof indeed he stood in need, and especially of victuals, he went up the River in his Boat with some fourteen men to take perfect view of a fit place to inhabit in, and to sound the depth of the River as they went. At his return he caused his ship to be brought up hard unto the falls of the River: but after they had stayed there one day, finding sundry inconveniences, they came back The Falls. again to their first road; with a determination to plant and seat themselves upon the first Mount or high ground, at the entrance of the North side of the River. But the jayos and Sapayos seeing him and his company come down the River again, entreated him earnestly to stay among them, offering him their own dwelling Houses and Gardens already planted to their hands, whereof he accepted: to wit, of two Houses and of as many Gardens as they thought convenient to serve his turn, with condition that he should aid and defend them against their enemies the Caribes and others. Hereupon they made a great Feast, desiring our Captain to be at it, and they demand of their generality of the staying of our men in the Country or no. Whereunto they gave their free consent, and desired him withal to send into England, for men They desire to learn religion to teach them to pray. This done, the next day he brought all his furniture on shore, and bestowed it in the aforesaid houses. And for the better assurance of the performance of the Saluages promise, he demanded pledges of them to be sent into England: whereunto they willingly condescended: which where in number five, whereof two were of good account. He retained thirty five Englishmen and Boys with him, sending the rest home in june, with the five Saluages which were plentifully furnished with their Country victuals, with Letters to the right Worshipful Sir Olaue Leigh his brother, of his success and desire to supply his wants, which he most kindly twice supplied to his great charge, within short time after. The Caribes in eight warlike Canowes' came to surprise them as far as the Mount Comaribo: Caribes. whereof the Indians being advertised by our fishers, desired Captain Leigh to aid them: which he did with some four and twenty of his men in eight Canowes'. But the battle being begun after they had heard the sound of our Trumpet and Musket, they fled to Seaward, our Canowes' chase them: but the enemy being swifter escaped with casting of one of their Canowes' which are able to carry twenty men and victuals for ten days, which Canowe they brought home. Within a seven-night after our Captain's return, he made a Voyage in an Indian Canowe having A Canowe taken. R. Aracawa. Indians to row him, accompanied only with Thomas Richardson, his Refiner of Metals, and john Burt his Chirurgeon 90. miles by water up the River of Aracawa, to a Nation called the Maurawas, where he traded for Tobacco and Cotton yarn, and cotton-wool. There he left his Chirurgeon being sick, and with his Refiner and three Indians (whereof one William was his Interpreter) went up to a Nation called Marraias the space of thirty miles, where they passed through a goodly Plain four miles broad of much stony ground, wherein they saw Dear. At length meeting with the people, they were kindly entertained and fed with such as they had; as dried Tigers flesh, dried Hogs flesh, and small fish. Then after some discourse, they enquired for Gold showing a Ring. An old man spoke unto him and pointed up into the Country, and the Captain ask the Interpreter what he said, he told him that he said there was no such that way. The Captain perceiving the falsehood of his Interpreter would go no further, and so returned home, where he found us for the most part sick, and the Indians not so kind unto us as they had promised: which he much marvelled and grieved at. Within three days after his return, his shipwright Richard Haward died before he could make an end of his shallop. And in September our Captain himself began to droop, partly of grief to see the weak estate of his people, and the ill performance of the Indians promises: yet nevertheless he ceased not to take order for the Indians bringing in of victuals and such Merchandise as could be gotten, as Wax, fine white long Feathers, Flax, Tobacco, Parrots, Monkeys, The Commodities of the Country. green and black, Cotton-yarne and cotton-wool, sweet Gums, red Pepper, Vrapo, and Apriepo woods, Spleen stones, matiate stones, Roots and Berries, which we thought to be medicinable, Anato a Berrie or Cod, such as the Indians paint themselves red withal mingled with Oil, Vrapo which is the heavy wood whereof they make their Swords and Bows, Apriepo, a wood that the Frenchmen and Hollanders fetch away, a wood which they call Ayard, which they kill fish withal. The fishers beat this wood with another piece of wood, till it shiver into flakes, which smelleth exceeding strong like Garlic, wherewith in sundry places of the creeks going in according Strange fishing. to the depth of the water, they beat it up and down often in the River, which the fish tasting, are intoxicated, and so distempered with all, that they float and tumble upon the upper part of the water, and then with Bats and Poles they knock them on the heads. Their bread they make of Cassavia, a white Roble commonly a span long, and almost so thick, which the women grate in an earthen pan against certain grates of stone, and grate three or four bushels Cassaui● in a day: The juice thereof they crush out most carefully being rank poison raw, in a hose of with, which they hang up upon an hook, and afterward with a weighty log which they hang at the other end they squeeze out the water into an earthen pan or piece of a Gourd, The juice. and then seethe the same juice with their red Pepper whereby it becometh wholesome, and if they will have it sweet, they will seethe it but ordinary, if they will have it sour, they will seethe it extraordinarily, and use it in manner of sauce, and when they be sick they eat the same and bread only. The women also make drink of this Cassava bread, which in their Language they call Arepapa, by baking of it black, dry, and thin, then chewing it in their mouths, they put it into earthen pots narrow in the bottom and broad above, containing some a Firkin, some a Kilderkin, some a Barrel, set in a small hole in the ground, with fire about them. Being well sod, they put it out into great jars of Earth with narrow necks, and there it will wo●ke a day and a night, and keep it four or five days till it be stale, and then gathering together an hundred and more, they give themselves to piping, dancing and drinking. They make drink also of Cassava unchewed, which is small and ordinary in their houses. They use also to make drink of Potatoes which they pair and stamp in a Mortar being sod, then putting water to it, drink it. Before and after the sickness of our Captain, many of our men fell sick, some of Agues, some of Floxes, some of giddiness in their heads, whereby they would often fall down: which grew Sickness. chiefly of the excessive heat of the Sun in the day, and of the extreme damp of the earth, which would so moisten our Hamackas, or Cotton beds, wherein we lay a yard from the The cause. ground, that we were fain to imitate the Indians in making fires on both sides under them. And for all that we could do, some nine of our company were dead before our ships arrival. Besides The remedy. we were mightily vexed with a kind of Worm, which at first was like to a Flea, and would creep into the feet especially, and under the nails, and would exceedingly torment us, the Ni 〈…〉 little. 〈…〉 mes, great torture. time it was in, and more in the pulling out with a Pin or needle, if they were few. But one of our men having his feet overgrown with them, for want of hose and shoes, was fain to submit himself to the Indians cure, who tying one of his legs first with his feet upward, poured hot melted Wax which is black upon it, and letting it lie upon it till it was throughly cold, they forcibly pulled it off; and therewithal the Worms came out sticking in the same, seven or eight hundred in number. This man was named john Nettleton a Dier of London, which Terrible cure. afterward was drowned. In the midst of all these extremities our Captain's Interpreter which he had threatened for his false demeanour in his Voyage to the Marraios before mentioned, gave counsel to his Master named Anaccauris, an ancient Captain among them, to make a motion among the Indians at their next meeting to say, it is the best way for us now to make an end of them while they are sick either by starving or otherwise. For when the ship cometh, he will kill us for keeping him without victuals now. This motion being made at their meeting, which was in Carisava his Treachery of a S 〈…〉 e. house, and among his and Martin's kindred, (which then remained pledges for our men's safety in England) their wives hearing the Interpreters Master Anaccauri broaching this matter ran furiously upon him and tore his clothes such as he wore from him, and mightily beat him, the other of their kindred, keeping those Indians off from the women, which would have taken his part. Some of our own men lying at the next house where this was done, inquired of an Indian which owed this Anaccauris a grudge, what the cause was of the said tumult: who imparted the whole truth unto them. Our men coming suddenly to the Captain, acquainted him with the whole matter: who suddenly bethought himself and sent for all his men that were near him; and for Eperiago and Pluainma an Indian that had been in England: which were two of the chiefest, and caused him to send for his traitorous Interpreter, which came bringing Hens, drink and bread: as soon as he came, showing what he had heard, requiring them to declare what wrong he had done them. Who answered, none. Then said he, this fellow, meaning the Interpreter hath sought my life; and therewith commanded his men to bind him hand and foot, which done, he dismissed them, desiring them to return the next morning. In the mean time he caused his Prisoner to send for a Canowe to fetch three of his men. which were up in the River, who immediately did so. Now having all his men together, he caused them to have all their Furniture ready: appointing one William Blake to see the same diligently fulfilled, the watch carefully to be kept in the night, and two to ward at the doors all day with their Furniture, to take the Indians weapons out of their hands at their coming in at the door. This being ordained, the Indians came the next day, to whom the Captain said, In regard that I have been so careful to punish the wrongs done unto you, I would have you ready to revenge the wrongs done unto me, who seemed very unwilling to do any farther justice, esteeming his binding a sufficient punishment. At the which the Captain being very much vexed, commanded the two foresaid Indian Captains to depart, charging them to send him in, fish and other victuals for his company. In the mean time he and the chief of his men, consulting what course to take with the Malefactor, they thought it best that he should lie so bound until the next day being the third of his bondage, and to send for the chief of the Indians, and upon confession of his fault, and craving pardon thereof, to be dismissed before them. Captain Charles Leighs Letter to Sir Olaue Leigh his Brother. MOst loving Brother, I did write unto you from Muggador, where I stayed until the ninet●enth of April, and on the fourteenth of May I had first sight of Guiana, in the mouth of the River amazons, The two and twentieth, I arrived (praised be God) in safety in the River Caroleigh, heretofore called Wyapoco, and the same day, I took possession of the Country in sight of the Indians. The Indians which do inhabit this River are about one thousand five hundred men, women, and children, and they are of three Nations, viz. Yaioas, Arwarkas, and Sapayoas, which being chased from other Rivers, by the Caribes have combined themselves together in this place for their better defence, and are now at deadly wars with the Caribes. After that I had stored myself with Bread and Roots sufficient until the Earth with God's providence might yield me supply, I did then send for the chief Captain of the Yayoas aboard, whom with gifts and good usage, I easily entreated to stay aboard my ship until such time as by his means I was provided with all kind of Plants, which their Gardens do afford, yet all this while he knew not my purpose. The day before I purposed to make my intent known, their came another chief Captain of the Yayoas aboard to dine with me, who together with the former after Dinner desired to speak with me, whereupon I sent for an Indian who had been in England, to be Interpreter, and took them into my cabin. The two Captains told a long Story of the wrongs the Caribes had done them, how they had driven them from their ancient dwellings in other Rivers, killed many of their friends, carried their women and children away Captives, and hurt many of their men, and thereupon they called one of their men to show me how he was lately hurt in three places with their Arrows, to conclude, they told me, how they purposed the next Moon to go against the Caribes, with twenty Canoas', and earnestly entreated me if I stayed so long to go with them to their Wars. Upon this good occasion, I told them that I purposed to stay in the Country, seven or eight months, to seek out and make trial of Mynes. And in the mean time that I purposed to build Houses ashore at the head of the River, and there to plant Gardens, that my men might have victuals of their own labours, which done, I would build a shallop, and send twenty men in her with them to fight against the Caribes, withal this they seemed wonderful well content, and thereupon they promised Indians to help me to build and to plant, and the chief Captain promised himself to go up with me. The next day being the third of May, I set sail from the mouth of Caroleigh, and cast Anchor in a Bay under Mount Oliphe, where I purposed to plant, and make my habitation: but my men discomforted with the sight of the Woods which they were to fallen, grew generally discontented, and omitted no practices to overthrow the Voyage, being suborned under hand, by my unfaithful Servant, the Master, his lewd consorts he brought with him, being the only public maintainers of the mutiny. How I have been troubled with him and his consorts, (who intending spoil and purchase in the West Indies) have from the beginning sought the overthrow of this Voyage, this Bearer can certify you at large. And undoubtedly he made full account with his headstrong companions at such a time to have commanded the ship at his pleasure. To conclude, amongst other their practices, they so consumed the victuals which should have maintained us until the earth had yielded supply as that in six days, our Potatoes which should have lasted us two months, were wholly spent hereupon being far distant from the Indians, who inhabit at the mouth of the River, forty miles from the falls, and it being very doubtful, how we should be furnished with victuals from them in our extremity, I gave consent that the ship should return to the mouth of the River, with this condition: that after I had refurnished them with victuals and other things sufficient that then they should plant upon Mount Huntlay, two leagues to the West of Caroleigh: which being near the Indians, and between them and their enemies they would be ready and willing to furnish us with victuals, upon any extremity, to which condition they generally consented, that place being first motioned by some of them. The ship being returned, they had then brought mutiny to such a head, as that to my face, they stood in defiance of the Voyage, and told me plainly they would not stay do what I would or could, I urged them with their promise to plant on Mount Huntly, one of them who seemed most forward of all men to yield to that motion: answered that he promised in policy, to draw me from Mount Oliphe. But in the end it pleased God, what by fair means and what by foul, I brought them all to consent to stay one whole year, thorough all extremities, if it were possible to make a full trial both of people and Country, and to plant upon Mount Huntley, according to their promise. This agreed upon, I went ashore to the Indians, to provide victuals, and other necessaires for our Plantation, who being exceeding glad of my return; offered me to choose the best of their houses and gardens, to dwell amongst them. For they were very unwilling that I should go to any other place, to conclude, judging their offers by many likelihoods, to be without deceit, I resolved to abide with them upon this condition: that they should send four principal Indians for England as pledges, for our safety with them whereunto they willingly condescended, and if I would, I might have twenty. For they make daily suit to me to go for England. Being in conference with an assembly of two or three hundred, purposely met to crave my abode amongst them, and demanding of them vows and protestations, according to the custom of all people, for the more security of our peace and amity: their answer was that they knew not how to make vows and protestations, and therefore generally they desired (sundry of their Captains speaking it together, with a low and humble voice) that I would bring them men to teach them to pray. Which motion of theirs, proceeding from themselves and in that humble manner, struck me I assure you into an admiration of joy, to think that it hath pleased Almighty God after so many dangers heretofore, and troubles in the Voyage, to preserve me to be a means to this simple-hearted people of the knowledge of Christ. Undoubtedly, it was the wonderful work of God's Spirit in them, where at all Christian hearts ought to rejoice. And I am persuaded, the like instance hath never been before by any people in the World: I beseech Almighty God to give a blessed and to this hopeful beginning. The foureteenth of june, concluding with the Indians upon sundry conditions, I purchased of them the same day for a few Hatchets, Houses and Gardens planted with Cassava, and Potatoes sufficient for all my company: the situation of our Houses is in the pleasantest and most fruitful place of all their habitations. And because it is a small Village of six or seven houses; and the first place of our settled abode I have named it Principium: the Hill on which it standeth being part of the Mountain on the West side of the entrance of the River, I have named Mount Howard, to honour the remembrance of my Lord Admiral, of whom heretofore I have received many favours: on the East side of the entrance of Caro Leigph, lieth the River O●iuoleighe heretofore called Arrikowarye: and on the West side of Mount Howard runneth the River jotrameleighe, by the Indians called Wanarie. The commodities which this Country doth yield, and through industry will abound in, are these; Sugar Canes, Cotten and fine Flax; also it would yield great store of long Pepper, if there might be vent for it in England: here is sundry sorts of Gums, of Woods, and of Die, which I hope will prove good commodities, of all which I have sent you samples by Master huntley, especially one sort of Gum, which I am persuaded will prove very rich. Also I have sent unto you a piece of a Stone taken out of a Manuate or Sea Cow. I am given to understand that a little thereof beaten into powder, and drunk in Wine or Ale, will in few hours cure any man that is troubled with the Stone, they say it dissolveth it instantly. I doubt not but to get a dozen of them before this time twelve months: my refiner hath made trial of sundry Minerals, but cannot yet find any Metals. At my arrival here I found a Dutch Ship, and sithence here hath arrived another, they buy up all the Flax they can get, and pay so dear that I can get none; they have not gotten so little I think as ten tons of Flax within these two months. I doubt not but I shall be able to return a Ship laden with Flax and other commodities the next year; the Flax yieldeth a wonderful increase, and will grow any where, but especially in low moorish grounds: the Indians report that the Root yieldeth increase every month, and every yield may be some four ounces, by this account an acre of ground planted with these roots, and distant three foot a sunder, will yield 17280. li. every year, which amounteth at six pence the pound to 432. li. I doubt this will not prove answerable to their reports, but I verily believe it will yield half the increase they speak of the Dutch men have reported that it is worth in Holland but six pence the pound, but they confess that Holland will vent 500 ton thereof. Some of the Dutch men have reported that it is worth in Holland sixteen pence the pound, which I rather believe, for my Wevers tell me that they will warrant it to dress exceeding well, and then it must needs be excellent fine grounds for any stuff; for Cotten here is little, not worth the speaking of, yet the Country will yield abundance, and in six weeks the seed will yield Cotten, and it beareth continually and plentifully. I pray you sir send me more Weavers, for I know not how to get any thing spun for them, for the women here are put to that extreme labour, that they have no time to spin, for they only fetch water, cut wood to burn, and bring it home upon their backs, they gather all their roots and bring them out of their Gardens, they make all their Bread which is very laboursome, they dress all the victuals, make all the drink, attend upon the men while they are at meat, and besides, they dress up their houses in their kind, and nurse their own children: so as they are always toiled with labour, and have little or no time to spin. For Sugar Canes the world doth not yield better soil for their increase, and whereas in Barbary it is fifteen or sixteen months before they come to perfection, here they grow up in ten months. And in Barbary they are planted only in two Uallies, where they are watered every week, but here they grow upon the Mountains, and never watered but with rain only. A few years I doubt not will afford plenty of Sugars, if we shall have means to make them. My loose commodities, as Hatchets, Beads, Knives, Looking-glasses, etc. are almost all gone; a great part in buying of victuals, but the most part to stop the mouths of my Mutinors and monstrous Sailours; to whom also I have promised two third parts of my Iron. Now for the prosecuting of this voyage, in such sort as that we be not prevented by the Spaniard nor any other Nation; I would entreat you with as much speed as possibly you can to send me a supply of one hundred men at least, to abide here, all labouring men and Gardeners, for such are the fittest here for a time, with a few Carpenters; and with them three or four good pieces of Ordnance with shot and powder: also fifty Calivers for the men that stay here: if you can send these men in two Ships, I doubt not but to lad one of them back in three months after arrival, and the other which I wish may be the Olive plant, I would keep here and fit her for a Frigate to keep and command the River. I have written to my brother john Leighe to deliver unto you such moneys as he hath received of Gifford, who I hope hath ere this time paid his debts. I hope you shall get store of voluntary men to ease the charge of the Uoyage, and look what you shall disburse in my behalf for the accomplishment of the Uoyage, I will, God willing, see you honestly paid with advantage; or else if it please you to put it in adventure, it shall be accomplished in any sort to your own desire. As I doubt not of your love and forwardness, especially in so good an action so also I make no question, but this Country will in few years yield you satisfaction beyond your expectation. If my wife have not already attained her suit of the King's Majesty, I hope she will the sooner speed upon this news, which if she do, my desire is, that all shall be employed upon these proceedings; and to that effect I have written to her. I have written a Letter to the King's Majesty; another to the Lords of the Counsel, and one to m● Lord Admiral. The bearer hereof, Captain huntley is the worthiest young Gentleman that ever went to Sea, upon any dangerous enterprise, he was never dismayed, neither with extreme dangers at Sea, nor with all the Mutinies aboard, which had been able to have discouraged an old experienced Soldier; besides, I found him always a most true, faithful, and loyal friend, and therefore I pray account him for a right honest man, I have made him my Lieutenant general of these Countries during life, and therefore I pray let him return chief commander in the first supply. I would pray you also to procure to come with him some honest and discreet men whom I might rely upon as trusty friends, and use as companions both for advise and society, for I am now very uncomfortably matched, having no worldly strength to trust upon but myself only. I have sent unto you four Indians, principal men in their Country, which were delivered unto me as pledges of our safeties here and they are to return again the first, but I think some of them will be more willing to stay longer. The English man which was left here by Captain Lea, is dead, I pray you procure Captain Le●. Sir Walter Rawleighes Indian or my Lord Admirals, for I want an Interpreter exceedingly, here is but one, and he vnderstandeth but little to any purpose. I pray forget not to send Preachers, sober and discreet men, and such as are well persuaded of the Church government in England, etc. From Principium, or Mount Howard this second of july 1604. CHAP. XIII. A true Relation of the traitorous massacre of the most part of threescore and seven English men, set on land out of a Ship of Sir Oliph Leagh, bound for Guiana, in Santa Lucia an Island of the West Indie, the three and twentieth of August, written by JOHN NICOL. SIr Oliph Leagh, a worshipful Knight of Kent, sending a supply of good numbers of men in a Ship called the Oliph blossom to his brother Master Charles Leigh, which was planted in the River of Wiapogo, within three degrees and an half Northward of the Equinoctial line in the West Indies, which departed from Wolwich the foureteenth of April 1605. under the conduct of Captain Catiline, and Captain Nicholas Saint john, I being desirous to see the world, consorted myself with that company. But by contrary winds and unknown currents of the Sea, and the unskilfulness of our Master Richard Chambers, we were put to leeward of our port, without any hope of recovering the same in any due time: And being not victualled, as it Saint Barbudos. Sancta Lucia. Captain Nich. Saint john stayeth at Saint Lucia with 67. men. seemed for above four or five months, after consultation had, we were fain to touch first at the Isle of Barbudos, and then at Santa Luzia in the West Indies. Where fearing to perish at Sea for hunger before we should be able being so many aboard to reach England; Captain Nicolas Saint john, with the rest of the passengers, which purposed to have stayed with Master Charles Leagh at Wiopogo in Guiana, resolved to stay and take their fortune in the aforesaid fruitful Island. Thus sixty seven of us at our own seeking were left on shore in the aforesaid Island of Santa Luzia the three and twentieth of August 1605. with our Swords, Muskets, and Powder, and one Falcon, and one barill of Biscuit only for all our food. The next day our Ship departed from us with some discontentment, because we had seized upon her Boat to serve our turns. After our Ship was departed from us, we lived very peaceably, daily trading with the Indians for victuals; which were Cassavi, Potatoes, Plantans, Pinas, Popayes, Pompions, Calabassus, Tobacco, Pappies, Mammeyes, all very pleasant to eat. Also they brought unto us Hens and Gulls, and some Pelicans, Woodcocks, and Snipes: we ourselves did kill with our Pieces many of them likewise. And every night we sent out six upon the sands to seek for Tortoises, whereof we never miss night without one or two, and many times three, which was the greatest sustenance Tortoises. we found: for they are very large and great. I have often taken out of one of them to the number of seven hundred eggs. Also the Indians had great store of Rouen linen clothes, Serges, and other Stuffs, and Spanish woollen cloth: and jars of Oil which they took and saved at Sea with their Periagnas. For three Spanish Ships had been there cast away a little before our arrival, if we had had a Pinnace there we could have laden her with many good commodities, which they had hid in their houses in the woods. All which we could have bought for Hatchets, Knives, Beads, Thimbles, Fishhooks, and other such trifles. Thus for the space of five or six weeks we went not much abroad; till our Captain seeing certain four square Plates, which the Indians ware on the small of their arms, asked Browne, a Gold finer, his opinion, what he thought of them? who told him, that three parts thereof was Show of Gold. Gold. And ask the Indians where they got them, they pointed unto an high Mountain on the Northwest part of the Island. This caused Captain Nicholas Saint john, and john Rogers, who was our interpreter for the Spanish tongue, with as many of our chief men as could well go in the Boat upon a Monday to go thither, promising his Brother Alexander Saint john, Master Garret, and Master Tench, whom he left to govern the rest at home, to return the next Saturday. The Indians for three days after did not come unto us with victuals, for they perceived when the Boat went, and as we think, they were then at the slaughter of our men at the Mountain. The Captain and his men slain. Indian treachery. Upon Thursday morning we killed two Tortoises on the sands: where we found a great company of the Indians gathered together, for what purpose we knew not: And lest we should suspect them of any bad intent towards us, they willingly offered themselves to bring home our Tortoises, which they took into their Periaguas, and brought them to our Houses. All that forenoon we kept good watch: for there were very many that came both by Sea and Land to the number of two or three hundred; and diverse of them were very merry with us, drinking of Tobacco and Aquavitae, until ten of the clock, and then they departed all save one which was a Captain of the I'll of Saint Vincent, called Augramert, and an old man which was his Father: who promised us, if we would go to their houses, that we should have any thing that they had. For the day before I had been at their houses with other two of my fellows to have bought victuals: yet they would not part with any, no not for any commodity that we had: and yet they had more store of victuals then ever I saw them have before. But we perceived afterwad, that it was provided for them, that came to take their parts against us, whom they kept secret in the Woods. So we three returned, and traveled far into the Island, and passed through six or seven Gardens very full of Cassabe, Potatoes, and many other roots Fair gardens. and fruits, and by the way saw many tall trees of so huge bigness, that we three could not at twice fathom one of them about; and they were so hard, that we could not cut them with our Great Trees of hard wood. Knives, and the Bark of them was white like Ash. Then we returned to our Sconce again. Upon Thursday after dinner, Master Alexander Saint john's, Master Francis Kettleby the elder, Master William Tench, myself, and diverse others, to the number of eighteen, went with Augramert and his father, having neither Bow nor Arrow, only his father had a Brasill sword. They went thus meanly armed lest we should suspect them. Augramert also promised Master Alexander Saint john, that he should see his wife, and we should have Hamaccoes, which are Indian Hamaca beds. beds of network made of cotton yarn to lie in. So we traveled along the Sands very securely, young Saint john going a little space before playing and jesting with the Indian Captain, till they came within sight of their houses, where in the woods they had placed an ambush of three hundred Caribes: when suddenly Augramert took hold of his Rapier with the one hand Treacherous ambush. and of his Poniard with the other, and the old man his father with his Brasill sword struck him down to the ground. Then out of the woods came the Arrows so thick about our ears, that we had not the time to put our matches in our cocks. And many of our company had their match to light, which gave a great encouragement unto the enemy; insomuch that we discharged not six pieces against them, which caused diverse of our company to fly into the Sea up to their necks, and some along the sands as amazed, seeing such a huge company against so small a number; until young Saint john recovering again, encouraged us to make a stand at a point of Land which went corner wise into the Sea. But all was in vain: for before we could make our pieces ready, there came another company on the back of us, and filled our bodies full with arrows: and then we betook us to our swords and so run through them: but still they increased out of the woods, shooting their arrows in great abundance, not daring to come near us until they saw us fall; and then with their great Brasill swords they struck out our men's brains. I myself being all this time running with young Saint john, and Master Kettleby, who behaved themselves most gallantly, having at the least one hundred arrows a piece before they fell, came at the last into the entrance of a narrow path, where five of my fellows were gotten before I came, and thinking to have passed through, there was another ambush who killed them all. I only with three arrows in me, by running into the wood and swimming over a standing Lake escaped home, giving them warning before they came to assault them: and upon my coming they all came in sight upon the Sands, whom we soon sent away by shooting off our great Piece, so they came not in three days after. Upon Monday there came to the number of thirteen or fourteen hundreth both by Sea and Land, and there beset us round, we having nothing but our Chists to defend us from their arrows: thus for the space of seven or eight days we fought with them, and of nineteen men which were left of all our company, twelve were sore wounded with their arrows. And the first day at twelve a clock they shot fire in their arrows and burned our houses, thinking then to have entered in upon us, but with our Falcon we drove them back with most horrible cries. After that our houses were burned, and all our Chists which before were our Fort, we fortified ourselves with the remnants of the stakes and thatch which we had saved from burning, setting them in the ground slopewise, covering it with sand and earth, which saved us ever after from their arrows. The next day after they all departed in their Periaguas. And the Lord seeing what need we had of food, contrary to our expectation, moved the hearts of our very enemies to bring us food. For when all the rest were out of sight, one returned very well provided of victual, and three or four coming out of their Piragua with as much as they were able to carry of Cassavi, Potatoes, and Plantans, cried unto us to exchange with them, first holding up their bows and arrows, and after laying them on the ground again in sign of peace. Which we perceiving, sent out three likewise to bargain without weapons, with Knives and Beads, and other trifles: which traffic being done, they departed and we returned, giving praise to God, for this miraculous feeding of us. For we had no means of ourselves to get any food: for they had bereft us of our Net, with which we had wont to catch as much fish of many sorts as would suffice us for a whole day. Thus they continued daily for the space of seven days; and then our victuals began to fail again, which caused us to hold out a flag of truce: which they perceiving, came in peaceable manner unto us. Then one Francis Brace, which could speak French, made them understand that our desire was to give them all that we had, if they would let us have a Piragua to carry us away. Which one Captain Antony willingly consented unto (contrary to the will of his brother Augramert, Captain of Saint Vincent) and the next day brought it, drawing it on shore within the compass of our Fort; for which we gave them Hatchets, Knives, and Beads, until they were contented: and to please them the more, we gave them every one a Shovell or a Spade, wherewith they were fully contented, and so departed. Then with all speed we went all to work, some upon the Sail, which we made of very good Roan-cloth, and some to make the Mast; and every one did labour all he could to be ready against night. For Captain Antony, which was Captain of Santa Lucia, told us, that his brother Augramert would come the next day from Saint Vincent with twelve Periaguas all laden with arrows; whose words we always found true. Thus on a thursday, the six and twentieth of September, at one of the clock after midnight, having amongst us all but one Barrico of fresh water to drink, and one small Firkin of Rice, we embarked ourselves being nineteen in the whole number, not one having skill in the Mariner's art, and without Card or Compass to direct us: we sailed by the Sun in the daytime, Blind hungry voyage. and by the Stars in the night, going always betwixt South-west and by West. The victuals that we had were not sufficient to serve that company for three days. For we had not above twenty Biscuits, three Cassavi cakes, a dozen Plantans, and some thirty Potatoes, and some four or five gallons of water, and a little barrel half full of Rice. And as it pleased the Lord he had saved it until this our great necessity, for the preservation of our lives: for all our other victual was gone in two days, and our water in three days. And then Master Garret gave to every two of us a pottage dish of his Rice twice a day, which we washed in salt water and so eat it raw. Thus we continued at Sea seeking for Land, for the space of ten days, where we endured one great tempest, although to our great peril, looking always when we should A storm. be drenched. The rain which then fell, was unto us in the midst of our danger a great comfort: for we saved it with great joy, and drank it, thanking God for that good refreshing; who likewise did send the very Fowls of the air to feed us. For being weary of their flight they would rest them upon the side of our Boat, so that we took them and dried them in the Sun with a little gunpowder, and eat them. Our Boats brim was so near the water, that every wave came over it, ready to sink us, but that four of us continually did lad the water forth by courses. Now, on the tenth day one Thomas Morgan died, not being able to live of that Thomas Morgan dyeth Land. small allowance, and at noon we threw him over board. Within an hour after it pleased God to glad us (who were likewise ready to follow our fellow) with a joyful sight of Land, unto the nearest part whereof we made as fast as we could. But the wind being calm we were benighted before we could come to it. And so wanting the light of the day, we were upon the shore before we were aware, and there split our Boat Boat split. to the midst, and all our men were turned out save myself, which held the helm, thinking the next wave would set her off again, not knowing her to be split. But the breach was so great that it turned me under, putting me in great danger to be grinded to pieces with her weight lying upon me against the great Rocks; yet at the last we all recovered ourselves, some sitting upon the Rocks, others on the roots of great Trees, thinking there to save ourselves until the morning. William Picks, and myself, went and haled the Boat on shore, which was split to the very midst, and so far with our Swords we cut off, and put in an head in the midst, and fastened it with our Daggers, Knives, and Bodkins; stopping all the leaks with our shirts, and sent five of our company over to the main land; which were Miles Pet, William Picks, Francis Brace, William Kettleby, and William Butcher. They haled their Boat four or five days along the shore, crossing diverse Rivers with their Boat, being sometimes pursued by Alligatos or Crocodiles, and Sharks. God pitying their poor estate, guided them to a place, where they found a great earthen jar full of wheat flower set in a little Cave, which they boiled in the jar with fresh water, and satisfied their hungry appetites, with thanks unto God for the same. And within two days after they met with three Spaniards, with half a dozen Indians and Negro, travelling Three Span●ards. from Caracas to Coro, driving Horses and Mules laden with merchandise: who seeing their weakness for want of victuals, unloded their Horses to feed on the grass, while they refreshed our hungry men with plenty of their good cheer, and showed themselves very courteous suffering them to ride, and went themselves on foot two or three days, till they came to a Town of civil Indians, called Tocoya, where they stayed to refresh them, for they were very weak, And there they let the Spaniards know in what miserable case they left us in a desolate Island; Miserable famine. Use of Tobacco. where we endured the greatest misery, that ever men did with life. For we continued fifteen days having no kind of meat but Wilks, fault Water, and Tobacco; which did nothing at all nourish us, yet nevertheless it took away the desire of hunger, and saved us from eating one another. In those fifteen days five of our company pined to death, because they could not take Tobacco; john Parkins, Edward Greene, Thomas Siubbes, Andrew Swash, and an old man called Five died in the Island. john. By noting two or three of our men to die, we knew by those tokens when we drew near our death: which were these, first they would swell very big, and shortly after fall to the very bones, and wanting strength to hold up their heads, they would fall down, and droop into their bosoms, and in twelve hours after yield up the Ghost. At the fifteen days end, Francis Brace having more strength than the rest, guided the three Spaniards with six Indians to the Island where we were, and they brought victuals with them: which when we had eaten had almost killed us, by reason of the weakness of our stomaches, being so far spent that we could not digest it, although we fed thereof very sparingly. The next ●ood almost kills aswell as penury. Tocoya. day they carried us to the main land, where we had horses brought us to carry us: and the goods we had they took all to the King of Spain's use, and so conveyed us to Tocoya; where we which were weak remained fifteen days, and those which were strong went with the three Spaniards to Coro, which is some fifty leagues from Tocoya: and at the fifteen days end, Co●o. one of the Spaniards, whose name was Sennor Coraianal, came for us with horses, who showed Kind Spaniard's himself as careful of us, as if we had been his own Countrymen and friends, and brought us to Coro to our fellows: where we were brought before the Governor; and by a Fleming which Good Fleming. could speak a little English, which had been a prisoner there sixteen years, we were examined of the cause of our coming thither; who excused us very well. For he knew, that if we had confessed whether we were determined to go, they would have either put us to death, or condemned us to the Galleys. But he told them, that we never purposed to come thither, but were by misfortune and tempest of wind and weather driven on that Coast, and told them of all the dangers which we had endured, which drove them into such great admiration, that some said, verily we were Devils and not Men: others, that we deserved to be canonised, but that we were Lutherans. All the chief Sennors' of the Town being there, every man was desirous to take one of us. After we were divided among them, they did not use us like prisoners, but were as careful of us as of their own children, not suffering us to want any thing necessary for the procuring of our Spanish gentleness. healths. My lot fell out to be entertained by one whose name was Sentor Francisco Lopez: and being extremely sick of a Calenture, or hot Fever, one Captain Peroso which had married his daughter having good skill in Physic, came daily to my Chamber, and there let me blood, dieted me, and purged me, giving his own Wife in charge, not to let me want any thing that was there to be had. Thus by the will of God, and their tender care over us, we recovered our healths and strengths again; only two died there, which were Thomas Fletcher. and Fulke jones a shoemaker. In Coro eleven of us remained alive (being all that were left of sixty seven, which were put on shore in the Island of Santa Luzia) for the space of five months, every day going to Two more dic. one another when we pleased: and we rid often into the Country, where the Indians took great delight in our company. For against our coming, they would provide all kind of delicious fruits: which were in most abundance in that Country, and would kill Dear and wild Hogs for us; and would bring us Apes, Monkeys, Parrots, and any thing that they thought we Commodities of the Country. delighted in. The Country about Coro doth yield abundance of Sugar, Honey, Ginger, and Pitch. Also they have very good Wheat growing there: but the bread is for the most part made of Maiz, whereof they have great plenty, for they reap it three times in one year. This Maiz they do mingle with the juice of the Sugar-cane, which maketh an excellent kind of bread, and it will keep like Biscuit. Also they make their drink of this Maiz and of Potatoes; which is very Drink made of Maiz. sweet and strong: for the Indians will be quickly drunk with it. While we were there, a Spaniard road to a Farm of his in the Country with his brother, where he had many Indians dwelling to make Tobacco. One of his chief Indians, which used to be familiar with him, took up a new Hatchet, which his Master had brought him, ask him what it cost, and suddenly clove his head therewith: which his brother perceiving ran for his Rapier: but the Indian women The treason of the Indians. had stolen it away before; and so they killed him also with their Bows and Arrows, and three or four Negroes, which seemed to resist them, and thereupon flied to the Mountains, gathering a great company unto him, promising them, that if they would aid him against the Spaniards in Coro, he would give them the Spaniards wives and daughters in marriage. But before they put this conspieacie in practice, Captain Peroso by a Policy took him feasting among his fellow and women, and took thirty with him, and brought them all to Coro; where they were to suffer death with great torments, to terrify the rest. And of some they cut off the thumbs, and cut the sinews of their two fore-fingers, whereby they wanted the benefit of ●hooting. Our entertainment there was such, that we could not desire to part from th●m to come into our own Country without offending them. For a Frigate being ready at Coro 〈◊〉 go for Carthagena, four of us made entreaty for passage, which were Philip Glastocke, Richar● Garret, William Picks, and myself, (john Nicols) for all the rest were in the Country upon pleasure, some in one place, and some in another. And when the ship was ready to depart, they persuaded the Governor not to let us go. For they told him that there were many ships of Holland●on ●on the Coast; and that if we went all in the Frigate, we would betray it unto them, causing the Fathers of their Churches to tell us, That if we would stay, we should be as themselves, ar● they would willingly bestow both their daughters and their goods upon us. Yet notwithstanding all their allurements, our desire was for our own Country; and so three of us procured me●es for to go, and William Picks was stayed, by means his Master told the Governor, that fo●e were to many to venture in the Frigate. Thus we departed from Core about the twentieth of April, leaving all those with whom we dwelled very sorrowful for our departure: who gave us great store of provision for our Voyage. They were very loath to let us go to Carthagena, for fear we should be put into the Galleys: And the Governor of Coro himself, wrote unto the chief men of Carthagena in our commendation, as to Don Pedro de Bars, who was his Son in Law; but it took small effect. By the way we touched at Santa Marta, and watered there. Within three days after we arrived at Carthagena, we were committed to Prison by the Teniente, for the Governor was dead not three days before we came in. Yet we brought our Letter from Coro, from one Sennor Gasper Sanchio Contador, or in our behalf to one Sennor Antonio Cambero, who proved a special good friend unto us. For we had not been an hour in Prison, but he came to us and comforted us, and bade us not to fear, for we should not want any thing. So he went to the Teniente, and proffered three of his Negroes to set us at liberty, and if we made an escape, he should have those Negroes for his own use. (The worst of those Negroes was worth three hundred Ducats.) But he would not, neither would he allow us any victuals. But this Cambero sent us every day at noon one very good meal's meat. Also there were three Englishmen, who served as Mariners in one of the King of Spain's Galleons which carry his Treasure: which after that they were at Sea were by forcible tempest driven back again to Carthagena, in a great danger to be sunk: for she had twelve foot water in her. Some escaped to Havana, and five of the richest ships were sunk on the shoalds betwixt Carthagena and Havana. These three Englishmen did allow us twelve pence a day so long as we remained in Prison. Every Saturday, the Teniente with his Alcaldies' do sit in judgement within the Prison where the Teniente commanded that we should be sent to the Galleys. Then one Alcaldie, who was always found to be a favourer of Englishmen, whose name was Sennor Francisco Lopez de Moralis, called for our Examination: which when he had perused, he told him, that he could not with justice commit us. Who answered again, Then let them remain in Prison until the Galleons come from Spain, for the treasure. Within two months after a Deputy Governor was chosen: unto whom we framed a Petition; which was delivered by john Frendgam; whose answer was to him, that if we could procure any Spaniards to bail us for our forth coming, we should be at liberty. Which Sennor Francisco Lopez and Antony Cambero no sooner heard, but they entered into bond of a thousand Ducats for our forth coming, And at our delivery, the Teniente told us, that although by order of Law, they could justly have put us to death; yet seeing God had so miraculously saved us, and that we had endured so many miseries to save our lives, and that we came to them for succour and relief, they were content to set us at liberty. So Francisco Lopez brought a discharge from the Governor to the jailor for our delivery out of Prison, and brought us all three to his own house: where was provided for every one of us a several bed: For the Country is so hot, that we cannot lie but one in a bed. Our entertainment was very great, and all our services in plate, with great variety of meats, and of all the most delicious Indian fruits: and yet he thought we never fared well enough, without he sent us one extraordinary dish or other from his own Table. Also many Gallauts resorted to his house to play at Cards, who would be very liberal unto us at their winning, and would give us six or seven pieces of Eight at a time. There we continued until the Galleons were ready to go for Spain with the treasure: then he procured us passage every one in a several ship. * The cause why Francisco Lopez did use us so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he took Cartagena did save all his father's goods and his l●●● withal. And the day before we embarked which was about the first of August, there came two more of our company from Coro, which were Miles Pet, and Richard Ferne, who were both placed with Philip Glastocke, in the ship called Saint Baotholomew, Richard Garret went in the ship called Lafoy Madre de Dios, and myself in the Santa Cruz. So we were a month in sailing to Havana, where we stayed another month to trim the ships. The Governor there was Don Pedro de Valdes, Prisoner in England 1588. So we lived all on shore with eighteen pence a day for our diet, and about the end of September departed, leaving that ship, wherein Philip Glastocke, Miles Pet, and Richard Ferne were, with another ship called the Saint Vincent for want of provision of bread. We shot the channel of Florida, in eight days against the wind, and came along by the I'll of Bermuda, and were nine weeks in sailing between Havana and the Coast of Spain. The tempests and stomes which we had, were wonderful great. Insomuch that all the fleet were dispersed, and ●ot above two ships did hold company together. Which put them in great fear lest they shoul● have met with the Hollanders; who might with three good ships have taken all their trea●●re with small ado for every little Caravell did put them in fear, thinking her to be a man of War. Upon 〈…〉 e second day of February 1606. Master Berwick landed safely, thanked be God, at Downes i● Kent, and gave me money to bring me to London. CHAP. XIIII. The Relation of Master JOHN WILSON of Wansteed in Essex, one of the last ten that returned into England from Wiapoco in Guiana 1606. Captain Charles Leigh and his Brother Sir Olane Leigh, did furnish to Sea the good ship called the Phoenix with Commodities for the Country of Guiana; and necessaries for the Voyage, with fifty persons to inhabit Wiapoco, of sundry Trades who directing their course towards Wiapoco, on the Coast of Guiana, which the Spaniards call the River of Canoas', arrived on the twentieth of May following, They arrive at Wiap●●●. where he found a ship of Amsterdam, trading with the Indians. They persuaded the Indians, that our Nation came to inhabit among them, only to oppress them as the Spaniards do in other parts of the Indies, which the Indians themselves confessed unto Captain Leigh notwithstanding they offered our Nation no unkindness, but used them in all the kind manner they could. For they provided whatsoever our Company wanted which they could get them. In somuch the Gentleman was like to have done right well, if it had not happened that his Company had not mutined, which did partly arise because of the climate, which is much hotter than ours. And for that they were unprovided of victuals or other necessaries, therefore constrained to live Causes of their mutiny. in such manner as the Indians themselves do; for that they did see at their landing only Mountains and Hills covered with Woods. And for that the most part of them had been householders in England, not accustomed unto such a strange Country or Nation, nor such a diet; for which causes they were so much discontented, that they cried to their Captain, home, home. Thus the Captain and his whole company was discontented, and also the Master of his ship called Martin Prinx, who shipped himself shortly after their arrival into the Amsterdamer, which they found there, whereupon the Captain placed his Mate Richard Pets of Weymouth, to be Master of the Phoenix, furnishing him with such victuals as the Country afforded, as Cassavi for their bread, and Potato Roots, with fish, water, and such provision as they had of their own aboard, appointing Edward Huntly to be their Captain, to go for England, who departed from Wiapoco about the first of july 1605. by whom Captain Leigh advertized his Brother Sir Olaue Leigh. After whose arrival Sir Olaue Leigh, he withal speed furnished the aforesaid ship, called the Second voyage of the Phoenix. Phoenix to Sea, with Commodities for the Country and other necessaries, with thirty men of sundry Trades, appointing the aforenamed Richard Pets to be Master, and Edward Huntly to be Captain, they departed from Woollage, one the towards Wiapoco, who arrived at their Port one the fifteenth of january following, who expected with the rest of their company aboard, to have found the General and his company on Land, to have been in far better case than they were, for that they found them for the most part extreme sicke●, and some of them dead: and presently after their arrival three or four men of them died, and the General himself was very weak and much changed, which partly proceeded by reason of their great want of victuals, for that the Pidians could not at all times provide them that they wanted. And chiefly Captain Leighs weakness. for that the company were persuaded that the ship would never have returned unto them again, which plainly appeared amongst them, for that at the arrival of our ship, some of them which had not in three month's time been a stones cast from their houses, came aboard of us, a mile and more from their houses in weak estate, which caused very much discontent amongst Dejected minds. our fresh water, Soldiers aboard, and they were the more discontented, because they could not advertise them of any commodities the Country yielded which would afford them present benefit, insomuch that they wished themselves in England again. During which parley, our General came not aboard of us, for that he was at his house called Mount Howard, a mile and more up into Mount Howard the Land, which stood on a hill very pleasantly situated, but according to the Country manner, by reason that their enemies should not well find their houses nor suddenly assault them, have there fore very rough passages unto them, environed all with Mountains, Woods, and Hills. Wherefore the General sent one Sidney Harrington unto Captain Huntly, M. Tederington Preacher and to the Master of the ship to land their company in Possession Bay, a place which the Indians gave unto our General, and therefore by him so named. Possession Bay. At whose landing according unto the General his Commission, they were all sworn unto certain Articles, as that they should acknowledge Captain Charles Leigh to be their chief General of Guiana, under King james our King of Great Britain, and that they should not be hurtful unto the said General his proceedings, but to aid and assist him to their uttermost powers. Which being effected, our General came unto us, and after kind salutations, having taken order for our Lodgings, for that time he departed from us. The Indians in like manner after their Country fashons kindly entertained us, and after further conference had with our General, he related at large unto us what had happened unto him and his company in their absence; that by reason of his company their discontent and sickness, they had not traveled up into the main Land; and therefore of his own knowledge he could not certify them of any other commodity the Country did yield, than such as he knew of before their departure, but the Indians had informed them, that there was up in the Main very rich commodities, Gold & silver. R. Caliane. as also Gold, and silver, and especially in the River of Caliane, where the Caribes inhabit, who are enemies unto our Indians of Wiapoco, and so called by them. Upon which information our General thought it would have been best to have peaceably traded with the Caribes: But our company misliked thereof, insomuch that the General altered his determination, and agreed to join with their friend Indians against the Caribes their enemies. Whereof having advertized the chiefest of them, they most kindly embraced their offer presently made eight of their, Canoas' in a readiness, furnishing them with Bread and Drink, and Victuals, which for the most part are Crabs and Fish, with some hundred of themselves all naked in their Canoas', whom our General accompanied with some eight and thirty of our company, leaving the rest to keep our Ship and Houses, shipping the most part of them in a Pinnace that was built by one named Howard, the Keel whereof he made of a Canoa, which proved a very fitting Pinnace for those parts Expedition against the Caribes. and Rivers. This Pinnace after our General's death the Indians did break a pieces because they thought we would have stolen away from them in her unto the Spaniards. And the rest of our company were placed in their Canoas', all of us furnished with our Caleevers: and so we departed on our journey and Voyage on the six and twentieth of February, on which day at night we came to a place which we named Mount Huntly, where we lodged Mount Huntly. in the Woods that night, our General commanding us to keep a good watch; which we need not to have done, for the Indians themselves were very watchful, and wonderful careful of our Caleevers, and for to keep our Powder dry, after we had been acquainted with them, and very diligent for to please us. The next day at night we came to a place called the Count, and there we lodged, and the next Cou. R. Wia. day following we came into the River of Wia; and there we found two or three of the Caribes Canoas', but all their men were run up into the Woods, and from thence our General went up farther into the River, where we burned certain of their houses, not finding any people in them. From whence our General purposed to have gone farther into the River of Caliane. But the Indians did advertise him, that there was an English ship there, whom the General knew to be one johnson of Plymouth, that had been some fourteen days before at English ship. Wiapoco, and came thither in the way of Trade. But our General would not suffer him so to do, for that he would not hinder himself and his company, which our General at that time called to mind, and therefore thought it not good to proceed in the River, because he doubted that there would have risen contention betwixt his company and johnsons', and for that he also misdoubted we should have wanted Bread and Drink if he should have proceeded in his journey, and therefore returned to Wiapoco, where we arrived all, except one Canoa. About the fourteenth day of March. Our General sent with four of our Nation named Blake, Owen Goldwell, William Crandall, and Henry powel, with commodities up into the Country, some thirty leagues to a place called Urake to the Inhabitants there named Arwakes, to trade with them. And after our journey by Vrake. Arwakes. reason of such Rain and foul weather as we had in the same, most of our company fell sick, and for that they had no comfortable drinks, nor any comforts tha● sick persons do want, diverse of them died of the Flux; which the Indians (as also the Disease called the Calenture) Mortality. know right well for to cure, yet concealed it from our General. But unto us after his death they did reveal, which sickness amongst the company caused no small grief unto our General, and chiefly to see such wants amongst them; wherefore he resolved with himself to go for England, which he acquainted the company with, promising them to return as speedily as he could with provision. Presently after he had shipped his provision, and such Commodities as he had gathered together in the Country, and was in a readiness to depart for England, he sickened of the Flux, and The Captain's sickness and death. died aboard his ship, and was by Captain Huntly secretly buried on the Land, the twentieth of March, whose death was so secretly kept by the Captain, and the Master of the ship, that most of the company knew not thereof. The reason was, because there was provision too little for them which were shipped, and others of the company, if they had known thereof, would have pressed to have come with them. Wherefore Captain Huntly with Master Tederington our M. Tederington. Preacher and others set sail from Wiapoco towards England, on the second of April 1605. promising a ship to return unto us within seven months, God not hindering their intents, which had happened, for Sir Olaue Leigh to his great charge had provided a great Flyboat of the burden of one hundred and seventy tons furnished for to have come for Wiapoco, as I have heard since my being here in London, before Captain Huntly his arrival in England, but it pleased God 35. persons lost that she never came to Wiapoco, so that we had no comfort of her, being in number, left at Captain Huntley's departure out of the Country thirty five persons, of whom one named Richard Sacksie was by Captain Leigh in his life time, appointed to be chief amongst us, who shipped himself into a ship of Middleborough, who came into the River about the first of May 15. depart. Kindness of a Dutchman. 1605. and fourteen more of our company with him, and more that Zelander would have carried if Sacksie would have suffered him, such was his kindness towards our Nation. He gave unto us such wine and other comforts as he had, unto our great reliefs. His coming unto us to Wiapoco, was to have sold unto our General Negroes, whose kindness we did requite in helping him to such commodities as we had, and did get the Indians to provide Cassavi and Guinea Wheat for bread, with Potato Roots for his Negroes to eat, who departed on the one and twentieth of May (after he had been some three weeks in the River of Wiapoco) for Point de Ray, where he shipped of our company into his Countrimens' ships, some in one ship and some into others for Holland, of which ships we heard that some of them were taken by the Spaniards, and they were cast overboard with the Hollanders. The same day the Hollander departed, which was the one and twentieth of May, came unto French ship. us a French ship of Saint Mallors, who dealt very kindly with us, wherefore we did suffer him to trade with the Indians, who did remain there some two months, unto whom many strange Ten more depart. Indians did bring their commodities, and at his departure he shipped ten of our men; he took Powder, and other commodities of us which we had, for their passage into France, leaving ten of us behind him, of which two died before the ship was out of ken of us, Nicholas Wilkins and Andrew Vnderhill. But within some fourteen days after, two of those four which our General had sent to trade unto Urake, came unto us not expecting ever to have seen them; the other Two return out of the Country to them. They plant Flax, etc. two were drowned by the way. These two named Owen Goldwell, and William candal, which came to us, reported they had been some forty miles up into the Land, in a very plain pleasant Country, and brought commodities hereafter written of. About the middle of july, our number of ten were all in good health, spending our time in planting of Carow called Flax, whereof we planted about twenty English Acres of Land, and some Tobacco, observing the manners and conditions of the people, the nature of the Land and what commodities it yieldeth, and what commodities of ours are in most request with them. About the third of October, the Indians did request us for to accompany them in their wars against the Caribes, whereunto we willingly did agree. They provided seven Canoas' furnishing them with men, and bread and drink, and their victuals (for the most part Crabs, and fish of diverse sorts, which they take every day fresh and fresh as they travel in the Rivers.) We went into the River of Caliane, which is some thirty leagues from Wiapoco, where we rowed up and down, but we could not find any of the Caribes in the River, we persuaded them to land which they did, and marched up some two miles unto the Caribes houses, as we marched to their houses, the Caribes came to the water side where our Canoas' did lie, but finding myself therewith my Caliver, they had no great desire to come very near unto us; and so after we had burned some of their houses, and killed diverse of them, our company returned to our Canoas', having lost one of the Indian Captains named Macato, others of the Indians were shot with three of our Surgery. company, whom they healed as they did themselves, with a leaf, very speedily. They are armed in their wars with naked skins, and their Artillery are Bows and Arrows, their Weapons wooden Swords and Bucklers. They choose their Captains at their drunken Feasts; he is placed in the midst of the whole company, holding his hands on his head. After Indian Arms. Mad choice of a patient Captain. they have made an Oration unto him to be valiant, and not to be treacherous unto them, with such like speeches; they whip him with a Whip which maketh the blood spring out of his body at every stroke, and he never once moveth thereat. By these means they try his patience and courage. After we had shipped ourselves into our Canoas', we rowed up and down the river of Caliane, some eight or ten days, which we noted for to be a very fair River and navigable. It R. Caliane searched. runneth diverse ways from the main Land; and great store of such commodities hereafter specified, which the Country yieldeth is to be had in the said River. We returned unto our houses at Wiapoco, about the first of November. In this journey we were kindly used of our consorts our Indians, and highly respected of them for our service which we did. After a few day's rest at Wiapoco, the Indians advertised us of three Ships which were in the River of Amazons, and that one of them would come unto us to the River of Wiapoco some two Three ships in R. of Amazons. months after, which proved to be true, but by what means they knew it I could not imagine, except it were by their devil's means, which they call their Peyar, with whom the men have Peyar-divining often conference, and it will answer them, but the women never that I could perceive; when the men will confer with their Peyar, they suffer not a child to be in the house, and when any of them are sick, they know by him whether they shall live or dye; if he saith they shall dye, they will give the sick person no physic; but if he say that he shall live, than they will give him any thing they have for his comfort. After our company was advertised of a Ships coming unto us, we went with the Indians in their Canoas', some into the River of Wiapoco, and River of Ar●cow. some into the River of Arocow, to make away such commodities as we had left which were not many, reserving some of them to give to our Indians for our victuals, although their kindness towards us was such, that if we had not had any commodities, they would not have suffered us to have wanted. In which our journey we noted the River of Aracow to be a very pleasant River, and yieldeth such commodities as other Rivers do; also the River of Wiapoco is a very fair River, and navigable, which entereth the main more than forty miles. And at the end thereof there is a very great fall of water which cometh over great hills and mountains; some of our Fall. company were on the tops of them, for some months in the year the Mountains are dry, and we were informed that on the other side of those great hills, there is a River which is inhabited with many Indians, and hath the like commodities that Wiapoco hath, and that there is Gold in that place, which the Indians calleth Carocor●e but we never went to see the same River, by reason we had very small store of commodities. At our return to Wyapoco we gave to the Indians for their pains, and providing of us victuals in our journey an Axe, for which they would have traveled with us two or three months time if occasion had required. And for an Axe they found us victuals two months time at our houses, as Bread, and Drink, and Crabs, and Fish, and all such kind of flesh as they killed for themselves, for the same price: but if we desired any Hens or Cocks of them, than we were to have given them some small trifles, as Beads; so likewise if they brought us in our travel to any of their friend Indians houses, we must do the like as at our departure, to give them some trifles, as Knives and Beads. So that we lived very good cheap. Three Nations. There are of the Indians three sorts which inhabit at Wyapoco with whom we were, whose houses be situated as near the River's mouth as they well may be, they are named the Yayes, The Yayes. the Arwalkes, and the Suppayes. The Yayes are a people very proud, and use much flouting and mocking of others, much given unto dancing, and are full of merriment, very ingenious, and very The Arwakes, kind of nature. The Arwackes are a people of better carriage, and did use our company with better respect than the Yayes. These two kinds of Indians come out of the West, wherefore they do know all those Coasts, and they hate the Spaniards as deadly as they do the Caribes. Suppayes. The Suppayes are a people more crafty in their dealings, for they will not part with any thing, but will have commodities for commodities. They are not many of them, and we could not Nakedness. learn from whence they are come. The men and women go all naked, without any coverture Men and women how they live. at all; they are very well limmed and proportioned of body. They never company together all the day time, but as the women do bring them their victuals, they do eat usually every day; they have doors at each end of their houses, the men remain at the one end of the house, & the women at the other. The women are very neat in making of their Bread, which they call Aripo, and their drink Passhe: they make their Bread and Drink of a root which they call Cassavi, which maketh good Bread, and very strong drink, very pleasant to drink after one is used to it. Their houses are built after the manner of our barns in England, but much longer, for we have Their houses. measured some of them which were one hundred and fifty paces long, and some twenty paces broad, one hundred persons keep together in one of those houses; they are most artificially builded and thatched, so that no rain cometh into them: although in April, May, and june, and most of july very extreme rain doth fall there. Also they make Pots of earth, which show Fair earthen Pots. as if they were guilded, and some of them will hold thirty or forty gallons of liquor, they are very fair to behold, and very sweet to keep any thing in. They make Baskets of diverse sorts Baskets. Hamakes. most artificially, and their beds which they call Hamakes; they are some of them made of Cotten wool, and some of barks of trees, they use to lie in them hanging. They have a great delight to paint themselves both men and women, and especially when they go to any Feast. Painting. The women against their day of travel in child birth, make for that time a room apart in Childbirth. the house, whereunto they go all alone, and are delivered without any help at all; and presently after the child is borne, she calleth for her husband, and delivereth him the child, who presently washeth it in a pot of water, and painteth it with sundry colours, which seemed very strange unto me, that I did not hear the women, once so much as to groan, or to make any moan at all in all her time of her travel: if any one of them dieth they do use to make great moan for them some ten or twelve days together after his death or longer, according as the party Funerals. was beloved in his life time. And touching such kind of Beasts as are in the woods as well about Wiapoco as in other places Beasts of those parts. of the Country. There are great store of Deer, Hares and Coneys, Hogs and many Monkeys great and small, black and green, which sorts are called Marmosites, and great red ones as big as Baboons (those the Indians do kill and eat) and there are Leopards, and Porcupines, and Lions; for in one place we did see a Lion which the Indians had killed; they brought all their boys they had, and did lay them on the Lion's back, and with a whip did give every of them three lashes, wherefore they did so we could not learn, but imagined it was because they should remember the place where the Lion was killed: also there are great store of Otters, and a beast which is called an Aligator, he hath a cod that smelleth like the Musk cod. Of Foules, I have seen Cocks, Hens, Ducks, and Geese; Partridges, Wood-doves, Herneshaws, Shovellers, and a foul of a crimson colour, called Passeray Fiemingo, & great store of white Fowls. fowls, which the Indians call Wakcrouses, & great store of Parrots, and Parrakeits, which fly there in shoals like Starlings here in England: also there is a Parrot there as big as a great Hen, blue and red, very beautiful to behold, and multitudes of fowls of other sorts, and Hawks of diverse sorts in the woods and Rivers. And of fish there are great abundance of all sorts both of fresh water fish, and Sea fish, and Crabs great store; and the Indians take their fish with a kind of wood which they beat Fishes and fishing as before. against some stone or other tree, until one end thereof be all bruised, and putting that into the River, presently the fish become drunk, and run themselves on the shore, and swim above water, as our Haddocks do in England. There are store of good Roots and Plants with Fruits, as the Pina and Plantine, Potatoes, Nappoyes, and a fruit called of the Indians Poppoyes, it is bigger than an Apple and very pleasant Fruits. to eat, and sundry sorts of Plums, and other sorts of fruits whereof they make drink very pleasant to be drunk. There are these commodities at Wiapocco, and in other places of the Country where I have Dying woods & other commodities of the Country. traveled, Woods of black, red and yellow colours, Tobacco, Guinie pepper, Cotten wool, Carow (of us called Flax) Anoto, Berrie● which die a very fair Stammel colour, Spignard, whereof a precious Oil may be made, Gums of diverse sorts, Bee-waxe, Feathers of the best sorts, such as Ladies do wear in their hats, and other Feathers abundance. There grow naturally in many places Sugar Canes, and great abundance of Carow of itself, called of us Flax, and of the Spaniard Pero. Also they make Oil which they paint themselves with of a kind of Nut bigger than a Chestnut, whereof are great abundance growing; and the Manety stone is to be had in the Aracores Country, and in no other place of the Indies that I have heard of. These things I noted, but if so we had expected certainly for to have had a Ship of our own Nation to have come unto us, I myself, and the rest of us should have been encouraged to have observed more than I have done. Neither had we any store of commodities to trade up in the Main, as the two Hollanders hath which are there, and were left there at our coming from thence by john Sims, Master of a Ship called the Hope of Amsterdam, of the burden of one hundred tuns Fraughted by the Merchants of Amsterdam, and by their Charter party was bound to lie in the River of Wiapoco, and of Caliane six months time, which he did, for he lay with us at Wyapoco from the twentieth of December unto the twentieth of May following, trading with the Indians, and sought most after the Manit● stone and Carow, which we call Flax. They furnished there two Factors very well with Commodities, which they left at Wyapoco. They dealt very kindly with us, for he shipped all our whole company, which were nine of us. Their return. Taking our leaves of the Indians (who were as unwilling to part from our companies, as we were willing to go into our own Country, saying unto us, that if any of us ever came to them again to trade with them; No other Nation should trade there but we. And after they knew of our departure; whilst we remained amongst them, they brought their children unto us for Sir Walter Raleigh. to name after our great men's names of England, which we did. They had often speech of Sir Walter Raleigh, and one came far out of the Main from Orenog●e to inquire of us of him, saying he promised to have returned to them before that time, After we had provided our necessaries, and such commodities as we had, and had given the Indians great charge of the Hollanders Factors, we shipped ourselves and departed from Wiapoco on the last of May 1606. And from thence we went into the River of Caliane, where our Master john Sims traded some thirty days with the Caribes, and other of the Indians. This Sims was Master's mate of the Holland Ship which Captain Lee found in the River of Wiapoco at his first arrival there: also he was Master of the Ship which the Indians advertised us was in the River of Amazons, and according to their saying, God be thanked he came to us to our Comforts. After his departure out of the River of Caliane, he sailed unto Trinidado, where the Spaniards Trinidado. entertained him and his company very kindly, for they gave them Tobacco for all such commodities as they had, and suffered them to lad Pitch which goeth out of the ground there, for Fountain of Pitch. that our Master durst not go to Point de Ree to lad Sault there as he determined, because he heard that the Spaniard did lie there with their men of war, and had taken certain Holland Ships, and had flung over board all the men that were in them: our Master took his course from Trinidado to Amsterdam, where he arrived on the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and were in number of us eight besides myself, named Owen Go●ldwell, Robert Gardner, William Crandall, Robert Becke, Richard Prens, William friar, Gilbert Browne, and Richard Bonocke. Since my being here I understand that one of our company which we left at Vlishinge, named William Crandall is gone in a Ship of Holland for Wyapoco, which voyage they would have hired myself and others to have gone with them, by reason we have the Indians languages: such is the diligence of that Nation, unto whom I wish well for the great kindness they showed myself and others of our Nation. CHAP. XV. Part of a Treatise written by Master WILLIAM TURNER, Son to Doctor TURNER of London a Physician, touching the former Voyage. THe foureteenth of August, * The large journal of their voyage to this place, is for brevity omitted; as also their course homewards. about two in the afternoon, we had sight of the Barbados, which bore of us South South-west. The Land hath two points bearing East and West one from another; and from the middle of it, it riseth like Tenerife, and is ten leagues broad, and is barbarous without any inhabitants, having great store of Hogs, Piggeons, and Parrots. We bore for the▪ Westermost part of this Island, and so we steered away West Northwest, and Northwest and by West amongst for Saint Lucia. The fifteenth day, being thursday, we had sight of Saint Lucia, bearing West Northwest of us. This Island of Saint Lucia is a very fertile I'll, bearing many sorts of fruits, as Plantons, Potatoes, Pinos, * The virtue of the Guanos' a thing worthy the noting, for their nature is, if one eat a ripe one, it sets one a scouring, and eat a green one, it will stay a scouring. Probagum. Guanos', Pompins, Cassado, and many other fruits. It hath also great store of Cotten wool, and Tobacco, but their Tobacco is not very good. It hath also many wild Beasts in it, as Tigers, Guanes, Alagartos, and other Beasts, which time would not permit us to see. It hath also great store of Pigeons, Parrots, Pelican's, Cats, and Dogs. The people go naked, having very long hair, and are very honest, kind hearted people. In this Island we set our passengers ashore, and furnished them with all things necessary that our distressed Ship could afford them. But they like treacherous idle disposed people, not regarding our kindness, nor pitying our necessity, betrayed our Boat from us one morning as we went ashore, my self and three or four other Gentlemen being in her; and then they detained three Sailors which were drawing in the Boat keeping them for their own use, and afterward sent us aboard in a Canoa, which we were fain to buy of them for Knives. The Master and the Captain seeing this their treacherous dealing, and being out of all hope to get their Boat again, about thursday in the evening, being the three and twentieth of August, gave them a Piece of Ordnance with intent to beat down their houses. We had no sooner let fly at them, but presently they shot at us again, the bullet whereof came between our main Mast and our Poop, but it hurt no body. So that night we weighed, and went to a Bay some two leagues to leeward of this road where we first ankored. In this Bay there are half a dozen of Indian houses very pleasantly situated upon the top of a hill, with a fresh water River at the foot of the same hill; and in this Bay we had very good traffic of linen cloth, and many pleasant fruits, for our Hatchets and Knives. After we had road here some six hours, we might plainly discern our Boat undersaile, whereupon we presently fitted our small shot, hoping that their intent was to come aboard, and betray our Ship, but they tacked in, and rowed alongst the shore, till they came to the very Bay where we road, and there they stopped, and we were in good hope to recover our Boat again, but they tarried there trading for their commodities in the face of our Ordnance: whereupon we seeing their daring boldness to be so great that they presumed En quo dise●●dia Cives Perduxit miseros. to traffic in our own Boat before our noses, and to go about as it were to stop us from traffic; we let fly at them six pieces of Ordnance, and a valley of small shot; but what harm we did amongst them, we know not, for they rowed away, and got out of sight of us. We termed Rogues Bay. Cape Knave. River of Rascals▪ the Bay where we put these men a shore Rogues Bay, & the Cape we called Cape Knave, and the River, River of Rascals. This very same day being the four and twentieth of August, we weighed anchor, and steered away South Southeast, and Southeast and by South amongst for Saint Uincents. And upon Saturday, the five and twentieth day, in the afternoon we arrived at the Island of Saint Vincents, where Saint Vinc●●ts. we came within a Ships length very nigh the shore, which put us all in great fear, for if God had not sent us a gale from the shore, we had run a ground, and we had had all our throats cut by the Indians of that Island. So that night we tried it off at Sea with our fore-top-saile, and foresail, intending next day, being Sunday, to stand it in again for the shore (because we had good hope of good traffic there.) But the current had driven us so far off at Sea by the next morning, and the wind blew so vehemently from the shore, that we could by no means fetch the land; whereupon being four leaves from the shore of Saint Vincents, we steered away South South-west, and South-west and by South amongst for the Testigoes. And the next morning being Testigos. Granados. monday, we had sight of the Granados, bearing of us Southeast, but we could not fetch the Testigos. The nine and twentieth being Wednesday morning, we had sight of five small Rocks, which bore of us West and by North some five leagues off: we had also sight of the Island of Blanco, whereby we found that the Current had set us, and doth set to the North-east, and therefore your best course to go from the Granados to the Testigos, is to steer away South-west. Current. The first of September being Friday morning we had sight of Margarita, and at night we Margarita. cast anchor at the Westermost Point of this Island, called Point Macanao. The second day the next morning we went ashore with our Canoa, to see if we could meet with any Spaniards, with whom we might bargain for some Beefs. But we could neither see Spaniards, Beefs, nor freshwater, only we found the dung of Beefs. In this Island of Margarita also there are great store of Pelicans. This morning we weighed; and as soon as we had doubled the Point of Macanao, we had sight of the Rangeria, which is as it were a little town, containing in it some forty or fifty houses. Here we did not land because we saw no people, but stood it away South Southeast and South and by East amongst for the Burdones. About midnight we came close aboard the shore by an Island, called F●bacco, and then we sounded, and had ground at forty fathom. The third day being Monday morning, we were becalmed, some three leagues off from the main. About twelve at noon the same day, we had sight of Point de Ray. The wind and breeses blew so strongly of the shore, that we could not come to anchor that night to the Burdones. These Burdones are no Town, nor hath any houses, but belongeth to the Town of Comana. The fourth day being Wednesday, at four in the afternoon, we came to an anchor at the Burdones; so that we were three days in getting to the shore, being in sight of it all the while. About twelve at midnight the same day, we put out our sayne-Net into the Sea for to catch some fish. And about four in the morning we found a great Swordfish shut into the Net, Swordfish. which was fourteen foot long, and he had a sword some three foot long. The sword is square, and blunt at the end, having great prickles upon each side, of the bigness of a wild Boar's tusk. We sent our Canoa ashore here, to parley with them having a flag of truce. The Governor of Comana perceiving our Canoa coming ashore, sent a Molato to parley with our men, who saluted them very kindly, enquiring of us, what news in England, and whether the Constable of Spain were gone home into Spain or no; we told him he was gone into Spain, before we set out of England: we asked of him what news in Comana of any English men, and when any had been here; he told them about a month ago, and that one of them had like to have been taken by a French Pirate, if a Fleming had not taken his part. This night there came four Spaniards aboard our ship from a Carvel which was at an anchor half a league from us. These Spaniards burged with us some Tobacco, and told us, that Captain Lee had a Town built for himself, and that the Pinnace had been here a month ago. The seventh of September in the afternoon, there came the Aid of Master E●dreds to an anchor in the road where we road, and then we welcomed them with a shot, and they gave us three for one: after these our salutations, the Captain of the Aid, called Squire, came aboard us, and told us, that Sir Oliph Lee his Pinnace was come home, before they set out of England, and that Captain Lee died in the Pinnace coming into England: others of his company said, that they heard he was betrayed, and killed in his Hamaca in Wiapoco. He also told us, that he Cap. Leighs death. had left some thirty men behind him which were in great misery and extremity, both for lack of health and scarcity of victuals. The nineteenth of September, Captain Squire weighed, and left us going for Comonagota. The Spaniards dare not truck with us for any thing, but when that they steal aboard in the night; for if that they should be espied they should be hanged: Cloth of Tissue and Gold, cloth of Silver, Velvet, Satins, Silks, fine woollen cloth and linen, as Cambric, Lawn, Holland; new Trunks, Pistols, Fowling pieces, and Muskets, are very good commodities to truck with the Spaniards, and all other places in the Indies. I noted one thing amongst many things, concerning the nature of that climate of Comana. It is monstrous hot all the day long till it be noon, and then there blows a cool breeze: and at noon you shall always have thundering and lightning without any rain for the most part. The town of Comana stands two miles from the Seaside, and cannot be seen by reason of the trees which cover the sight of it, but you Comana. may see the Governors' house, for it stands upon the top of a Hill, looking over the trees, which eover the town. The eight and twentieth of September being Saturday, we espied seven fail of Flemings Seven sail of Hollanders. bound for Ponitra. The thirtieth day being Monday, we weighed for Loyntra; and we steered away North and North and by West for Ponitra from Camena; and about six of the clock in the morning we arrived there safely. The fourteenth of October, Captain Catlin and two other Gentlemen, went out of our ship upon some discontentments, misliking of the Master of our ships usage towards them, and had their passage in two Hollanders, that were riding at Ponitra. The five and twentieth, about eight a clock at night we weighed at Ponitra, having two Flemish ships our consorts with us. On the thirtieth we had sight of the Westermost end of Porto Rico, called Cape Roxo, and of a little Island some four leagues off, called Echro. Here we stayed till Friday and Saturday, hoping for to have gotten the shore for fresh water, and Oranges; but we had no wind at all to serve our turns. About Saturday at noon, there came unto us a Flemish boat with a dozen men in it; these men told us, that upon Sunday the seven and twentieth day of this month, there came nineteen sail of Spaniards, and that they had taken all the ships which we left behind us, in number ten, saving two ships of Captain Mogerownes, which scaped by their swift sailing, and that they themselves being ashore with their Boat made an escape from Ponetra, and so came to us at Porto Rico, which is one hundred and threescore leagues, where we refreshed ourselves with fresh water and Oranges. The ninth of November being Saturday, we disembogued from Porto Rico. The two and twentieth of December we saw Flores, one of the Lands of the Asores. CHAP. XVI. A Relation of a voyage to Guiana performed by ROBERT HARCOURT of Stanton Harcourt in the County of Oxford Esquire. To Prince CHARLES'. IN the year of our Lord 1608. and the 23. of March, when I had furnished my 23. March, 1608. self with one ship of fourscore tons, called the Rose; a Pinnace of six and thirty tons, called the Patience; and a Shallop of nine tons, called the Lily, which I built at Dartmouth; and had finished my other business: there, and prepared all things in readiness to begin my voyage, the wind reasonably serving, I then embarked my company, as followeth. In the Rose, I was accompanied with Captain Edward Fisher, Captain Edward Harvey, The Rose. Master Edward Gifford, and my Cousin Thomas Harcourt: and besides them, I had of Gentlemen and others one and thirty Land-men, two Indians, and three and twenty Mariners and Sailors. In the Patience, my brother Captain Michael Harcourt, had with him of Gentlemen and others The Patience▪ twenty Land-men, and eleven Mariners and Sailors. In the Lily, jasper Lily the Master, The Lilly. had one Land-man, and two Sailors: so that my just number (too great for so few sh●ps of no greater burden) was in all fourscore and seventeen, whereof threescore were Land-men. Being Land-men sixty. They set sail the 23. of March. thus embarked, we set sail from the Range at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March; but the wind altering upon a sudden, put us back again that evening; and about two of the clock the next morning (it coming better for us) we weighed anchor, and put to Sea: the evening following we lost sight of the Lizzard, and steered away for the Canaries. The seventh day of April we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote, two Lands of the Canaries: They arrive at Alegranza. we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof; that evening and the next day I landed my company to exercise their limbs on shore: in this Island we found no Inhabitants, nor fresh water, neither fruitful Tree, Plant, Herb, Grass, nor any thing growing that was good, only an abundance of unwholesome Sea-fowle, which after one meal were unsavoury and distasteful, and a few wild Capritoes, or wild Goats, which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands, and hungry mouths. The eighth of April we departed from Alegranza, and directed our course for Tenerife, another Tenerise. of the Lands. The eleventh day I sent the Pinnace, and the Shallop to water at the Calms, and there to attend my coming; but with my ship I held my course for Orotavo, a Town on the other side of the Island, in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there; but not being able (by reason of a contrary wind) to double Punta de Nega, we altered our course from Wine to Water. And the twelfth day we passed by Santa Cruz, and watered that evening at the Calms. This watering place is very convenient for all such as pass by those Lands, and is thus to be An excellent watering place. found; there is a wooden Cross near unto it, the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it. There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place, which is a short Sandie Bay. When you are landed, you shall find the place about forty or fifty yards from the Sea side. Then we stood on our course for the River of Wiapoco in Guiana, having a prosperous wind, fair weather, and a smooth Sea. The ninth day of May, we fell into the Current of the great The River of Amazons. Fresh water in the Sea 30. leagues from land. joseph Acosta. Hicron G●raua Tarraconensis. and famous River of Amazons, which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mighty stream of fresh water, that being thirty leagues from land, we drunk thereof, and found it as fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole. This River for the great and wonderful breadth (containing at the mouth near sixty leagues) is rightly termed by josephus Acosta the Empress and Queen of all Floods, and by Hi●ronymus Girava Tarraconensis: it is said to be the greatest not only of all India, but also of the whole world; and for the greatness, is called of many the Sweet Sea. It riseth and floweth from the Mountains of Peru, and draweth out her streams in many windings and turnings under the Equinoctial, for the space of one thousand and five hundred leagues and more: although from her Fountains and Springs unto the Sea it is but six hundred. When we entered into the aforesaid Current, we sounded, and had forty four fathom water, sandy sounding. The tenth day the colour of the water changed, and became muddy, whitish, and thick; then we sounded again at noon, and had thirty fathom; and seventeen at four in the afternoon. The eleventh day at eight of the clock in the morning we made land, the uttermost Point thereof The eleventh of May they made land in Guiana. The Patience in danger of wrack. bearing West from us, and came to anchor in five fathom water. At night the Patience putting in to near the shore, came to anchor in two fathom and a half water upon the flood which fell from her upon the ebb, and left her dry upon the Oaze, and the next flood coming in, did so shake and beat her against the ground, that before she could get off, her rudder was beaten away, and her ribs so rend and crazed, that if Almighty God had not preserved her, she had been wracked: but (God be thanked) with much ado she came off into deeper water, and mended her Rudder, as well as the time and place would afford means. Then we followed on our course, coasting along to the North Northwest, the Land so trending. It is very shoal all along this Coast, the ground soft oaze, but no danger to be feared, keeping our ship in five fathom water. When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a half, we anchored in a goodly Bay, by certain Lands, called Carripapoory, I did at that time forbear to make particular discovery of this Coast, intending (if God spare me life) to make a perfect discovery of the famous River of Lands called Carripapoory. Amazons, and of her several branches, and Countries bordering upon it, and of all this tract of land from the Amazons, unto the River of Wiapoco, which containeth many goodly Provinces, and Signiories, which are in this discourse, but briefly mentioned: For at this time I purposed only to prosecute my first project, which hastened me unto another place. From hence I stood along the Coast, and the seventeenth of May, I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco: where the Indians came off unto us in two or three Canoes, as well to learn of what The Bay of Wiapoco. Indian boats. Nation we were, as also to trade with us; who understanding that we were English men boldly came aboard us, one of them could speak our language well, and was known to some of my company to be an Indian, that sometime had been in England, and served Sir john Gilbert many years: they brought with them such dainties as their Country yieldeth; as Hens, Fish, Pinas, Platanaes', Potatoes, bread of Cassavi, and such like cates, which were heartily welcome to my hungry company: In recompense whereof, I gave them Knives, Beads, jews trumps, and such toys, which well contented them. But when I had awhile entertained them, and made known unto them the rerurne of the Indian, Martin, their Countryman, whom I brought with me out of England, they seemed exceeding joyful, supposing that he had been dead, being above four years since he departed from them. The Indian before mentioned to have served Sir john Gilbert (whose name was john) whilst he lived (for he is now dead, and died a Christian) was a great help unto us, because he spoke our language much better then either of those that I brought with me, and was ever firm and faithful to us, until his death. By him I understood that their Town was situate upon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco, and was called Caripo: that the Indian, Martin, was Lord thereof, and that in his absence his brother was chief. Moreover, he certified me that the principal Indian of that River was called Carasana (who by good fortune) was then at Caripo, and so having spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment, they A village called Caripo. took their leave, and departed for that time. I sent one of my company with them to give notice to Carasana, and the rest of the Indians of Caripo, that I had brought home their Countryman Martin, whom they all thought to be dead, and another of their Nation also, who had kindred and friends amongst them: to desire him to come aboard my ship, and to bring with him the principal Indians of Caripo, that I might declare unto them the cause of my coming into their Country, and confer with them of other matters intended for their good. The next day A messenger sent to the Indians. I came into the River of Wiapoco, and anchored over against the Sandy Bay. The day following the Indians came aboard as I had desired, and brought us good siore of their Country provision: Carasana, and one or two more of them were attired in old clothes, The Indians came aboard. which they had gotten of certain English men, who (by the direction of Sir Walter Raleigh) had traded there the year before; the rest were all naked, both men and women; and this I observed amongst them, that although the better sort of men (especially the Yaios) do cover their The chief men of the Nation of the Yaios cover their privities. The women generally go all naked. privities, by wearing over them a little piece of cotton cloth, prettily woven after their manner; yet did I never see any of their women covered in any part, either above or beneath the waste, albeit they daily conversed amongst us, but were all (as the plain proverb is) even stark belly naked. At their coming aboard my ship, first Carasana as the principal amongst them, and after him the rest, saluted and welcomed us after their rude manner. I used them with all courtesy, and entertained them as well as the strait room would give me leave, giving them good store of Aquavitae, which they love exceedingly: I presented to their view their two Countrymen, Martin the Lord of their Town, and Anthony Canabre, who was a Christian, and had lived in England fourteen years, both which I had brought home unto them: when they beheld them, and after salutations, and some conference, knew to be the same persons, whom they supposed had been long since dead, they expressed much joy and contentment: and understanding (from their own mouths) how well I had used them, they seemed to be better pleased with our coming: and when their rude salutations to their new-come Countrymen were ended, I took them apart, and thus declared the cause of my coming. First, I brought to their remembrance the exploits performed by Sir Walter Raleigh in their Their conference with the Indians. Sir W. Raleigh● acts in these parts. See Hak. 〈◊〉. 3. Country, in the reign of our late Sovereign Queen Elizabeth, when (to free them from servitude) he most worthily vanquished the Spaniards at Trinidado: burned their Town, took their Governor Don Anthonio de Berreo prisoner; delivered five of the Indian Kings imprisoned, and bound by the neck with collars of Iron; and with great labour and peril discovered the River of Orenoque, and the Countries adjoining, as far as the Province of Aromaya, the Country of Topiawary, and the River of Caroli beyond it. And that their Countrymen called the Orenoqueponi (who are the borderers of Orenoque) did then most willingly submit and render themselves The Orenoqueponi rendered themselves subjects to Queen Elizabeth. under the subjection of the late Queen; all which they well remembered, and said, that Sir Walter Raleigh promised to have returned again unto them long since. Then I excused his not returning according to his promise, by reason of other employments of great importance imposed upon him by the late Queen: showing them moreover, that when he could not (for that cause) return himself, he sent Captain Keymis to visit them, and to Cap. Keymis his voyage to Guiana. bring him true intelligence of their estate (supposing that he had left no Spaniards behind him at Trinidado of power to molest them) to the end that relief and aid might be prepared for them, according to their necessities, and oppression of their enemies. Then I told them of the death of the late Queen, whereby that business of theirs was again hindered. Moreover, I declared unto them, that our gracious Sovereign Lord King james, who now reigneth over us (being the only right and lawful Heir, and Successor, to the Crown and Dignity of the Realm of England, after the death of the late Queen) was throughout the whole Land proclaimed King of England; and so coming to reign over us, hath been ever since busied in ordering the State and affairs of the Kingdom, which being (by his great wisdom) settled in tranquillity and peace, like a good, gracious, and worthy King, doth now permit his Subjects to travel abroad into foreign Countries, and Nations, to aid and assist all such as are unjustly molested by their enemies. Whereupon, I and the rest of these worthy Gentlemen my associates and friends, having intelligence by some that had been followers of Captain Charles Lee (who was a man well known amongst them, and heretofore had taken Possession of the Country taken at Wiapoco, by Captain Lee to his Majesty's use. possession of their Country to his Majesty's use, and was planted diverse years in Wiapoco, where he lieth buried) of the great variance and discord depending between them the allied Nations, the Yaios, Arwaccas, Sappaios, and Paragontoes; and their enemies the Charibes (all inhabiting between the Rivers of Amazons, and Dessequebe) have made a long and dangerous voyage into those parts, to appease their dissensions, and defend them against the Charibes, or other enemies that shall molest or oppress them: and now being there arrived, do intent to make search in those Countries for convenient places, where such of our Nation, as shall hereafter come to defend them, may be fitly seated to dwell amongst them; that if any of those Nations shall attempt at any time to disturb the quiet living of their Neighbours, they may have store of English friends at hand and amongst them, that will not spare their pains to appease their discords, nor their lives to defend them from harm. When I had thus declared unto them the cause of my coming, they made this answer; that with our coming they were well pleased; but our number of men they thought too great, that they wanted means to provide us bread sufficient for them all, having but a small Town, few Gardens, and slender provision for their own companies, because since Captain Lee his death, and his men's departure from them, they never made provision for any strangers. I replied, that albeit their Town was small, and their Gardens few (for the grounds wherein they plant their Cassavi, whereof they make their bread, they call their Gardens) yet their Country was full of Inhabitants, and had store of Gardens to supply our wants of bread, and was plentifully stored with other provisions sufficient for a greater number, which I desired might be weekly brought unto us, as need required, for that I meant not to take it without recompense, but would give them for it such commodities as should well please them, which they wanted: as Axes, Hatchets, Knives, Beads, Looking-glasses, jews trumps, and such like things wherein they most delight. Then they desired to consult amongst themselves, which I permitted, and expected their answer The Indians go to counsel. above two hours, which time they spent in debating the matter after their manner, and drinking Aquavitae, and in the end desired my presence, and made me this answer. That they were contented and well pleased we should live amongst them; that they would Their answer. furnish us with houses to lodge in, and provide all necessaries for us in the best manner they could. But whereas I said our King would permit his people to live and abide amongst them, and defend them against their enemies: they answered, it was a thing they greatly desired, and had expected long, and now they made much doubt thereof, and said they were but words, having heretofore been * By Sir Walter Raleigh, and Captain Lee. promised the like, but nothing performed. To resolve that doubt, and make good my speeches, I told them what I had spoken should certainly be performed, and to that end I would leave my brother in their Country, and some of my company with him, to dwell amongst them, until a greater supply might be sent from England for their better defence. Then they seemed to give credit to my words: And so after much talk, and many compliments to please the naked people, I gave to Cara sana a Sword, and to the rest some other things, which pleased them well: and then after their manner taking their leave, they departed. The next The Indian Martin goeth ashore. day the Indian Martin went ashore, and seemed joyful that he had again recovered his own home. The day following I took land, with my companies: in arms and colours displayed, and went up unto the Town, where I found all the women and children standing at their doors to behold The English take land. us. The principal Indians came out unto me, and invited me into the Captain's house, which until the return of Martin belonged unto his brother, as chief Lord in his absence: I went up with them and was friendly feasted with many kinds of their Country cates: when The English feasted by the Indians. The grateful offer of Martin. I had well eaten and refreshed myself, Martin took me by the hand and said, that he had not any thing wherewith to requite my kindness towards him, in such manner as he desired; neither had he such delicate fare, and good lodging for us, as in England heretofore we had been used unto: but humbly entreated me to accept of his house in good part for myself, and the Gentlemen of my company; and the rest should be lodged in other Indian houses adjoining: and that such provision as the Country yieldeth, should be provided for us. His speech was approved by the rest of the Indians present, who took me by the hand one after another, and after their manner bade me welcome. I gave them many thanks, and some rewards for their kind entertainment; and then disposed my company in convenient lodgings: but yet I kept a continual guard, as in time of war. When I had thus settled my company at this village, I went out to view the situation of the place, and the advantages for defence thereof. It is a great rocky Mountain, not accessable by The English settled at Caripo in Wiapoco. The strength of the place. reason of fast woods, and steep rocks, but only in certain places, which are narrow foote-paths, very steep and easy to be defended: whereby we were lodged as in a Fort, and most conveniently in respect the harbour was so near, for our Ships did ride at anchor underneath us, over against the foot of the hill. Being thus arrived upon the Coast, I found the time of the year so unseasonable for our purpose, that (by reason of continual reins) we were constrained to lie still and do nothing for the space of three weeks, or a month: in which idle time I conferred with the Indians, sometime continual reins. with one, sometime with another; and by help of my Indian Anthony Canabre, and the Indian john above mentioned (whom I used for my interpreters) I gathered from them as well as I could, the State of their Country; the manner of their government and living; how they stood with their neighbours in terms of peace, and war; and of what power and strength they were. I inquired also of the seasons of the year in those parts: of their division, and account of times, and numbers; of the provisions of their Country for victuals, and other necessaries: and made a diligent inquiry of all the commodities their Country yieldeth, and what things were of most estimation amongst them: all which I have briefly declared unto your Highness in this following discourse. THis goodly Country, and spacious Empire, is on the North part bounded with the Sea, and the great River of Orenoque, wherein Sir Walter Raleigh performed his worthy and memorable The bounds and limits of Guiana. discovery, on the East and South parts, with the famous River of Amazons: and on the West part with the Mountains of Peru. The westermost branch of the River of Amazons that falleth into the Sea, is called Arrapoco: upon which River are seated many goodly Signiories well deserving a particular discovery, Arrapoco a branch of Amazons. which shall (by God's permission) be performed hereafter. To the North of Arrapoco is the River of Arrawary, which is a goodly River, discovering a gallant Country. From Arrawary unto the River of Cassipurogh extendeth the Province of Arricary; containing the Signiories of Arrawary, Arrawary. Maicary, and Cooshebery; of which Anakyury is principal, who by Nation is a Yaio, and fled from the borders of Orenoque for fear of the Spaniards, to whom he is a mortal enemy. He Maicary. Anakyury chief of the Yaios. Morooga. Con●●ini. hath seated himself in the Province of Arricary, and now dwelleth at Morooga in the Signiory of Maicari. To the North Northwest of which, there falleth into the Sea a River called Conawini, whereupon the Signiory of Cooshebery bordereth; whereof an Indian named Leonard Ragapo is Chief, under the subjection of Anaki-u-ry. This Indian is christened, and hath been heretofore in England with Sir Walter Raleigh, to whom he beareth great affection: he can a little Cooshebery. Leonard Rapago Lord of Co●shebery. understand and speak our language, and loveth our Nation with all his heart. During my abode at Wiapoco, having intelligence of him, and of his Country, and that certain stones were found therein, supposed to be Diamonds: I sent my Cousin, Captain Fisher to discover the same, and fetch some of those stones, to be resolved of the truth. At his coming thither, Leonard entertained him with all kindness, not after the ordinary rude manner of the Indians, but in more civil fashion, and with much respect and love, he furnished him with guides to conduct him through the Country to the place where the Stones were found, being fifty miles Southward up into the Land: beyond which place there is an high Mountain appearing in sight, called Cowob, and on the top thereof (as the Indians report) a great Lake or Poole; full of excellent fish of diverse kinds. The Country was as pleasant and delightful, A Mountain called Cowob. as ever any man beheld; but the Stones not Diamonds: yet they were Topases, which being well cut, and set in Gold by a cunning workman, do make as fair a show, and give as Topases in Cooshebery. good a lustre as any Diamond whatsoever: which yield good hopes of better to be found hereafter: For where the Topas is found on the Mountains of Tenaserens, in the East Indies, the greatest store of Diamonds are also found. When my kinsman returned, Daptaine Leonard came with him to Wiapoco (being above an hundred miles from his own Country) only to visit me and my company; for the great love he did bear to Sir Walter Raleigh, and our Nation. I much marvelled to see him, for assuredly he is the bravest Indian of all those parts. After he had been with me a day or two, he earnestly requested me to send some of my company into his Country, which he greatly commended for the wholesome air, and plenty of victuals, alleading that the place where then we lived (by his own experience) was very unhealthful, that our men would there be subject to sickness and die: and for an instance he named Captain Lee, and his company, who formerly were planted there, and almost all died by sickness in the same place: But he assured me that his own Country Cooshebery was of a good air, pleasant, and healthful; that there they might have room sufficient to build English houses in (for those were the words he used) that thither they should be welcome and should want nothing. Much he persuaded to draw me to his desire, which by his importunity I granted, and accordingly performed it; finding his Country answerable The quality of the Province of Cooshebery. to his report; being for the most part champain ground, naturally intermixed of plain fields, fruitful meadows, and goodly woods, in such admirable order, as if they had been planted artificially by handy labour. The fields appearing above the meadows in pleasant and delightful manner, presenting here and there unto the eye, from stately Mounts, most beautiful and lively prospects: the meadows bordering on every side between the fields and woods, the woods growing in the lowest valleys betwixt the meadows, and commonly are ●watered with sweet and pleasant fresh streams running through them: which strange and rare mixture of Mounts, Valleys, Meadows, Fields, and Woods, afford as excellent and healthful habitations as can be wished or desired, but is not greatly peopled. From the River of Cassipurogh N. Westward to the River of Arracow, and up further into the Land towards the West, and South-west, as far as the River of Arwy (which falleth into Wiapoco above the overfalls) extend the Provinces of Arracoory, and Morownia, which also to the Arracoory and Morrownia. landward (by the relation of my Brother, Captain Michael Harcourt, and Captain Harvey, who have traveled and discovered those parts) are pleasant and delightful plain Countries, like unto Cooshebery. The Arracoory Country is well pleopled, and their chief Captain is called Ipero. Betwixt the Wiapocoories and Arracoories there is no hearty love and friendship, yet in outward show they hold good quarter. In Morrownia, there is also store of people, which are friendly Indians. In that Province there is a very high Hill called Callipuny, fashioned like a Sugarloaf, An exceeding high Hill called Callipuny. or a Pyramid, which overuieweth and discovereth all the Territories adjoining above an hundred miles. Beyond the Country of Morrowni to the Southward bordering the River of Arwy, is the Province of Norrak: the people thereof are Charibes, and enemies both to the Morrowinnes, the inhabitants Norrak. of Morrownia, and to the Wiapopoories; who are also under the subjection of Anakyury, the principal and greatest Lord, or Cassique of all the Yaios in those Provinces, bordering upon Anaki-u-ry. the Sea betwixt the Amazons, South-eastward, and Dessequebe Northwestward. From the River of Amazons to the Bay of Wiapoco, there fall into the Sea these Rivers following: River's falling into the Sea, between Amazons and Wiapoco. Wianary a creek. Arrapoco (a branch of Amazons) Arrawary, Micary, Conawini, and Cassipuroph: In the Bay of Wiapooco to the East of the said River, there falleth into the Sea the River of Arracow; and into Arracow falleth the River of Watts. To the North of Wiapoco there is a small creek called Wianary, which letteth into the Sea a day's journey Westward up into the land: some take this creek to be a River, but they do err in that opinion, it having neither Spring nor Fountain from whence it falleth, To the North and Northwest of the said creek, there is a ridge of high Mountains running towards the River of Apurwaca, the soil whereof is excellent and fertile for Tobacco, and beareth the best of all those parts; so are the Sugarcanes there growing the best and fairest that are found upon the Coast: and all the tract of Land betwixt the River The Province of Wiapocoory. of Wiapoco, and Apurwaca, is accounted the Province of Wiapocoory, containing the Signiories of Wiapoco, and Wianary. Beneath the overfals in Wiapoco (which are forty miles distant from the Sea) there is much people, both of Yaios, and Arwaccas: of the Yaios in this River Carasana is chief. Of the Arwaccas, Arriquona is principal. In Wianary there are few Indians, and ●rasana. A●riquona. C●suriao. River's fa●●ing into the Sea▪ t● the Northwest of Wiapoco Casurino is their chieftain. To the Northwest of the Bay of Wiapoco, there fall into the Sea the River of Apurwaca, Cowo, Wio, and Caiane. Apurwaca is a goodly River, and well inhabited: Cowo is void of inhabitants: Wio is a fair River and leadeth many day's journey into the high land, ●and discovereth a fertile and hopeful Country. At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any burden, which heretofore by Captain Laurence Keymis was called Port Howard: On the Starbood side, as you enter this harbour, there is an Island of low land, called Muccumbro, situate betwixt the River of Caiane and Meccoria, containing in circuit about sixteen leaves. In this Island there are two hills, the one called Muccumbro, whereof the Island taketh the name; the other called Muccumbro an Island. Cillicedemo: from these hills the greatest part of the Island may be overuiewed, which containeth many goodly Pastures and Meadows intermixed with some Woods, and is full of Deer, both red and fallow. On the Larboard side, as you enter Caiane there is another Island of high Land, called Mattoory, in quantity much like unto the first: this Island for the commodious situation, is of great Mattoory an Island. effect for the defence of the harbour, affording naturally two such notable convenient places for the planting of Ordnance for that purpose, as no industry of art could devose better, or more available. The Inhabitants of this Province of Caiane, are Charibes, their principal commander is called Arrawicary, who dwelleth at Cillicedemo before mentioned: we have found him trusty and faithful Arrawicary chief Captain of the Caiane. Four or five men placed at Caiane. to our Nation but; to our friend Leonard of Cooshebery, he is a mortal enemy. At this man's house I left four or five of my company, thereby to hold amity and friendship with the Charibes, to learn their language, and to keep peace between them and the Yaios, Arwaccas, and other Narions their allies. To the Southwestward of these Provinces above mentioned towards the high land, there be many others which hereafter shall be more exactly described by a second discovery. These Provinces & Signiories to the landward are not plentifully inhabited, the greatest numbers of people are seated near unto the Rivers, & travel from place to place in Canoes. There is no settled government amongst them, only they acknowledge a superiority, which they will obey The manner of their government. as far as they please. In every Province or Signiory there is a chief Cassique, or Captain, commanding all: So likewise in every Town and Village, they commonly chastise murder and adultery by death, which only are the offences punished amongst them, and certain Murder and Adultery punished ●y death The Indian● by nature jealous over their wives. The Indians have many wives. persons are appointed by them to execute those punishments. The Indians take wives, over whom they are extreme jealous, and expect great continency in them; for if they take them in adultery, they presently cause their brains to be beaten out. The better sort of persons have every one of them two or three wives, or more, the rest but one; accounting him that hath most wives, the greatest man. Their wives (especially the elder sort) are as servants unto them, for they make their bread and drink, dress their meat, serve them at meals, and do all the other business about the house. These Provinces are peopled with diverse Nations of several languages, namely, Yaios, Arwaccas, Sappaios, Paragotos, and Charibes. The Charibes are the ancient inhabitants, and the diverse languages in Guiana. The Charibes most ancient upon the Sea coast. other Nations are such as have been chased away from Trinidado, and the borders of Orenoque. And forasmuch as they have united themselves in those parts, the Charibes have held them in continual wars, but the Yaios and the other Nations their Allies, are grown so strong, that they have constrained the Charibes of the Sea-coast to contract a peace with them, yet bear no hearty love the one Nation to the other: but with the Charibes inhabiting the inland parts upon the Mountains, they have as yet no peace at all; for they do often times come down upon them in great numbers, spoil and burn their houses, kill their men, and carry away their women, which is the greatest cause of war and hatred amongst them; whereof our men have seen The Indians make war for their women. experience in Cooshebery, where happened an accident worth the observing, which I will here declare unto your Highness. The Indian Leonard Ragapo, before mentioned, is a Yaio, who finding the Country of Cooshebery slenderly inhabited, hath seized upon it for his own Signiory; and at his earnest request, I sent four Gentlemen of my company to remain there with him. The natural inhabitants that dwell upon the uttermost bounds thereof, towards the South, and West, are Charibes, and enemies to him, and to his Nation: for while our men unknown to the Charibes) stayed at Cooshebery, they assembled themselves together to the number of two hundred or more, and came doom into his Signiory, burned and spoilt houses, roasted The Charibes war upon Leonard. one woman, took many prisoners, and intended to assault him also: which to prevent he armed about fifty of his Indians, with their usual weapons; which are Bows and Arrows, long Staffs sharpened at the point, and with fire hardened: wooden Swords and Targets very artificially The usual weapons of the Indians. Leonard desireth aid of the English. made of wood, and painted with Beasts, and Birds: He requested also our men to aid and assist him with their Muskets, which I commanded them to do, upon all such occasions offered: And so being all in readiness, Leonard (as their captain) led them on to intercept his enemies; and as I have heard by Master Henry Baldwin (who then was present, and (to observe the manner of their wars, gave him leave to command all) he bravely performed that exploit, in good order after their manner, and with great judgement and resolution. For in the Front, he first placed our four Englishmen, by two in a rank; next to them, two Indians armed with wooden Swords The manner of ordering then men in the wars. and Targets; then two Archers; and after them two men with sharpened staffs, instead of Pikes: and in like manner ordered, and ranked all his Company. Being thus prepared, he marched against the Charibs, who (near at hand) were coming in the same order towards him; but when they approached, and (unexpected) perceived our English men amongst the Taios, they were much amazed, and made a sudden stand: which Leonard perceiving, guessed rightly at the cause, and instantly did make good use of that advantage. He commanded his own company to keep their Station, himself with a Sword in his hand (which I had The Charibes amazed at the sight of the English. given him) and a Target of his own fashion, went boldly towards them to parley with their Captains. And having called them out, he reproved them for coming (as enemies) into his Signiory, for burning and spoiling his houses, and his people: he demanded satisfaction for the hurt done, and restitution of the prisoners taken, and warned them forthwith to Leonard speaketh to the Charibes. depart out of his Signiory, and desist from war: which if they refused to fulfil, he was there ready with his friends the Englishmen to fight with them, and revenge his wrongs: and said further, that if in the conflict any of the English men were slain, or hurt; he would then fetch all the rest from Wiapoco, and return to burn their houses, and cut them all in pieces. Thus he boldly spoke, with such a courage, showing also our men unto them (who had their The Charibes agree to peace for fear of the English. match in cock ready to discharge) that he struck such a fear into them all, by reason of our men's presence, that they presently agreed to peace, performed what conditions he required, and then departed home with all their company. Here may your Highness' note the factions among the Indian Nations: the discipline and order they hold in war: the fear the Charibes conceived at the sight of our English men, and the policy of the Indian Leonard, to take advantage by their fear, and make our men his Guard, and chief protection against them. These things in time will much avail us, being well observed, and rightly applied according to occasion. But to our former discourse. The power and strength of these Countries (being so thinly peopled) is not very great to withstand the might of foreign enemies. The usual weapons of the Indians, are before described, saving that their Arrows are oft times poisoned. But since our trade and commerce with them, they have gotten a few good Swords, Muskets, Calivers, and some small quantity of shot and powder; and have learned to handle their Pieces very orderly, and some of them are good shot. The seasons of the year upon this coast, and in this climate are diverse, for in the East parts of Guiana towards the Amazons, the dry weather, which we call their Summer beginneth in August; The season of the year in Guiana. The Summer beginneth in August. The winter beginneth in February. and the violent reins and tempestuous wind, which we count their winter, do begin in February: But in the Western parts, towards Orenoque, the dry season beginneth in October, and the reins and winds in April. There is little difference of heat and cold in this diversity of seasons being so near the Equinoctial, where the day and night are always equal: for in those parts we find, that when the Sun declineth furthest from them towards the Tropic of Capricorn, the air is then clearest, and the season of the year most dry; as in the Eastern parts of Guiana in August, September, October, November and December: and when the Sun returneth towards the Tropic of Cancer, then do the reins begin, increase, and decrease, from Frbruary to july: but sometimes they begin to fall, and the Rivers to rise, swell, and overflow sooner or later by a month; and the year is sometimes more or less windy and wet, according to the disposition of the heavens, and of the Planets: and as the Sun approacheth, or declineth little, or much, even so the earth wanteth or aboundeth with water and moisture. They have no division or account of times or numbers; they only reckon by the Moons, as Their account of times and numbers. one, two, three, four, or five Moons: or by days in like manner. Their numbers they reckon thus, one, two, three, and so to ten: then they say ten and one, ten and two, ten and three, etc. And to show their meaning more certainly, they will hold up one, two, three, or more of their fingers, expressing the numbers, still making signs as they speak, the better to declare their meaning: when they will reckon twenty, they will hold down both their hands to their feet, showing all their fingers and toes, and as the number is greater, so will they double the sign▪ When they appoint or promise any thing to be done by a time limited, they will deliver a little bundle of sticks equal to the number of days, or Moons, that they appoint, and will themselves keep another bundle of the like number: and to observe their appointed time, they will every day, or Moon take away a stick, and when they have taken away all, than they know that the time of their appointment is come, and will accordingly perform their promise. As touching Religion, they have none amongst them, that I could perceive, more than a certain Religion. They use no sacrifice, not religious worship to any thing. observance of the Sun and Moon, supposing them to be alive, but using no religious worship towards them, nor offer sacrifice to any thing; unless they use a superstition in their drinking feasts, by sacrificing jars of drink: for at the death of any of their Cassiques, Captains, or great friends whom they esteem, they will make a solemn feast (their chiefest provision being of their best and strongest drink, which they call Parranow) which feast shall The manner of their drinking feast at the death of their Captains. continue three or four days, or as long as their liquor lasteth, spending their time in dancing, singing, and drinking excessively: in which vice they exceed all other Nations whatsoever, accounting him that will be drunk first, the bravest fellow: during this solemnity of their drinking, some women being nearest of their kin unto the party dead, doth stand by and cry extremely: thus their manner is until their drink be spent, and then the feast is ended. Whether they use any superstition in this custom I know not; time will reveal, and also reform it. It is most certain that their Peeaios (as they call them) Priests, or Soothsayers, at some special Their Peeaios or Priests have conference with the devil. Their opinion of the dead. At the death of a Cassique, they kill an Indian to serve him in the other world. times have conference with the Devil (the common deceiver of mankind) whom they call Wattipa, and are by him deluded; yet not withstanding their often conference with him, they fear and hate him much, and say that he is nought: and not without great reason, for he will oftentimes (to their great terror) beat them black and blue. They believe that the good Indians when they die, go up, and will point towards the heavens, which they call Caupo; and that the bad Indians go down, pointing to the earth, which they call Soy. When any Cassique, Captain, or chief man dieth amongst them, if he have a slave or prisoner taken from their enemies, they will kill him; and if he have none such, then will they kill one of his other servants, that he may have one to attend him in the other world. The quality of the Land in those Countries, is of diverse kinds; by the Sea side the Land is low, where the heat would be most vehement, if it were not qualified and tempered by a The quality of the Land. fresh Easterly wind or Breeze, most forcibly blowing in the heat of the day: in many places this low land is very unhealthful, and little inhabited, by reason of the overflowing of the waters: but for the most part it hath goodly navigable Rivers, a fertile soil, much people, and is a healthful habitation. Upon the Mountains there is a high land, where the air is coldest, in some places it is fruitful, in others not: but general is full of Minerals, and mines of metals, and yieldeth as many as any part either of the East, or West Indies, both of the best, and of the basest whereof, we shall (by God's permission) give good testimony, to the benefit of our Country, and honour of our Nation in time convenient: and in most places upon the Mountains there is sound and healthful dwelling. There is also a middle sort of land, which is of a mean height, and is most temperate, healthful, fertile, and most inhabited of all other; it aboundeth in Meadows, Pastures, and pleasant streams of fresh water, in goodly woods, and most delightful Plains, for profit, pleasure, sport, and recreation: and also is not void of Minerals. The provisions of this Country for victuals, are many: First, of the root of a tree, called The provisions for victuals. The root of Cassavi maketh their bread and drink. Cassavi, they make their Bread, in manner following; they grate the root upon a stone, and press out the juice thereof, which being raw is poison, but boiled with Guinea Pepper, whereof they have abundance, it maketh an excellent and wholesome sauce, than they dry the grated root, and bake it upon a stone, as we bake our Oaten cakes in England. This Bread is very excellent, much like, but far better than our great Oaten cakes, a finger thick, which are used in the Moorelands', and the Peake in Staffordshire and Darbyshire. There is a kind of great Wheat, called Maix, of some it is called Guinea Wheat, which grain is a singular provision in those Countries, and yieldeth admirable increase, even a thousand or fifteen Maix, or Guinea wheat. hundred for one, and many times much more. It maketh excellent meal, or flower for Bread; and very good Malt for Beer or Ale, and serveth well for sundry other necessary uses for the relief of man. Of the aforesaid Cassavi bread, and this Wheat the Indians make drink, which they call Passiaw: it will not keep long, but must be spent within four or five days: they make another kind of drink of Cassavi, called Parranow, very good and strong, much like unto our best March beer in England, and that kind of drink will keep ten Their diverse kinds of drink An excellent drink made of Cassavi. days; many sorts they have which I have tasted, some strong, some small, some thick, some thin, but all good, being well made, as commonly they were amongst the Yaios, and Arwaccas, which are the clenliest people of all those Nations. There is great store of honey in the Country, and although it be wild (being taken out of trees and buries in the earth) yet is it as good as any in the world; of which may be made an excellent Store of honey. drink much used in Wales, called Meath. The honey and the wax, are also good commodities for merchandise. There is no Vines in that Country, but the Soil being rich and fertile, and the climate hot, if The soil excellent for Vines. they were planted there, they would prosper exceedingly, and yield good Sacks, and Canary wines, which in those parts we find to be very wholesome. Many other necessary provisions sufficient for the sustenance of man, do there abound in plenty: Namely, Dear of all sorts, wild Swine in great numbers, whereof there are two kinds, the Sundry kinds of Beasts in Guiana. one small, by the Indians called Pockiero, which hath the nanile in the back; the other is called Paingo, and is as fair and large as any we have in England. There be store of Hares, and Coneys, but of a kind far differing from ours: There be Tigers, Leopards, Ounces, Armadils, Maipuries, Swine which have the Navile in the back which are in taste like Beef, & will take fault: Baremoes' or Ant-Beares, which taste like Mutton, & other small beasts of the same taste, coloured, like a Fawn, Elkes, Monkeys, and Marmosites of diverse sorts, both great and small: of these beasts there be innumerable, and by experience we have found them all good meat. Many other kinds of beasts there are of sundry and strange shapes, which hereafter shall be figured in their true proportion according to the life with their names annexed. Of Fowls there be diverse kinds; namely, Wild-ducks, Widgins, Teals, Wild-geese, Herons Great variety of Fowls. of diverse colours, Cranes, Storks, Pheasants, Patridges, Doves, Stock-doves, Blackbirds, Curlewes, Godwits, Woodcokes, Snites, Parrots of sundry sorts, many other kinds of great and small Birds of rare colours; besides great ravenous Fowls; and Hawks of every kind. Of fish the variety is great, first of Sea fish, there is Sea-breame, Mullet, Soale, Scate, Thornebacke, diverse kinde● of fish. the Swordfish, Sturgeon, Seale, a fish like unto a Salmon, but as the Salmon is red, this is yellow; Shrimps, Lobsters, and Oysters, which hang upon the branches of Trees: There is a rare fish called Cassoorwa, which hath in each eye two sights, and as it swimmeth it beareth the Oysters hang upon trees. lower sights within the water, and the other above: the ribs and back of this fish resemble those parts of a man, having the ribs round and the back flat, with a dent therein, as a man hath; it is A fish having four eyes, and the ●i●s and back like a man. somewhat bigger than a Smelled, but far exceeding it for dainty meat; and many other sorts there be most excellent. Of freshwater fish many kinds unknown in these parts, but all exceeding good and dainty: And I dare be bold to say, that this Country may compare with any other of the world, for the great variety of excellent fish both of the Sea, and fresh Waters. There is also a Sea-fish which usually cometh into the fresh waters, especially in the winter and wet season, it is of great esteem amongst us, and we account it half flesh, for the blood of it is warm; it cometh up into the shallow waters in the drowned lands, and feedeth upon grass and weeds: the Indians name it Coiumero, and the Spaniards, Manati, but we call it the Sea-cow; in taste it is like beef, will take salt, and serve to victual ships, as in our knowledge The Sea cow like beef. hath been proved by our Countrymen: Of this fish may be made an excellent oil for many purposes; the fat of it is good to fry either fish or flesh; the hide (as I have heard) will make good buff: and being dried in the Sun, and kept from wet, will serve for Targets and Armour against the Indian arrows: In the wet season the store of them are infinite; some of these hides were heretofore brought into England, by Sir Walter Raleigh. The several kinds of fruits are many, the Pina, Platana, Potato, Medler, Plums of diverse Sundry kind a of fruits. Pina. forts, the Nuts of strange kinds. The excellency of the Pina I cannot express, for I dare boldly affirm that the world affordeth not a more delicate fruit: In taste it is like Strawberries, Claret-wine and Sugar. The Platana is also a very good fruit, and tasteth like an old Pippin. Platana. Potato. M●dler. Plums, The Potato is well known. The Medler exceedeth in greatness. The Plums I cannot commend, for to eat much of them doth cause fluxes, which in those Countries are dangerous. The Nuts are good being moderately eaten. Having thus (most excellent Prince) declared the several sorts of provisions for victuals and Nuts. necessary foodes, it remaineth that I now make mention of the variety of commodities, found in the Country for the trade of merchandise, which in few years, by our pains and industry, may be brought to perfection, and so settled in those parts, that not only the undertakers may receive reward for their endeavours, but our Country also may grow rich, by trading for the fruits of our labours. The first and principal commodity of estimation, are the Sugarcanes, whereof in those parts The variety▪ of commodities. Sugar Canes. there is great plenty; the soil is as fertile for them as in any other part of the world: They do there grow to great bigness in a short time; by orderly and fit planting of them, and by erecting convenient works for the boiling and making of Sugars (which at the first will require some charge and expense) may be yearly returned great benefit and wealth: the long experience of the Portugals and Spaniards, in Brasil, and the Island of the Canaries; and of the Moors in Barbary, may give us certain assurance, and full satisfaction thereof. The Cotton wool is a general commodity, beneficial to our Merchants, and profitable to Cotton wool. our Country, by making of Fustians, and serving for Bombast, and other uses: for making of Hamaccas, which are the Indian beds, most necessary in those parts, and also of a fine cotton cloth for clothing of the people. There is a natural Hemp or Flax of great use, almost as fine Natural hemp or flax. cloth it is most excellent. There be many rare and singular commodities for Dyers, of which sort there is a red berry, diverse commodities for Dyers. Annoto. called Annoto, which being rightly prepared by the Indians, dyeth a perfect and sure Orange-tawnie in silk; it hath been sold in Holland for twelve shillings starling the pound, and is yet of a good price. There is another berry that dyeth blue. There is also a gum of a tree, whereof I have seen experience, that in cloth dyeth a sure and perfect yellow in grain. There be A gum which dyeth a yellow in grain. leaves of certain Trees, which being rightly prepared, do die a deep red. There is also a wood which dyeth a purple, and is of a good price; and another that dyeth yellow. There is yet another wood which dyeth a purple when the liquor is hot, and a crimson when the liquor is cold. Many other notable things there are (no doubt) not yet known unto us, which by our diligent labour and observation in time will be discovered and found. The sweet Gums of inestimable value and strange operation in physic and chirurgery, are innumerable; there is yellow Amber, Gumma Lemnia, Colliman or Carriman, Barratta, and many more which I omit. The Collman hath been proved by Master Walter Cary of Wictham Sweet gums. in Buckinghamshice (a Gentleman of great judgement and practice in physic) to be of special regard for many purposes: this gum is black and brittle, much like in show to common pitch; The virtues of Colliman or Carriman. if you put a little of it upon burning coals, it filleth all the room with a most sweet and pleasant savour. He further reporteth of it, that certainly if you hold your head over the fume thereof three or four times a day, it cureth the giddiness of the head, and is also a most excellent comfort and remedy for a cold, moist, and rheumatic brain: it is also good against the resolution (or as the common sort call it) the dead palsy, whereof the giddiness of the head is often a messenger, and the fore-teller of that most pernicious grief. It is also of great use for the pain that many women have in the lower part of their backs: which is very common to such as have had children: for remedy whereof, it is to be melted in a pewter vessel with a gentle fire, then with a knife it must be spread lightly upon a piece of leather, and laid warm to the place grieved, until it come off of itself. This plaster is also very good for aches, and doth greatly comfort and strengthen the sinews. Thus much hath Master Cary written and reported of it, and The Colliman helpeth the gout. hath proved by his own experience. This gum is also approved to be an excellent remedy against the gout; and of singular virtue in the cure of wounds. The Barratta is a most sovereign Balsamum far excelling all others yet known: which by Barratta a rare Ballamum. the same Gentleman's experience is of admirable operation in the cure of green wounds: and being burned upon coals, is of a sweet and odoriferous savour. There be many other sweet gums of great use for perfumes: whereo● one doth make A perfume like sweet Margerum. a very rare perfume, much like unto the scent of sweet Margerum, very pleasant and delectable. For physic there be also many excellent Drugs; namely, spikenard, Cassia Fistula, Sene; and Drugs and simples for physic. the earth yieldeth bolearmoniack, and Terra-Lemnia, all which are known unto us. There be other Drugs and Simples also of strange and rare virtue, in these parts unknown; of which sort there is a little green Apple, by the Indians called in their language, The sleeping Apple; which in operation is so violent, that one little bit thereof doth cause a man to sleep to death: An apple which provoketh sleep to death. the least drop of the juice of it, will purge in vehement and excessive manner, as dangerously was proved by my cousin unton Fisher, who first found it: for biting a little of it for a taste, and finding it to burn his mouth in some extremity, did suddenly spit it out again, but some small quantity of the juice (against his will) went down into his stomach, which for two or three days space did provoke in him an extraordinary sleepiness, and purged him with sixty seats. This Apple, for the purging virtue in so small a quantity, is like to be of good price, and great estimation in the practice of physic; for the learned Physicians do well know how to correct the sleeping quality thereof wherein the danger resteth. There is a berry in those parts very excellent against the bloudie-fluxe, by the Indians it is called Kellette. The juice of the leaf called A berry curing the bloody flux. A leaf curing the wounds of the poisoned arrows. A leaf curing the head-ache. A wood that maketh fish drunk. Vppee, cureth the wounds of the poisoned arrows. The juice of the leaf called Icari, is good against the head-ache. Many other Drugs and Simples are there found of singular properties both in physic and chirurgery, which if they should be severally described according to their value and worthiness, would contain a large Volume. Moreover, the Tree wherewith they take their fish, is not a little to be esteemed, but chiefly the great goodness of God therein is highly to be praised and admired, who amongst so many admirable things by him created, and planted in those parts, hath vouchsafed to bestow upon those barbarous people so great a benefit, and natural help, for the present getting of their food and sustenance. These trees are commonly growing near unto the places of their habitation for their present use: for when, at any time, they go to fish, they take three or four little sticks of this tree, and bruise them upon a stone, and then go into certain small creeks by the Sea-shoare, which at a high water are usually full of very good fish of diverse kinds, which come in with the tide; and there they wade up and down the water, and between their hands rub those small bruised sticks therein, which are of such virtue, that they will cause the fish to turn up their bellies, and lie still above the water for a certain time: In which space they presently take as many as they please, and lad them into their Canoes, and so with little labour return home sufficiently provided. There is also a red speckled wood in that Country, called Pira timinere, which is worth thirty or forty pounds a Tun: It is excellent for joiners' work; as chairs, stonles, bedsteads, presses, cupboards, and for wainscot. There are diverse kinds of stone of great use, and good price, as jasper, Porphyry, and the Spleene-sione. There is yet another profitable commodity to be reaped in Guiana, and that is by Tobacco, which albeit some dislike, yet the generality of men in this Kingdom doth with great affection Tobacco. entertain it. It is not only in request in this our Country of England, but also in Ireland, the netherlands, in all the Easterly Countries, and Germany; and most of all amongst the Turks, and in Barbary, The price it holdeth is great, the benefit our Merchants gain thereby is-infinite, and the Kings rend for the custom thereof is not a little. The Tobacco that was brought into this Kingdom in the year of our Lord 1610. was at the least worth 60. thousand pounds: And since 60000. worth of Tobacco in a year. that time the store that yearly hath come in, was little less. It is planted, gathered, seasoned, and made up fit for the Merchant in short time, and with easy labour. But when we first arrived in those parts, we altogether wanted the true skill and knowledge how to order it, which now of late we happily have learned of the Spaniards themselves, whereby I dare presume to say, and hope to prove, within few months, (as others also of sound judgement, and great experience do hold opinion) that only this commodity Tobacco; (so much sought after, and desired) will bring as great a benefit and profit to the undertakers, as ever the Spaniards gained by the best and richest Silver Mine in all their Indies, considering the charge of both. The things which the Indians desire from us by way of trade in exchange for the above named The comodities most esteemed by the Indians. commodities, (whereby we hold society and commerce with them) are Axes, Hatchets, Billhookes, Knives, all kind of Edge-tools, Nails, great Fishhooks, Harping-irons, jews Trumpets, Looking-glasses, blue, and white Beads, crystal Beads, Hats, Pins, Needles, Salt, Shirts, Bands, linen and woollen Clothes, Swords, Muskets, Caleevers, Powder, and Shot: but of these last mentioned, we are very sparing, and part not with many, unless upon great occasion, by way of gift to special persons. When the raines ceased, which was in july, I began to travel abroad in search of those golden Mountains, promised unto us before the beginning of our Voyage, (by one that undertook Leaden minds, mind nothing but golden mines. to guide us to them) which filled my company so full of vain expectation, and golden hopes, that their insatiable and covetous minds (being wholly set thereon) could not be satisfied with any thing but only Gold. Our guide that vainly made those great promises, being come unto the wished place to make performance, was then possessed with a shameless spirit of ignorance, for he knew little, and could perform nothing. What other intelligences of mines already found) I had from other men in England, and from the Master of my ship, who had been heretofore in those parts, I found them by experience false, and nothing true concerning mines, that was in England reported unto me. Our greedy desire of Gold being thus made frustrate, diverse unconstant persons of my unruly Disorders by mutiny. company began to murmur, to be discontented, to kindle discords and dissensions, and to stir up mutiny, even almost to the confusion and ruin of us all: and were upon the point to shake off all obedience to their commanders; to abandon patience, peace, and unity, and wilfully to break out into all mischief and wretched disorder, only because they were deceived of their golden hopes and expectations: but with good words, and comfortable persuasions, I pacified them for the time, and made them acquainted with my better hopes conceived of the commodities above mentioned. I persuaded them in general from idleness, to travel abroad, to search and seek out amongst the Indians, what other novelties they could (though Gold were wanting) Good to be doing somewhat to prevent the devil. whereby we might hereafter benefit ourselves; and still I employed them some one way, and some another, to occupy their minds by doing something, the better to prevent dissension, which commonly is bred of idleness, the slothful Mother of all filthy viees. As I daily conversed amongst the Indians, it chanced one day, that one of them presented me with a half Moon of Metal, which held somewhat more than a third part Gold, the rest Copper: another also gave me a little Image of the same Metal; and of another I bought a plate The high Countroy of Guiana aboundeth with images of Gold. of the same (which he called a spread Eagle) for an Axe. All which things they assured me were made in the high Country of Guiana, which they said did abound with Images of Gold, by them called Carrecoory. These things I showed to my company to settle their troubled minds, which gave much contentment to the greater part of them, and satisfied us all that there was Gold in Guiana. Shortly after that my Indian Anthony Canabre, brought me a piece of a Rock, The Rocks of the purest white Sparre are mines of gold or silver. of white Sparre, whereof the high Country is full: And if the white Sparres of this kind, which are the purest white of all others, (for every sort of Mine hath a Sparre, and for the most part white) be in a main Rock, they are certainly mines of Gold, or Silver, or of both. I made trial of a piece of Sparre, which the same Indian discovered unto me, and I found that it held both Gold, and Silver, which (although it was in small quantity) gave me satisfction that there be richer mines in the Country to be found: but the best lie deeper in the earth, and we had not time nor power to make search for them. I traveled up the River of Wiapoco, to view the overfals, but the waters being high and strong, I could not pass them. In August when they are fallen, with some labour they may be passed. Many ouer-fal● in Wiapoco. This River hath very many over-falls, lying one a good distance beyond another, even to the head thereof. Above some of the first falls there dwelleth an Indian, called Comarian, who is an old man of a free disposition; by him I learned that a certain distance above the first falls, the River Arwy falleth into Wiapoco; moreover that certain day's journey beyond him towards the high Land, upon the borders of Wiapoco, there is a Nation of Charibes having great ears of an extraordinary bigness, hard to be believed, whom he called Marashewaccas: amongst these people (as Comarian reporteth) there is an Idol of stone, which they worship as their God; they have placed it in a house made of purpose for the greater honour of it, which they keep very People having great ears; perhaps these ears are made large by art, as diverse East Indians use. The proportion of their Idol. clean and handsome. This Idol is fashioned like a man sitting upon his heels, holding open his knees, and resting his elbows upon them, holding up his hands with the palms forwards, looking upwards, and gaping with his mouth wide open. The meaning of this proportion he could dot declare, although he hath been many times amongst them, and hath often seen it. What other Nations were beyond these he did not know, having never traveled so far, but he saith, they be Charibes, and also enemies unto them. It seemeth there be many Nations of those great eared people: for in the River of Marrawini, I heard also the like, who dwell far up towards the high Land, as hereafter you shall hear, and I suppose, by the trending of the Rivers of Wiapoco, and Marrawini, are all one people. Upon the fourteenth day of August I went unto a Mountain, called Gomeribo, being the uttermost point of Land to the Northward in the Bay of Wiapoco; I found the soil of it most excellent for Tobacco, Maix, Cotton-trees, Annoto-trees, Vines, and for any other thing that should be planted there. When I had taken good view of the place, and found it commodious for many purposes; then in the presence of Captain Fisher, diverse Gentlemen, and others of my Possession taken for the King at Gomeribo. company, and of the Indians also, I took possession of the Land, by Turf and Twig, in the behalf of our Sovereign Lord King james: I took the said possession of a part, in name of the whole Continent of Guiana, lying betwixt the Rivers of Amazons, and Orenoque, not being actually possessed, and inhabited by any other Christian Prince or State; wherewith the Indians seemed to be well content and pleased. In like manner my Brother Captain Michael Harecourt, and Captain Harvey, (whom I left as his associate, and he esteemed as an inward friend) in a notable journey, which (to their great honour) they performed, to discover the River of Arrawary, and the Country bordering upon it, (near adjoining to the River of Amazons) did take the like possession of the Land there, to his Majesty's use. The like possession taken at Arrawary. The dangers and great difficulties which they in that attempt encountered, were memorable, and such, as hardly any of our Nation in such small Canoes (being only somewhat longer, but not so broad as our Thames Wherries, and flat-bottomed) ever overcame the like. First the number of their own attendants besides themselves, was only one man, and a Boy: Their troop of Indians sixty persons. Their journey by Sea unto the River of Arrawary was near one hundred leagues: wherein (by the way) they met with many dreadful plunges, by reason of a high going Sea, which breaketh upon the flats and shoalds; especially, at the next great Cape to the North of Arraway, which, in respect of the danger they passed there, they named Point Perilous. Point Perilow. Then their Discovery up the River, was fifty leagues more: where they found a Nation of Indians, which never had seen white men, or Christians before, and could not be drawn to any familiar commerce, or conversation, no not so much as with our Indians, because they were strangers to them, and of another Nation. The Discovery of this River is of great importance, and special note, affording an entrance more behooveful for the searching and Discovery of the Inland parts of Guiana, than any other River yet known upon the Coast; for trending Westward up into the Land, it discovereth all the Countries and Nations to the Southward of Arricary, Cooshebery, Morrownia, and Norrack, which I have mentioned before. Many weeks they spent in this Adventure, still taking up their Lodgings in the Woods at night. Provision of meat they wanted not, for fish were ever plenty, and at hand: and the Woods yielded either Dear, Tigers, or Fowl: their greatest want was of bread and drink, A great argument of plenty in the Country. which only defect did hinder (at that time) the accomplishment of that Discovery. For when the Indians perceived their bread to be near spent, and their drink to be corrupted, they could not be persuaded to proceed, having no means to supply their wants amongst the Arrawaries, the Indians of that River who would not freely trade with them upon this first acquaintance, but always stood upon their guard, on the other side of the River, where they inhabited: yet desiring to obtain some of our English commodities, and make trial of our Indians friendship, afforded some small Trade for their present relief during their abode in that River: So that of force they were constrained to break off their Discovery, and hasten homeward. But here their dangers ended not, for as they returned, arriving at certain Lands called Carripoory, and passing between them and the main Land; much against the wills of all the Indians, who knowing the danger of the place, and more respecting their safety, than their own (being themselves all expert Swimmers) would have dissuaded them from that hazard: but they being ignorant of the peril, would needs pass on, and at the last met with such a Boor (as the Seamen A dangerous Boor at Carvipapoory. term it) and violent encounter of two tides coming in, which like two furious enraged Rams, or Bulls rushed together, and oft retired back, to return again, with greater violence, until the one by force had over-borne the other: that if next under God) the diligent care and pains of the Indians had not preserved them, they had been there destroyed, and swallowed up by that merciless Boor or breach of waters; which (God be thanked) they escaped, and returned home in safety. When I had (as before) taken possession at Gomeribo, in presence of the said parties, I delivered Gomeribo delivered to an Indian as the King's tenant. the possession of that Mountain to my Indian Anthony Canabre, To have, hold, possess, and enjoy the same, to him, and to his Heirs for ever, of our Sovereign Lord King james, his Heirs and Successors, as his subject; Yielding and paying yearly the tenth part of all Tobacco, cotton-wool, Annoto, and other commodities whatsoever, which should hereafter be either planted or growing within the said Mountain, if it were demanded. The Indian most gladly received the possession upon these conditions, and for himself, and his posterity, did promise to be true Subjects unto the King's Majesty: his Heirs, and Successors: And to pay the duties imposed upon them: and so that business being finished, I returned again to Wiapoco. Now (most worthy Prince) there came unto my knowledge, an inconvenience happened by the careless negligence of the Master of my ship, who had the charge of providing and laying in The only cause of loss by the voyage. the provisions and victuals for the Voyage, which was the cause that I gained no present profit by it, but left off all my Discoveries in the first beginning. I had a purpose at that time to perform a business, which might have proved profitable, and honourable unto us, if I had been able to have stayed the time, but it was not my chance to be so fortunate: for the Master, his Mates, and the Steward of my Ship, came unto me, and told me plainly, that if I made any longer abode in that Country, I would never in those ships return into England: or if I did adventure it, myself, and all my Company would starve at Sea for want of Beer, Cider, and Water, for all my Cask was spoilt, because it was not Iron-bound; the wooden hoops flew off, by reason of the heat of the Climate; and our Beer, and Cider, (whereof we had good store) did leak about the ship, that we could hardly save sufficient to relieve us, if we made a longer stay upon the Coast; which was the Master's fault, having had a special charge to be careful of that only point. By this default, I was constrained to make a virtue of necessity, and prepare myself for England, and leave my former purposes to be accomplished hereafter, which shall be done (God aiding me) in time convenient. Then disposing of my company, I appointed my Brother Captain Michael Harecourt to Cap. Michael Harecourt left Commander of the company. remain in the Country, as chief Commander in my absence, and to continue the possession on the King's behalf; I gave him directions to travel abroad, as (occasion served) to discover the Country, to spend sometime at Cooshebery, and sometime also in other places; but to make his chiefest residence at Wiapoco, (the only Rendezvouz for ships that trade upon that Coast) and there to plant good store of Maix, for our relief of bread and drink, which is the chiefest thing to be respected in those parts; for other victuals we need not take much care being always easily provided. He performed his charge with great reputation, discovered many goodly Provinces, Possession continued 3. years. and spacious Countries; and worthily continued the possession full three years complete. I left with him for his assistance, Captain Harvey, who hath nobly vowed his time and fortune to be employed in the prosecution of this honourable action. For his Lieutenant I appointed Twenty men left with Captain Harcourt at Wiapoco. Master Edward Gifford, a valiant and worthy Gentleman; and I left also with him of Gentlemen and others, about twenty more, with all such necessaries as I could spare, and thought convenient for them: and so commending them to God, the eighteenth day of August I departed from Wiapoco, and the day following arrived at Caiane. At my coming to Caiane my Pinnace received a leak, which would have proved dangerous, if we had been far at Sea; whereby enforced to attend the stopping thereof, and new trimming The Pinnace received a leak at Caiane of the Pinnace; and unwilling to be idle in the mean space doing nothing, I left my ships there to repair their defects, and in my shipboate departed thence, the twenty three of August: taking with me Captain Fisher, who hath ever been (since we first crept into the world) my chief companion, both in Arms and travels; I took also with me his Brother Unton Fisher, Master Cradle the Master's mate of my ship, and about six more. I followed the Coast to R. Meccooria, R. Courwo. the Westward steering during West, and passing by the River of Meccooria, I lodged that night in the mouth of the River Courwo: which hath a narrow deep entrance, and within affordeth a good Harbour, which may in time to come (for some special purpose) be of great use. The next day, and the night following I proceeded Westward with full sail, and passing the Rivers of Manmanury, S●nammara, Oorassowini, Coonannonia, Vracco, and Amanna; I arrived the Rivers to the West pf Courwo. twenty five day at the River of Marrawini, which openeth a fair River, but is shoal upon the Bar, which lieth two or three leagues off at Sea, having but two fathom water: within the Bar, the Channel is three, four, five, and six fathom deep. Five leagues within the river we passed by certain Lands called Curowapory, not inhabited, for at the rising of the waters they Lands called Curowapory▪ are always overflown, of which sort the River hath very many: we lodged that night a little beyond these first Lands at a Village called Moyemon, on the left hand, the Captain thereof is called Maperitaka, of the Nation of the Paragotos, a man very loving and faithful to our Nation, whereof we have had good proof. The next day we proceeded up the River three leagues, and stayedat a Town called Coewynay on the right hand, at the house of Minapa, the chief Charib of that Signiory) to povide two Canoes to prosecute our journey for the Discovery of this River. The twenty eight day we went forward passing many Villages any Towns, which I forbear to name, and having gone about twenty leagues from the Sea, we found the River in a They proceed in discovery of Marrawini The River full of overfals. manner barred up with Rocks, over which the water falleth with great violence, yet notwithstanding we adventured to proceed, and the further we went, the more dangerous we found the overfals, and more in number; but when we had passed the first Mountain, towards the high Country of Guiana, called Sapparow, and discovered far off before us other high Mountains called Matawere Moupanana, and had proceeded six days journey up the River (which They went six day's journey up the River. was more than forty leagues) we met with such shoal rocky stream, and great overfals, that there to our grief our journey ended. Being thus for that time debarred from our intended Discovery, we prepared ourselves with patience to return towards our ships, and the third day of September we turned down the River, shooting the overfals with more celerity than when we came up, dispatching three day's journey in one, and the fifth day returned safe to Moyemon; but before I departed thence, Captain Moyemon. Fisher told me of certain Plants which he had then found, much like unto Rosetrees, growing about half a yard in height, whereof (for the strangeness of them) I cannot forbear to add a word or two. These Plants or little trees had assuredly the sense of feeling, as plainly appeared by touching Trees which had the sense of feeling. These grow both in the East Indies & in Guinne. See 10. Gom●●. 1. l. 9 them: for if you did but touch a leaf of the tree with your finger, that leaf would presently shrink, and close up itself, and hang down as if it were dead; and if you did cut off a leaf with a pair of Cizzers, than all the other leaves growing upon the same tree would instantly shrink and close up themselves, and hang down as if they were dead and withered, and within half a quarter of an hour, would by degrees open themselves again, and flourish as before; and as often as you did either touch or cut off any of them, they would do the like; which did evidently show a restriction of the Spirits, invincibly arguing a Sense. Howsoever this may seem strange and incredible to your Highness, and to them that have not seen it, yet forasmuch as Scaliger, and Bartas make mention of the like, I dare be bold to affirm it upon my credit, having Scaliger Exercit. 181. sect. 28. Bartas, Eden, 1. day, 2. week. seen and showed it to forty others: I gathered two of the Plants, and did set them in pots in their own earth, and carried them aboard my ship, where I kept them fairly growing almost a fortnight, until they were destroyed by certain Monkeys that broke loose, and pulled them in pieces: which might have been prevented, but that I was constrained to set them in the open air, the better to preserve them. The seventh day, I went to Wiawia, a great Town of Paragotos', and Yaios, four leagues to the West of Marrawini, whereof Maperitaka above mentioned, and Arapawaka, are chief Viawia, a Town of 20. houses. M. unton Fisher and two others left at Wiawia. Captains. At this Town I left my Cousin unton Fisher, and Humphrey Croxton an Apothecary, to bear him company, and one servant to attend him called Christopher Fisher, having first taken order with Maperitaka for their diet, and other necessaries both for travel, and other wise: who ever since (according to his promise) hath performed the part of an honest man, and faithful friend. I gave directions to my Cousin Fisher to prosecute the Discovery of Marrawini, and the inland parts bordering upon it, when the time of the year, and the waters better served; and if it were possible to go up into the high Country of Guiana, and to find out the City of Manoa, mentioned by Sir Walter Raleigh in his Discovery. He followed my directions to the uttermost of his ability, being of a good wit, and very industrious, and enabled to undergo those employments, by obtaining the love, and gaining the Languages of the people, without which helps, there is little or no good to be done in those parts. When the waters of Marrawini were risen, and the River passable, (much differing from the M. Fisher traveled eleven day's journey up the River of Morra, viz. 100 leagues. The Province of Moreshegoro, Indians with rough skins like Buff. River of Wiapoco, which is not to be traveled, but in the lowest waters.) He began his journey for the Discovery thereof, in company of the Apothecary, his servant Fisher, the Indian Maperitaka, and eighteen others, and proceeded eleven days journey up the River, to a Town of Charibes, called Taupuramune, distant from the Sea above an hundred leagues; but was four days journey short of Moreshego, which is also a Town of Charibes, situate upon the River side in the Province of Moreshegoro: the chief Captain thereof is called Areminta: who is a proud and bold Indian, much feared of all those that dwell within his Territories, having a rough skin like unto Buff Leather, of which kind there be many in those parts; and I suppose proceedeth of some infirmity of the body. He understood by relation of the Indians of Taupuramune, and also of Areminta, that six days journey beyond Moreshego, there are diverse mighty Nations of Indians, having holes through their Ears, Cheeks, Nostrils, and neither Lips, which were called Craweanna, Pawmeeanna, diverse mighty Nations of Indians far up in Marrawini, towards the high Land. Quikeanna, Peewattere, Arameeso, Acawreanno, Acooreo, Tareepeeanna, Corecorickado, Peeauncado, Cocoanno, Itsura, and Waremisso: and were of strength and stature far exceeding other Indians, having Bows, and Arrows four times as big: what the Indians also report of the greatness of their ears, I forbear to mention, until by experience we shall discover the truth thereof. Moreover, he learned that there fall into Marrawini diverse great Rivers, called Arrenne, Topannawin, Errewin, Cowomma, Poorakette, Arrova, Arretowenne, Waoune, Anape, River's falling into Marrawini Twenty day's journey from Taupuramune to the head of Marraw. The Country above the head of Mar. is plain, and Champion ground. Aunime, and Carapio: whereof some he hath seen himself, That it was twenty days journey, from Taupuramune, to the head of Marrawini, which is inhabited by Arwaccas, Sappaios, Paragotos, and some Yaios: and that a day's journey from thence to the Land-ward the Country is plain, and Champion ground, with long grass. He passed in this journey above eighty overfals of water, and many of them very dangerous: of some of them I had experience the year before. He proceeded no further at that present, being unprovided for so long a journey, supposing that it had been nearer (then he found it) to the head of the River by a fortnight's travel: and so returned back in six days space, intending better preparation for a second journey: but his purpose was prevented by an untimely death: for shortly after he was drowned by misfortune; whereby we see, that man determineth, but God disposeth. THe tenth day of September being Sunday, I left the main of Guiana, and in my shipboat The tenth of September they left Guiana. They were in danger to be cast away. stood off into the Sea to seek my ships, which were forced to ride four leagues from shore, by reason of the shoals; but as we passed over them, we were in danger to be cast away by the breach of a Sea, which verily had sunk our Boat, if with great celerity we had not lightened her, by heaving overboard many baskets of bread, of Cassain, Maix, Pinas, Platanas, Potatoes, and such like provision, wherewith our Boat was laden; by which means it pleased God to deliver us from present destruction, and to bring us safe unto our ships. When I came aboard, we weighed anchor, and steered away from the Island of Trinidado, and upon the eighteenth day in the morning, we arrived at Punta de Galea, where we found three They find 3. English ships at Punta de Galea. English ships at anchor, which was no small comfort unto us, considering our great defects and wants. One of these ships was called the Diana, belonging to Master L●l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London. The other two, the Penelope, and the Endeavour, belonging to Master Hall, a Merchant also of London. We stayed at this place six days to mend our bad Cask, and to take fresh water: during which time I was kindly entreated, and feasted by the Merchants, and had supply of all such things as I stood in need of; which courtesy I requited in the best manner I could for the present. Upon Sunday the twenty four of September we weighed anchor, so likewise did the Diana (the other two ships being gone two or three days before us,) but the wind shifting to the North-east, enforced us back again almost to the same place from whence we departed. The twenty five we weighed again, and plied along the shore towards Cape Brea, about three leagues. This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth, whereof there is Pitch gotten in the earth, which melteth not with the Sun. such abundance, that all places on this side of the World may be stored there with. It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of ships that pass into these Regions and hot Countries, for it melteth not with the Sun, as other Pitch doth. The twenty six day we stood along again, the wind being still contrary and variable, intermixed with many calms, and so continued until the second of October, when we arrived at They arrive at Port de Hispania Don Sanches de Mendosa cometh aboard their ship. Port de Hispania. Within two days after our arrival there, Don Sanches de Mendosa, the Teniente for that year, with certain other Spaniards came aboard us: we gave them the best entertainment that our means, the time, and place would afford, and had much friendly conference together. They told me, that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes, where in they had lost seven or eight of their men, and had many others hurt and wounded, whereof some came to my Chirurgeon to have their wounds dressed during our abode there. And they plainly The Spaniards much molested by the Charibes. confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes; and knew not how by any means to suppress them. We stayed at Porte de Hispania until the seventh day, in hope to get some good Tobacco amongst the Spaniards, who daily fed us with delays and fair words, but in truth they had none good at that present for us, which we perceiving, departed thence upon the seventh day, about They depart from Triaidad● one of the clock in the morning, leaving the other ships to attend their trade, and stood away for the passages, called Les sciot boccas de Drago, and disembogued about eight of the clock the same morning. Then we steered away for an Island called Meves, and leaving the Lands of Granado, Saint Vincent, Guadalupa, and Monserate, in our starboard side, we arrived They arrive at Meves. there the twelfth day, where we stopped to take in ballast, and more water, for our ships were very light. In this Island there is an hot Bath, which as well for the reports that I have heard, as also for An excellent hot Bath at Meves. that I have seen and found by experience, I do hold for one of the best and most sovereign in the World. I have heard that diverse of our Nation have there been cured of the Leprosy, and that one of the same persons now, or lately dwelled at Woolwich near the River of Thames, by whom the truth may be known, if any man desire to be further satisfied therein. As for my own experience, although it was not much, yet the effects that I found it work both in my self, and others of my company in two day's space, do cause me to conceive the best of it. For An extreme cough cured by the Bath. at my coming thither, I was grievously vexed with an extreme cough, which I much feared would turn me to great harm, but by bathing in the Bath, and drinking of the water, I was speedily cured: and ever since that time, I have found the state of my body (I give God thanks for it) far exceeding what it was before, in strength and health. Moreover, one of my company, named john Huntbatch (servant to my brother) as he was making a fire, burned his hand with A man's hand burned with Gunpowder, and by the Bath cured in 24. hours. Gunpowder, and was in doubt thereby to lose the use of one or two of his fingers, which were shrunk up with the fire, but he went presently to the Bath, and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein, which soopled his fingers in such manner, that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out, and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twenty four hours, by twice or thrice washing and bathing it, the soreness thereof was cured, only the eyesore for the time remained. Furthermore, two or three other of my company having Swellings in the legs cured in a day. swellings in their legs, were by the Bath cured in a day. Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October, in the afternoon, and leaving the Lands of They depart from Meves. Saint Christopher, Saint Martin, and Anguilla on the Starboard side, we dissembogued through the broken Lands on the North side of Anguilla upon S. Luke's day, where I think never Englishman dissembogued before us: for we found all our Sea-charts false concerning that place, those broken Lands being placed therein, to the Southward of Anguilla, between it and Saint martin's, and we found them situate to the Northward thereof. On the eleventh day of November we had sight of Fayal, one of the Lands of the Terceras, They fell with Fayal. which we left on our starboard side, and fleeted away for England, the wind continuing fair until the twenty four day. But than it changed, first to the East by North, and then to the East Southeast, and became so violent and furious, that for three days space we were not able to bear our sail, but did drive before the wind at the least three leagues, a watch out of our course; and the first land we made was Cape Clear, in the South-west part of Ireland, where against They are driven bya storm into Ireland. our wills we arrived at Crook Haven the twenty nine of November. During the time of my Voyage, we lost but one Land-man, who died in Guiana; and one Sailer, and an Indian Boy, who died at Sea in our return: and during the space of these three years last passed since the voyage, of all the men which I left in the Country, being in number about The number of those that died. thirty, there died but six, whereof one was drowned, another was an old man of threescore years of age, and another took his death by his own disorder; the rest died of sickness, as pleased God the giver of life: for such small loss, his holy name be blessed now and ever. The names of the Rivers falling into the Sea from Amazons, to Dessequebe, and of the several Nations inhabiting those Rivers. RIVERS. NATIONS. 1 Amazons. 2 Arrapoco, a branch of Amazons. 3 Arrawary. Charibs. 4 Maicary. 5 Connawini. Yaios and Charibes. 6 Cassipurogh. 7 Arracow. Arracoories. 8 Wiapoco. 9 Wianary, a creek or inlet of thesea. Yaios and Arwaccas. 10 Cowo, not inhabited. 11 Apurwacca. 12 Wio. 13 Caiane. 14 Meccooria. 15 Courwo. 16 Manmanury 17 Sinammara. Charibs. 18 Oorassowini, not inhabited. 19 Coonannoma. 20 Uracco. Arwaccas. 21 Marrawini. Paragotos, Yaios, Charibs, Arwas. 22 Amanna. 23 Camo●re, or Comawin, a branch of Selinama. 24 Selinama, or Surennamo. 25 Surammo. 26 Coopannomy. 27 Eneccare. Charibs. 28 Coretine. 29 Berebisse. Arwaccas and Charibs. 30 Manhica. 31 Wapary. 32 Micowine. 33 Demeerare. Arwaccas. 34 Motooronnes 35 Quiowinne, branches of Dessequebe. Charibs. 36 Dessequebe. Arwaccas and Charibs. Every house hath Cocks, Hens, and Chickens, as in England: and the variety of fish is wonderful, without compare; but the chiefest comfort of our Countrymen is this, that the Beast called Maypury and the fish called the Sea-Cow (being severally as big as a Heifer of two years A beast and a fish like Beef▪ old, and of which kind there are very many) are in eating so like unto our English Beef, that hardly in taste we can distinguish them, and may as well as Beef be salted, and kept for our provision. There is also a Beast in colour like a Fawn, but fuller of white spots, in stature somewhat A beast like Mutton. less than a small Sheep, and in taste like Mutton, but is rather better meat: the Baremo is also of the same taste, I have the Copy of Master Harcourt his Patent, and he published also certain Articles for the Adventurers, etc. which for brevity are omitted. CHAP. XVII. A Relation of the habitations and other Observations of the River of Marwin, * I found this fairly written amongst M. Hak. papers, but know not who was the Author. and the adjoining Regions. Towns in the River of Marwin. INprimis, Marracomwin a little Village so called where the Arwaccas dwell, whose chief Captain is Coretan, and is at the foot of the River of Marwin in a creak on the left hand going up the River. Secondly, Russia a little Village so called where likewise Arwaccas dwell being likewise at the foot of the River on the right hand going up the River. Thirdly, Moyyemon, a large Town where are some twenty houses all builded very lately, inhabited by Parawagotos and Yaios, whose chief Captain is Maperitacca (being the Captain with whom the General left us, and with whom we continue) being on the left hand of the River. Fourthly, Kiawarie, a Town inhabited by Careebees, almost right against Moyyemon, whose Chieftain is— Fiftly, Tonorima, a little Village above Kiawary inhabited by Careebees, being on the same side of the River, who be governed by the Captain of Qwenow. Sixtly, Qwenou, a Town some quarter of a mile distant from Tonorima, inhabited by Careebees, whose Chieftain is Vcapea, having a lame hand. Seventhly, Arowatta, a Town situate on the same side of the River (whose inhabitants be Careebees but a good pretty way beyond, whose Chieftain is Seepane. Eightly, Comurraty, a Town situate beyond Arowatta, on the other side of the River, whose Inhabitants be Careebees, and Chiefetaine is Parapane. Ninthly, Pasim, a Town situate beyond Comurrati● on the same side of the River whose Inhabitants be Careeb, and Chiefetaine is Tanatweya. Tenthly, Paramaree, a Town situate beyond Pasim on the other side of the River, inhabited by Careabees, whose Chieftain is juara. There is beyond Paramaree a lone house, being situate some day's journey from Paramaree on the same side of the River being inhabited by Careebees. Eleventh, about some eleven day's journey beyond the lone house there is a town called Tauparamunni, whose Inhabitants be Careebees. Twelfthly, a day's journey from thence is another Town called Moreesheego, whose Inhabitants be Careebees. About some twenty day's journey beyond Moreesheego is a Town called Aretonenne, whose Inhabitants be Careebees having very Long ears, perhaps made by art, with hanging weights thereon, as is used in the East Indies. long ears hanging to their shoulders, and they are reported to be a very gentle and loving ving people. Some twenty days farther is the head of the River Marwin, where dwell Parawagatos, Arwaccas, and Suppay, and after a day's journey in the Land, they report the way to be very fair, and Champion ground with long grass. Towns from the foot of Marwin on the Northside along the Sea. FIrst, Equiwibone, a Town inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos. Secondly, Caycooseoo●ooro, inhabited by Arwaccas, whose Chieftain is Woaccomo. Thirdly, Amypea inhabited by Arwaccas. Fourthly, about six mile within Land is Careebee, inhabited by Arwaccas, whose Chieftain is Aramea, Fiftly, Wia Wiam, about two miles from the Sea, a Town inhabited by Yaios, Parrawagotos and Arwaccas, whose Chieftain is Araponaca. Sixtly, Soorry Soorry, some two mile directly farther toward the Sea side, inhabited by Parawagotos', whose Chieftain is Resurrima. Seventhly, Amiebas, a little distant from Soory Soory, inhabited by Parawagotos'. Eightly, Uieguano, some six mile beyond Soory Soory, inhabited by Yaos and Parawagotos. Ninthly, Vrarinno adjoining to Vicguano, inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos, Tenthly, Surarer a day's journey beyond Wia Wiam up into the Land inhabited by Arwaccas. Eleventh, Simarra, some six miles distant from Wia Wiam, inhabited by Arwaccas. Twelfthly, Ca●ri, a Town adjoining to Simarra, inhabited by Arwaccas. Thirteenthly, Con●oere, a Town adjoining to Cauri, inhabited by Parawagotos', and Arwaccas. To most of these places there can be no passage but by Canoas' in the Winter being marsh-medowy grounds, overflown with swelling Tides. But in the Summer it is fair, and then they Waters overflowing. hide their Canoas' in the Woods by the Seaside. As for the River of Marwin, there are no other Rivers which fall into it: but there be many Lands, and some very great. The passage to the head thereof from the men with long ears is very dangerous, by reason of the passage through hollow and concave Rocks, wherein harbour Bat-mises of an unreasonable bigness, which with their claws and wings do wound the Passengers Great Bats. Dark and dangerous passage. shrewdly: yea, and oftentimes deprive them of life. During which passage (which is some quarter of a mile, and very dark; for the Rocks are close above, and in fashion like an Indian house) they are enforced to make great fires in their Canoas', and put over their heads some of their Crab-baskets ●o defend them from the force of their claws and wings, and so they safely pass. There is a Chareebee (with whom I am very well acquainted) whose name is Carouree) who assured me of certain transparent stones, both of a green and red colour, which he described Stones transparent. See A. Knivet. by a green earring which I showed him, affirming they were somewhat bigger, and that they lay in a little gutter at the head of the River, which ran in a Valley between two Hills. I was further informed by a Yaio, an ancient man (who came down from the head of the River Selinama in a little Canoa, with four other, and a boy; three of which were Arwaccas, and one Yaio, who was borne in Orenoque, and as I judge, about the age of four score years, or little less) who reported to me, that he was one of them which with Morequito and Putimay, was at the kill of nine Spaniards, and a Spanish Pedas'; and how Morequito was put to death, and a greatmany of his Indians hanged: himself was taken prisoner, and pinched with Pincers Spaniard's killed. for his punishment, and his ears nailed to wood, which I conjecture was a Pillourie. Besides, they rubbed his body over with salt mixed with Urine, after they had pinched him, and fetched blood, and after tied him up in chains. The reason why they put him not to death, was because he had been a great Traveller and knew the Countries well, and so they kept him for a Guide. It so chanced, that the Spaniards, upon his informing them of the Cassipagotos' Country, and how rich they were, and how he would be their guide, went with some company to conquer it: the Captain of the Spaniards was called Alexander, as he saith. But the Cassipagotos knowing his cruelty, thought it better to fight it out, then trust to his clemency, and so overthrew him and his company, driving them to their Canoas', in which fight he escaped: But yet afterward it was his mishap to be again in the hands of his adversary by the means of Caripana King of Emeria, and put in chains, and handled cruelly. His body was besmeared, as he said, with a Spanish devices of torru●es. Sir Fr Drakes at Guatulco on the South Sea found a Negro in iron chains 20. yards long: senced to be whipped till all his flesh was raw, and so to be set in the Sun, to be tortured to death by Muskitoes. Golden hopes. Sir W. Ral. yellow stone; for so he called it, which I take to be Brimstone, and so set on fire on his body, and after that he was well, and his skin smooth and fair, they anointed him with honey from top to toe, and so scattered dust upon him, in which which were millions of Pismires, tying him in chains to a great tree, where Muskitoes flocked about him like moats in the Sun, and did pitifully sting him, than which death had been better, as he said. Within some small space he with another Yaio, and three Arwaccas were chosen to go a fishing some two days journey from the Town. Likewise there went as overseers over them four Spaniards, three of which, while they were a fishing went into the Wood a fowling, and the fourth which was left for the overseer by chance fell asleep, which they espying, agreed to release themselves and to slip from the shore with their Canoa, and went up Selinama seven days journey within land from the head thereof to a Town of the Arwaccas, called Cooroopon, where he now dwelleth, whose name is Weepackea; and the chief Arwacca which came with him is called Edaddeawa, and the Captain of Cooroopon is called Naushickeban. This Yaio told me of a Mountain at the head of Dissikeebee which is called Oraddoo, where is a great Rock of white Spar, which hath streams of Gold in it about the breadth of a Goose-quill; and this he affirmeth very earnestly. Also he speaketh of a Plain which is some seven or eight days journey from the Mountain where is great store of Gold in grains so big as the top of a man's finger, and after the floods be fallen they find them, which Plain is called Mumpara. Further, he spoke of a Valley not far distant from thence, which is called Wancoobanona, which hath the like: and he said, they gather them the space of two months together; which two months are presently after the great reins which wash away the sand and gravel from the grass which groweth in turfets, and then they may perceive the Gold lie glistering on the ground. And of these they are very chary. And the Captains and Priests or P●●ays do charge the Indians very strictly. yea with punishment of the whip, that they be secret, and not reveal it to the Spaniard. But it seemeth they are willing the English should have it, or else he would never have related so much of the state of his Country. He spoke very much of Sir Walter Raleigh: he likewise knew Francis Sparrow, and the boy which Sir Walter left behind him at Topiawary his house. He further said, that Topiawary wondered that he heard not from Sir Walter, according to his promise: and how Topi●wary did verily think, that the Spaniard had met with him, and so had slain him. Further, he saith how Topiawary is dead, and how one Roponoyegrippo succeeded in his room. Likewise he saith Caripana Topiawary dead the King of Emeria, who was very subject to the Spaniard, and did once betray him to the Spaniard, is now dead: at which he seemed not a little to rejoice; and how one Dothronias is in his place, and is a good King, holding Arms against the Spaniard with the Cassipagotos, and and giving him many overthrows, so that now he hath clear left Dissikeebee and not a Spaniard there. He likewise said, how Topiawary had drawn in the Indians of Wariwackeri, Amariocupana, Aromaya, Wickery, and all the people that belonged to Wanuritone, Captain of Canuria, and Wacariopea Captain of Sayma against Sir Walter Raleigh his coming to have warred against the Yeanderpuremei: And as yet Wanuritone and Wacariopea do expect his coming. He addeth further, how he knew the two Nations of Tivitivas, called Ciawana and Warawitty, Tivitivas houses on trees tops. who are forced in the floods to build their houses on the top of trees. And now he saith the Spaniard hath for the most part destroyed them, keeping diverse of them to make and mend his Canoas'. Further he knew Toparimacca, and saith he is yet living, and Captain of Arawaca a Napoy, who likewise doth expect Sir Walter his coming, and had drawn a company of Indians for the aid and assistance of Sir Waltor. Likewise, how Putimay is yet living, and how the Spaniards have laid great wait for him, but could never finger him to be revenged for his part of killing the nine Spaniards. Further he addeth, how the Spaniards were killed at a Mountain called Riconeri in Putimay's Country, and how Putimay expected long for Sir Walter Raleigh. Likewise he saith, how the Epeuremei have now two very fair Towns, one called Aruburguary, and the other Corburrimore: and saith, they are not good people, yet they dare not war with them. He further affirmeth of the men whose shoulders are higher than their heads, which Men with shoulders higher than th●i● heads. Crystill Rock. he called Wywaypanamy, and offereth to go with me thither if I come up in their high Country. For since the death of Topiawary they are friends, and bend their forces against the Spaniards. He further spoke of a white, clear, high and huge Rock under a Mountain's side, which is called Mattuick, that on a Sunshine day if a man looked on it, it would dazzle his eyes exceedingly. He showed me before his departure from me, a piece of metal fashioned like an Eagle, and as I guess, it was about the weight of eight or nine ounces troy weight, it seemed to be Gold or at leastwise two parts Gold and one Copper, I offered him an Axe, which he refused; to which I Images of gold. added four Knives, but could not get it of him: but I imagine the Dutch at Selinama have bought it of him, for their only coming was for Axes, as he said, hearing that the Dutch were at Selinama. I demanded where he had that Eagle, his answer was, he had it of his Uncle, who dwelled among the Weearaapoyns in the Country called Sherumerrimary near the Cassipagotos' Country where is great store of these Images. Further he said, that at the head of Selinama and Marwin there were great store of the half Moons, which he called by the name of Vnnaton. He likewise spoke of a very fair and large City in Guiana, which he called Monooan, Monooan great City in Guiana. which I take to be that which Sir Walter calleth Manoa, which standeth by a salt Lake which he called Parroowan Parrocare Monoan, in the Province of Asaccona the chief Captain or Acariwanuora, as he called him, was called Pepodallapa. He further said, that after that a man is up at the head of the River and some ten days journey within the Land, every child can tell of the riches of Monooan. Further he addeth, how that once in every third year all the Cassiques or Lords and Captains some seven days journey from Manooan do come to a great drinking, which continueth for the space of ten days together, in which time they go sometimes a fishing, fowling, and hunting, their fishing is in the salt Lake, where is abundance of Canoas', and those very great. They have many fishpools of standing water, wherein they have abundance of Fish. They have store of wild Porkes and Dear, and other beasts, which are very good meat. Their Houses be made with many lofts and partitions in them. but not boarded, but with Houses with lofts. bars of wood, only the lower floor on the ground is spread with clay very smooth, and with fires hardened, as they do their pots, then presently they build their houses, as is before spoken of. Also he affirmeth, that within the City at the entering in of their houses they hang Carocoore on the posts which I take to be Images of gold. Directions to the Town of Cooropan from Marrawin. FRom the head of Marrawin to Itshuerwa, a Chareeb Town: from thence to Caperocca, a Chareeb Town: from thence to a Mountain called pay: from thence to Una, a Mountain: from thence to Youwalprenay, a Charech Town: from thence to Tetatttecoomoyneto, a Chareeb Town: from thence to Tunstoorito, a Chareeb Town: from thence to Soynoon, a Parawag Town: from thence to Crooroorere, a Suppay Town: from thence to Macatana a Suppay Town: from thence to Pipicorwarra, a Mountain: from thence to Shadden, an Arwacca Town: from thence to Lonnoo, an Arwacca Town: from thence to Horurra a Mountain: from thence to Habittebin, a Plain: from thence to Warooca, an Arwac. Town: from thence to Hardoo an Arwacca; and from thence to Coorepon, where he dwelleth, which he saith is but ten days journey from the head of Marrawin. Directions from the head of Selinama to Cooropan, which is but seven days journey. FRom the head of Selinama to Kiarno a Chareeb Town: from thence to Pommaro a Chareeb Town: from thence to Scooadoddepon an Arwac Town: from thence to Sickene a Mountain: from thence to Shuhurway an Arwac Town: from thence to Hadarinner a Suppay Town: from thence to Weeatoopona, Arwac: from thence to Ruttrahar, Arwac: from thence to Caboyetitte, Arwac: from thence to Heeanannerre, Suppay: from thence to Wabockeyaway, Arwac: from thence to Hanamob, Arwac: from thence to Muttuggabee, a Mountain; and so to Cooropon, which is but seven days journey from the head of Selinama. He likewise saith it is but a month's journey by land, from the head of Marrawin to the head of Dissikeebee, and from the head of Dissikeebee to the head of Orenoque a month's travel. Rivers from Brabisse to the Amazons. RIVERS. NATIONS. Brabisse. Chareebees. Winniepa. Chareebes. Arow. Napoys. Mannapoo. Napoys. Mucca 〈…〉 reu. not inhabited. Morecoose. Napoys. Arawon. not inhabited. Orenoco. Yaios Arwac. Emataccoo. Chareebes. Eparramoo. Chareebes. Aratooree. Chareebes. Amockooroo. Chareeb. Pareema. Chareeb. Wine. Chareeb. Moroka. Yaios. Paurooma. Arwaccas. Wacapwhou. Arwaccas. Dissikeebee. Arwac. Quiowinne. Matooronee. Branches of Dissikeebee. Chareeb. Marrawin. Para. Ya. Cham & Arwa. Amanna. Chareeb. Vraco. Arwac. Coonannoma. Arwac. Oorassowinni. not inhabited. Sinomarra. Chareeb. Mannomanury. Chareeb. Ecaurwa. Chareeb. Canrooroo. Chareeb. Muccurrie. Chareeb. Kiam. Chareeb. Wia. Chareeb. Kowo. not inhabited. Apoorwacca. Chareeb. Wannase. Yaios. Wiapoco. Yaios. Aroocona. Areecola. Casippooroo. Areecoole. Connawin. Yaio. Miocaree. Areecool. Demeerare. Arwac. Miconine. Arwac. Wapary. Arwac. Mauhica. Arwac. Keribisse. Arwac. Coretine. Chareeb. Arw. Eneecare. Chareeb. Coopanomi. Chareeb. Soorammo. Chareeb. Surennamo, alias, Selinama. Chareeb. Camouree, alias, Commawin. Branches of Selinama. Arowaree. Chareeb. Arapoco. Amazon. Topaniwinni, a Branch of Marwin, at the head thereof going toward Oronoque, in which dwell a wild People called Vrokere, which are swift in running. Swift footmen. The Chareebees with long ears are called Nooraco. Ekinnicke, a kind of worm, which poisoneth the water. And thus much of Guianian affairs. Some other Voyages thither have been at large published by by Sir W. R. and Master Keymis, recorded by Master Hakl. A later also with great noise, preparation and expectation hath happened, written already in blood, therefore, and for the lateness needless and unworthy, that I say not too dismal and fatal for our Relations. CHAP. XVIII. A Description and Discovery of the River of Amazons, by WILLIAM DAVIES Barber Surgeon of London. THe River of the Amazons lieth in the highest part of the West Indies, beyond the Distant from England 1600. leagues. This is a part of a Book ●et forth by the said Davies of his miserable captivity. Equinoctial Line; to fall with this River forty leagues from Land you shall have 8. 6. & 7. fathoms water, & you shall see the Sea change to a ruddy colour, the water shall grow fresh, by these signs you may run boldly in your course, and coming near the River's mouth, the depth of your water shall increase, than you shall make Discovery of the Trees before the Land, by reason the Land is very low, and not higher in one place then another three foot, being at a Spring tide almost all overflown, God knows how many hundred leagues. It flows much water there with a very forcible tide. In this River I continued ten weeks, seeing the fashion of the people and Country there. This Country is altogether full of Woods, with all sorts of wild Beasts: as Lions Bears, Wolves, Leopards, Baboons, strange Boors, Apes, Monkeys, Martin's, Sanguines, Marmosets, with diverse other strange beasts: also these Woods are full of Wild-fowl of all sorts, and Parrots more plentiful than Pigeons in England, and as good meat, for I have often eaten of them. Also this Country is very full of Rivers, having a King over every River. In this place is continual Tempests, as Lightning, Thunder, and Rain, and so extreme, that it continues most commonly sixteen or eighteen hours in four and twenty. There are many standing waters in this Country, which be full of Aligators, Guianes, with many other several water Serpents, and great store of fresh fish, of strange fashions. This Country is full of Muskitas, which is a small Fly, which much offends a Stranger coming newly into the Country. The manner, fashion, and nature of the people is this: They are altogether naked, both men and women, having not so much as one thread about them to cover any part of their nakedness, the man taketh a round Cane as big as a penny Candle, and two inches in length, through the which he pulls the foreskin of his yard, tying the skin with a piece of the rind of a Tree about the bigness of a small packthread, then making of it fast about his middle, he continueth thus till he have occasion to use him: In each Ear he weareth a Reed or Cane, which he boreas through it, about the bigness of a Swan's Quill, and in length half an inch, and the like through the midst of the lower lip: also at the bridge of the Nose he hangs in a Reed a small glisse Beade or Button, which hanging directly afore his Mouth, flies too and fro still as he speaks, wherein he takes great pride and pleasure. He wears his Hair long, being rounded below to the neither part of his Ear, and cut short, or rather as I judged plucked bald on the clown like a ●rier. But their women use no fashion at all to set forth themselves, but stark naked as they were borne, with hair long of their Heads, also their Breasts hang very low, by reason they are never laced or braced up: they do use to anoint their Bodies, both Men and Women, with a kind of red Earth, because the Muskitas, or Flies shall not offend them. These people are very ingenious, crafty, and treacherous, very light of foot, and good Bowemen, whose like I have never seen, for they do ordinarily kill their own food, as Beasts, Fowl, and Fish, the manner of their Bow and Arrows is this. The Bow is about two yards in length, the Arrow seven foot. His Bow is made of Brasill-wood very curious, his string of the rind of a Tree, lying close to the Bo●, without any bent, his Arrow made of Reed, and the head of it is a fish bone 〈◊〉 a Beast in this manner: standing behind a Tree, he takes his mark at the Beast, and woe 〈…〉 〈◊〉 he follows him like a Bloodhound till he fall, oftentimes seconding his shoot: then for any Fowl be he never so little, he never misses him: as for the first, he walks by the water side, and when he hath spied a fish in the water, he presently strikes him with his Arrow, and suddenly throwing down his Bow, he leaps into the water, swimming to his Arrow which he draws aland with the fish fastened to it, then having each killed his own food, as well flesh, and fowl, as fish, they meet together, to the number of fifty or sixty in a company, then make a fire after this fashion: They take two sticks of Wood, rubbing one hard against another, till such time as they be fired, then making of a great fire, every man is his own Cook to broil that which he hath gotten, and thus they feed without Bread or Salt, or any kind of drink but Water and Tobacco, neither do they know what it means: In these Countries we could find neither Gold nor Silver Oar, but great store of Hens. For I have bought a couple for a jews Harp, when they would refuse ten shillings in money. This Country is full of delicious fruit, as Pines, Plantines, Guaves, and Potato Rootes, of which Fruits and Roots I would have bought a man's burden for a glass Button or Bead. The manner of their Lodging is this: they have a kind of Net made of the rind of a Tree which they call Haemac, being three fathom in length, and two in breadth, and gathered at both ends at length, then fastening either end to a Tree, to the full length about a yard and half from the ground, when he hath desire to sleep, he creeps unto it. The King of every River is known by this manner. He wears upon his head a Crown of Parrot's feathers, of several colours, having either about his middle, or about his Neck, a Chain of Lion's teeth or claws, or of some other strange beast, having a wooden Sword in his hand, and hereby is he known to be the King: Oftentimes one King wars against another in their Canowes', which are Boats cut out of a whole Tree, sometimes taking one another, the conquerors eats the Captives. By this time ten weeks were spent, and being homewards bound, but not the same way that we came, for we sailed unto the River before the wind, because it blows there continually one way, which forces all ships that come thither to return by a contrary way. The end of the sixth Book. VOYAGES TO AND ABOUT THE SOUTHERN AMERICA, WITH MANY MARINE OBSERVATIONS AND DISCOURSES OF THOSE SEAS AND LANDS, BY ENGLISHMEN AND OTHERS. THE SEAVENTH BOOK. REader, I here present thee the exactest Treatise of Brasil which I have seen written by any man, especially in the History of the multiplied and diversified Nations and customs of men; as also in the natural History of Beasts, Serpents, Fowls, Fishes, Trees, Plants, with diverse other remarkable rarities of those Regions. It was written (it seemeth) by a Portugal friar (or jesuit) which had lived thirty years in those parts, from whom (much against his will) the written Book was taken by one Frances Cook of Dartmouth in a U●yage outward bound, for Brasil, An. 1601. who sold the same to Master Hacket for twenty shillings; by whose procurement it was translated out of Portugal into English: which translation I have compared with the written Original, and in many places supplied defects, amended errors, illustrated with notes, and thus finished and furnished to the public view. Great loss had the Author of his work, and it not a little of his name * I find at the end of the Book some me●●cinall receipts, and the name subscribed Ir. Ma●●el 〈…〉 staon E 〈…〉 e●ro do Colagi● da 〈◊〉: whom Imagine to have been Author of this Treatise. Cook reported that he had it of a Friar: but the name jesus diverse times on the top of the page and often mention of the Fathers and soc●etie maketh me think him a brother of that order, besides the state-tractate following. , which I should as willingly have inserted as worthy much honour for his industry, by which the great and admirable works of the Creator are made known; the visible and various testimonies of his invisible power, and manifold wisdom. Sic vos non vobis. In this and other written tractates the Spaniards and the Portugals have taken pains, and (which was denied to Spain and Portugal) England as here entered into their labours, and hath reaped an English harvest of Spanish and Portugal seed. Another Treatise was taken by the said Frances Cook, written more fairly, but it seemeth with the same hand, part of which I have added for better knowledge both of the civill-uncivill dealings of the Portugals with the Indians; and of the unchristian christianity in their own practice and conversion of the Indians, and that by jesuitical testimony. I may well add this jesuit to the English Voyages, as being an English prize and captive. CHAP. I. A Treatise of Brasil, written by a Portugal which had long lived there. §. I. Of the beginning and original of the Indians of Brasil, and of their Customs, Religions, and Ceremonies. IT seemeth that this people hath no knowledge of the beginning and creation of the world, but of the deluge it seemeth they Their opinion of a flood. have some notice: but as they have no writings nor characters such notice is obscure and confused; for they say that the waters drowned all men, and that one only escaped upon a janipata with a sister of his that was with child, and that from these two they have their beginning, and from thence began their multiplying and increase. Of the knowledge that they have or the Creator, and of the Soul, Paradise, Devils, This people hath not any knowledge of their Creator, no● of any thing of heaven, nor if there be any pain nor glory after this life, therefore they have no oderation nor ceremonies, nor divine worship, but they know that they have souls, and that they die not; and they say that the souls are converted into devils, and that after their death they go to certain fields where are many fig trees along by a fair River, and all together do nothing but dance. This is the cause why they are g●tatly afraid of the Devil, whom they call Curupira, Taguain, Pigtangna, Machchera, A●hanga: and their fear of him is so great, that only with the imagination of him they die as many times already it hath happened: they worship it not, not any other creature, neither have they Idols of any sort, only some old men do say that in some ways they have certain Posts where they offer him some things, for the fear they have of them, and because they would not die. Sometimes the Devils appear unto them, though very seldom, and among them Devil's fear. are few possessed. Th●y use some witchcrafts, and there are some Witches, not because they believe in them, or do worship them, but only they give themselves to the Chupar in their sicknesses, seeming to them that they received their health but not because they do think they have any divinity, and they do it rather to receive health, then for any other respect. There arise sometimes among them some Witches whom they call Caraiba, and most commonly it is some Indian of a bad life; this doth some witchcrafts and strange things to nature, as to show that he raiseth some to life, that Caraibas juggling. makes himself dead, and with these and other l●ke things he carrieth all the Country after him, deceiving and saying to them that they shall not cultivate, nor plant their Pulse and their provision, neither dig nor labour, etc. for with his coming the time is come that the Mattocks themselves shall dig of their own accord, and the Beasts go to the fields and bring the provision, and with these falsehoods he leads them so deluded and enchanted, that not looking to their lives, and to get their food, they die for hunger, and these companies are diminished by litand little, till the Caraiba remaineth alone, or is murdered by them. They have no proper name to express God, but they say the Tupan is the thunder and lightning, No proper name of God. and that this is he that gave them the Mattocks and the food, and because they have no other name more natural and proper, they call God Tupan. There are marriages among them, but there is a great doubt whether they be true, as well because Of the Marriages. They give no dowries to their daughters or to the sous, but they serve their mother in law. they have many wives, as for the easy forsaking them for whatsoever quarrel, anger, or any other disgrace happening among them; but either true or not, among them they were made in this sort. No young man did use to marry before he had taken an emenie, and he continued a virgin till he took and slew him, holding first his feasts for the space of two or three years, the woman in like sort did not marry nor know man, till she had her terms, after the which they made her great feasts; at the time of the delivery of the woman they made great drink. And the feast being ended, the marriage remained perfect giving a net clean washed; and after they were said, the father took a wedge of stone and did cut upon a post or stake, than they say he Tails. did cut the tails from the grandchilds, and therefore they were borne without them, and after they were married they began to drink, for until then their fathers did not suffer them, teaching them that they should drink heedfully, and should be considerate and wise in their Drink. speaking, that the wine might do them no hurt, and that they should not speak bad things, and then with a vessel the old ancient men did give him the first wine, and hold his head with their hands that he might not vomit, for if he doth vomit they hold to themselves that he would not be valiant. This people eateth at all times by night and by day, and every hour and moment, and when Of the manner th●y keep in their eating and drinking. they have any meat they keep it no long time, for they have no providence for the future, but presently they eat all that they have, and divide it among their friends, in sort that of one fish that they have they divide it to all, and they hold for a great honour and gallantry to be liberal, and thereby they get great fame and honour: and they hold for the greatest injury that Liberality, and opinion of niggardi●e. they can do them, to hold them for niggards, or call them so: and when they have nothing to eat, they are very patient in hunger and thirst. They have no flesh or fish days, they eat all manner of flesh, even of unclean creatures, as Snakes, Toads, Rats, and such like worms; they eat also all manner of Fruits, saving some that are poisonous. This sustenance is ordinarily of that which the Country yieldeth without husbandry, as wild fowl, flesh and fruits, Their diet. but they have a certain kind of food of a good substance, and healthful, and many other pulses, whereof hereafter shall mention be made. Ordinarily they drink not while they eat, but after meat they drink water or wine which they make of many kinds of fruits, and roots, as hereafter shall be said, of the which they drink without measure or order, even till Drinking. they fall down. They have some particular days wherein they make great feasts, and all ends in drinking, and they last two or three days, in the which they eat not but only drink, and there be men that Feasts. empty a whole great vessel of wine. That these drink may be more festival, some go about singing from house to house, call and inviting all they find for to drink and be merry. These dance last with music all the time of the drinking, in the which they sleep not, but pass it all in drinking, and when they are drunk they play many disorders, and they break Dances. one another's head, and take other men's wives, etc. They give no thanks before nor after meat Rudeness. to God, nor wash their hands before meat, and after meat they wipe them at their hair, on their body, or a post. They have no towels nor tables, they eat fitting, or lying in their nets, or cowering on the ground: they eat their meat throwing it with their hand into the mouth; and I omit many other particularities that they have in their eating and drinking, because these are the principal. All this people have for their beds certain nets made of Cotten wool, and they sleep in Of the manner that they have in their sleeping. them hanging in the air. These they make some wrought, others of sundry colours and as they remain in the air, and have no other covering or clothes all ways in summer and winter, they have fire under them: they rise not very early, and go to bed by times, and in the mornings there is one chief man in their houses, * One House containeth many Families. that lying in his net doth preach unto them for the space of an hour, how they are to go to labour as their forefathers did, and he appointeth them the time, telling them what they are to do; and after he is up continueth his preaching, running through the Town. They took this custom from a bird which is like a Hawk, which singeth in the morning, and they call it the King and Lord of the other Birds; and they say that even as that Bird doth sing in the mornings to be heard of the rest, so the principal should make those preachings and speeches to be heard of theirs. All of them go naked as well men as women, and have no kind of apparnll, and are nothing Nakedness. ashamed: rather it seemeth that they are in the state of innocence touching this behalf by the great honesty and modesty they do keep among themselves; and when any man speaketh Modesty. Painting. with a woman, he turneth his back to her. But to make themselves gallant they use diverse inventions, painting their bodies with the juice of a certain fruit wherewith they remain black, making in their bodies many white strokes, after the fashion of round hose, and other kind of Gallantry. garments. They enplume themselves also, making Diadems and Bracelets, and other very fine inventions, they esteem very much all manner of fine Feathers: they let no hair grow in the parts of their body, but they pull them out, only the head excepted, which they cut in many fashions, for some wear them long with a half Moon shaved before, and they say they took Neatness, this use from Saint Thomas, and it seemeth that they had some notice of him, though confusedly; others make certain kind of crowns and circles that they seem Friars: the women all do wear long hair, and ordinarily black, and the hair of the one and of the other is smooth: when they are angry they let their hair grow long: and the women when they mourn, do Mourning. cut their hair, and also when their husbands go a far journey, in this they show their love and loyalty to them: the vanity they have in their poling is so much, that by the head the Nations are known. Now already some do wear apparel as well men as women, but they esteem it so little Apparel. that they wear it rather for fashion then for honesties sake, and because they are commanded to wear it; as it is well seen by some, that sometimes come abroad with certain garments no further than the navel, without any other thing, and others only with a cap on their heads; and leave the other garments at home: the women make great account of Laces and Combs. These Indians do use certain Cottages, or houses of timber, covered with Palm tree leaves, Of their Houses. and are in length some of two hundred and three hundred spans, and they have two or three doors, very little and low. They show their valour in seeking timber, and very great posts, and of great continnance, and there be houses that have fifty, sixty or seventy rooms of twenty or five and twenty quarters long, and as many quarters long, and as many in breadth. In this house dwelleth one principal man or more, whom all the rest do obey, and ordinarily they are kinfmen. In every room of these dwelleth a household with their children and family without any repartition between the one and the other, and to enter in one of these houses is to enter into a labyrinth, for every room hath his fire, and their nets hanging, and their ●stuffe, so that coming in, all that they have is in sight, and some house hath two hundred persons and more. The women when they are brought to bed (they are delivered on the ground) do not Childbirth. take up the child, but the Father taketh it up, or some other person whom they take for their Gossip, and in friendship they are as the Gossips among the Christians. The Father doth cut the Navel string with his teeth, or with two stones knocking the one with the other, and then they set themselves to fasting until the Navel string falleth off, which is ordinarily to the eight day, and till it doth fall they leave not their fasting, when it falleth, if it be a man child he maketh it a Bow with Arrows, and tieth it at the end of the Net, and at the other end many handfuls of herbs which are the enemies which his son shall kill and eat. These ceremonies being ended, they make drink where with they all are merry. The women when they are delivered, do presently go and wash themselves in the Rivers, and they give the child suck ordinarily a year and an half, not giving it any other thing to eat. They love their children extraordinarily, and bear them in certain pieces of Nets which they call Tupiya, and carry Love and e●●cation of children. them to their plowings and to all kind of labours on their backs, through cold and heat, and they carry them like the G●p●ies straddling about their hips; they give them no manner of correction, that their children may not cry. They have many Southsaying, for they put Cotton-clothes; upon their head, birds teathers, and sticks: they lay them one the palms of their hands, and rock them by them that they may grow. They esteem more to do good to their children then to themselves, and now they esteem and love the Father's very much because they Friars and jesuires pains with Indians children. bring them up, they teach them to read, write, and cipher, and singing, and to play on an Instrument, a thing which they do much esteem. When any guest doth come to the house, the honour and entertainment they make him is to Of the custom they have in harboring, or entertaining their guests. bewail him; Now the guest being come into the house they set him in the Net, & after he is set without speaking any word to him the wife and the daughters, and the other friends do sit them down round about him with their hair loose, touching with the hand the party: they all begin to weep with a high voice and great abundance of tears, and there they tell in a versified prose all things that have happened since they saw one another to that hour, and many other which they invent, and the troubles that the guest hath suffered in his journey; and all things else that may provoke pity and tears. The guest all this time speaketh not one word, but after they have bewailed him a good while thy wipe the tears, and remain so quiet, so modest, so pleasant and merry that it seemeth they never wept, and then they salute one another, and give their Ereiupe, or welcome, and they bring him meat, etc. And after these Ceremonies ended, the guest telleth wherefore he cometh. The men likewise bewail one another, but it is in some weighty matters, as deaths, misfortunes in wars, etc. They hold it for a great courtesy to entertain all men and to give them all things necessary for their sustenance, and some gifts, as Bows, Arrows, Birds, Feathers, and other things according to their poverty without any kind of reward. These Gentiles do accustom to drink the smoke of Petigma, by another name the holy herb, Of the custom they have of drinking of smoke. this they dry and make of a Palmtree leaf a Coffin like the joint of a Cane, and filled with this herb, they fire it at the small end putting the biggest in their mouth, and so they suck or drink that smoke, and they hold it for a great dainty and favour, and lying in their Nets they spend part of the days and of the nights: to some it doth much hurt, and maketh them dizzy and drunk, to others it doth much good, and maketh them void a great deal of fiegme at the mouth. The women also do drink it, but they are such as are old and sickly, for it is very medicinable unto them, especially for the cough, the head-ache, and the Disease of the stomach, and hence come a great many of the Portugals to drink it, and have taken it for a vice or for idleness, imitating the Indians to spend days and nights about it. This Nation hath no money where with to satisfy the services that are done to them, but they Of the manner of payments and husbandry. live with bartering one thing for another, and principally in change of wine they do all that they will, and so when they have any business, they make wines, and advising the Neighbours, and assembling all the Town, they desire them to help them in their Husbandry, which they do with a good will; and labouring till ten of the clock they return home again to drink their wines; and if that day their tillage be not ended, they make other wines, and so go another day till ten of the clock to make an end of their business. And in this sort do the wise White men or Portugals use, that know the use and fashions of the Indians, and how much they do for wine; they make wines for them, and call them to their Husbandries, and to their Sugarcanes, and with this they pay them. They use also ordinarily to change some things for white beads, which are made of Wilkes: and in change of some Nosegays they give even their wives; and this is the ransom wherewith they use ordinarily, that is, the White men, for to buy of them the slaves, as well men as women that they have for to eat. These Indians use ordinarily, chiefly in their Feasts, Collars which they make of Wilkes, Diadems of Feathers, and certain Brooches, (that is, stones which they put in their lower Of their jewels and Brooches. lip) some green, white, some blue, and very fine, and are like Emeralds, or Crystal, they are round, and some of them so long that they reach to their breasts, and it is ordinarily among the Filthily fine. great and principal men, to have them of a span, or more in length. They use also white Bracelets of the same Wilkes, and they put in their ears certain white stones of a span long and more; and these and other like are the ornaments wherewith they adorn themselves in their Feasts, whether they be of slaughters of the enemies: or of wines; and these are the Riches that they esteem above all that they possess. These Indians do use to entreat their Wives well, they never strike them, neither quarrel Of the usage of their wives, and how they man them. with them, except in the time of their drink, for then ordinarily they revenge themselves of them, giving for an excuse afterward, it was the wine they had drunk, and then they are friends as before, and the hatreds between them last not long. They go always together, and when they go abroad, the woman cometh behind and the man before, that if any ambush be laid, the wife may not fall into it, and may have time to fly while the Husband fighteth with his adversary, etc. But at their returning home from their fields, or from any other place the wife cometh before, and the Husband behind, that if any mischance shall happen, the wife may fly home, and the Husband fight with the enemies, or any other thing. But in a safe Country and within the Towns the wife always goeth before, and the Husband behind, for they are very jealous, and will have always their wife in sight. jealousy. Of their dances and their songs. Though they be melancholic they have their Games, especially the children very diverse and pleasant, in the which they sergeant many kinds of Birds, and with so great feast and order as may be. And the children are joyful and given to play, and they play with such quietness and friendship, that among them is no bad name heard, or any scurrility, or calling any nickname one to another's Father or Mother; and seldom do they disagree when they play, nor disorder themselves for any thing, and very seldom do they strike or fight one with another. The Fathers do teach them from their cradles to dance and sing, and their dance are not sundry changes, but a continual stamping with the feet standing still, or going round about, or stirring their body or their head, and they do it all by such compass, and pleasantness as can be desired, at the sound of a Timbrel made after the fashion of those which the children use in Instruments. Spain with many small stones within or certain seeds whereof they make also very good beads: and so they sing dancing altogether, for they do not one thing without the other, in such compass and order that sometime an 100 men dancing and singing together in a row one behind the other do end all at one stroke, as if they were altogether in one place. The singers aswell men as women are much esteemed among them, in so much that if they take an enemy a good singer, and an Inventer of Verses, they therefore spare his life, and do not eat him nor his children. The women do dance together with the men, and make many gambols and gestures with women's dances. their arms and bodies, especially when they dance alone. They keep among themselves differences of voices in their Consort: and ordinarily the women do sing the Treble, Counter, and Tenours. They are very wicked, especially in weeping for the dead, for when any one dieth, the Kindred Of their burials. do cast themselves upon him in the Net, and so suddenly that sometimes they choke him before he dieth, seeming to them he is dead. And those that cannot cast themselves with the Coarse in the Net do cast themselves on the ground with such falls and knocks that it seemeth Lamentations to be lamented. a Miracle they do not end their lives with the dead, and of these falls, and mournings they remain so feeble that sometime they die. When they mourn they speak many pitiful and dolorous words, & if he die at evening all night long they weep with a high voice, that it is a wonder they are not weary. For these mournings they call the Neighbours, & kinsmen, and if he be one of the principal, all the Town doth meet to mourn, and in this they have also their points of honour, and they curse with plagues those which weep not, saying, that they shall not be mourned for. After he is dead they wash him and paint him very bravely, as they paint their enemies: and after this they cover him with Cotton Yarn that nothing is seen of him, and put a covering over his face, and sitting they put him in a great tinnage or vessel that they have under the Earth for that purpose, and do cover it in such manner that no Earth may come to him, and the vessel they cover with earth, making him a house where every day they carry him meat. For they say that when he is weary with dancing he cometh thither to eat, and so they go for a certain time to bewail him every day all his Kindred, with him they bury all his jewels or Brooches, that none may see them and grieve thereat. But if the dead had any Piece, as a Sword, etc. that had been given him, it returneth to him that gave it, and he taketh it again wheresoever he findeth it; therefore they say that when one dieth he loseth all the right of that which was given him. After the Coarse is buried, the Kinsmen are in continual weeping night and day, the one beginning as the other endeth, they eat not but by night, they hang their Nets near to the roofs, and the women after twenty days do cut their hair, and this lamenting lasteth a whole Moon, the which being ended they make great Wines or Drink to put away their mourning. The men do cut their hair, and the women do paint themselves with black, and these Ceremonies and others being ended, they begin to communicate the one with the other, aswell the men as the women. After their companions are dead, some never do marry again nor enter into the Feast of Wines, neither paint themselves with black; but is very seldom among them, because they are much given to women, and cannot live without them. Before they had any knowledge of the Portugals they used tools and instruments of stone, Of the Instruments they do use. bone, wood, Canes, and teeth of Beasts, etc. and with these they hewed down great Woods, with wedges of stones, helping themselves with fire; and they digged also the ground with certain sharp stakes, and they made their Brooches, Beads of Wilkes, Bowes, and Arrows, as well as now having Instruments of Iron, but they spent a long time in making of whatsoever thing; wherefore they esteem the Iron very much, for the facility or ease which they find in making their things with it. And this is the reason wherefore they are glad of Commerce with the Portugals or white men. The weapons of this people ordinarily are Bowes and Arrows, and they boast themselves of Of the weapons they do use. them, and they make them of very good wood, and very fair interlaid with Palmtree of sundry colours, they die their strings green, or red, and they make their Arrows very fair, seeking for them the fairest feathers they can find. They make these Arrows of sundry Canes, and fasten in their points the teeth of beasts, or certain very hard Rushes, or sharp sticks with many snagges, and many times they empoison them with herbs. These Arrows to one's sight seem a thing of mockery, but are very cruel Weapons, and pierce quilted breastplates or curates; and striking in a stick they cleave it asunder, and sometimes happen to go through a man Cruel arrows and stick on the ground. They do exercise themselves in these Weapons very young, and are great Archers, and so certain that no Bird can escape them be it never so little, or any vermin Cunning Archers. of the Woods; and there is no more but if they will shoot an Arrow through the eye of a bird or a man; or hit any other thing be it never so small, they do it with great facility and with their own safety; and for this they are greatly feared. They are stout also and fierce, and dreadful to others. They are as vermin of the Woods, for they go a hunting into the Country naked and barefoot, without any fear. They have a marvelous sight, for at a league off they see any thing, and Their Arts. in the same manner they hear. They guess very right ruling themselves by the Sun, they go to all parts they list, 200. or 300. leagues through thick Woods, and miss not one ●ot, they travel Quick sighted. much, and always running a gallop, especially with some charges, no Horse is able to hold out with them. They are great fishers and swimmers, they fear no Sea nor waves, continue a Great Travellers and swift. day and a night swimming, and the same they do rowing, and sometimes without meat. They use also for Weapons Swords of wood, and interlay the ends of them with Palmtree of sundry colours, and set Plumes on them of diverse colours, chiefly in their feasts and slaughters. And Swords. these Swords are very cruel, for they make no wound, but bruise and break a man's head without having any remedy of cure. §. II. Of their manner of killing and eating of humane flesh: and of their creating Gentlemen. OF all the honours and pleasures of this life, none is so great for this people as to kill and get a name on the heads of their Adversaries, neither are there among them any Feasts, comparable to those which they make at the death of those which they kill with great Ceremonies, which they do in this manner. Those which being taken in the War are appointed to die, came presently from thence with a token, which is a small cord about his neck; and if he be a man that may runnne away, he hath one hand tied to his neck under his chin. And before they come to the Towns that are by the way, they paint their eyelids, kickshaws, and their beards, polling them after fashion, and enpluming them with Yellow feathers so well placed that ye can see no hair; which makes them so gallant as the Spaniards in their rich Apparel, and so they go sharing their victory whereby soever they pass. When they come to their own Country, the women came out to receive them, shouting altogether and striking themselves on the mouth which is a common entertainment among them; without any other vexation, or imprisonment, except that they wear about the neck a round collar like a cord of a good bigness, as hard as a stick. In this collar they begin to weave a great many fathoms of small cord as long as a woman's hair, fastened above with a certain knot, and lose underneath, and so it goeth from ear to ear behind the back, horrible to look on. And if it be on the Frontier where he may run away, they put him in stead of shackles below the knees a string of thread twisted very hard, which is too weak for any Knife; but that they have Keepers that go not one moment from him, whether he go about the houses, to the Woods, or by the Fields; for he hath liberty for all this, and commonly the keeper is one that is given him for wife, and also for to dress his meat, with the which if his Masters do give him no meat as the custom is, he taketh a Bow Gentle cruel keeper. and Arrows and shooteth at the first Hen he seeth, or at a Duck be it whosesoever, and none doth contradict him, and so he waxeth fat, neither breaking therefore his sleep, his laughter, or his pleasure as the rest, and some are as contented though they are to be eaten, that in no wise they will consent to be ransomed for to serve; for they say that it is a wretched thing to die, and lie stinking, and eaten with Worms. These women are commonly faithful in their charge, for they receive honour thereby, and therefore many times they are young, and daughters of the chief, especially if their brothers are to be the slaiers. For those which have not this interest many times, affect them in such manner, that not only they give them leave to run away, but they also do go with them, neither have the women any other punishment if they be taken again, than a few strokes, and sometimes they are eaten of those same to whom they gave life. The time when he shall die being determined, the women begin to make vessels, that is, Festival preparation and solemnity. Bowls, Trays, and Pots for the Wines, so great that every one will hold a pipe. This being ready, as well the principal as the rest do send their Messengers to invite others from sundry places against such a Moon about ten or twelve leagues compass or more, for the which none doth excuse himself. The guests do come in Mogotes or troops with their wives and children, and all of them do enter the Town with Dancers; and all the time the people are a gathering together, there is Wine for the guests, for without it all the other entertainments are nothing worth. The people being assembled, the Feasts begin some days before according to the number, and certain ceremonies preceding, and every one lasteth a day. First, they have for this certain coards of cotton-wool of a reasonable bigness, not twisted but woven of a very fair work, it is a thing among them of great esteem, and none hath them but some principal men, and according to their fineness and workmanship, and their taking pleasure, it is to be believed that they are not made in a year These are always very safely kept, and are carried to the place with great feast & great noise in certain trays where a Master of these things doth tie two knots within from that which one of the points do run in such manner that in the midst there remaineth a noose. These knots are so fine that few are found that can make them, for some of them have ten casts about, five crossing over the other five, as if one should cross the fingers of the right hand over the left, & after they die them with thewater of a white clay like lime, & let them dry. On the second day they bring a great number of burdens of wild Canes or Reeds as long as Lances or more, and at night they set them on fire in a round heap, the points upward leaning one to another, and so they make a great and fair high bonfire, round about the which are men and women dancing with sheaves of arrows at their back, but they go very swiftly; for he that is to die, which seeth them better than he is seen because of the fire, catcheth hold of all that he can, and catcheth them, and they being many he misseth few times. At the third day they make a dance of men and women, all of them with pipes of Canes, and all of them at once do stamp on the ground, now with one foot then with the other, all together without missing a stroke; and observing the same measure they play on their pipes, and there is no other singing nor speaking; they being many and the Canes some bigger and some smaller, besides the resounding Black Saints. in the Woods, they make a Hel-seeming harmony, but they abide it as if it were the sweetest Music in the World. And these are their feasts, besides others which they intermingle with many graces and soothsay. On the fourth day, they carry the captived enemy as soon as the day breaks to wash him at a River, and they while the time that when they do return it may be broad day light, coming i 〈…〉 o the Town, the Prisoner goeth presently with a watchful eye, for he knoweth not out of what house or door a valiant man is to come out to him, that is to catch hold of him behind. For as all their happiness doth consist in dying valiantly, and the ceremony that followeth, is now the nearest unto death, as he which is to lay hold of him, doth show his forces in overcoming him himself alone without any other help, so he will show courage and force in resisting him: First encounters. and sometimes he doth it in such sort, that the first standing aside as wearied in wrestling, another succeedeth him which holds himself for a valianter-man, the which sometimes remain well bedusted, & more they would remain if at this time the captive had not his cord or shakels. This wrestling being ended, he on foot blowing and puffing with rage and weariness, with the other that hold him fast, there cometh forth a troop of Nymphs which do bring a great new painted bowl, and in it the cords rolled up, and very white, and this present being set at The women's parts. the feet of the captive, a cunning old woman in these matters, and Mistress of the troop beginneth to tune a Song, whom the other do help, the Ditty is according to the ceremony. And while they sing, the men take the cords and the noose being put about his neck, they give it another knot near to the other great ones, that it may not lose again; and having made of every end a coil, they put them on the arm of the woman which always goeth after him with this weight, and if the weight be great because the cords are great and long, they give her another to carry one of the coil's, and if he before was terrible with the collar, he is more now with those two knots so big behind about his neck, and therefore one of the verses of the Song saith, We are those that make the neck of the bird to stretch, although after other ceremonies, they say to him in another foot, If thou hadst been a Parrot annoying us, thou wouldst have fled. At this time the vessels of wine are set in a row, in the midst of a great house, and the house (having no partitions though it be of twenty or thirty fathom in length) it is full of people; and when they begin to drink it is a Labyrinth, or a Hell to see and hear them. For those which dance and sing do continue with great ferventness all the days and nights that the wines do Their songs, etc. last. For this being the proper feast of the slaughters, in the drinking of the wines are many particularities, which last long, and they make water at every stop; and so they continue day and night; they sing, dance, drink, and speak telling in whoops through all the house of wars, and acts that they did; and as every one will be heard in his History, every one doth speak striving to be loudest, beside other noises, without any intermission, no not a quarter of an hour. That morning in which they begin to drink, they paint the captive by a particular way that they have for that design, in this sort, his face being clean, and all the feathers he hath brought forth, they anoint him with the Milk of a certain tree that cleaveth very fast, and they cast Adorning of the Captive. upon it the powder of certain eggeshels of a certain wild bird, and upon this they paint him with black very fair pictures, and all his body to the sole of his foot, and stick him all with feathers which they have already cut for that purpose and died red, and that maketh him to seem half as big again, and touching his face it maketh it seem as much greater, and the eyes so much the smaller, that he remaineth an horrible visage. And in the same manner that they have painted his face, they adorn the Sword which is of wood, in manner of a Ferula or Palmer, but that the head is not so round, but almost three square, and the sides do almost end in an edge, and the shaft of it which may be of seven or eight spans is not altogether round. It hath at the The fatal Sword. head about four fingers broad, and cometh still narrowing unto the end where it hath certain pendants, or little bells of diverse coloured feathers, it is a gallant thing and of great esteem among them, they call it jugapenambin, that is, ears of the Sword. The last day of the wines they make in the midst of the place cabins of Palme-boughs, as many as they are that shall die, and in that they lodge, without entering any more, any house, and all the day and the night he is well served with feasts more than with meat, for they give him no other food but a fruit that hath the savour of Nuts, that the next day he may not have much blood. The fifth day in the morning at seven of the clock, little more or less his woman doth there Crocodiles tears. leave him, and goeth home very sad, and speaking for her farewell some pitiful words at the least feignedly. Then they take away his shackles, and pass the cords from his neck to the waste, and standing at the door of him that must kill him, the slaughterer cometh forth in a dance as white as a Dove, painted with white earth, in a garment which they call a cloak of feathers tied about the breast, upward like the wings of an Angel, so dancing he goeth round about the place, and cometh making very strange countenances with his eyes and body, and with his hands he counterfeiteth the Kite that desireth flesh, and with this Devillishnesse he cometh to the wretch, which stands with the cord stretched, on both sides having one that holdeth him: and the poor wretch if he find wherewith to throw at him, he doth it with a good will, and many times they give him wherewith, for many valiant men do come out to him, so nimble in winding their body that he cannot hit them. This being ended there cometh an honourable judge, or stickler of the new Knight that shall be, and taking the Sword passeth it many times between his legs, putting it now on the one side, now on the other, even in the same manner that the Pipers dogs do pass between their legs, and after taking it by the midst with both hands he pointeth as with a thrust to the eyes of the man which is to die; and this being done he turneth the head of it upward in the same manner that he is to use it, and putteth it in the hands of the slaughterer, as apt and fit already with those blessings for to do his office; they place themselves Hallowing the Sword. somewhat to the left side, in such sort that he may hit him with the edge of his Sword in the nape of the neck, for he striketh at another place. And their brutishness is so much, that because they fear no other evil but that which is present, they are as resolute as if it were nothing, as well for to speak, as for to try their courage, for after they take their leave of life, saying, In a good hour, let me die seeing many are dead, and that besides this his brethren and kinsmen remain here to revenge them. And with this the one makes Butchery rites. him ready to discharge, and the other to avoid his body, which is all the honour of his death. And they are so nimble in this that many times it is high days before they are able to kill them, for when he sees the weapon in the air, sometimes he draws his head aside, sometime he declines his body; and in this they are so doughty, that if those that hold the points of the coards do gird him hard (as they do when the slaughterer is slow or weak) he pulls so hard that he brings them to him, and makes them to slacken in despite, having one eye on them another on the Sword, without any standing still: and as the killer may not deceive them with an offer, and not strike under pain of receiving a fillip, they do foresee their stroke in such sort that come it never so low in a trise they stoop, and lie so flat that it is a wonder to see; and no less is the taking of the Sword, holding the arm in such sort that doing him no hurt, they pull it down jointly with themselves, and they put it under the arm pulling by the killer; wherein if they did not help the other would dispatch him; for they have in this actson so many sooth-saying that for to kill a child of five year old, they go so prepared as for to kill some Giant. And with these helps and encouragements so many times he striketh till he hitteth and that is enough, for as soon as he is down he giveth him so many blows till he batters his head (though one man was seen that had it so hard that they could never break it, for as they go barehead, they have Blockhead. them so hard that ours in comparison of theirs are like a Pompion, and when they will injury any White man, they call him soft-head.) If this which they kill falleth on his back, and not on his belly they hold it for an evil luck and prognostication that the killer shall die, and although he falleth upon his belly, they have many ceremonies, which if they be not kept they hold that the killer cannot live, and many of them are so painful that if any one did suffer their troubles for God's sake, they would be accounted meritorious, as hereafter shall be said, The poor wretch being dead they carry him to a bonfire that they have ready for the same, and bringing the body near the fire, touching him with the hand, flay off a skin somewhat thicker than the rind of an Onion, till he remaineth cleaner and whiter than a scalded Pig. Then it is delivered to the Butcher which maketh a hole beneath the stomach according to their use, whereby the children first do put in their hands, and pull by the guts until the Butcher cutteth where he listeth, and that which remaineth in the hand of every one is his part, and the rest is divided among the Commons; except some principal pieces which for great honour are given to the guests that are the most principal, which they do carry well r 〈…〉 i, so that it may not corrupt, and with them afterward in their countries they make new Feasts and drink of wine. The killer having ended his office, taking of the cloak of feather, and leaving the Sword he Cerrmonies of making a new Gentleman. goeth home, where at the door the same judge or stickler that was before with a shooting bow in his hand, that is, one of the points on the lower threshold, the other at the upper, and pulling by the string as though he would shoot, the killer passeth between him so cunningly that he toucheth in nothing. as soon as he is passed the other loseth the string making show that it grieves him to have miss him whom he shot at, as though this hath virtue to make him swift afterward in the war, and the enemies to miss him. When he is within he begins to run through all the houses, and the Sisters and Cousins in the same manner before him, saying my Brother is called N. repeating it through all the Towns, and if the Gentleman hath any good thing he that goeth takes it from him till they leave him nothing. This being ended they cast on the ground certain legs of a certain Tree, called Pilan. Upon the which he stands all that day with so much silence as if he had some astonishment in him, and carrying to present thither the head of the dead, they pull out one of his eyes, and with the strings and sinews of it they anoint his pulses, and cutting of his mouth whole, they put it on his arm as a Bracelet, and then he layeth him down in his Net as a sick man, and certainly he is sick for fear, that if he do not accomplish the Rites perfectly, the soul of the dead will kill him. Within a few days they give him the habit, not in the breast of the Coat which he hath not, but on his own skin raze him all over the body with the tooth of a Cutta, that is like a Coney's tooth, the which as well for their little skill, as because they have a hard skin it seems, that they tear a piece of Parchment, and if he be valiant, they do not raze him with right strekes Marks and habit of new Gentry. but a Cross in sort that there remain certain very fine works, and some do cry and groan with the pain. This being ended they have small Cole finely ground, and the juice of Broamerape wherewith they rub the cuts overthwart, that the put him to great pain and swelling, which is yet a greater torment, while his wounds do close, which continue some days, he lieth still in his Net without speaking any word, not ask any thing, and that he may not break his silence, he hath near him water, flower, and a certain fruit like Almonds which they call Amendnins, for he tasteth neither fish nor flesh those days. After he is whole, many days or months being passed, they make a great drinking of wines that he may put off his mounrning, and cut his hair which until then he did not, than he anoints himself with black, and from thence forward he remains enabled to kill without any painful ceremony being done to him, and he also showeth himself honoured and contented, and with a certain disdain, as one that hath honour already, and gets it not a new. And so he doth no more but give the other a couple of blows, although the head remain whole, and he stirring he goeth home, and presently they come and cut off his head. And the Mothers with their children about their neck, come to congratulate him, and handsel him for the war, staining his arms with that blood. These be the exploits, honours and valour whence this people take their names, whereof they boast very much, and they remain thence forward Abaetes, Murubixaba, Moçacara, which are the names and titles of Gentlemen. And these are the unhappy Titles of Honour, Feasts whereon these wretches do ground their felicity and glory, before they have any knowledge of their Creator. §. III. Of the diversity of Nations and a Luguages, and of the Soil and Climate. IN all this Province are many and sundry Nations of diverse Languages, but one is the See before in in M. Knivet. principal which comprehendeth some ten Nations of Indians. These live on the Sea Coast, and in a great part of the Land, all of one Speech, though they differ in some words. This is that which the Portugals do understand, it is easy, eloquent, pleasant, and copious; the difficulty of it is in having many comparisons, but of the Portugals almost all those that came from the Kingdom; and are seated here, and do communicate with the Indians do know it in a short time, and the children of the Portugals borne here do speak it better than the Portugal, as well men as women, chiefly in the Captainship of Saint Vincent, and with these ten Nations of Indians have the Father's communication, because they know their Language, and they more tame and well inclined. These were, and are the ancient friends of the Portugals, with whose help and arms they conquered this Country, fight against their own kindred, and diverse other Nations very barbarous, and those of this generation were so many that it seemed an Portugals use of Savages. impossible thing to extinguish them, but the Portugals have made such haste that they are almost dead, and they use such means that they disinhabit the Coast, and fly the Land inward, some three hundred, some four hundred. The first of this Language are called Pitiguaras' Lords of Parayba, thirty leagues from Pernambuco, Pitiguaras'. and have the best Brasill wood, and are great friends to the Frenchmen, and did contract with them until now, marrying their Daughters with them, but now in the year 1584. Parayba was taken by james Flares his Majesty's General, driving out the Frenchmen; and he left a Fortress with 100 Soldiers, besides the Portugals which also have their Captain and Governor one Fructuoso Barbosa, that with the principal men of Pernambuco carried an Army by Land wherewith he overcame the enemies, for from the Sea those of the Armada fought not. near unto these lived a great multitude of people which they call Viatan, of these there are vinton a people eaten out by the Portugals. are none already, for they being friends with the Pitaguaras', and Kindred, the Portugals made them enemies among themselves, giving them to be eaten, that by this means they might war against them and hold them for slaves; and finally, having a great dearth, the Portugals in stead of relieving them, took them Captives, and did send ship-loades to be sold in other places. There was joined with this a Magician Portugal Priest, that with his deceits conveyed them all to Pernambucò, and so ended this Nation. The Portugals remained without Neighbours to defend them from the Pitiguaras', which until now that they were overcome, persecuted the Portugals setting on a sudden upon their Corn, Goods, and Sugar-mils, burning, and killing many of the Portugals, because they are very warlike, but now by the goodness of God they are freed from this encumbrance. Others there be that they call Tupinaba, these inhabit from the River Royal till ye come near the Illeos, these were also among themselves contrary, those of the Bay with them of Camam●, Tupinaba. and Intrare. Along the River of Saint Francis dwelled another Nation called Caaete; and among these were also contrarieties with them of Pernambuco. Ca●ete. From Illeos, or the little Lands, and Port Secure, unto the Holy Ghost inhabited another Nation called Tupinaquin; these proceeded from those of Pernambuco, and scattered themselves in Tupinaquin. a Country of the Main, multiplying exceedingly, but now they are but few. These were always great enemies of the things of God, hardened in their errors, very revengeful, and would revenge themselves as soon as they see their enemies, and lovers of many women: of these already are many Christians, and they are firm in the faith. There is another Nation a kin to these, which runneth off the Main from Saint Vincent to Pernambuco, called Tupiguae, these were without number, they do diminish, for the Portugals do go to seek them to serve themselves with them, and those which escape do flee very far off that they may not be slaves. There is another Nation Neighbour to this called Apigapigtanga, and Muriapigtanga. There is also another Nation contrary to the Tupinaquins which are called Guaracayo, or Itati. Another Nation dwelleth in the Holy Ghost, called Timim●uo, they were contrary to the Tupinaquins, but they are now very few. Another Nation which is called Tamuya inhabitors of the Timimins. Tamuya. River of januarie, these the Portugals destroyed when they inhabited the River, and of them there be very few, and some that are in the Main are called Ararape, another Nation inhabiteth Arara●e. beyond Saint Vincent, about eighty leagues, enemies of the Tupinaquins of Saint Vincent, of these there are infinite multitudes, and do run along the Sea Coast and in the Main, unto the Paraguai which the Castilians do inhabit, all these Nations abovesaid, though different, and many of them enemies one to another, they have the Language, and their conversion is in hand, and they have a great respect to the Fathers of the company of jesus, and in the Main they sigh for them, and call them Abare, and Father, desiring they would come to their Countries and convert them; and such is their reputation that some Portugals of bad consciences do feign unchristian impiety of some Portugals themselves Fathers, apparelling themselves in Gowns, shaving their crowns, and telling them they are Abares, and that they came to seek them for the Churches of the Fathers which are theirs aswell as ours. Thus they seduce them, and as soon as they come to the Sea, they divide them among themselves, sell, and mark them, making first a great slaughter of them in the Country, robberies and assaults, taking away their Daughters and their Wives, etc. And if it were not for these and other like hindrances, all those of this Language had been converted to our holy Faith. There be other contrary Nations enemies to these of diverse Languages, which in a general name are called Tapuya, and they are contrary also among themselves. In the Main first neighbouring Scuentie six Nations of Tapuya. See of these Master Knivet which lived with them. to the Tupinaquins inhabit the Guamures, and they occupy some eighty leagues of Coast and toward the Main all that they list. They are Lords of the wild Woods, very great bodied, and by the continuance and custom of going through the Woods, they have their skins very hard, and for this effect, they beat their children being young, with certain Thistles to accustom them to go in the wild Woods. They have no Husbandry, they live by rapine, and by the point of the Arrow; they eat the * A root so called. Mandioca raw and it doth them no hurt, they run very swiftly, and to the White men they come not but on a sudden. They use very great Bows; they carry certain stones made a purpose very big that wheresoever they hit, they may presently break the heads in pieces. And when they come to fight, they hide themselves under shrubs, and from thence they play their part, & they are greatly feared, & there is no power in the world that is able to overcome them. They are great cowards in the fields and dare not come forth, neither pass they any waters, use Cowards and cruel. any shipping, nor are given to fishing, all their living is from the woods. They are cruel as Lions, when they take any enemies they cut off his flesh with a Reed whereof they make their Arrows, and slay them that they leave them no more but the bones and the guts; if they take any child & are followed, that they may not take it away alive, they strike off his head against a post. They disbowell the women with child to eat their children roasted. These annoy the Port Secure very much, the little Lands, and Camamû, and these Countries goes to decay because of them; their speech cannot be understood. Besides these towards the Main and the fields of Caatinga, do live many Nations of Tapuyas, Tucanucu and other Nations many. which are called Tucanucu, these live in the Main of the great River, opposite to Port Secure, they have another Language. Others do live in the Main before ye come to Aquitigpe, and are call Nacij. Others which they call Oquigtâiuba, others which are called Pahi; these wear course Cotton-clothes, woven like a Net, with this they cover themselves as with a sack, they have no sleeves, they have a different speech. In the Ariosto are others which also live in the field going toward Aquitigpe. Others which are called Larahio, it is a great people, of a different speech. Others which are called Mandeiu: also of another speech, others called Macutu, others Napara, these have husbandry. Others called Cuxare, these live in the midst of the field of the Main, others which live in the same field, that are called Nuhinu, others do live toward the Main of the Bay which is called Guayava, they have a speech by themselves, other there about called Taicuiu, these dwell in houses, they have another speech, others in the same Country called Cariu, of a different tongue. These three Nations, and their Neighbours are friends of the Portugals, others which they call Pigru, they dwell in houses, others which are called Obacoatiara, these live in Lands in the River of Saint Francis, they have Houses like unto Caves Cave-houses. under the Earth. These when the enemies come against them fly to the water, and by diving escape; they continue long under water, they have great Arrows like half Darts, without Bows, and with them they fight; they are very valiant, they eat humane flesh, they have a different tongue. Others there are that live far within the Maine are called Anhelim, they have another Language; Anhe●im, etc. others that live in Houses called Aracuaiati, they have another Speech; others called Caivari, they live in Caves. Others called Guaianaguacu, they dwell in Caves and have another Speech; others far within the Main called Camucuiara; these have paps that reach under their Great Paps. waste, and near to their knees, and when they run they bind them about their waste; they are nevertheless great Warriors, eat men's flesh, and have another Speech: Others which they call jobiora Apuayara, Lords of sharp Staffs, for they fight with toasted staffs and sharp, they are valiant, and eat humane flesh, they have another Speech. Others called Anuacuig, they dwell in Houses, they have another Speech, but they understand themselves with these abovesaid their Neighbours. Others they call Guaiacatu, and Guaiat●ú, these have another Speech and dwell in Houses. Others called Cumpehe, these eat no humane flesh, when they kill the enemy, they Cumpehe Savages not Cannibals cut off the head and carry it for a show, they have no Houses, and are like Gipsies, Others called Guayo, dwell in Houses, they fight with venomed Arrows, they eat humane flesh, they have another Speech. Others called Cicu, have the same Speech and customs of them abovesaid. Others called Pahaiu, eat humane flesh, and have another Speech. Others called jaicuiu, have the same Speech that these above. Others called Tupijo, dwell in Houses, have Husbandry, and another Speech. Others called Maracaguacu, are Neighbours to these above, and have the same Speech. Others called jacuruiu, use Husbandry, dwell in Houses, and have another Speech. Others called Tapecuiu, are Neighbours of these above, and have the same speech. Others called Anacuiu, have the same Speech and customs that those above, and all of them do fight with venomed Arrows. Others called Piracuiu, have the same Speech that those above, and venomed Arrows. Others called Taraguaig, have another Speech, they fight with venomed Arrows. Others called Pahacuiu, can speak the Language of them abovesaid. Others called Tipi, are of the field, and fight with venomed Arrows. Others called Guacaraiara, have another Speech, and have Husbandries, and dwell in Houses. Others Neighbours to these above called Camaragoa. Others called Curupija, were enemies of the Tupinaquis. Others called Aquirino, have another Speech. Others called Piraguayg Aquig, live under the Rocks, are enemies to these above. Others celled Pivacuiu Others called Parapoto, these can speak the Speech of them of the Coast. Others called Caraemba, have another Speech. Others called Caracuin, have another Speech. Others called Mainuma, these join themselves with the Guaimures enemies to them of the Coast, they understand themselves with the Guaimures, but they have another Speech. Others called Aturari, enter also in communication with the Guaimures, others called Cuigtaio, do also communicate and enter with the Guaimures. Others called Cuigpe, these were the Inhabitors of Port Secure. Others called Guigraiube, are friends with them above. Others called Augarari, these dwell not far from the Sea, between Port Secure, and the Holy Ghost. Others called Amixoc●ri, are friends with the former. Others called Carata, do live in the Main toward Saint Vincent, and went flying from the North thither, they have another Speech. Others called Apetupa, live in the Main toward Aquitipi. Others called Caraguatijara, have another Speech. Others called Aquiguira, these do converse with the former. Another Nation liveth in the Main, enemies to the Muriapigta●ga, and of the Tarape, it is a Dwarfish people, low of body, but big legged and backed, the Portugals call these Pigneos, and the Indians call them Taepijguiri, because they are little. Others called Quiriciguig, these do live in the Main of the Bay, very far. Others called Guirig, these are great Horsemen, and friends of the former. Others called Guaiere, do live in the Main of Port Secure, very far off. Others called Aenaguig, these were Inhabitors of the Countries of the Tupinaquins, and because the Tupinaquins remained Lords of the Mountains, they are called Tupinaquins. Others called Guaitaca, do live in the Sea Coast between the Holy Ghost, and the River of januarie, they live in the fields, and will not live in the Woods, they go to eat to their Husbandries, Guaitaca. and come to the houses to bed, they have no other treasures. They live as the cattle that feedeth in the fields, and come not to the Houses but to sleep, they are so swift in running that by footmanship they catch the game. Others called Igbigra●pan, are enemies to the Tupinaquins, Beast in humane shape. they communicate with the Guaimures, when they fight with their enemies, they make great noises striking with certain sticks upon others. Others called Quirigma, these were Lords of the Countries of the Bay, and therefore it is called the Bay Cuirimure. The Tupinabas did expel them out of their Countries, and remained Lords of them, and the Tapuyas went toward the South. Others called Maribuco, in habit in the Main right against the great River. Others called Catagua, do live right against jequeriquare, between the Holy Ghost and Port Secure. Others called Tapuxerig, are enemies of the Tapuyas, and eat up their Corn fields. Others that dwell about the Main that goeth toward Saint Vincent, are called Amocaxo, and were enemies of the Tupinaquins. Others called Nonea, have very great faces. Others called Apuy, dwell near the field of the Main, they are great singers, and have another Speech. Others called Panaguiri, differing from the former. Others also differing called Bigrorgya, Others called Piriju, there are a great number of these. All these seventy six Nations of Tapuyas, which have the most of them a sundry Language, are a wild savage and untamed people; they are all for the most part enemies of the people that dwell in the Sea Coast neighbouring to the Portugals: only a certain kind of Tapuyas, that live in the River of Saint Francis, and others that dwell nearer are friends of the Portugals, and entertain them very well when they pass through their Countries. Of these many are Christians, that were brought by the Fathers from the Main, and learning the Speech of them of the Sea Coast which the Fathers can speak, they baptised them, and many of them do live in the Towns of the Fathers married, and serve them for Interpreters, for the remedy of so great a number of people as is lost; and only with these Tapuyas, may some fruit be gotten, with the rest of the Tapuyas no conversion can be wrought because of their mutability, and the having many and sundry very hard Languages. Only there remaineth one remedy, if the Lord God do not discover another, and it is; getting some of their children, and making them to learn the Speech of the rest, and serving for Interpreters may some fruit be gotten, though with great difficulty, for the Reason's abovesaid, and many other. The Climate of Brasill generally is temperate, of good, delicate, and healthful air, where Of the Climate & Country of Brasill, & of some notable things found there, as well one the Land as one the Sea. the men live jon even to 90. 100 and more years, and the Country is full of old men. Generally it is neither cold nor hot, though from the River of I anuarie, unto Saint Vincent, there be colds and heats, but not very great. The Heavens are very pure and clear, especially by night; the Moon is very prejudicial unto health, and corrupteth the things very much. The mornings are very healthful: it hath very little twilights, as well in the morning as in the evenings, for as soon as it is day presently the Sun riseth, and as soon as it is set, it is night, Their Winter beginneth in March, and endeth in August, the Summer beginneth in September, and endeth in February, the nights and days are all the year almost equal. The Country is some what melancholic, overflown with many waters, as well of main Rivers, as from the Sky; in it is great store of rain chiefly in Winter, it is full of great Woods that are green all the year. It is a Hilly Country, especially toward the Sea Coast, and from Pernambuco unto the Captainship of the Holy Ghost, is very scarce of stone; but from thence to Saint Vincent are very rough and high Mountains, of great Quarries of Rocky stone, the food and waters are generally healthful, light, and of easy digestion. There are few Commodities for apparel, because the Country yieldeth nothing but cotton-wool, and of the rest the Country is plentiful: especially of cattle and Sugars. §. four Of the Beasts, Land-serpents, Fowls. THe Deer in the Brasilian tongue is called Cuacu: there are some very great, like fair Horses, they are well headed, and some have ten or twelve snags; these are rare, and they are found in the River of Saint Francis, and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent. These are called, Cuacuapara, they are esteemed of the Carijos, who of the shanks and sinews make the points of their Arrows, and certain throwing Balls which they use for to strike down beasts and men. There be other smaller, they have horns also, but they are only of one point: besides these there are three or four kinds, some that feed only in the Woods, others only in the plain fields in herds. They make great account of the skins, and of the flesh. The Tapijrete are the Elkes, of whose skin the leather Targets are made, they are like Kine, much more like a Mule, the tail is of a finger length, they have no horns, they have a snout of a quarter long, which he shrinketh up and putteth forth. They swim and dive very much, but when they dive they take ground presently under water, and going on it they come out in another place, there are great store of them in this country. There are great store of wild Boars, and it is the ordinary food of the Indians of this Country, The wild Boar, 3. kinds and more. they have the navel on their back, and out of it there cometh a sent like the sent of little Foxes, and by that sent the Dogs do hunt them, and they are easily taken. There are others called Tayacutirica, that is to say, a Boar that snappeth or grindeth his teeth, these are bigger than the common, and more rare, and with their tusks they gore all the beasts they meet. Others are talled Tayacupita, that is, a Boar that standeth still and tarrieth; these do assault the Dogs, and the men: and if they catch them they eat them; they are are so fierce, that men are forced to take the trees to escape them, and some do stay at the foot of the trees some days till the man do come down; and because they know this trick of theirs, they go presently to the trees with their Bows and Arrows, and from thence they kill them. There be also other kind of Boars, all good meat. The Acutis are like the Coneys of Spain, chiefly in their teeth: the colour is done, and Acuti, draweth toward yellow: they are domestical creatures, so that they go about the house, and go out and come in again to it, they take with their fore-feets all that they eat, and so they carry it to the mouth, and they eat very fast, and hide that which they leave against they be an hungered. Of these there are many kinds, and all are eaten. The Pac●t are like Pigs, there are great abundance of them; the flesh is pleasant, but it is Paca● heavy. They never bring forth but one at once. There be others very white; these be rare, they are found in the River of Saint Francis. There are many Ounces, some black, some grey, some speckled, it a very cruel beast, and jagoarete. M. Knivet call● them Tigers. fierce, they assault men exceedinly, that even on the trees they cannot escape them, especially if they be big. When they are fleshed there is none that dare abide them, especially by night: they kill many beasts at once, they spoil a whole Hen-house, or a heard of Swine, and to open a man, or whatsoever beast, it sufficeth to hit him with one of his claws. But the Indians are so Bold vainglorious Indians. hardy, that some of them dare close with one of them, and holdeth it fast, and kills it in a field, as they do their enemies, getting a name, and using all the ceremonies they do to their enemies. They use the heads for Trumpets, and the Portugal women use the skins for Rugs or Coverlets, especially of the painted ones, and in the Captainship of Saint Uincent. The Carigue are like the Foxes of Spain, but they are smaller, as big as a Cat, they smell Carigue. worse than the Foxes of Spain themselves, and they are grey as they. They have a bag from the fore to the hinder feet, with six or seven dugs, and there they carry their young ones hidden till they can get their own food, and hath ordinarily six or seven in a litter. This vermin destroyeth the Hens, for it goeth not by day but by night, and climbs the trees and the houses, and no Bird or Hen can escape them. The Tamandua is of notable admiration, it is of the bigness of a great Dog, more round then An't Bear, or Tamandua, a strange-shaped beast. long, and the tail is twice or thrice as long as the body, and so full of hair, that from the heat, rain, cold and wind, he harboureth himself all under it, that ye can see nothing of him. The head is small, and hath a thin snout, no greater mouth than an oil Cruze, round and not open, the tongue is of three quarters long, and with it he licketh up the Ants, whereof he only feeds; he is diligent in seeking of the Ant-heapes, and with the claws he breaketh them, and casting out his tongue the Ants stick on it, and so he draws them in, having no more mouth then to hold his tongue full of them; it is of a great fierceness, and doth assault many people and beasts. Th' Ounces do fear them, and the Dogs exceedingly, and whatsoever they catch, they tear with their claws; they are not eaten, neither are they good for any thing but to destroy the Ant-heapes, and they are so many that they will never be destroyed altogether. The Tatu is of the bigness of a Pig, and of a whitish colour, it hath a very long snout, and Tatu, or Armadillo. The Badas are the Rhinocerots. the body full of thing like plates, wherewith he remaineth armed, and it hath certain pieces hanging down as the Badas have. These plates are so hard, that no Arrow can pierce them, except it hits him in the flanks; they dig so fast, that it hath chanced seven and twenty men with Mattocks not to be able to dig so much as one of these with their snout. But if they cast water in their holes they are presently taken: it is a creature worth the seeing, and they call it an armed Horse, the flesh is like Hen's flesh, or Pig, very pleasant, of the skin they make Purses, and they are very fair, and lasting, they are made tame, and are bred in the house. Of these there be many kinds, and there are great abundance of them. The Canduacu is the Porcupine of Africa, and hath bristles white and black, so great, that Canduacu, or Porcupine: diverse kinds. they are of a span and a half, and more, and they cast them like as those of Africa. There be other of these, called Candumiri, because they are smaller; and they have bristles as the other. There be other smaller, of the bigness of a Cat, with yellow bristles and black at the points. All these bristles have this quality, that entering into the flesh, be it never so little, of itself it pierceth through the flesh. And for this cause these bristles do serve the Indians for an instrument to boar the ears, for putting never so little in them in one night it pierceth them through. There be other smaller like Urchins or Hedgehogs, they have also bristles, but they cast them not, all these beasts are of a good flesh and taste. The Hirara is like the Civet Cat, though some say it is not; they are of many colours, viz. Hiraras' or Civet Cats. grey, black, and white, they eat nothing but honey, and in this they are so terrible, that be the hole of the Beehive never so little they make it so big that they may go in, and when they find the Honey they never eat it, till they have called the rest of the young ones, and and then the old one going in, he doth nothing but bring out the Honey, and give it to the young ones, a thing of great admiration, and an example of great charity for men, and that this is so the men of the Country do affirm. The Aquiqui are very great Apes, as big as a good Dog, black, and very ugly, as well the male as the female; they have a great beard only in the lower chap: of these come sometimes Aquiqui, Apes or Monkeys. Ape-king. a male one so yellow that it draweth toward red, which they say is their King. This hath a white face, and the beard from ear to ear, as cut with the Scissors, and it hath one thing much to be noted, namely, that he goeth into a tree, and maketh so great a noise that it is heard very His Oration. far off, in the which he continueth a great while without ceasing, and for this, this kind hath a particular instrument: and the instrument is a certain hollow thing, as it were made of Parchment, very strong, and so smooth, that it serveth to burnish withal, as big as a Ducks Egg, and beginneth from the beginning of the gullet, rill very near the palate of the mouth between both the cheeks, and it is so light that as soon as it is touched it moveth as the key of a Virginals. And when this Ape is thus crying he foameth much, and one of the little ones that is to remain in his place doth cleanse many times the foam from his beard. His Page. There are others of many kinds, and in great abundance, they are black, grey, and yellow; Many kinds of Monkeys. the Countrymen say that some of these, when they shoot at them with an Arrow, catch it in their hand, and turn again, and throw it at the man; and when they are hurt they seek a certain leaf and chaw it, and thrust it into the wound for to heal them, and because they are always on the trees, and are very swift, when the leap is great, and the little ones cannot pass, Their Physic. one of them lieth across like a bridge, and the rest pass over him, the tail serveth him for a hand; and if any be strucken, with his tail he holdeth fast the bough whereon he is, and so dieth hanging, and falleth not. They have many other qualities that are seen every day, as to take a stick and beat some body that doth them harm; another found a basket of Eggs, hung it by the cord about his Monkie-tricks. neck, and going to the top of an house, from thence made many mows at his master that went to seek him, and breaking them, did eat them all before him, throwing the shells at his master. The beast Cuati is grey, and like the Badgers of Portugal, it hath the snout and claws very Cuati. long, it climbeth the trees like the Monkey: no Snake, on Egg, no Bird doth escape it, nor any thing that it can get. They are made tame in the houses, but no man can abide them, for they devour all; they will play with little Cats, and whelps, they are malicious, pleasant, and are apt for many things. There be other two or three greater kinds, as great Dogs, and have ●ushes like the wild Other kinds. Boars of Portugal; these devour beasts and men, and when they find their prey, they compass it about, some in one place, some in another, till they devour it. Of wild Cats are many kinds, some black, some white, some of a Safran colour, and are Wild Cats. very fair for any fur. These Cats are very terrible, and swift; they live by prey and by birds, and they assault also the men; some of them are as big as Dogs. The jagoarucu are the Dogs of Brasill, they are of a grey colour mingled with white, very jagoarucu. swift, and when they yelp they are like Dogs; they have the tail very hairy, feed on fruits, and upon prey, and bite terribly. The Tapati are like the Coneys of Portugal, and here they do bark like Dogs, especially by Tapati. night, and very often; the Indians hold this barking for an evil sign; they breed three or four at once; they are very rare, for they have many adversaries, as birds of rapine, and other beasts that do eat them. The jaguacini are big as the Foxes of Portugal, and have the same colour of a Fox, they feed jaguacini. only upon the Sea-crabs, and among the Sugarcanes, and destroy many of them; they are very sleepy, for they kill them sleeping, they do no hurt. The Biarataca is of the bigness of a Cat, like a Ferret; it hath a white stroke and a grey Biarataca. along the back, like a cross, very well made; it feeds upon birds and their eggs, and upon other things, especially upon Ambar, and loveth it so well, that all the night he goeth by the Seaside to seek it, and where there is any, he is the first. It is greatly feared, not because it hath any teeth, or any other defensive thing, but it hath a certain ventosity so strong, and so evil of Stinking beast. scent, that it doth penetrate the wood, the stones, and all that it encountreth withal, and it is such, that some Indians have died with the stench. And the Dog that cometh near it escapeth not: and this smell lasteth fifteen, twenty, or more days; and it is such, that if it lighteth near some Town, it is presently dis-inhabited. And that they may not be perceived, they scrape a hole in the ground, and there within they voide that ventosity, and cover it with earth; and when they are found, that they may not be taken, their defence is to cast out that stench. The Priguica (which they call) of Brasill, is worth the seeing; it is like a shag-hair Dog, or Priguica, or Laziness. a Land-spaniell, they are very ugly, and the face is like a woman's evil dressed, his fore and hinder feet are long, he hath great claws and cruel, they go with the breast on the earth, and their young fast to their belly. Though ye strike it never so fast, it goeth so leisurely, that it hath need of a long time to get up into a tree, and so they are easily taken; their food is certain figtree leaves, and therefore they cannot be brought to Portugal, for as soon as they Simple food. want them they die presently. In these parts are a great multitude of Rats, and of them are some ten or twelve kinds, some Twelve kinds of Rats. black, others yellow, others done, all are eaten, and are very savoury, especially some great ones that are like Coneys, and sometimes they are so many, that lighting upon a swoon field, they utterly destroy it. Of Land-Snakes and Serpents. THe Gib●ya is a Snake of the greatest that are in this Country, and there are some found of Of the Snakes that are on the land, and have no poison. Gib●ya. twenty foot in length, they are very fair, but more wonderful they are in swallowing a whole Deer; they have no poison, neither are their teeth great according to the body. To take their prey whereon they feed, they use this ●leight. It layeth itself along by the highways, and when the prey passeth it leapeth upon it, and winds itself in such order, and crusheth it so, that it breaketh all his bones, and afterward licketh it, and his licking hath such virtue, that it bruiseth or suppleth it all, and then it swallows it up whole. There are others, talled G●iraupiaguara, that is, Eaters of birds Eggs, it is very black, long, Egge-eater. and hath a yellow breast: they go on the tops of trees as it were swimming in the water, and no man can run so fast on the ground as they on the trees; these destroy the birds, and their eggs also. There are others very big and long, called Caninana, they are all green, and of a notable Caninana. beauty. These also do eat eggs and birds, and kill little chickens. There is another, called B●ytiap●●, that is, a Snake that hath a long snout, it is very slender, Long-snout. and long, and feeds only upon Frogs. The Indians observe sooth-saying with this, that when the woman hath no children, they take this Snake and strike her with it on the hips, and say she shall presently have children. There is another, called Gaitiepia, they are found only in the Rar 〈…〉, it is of a notable bigness, Gaitiopi●: he smelleth so much, like a Fox, wheresoever he goeth, that there is none can abide it. There is another, called Boyuna, that is, a black Snake, it is very long and slender, it smelleth Boyuna. also very much like a Fox. There is another, called Bom, because that when it goeth, it crieth bom, bom, it is also very great, and doth no hurt There is another, called Boicupecanga, that is, a Snake that hath prickles in his backs, they are very great, and gross, the prickles are very venomous, and all men do avoid and keep themselves from them. jararaca is a name that comprehendeth four kinds of very venomous Snakes. The first is Snakes that have poison▪ Iar●rac●. greatest, called jararacucu, that is, great jararaca, and they are of ten spans long, they have great tusks hidden in the mouth along their gums, and when they bite they stretch them like a finger of the hand: they have their poison in their gums, their teeth crooked, and a stroke upon them whereby the poison runneth. Others say, they have it within the tooth, which is hollow within, it hath so vehement a poison, that in four and twenty hours, and less, it killeth a man: the poison is very yellow, like Saffran water, they bring forth many young ones at once, one hath been taken with thirteen in her belly. There are others, called jararcoaypitiuga, that is, that hath the point of the tail more white than grey: these are as venomous as Vipers of Spain, and have the same colour and fashion. There are others, called jararacpeba, most venomous; it hath a red chain along the back, and the breasts, and the rest of the body is all grey. There are other smaller jararacas, that the greatest is about half a yard long, they are of an earthy colour, they have certain veins in their head like the Vipers, and they make such a noise as they do. The Curucucu is a Snake very hideous and fearful, and some are of fifteen spans long: Curucucu. when the Indians do kill them they bury presently the head, because it hath great store of poison: for to catch the prey and the people, it lieth close to a tree, and when it seeth the prey, it casts itself upon it, and so killeth it. The Boycininga is a Snake, called of the Bell, it is of a great poison, but it maketh such a noise Boycininga. with a Bell it hath in his tail, that it catcheth very few; though it be so swift, that they call it, the flying Snake, his length is twelve or thirteen spans long. There is another, called Bociningpeba: this also hath a Bell, but smaller, it is black, and very venomous. The poison of the Ibiracua Snake is so vehement, that if it biteth any person, presently it Ibiracua. makes him to void blood through all the passages of his body, to wit, the eyes, nostrils, mouth, ears, and all open places else of his body; it runneth a great while, and if he be not holpen, he empties his blood and dieth. The Snake Ibiboboca is very fair, it hath the head red, white and black, and so all the body Ibiboboca. is spotted of these three colours; this is the most venomous of all, it goeth slowly, and liveth in the crannies of the earth, and by another name it is called, the Snake of the colours. Store and sore. The great vehemency that these venomous Snakes above said have, the great pains they cause, and the many persons that every day do die of their stinging cannot be expressed: and they are so many in number, that not only the fields and the woods, but even the houses are full of them, and they are found in the beds, and within the boots, when they put them on. The Brethren going to their rest do find them there wound about the benches feet, and if they be not holpen when they sting, cutting the wound, letting him blood, drinking Unicorn's horn, or Carima, or the water of the Snakes-wood, or some other effectual remedy, in four and twenty hours and less he dieth, with great crying and pains, and they are so excessive, that when Carima, a drug so called. any person is bitten presently he demandeth confession, and maketh account to die, and so disposeth of his goods. There are other Snakes, chiefly these jararacas, that have a great smell of Musk, and wheresoever Musk-snake. they be, they are descried by the good and fragrant smell they have. There are many Scorpions, that every day are found in their beds, among the books, and about the chambers, ordinarily they kill not, but in four and twenty hours they caufe intolerable Scorpions. pains. It seemeth that this climate doth flow in poison, as well for the many Snakes there are, as for the multitude of Scorpions, Spiders, and other unclean creatures, and the Lizards are so many Poisonous Region. that they cover the walls of the house, and the holes are full of them. Of the Fowls that are in the Land, and are thereon sustained. EVen as this climate doth flow in poison, so it seemeth to create beautifulness in the birds, and as all the Country is full of Groves and Woods, so it is full of most beautiful birds of all colours. The Parrots in this Country are infinite, more than Daws, or Starlings, or Thrushes, or Sparrows Parrots. of Spain, and so they make a cackling as the birds abovesaid; they destroy them by thousands, they fly in flocks always, and they are so many, that there be Lands where there is nothing but Parrots; they are eaten, and are very good meat; they are ordinarily very fair, and of many and sundry colours and kinds, and they almost all speak if they be taught. The Arara Parrots are those that by another name are called Macaos; it is a great bird, and Variety of Parrots. The Arara. are very rare, and by the sea-coast they are not found, it is a fair bird in colours; their breasts are red as scarlet; from the middle of the body to the tail some are yellow, others green, others blue, and through all the body they have scattering, some green, some yellow and blue feathers, and ordinarily every feather hath three or four colours, and the tail is very long. These lay but two eggs, they breed in the trunks of trees, and in the rocks of stone. The Indians esteem them very much, and of their feathers they make their fine things, and their hangings for their swords, it is a very pleasant bird, they become very tame, and domestical, and speak very well if they be taught. The Anapuru Parot is most fair; in it all colours are found with great perfection, to wit, Anapuru. red, green, yellow, black, blue, grey, the colour of the Bulfinch, and of all these colours it hath the body bespeckled and spotted. These also do speak, and they have another advantage, that is, they breed in the house, and hatch their young ones, wherefore they are of great esteem. The Araruna or Machao is very fair, it is all black, and this black sprinkled with green, Araruna. which giveth it a great beauty, and when the Sun shineth on him he is so shining that it is very pleasant to behold; it hath the feet yellow, and the beak and the eyes red; they are of great esteem for their beauty, for they are very rare, and breed not but very far within the Land, and of their feathers the Indians make their Diadems and Pictures. The Parrots Aiurucuro are most beautiful, they are all green, they have a cap and a collar of Aiurucur●. yellow, very fair, and over the beak a few feathers of a very clear blue, which do beautify him very much, it hath p 〈…〉ions of the wings red, and the tail feathers red and yellow, sprinkled with green. The Tuins are a kind of Parot very small, of the bigness of a Sparrow, they are green, Tuin. sprinkled with other diverse colours, they are much esteemed, as well for their beauty, as because they prattle much, and well, and are very tame. They are so small, that they skip every where on a man, on his hands, his breast, his shoulders and his head; and with his bill he will cleanse one's teeth, and will take the meat out of the mouth of him that brings them up, and make many gambols; they are always speaking or singing after their own fashion. The Parrots Guiraiubae, or Yellow birds, neither speak not play, but are sullen and sad; they are Guiraiub●. much esteemed, because they are brought from two hundred and three hundred leagues, and are not found but in great men's houses, and they hold them in such esteem, that they give the ransom and value of two persons for one of them, and they esteem them as much as the japanas do the Trevets and the Pots, or any other great man esteemeth any thing of great price, as a Falcon, Gerfaulcon, etc. The Yapu is of the bigness of a Pie-annet, the body of a fine black, and the tail of a very Yapu. fine yellow, it hath three tufts on the head that are like little horns, when he raiseth them: the eyes are blue, the neb very yellow. I● is a very fair bird, and hath a very strong smell when it is angry. They are very careful in seeking their food, there escapeth not a Spider, Beetle, or Cricket, etc. they are very cleanly in a house, and go about like Pie-annets, they leave nothing unsought. It is dangerous holding them in the hand, for they run presently to the eyes, and Dangerous to the eyes. pull them out. Of the small birds called Guaimimbique, there are sundry kinds, as Guaracig oba, that is, Fruit The Guaimimbique: others call it the Tomineios. of the Sun; by another name, Guaracig oba, that is, Covering of the Sun; or Guaracig aba, that is, The hair of the Sunn●; in the Antillas' they call it the risen or awaken bird, and they say it sleepeth six months, and liveth other six months. It is the finest bird that can be imagined; it hath a cap on his head, to which no proper colour can be given, for on whatsoever side ye look on it, it showeth red, green, black, and more colours, all very fine, and shining; and the breast is so fair, that on whatsoever side ye take it, it showeth all the colours, especially a yellow more finer than gold. The body is grey; it hath a very long bill, and the tongue twice the length of the bill; they are very swift in flight, and in their flight they make a noise like the Bee, and they rather seem Bees in their swiftness then birds, for they always feed flying without sitting on a tree, even as the Bees do fly sucking the Honey from the flowers. They have two beginnings of their generation, some are hatched of eggs like other birds, others of Generation. little bubbles, and it is a thing to be noted, a little bubble to begin to convert itself into this little bird, for at one instant it is a bubble and a bird, and so it converts itself into this most fair bird, a wonderful thing, and unknown to the Philosophers, seeing one living creature Note for Philosophers. without corruption is converted into another. The bird Guiranhe eng eta is of the bigness of a Goldfinch; it hath the back and wings Guiranhe eng eta. blue, and the breast and belly of a most fine yellow. It hath a yellow Diadem on his head that beautifies him very much. It is a very excellent bird for the Cage, it speaketh many ways resembling many birds, making many changes, and changing his speech a thousand ways. They continue long in their song, and are of esteem, and of these for the Cage there be many, and fair, and of diverse and sundry colours. The Tangara is of the bigness of a Sparrow, all black, the head is of a very fine Orange-tawnie, Tangara. it singeth not, but it hath a wonderful thing, for it hath fits like the Falling sickness, and for this cause the Indians do not eat them, for the avoiding of that disease, they have a kind of very pleasant dancing, and it is, that one of them makes himself as dead, and the other compass him about skipping with a song of a strange crying that is heard very far, and when they Dance. end this feast, crying, and dancing, he that was as dead riseth, and maketh a great noise and crying, and then all go away, and end their feast. They are so earnest when they do it, that although they be seen and shot at, they fly not away. Of these there be many kinds, and all of them have accidents. The bird Quereina, is of the most esteemed of the Land, not for the song, but for the beauty Quereina. of the feathers; they are a clear azure in part, and a dark, all the breast is most fine red, the wings almost black; they are so esteemed, that the Indians do flea them, and give two or three persons for the skins of them, and with the feathers they make their Pictures, Diadems, and other fine things. The Tucana is of the bigness of a Pie, it is all black except the breast, which is all yellow, Tucana. with a round red circle; the bill is a large span long, very great, yellow, and within is red, so smooth and shining, that it seemeth to be varnished; they are made tame, and breed in the houses, are good to eat, and the feathers are esteemed because they are fair. The Guirapanga is white, and not being very big it crieth so loud that it sounds like a Bell, Guirapanga. and it is heard half a league, and their singing is like the ringing of Bells. The Macucagua is greater than any Hen of Portugal, it resembleth the Feasant, and so the Macucagua. Portugals do call it; it hath th●ee skins one over another, and much flesh, and, and very savoury, they lay twice a year, and at every time thirteen or fifteen eggs, they go always on the ground, but when they see any people they fly to the trees, and at night when they go to roost as Hens do. When they sit on the trees, they put not their feet on the boughs, but the shanks of their legs, and most on the fore part. There be mamy kinds of these, and they are easily shot at. Among them there is one of the smallest, that hath many properties; when it singeth it foreshoweth rain, it crieth so loud, that it is incredible of so small a bird, and the reason is, because the gullet is very great. It beginneth at the mouth and cometh out at the breast between the skin and the flesh, and reacheth to the fundament, and returneth again and entereth into the crop, and then it proceedeth as other birds, and doubleth like a Trumpet with his turnings. They run after any body pecking him and playing like a little whelp, if they set it upon Hen's eggs, it si●teth over them, and bringeth up the young chickens, and if it see a Hen with chickens, it so persecutes her, till it takes them from her and broods them, and brings them up. The Hen Mutu is very domestical, it hath a comb like the Cocks, spotted with white and black, the eggs are great and very white, like a Goose egg, so hard that knocking the one with Mutu. Hard eggs. the other, they ring like Iron, and of them they make their Maracas, that is, their Bells; any Dog that eateth the bones of it dieth, and unto men it doth no hurt at all. Dog's poison. In this Country there are many kinds of Partridges, which though they are not like in all things to those of Spain, yet are they very like in colour, taste, and in the abundance. V●u. In this Country are many kinds of Turtle-doves, Stairs, and Blackbirds, and Pigeons of many sorts, and all these birds are like to them of Portugal; and the Pigeons and Turtle-doves Turtles innumerable. are in such abundance, that in certain fields far within the Land they are so many, that when they rise they hinder the light of the Sanne, and make a noise like a thunder; they lay so many eggs, and so white, that a very far off ye may see the fields white with eggs, as if it were snow; and serving the Indians for meat as they do, they cannot be diminished; rather from thence at certain times it seemeth they run over all the parts of this Province. In this Country are many Ostriches, called Andugoacu, but they keep only within the Land. Ostriches. Anima. Horn medicinable. The Anima is a fowl of rapine, great, and crieth that it is heard half a league and more, it is all black, hath fair eyes, the beak bigger than a Cocks, upon this beak it hath a little horn of a span in length, the men of the Country say that this Horn is very medicinable for those that are taken in their speech, as hath been proved, hanging it about the neck of a girl that did not speak, which spoke presently. There be many other fowls of rapine, to wit, Eagles, Falcons, Gos-hawkes, Merlin's, and T●rsels, and many other, but they are all ordinarily so wild, that they will fly at any thing, neither will they come to hand, or stoop to ●ure. §. V. Of the Brasilian Trees for fruit, medicine, and other uses; and their Herbs of rare operations. THe Trees Acaiu, are very great and fair, they cast the leaf at their times, and the flower groweth in the snags, which makes certain points like fingers, and in the said Acaiu, a kind of Chesnut. points there groweth a red flower of a good smell, and after it groweth a Chestnut, and from the Chestnut cometh an Apple as big as a great Apple, or a Pippin, it is a very fair fruit, and some are yellow, others red, and it is all juice. They are good for hot weather, they cool very much, and laying the juice upon a white cloth it never goeth off till the cloth be worn. The Chestnut is as good or better than those of Portugal, they are eaten roasted, and raw laid in Many uses thereof. water as blanched Almonds, and of them they make Marchpanes, and sweet meats as of Almonds. The timber of this tree is little worth, even for the fire, it yieldeth of itself a certain gum good to paint and write, and there is great store. With the bark they die their yarn, and the vessels that serves them for Pots. This being stamped and boiled with some Copper, till the third part of the water be consumed, is a sovereign remedy for old sores, and they heal quickly. There be so many of these trees as of Chestnuts in Portugal, they grow about these Woods, and they gather many quarters of these Chestnuts, and the fruit in their season satisfy all men. Of these Acaius do the Indians make Wine. There is great abundance of the trees Mangaba, especially in the Bay, for in other places they Mangaba. are rare, in making they are like the bark of Anafega, and in the leaf with those of Frexo, they are very pleasant trees, and have always green leaves. They yield fruit twice a year, the first in a knob, for than they do not flower, but the very knob is the fruit; this season ended, which lasteth two or three months, it giveth another bearing, first the flower, which is altogether like the jesamine, and of as good a smell, but more quick; the fruit is as big as an Apricock, Or Musk-rose. yellow and spotted with some spots of black; within it hath some kernels, but all is eaten, or sucked as the Services of Portugal. They are of a very good taste, and healthful, and so light that eat they never so many, it seems they eat no fruit at all. They ripen not on the tree, but fall to the ground, and from thence they gather them already ripe, or gathering them green they lay them to ripen. The Indians make Wine of them. The tree and the fruit itself being green, is full of white Milk, and cleaveth to the hands, and is bitter. The fruit Murucuge groweth on certain trees, very high and like the wild Peartrees of Murucuge. Portugal. It hath a very long stalk, they are gathered green, and are laid to ripen, and being ripe they are very pleasant and of an easy digestion. When they are to gather them, they cut Ill gathering. down the tree, because they are very high, and if this destruction were not, there would be more abundance, but therefore they are rare, the trunk hath great abundance of white Milk, and it congealeth, it may serve for Sealing-waxe if they will use it. Of the Araca trees are great abundance, of many sorts; the fruit is certain small Pears, Araca. yellow, red, or green; they are pleasant, unloathsome, toothsome, because they have little taste of sour, they yield fruit almost all the year. This Ombu is a great tree not very high, but well spread; the fruit is like white Plums, yellow Ombu. and round, and therefore the Portugals do call it a Plum. It causeth the teeth to fall, and the Fruit causing teeth to fall. Indians that do eat it do lose them. The roots of this tree are eaten, and are very pleasant, and more toothsome than the Abalancia, for they are sweeter, and the sweetness thereof is like Sugar, they are cold and healthful, and they are given to the sick of a Fever, and it serveth for water to them that go inward to the Land, for they have no other. The jacapucaya is of the greatest and fairest of this Country; it beareth a fruit like a Pot, as jacapucaya. big as a great Bowl, as thick as two fingers, with a cover upon it, and within it is full of certain Chestnuts like unto the Myrabolanes; and it seems they are the same of India, when they are already in season, that cover doth open and the fruit falleth. If any do eat much of it green, he casteth all the hair he hath on his body; roasted it is a good fruit. They use the husks for Haire-fal-fruit Graes. Cups, and they are lasting; the timber of this tree is very hard, it doth not rot, they esteem it for the Axel-trees of the Sugar-mills. Araticu, is a tree of the bigness of an Orange tree and greater, the leaf is like a Citron tree or Araticu. a Lymond tree, it is a fair and pleasant tree, it beareth a fruit as big as Pine apples; and they have a good smell, and a reasonable taste, it is a fruit that loatheth not. Of these Trees are many kinds, and one of them called Araticu panania. If they eat much of the fruit it proveth a cold poison, and doth much hurt. Of the roots of these trees they make booyes for the Nets, and they are so light as any Corks. There be two sorts of Pequea, one of them bears a fruit as big as a good Orange, and so they Pequea. have the rind thick like an Orange; within this rind there is nothing but Honey so clear and sweet as any Sugar, in quantity of an egg, and mingled with it, it hath the pippens or kernels. The other Pequea is timber, of the heaviest of this Country, in Portugal it is called Setim, it hath very fine wanes, it lasteth long and doth not rot. On the tree jabaticaba groweth a fruit of the bigness of a Lymond of Sytill, the rind and jabaticaba. taste is like a sowrish Grape, from the root of the tree through all the body unto the utmost bough or sprig, is a rare fruit, it is only found within the Land in the Captainship of S. Vincent. The Indians do make of this fruit a kind of Wine, and they boil it like the wine of Grapes. In this Brasill are many Coco-nuts, excellent like those of India; these are ordinarily set, and Cocos. grow not in the Woods, but in Gardens, and in their Farms. And there are more than twenty 20. kinds of Palms. kinds of Palm trees, and almost all do bear fruit, but not so good as the Cocos: with some of these Palm trees they cover their houses. Besides these Fruit-trees there are many other that yield sundry fruits, whereof they make profit, and many Nations of the Indians sustain themselves, together with the Honey, whereof there is great abundance, and with their hunting, for they have no other sustenance. In the main of the Captainship of Saint Vincent unto Paraguay, are many and great Woods The Pine tree. of Pine trees, even like unto them of Portugal, which bear Apples and kernels; the Apples are not so long but rounder and greater, the kernels are greater and are not so hot, but of a good temperature and wholesome. Cabueriba is very great and esteemed for the Balm that it hath; to get this Balm they prick Of the Trees th●● 〈…〉 rue for m 〈…〉 ines. Cabueriba. Port E●gaddi. A medicine for wounds. the bark of the tree, and lay a little Corton wool to the cuts, and from certain to certain days they go to gather the Oil that it hath distilled. The Portugals call it Balm, because it is very l●ke to the true Balm of the Vineyards of Engedi, it serveth for green wounds, and taketh away all the scar: it smelleth very well, and of it, and of the bark of the tree they make Beads, and other smelling things. The Woods where they grow do smell well, and the beasts do go and rub on this tree, it seems to be to heal them of some diseases. The Timber is of the best of this Country, because it is very strong and heavy, and some are of such bigness, that of them they make the Beams, Axel-trees, and Skrues or Vices for their Sugar-Mills, these are very rare, and are found chiefly in the Captainship of the Holy Ghost. Cupayba is a Figtree, commonly very high, straight and big, it hath much oil within; for Cupayba. For wounds. to get it they cut the tree in the midst, where it hath the vent, and there it hath this oil in so great abundance, that some of them do yield a quartern of oil and more, it is very clear, of the colour of oil, it is much set by for wounds, and taketh away all the scar. It serveth also for lights, and burn well, the beasts knowing the virtue thereof do come and rub themselves thereat. There are great store, the wood is good for nothing. The Ambayba Figtrees are not very great, and are not found in the true Woods but in Coppices, Ambayba. For wounds. where some sowing hath been; the bark of this tree scraping it on the inside, and crushing those scrape in the wound, laying them on it, and binding it with the bark itself, healeth in a short time. There is great abundance of them, and are much esteemed for their great virtue, the leaves are rough, and serve to smooth any wood, the timber serveth for nothing. The Figtree which they call of Hell, Ambaigtinga is found in Taperas: it yields a certain Ambaigtinga. For the Colic. Oil that serveth for lights, it hath great virtue, as Monardes' writeth, and the leaves are much esteemed for them that do vomit, and cannot retain that which they eat, anointing the stomach with the Oil, it taketh away the Oppilations, and the Colic. To get this Oil, they lay it in the Sun some days, and stamp it, and seethe it, and presently that Oil cometh on the top, which is gathered for the effect abovesaid. Of the trees Igbacamuci there are many in Saint Uincent: they bear a certain fruit as good Igbacamuci. For the bloody Flux. as Quinces, fashioned like a Pan or a Pot, they have within certain small seeds, they are the only remedy for the bloody Flux. The Igcigca yieldeth the Mastic, smelleth very much for a good while: they notch the tree in some places, and in an instant it stilleth a white liquor that doth congeal; it serveth for Igcigca. Fo● cold diseases. Plasters in cold diseases, and to perfume, it serveth also in stead of incense. There is another tree of this kind, called Igtaigcica, that is, Mastic as hard as stone, and so it seemeth rather Gumme-anime than Mastic, and it is so hard and shining that it seemeth Gum Anime. Glass; it serveth to glass the earthen vessel, and for this it is much esteemed among the Indians, and it serveth also for cold diseases. There is a River between Port Secure and the Ill●ts, that cometh from more than three hundred leagues within the Main, it bringeth great store of resin, which is the Gumme-anime itself, which the Indians do call Igtaigcica, and the Portugals, White incense; it hath the same effects that the Incense. Curupicaiba is like to the Peach-trees of Portugal in the leaf: the leaves do distil a kind Curupicaiba. For wounds, and for the Pox. of liquor like the Figtrees of Spain, which is the only remedy for wounds both green and old, and for the Pox, and it taketh away all the scar from the wounds, if they prick the bark of it, it yieldeth great store of Birdlime, wherewith they catch the small birds. There is great abundance of the trees Caaroba, the leaves of these chewed and laid to the Caaroba. For the Pox. Pock-sore dry and heal it in such manner, that it never cometh again, and it seemeth that the wood hath the same effect that the China wood, and that of the Antilles have for the same disease. Of the flower they make a Conserve for those that are sick of the Pox. The wood Caarobmocorandiba is like that of China, it is taken in the same manner that the other, Caarobmocorandiba. For looseness and the Pox. jaburandiba. For the sickness of the Liver. For the Toothache. Cassia fistulae. Of the Oils the Indians do use to an 〈…〉 themselves withal. and it healeth the looseness, the Pox, and other diseases of cold, it is grey, and hath the pith very hard as the wood of China. It is long since jaburandiba was found, and it is, as some Indians do say, called of the Indians Betele. The Rivers and their borders are full of these trees, the leaves are the only remedy for the sicknesses of the Liver, and many in this Brasill have already been cured of most grievous diseases of the Liver, with the eating of them. There is another tree called also Betele, it is smaller and of a round leaf, the roots of it are an excellent remedy for the toothache putting it in the hollow place of them, it biteth like Ginger. They say also, that in this Brasill is the tree of the Cassia fistula, it is unknown to the Indians, the Spaniards do use it, and say it is as good as that of India. The Anda trees are fair and great, and the wood serveth for all things, of the fruit they make an Oil, wherewith the Indians do anoint themselves, and the women their hair; and it serveth also for wounds, and drieth uhem up presently, and they make many gallant things about the legs and body, painting themselves with this Oil. The Moxerequigba tree is found within the Main, in the fields, it is small, beareth a fruit as Moxerequigba. big as an Orange, and within it hath certain kernels, and of it altogether they make an Oil to anoint themselves, the bark serveth to kill fish, and every beast that drinketh the water where it is cast, dieth. The Aiuratubira is small, beareth a red fruit, and of it they make a red oil to anoint Aiuruatubira. themselves. The Aiabutipita is five or six spans in length, the fruit is like Almonds and black, and so Aiabutipita. is the Oil, which they esteem very much, and anoint themselves with it in their infirmities. The janipaba tree is very fair, of a pleasant green; every month it changeth the leaf, janipaba. For the Laske, and is like a Wal-nut leaf, the trees are great, and the timber pleasant to work; the fruit is like great Oranges, and is like Quinces, or russet Pears; the taste is like Quinces: it is a good medicine for the Laske of all sorts. Of this fruit is made a black Ink; when it is made it is white, and anointing themselves therewith it staineth not presently, but within a few hours the party remaineth as black as any Iea●. It is much esteemed of the Indians, with this they make on their bodies round Hose and Doublets all cut, and they give certain strokes in the face, ears, nose, chin, arms, legs, and the same do the women, and they become very gallant. This is their apparel, as well on the week as on the Feast day, adding some feathers to it, wherewith thee adorn themselves, and other jewels made of bone: this colour lasteth on the body nine days still black, and after remaineth nothing; it maketh the skin very hard, and to make the painting the fruit is to be gathered green, for being ripe it will not do it. The tree jequitimguaçu beareth a fruit like the Spanish Scrawberie, and within it hath a bean jequitimguacu. as hard as a stick, which is the seed; they are of the best Beads that can be, for they are very equal, and very black, and they have a gloss like jeer, the husk that covereth these Beads, is Beads and Sope. more bitter than Aloes, it serveth for Soap, and it washeth better than the best Soap in Portugal. A certain tree groweth in the fields and the Main of the Bay, in dry places where no water Of the tree that hath water. is, very great and broad; it hath certain holes in the branches, as long as an arm, that are full of water, that in Winter nor Summer never runneth over, neither is it known whence this water cometh, and drink many or drink few of it, it is always at the same stay, and so it serveth not only for a Fountain, but also for a great main River: and it happeneth five hundred Note, Compare this with those mentioned by A. Battle in Congo. Of the Trees that serve for timber. persons to come to the foot of it, and there is harbour for them all, they drink and wash all that they will, and they never want water; it is very savoury and clear, and a great remedy for them that travel into the Main, when they can find no other water. In this Country of Brasill are Groves, wherein are found trees of great bigness and length, whereof they make very great Canoas', of seven or eight spans broad in hollowness, and of fifty spans and more in length, which bear a load like a great Bark, and do carrier twenty or thirty Rowers of a side; they make likewise great Beams for the Sugar-mills. There are many sorts of wood incorruptible that putting it in the ground it never rotteth, and others set in water are every day greener and stronger. There is a holy wood of certain white wanes, whereof are made very fair Bedsteads and rich. The Brasill wood whereof the red Ink is made, and other woods of diverse colours, whereof diverse Inkes of great esteem are made, and all turned and carved works. There be smelling woods, as the jararanda, and other kinds of great price and esteem, there are found white Sandalos or Dates, in great quantity. The wood of Aquilla, and in great abundance, that ships are made of it. Cedars; wood of Angolin, and the Cedars and Nutmegs. Nutmeg tree, though these woods are not so fine, and of so great smell as those of India, yet they want but a little, and are of great price and esteem. Of the Herbs that yield fruit, and are eaten. THe ordinary food of this Country, that serveth for Bread, is called Mandioca, and they are Mandioca. certain roots like Carrots, though they are greater and longer: these shoot out certain stems or branches, and grow to the height of fifteen spans. These branches are very tender, and have a white pith within, and at every span it hath certain joints, and of this bigness they are broken, and set in the ground as much as is sufficient for to hold them up and within six or nine months have so big roots that they serve for food. This Mandioca containeth many kinds in itself, and all are eaten, and they are preserved under the earth three, four, or unto eight years, and needs no seasoning, for they do no more but take them out and make fresh meat every day, and the longer they are under the earth the bigger they grow, and yield the more. It hath some things worth the noting, that is, man except, all creatures desire to eat it raw, The juice is poison. and 〈◊〉 fatteneth them, and nourisheth them exceedingly, but if when it is crushed, they do drink that water alone by itself, they have no more life then while it cometh to the stomach. Of these roots crushed and grated they make a Meal that is eaten, it is also laid in steep till it corrupt, and then cleansed and crushed, they make also a Flower, and certain Cakes like children very white and delicate. This root after it is steeped in water, made in balls with the hands, they set it upon hurdles at the smoke, where it drieth in such manner that it is kept without corrupting, as long as they lift, and after scraped and stamped in certain great trays, and sifted, there remaineth a Flower whiter than of Wheat, of the which being mingled in a certain quantity with the raw, they make a certain Biscuit, which they call Of the war, and it serveth the Indians and the Portugals by Sea, and when they go to war, as Biscuit. Another Biscuit bread is made of very water of the green Mandioca, if they let it congeal, and dry it at the Sun, or at the fire: this is above all most white, and so pleasant and delicate, that it is not made for every one. Of this Mandioca dried at the smoke they make many sorts of broths, which they call Mingaos, so healthful and delicate that they give them to them that are sick of a Fever, in stead of Caudles and Restoratives, and of the same they make Cakes, Simnels, Frutters, little Pies, Cheesecakes of Sugar, etc. And mingled with the flower of Millet, or of Rice, they make leavened bread, that it seemeth of Wheat. This same Mandioca dried at the smoke, is a great remedy against poison, chiefly of Snakes. Of this Mandioca there is one which they call Aypim, which containeth under itself many kinds. This killeth not raw, and boiled or roasted is of a good taste, and of it they make Other kinds. Flower or Cakes, etc. The Indians makes Wines of it, and it is foe fresh and medicinable for the Liver, that to it is attributed not to have among them any diseased of the Liver. A certain kind of Tapuyas do eat the poisonous Mandioca raw, and it doth them no hurt, because they are brought up with it. The boughs of this herb or tree, is the seed itself, for the stalks of it are planted, the leaves Nana. in time of need boiled do serve for food. The herb Nana is very common, it is like the herb Aloes, and and hath such leaves, but not so thick, and all round about full of very sharp prickles; in the midst of this herb groweth a fruit like a Pineapple, all full of flowers of diverse colours, and very fair, and at the foot grow four or five sprigs, which are planted; the fruit is very smelling, pleasant and one of the best of the world, very full of juice, and pleasant, it hath the taste of a Melon, though better and more smelling, it is good for them that are troubled with the Stone, and it is very prejudicial for Fevers. The Indians do make Wine of this fruit, very strong, and of a good taste, the husk wasteth much the Iron, at the dressing of it, and the juice taketh away the spots from the clothes. There is so great abundance of this fruit, that they fat their Hogs with it, and regard it not for the great abundance, they are also kept preserved, and raw they help the Sea-sick at Sea, and with Wine in the morning they are medicinable. Pacoba is the Figtree which they call adam's, it is neither tree nor herb, for on the one side Pacoba, Adam's Tree. it becometh very big, and groweth to twenty quarters long, the stalk is very soft and full of pores; the leaves that it hath are most fair, and some a fathom long and more, all of them razed like the Velvet of Braganca, so smooth that they write on them, and so green, cool, and fresh, that one sick of a Fever lying down upon them, the Fever is mitigated with their coolness. They are very fresh for to dress the houses, and the Churches. This herb beareth in every foot many imps, and every one of them beareth a cluster of a certain fruit like Figs, which hath sometimes about two hundred, and when they are ripe, the foot is cut whereon the cluster hangeth, and the rest do grow and so they go multiplying ad infinitum, the fruit is laid to ripen, and becometh very yellow, of a good taste, and healthful, especially for the sick of a Fever, and for him that spiteth blood, and roasted they are very pleasant and healthful. It is an ordinary fruit whereof the Gardens are full, and there is of them all the year. The herbs Murucuia are very fair, especially in their flowers: they run upon a wall, and up the trees like ivy, the leaves beaten with a little Verdigrease is an only remedy for old Murucuia. ulcers, and the Pox, it beareth a round fruit like Oranges, other like Eggs, some yellow, some black, and of other diverse colours and kinds. Within they have a certain substance of kernels and juice with a certain film that covereth them, and altogether is eaten, it is of a good taste, and it is somewhat tart, and it is a fruit of some account. In this Country are many other kinds of fruits, as Deaw-berries, black and red, Potatoes, Many other Brasilian plants. and other roots which they call Mangara, another called Cara, that is like to Turnips, and the stones of the earth. Of the Potatoes they make bread, and diverse sweet meats, these Indians have many other Pulses, uz. Beanes, more healthful and better than those of Portugal, and in great abundance, many kinds of Pumpions, and some so big, that they use them for vessels to carry water, and they hold two pecks or more, French Beans of many kinds, they are toothsome, and like to them of Portugal, Millet of many sorts, and of it they make Bread, Wine, and it is eaten toasted, and with it they fatten their Horses, Swine, and Hens, and there are certain Taiaobas, that are like Cabiges, and they cause to purge. And an herb called jambig, the only remedy for them that are sick of the Liver, and the Stone, there are also many sorts of Pepper, that give a good taste in the eating. jetigencu is the Mechoacan of the Antilles, they are certain roots, long like Radice, but of jetigcucu. a good bigness, they serve for a purge, this root is taken beaten in wine or water for the Ague: it is taken preserved in Sugar like Marmalate, it is boiled with a Hen, causeth great thirst, but A purge. is profitable and of great operation. Igpecaya, or Pigaya is profitable for the bloody Flux; the stalk is a quarter long, and the For the bloody Flux. roots of another, or more, it hath only four or five leaves, it smelleth much wheresoever it is, but the smell is strong and terrible, this root beaten, and put in water all night at the dew, and in the morning it this water with the same root beaten and strained be drunk, only the water, it causeth presently to purge in such sort, that the laske ceaseth altogether. It is but a little while since the herb Cayapia was found, it is an only remedy for whatsoever A remedy for poison. poison, especially of Snakes, and so it is called the Snakes herb, and it is as good a remedy as the Unicorn and Bada, Bezoar stone, or Coco of Maldiva; nothing profiteth but the root, which it slender, and in the midst maketh a knot like a button, this beaten, and put in water and drunk, it killeth the poison of Snakes; It is also a great remedy for the wounds with the Arrows that are poisoned, when any is hurt he remaineth fearless and secure, drinking the water of this root, it is also a great remedy for the Fever, continuing it and drinking of it some mornings, this herb smelleth like the Figtree leaves of Spain. The herb Tyroqui or Tareroqui is a principal remedy for the bloody Flux, the roots are all Tyroqui or Tareroqui. For the bloody Flux. jagged, the branches very slender, the leaves are like Basill; the flowers are red, and draw somewhat to a ruddy colour, and they grow in the very points. Of this there is great abundance, when it is gathered it is yellow, and being dried it turneth white, it is taken in the same manner that the former. The Indians perfume themselves with this herb when they are sick, that they may not die, and for a certain sickness that is common in the Country, and it is called the sickness of the worm * Perhaps the worm in the fundament mentioned by Sir R. Haukins. Embeguacu For the Flux of blood. , it is a great remedy; it serveth to kill the worm in the Oxen and Swine, and for Empostumes. This herb is as withered all night, and as a sleep, and as soon as the Sun riseth, it openeth again, and shutteth again when it is set. The herb Embeguacu serveth much for the Flux of blood, especially in women; the roots are very long, and some of thirty or forty fathom, it hath a strong bark, whereof very strong Cordes are made, and Cables for ships, and they are long lasting, for in the water it waxetli green. This being taken, to wit, the bark of it, and perfuming the party in the place of the Flux, it ceaseth presently. Caa obetinga is a small herb, hath few leaves, which it putteth forth even from the ground, Caa obetinga. For wounds. white underneath, and green above, bears a flower as big as a hazel Nut; the roots and the leaves stamped are an excellent remedy for whatsoever wounds, they use the leaf also unstamped, which being laid to the wound cleaveth fast, and healeth it. Cobaura serveth for old sores that have already no other remedy, it is laid beaten and burnt Cobaura. For wounds. in the wound, and eateth presently all the Canker, and bringeth a new skin, it is also laid to, only the leaf beaten to skin the place. The Holy herb serveth for diverse diseases, as wounds, and coughs, the rheum, etc. and principally The Holy herb, or Tobacco. For sundry diseases. it serveth for the sick of the head, the stomach, and for the shortness of breath, or the Chine-cough. In this Country they make certain Coffins of Palmtree leaves, and being full of this herb dried and setting it on fire at the one end, they put the other in the mouth and drink the smoke, it is one of the delicates and dainties of this Country; and all the Countrymen, and even the Portugals are even lost for it, and it is their great vice, to be all day and all night laid in their Nets, to drink this smoke, and are drunk with it as if it were with wine. Guaraquimiya is the Myrtle tree of Portugal, and besides other good properties that it hath, For the worm like the Broome-rape, the seed of it is the only remedy for the Body-wormes, and ordinarily they that eat it do void them presently. Camaracatimbae is like to the Syluas of Portugal, it is boiled in water, and the said water is Camaracatimbae For scabs, and the Pox. the only remedy for scabs, the pox, and new wounds, and when the wounds are cured with the leaves of the Figtree spoken of in the title of the Trees, they wash it with the water of this herb, whose flower is most fair, it seemeth a yellow and red jelly-flower, and smelleth of Musk, and of these they make Pot-boughs and Nosegays for the Altars. Aipo is the very Smaledge of Portugal, and hath the virtues, it is found only about the Sea-coast, Aipo. especially in the River of januarie, and for this cause it is sharper, and not so sweet in the taste as that of Portugal, it may be because of the Seas. There is great store of Meade-mallow in this Country, it hath the same effects, it hath certain Meade-Mallow. flowers as big as a Tester, of a very fair red, that they seem Roses of Portugal. Caraguata is a certain kind of thistle, they bear a certain fruit of a finger long and yellow, Caraguata. raw they make the lips to blister, boiled or roasted they do no harm, but any woman with child that eateth them doth presently abort her child ordinarily. There be other Caraguatas, that It causeth to abort. bear certain leaves like Flags very long, of two or three fathoms, and bear a certain Hartichocke like the Nana, but they taste not well; these leaves laid in steep do yield a very fine Flax, unto the thread to sow withal, and for fishing lines. Timbo. Bait for fishes Timbo are certain wonderful herbs, that grow from the earth like a string unto the highest top of the Mulberry trees, where they are, and some grow close to the tree like ivy: they are very strong, and serve for bindings, and some are as big as a man's leg, and wind them never so hard they never break, the bark of these is very fine poison, and serveth for a bait to kill the fish, and it is so strong, that in the Rivers wherein it is cast it leaveth not a fish alive as far as it hath his virtue, and of these there be many sorts, and profitable as well for binder's, as for to kill fishes. Other herbs there be also that serve for medicines, as are Sowthistles, Purcelane, Beets, Endive, Auenca, Basill, and of all there is great abundance, though these herbs have not the perfection of those of Spain; there want no wild Mulberries white and black, like those of Portugal, and great store of good Parsley, about the strands, whereof a good conserve is made; they want no Pot-flowers. Of smelling herbs in this Country there are many, Mints, or wild Sage, especially in Piratiniga, they smell not so well as those of Portugal, they have also certain French Mallows, with certain fair and pleasant flowers which serve for Nosegays. Many Lilies there are, not so fine not so red as those of the Kingdom, and some white ones are also found. There groweth here in the Spring, an herb that sleepeth, and is like the Mayes of Portugal, Sleeping herb. An h●r●e so called. and as that doth wither and sleep after Sunset, and when it riseth it openeth again, and showeth her beauty; the smell is somewhat strange. There is also another tree that sleepeth in the same manner, and beareth certain fine flowers, but they have no great smell. The Quick herb is of a good height, and hath boughs, and certain jagged leaves, of a pleasant ●rua vi●a: See M. Harcourt his Guiana Relations. green, it is called Quick berbe, because it is so quick and sensible, that as soon as it is touched with the hand or with any other thing, presently it hangeth the head, and withereth as if they had done it great injury, and within a little while it cometh to his perfection, and as many times it is touched it withereth, and cometh again to himself as before. Many other herbs there be like Origanum, and many other sundry flowers, but it seemeth Brasilian herbs smell not. that this Climate, either for the many waters, or because of the Sun, infuseth no smell in the herbs, rather it seems to take it away. In this Country are many sorts of Canes, and Tacuara is as big as a man's thigh; others which Of the Canes. have joints a fathom long, others whereof they make their Arrows, and are esteemed. Others so long that they have three or four Lances in length, these grow among the Woods, and as there are many, so there are many and long beds of Canes of many leagues, and as they grow among the trees, they go to seek the Sun, and therefore are so long. §. VI Of the Fishes that swim in the salt water: also Shel-fishes, Trees and Fowls of the Sea: of Rivers and the Creatures which live therein; and the Beasts and Plants brought thither out of Portugal. THe Oxe-fish in these parts is a Royal fish, esteemed above all other fishes, very healthful Oxe-fish, Ma●ati. in eating, and of a good taste, either salted or fresh: And it rather seemeth Beef then Fish, and some doubts there were, because it was eaten on fish days; the flesh is all grained like Beef, and so it is cut in slices, and they dress it at the smoke like Bacon, or hanged Beef. In the taste, if it be eaten or sodden with Cabbage, or other herbs, it tasteth like Beef, and dressed in souse it tasteth like Mutton; and roasted, both in smell, taste, and fatness it is like Pork, and hath fat also. The Fish in his making seemeth a land creature, and chiefly an Ox, the head is altogether of an Ox, with skin and hair, ears, eyes, cheeks and tongue; the eyes are exceeding small for the body it hath, he shutteth and openeth them when he listeth, which other fishes do not; over the ventsit hath two skins wherewith he closeth them, and by them he breatheth, and it cannot be long under water without breathing, it hath no more nor other fins but the tail: which is all round and close; the body is of a great bigness, all full of yellow hairs, it hath two arms of a cubite long, with two hands like round peeles, and on them he hath five fingers all close one to another, and every finger hath his nail like a man's nail. Under these arms the female have two paps, wherewith she bringeth up her young; she beareth but one at once: the inward part and the inwards of this fish are like an Ox's, with liver, and lights, etc. In the head over the eyes near the brains it hath two stones of a good bigness, white and heavy, they are of great esteem, and are the only remedy for the Stone: for beaten to powder and drank in wine or water it causeth to void the stone, as it happened that giving it to a person to drink, leaving other many experiences, within one hour he voided a stone as big as an Almond, and remained sound, being before at the point of death. The bones of this fish are all massy and white like ivory. They make of it great store of * Or Grease, or Oil: so after. Ma●tega in the Portugal word. Butter, they take two leaves as from a hog; and the most of the Butter it hath in the tail, which being of a yard or more in length, it melteth all into Butter, it hath a good taste, and for to dress or fry fish, and for light. It is very good also for Medicines, as the Hogs Grease, it is white and smelleth well, it hath no smell of fish. This fish is taken with Harping-Irons; it is found in the salt Rivers, near the fresh water: it feedeth on an herb that groweth by the borders, and within the Rivers, and where this herb groweth, and near the Springs of fresh water, whereof he only drinketh. They are very great, some weigh ten, others fifteen hundred, and such a fish hath been taken, that an hundred men could not get it out of the water, but they broke it up there where it was killed. The fish Beijupira is like the Sturgeon of Portugal, and so it is held and esteemed of here as Beijupira. a royal fish: it is very healthful, fat, and of a good taste, they be infinite, and some of their towes are a span in compass about: these fishes are taken in the broad Sea, with a hook and line, it is six or seven spans long; the body is round, black on the back and the belly white. The ox-eye is like the Tunnyes of Spain, as well in bigness as in making, inward as outward; The Ox eye. it is very fat, it hath sometime between leaf and leaf courses of ●at as thick as a Portugal d Or four shillings a piece. Tester; they are cut in backs and bellies like the Tunnies, and of them is made great store and very good e Or Grease. Butter, it hath leaves like a Hog, is a fish esteemed and of a good taste, it deserveth well the name of One fish, as well in his beauty, as his bigness, the eyes are properly like an Ox, and therefore it hath this name. The fish Camurupi is also a royal fish, and esteemed in these parts, the grain of it all in flakes, Camurupi. interlarded with fat and grease, and of a good taste, it hath many bones through all the body, and is dangerous in eating. It hath a fin on the back, which it carries always raised upwards, it is of two or thre● quarters long, the fish is long of twelve and thirteen quarters in length, and of a good bigness, and two men have much ado to lift up one of them, they are taken with Harping Irons, there are many of them, and much f Or Butter: Oil is made of them. This wild fish, which the Indians call Pira●mbu, (that is, a fish that snorteth, the reason is, because The wild fish. wheresoever it is, is heard by his snorting) is of a good bigness, about eight or nine spans, it is of a good taste, and esteemed; it hath in the mouth two stones as broad as a hand, exceeding strange, with them they break the Wilkes whereof they feed, the Indians esteem the stones and wear them about their necks as a jewel. There are many other fishes of sundry kinds, that are not in Spain, and commonly of a good taste and healthful. Of the fishes of Portugal in these parts are also many, to wit, a fish called Tainhas, and a great multitude, and it hath been tried that the Tainha being fresh, and laid to the stinging of a Snake is another Unicorn. There want no Sea-breames, a fish called Chicharros, it is like a Mackerill, Pargos, or great Sea-breames, S●rg●s, other Sea-breames, Garazes, Darados) the Needle-fish, Cod-fish, but these are rare, Pilchards like them of Spain, are found at sometimes in the River of januarie, and the most parts of the South, Scates, and Rays; these Rays some have in their mouth two bones, and break with them the Wilkes. All these fishes are so healthful that in these parts they are eaten after Milk, after flesh, and all a whole Lent without Oil or Vinegar, and it causeth no scabs nor other diseases as in Europe, but rather it is given to the sick, though they have a Fever, or be very weak. Because this Coast is full of many Bays, Nooks, and Creeks, there came great store of The Whale. Whales to these Concaves chiefly from May to September, when; they spawn and bring up their young, and also because they come to the great store of fish that at this time there is in this Creeks. They are sometime so many that ye may see forty or fifty together, men do say that they do cast the Amber that they find in the Sea, and whereof they also feed, and therefore is some of it found in this Coast; others do say that the Sea itself doth cast it on the shores with Ambergrise, great tempests, and commonly it is found after a great storm, and all the beasts do eat of this Amber, and great diligence is needful after the tempests that they may not find it eaten. It is very dangerous to sail in small Barks along this Coast, for besides other dangers, the Whales overwhelm many, if they hear any ringing, they are so scared as Horses when they hear the sound of a Drum, and are as fierce as Lions, many run upon the shore, and great store of Oil is made of them. They have the head open, and there they breathe, and cast at once great store of water, and scatter it so in the Air as if it were a great shower. There is great store of the Sword-fish, they are great and fierce, for they have a snout like The Sword fish a Sword, all full of teeth round about, very sharp, and as big as Dog's teeth or bigger; they are a man's hand or more, and the length is according to the greatness of the fish. Some of these snouts or Swords are of eight or ten spans long: with these they make a cruel battle with the Whales, for raising it upward, and striking so many strokes on her, and so fast that it is a Battle with Whays. wonderful thing: the Sharks resort to the blood, and suck it in such sort till she dieth, and so many are found dead and cut in pieces. With this snout also they catch the fishes whereof they feed. The Indians use these snouts when they are young for to beat their children, and to fear them when they are disobedient unto them. In this Coast are many Tortoises; there are many taken, whereof there are coffers, boxes for the hosts, cups, etc. These Tortoises do lay their eggs in the sands, and they lay 200. or 300. A Tortoise. eggs at a time, they are as big as Hen's eggs, very white and round as balls; they hide these eggs in the sand, and when the young are hatched, presently they go to the water, where they are nourished, the eggs also are eaten. They have this property, that though you boil or roast them the white is ever soft, the inwards are like a Hogs, and they have vents where through they breathe. They have another particularity, that when ye turn them on their belly, they turn presently toward the Sea, neither can they live otherwise. Some of them are so big that of their shells they make whole Targets, and one was taken upon this Coast so big, that twenty men could not lift, nor poise it from the ground. Upon this Coast are many sorts of Sharks, and in it are found six or seven kinds of them; it is a very fierce and cruel fish, and kills many persons, especially those that swim. The Rivers Tuborones, or Sharks. are full of them; they are so cruel that it happened one to run after an Indi●n that went in a Boat, and put him in such a strait, that the young man leaping a shore, the Shark leapt after him thinking to have caught him, and fell on dry land where they killed him. In the broad Sea where also are many, they kill them with Snares, and Harping Irons, and they are so eager, greedy, and love flesh, and they are so devouring, that they find in their bellies, skins, p●eces of cloth, shirts and breeches that fall from the Sailors, they go ordinarily accompanied with certain very fair fishes of diverse colours called Pelgrimes. They make great store of Oil of them, Pelgrimes. and the Indians use the teeth in their Arrows, because they are very sharp, cruel, and venomous, and very seldom, or with great difficulty are they healed that are hurt with them. The flying fishes are ordinarily of a spanne long or little more, it hath the eyes very fair, of a The flying fish. certain very gallant picture, that beautifies it much, and do seem precious stones, the head is also very fair, it hath wings like R●ere-mice, but of a silver hue; they are much persecuted of the other fishes, and for to escape they fly in flocks, like Stairs, or Sparrows, but they fly not very high, they are also good to eat, and when they fly they glad the Sailors, and many times they fall in the ship, and come in at the cabin windows. Botos and T●ninas, are two kinds of Porpoises. Of these fishes there are great abundance, as in Europe. They find also in this Coast Salmonets, but they are rare, and not so esteemed, nor of so good Soles and Salmonets. A little red fish very dainty in Spain. a taste as those of Europe. The Soles of these parts are very rare, they have this property, that when they are to be boiled or fried they beat them, and the more strokes they give them, the stiffer they are, and the better to eat, and if they beat them not, they are soft and nothing worth. As in this Country of Brasill are many Snakes, and venomous Worms, whereof we will Of the venomous fishes. speak hereafter, there are likewise many fishes very venomous. The Toad fish, in their Language, A●●ayacn, is a small fish, a span long, painted, it hath Toad fish deadly. fair eyes, taking it out of the water it snorteth very much, and cutteth the hooks, and out of the water it swelleth much, all the poison lies in the skin, and flaying they eat it: but eating it with the skin it killeth. It chanced a young man to eat one with the skin, who died almost suddenly; the Father said, I will eat the fish that killed my Son, and eating of it died also presently, it is a great poison for Rats, for those that eat of it do die presently. There is another kind of Toad fish of the same fashion that the other, but it hath many cruel prickles, as a Hedgehog; it snorteth, and swelleth out of the water; the skin also killeth, especially the prickles, because they are very venomous, flaying it, it is eaten, and it is good for the bloody Flux. There is another Toad fish, called in their tongue, Itaoça, it is three square, and the body such, that all of it is like a Dagger; it is fair, it hath the eyes bluish, it is eaten flayed; the poison consisteth in the skin, livers, guts, and bones, whatsoever creature doth eat it, dieth. Puraque is like the Scate, it hath such virtue that if any touch it, he remaineth shaking as one that hath the Palsy, and touching it with a stick, or other thing it benumbeth presently him Puraque, or Torpedo. See jobson. that toucheth it, and while he holdeth the stick over him, the arm that holdeth the stick is benumbed, and a sleep; it is taken with flue-nets, and with casting Nets it maketh all the body tremble, and benumbs it with the pain, but being dead it is eaten, and it hath no poison. The Caramuru are like the Sea Snakes of Portugal, of ten or fifteen spans long, very fat, and Caramuru. roafted taste like Pig; these have strange teeth, and many men are may med by their bitings, and the hand or foot where they were bitten, do rot away. It hath over all the body many prickels. The Countrymen say that they engender with the Snakes; for they find them many times knit with them, and many in the sands tarrying for the Sea Snakes. Amoreatie. Amoreaty is like the Toad fish, it is full of prickels, and thrusts himself under the sand along the shore, and pricks the foot or hand underneath that toucheth it, and it hath no other remedy but only by fire. Amayacurub is round and of the bigness of the k A fish so called Bugallos' of Spain, and are very venomous, it hath the body full of Wartes, and therefore it is called Curub, that is to say, a Wart in their Language. jerepomonga, is a Snake that liveth in the Sea; her manner of living is to lie very still, and whatsoever living thing that toucheth it, remaineth so fast sticking to it that in no wise it can jerepomonga. Strange Sea Snake. stir, and so he feedeth and sustains himself. Sometimes it cometh out of the Sea, and becometh very small, and as soon as it is touched it sticketh fast, and if they go with the other hand to lose themselves, they remain also fast by it, and then it becometh as big as a great Cable, and so carrieth the person to the Sea, and eateth it, and because it cleaveth so fast, it is called Terepomong, that is to say, a thing that cleaneth fast. Finally, there are many kinds of very venomous fishes in the Sea, that have so vehement a poison, that ordinarily none escapeth that catech or toucheth them. The Mermen, or men of the Sea, are called in their language Ypupiapra; the men of the country are Mermen, or Monsters of the Sea. so afraid of them, that many of them die only with the thought of them, & none that seeth them scapeth. Some that died already, being demanded the cause said, that they had seen this Monster, they properly are like men, of a good stature, but their eyes are very hollow. The Female are like women, they have long hair, and are beautiful;▪ these Monsters are found in the bars of the fresh Rivers; in jagoaripe, seven or eight leagues from the Bay have many been found, & in the year 82. an Indian going to fish, was chased by one, and fleeing in a Canoa told it to his Master. The Master for to animate the Indian, would needs go see the Monster, & being careless with one hand out of the Canoa, it catcht hold of him, and carried him away, and he was never seen again, and in the same year died an Indian of Franciscus Lorenço Cacyro. In Port Secure are some seen, which have killed some Indians already, the manner of their kill is to embrace themselves with the person so strongly, kissing, and grasping it heard to itself that they crush it in pieces remaining whole, and when they perceive it dead, they give some sigh in show of sorrow, and letting them go they run away, and if they carry any they eat only the eyes, the nose, the points of the fingers and toes, and privy members, and so ordinarily they are found on the sands with these things missing. The Seas of these parts are very plentiful of Cutties, this kind of fish hath a hood always full Of the Shel-fishes. Cuttle fishes., of very black Ink: this is their defence from the greater fishes, for when they come to catch them they cast that Ink before their eyes, and the water becometh very black, and then he goes his ways. They take them with shooting at them, but they bait them first, they are also taken with lights by night. For to eat them they beat them, and the more, the softer they are, and of better taste. Apula is a shellfish like the joint of a Cane: it is rare, it is eaten, and drinking it fasting in Apula. Powder, a sovereign remedy for the Milt or Spleen. In these parts are infinite of the Sea-fomes, and are great, as broad as a hat; they have many Sea-fomes. folds wherewith they catch the fish, and resemble the Barbary Purses, they are not eaten; if they sting any one, they cause great pains, and cause to weep, and so said an Indian that was stung with one of them, that he had received many wounds with Arrows, but never wept till then; they are never seen but in neape tides (or slow waters, therefore the Portugals call them Agnas mortas, or Dead waters.) The Vça is a kind of Crab found in the mire, and they are infinite, and the food of all this Sea Crabs. Vza. Country, chiefly for the slaves of Guinea, and the Indians of the Country, they have a good taste, upon them is good drinking cold water. They have a particularity to be noted, that when they cast their shell they go into their holes, and there they are two or three months, and casting the shell, mouths and feet, they come so out, and they grow again as before. Guainumu is a kind of Crabs so great, that a man's leg will go into their mouth. They Guainumu. are good to eat; when it doth thunder they come out of their holes, and make so great a noise the one with the other, that men have gone out with their weapons, thinking they had been enemies; if they do eat a certain herb, whosoever eateth them then dieth, these are of the Land, but keep in holes near the Sea side. The Aratu Crabs keep in the trunks of the trees, that grow in the Oowes of the Sea, when Aratu. they find a Cockle that gapeth, they seek presently some little stone, and very cunningly put it into the Cockle: the Cockle shutteth presently, and not being able because of the little stone it hath within, they with their mouths do take out the fish and eat it. There are ten or twelve kinds of Crabs in this Country, and as I have said, they are so many in Ten or twelve kinds of crabs. number, and so healthful, that all are eaten, especially of the Indians, etc. The Oysters are many, and some are very great, and the meat is as broad as the palm of the Oysters. hand: in these are some Pearls found very rich, in other smaller are also very fine Pearls found. The Indians in old time came to the Sea for Oysters, and got so many that they made great Hills of the shells, and carried the fishes they carried away for to eat all the year; upon these Hills by the continuance of time grew great Groves of Trees and very thick and high, and the Portugals discovered some, and every day go discovering others anew, and of these shells they make lime; Note for lime. and of one only heap was part of the College of the Bay made, the Palaces of the Governor, and many other buildings, and yet it is not ended, the lime is very white, good for to garnish and lime withal; if it be in the rain it becometh black, and for to keep water in Cisterns it is not so sure, but for the rest as good as the stone in Spain. There wan● no Muscles in this Country▪ they serve the Indians and the Portugals for Spoons Muscles. and Knives, they have a ●aire silver colour▪ in them is found some seed Pearl; there is a small kind of them whereon the Seagulls do feed, and because they cannot break them, they have such a natural instinct that taking them up into the Air, they let them fall so many times till they break it, and then they eat them. The Periwinkles are very▪ tasteful, and good in this Country, and some seed Pearl is found Periwinkles. in them, and so of the Periwinkles, and of the Muscles there is great store, of many and sundry kinds. The greatest Wilkes which are called G●●tapigg●●●●, that is, a great Wilk●, are much esteemed of the Indians, for of them they make their Trumpets, Furnitures, Beads, Brooches, Earrings, Wilkes. and Gloves for the children, and they are of such esteem among them, that for one they will give any one person that they have captive: and the Portugals gave in old time a Crown for one: they are as white as ivory, and many of them are of two quarters broad, and one in length. The Piraguaig are also eaten, and of the shells they make their Beads: and for so many fathom Pir●guaig. they g●ue a person. Of these the Sea casteth up sometimes great heaps, a wonderful thing. Of Wilkes and Skallops there is great quantity in this Country, very fair, and to be esteemed, of sundry kinds. They find great store of white-stone Coral under water, it groweth like small Trees all in White Coral. leaves, and Canes as the red Coral of India; and if this also were so, there would be great riches in this Country, for the great abundance there is of it, it is very white, it is gotten with difficulty, they make lime of it also. There are great multitudes of Prawns, because this Coast is almost all environed with shelves, Prawns. and Rocks; there are also many Sea-ruffes, and other Monsters found in the Concavities of the Rocks, great Cra●esses or Crabs like those of Europe, it seems there be none in these parts. The Mangue Trees are like the Swallows, or Willows of Europe, there is so great quantity of Of the Trees that g●ow in salt-water. Mangues. them in the arms or creeks that the Sea maketh within the Land, that many leagues of the Land is of these Trees, that are watered with the tides. We traveled I say leagues, and whole days in the Rivers where these Trees are, and they are always green, fair and pleasant, and of many kinds. The wood is good to burn, and for to build houses, it is very heavy and hard as Iron; of the bark they make Ink, and it serveth to tanne Leather, and they are of many kinds. A certain kind of them do cast certain twigs from the top of their length some times as long as a Lance, till they come to the water, and then they cast many branches and roots, and these branches remain fast in the earth, and while they are green these twigs are tender, and because they are hollow within, they make good Flutes of them. In these Creeks are a certain kind of Gnats called Mareguis, as small as Hen's Lice, they bite in such sort, that they leave such Gnats. a Wheal, smart and itching that a man cannot help himself, for even through the clothes they prick, and it is a good penance, and mortification to suffer them on a Morning, or an Evening; there is no other remedy to defend themselves from them, but to anoint themselves with dirt, or to make a great fire and smoke. In these Creeks are many Crabs, Oysters, and Water Rats, and there is one kind of these Rats, a monstrous thing, for all the day they sleep, and wake all night. In these Creeks the Parrots breeds, which are so many in number, and make such a noise, that it seemeth the noise of Sparrows, or Daws. On the Sands they find great store of Parsley, as good and better, then that of Portugal whereof also they make Conserves. Birds that do feed, and are found in the salt water. THe Bird Guiratinga is white, of the bigness of the Cranes of Portugal; they are extreme Guiratinga. white, and have very long feet, the bill very cruel and sharp, and very fair, of a very fine yellow, the legs are also very long, between Red and Yellow. On the neck it hath the finest Plume Feathers that can be found, and they are like the Ostriches Feathers of Africa. Caripira by another name Forked-tayles, are many; they are called Forked-tayles, because their Caripira. tail is divided in the middle; the Indians make great account of the Feathers for the feathering of their Arrows, and say that they last long, at sometimes they are very fat, the fat is good for the looseness. These Birds do use to bring news a land of the ships, and they are so certain in this that very seldom they fail, for when they are seen, ordinarily within twenty or thirty Note. days the ships do come. Guaca is properly the Sea-mew of Portugal, their ordinary food are Cockles, and because they Guaca. are hard, and they cannot break them, they take them in their bill, and letting them fall many times they break them and eat them; of these Sea-m●●●es there are an infinite number of kinds, that the Trees and the strands are full of them. Guirateonteon is called in Portugal Sc●ld-p●te, it is called Guir●●e●nt●on, that is, a Bird that hath Guirateont●on. deadly accidents, and that dieth and liveth again, as though it had the Falling sickness, and these fits are so great that many times the Indians do find them along the strands, and take them in their hands, and thinking they are dead do fling them away, and they as soon as they fall do rise and fly away, they are white and fair, and there are other kinds of these that have the same accidents. The Calca●●r are as big as Tuttle-doves, or Pigeons; the men of the Country say, that they Cal●amar, or Sea-stamper. lay their Eggs in the Sea, and there they hatch, and breed their young; they fly not, but with their wings and feet they swim very swiftly, they foreshow great calms and showers, and in calm weather they are so many along the ships that the Mariners cannot tell what to do, they are even the very spite itself, and melancholy. The Airy are as big as a Pye-●n●et, more white th●n red, they have a fair colour of whi●● Ayaya. bespotted with red, the bill is long and like a Spoon. For to catch the fish, it hath this ●●ght; it striketh with the foot in the water, and stretching out his neck, carrieth for the fish and catcheth it, and therefore the Indians say it hath humane knowledge. The C 〈…〉 ra is small and grey, it hath fair eyes with a very fair red circle, it hath a strange C 〈…〉▪ note, for the he that heareth it thinketh it is of a very great bird, it being very small; for it singeth with the mouth, and jointly behind it maketh a noise so sounding, loud and strong, though not smelling very well, that it is a wonder, it maketh this sweet Music two hours before day, and at Evening till the Evening twilight be done, and ordinarily when it singeth, foreshoweth fair weather. The Guara is as big as a Pye-annet, it hath a long bill with a crooked point, and his feet of a G●●●●▪ quarter or span long, when it is hatched, it is black, and after becometh grey, when it already doth fl●e, it becometh whiter than any Dove, afterward it turneth to a bright red, yet at length it becometh redder than Scarlet itself, in this colour he continueth till his death, they are many in quantity, but they have no other kind. They breed well in Houses, their food is fish, flesh, and other things; their food must be always in water, the Indians esteem greatly the Feathers of these, and of them they make their Diadems, Fringes wherewith they cover the Swords they kill withal, and they make Bracelets to wear on their arms, and fasten them to their hair like Rose buds, and these are their jewels, and Chains of Gold wherewith they adorn themselves in their Feasts, and they so much esteem, yea, they being so much given to eat humane flesh, they give many times the enemies they have for to eat in change for these Feathers. These birds go in flights, and if the Sun doth shine on them upon the Sands, or in the Air, it is a fair thing to behold. Many other birds there are that do feed on the Sea, as Hearnshewes, Cormorant's, and a certain kind of Eagles (which are our Asperalles) which would be tedious to recite. The main Rivers wherewith this Province is watered are innumerable, and some very great, Of the fresh Rivers▪ and the things that in them are. and have very fair bars, not wanting in the Rivers, Brooks and Fountains, whereof the Country is very plentiful, and the waters ordinarily are very fair, clear and healthful, and plentiful of infinite fishes of sundry kinds, of the which some are of an exceeding greatness, and of great value, and very healthful, and are given unto the sick for Medicines. These fishes do the Indians catch with Nets, but ordinarily with Hook and Line. Among these there is a royal fish of a good taste and savour, that is very like the Sturgeon of Spain, this is called jau, they are of fourteen and fifteen quarters long, and sometimes bigger, and very fat, and they make Butter (or Grease) of them. And at sometimes the fish is so much, they fat their Hogs with it. In the small Creeks are many Shrimpes, and some of a quarter and more in length, and of a very good taste and savour. Fresh water Snakes (and Creatures of the water.) THe Snake Cucurijuba is the greatest, or of the greatest that are in Brasill, notable as well for Cururijuba a great Snake many ways wonderful. greatness as beauty, some are taken of five and twenty or thirty foot long, and a yard in compass. It hath a Chain along the back, of notable Pictures and very fair, that beginneth at the head and endeth in the Tail; it hath Teeth like a Dog, and laying hold on a man, Cow, Stag, or Hog, winding it with certain turns of her Tail, it swalloweth the said thing whole. And after she hath it so in her belly, she lets herself rot, and the Ravens and Crows do eat her all, so that there remaineth nothing but the bones, and afterward it breedeth new flesh again, and reneweth as before it was. The reason whereof is (say the men of the Country) because while it putrifieth it hath the head in the mire, and having life in the noddle they live again; and because this is known already, when they find them putrified, they seek o●t the head and kill it. The manner of their feeding is to wait for their prey, either beasts or people laid along by the ways, and when it passeth, it winds itself about it, and killeth and eateth it. After they are full they sleep in such sort, that sometimes they cut two or three pieces of their Tail, they not waking, as hath happened that after they had cut two pieces of the Tail of one of these, the next day they found her dead with two wild Boars in her belly; and it was about twelve yards and an half long. The Snake Manima keepeth always in the water, it is yet greater than the other abovesaid; it is much painted: and from his Pictures did the Gentlies' of Brasill take the painting of themselves. Manima. That Indian holds himself for blessed, that it doth show itself unto, saying, they shall live long, seeing the Manima did show itself unto him. Many other kinds of Snakes there be in the Rivers of fresh water, which I leave for brevity sake, and because there is nothing in particular that can be said of them. The jacare Lizards are of a notable greatness, and some are as big as Dogs, their snout is like a Dog, and so have they their Teeth very long, they have over all the body certain plates Water Lizards. jacare (or Crocodile. like an armed Horse, and when they arm themselves, there is no Arrow can pierce them, they are painted of diverse colours, they do no hurt to the people, but rather they take them easily with Snares, some have been taken of fifteen quarters (or spans) long, and the Indians esteem them much, and hold them for estate as the Rimbabas, that is, Dogs, or any other thing of estate. They keep in the water, and on the land, they lay Eggs as big as Geese, and so hard that striking one against another, they tingle like Iron. Where these do haunt they are presently perceived, by the great cries they give; the flesh of these smelleth very much, especially Hard Eggs. his Cod of Musk, and they are of esteem, their dung hath some virtue, especially it is good for the Lelidas. The jaguarucu is a beast greater than any Ox, it hath Teeth of a great quarter long, they keep in and out of the water, and do kill men; they are rare; some of them are found in the jaguarucu. A great Dog. This seemeth some kind of the Hippopetamas. Atacape. Iaguapopeb●. River of Saint Francis, and in Paraguacu. The Atacape are Wolves smaller, but much more hurtful, for they come out of the water to watch for men, and being very swift they kill some persons and eat them. The jaguapopeba are the true Atters of Portugal. There is another small beast of the bigness of it is called Zariguemeiu, these have rich Skins for Furs; and of these water beasts, there are many other kinds; some do no hurt, others are very fierce. The Baepapina are a certain kind of Mermen as big as children, for they differ nothing from them, of these there are many and do no harm. Baeapina. There be many of the water Hogs Capijgoara, and are of the bigness of land-hogges', but they differ in fashions; in the roof of the mouth it hath a very great stone that doth serve him Water-hogge. for great Teeth. This the Indians hold for a jewel for their children, sons and daughters. It hath no tail, they continue long under water, but they lodge on the Land, and in it they bring up their young; their food is grass, and fruits that they find along the Rivers. In the fresh Rivers of waters are many kind of Igta Scallops, great and small. Some are so big as good Sives, and serve to sift their meal with them; other are smaller, and serve for Spoons, all of them are long, and of a silver colour, in them are some Pearls. In the Rivers are found many of the Cagadoes, (a Sea bird so called) and they are so many in number, that the Tapuyas do feed fat in a certain time of the year with the Eggs, and do seek for them as for some other dainty food. There want no Frogs in the Rivers, Fountains, Puddles, and Lakes, and they are of many kinds especially these Guararici. The fear that the Indians have thereof is a wonderful thing, Guararici. Men die with hearing it. that of the only hearing it they die, and tell them never so much they have no other remedy, but let themselves die, so great is the imagination and apprehension that they take of the hearing it sing, and whatsoever Indian that heareth it dieth, for they say it doth cast from itself a brightness like a lightning. All these main Rivers have so great and so thick Woods on the one side and the other, that they sail many leagues by them and see no ground, on either side, in them are many things to be told, which I omit for brevity's sake. Of the Beasts, Trees and Herbs, that came from Portugal, and do grow and breed in Brasill. THis Brasill is already another Portugal, and not speaking of China, which is much more temperate and healthful, without great heats or colds, where the men do live long, with few sicknesses, as the Colic, of the Liver, the Head, the Breast, Scabs, nor any other Diseases of Portugal. Neither speaking of the Sea, which hath great store of fish, and wholesome, nor of the things of the Land, which God hath given to this Nation, nor of many other commodities which the men have to pass their lives withal; though the commodity of houses is not great, for the most of them are of mud walls, and thatched, though now they begin to make buildings of lime and stone, and tile, neither are the commodities for apparel many, because the Country yieldeth no other cloth but cotton-wool. In this place the people are in great need, especially from the River of januarie, unto Saint Uincent, for want of ships to bring Merchandise and Clothes, but in the most Captaineships they are provided of all kind of clothings and Silks, and the men go well apparelled, and wear many Silks and Velvets. But it is already Portugal as I said for the many Commodities that from thence do come unto it. In this Province is a good breed of the Horses, and there be already great abundance of them Horses. and very good gennets of a great price, that are worth 200. and 300. Ducats and more, and there is already running at the Geese, at the Ring, at Canes, and other Sports and Skirmishes, and from hence they begin to provide Angola of Horses whereof they stand in great want. Though this Country hath weak pastures, and in Por● Secure is an Herb that killeth the Kine. beasts if they do eat it, notwithstanding there is a great number of them already, and all Brasill is full of great Herds, and some have 500 some a 1000 heads, especially in the fields of Piratininga, because it hath good pastures, and are like to them of Portugal, and it is a pleasant thing to see the young breed that is there. The Swine do like very well here, and they begin to have great multitudes, and here it Swine. is the best flesh of all, yea, better than Hen's flesh, and it is given to the sick, and hath a very good relish and taste. Unto the River of januarie are many sheep found already, and Wethers, and they fatten so Sheep. much that they burst with fatness: it is not here so good flesh as in Portugal. The Goats are yet but few, but yet they like well in this Country, and do multiply very Goats. much, and in a short time there will be a great multitude. The Hens are infinite, and greater than in the Realm of Portugal, and because the Country Hens. is temperate they breed well, and the Indians do esteem them, and breed them within the Main, three hundred and four hundred leagues, the flesh here is not so good as in the Realm. The Hens of Peru, like well in this Country, and there is great abundance of them, and Turkeys. there is no Banquet where they are not a dish. The Geese do like well in this Country, and are in great abundance, there is also here another Geese and Ducks. kind of the Country itself, and are far greater and fairer. The Dogs have multiplied much in this Country, and are of many kinds; they are esteemed Dogs. here aswell of the Portugals which brought them, as of the Indians that esteem them above all the things they have: because they help them in their hunting, and are domestical creatures, and so the women do carry them on their back from one place to another, and nourish them as Children, and give them suck at the breast. Trees with prickles, as Oranges, Pomecitrons, Lemons * For one kind are called Limas, as it wer● the Female. of both kinds, of sundry sorts do Trees. grow well in this Country, which almost all the year have fruit, and there are so great Oranges and Pomecitron Groves, that even among the Woods they grow, and the abundance is so great of those things that they are not set by. They have a great enemy, the Ants, notwithstanding there is great abundance, without ever being watered, and as there wanteth no Sugar, they make infinite Conserves, to wit, of Citrons, Lemons, the flowers, etc. The Figtrees grow very well here, and there be many kinds, as long Figs, black Figtrees. Figs, Figge-Dates, and many other kinds, to the River of januarie, that are hotter ground, they yield two crops in the year. In the River of januarie and Saint Vincent, in the fields of Piratininga, do grow many Quinces, Quinces. and yield four crops a year, one after another, and there are men that with very few Quince Trees do gather, ten, and twelve thousand Quinces, and here they make great store of Marmelets and very shortly will those of the Island of Madera be spared. There are many sorts of Grapes, as Feriads, Boaes, Bastard, Greene, and Gallizian Grapes, and Vines. many other. To the River of januarie they have all the year Grapes, if they will have them, for if they cut them every month, they bear every month Grapes successively. In the River of januarie especially in Piratininga, are Vineyards, and are so loaden that they bow to the ground, they yield but one crop. They begin already to make Wine, though with trouble to preserve it, for in wood the Worm doth presently eat thorough, and earthen vessels they have none, but seek remedies of their own, and do continue it, and in a short space they will have many Wines. In the River of januarie and Piratininga, are many Roses; one, Damask Roses, whereof they Roses. distil great store of Rose-water, and Conserve of Roses for to purge, and not to purge, for of the other they have not, they seethe the Damask Roses in water, and straining them they make Conserve of Roses very good wherewith they do not purge. Musk Melons want not in many Captain ships, and are good and fine, many Gourds whereof Plants and Herbs. they make Conserves, many Beets whereof they make it also, Cabbages, Cucumbers, Radishes, Turnops, Mustard, Mints, Coriander, Dill, Fennell, Pease, Leeks, Onions, Garlic, borage, and other Pulses which were brought from Portugal, and grow well in this Country. In the River of januarie, and fields of Piratininga, groweth Wheat, they use it not because they have no Horse-mils, nor Water-mils, and they have also great trouble in the gathering of Wheat. it, for because of the many waters, and rankness of the ground it cometh altogether, and it multiplieth so much, that one Corn beareth sixty and eighty Ears, and some being ripe, others grow anew, and it multiplieth almost in infinitum. Of less than a i That is ●oure b●●●l, and an ha●e. quarter of Barley that a man sowed, in the field of Piratininga, he gathered sixty and odd k Ne'er that the Alque●que containeth 18. bushels. S●elling herbs. Alqueires, and if men would give themselves to this commodity, the Country would be very rich and plentiful. There are many sorts of Basill, and Gilliflowres Yellow, and Red, and do grow well in Piratininga, and other smelling herbs, as the l An herb so called. Vermin Insecta. Onion sese, etc. Above all this, Brasill hath one commodity for men to live, that in it do live disorderly, that there are but few Lice or Fleas, but among the Indians, and Guinne Moors there are some Lice; but there want no Hornets, Dorres, Wasps, Flies, and Gnats of so many kinds, and so cruel and venomous, that stinging any person, the place swelleth for three or four days, especially in the fresh men, which have their blood fresh and tender, with the good Bread, Wine and delicate fare of Portugal. CHAP. II. Articles touching the duty of the King's Majesty our Lord, and to the common good of all the estate of Brasill. Written (as is thought) by the Author of the former Treatise. IT greatly behooveth for the universal good, and preservation of the estate of Brasill, that the King our Lord do take all the Captaineships for his, satisfying the The first Article. Lordships. For as the Tenths are all his Majesties, and the Lordships have no more than the tenth, which is very little, at the least in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost, Saint Vincent, Port Secure, and the Ilets, the said Captaineships are never provided, neither have Powder, Bullet, or Caleever, etc. for to defend themselves from the enemies, and whatsoever French or English ship that goeth thither, doth put them in such danger, that either they must give them entrance, and traffic with them, or leave them the Town and go to the Woods, as now it was seen in the Captaineships of the Holy Ghost, and Saint Vincent, and being the Kings they be otherwise provided, making Fortresses in the bars for their defence, at the least in those of the Holy Ghost, and the River of januarie, Weakness of the Portugals in Brasill, how much and whence. as it was done in that of Saint Vincent, in the which ships may come in at any hour, and in this manner will have a delight to dwell, and labour in them the which now do live in trouble and complaints, seeing themselves so disfavoured, and in any danger of war they rather think how to flee away, and escape with their Wives and Children, then how to defend the Country, whose safety, preservation, and augmenting importeth so much, as is notorious to the good of all Peru. It seemeth necessary that in Brasill there be a Court Royal, where many causes may be determined, The second Article. as there is in Peru, New Spain, and in all his Majesty's Provinces. The first reason that for this is offered, is, that the people whereof at the first this Country was inhabited, commonly were banished for facts committed in Portugal. And as at the beginning there was no justice Royal in it, at the least in the Captaineships, and Lands of the Lords, as all of them were, but only Captains and judges, placed by the Lords of them, there was little regard of justice, as well in them which ruled, the which had authority for to kill, hang, etc. and as they had no Science, nor peradventure Conscience, ruled rather by humane respects, friendships, hatreds, and proper gains, then by direct reason, as in the subjects, the which as Brasill peopled with exiles. there was no justice but of Gossips, (as the speech is) did live at large as they listed, having no body to contradict them, and though the Kings afterward did take & reserve the justice to themselves sending Governors, and general judges, and though there come many men of more quality to continue the inhabiting of the Country, notwithstanding a great part of that first liberty and licence remained still, with the which many evils were and are committed without punishment. For many of them have already so much power with their riches (gained God knoweth how) that I know not whether those that now do rule dare meddle with them, be it that they fear their power and might, or because f●r● omnes dilig●nt m●n●ra: and the justices that went, and will not be interessed but bear the Rod upright, let them prepare themselves to suffer troubles in this Country. The second reason is, that many Suits may here be determined definitively, in the which are delay of many years, without any obtaining of justice by Appeals and Grievances to Portugal. Now if the Governor (as many times it happeneth) will put himself in the office of the general judge, and with his power binds his hands, all goes topsieturuie, without any civil peace in the Country, but rather a continual confusion, and perturbation, and the matter cometh to this point, that the Governor apprehendeth the judge himself (as already it hath happened) and sendeth him to Portugal, and in the mean while the justice of the Country remaineth in the hands of him that cannot administer it, and in stead of reason entereth affection, or passion, and then nothing is done but what the Governor listeth. The same behoveth, and peradventure more, to that which appertaineth to his Majesty's goods, wherein are difficult matters, and have need of a man of knowledge and conscience, for to decide them. The third reason is, that there may learned men of conscience be there for to determine the justice of war, for want of that have many been made in Brasill, against all justice, which was a great cause of the destruction of the men of the Country, and so all the Coast is almost habited. And although the Kings passed commended this greatly, and commanded that no war should be held lawful, but that which should be made by order of the Governor general, he taking first counsel with the Bishop, and Fathers of the company, and experienced persons of the Country, and of good consciences, and the justice of the war being determined by them, notwithstanding many times it is not done with such examination as the cause requireth: and Jesuits complaint for not being call●d to counsels of war. so either the Fathers of the company are not called thereunto, or if they be called, it is for a compliment of justice: and they have more regard to the hope of the profit that is offered them, of getting of slaves in the said war, then unto the justice of it, and to the common good, and danger they put themselves in, for sometimes they fare evil in the broil, with the death of many Christians, both Portugals and Indians. With these wars especially all the Coast of Pernambuco, Depopulations. which beginneth from the River of Saint Francis thitherward, which are fifty leagues, and the greatest part of the Main is disinhabited, having before a most copious number of Indians: and so now that Captainship wanteth Indian friends, to help them to defend, and it is, every day wasted, slain, and eaten of the Indians Pitiguares of Paraiba, which before were their friends, whom they did also great injustice to. The third Article is about the King's Customers Accounts, etc. His Majesty hath a great obligation to the Indians of Brasill, to aid them with all corporal The fourth Article. Wast of the Indians by Portugals. and spiritual remedy. For almost all those of this Coast are almost consumed with sicknesses, wars and tyrannies of the Portugals, and those which escaped, went into the Main to their kindred, and neither have these their lives there. For when the ransoms of slaves did end, which were held for lawful, they invented Armies for to go to the Main to bring them to the Sea for to serve themselves of them perpetually. These companies are made in this manner, three or four or more persons do join, and every one of them do put in so much stock, and ask licence of the Governor to go into the Main to bring free Indians, the Governor grants it, with his order, to wit, that they bring them without any force or deceit, but with their own good will, declaring to them, that they come to serve the Portugals, and to help them in their labours, Sugar-mills and other works. Having this Licence, the Venturers do join people to send into the Main, to wit, Interpreters, and other persons, that sometime came to fifty or sixty with their pieces and other weapons, and with many Indian Archers both free and bond, that doth carry their burdens of the ransom and the victuals, and with help if by deceit they cannot bring the people they go to seek, they may bring it by force. With this Licence in this manner they depart, and never keep the order set down, as it is Portugal's wily manner of wronging the Nati●●s. manifest and all do openly confess without contradiction, for presently when they are departed they say, that if that should be declared unto them there, that certain it is, that no Indian will come, and therefore they must use deceits and force, for they have no other means to move them from their Countries, and with this purpose they go, without any regard of the order, neither of them that go to the Main, nor of the justices when they come from thence, and so they use these Licenses, without any examining of them. Now when they come to the Towns of the Indians, that are within the Main, 100 and 200. leagues, they begin presently their deceits, saying that they come for them by commandment of the Governor, that they may come to enjoy the good things of the Sea, and that they shall be together in their Villages by themselves, and at their will (without making any manner of repartition) and that from thence they shall help the Portugals in their wars, and other things. Other whiles they tell them that the Governor, and the Fathers of the company do send for them for to be in the Churches of their kinsmen, which do learn the things of God, naming some ancient principal Indians, whom they much esteem, and hold as Fathers, and that they will be with them, and for this there hath been some of these Interpreters, that ordained among themselves one, whom they feigned to be a Father of the company, with a shaved crown, and a long habit to deceive them more easily. When these deceits, & other such do not prevail, they use violence, labouring to kill some, that do hinder this coming, for the which it hath happened to put poison in the vessels of their wine, with many other inventions, wherewith they fear them. As once, that coming already by the way, because one of the principal Indians did show to come with an evil will, and did impart it with the rest, it is said that they took for a remedy two or three to remain behind with him alone, and being asleep they choked him with a Towel, and gave out, that he died suddenly, Manifold injuries. because he would not come. Other whiles they kill some of other Nations, that are by the way, all to the end, that those which they bring do not go back, and in this manner they bring such a number of them, without provision of necessary food, that by the way with hunger and evil usage, a great part of them do die, and those that do come are in such a case, and so weak, that it is needful before they come into the houses, the Fathers of the company to go Who now are the Cannibals? about the Woods christening the children at their Mother's breasts that they may not die unbaptized, and others they find half dead, and full of flies, that the Mothers have left, as not able to bring them. Being come to the Sea those that scape alive, having promised them that they will put them in Towns, at their own will, presently the ventures do divide them among themselves, and unchristian Antichristian wickedness. many times they separate fathers from children, wives from husbands, brethren from brethren, etc. and every one carrieth his part to their places, some one hundred, another two hundred, another thirty, etc. every one according to the stock he putteth in. Besides this, they give their share to the men that went to bring them (for this is the money they pay them withal) to one four, to another ten etc. and as many of these have no lands for to maintain them, they sell them presently to others, and so they have marked and sold a great number to these and other Captaineships, and as the poor men do see themselves deceived, and toiled with overmuch labour, with pure grief they die, and some run away and go even to their enemies, willing rather to be eaten of them, then to abide such usage among the Portugals, and in this sort of 30. or 40000. souls, that have been brought, I know not whether 3000. be alive, and with this a great part of the Main is destroyed. For the same licences do the Captains give in their Captaineships, and the same is used. These vexations and tyrannies, are the cause that the Indians lose the patience, which always they have had exceeding, and do kill some Portugals. Now in the Main of the Bay the Tapuyas a people which always had great friendship with the Portugals, and gave them passage through their Countries, and aid to bring the Indians abovesaid, did rise with the deceits and lies of certain Portugals, that went thither with title of bringing Saltpetre, and killed some eighteen Effects of tyranny. or twenty of them. Some of the Main of the Captainship of the Holy Ghost, did kill certain Indians that certain Mestizos did carry with them, going thither to play their accustomed pranks, for within their own houses they would have killed them, and the Mongrels escaped by flight, and with this that people is already an enemy of the Portugals. The Main of the River of januarie with such other lies did revolt, being before our great friends, and killed some Portugals, having a little before a Father of the company gone thither at the request of the Inhabitors of the City, and had been six months with them, confirming them in the friendship of the Portugals, and preaching the faith unto them and brought from diverse and remote places some 600. souls which now are Christians baptised almost all in their Town with a Church made within the River of januarie, which are great help for the defence of that City, Conversing. and they help every one to do their work: and many other remaining moved for to follow their Kinsmen, with this revolting all ceased, and so there as also in other places, the gates unto Reversing. Conversion are altogether shut up. To the Main of the Bay, twice the Fathers of the company have gone at their own cost, (with help of the Indians christened, which do teach,) to bring some people for to furnish the Churches, which begins to diminish, and to preach the Law of God unto them. And there they found of this Soulless people, that were in the Towns of the Indians, as in their own houses, and the Father's bringing some number of Indians, which came from very far to become Christians. These Portugals laboured by all means possible to dissuade them. Sometimes preaching to the Indians, that the Fathers brought them deceived, Diversing. and that here they would take away their Customs, as the drinking of their Wines, their many Wives, and whip their children, etc. the which is an use and custom among these pratlers for to discredit the Fathers. Not being able to prevail by this means, they took another way and did contract with some other Indians, of the principallest of those that remained there, that Inverting. they should sell them those which the Fathers carried, giving them great ransoms for them, and with this they pretended to take them away perforce, before their eyes, so that it was needful the Fathers to bid the Indians to defend themselves, and with this remedy they left them. Others Aduersing. came to the highways and did steal them that the Fathers brought, as one Mestizo which took some twenty and odd, and transported them by another way, taking wife and Auersing. children, brethren, and all the Family from a principal Indian, and left him alone because he was sore hurt in one foot, and was not able to go. With these jarrings of these men of this trade, the Indians know not whom to trust, nor whom to believe, and by the fame that they hear already of the usage that is done here to theirs, that come to the Sea. For this cause a great principal Indian of the Mountain of Rari, that is from hence about two hundred leagues, where now is the greatest force of people, that escaped from the tyrannies, sent hither a Son of his to see how it went, and being true that which the Fathers had said, that he should make here some provision for food sowing some grounds, and to return thither with some Father for him and for all his Family; for to come and receive the law of God. The Son came, and finding the truth, and seeing the usage that is done to theirs in the Sugar-workes, and other labours of the Portugals, he presently husbanded some grounds in one of the Towns of the Christians, that are in protection, and doctrine of the Fathers, with a determination to go and bring his Father as he commanded him. Many other of this Fort did leave Pe●uer●ing● their Fathers, being moved in that Mountain, but with fear of these assaults abovesaid they dare not come. Likewise they have here no grounds fitting for their maintenance, for it is all occupied by the Portugals. Besides this the Nation of the Tapuyas, which have diverse Languages, do not agree well in the Sea Coast, for ordinarily they live here of the Mountain, and in their own Country they might have the evangelical Law preached unto them. All the abovesaid well considered, it seemed necessary that his Majesty should forbid these adventuring, sending a commandment, that none might go thither without express warrant of his Majesty, under great penalties, the which with effect might be executed, and that neither the Governors might give any licence for them, seeing how they which carry the said Licenses never kept, nor will keep the order given them, as aforesaid. For all men know and say, Animadverting. that if it be kept, never will any Indian come from the Main, as until now none came but deceived, and this being so public, and daily, and not the fault of one or two particular men, but a common use of all the Country, that it passeth before the eyes of the justices, never until this hour did the Governors forbid them, rather passed by it not punishing any of them that so brought them, nor redressing the poor Indians. These adventuring taken away, the Fathers would adventure themselves to go among them, to preach the faith of jesus Christ, and make a Christianity, and in time, Portugals or Spaniards, might go thither, but such as were men of a good conscience with order from his Majesty, that might inhabit, and help in the conversion, and in this manner, by the grace of God all that people would be subject to the yoke of the faith, and obedience of the King our Lord. The Indians that are brought from the Main, and are in the power of the Portugals, and all The fifth Article. that are by the Coast of Brasill, as well free as slaves, have no kind of doctrine by obligation, that is imposed upon them; for neither Bishops, nor Curates have any care of it, bearing themselves upon the Fathers of the company, and in thirty four years since that the company was sent to these parts by the King Don john the third, no Curate in all Brasill did ever say Mass in respect of the Indians, or slaves borne in the Country; only they baptise the children with their offerings, and those that are already grown they need no more preparation, then to bring them to be baptised, without giving them any other knowledge of the faith, & so it happeneth by their ignorance, that Note. Subverting. not only they receive not the grace of Baptism, but also sometimes not the character. It is pity to see the little regard that is had in this, being the principal duty of the King our Lord. The Fathers of the company since they entered in to Brassll, took this matter effectually, and in all places where they have houses, there is always a particular Mass said for the slaves all Sundays and Feast days, catechising them every day, and sometime Morning and Evening: They labour to learn the Country Language, and instruct them in the matters of faith, and law of God, they baptise, marry, and do shrieve, and administer other Sacraments unweariedly. But because they cannot accomplish all, and many do perish in want for the Curates take no care of them as if they were not their sheep) it is necessary that his Majesty do provide in this some more effectual remedies. The first remedy offered was, that his Majesty should command to make a Catechism in tha● Capoch 〈…〉 〈◊〉▪ the Bra●●l●an Tongue. Brasilian Language, which is universal from the River Maravyon, unto the River of Plate, and should be imprinted at his Majesty's cost, and to enjoin every Curate to have it, and to teach by it. For though the most of them have not the language, they may notwithstanding learn to read it very well, and to teach by the Book, as at the beginning, and even now some Fathers of the company do, that the Indians hearing him read will understand, etc. It is very necessary that his Majesty do command to examine the justice that these Portugals The sixth Article. have to serve themselves of these free Indians they bring from the Main in the manner abovesaid, for although they hold them with a title of free, they have no liberty but in name, for in truth they are more than Captives, according to the usage they have. For first, as touching the Slavery of the Indians. souls, they care not for their doctrine, nor that they be baptised, married, or live, like Christians, they have no other respect but of their service, as of any other brute beast, and so let them live in adultery, without hearing Mass, or shrieving, and many die without Baptism. As touching their bodies, their labours are immoderate and perpetual by night and by day, contrary to the nature of the Indians, which are sustained with very little labour in their Countries. If they fall sick they have then less care of them then of their slaves, for of these because they cost them their money, they have more regard, as the Masters themselves do confess. Those that have them in their power, are served of them, as of slaves, all their lives, not letting them go to another Master or place, though it be to the Churches of their kinsmen, that are Christians, where they may be better instructed in matters of the faith, and of their salvation; and if they do go to a●y place, though it be to the said Churches, they labour by themselves, and by the justices, to bring them again, as indeed they do bring, and put them in Irons, as though they were slaves. Whence ariseth a great scandal to the Indians Christian, their kinsmen, some of the which, as yet are tender Plants in the faith, forsake the Churches and flee with their family about the woods, grieved with the injuries that are done to theirs, especially in matter of liberty, which they so much esteem, and for fear they will do the like with them, and so wandering are lost and never seen again; and truth it is, that if it were not for the continual care and vigilancy that the Fathers of the company have over them, and the love the Indians do bear them, because they are their masters; and seeing that for their defence they are hated of the Portugals, and murmured at, they had not continued, no not these three small towns o● Christians of the Bay, wherein may be about 2500. souls, which only escaped of eleven Church's, that there were, wherein were gathered more than 40000. nor other Towns likewise of Christians, that are about the Captain ships. Neither had Governors nor Captains sufficed for to have sustained them (as the experience hath shown) for they would not have suffered such vexation, though they had died for it, as others did already at the beginning, running away and dying, wherewith the coast was disinhabited. Not only do the Portugals serve themselves of the free Indians above said, which they bring Wicked man-stealing. from the main; but they ●●ll them also to others, and they say with title of free, but the price is such, that a lawful slave is sold no dearer, and so the goods, that without them was worth. I put the case 2000 Ducats, with them they give it for 4000 and these that do buy it, do take already mastership of them, as of slaves, that cost them their money, and so from hand to hand their captivity increaseth, and though they say that they are served of them, as of hired men, the pay for their service is nothing; for it they give a cotton garment to one or two of the principallest of them, which they wear in their service, they do not neither is it possible to give it to 100 or 200. that they keep, as they themselves confess; with the like usages many of the said Indians either eat earth till they kill themselves, or let themselves dye very easily with mere grief and sadness. And because jointly with this the punishments they give them are like the slaves, and these buy and sallings are not used particularly between one or two Through you is my name blasphemed amongst the G 〈…〉 s. persons secretly, but it is an use and custom in all the Country, without any justice looking into it. Finally, they are not only served of them all their life, but they give them also in marriages to Sons and Daughters as a dowry; and at their deaths they remain in their wills with the name of free, but bound to serve their children perpetually, whom they leave them unto as ●aereditario iure, and so the heirs go to law about them, and have judgements, as if they were lawful sl●ues. As touching the justice that is used with the Indians, the King our Lord is to understand, that The se●uenth Article. although his Majesty as all the Kings his predecessors do recommend always this matter of the Indians to the Governors above all as their principal duty, with very effectual words, notwithstanding the justice that until now hath been in Brasil toward them was none or very little, as it is plainly seen by the assaults, robberies, captivities, and other vexations that always w●re done to them, and even now are done. Against the Indians was always a rigorous The mercies of the ungodly are cruel. justice, they have already been hanged, hewn in pieces, quartered, their hands cut, nipped with hot pincers, and set in the mouth of pieces, and shot away the Indians for killing or helping to kill some Portugal (which peradventure had well deserved it at their hands) but having persons, not a few in Brasil, as always there were, and yet there are, notoriously infamous for robbing, stealing, branding, selling, and killing many Indians, never until this time was there any show of punishment, and it is to be feared, seeing it wanteth on earth, that it will come from heaven on all the inhabitants of Brasil. The eight Article is touching the Indians exceeding services without reward. The ninth Article is to prevent their total destruction, which cannot but follow the practice of Portugals in making slaves of them by sowing quarrels, and interessing themselves on one side, by burning, etc. All the coast of Brasil doth want and is destitute of Priests that may be Curates for the souls, for in the Bay, except three or four that do serve in the high Church, and one that serveth for The tenth Article. Curate in one Parish, that did learn in the college of the Company: there are no Priests that know how to do their office, and their customs and lives are much blemished, for many of them came suspended from Portugal for grievous crimes, and also for incorrigible: and here as they want Priests they are presently enabled and made cures of souls, and although in the three Colleges of the company that are in this Country, Sc. in the Bay, Pernambuco, and the River of januarie, are ordinary lectures of matters of conscience, there is no Priest that will hear it, and as they are most ignorant, they doubt nothing, and so they absolve and dispense more than Popes with great loss of the souls; and such there was, that dispensed with a parishioner of his to communicate after he had drunk, whereby may be conjectured what the rest w●ll do. And with this they do other follies, and misbehaviours in the celebrating of the mass before the people, that they seem altogether fools. And their life is pitiful, for finally their care is to fill themselves with money, meat, and drink; and to follow the lusts of the flesh, with a great scandal of the secular. Those are very rare, and may be told with the finger through all the coast, which do live a life worthy the Priestly function, and those which the Bishop banish from hence for their faults or suspensions to the River of januarie, presently they are there received by the Ruler, as now he did particularly to one that being a Friar come from Portugal expelled from the Order for incorrigible, and afterward he was enabled here by the Bishop, he was put in the visitation, because he was not shriven in three years, celebrating almost every day, and this being another time condemned by the Bishop in his Court▪ and brought to the estate that he came in from Portugal, expelled his Order, and banished from his Bishopric, and his life infamous and scandalous to all the Secular, the Ruler enabled him presently in the River of januarie, (not without great scandal of the good) not only for fellow-helper of the Curate of that City, but also for a Preacher. And the Prelates say they do all this because they have no other, whom to give the Parishes unto, which are many. CHAP. III. Extracts out of the History of JOHN LERIUS * Lerius with other Protestants went at Vil. his request to M. Calf, to Brosill, he there fortifying and pretending Evangelicall reformation, from which he after apostatised. The Story is long, which I had by me wholly translated, but store hath bred a sore; and the most of it I have omitted; as also all Thevets' Voyage thicher, and that of Stadiu● in those parts, though all Englished, and ready for the Presie. Chap. 10. Beasts are bred in America altogether unlike unto ours. The wild beast Tapiroussou, which resembleth a Kow, and an Ass. Most American beasts without tails. Targets of the hide of the wild beast Tapiroussou. Grievous famine. The taste of the flesh of the Tapiroussou. a Frenchman, who lived in Brasill with Mons. VILLAGAGNON, Ann. 1557. and 58. §. I. Of the Beasts, and other living creatures, and Plants, of Brasill. BEfore I proceed any further, presently in the beginning of this Chapter, I thought good briefly to admonish the Reader, that no living creatures of the kind of fourfooted beasts are found in all the Brasilian world, altogether like unto ours in shape: and that the Tovoupinambaultij use not, but very seldom, to bring them up tame at home. But, that I may generally describe the wild beasts, which the Barbarians call So, I determined to begin with them which are applied to the use of man. It seemeth, that that is to be set in the first place, which also is most common: they call Tapiroussou, of a reddish, and long shaggy hair, greatly resembling a Kow in bigness and shape: yet, seeing it wanteth horns, and hath a shorter neck, with longer and hanging ears, and more withered and slender legs, with an whole hoof, very like unto the hoof of an Ass, a man may rightly say, it participateth the nature of the Kow, and Ass. Notwithstanding it differeth very much from either, both because it hath a very short tail (here the Reader is by the way to be admonished, that very many beasts are bred in America, which have no tail at all) and hath much sharper teeth: nor may any danger be therefore procured unto men by this beast, seeing it useth to repose safety rather in flight, then in strength. The Barbarians kill them, as also many others, shooting them through with Arrows, or use to catch them in an hollow trench, or with other manner of Traps and Gins ingeniously and cunningly made. But that wild beast is greatly esteemed by the Barbarians, by reason of the skin, which as soon as they have taken away, cutting the back of the hide in a round circle, they dry it in the Sun, and fashion it like unto a Target of the bigness of the bottom of an indifferent vessel, wherewith they repel the Arrows, of the enemies, received in the wars. And the skin dried in the Sun becometh so hard, that I easily believe that it cannot be pierced through with the stroke of any weapon, although it be cast with great violence. I carefully desired to bring two such Targets into France, but the famine so oppressed us returning, that all the provision of victual being spent, not excepting Monkeys and Parrots, and other living creatures or the same kind, which we brought with us out of that Country, those two Targets, being laid upon the coals, were also eaten to expel hunger; unto the which the rest of the skins that were in the ship (as I shall declare in their proper place) were added. Moreover, the flesh of the Tapiroussou, cometh almost near unto the taste of Beef: this the Barbarians broyle after their manner, and in their Country language call it, Boucanare. But because I have now used that word, and that hereafter it shall be often repeated, lest the Reader should any longer remain doubtful, occasion being offered, I will declare what this thing is. The Americans fastening four wooden forks in the ground, of the thickness of an arm, three foot asunder, in the figure of a square, and almost of the equal height of three feet, lay sticks across over them two fingers distant each from other, and so make a wooden Grate: this, in their language they name Boucan. They have many such Grates in their houses, whereon they Boucan, and the Barbarians Kitchen. lay flesh cut into gobbets or pieces, and making a soft fire of dry wood, that there may be no smoke almost at all, they suffer them to be broiled as long as they please, after this manner, having twice turned them in the space of an hour. And because they do not powder meats with salt, as the manner is here, they use the only remedy of broiling, for the preserving of The manner of preserving meats among the Americans. them. Therefore, although they had taken thirty wild beasts in one day, (such as we will describe in this Chapter, they would lay them all cut in pieces, upon those Grates, as soon as it might be done, lest they should be tainted and corrupted: and there, being often turned, they are sometimes broiled and scorched above four and twenty hours together, until the inside of the flesh be as well roasted as the outside, and by this means they are all preserved from corruption. Nor is there any other manner of dressing or preserving fish, which when they have gotten, they dry them in great plenty, to make Meal, especially those which in their Country Meal of fishes language they call Piraparati, which are the very true and natural Mullets, of the which I shall hereafter speak in another place. And these Grates among the Barbarians are rightly to be accounted the Shambles, and Storehouse: and therefore you shall scarce come to their Villages, but you may see them laden with the flesh of wild beasts, and fishes: and it usually happeneth also very often, as we shall hereafter speak, if you come unto the Barbarians, that you shall Man's flesh laid upon Boucan. behold these Grates filled with man's flesh, which, I think, they bring as spoils taken from the conquered enemies, to be slain, and eaten. But, that I may prosecute the intended description of wild beasts, the second degree of bigness seemeth to be given unto a certain kind of Deer, which they name Seovassou, but herein they d●ffer from ours, both that they are much lower, and have lesser horns, and also in Seovassou a kind of Deer. Taiassou a Boar. this, that they have as long shagged hair, as our Country Goats. But the American Boar, which they call Taiassou, is very like in shape unto those which are bred with us, in bulk of body, ears, head, and feet, very hurtful also, through his long and sharp teeth: yet seeing he is more lean and slender, and terribly gnasheth and grindeth his teeth together, he is notorious also through that deformity. He hath an hole in the back, by nature, as the Sea-swine have in the head, whereby he draweth in breath, and letteth it out. These three are their greatest beasts. Swine, with an hole in their back▪ Agouti. There is also among the Americans, a certain red wild beast, which they name Agouti, of the height of a weaned Pig of thirty days old, with a cloven foot, a very short tail, and with the nose and ears almost of an Hare, most delightful to the taste. There are also others of two or three kinds, which they call Tapitis, not much unlike our Hares, but somewhar of a reddish Tapitis, a kind of Hare. hair. They catch great Rats also in the Woods, of the bigness and hair of Squirrels, which come near unto the delicate taste of Coneys. Reddish Miso. Pag, or Pague, (for after what manner they pronounce it, you can scarce, or not at all understand) Pag, a beast marked with spots. is a wild beast of the indifferent height of an Hound, with a deformed head, the flesh coming near unto the taste of Veal, with a very fair skin, distinguished with white, russet, and black spots, so that it would be of great price with us, if they were to be gotten. There is another also found, which they call Sarigoy, which the Barbarians eat not, by reason Sarigoy, a stinking beast. of the noisome stink thereof: but flaying some of them, and taking away the fat of the kidneys, whence that stink proceeded, we eat them without loathing: for, they are both tender, and also excellent flesh. There is also that which they call Tatou: this is not very well able to run, yet (as Hedgehogs Tatou, armed with scales. The Armadillo. with us) creeping through the briars and bushes, she is armed with very hard scales, so that she cannot be pierced with a sword, if also you wrap the skin together being taken off, (wherewith the Barbarians make very many Chists, which they call Caramenos) you would say they were warlike Gauntlets. It is of a white flesh, and of an excellent taste. Moreover, unto these beasts, which are most common with the Americans, Crocodiles, called jacare, are added, of the bigness of a man's thigh, and proportionable length: but they are so jacare, or Crocodiles, kept tame. far from doing any hurt, that the Barbarians houses are full of these jacare, and the little children play with them without any danger. Those Crocodiles which I happened to see, had a very wide mouth, long legs, with a tail neither round nor sharp, but very small at the end: and whether, as some have written, they move the upper chap, I freely confess, that I have not observed. Moreover, the Americans take Lizards, they call them Tovous, not green, but russet, Tovous, Lizards and of a spotted skin, like our Country small Lizards. And although they be four or five foot long, and proportionable in bigness, and therefore of a terrible form, yet notwithstanding like Frogs, they abide in the Rivers, and Marshes, hurtful unto none. Furthermore, the skin being plucked off, if they be bowelled, and sodden, they are very delicate meat, so that I The greatest Lizards in America, edible. have not tasted any thing more sweet in America. For, they are of as white a flesh as Capons are with us, delicate, tender and sweet, that nothing excelleth them: yet in the beginning I abhorred the taste thereof, but afterward when I had tasted them better, as touching meats, the Lizards were chiefly commended of me. The Tovoupinambaultij have also very great Toads, which they eat being roasted, without Toads eaten in America. bowelling. But seeing both Physicians teach, and it is also commonly known, and apparent, that the flesh, and corrupt blood, and whatsoever else belongeth to the Toad, is deadly, any one, although I hold my peace, may easily conjecture, that by reason of the temperateness of that Country, or some other cause, whereof I am ignorant, it happeneth, that Toads, there, are not venomous, and dangerous at all, as they are with us. They eat Serpents also, of the bigness of a man's arm, five foot long almost. Moreover, The Americans use to eat very great Serpents. I have observed, that the Barbarians (as I mentioned concerning Crocodiles) brought home a certain kind of them, particoloured, with black and red, and cast them down among their wives and children, so secure, that they handled them with their hands. These monstrous Land-Eeles, they cut into pieces, and dress: but they are unsavoury, and of very little taste. diverse kinds of Serpents also are bred with them, and specially in the Rivers, where they appear green like potherbs; long and slender, whose stinging is very hurtful. There are also Lizards in the Woods (besides those which we mentioned before) very dangerous, as it shall manifestly appear by the discourse which I will here set down. When therefore I sometimes The Author's report of a protigious Lizard. traveled to see the Country, with two Frenchmen in my company, and that, as the manner was, we had not the Barbarians to guide us in the way, and therefore wandered in the Woods, and passed through a deep Valley, hearing the noise of a certain beast coming towards us, supposing it to be some timorous and harmless wild beast, notwithstanding, proceeding on our intended journey, we were secure and quiet in mind: but presently, thirty paces distant almost from us, on the right hand, we saw a Lizard on an hill; bigger than the body of a man, and five or six foot long. He, being spread all over with white and rough scales like Oyster-shells, holding up one of his fore-feets, with his head aloft, and shining eyes, began to behold us. Wherefore being astonished (for none of us▪ as it then fell out, carried a Hand-gunne, but had only our Swords at our sides, and Bows and Arrows, which weapons could not greatly hurt that Monster armed with such hard scales: Nevertheless, fearing left if we shifted for ourselves by flight, being swifter than we, he would dispatch us altogether) when the one fearfully beheld the other, we stood still in the same place. But after that prodigious and fearful Lizard had beheld us a quarter of an hour, with an open mouth, and because it was exceeding hot weather (for it was a clear day, almost at noon) fetching a deep groan, that we might easily hear it, upon a sudden, he went unto the top of a Mountain, with so great noise of the crashing and breaking of twigs and boughs, as a Dear running through a Wood, would scarce have made. We therefore, who then were much affrighted, not being very careful to pursue him, gave thanks unto God who had delivered us, and proceeded again on our intended journey. And embracing their opinion who affirm, that the Lizard is delighted with the sight of a man, it seemed to me, that the beholding of us pleased that Monster as much as we were tormented through his presence. There is also a wild beast bred with them, that liveth upon the prey, which they call janovare. This beast hath legs almost as long as an hunting Dog, and matcheth janovare, a wild beast, dangerous to men. him almost in swiftness; but about the chin hath long shagged hair, with a spotted skin, and fair, like unto a Lynx, and also very like in the rest. The Barbarians not without just cause, greatly fear that wild beast. For seeing she is accustomed to the prey, as also, the Lion, if she catch any of them, she teareth him in pieces, and devoureth him. But as they are desirous of revenge, and suffer not any of those things unrevenged which are troublesome unto them: if they take any, in hollow trenches which they make for that cause, or with any other kind of Traps or Gins, they put her to a lingering death, shooting her through with many Arrows, that she might the longer languish: and that it may the better appear, how evilly that wild beast dealeth with the Barbarians, when sometimes five or six Frenchmen of the company passed by this way, the Americans advised us, to beware of the janovare, because that very selfsame week, she had cruelly devoured three men in a certain Village of theirs. I thought good to add to this Edition, that the Americans, before the Voyage of Uillagagno had never seen Dogs: and therefore, when they beheld a Dog of the kind of Hounds, Dogs, first see●▪ by the Americans. which with certain whelps we brought thither, and that he fauned on us, they were astonished, and fled away from him, because (as I mentioned before) he came near unto the shape of the janovare. For that cause also, Gomard inhis General Indian History, testifieth, that in the Cap. 44. year 1509. when Christopherus Columbus first arrived at the Island Beringua, called also by the name of Saint john, the Indians of this Country, who made war with the Spaniards, greatly feared a red Dog, and that he stood them in as good stead almost as two Harquebussers: because he did not only fiercely assail the Barbarians, but also discerning his companions from the Enemies, although being provoked, he was not offensive unto them, but also taking notice of the Caribas (the worst, and most detestable nation of all those Countries) pursued them, fleeing into the midst of the Army of the Enemies, and being so much provoked, took no rest, until he had torn the Enemy in pieces on whom he seized: fight so fortunately for the Spaniards, that being accompanied with him, they fought so cheerfully against the Indians, as if they had had three horsemen in their company. Yet this Dog, while he swum after I know not what Cariba, being shot with a poisoned Arrow died, and made his Master very sorrowful, and the Indians joyful and glad. So, Uallovas' also, the most valiant Captain of the Spaniards, when he Cap. ●2. first discovered the South Sea, letting slip the Dogs which he had, against the Indians, who withstood him, from entering on the Land, the Barbarians were stricken with so great a fear, that they were compelled to provide for themselves by flight: and the Dogs of Vallovas', prevailed as much as the best Soldiers of them all. Moreover, many Monkeys are found on the Brasilian coast, little and black, which they call Cay, which I cease to describe, because they are C●●● Monkeys. very well known unto us. I will only declare this one thing, that seeing they continually live in the tops of trees, bearing fruits in cod like unto our Beans, wherewith they are nourished, and meet together there in companies, especially when the smoking showers fall, it is a pleasant thing to hear them crying, and making a noise. But seeing at one birth they only bring forth one young one, the Monkey, as soon as he cometh into the world is endued with that natural industry, that he firmly hangeth about the neck of the Sire, or the Dam: therefore The industry of the Monkeys in delivering their young from danger. The mancer of taking Monkeys. if Hunters come suddenly upon them, the Sire or Dams leaping through the boughs, he also taketh his flight together with them. For which cause, the Barbarians cannot easily catch Monkeys of any age whatsoever: yet they cast them down from trees wounded with Arrows, and afterward having healed them, and made them tame a little while at home, they exchange and barter them for Merchandises. But at the first, they are so fierce, that they wound the fingers of them that handle them, with their teeth, so that being bitten, they are very often compelled through pain, to kill them with strokes. There is also another kind of Monkey among the Americans, which they call Sagovin, of Sagovin a beautiful little beast. the bigness of a Squirrel, and of a red hair: but as touching the shape, in the snout, breast, neck, and almost all the other parts, being very like unto a Lion, and also hardy, it giveth place in beauty to none of the little beasts, which surely I saw there. And if it were as easily brought over the Sea as the rest, it would be of far greater price and estimation. But seeing it is of so weak a little body, that it cannot endure the working of the ship; for it is of that haughtiness of spirit, that if it be offended never so little, it would die through discontentment: yet some are here to be found. But, that I may freely confess the matter as it is, although I have been curious, I was not so diligent in observing all the living creatures of America, as I desired, nevertheless, that I may once make an end, I will yet describe two kinds, which are monstrous in shape, as those that art most. The one which the Barbarians call Hay, is of the bigness of a Dog, with an hanging belly, Hay, a deformed beast. like a farrowing Sow with pig, of an ash-colour hair very much washed, with a very long tail, hairy feet after the manner of a Bear, and long claws: but as, while it liveth in the Woods, it is very fierce; yet being taken, it is very easily tamed. But the naked Tovoupinambaultij do not willingly play with him, because he hath both long, and also sharp claws. They say, it liveth only on air. The other, whereof I am also to speak, called by the Barbarians, Coaty, is of the height of Coaty, with a monstrons great snout. an Hare, with short and spotted hair, little and sharp ears, both of a little head, and also with an eminent snout from the eyes, more than a foot long, round like a walking-staff, suddenly decreasing at the end, so that it is altogether of an equal thickness, with so narrow a mouth, that it can scarce receive the little finger. None may be found more monstrous: afterward, when this wild beast is taken, gathering her four feet together, she bendeth herself to the one side or the other, or falleth flat down: nor can she ever be raised, nor compelled to eat, unless Ants be given her, on which she also feedeth in the Woods. This Chapter also, wherein I will entreat of Birds, I thought good to begin with those Chap. 11. which are fit for the maintenance of man's life, and by a general name, are called Oura, by the Oura, birds. Tovoupinambaultij: they have great plenty of those Hens, unto the which we gave the name from India, and they call them Arginau-oussou: from that time also since the Portugals lived among the Barbarians, our Countrymen used to nourish Hens, called by them, Arginau-miri. Arginau-oussou, Indian Hens. Arginau miri, our Country Hens. And although (as I have elsewhere mentioned) they esteem the white ones very much, that plucking off the feathers, and dying them red, they might cloth and deck themselves; yet for the most part they abstain from hoth kinds, as touching the eating of them. Moreover, seeing they persuade themselves, that the Eggs, which they call Arginau-ropia, are, as it were, poison, Arginau-ropia, an egg. they were not only astonished, if we supped Eggs before them, but also reproving us, added moreover, that it was not to be suffered; for, while we prevented the hatching of ckickens, we eat an Hen in an egg. Therefore, they are almost as careful of their Hens, as of the Birds, which live in the Woods. they suffer them to lay wheresoever they are disposed. But the Hens in like manner, bring home their chickens out of the briers and bushes, so that the Americane women may be without trouble. Together with the Hens, the Barbarians also nourish Indian Ducks at home, they call them Upec. But because the Tovoupinambaultij are so superstitious, that they think, if they Vpec, Indian Ducks. should eat so slow a creature, they should get the same slowness, so that if the Enemies should assail them, they could not seek their safety by flight: no man may easily persuade them to taste the least morsel of them, and for that cause they abstain from all those creatures which go slowly, and also from fishes, as Rays or Thornebacke, and others which cannot swim swiftly. As touching these Birds which live in the woods, they take them as great as Capons, jacous, a kind of Pheasant. and those of three sorts, which the Barbarians call jacoutin, jacoupen, and jacou-ovassou. They have all black and ash-colour Feathers, and come near unto the Pheasants in taste, and I may truly affirm, that no sweeter or more delicate meat can ever be eaten, than those jacoas are. Besides, there are two kinds of most exquisite and choice Birds, which are named Mouton, Mouton, a rare Bird. of the bigness of Peacocks, with the same Feathers which the former had, and they are very seldom found. Macacova, and Yuambou-ovassou, are two kinds of Partridges, of the bigness of our Country A kind of great Partridges. Geese, not much unlike the taste of Mutton. These three following have one and the same taste almost, Inambour-miri of the height of Partridges: Pegassou Stockedoves, and Paicacu the Turtle Dove. But that I may briefly finish the discourse of Birds, which are found in great plenty, both in the Woods, Rivers, and also in the shores, I will come unto those which are not so fit for food. Among the rest, there are two kinds of the same bigness, which come near to the greatness of a Raven or Crow: which as the rest of the American Birds, have crooked bills and talons, as also Parrots, in which number they might be reckoned. As touching the Feathers, as it is easily judged, I scarce thought that Birds of such excellent beauty were to be found in the whole world, in the beholding whereof, abundant matter offereth itself, not as profane men, to commend nature, but the creator: and that it may manifestly appear, the first which the Barbarians call Arat, Arat, a Bird with excellent Feathers. hath the feathers in the train and wings, of a foot and a half long, partly purple like unto red, and partly of a blue colour, greatly shining, to the which also, the other parts of the body are correspondent. When this Bird moveth in the Sun, where she very much abideth, no man can ever be satisfied with her sight. The other called Canide, with the inferior Feathers, and those that are round about the neck Canide, a Bird with blue feathers. shining of the colour of gold, and those that cover the back, wings, and train of an excellent blue colour, seeing they seem to be under-laid with embroidered gold, and over-laid with a Velvet Mantle▪ above it causeth great admiration to the beholders. But although these Birds be not domestical, yet they oftener build their nests in the tops of the trees which are in the middle of the Villages, then in the woods, whereby it cometh to Feathers, of the which, caps, garments etc. are made. pass, that the Barbarians pluck their Feathers three or four times in the year, of the which Feathers they make Caps, Garments, and Bracelets, deck the handles of their clubs, and adorn their bodies. I brought many such Feathers with me into France. Three or four sorts of Parrots are taken there: the greatest and fairest whereof the Barbarians Aiourous, great and very fair Parrots. call Aiourous. These have the head intermingled with red, yellow, and violet colours, the ends of the wings scarlet or crimson, the tail, which is very long, yellow, and the rest of the body green; very few such are brought unto us. A Woman in a certain Village, some four miles distant from our Island, had brought up one of this kind, which as if she had been endued with reason, conceived those things which she was commanded. As often as we went that way, we presently heard the Mistress of that Bird say, will you give me a Comb, or a Looking-glass, and I will presently command my Parrot A wonderful story of a Parrot. to sing and dance before you? If happily we granted her request, the Parrot presently hearing certain words of her Mistress, did not only dance on the perch where she sat, but also prattled, and whistled; and lastly, she wonderfully counterfeited the Barbarians going to the wars. To be short, if her Mistress thought good to bid her sing, she sung, if to dance, she danced: contrarily, if not rewarding her, with a little sharper speech she had commanded her their Aug●, that is, be still, than she presently held her peace, nor could we make her with any words to move either her tongue, or feet never so little: wherefore I leave it to the Readers to be considered whether if the Romans had had such a Parrot they would not highly have esteemed her, who, as Pliny recordeth, sometimes solemnised the death of a Crow with innumerable rites of funeral, by Lib. 10. cap. 43. which, at the place of Common Pleas, they were every morning by name saluted, and punished him with death, who killed the same. The Barbarian woman called this Parrot Cherimbaué, that is to say, her best beloved. And surely she was so dear unto her, that demanding at what price we might buy her, she answered in scoffing manner Mocaovassou, that is to say, a great brass piece, and therefore we could not wrest her from her at any price. I found that they made their Nests in the holes of hollow Trees. Among the rest of the American Birds, the first place shall be given to a certain Bird named Toucan, a Bird of the bigness of a Pigeon. Toucan, whereof we made mention of before. It is of the bigness of a Pigeon, of a black colour like a Crow, except the breast, which is of a yellow colour, compassed from the lower part with a ring of red feathers, which being taken away, the Barbarians use it for ornament of the cheeks and other parts of the body. And it is highly esteemed with them, because they use it when they intent to dance. From thence it hath taken the name Toucan-tabourace▪ that is, a Feather to dance with. Yet notwithstanding, they have such store of them, that they refuse not to change them for our Merchandizes. The bill of this Bird exceedeth the rest of the body in length, The monstrous bill of a Bird. wherewith a Crane's beak is not to be compared, and therefore it is to be accounted the most monstrous bill of the whole world. There is another of the bigness and colour of a Blackbird, except the breast, which is as red as Ox blood: this, the Barbarians take away after the same manner that they did the former, and call the Bird Panou. Panu a Bird with a red breast. Quampian, a Bird of a scarlet colour. Gonamboch, a very little bird. There is also another of the bigness of an Owzell, with all the Feathers of a scarlet colour, this they call Quampian. But one very little Bird is not to be omitted, of no less admiration than smallness, which the Barbarians call Gonambuch, with white and shining Feathers: it exceedeth not a drone Bee, or Beetle in bigness, yet maketh wonderful melody in singing. Sitting upon that great Milium which the Barbarians call Auati, or other high plants, she singeth so loud, that unless she be seen you would scarce believe that so loud, and sweet melody could proceed from that small body. She is not inferior to our Nightingale. But because I cannot particularly describe all the American Birds, which differ not a little from ours, not only in kind, but also in variety of colour, as rose colour, red, violet, white, ash-colour, The variety of the American Birds. purple, etc. I will at length describe one, which the Barbarians so observe and esteem, that they will not only not hurt her, but suffer them not to escape unrevenged who do her any wrong. She is of the bigness of a Pigeon, and ash-colour, the Tououpinamb●●ltij hear her more often in the night then in the day, with a mournful voice, and believe that she is sent from their friends and kindred, unto them, and also declareth good luck, and especially, that she encourageth and admonisheth them to behave themselves valiantly in the wars against their enemies. Besides, they verily think that if they rightly observe these divinations, it shall come to pass, that they should vanquish their Enemies, even in this life, and after death, their souls should fly beyond the Mountains, to their ancestors, perpetually to dance there. I chanced once to lodge in a Village, named Vpec by the French men, there, in the night I heard those Birds, not singing, but making a lamentable noise. I saw the Barbarians most attentive, and being ignorant of the whole matter, reproved their folly. But, when I smiled a little upon a French man standing by me, a certain old man severely enough restrained me with these words: hold your peace, lest you hinder us, who attentively hearken to the happy tidings of our ancestors. The dotage of the Barbarians who observe the singing of a Bird. American Bees. For, as often as we hear these Birds, so often also are we cheered, and our strength receiveth increase. The Americane Bees differing from ours, are like unto the lesser black flies wherewith we are troubled in the time of Summer, and make their honey combs in the hole of a rotten tree. The Barbarians are skilful to gather honey and wax. Being gathered, intermingled, they call it Yra-yetic, for Yra signifieth honey, and Yetic wax. The honey being severed, they ea●e it after Yra, Hon●▪ Yetic, black Wax. our manner, but keep the wax which resembleth the blackness of Pitch made into lumps of the bigness of a man's arm. Yet, not that they make Torches or Candles therewith, for, there is no other use of a Candle with them, then of a certain wood which sendeth forth a most clear and bright flame. But they chiefly use that Wax to stop those huge canes, wherein they put their Feathers, lest they should be eaten, and gnawed with the Butterflies, which also we will describe in this place. They are called Aravers by the Barbarians, of the bigness of Grasshoppers, they also come in Aravers, Butterflies. great multitudes to ●he fire as Creekets do, and if they find any thing they eat it, but especially they so gnaw leather doublets and shoes, that they wholly consume the superficies and upper grain thereof. But, if we negligently set up Hens, or other meats of that kind, in the morning the bare bones were found without flesh. The Barbarians being stung with Scorpions apply bruised Scorpions to the wound, if they can get them. Moreover, as we have elsewhere said, that they are most desirous of revenge, nay, I might almost say, that they are made against all hurtful things, so that if unawares they stumble at a stone, they bite them after the manner of mad Dogs, and diligently seek out all The Barbarians most desirous of revenge. Land Crabs. living creatures hurtful unto them, and utterly root them out as much as they can. The Country of America hath also land Crabs, the Tovoupinambaultij call them Oussa; they go in multitudes like Locusts, unto the Sea shore, and fennie places, and if any one go thither he may see them flying hither and thither: they convey themselves into the bodies and roots of trees, out of the which they cannot safely be drawn, for they pinch the fingers and hands of such as take them, with their claws. They are far leaner than the Sea Crabs, but because they smell of the juniper roots, they are nothing pleasing to the taste. His discourse of America fishes I have omitted, except this which you shall now hear. I will not omit a story which I heard reported by a Barbarian. When, saith he, on a certain day, I was carried in a Boat with certain others, in a very calm Sea, a certain huge fish took hold with the hand on the brim of the Boat, and in my judgement, it would either have over turned it, or The report of a Barbarian, concerning a fish with hands and countenance, resembling the shape of a man. Chap. 13. Of the trees, herbs, roots, and most exquisite fruits which grow▪ in the American soil. Ar●b●●tan, the Br●sil tree, and the form thereof. gotten up into it. I seeing that, cut off the hand with a sickle which I had in a readiness, so that it fell into the Boat, and it had fine fingers very like unto ours: besides, for pain which that fish felt, putting the head above water, which was like unto the head of a man, it squeaked a little, and made a certain noise. First, because the Brasil tree is the most famous of all that soil (from whence also that Country hath taken the name) especially for the colour which our Dyers make therewith, I will describe it in this place. This Tree therefore is called by the Barbarians, Araboutan, and equalleth our Oak in height and plenty of Boughs. Some of these are found, the thickness whereof containeth full as much as three men can fathom. After what manner that Timber useth to be brought into the Ships, I thought good in this place to describe. But first you are to understand, that except the Merchants were holpen by the Inhabitants, they could scarce lad a Ship with that Timber within a year, both for the hardness, and therefore the difficulty in cutting, and also chiefly, because that Country wanteth all labouring Beasts, and therefore it is to be carried upon th● shoulders of men. The Barbarians being hired for Garments, Shirts, Caps, Knives, and other Merchandizes, do not only cut, cleave, and make round that Timber, but also laying it upon their bare shoulders, carry it The Country of America wanteth all beasts of burden. The Barbarians cut the timber and carry it into the Ships. The ancient manner of felling trees, among the Barbarians. The Brasil wood, almost without smoke The ashes of the Brasil wood dye shir●s of a red colour. into the Ships, and sometime in most cumbersome places, lying three or four miles distant from the wood to the shore. But I expressly say, that the Barbarians, since the French men and Portugals came unto them, cut their Brasil trees, for before that time (as far as I understood from the elder sort) they had no other way of felling them, save that they overthrew them by putting fire unto them. Moreover, because I know some think that the timber which is brought unto us, hath the thickness of the trees, I purposely added, that the Barbarians made it round, that they might the more easily carry the same. Furthermore, it hath been observed by me, for so long time as I lived in America, and used a clear fire through the benefit of this wood, that this kind of wood was nothing moist, which usually happeneth to most of the other kinds of wood: nay, that it was dry as it were by nature, and being kindled, yieldeth very little smoke. One of our men desired to wash our shirts, and unawares, put the ashes of the Brasil wood into the lie, whereby they were so surely died with a red colour, that although they were washed, they never changed the same, and being so died with that colour, we were to put them on. Because our Tovoupinambaultij do not meanly wonder, when they see French men, and other strangers coming far off from remote Countries, take so much pains to carry back their Ships laden with their Araboutan, that is to say, the Brasil or red wood: Therefore a certain elderly man of the Barbarians, sometimes questioned me in this manner, concerning that matter: The conference of a certain Barbarian with the Author. What meaneth it, that you Mair and Peros (that is French men and Portugals) come so far to fetch Wood? doth your Country yield you no wood for the fire? Then said I, it yieldeth fuel surely, and that in great plenty, but not of that kind of trees, such a● yours are; especially Brasil, which our men carry from hence, not to burn, as you suppose, but for to dye. Here he presently excepting: But have you, said he, need of so great plenty of that wood? Yea surely, said I, for seeing even one Merchant with us possesseth more Scarlet clothes, more Knives and Sissers, and more Looking-glasses (alleging known and familiar examples unto him) than all those which were ever brought hither unto you: he only will buy all the Brasil, to the end that many Ships might return laden from hence. Ah (saith the Barbarian) you tell me strange and wonderful things. Then presently remembering what he had heard, he proceeded to demand further questions of me. But, saith he, that great rich man, of whom you make report, doth he not die? He dieth, said I, as also other men do. There, then (as these Barbarians love to comment, and do not absurdly finish their intended speech without interruption even unto the end) he began to demand of me: Who therefore, saith he, is heir of those goods which this man leaveth when he dieth? His children, said I, if he have any: if he have none, his brethren, sisters, or his next kindred. When I had said this, surely (saith that my discr●ete old fellow) hereby I easily perceive, that you Mair (that is French men) are not able fools. For, what need you so greatly to tyre and turmoil yourselves in sailing over the Sea, in passing whereof (as being here arrived you report to us) you sustain An excellent sentence delivered by a Barbarian. so many miseries? Is it, forsooth, that you might get riches for your children, or living kinsfolk? Is not the Earth, which hath nourished us, sufficient also to maintain them? we surely have both children, and also kinsfolk, and them, as you see, we love dear; but seeing we confidently hope, that it shall come to pass, that after our death, the same Earth which nourished us, shall also relieve and cherish them, therein we repose our selue● and rest content. But that I may present the description of the American Trees, four or five kinds of Palm trees are found there: among which, that is accounted most common, which they call Gera●, Four or fi●● kinds of the Palms in America. and another also named Yri: notwithstanding, as I saw none of their fruits, so, as I think, I eat none. Yri bringeth forth a round fruit like Damsens in the shape of a large cluster of so great weight, that it may hardly be lifted up with one hand, but the kernel only is of the bigness of a Cherry, and may be eaten. Besides, in the top of these Palms, there is a certain A tendril or young branch in the top of the Palms to be eaten. white young tendril or branch, which we cut off, to eat the same: Philippus who was troubled with the haemro●●es, affirmed, that it was a remedy for that disease, the warrantable truth whereof I leave to the P●●●itians. There is also another tree, called by the Barbarians Aijri, which although it be very like the Palm in leaves, with the stock armed on every side with thorns and pricks, resembling the Aijri, a thorny kind of Ebeny points of needles. The Fruit is of an indifferent bigness, in the midst whereof there is a kernel of the whiteness of Snow, which yet is not to be eaten; and this I suppose to be a kind of Ebeny: for besides that it is of a black colour, and of such hardness, that the Barbarians partly use it for the making of their clubs and arrows (which I will more at large describe when I shall treat of their wars) it is also smoothed, and made very bright, and lastly, is so heavy, that being cast into the water, it presently sinketh to the bottom. They have diverse coloured woods, and diverse of differing scent: one smelling like a rose; another called Aou-ai, of the most stinking smell of Garlic, which no man is able to endure, while Aou-ai, a kind of wood of a most stinking smell. it is hewed or burnt: it hath leaves not much unlike the leaves of our Apple trees: but the fruit thereof (which cometh near in shape to the rough shell of a Chestnut) and especially the kernel, is so venomous, that to him that eateth it, it resembleth the effect of the most strong and deadle poison. Notwithstanding our Barbarians highly esteem that fruit, because they make their Rattles of it. Here also it is to be considered, that Brasilia (as we shall hereafter speak) bearing excellent apples of very many kinds, aboundeth also with trees, which surely yield very Very many American trees bear poisonous fruits. goodly fruits, yet unprofitable to be eaten. Especially on the shore there are many small shrubs, the apples whereof being very like unto our Country Meddlers, are dangerously eaten. Therefore, when the Barbarians see the French men, and other strangers coming to gather those apples, often using the word Ypochi, in their Country language, they admonish them to abstain from them. The tree called by the Barbarians Choyne, is of an indifferent height, with leaves of the shape and greenness of a Bay leaf, with Apples of the bigness o● a child's head, coming ●eere unto the shape of the Ostriches eggs, which surely are no meat. O● these the Tovoupinambaultij, by The tree Choyne, of whose fruit the Barbarians make their Maraca. reason of the hardness of the shell, piercing some of them through whole, in length and breadth where with they make their Maraca or Rattles: they also hollow and divide them into halves, for cups and other small vessels. Sabaucaie is also numbered among the Brasilian trees, having an apple bigger than both a man's fists, and imitating the form of a cup: in the bottom whereof certain small kernels are found, Sabaucaie whose fruit is properly used for the making of vessels. This is a kind of Coco. Acaiou, a fruit to be eaten. like unto Almonds, and almost they resemble the very taste of Almonds. Moreover, there is a tree in those Countries, of the height of our Service tree, whose apple the Barbarians name Acaiou, of the bigness and shape of an Hen's egg, which when it is ripe, inclining to the colour of Gold, like unto a Quince, is not only profitably eaten, but also yieldeth somewhat a tart juice, not unpleasing to the taste, which most comfortably cooleth those that are inflamed with heat. Paco-aire, is a shrub, of ten or twelve foot high, with a stock▪ sometimes of the thickness of a man's thigh, which notwithstanding is so tender, that it may be cut down at one stroke Paco-aire, a tender shrub. with a Sword: the Barbarians call the apple Paco, of the length of a man's hand, not unlike a Cucumber in shape, and of the same colour also, when it cometh to ripeness. But these apples Paco, a long apple. grow, for the most part, twenty or five and twenty thick together, on every bough, which the Americans gathering, carry them into their cottages, of so great a weight as they are able to bear with one hand. And as touching the goodness of this apple, when it is ripe, the knop being plucked of after the manner of a fresh gathered Fig, it seemeth clottie and full of clusters: whereby it cometh to pass, that to them that eat it, it resembleth the Fig, whereupon, we called it a Fig: but in taste it excelleth the most delicate Massiliensian Figs; and Paco, a Fig in t●ste. therefore not unworthily it may be reckoned among the best fruits of all that coast. The form of the leaves of Paco-aire, is not unlike the leaves of water-Sorrell, but they are of so great a bigness, The leaves of Paco-aire, are o● an huge bigness. The Author saith it is like the Musa that commonly the length is extended to six feet, and the breadth above two: whereby it cometh to pass, that I cannot be persuaded by any means to believe that in Europe, Asia, and Africa, there are leaves of so great length and breadth. For, although I heard a certain Apothecary affirming, that he had seen a leaf of Petasitis of the breadth of an Elle and a quarter, that is (for this Plant is round) whose circumference contained in compass three else and three quarters: yet this largeness came nothing near to the greatness of our Paco-aire. It Petasitis large round leaf. is true surely that the thickness of those leaves answer not the length, nay, they are very slender, yet daily lifted up, so that the middle rib only beareth the violence of the most vehement wind, wherewith that Country is very often troubled; but the rest is so jagged and cut a sunder, that to him that beholdeth them a far off, these shrubs are supposed to be ●ecked with E 〈…〉 ges feathers. As touching the Bombasin Cotton-shrubs, which grow up to an indifferent height, they are The Bombasin Cotton trees. found in great number, in Brasill: they yield flowers, like the little yellow bells or buds of Cucumbers: but when the Apple is form, it cometh not only very near unto the Ma●● of Beech, but also being ripe, diuide●●●t self into four parts, which yield Bombasin Cotton in flocks of the bigness of a ball, which the Barbarians call Ameni-iou. In the midst of those flocks certain Ameni-iou▪ Bomb●●in Cotton. black grains are found, close joined and very much pressed together, after the form of a man's▪ Kidnie, the greatness of which compacture exceedeth not a B●ane. Moreover, the Barbarian women are not unskilful in gathering and spinning that Bomba●in Cotton, ●or of it they make their beds. Reeds often grow in the Woods, of the bigness of a man's leg: but as I said before of Pac●aire, they are so tender, that while they are yet standing, any one of them may be cut down with one streak of a Sword, yet being dry, they are of such hardness that when they are cleft, Reeds, wherewith the Barbarians head their Arrows. M 〈…〉 stick. and fashioned after the manner of the Surgeon's Lances, the Barbarians so head their Arrows therewith, that they overthrow wild beasts flat to the ground at one shoot. Mastic also groweth in this our America among 〈◊〉 〈…〉 rs and bushes, which together, almost, with infinite other odoriferous herbs and flowers, perfumeth the earth with a most sweet and pleasant scent. The Trees are never spoiled of their leaves, being not troubled at all with Trees continually flourishing in America. The Plant Ananas, and the leaves thereof. the cold, they flourish all the whole Year, as the Woods use to do with us in the month of May. The plant which bringeth forth the fruit Ananas, is like in form unto the Flower-de-luce, with crooked bending leaves, divided round about, coming near unto Aloe, of the same form with the greater Thistle, but the Apple which is of the bigness of an indifferent Melon, and of the shape of a Pine Apple, bending to no part, groweth after the manner of our Artichoke. Those Ananas when they are come to full ripeness, are of a golden colour imitating blue, and Ananas' the most excellent fruit of all America. yieldeth the smell of the fruit of the Idean Bramble, so that by the smell they were easily found of us, wand'ring in the Woods and other places where they grow: they are of so sweet and pleasant a taste, that none of our preserved fruits excel them. Therefore I think it to be the best fruit of all America. I sometimes wrung one of them, out of the which I drew a Cruze of juice, which unto me, seemed nothing inferior unto the Wine which they call Malmsey. All the trees, herbs, & fruits of America (except three) differ from ours. Lastly, as I have said, that among the Americans, no fourfooted beasts, birds, fishes, nor any living creatures, in all things resemble ours of Europe: so I now affirm, as much as I could find by experience wand'ring through the Woods and Fields, that there are no Trees, or Herbs, and lastly no fruits, which are not unlike to ours, except these three Plants, Purslane, Basill Royal, and Fearne, which grow in certain places. §. II. Of the War, Battles, Fortitude, and Weapons of the Barbarians: and of their Religion. ALthough our Tovoupinambaultij Tonpinenquin make immortal war against diverse bordering Nations, after the manner of all the rest of the Barbarians. Notwithstanding, Chap. 14. For what cause the American● make war. they contend not by war to enlarge their bounds (for they possess more ●ands than they need) or think of the getting of Riches, by the spoils, ransoms, and arms of the conquered. For as they all confess, they are provoked through no other affection then that they might most severely avenge the death of their Parents and Friends long since taken, and devoured by the enemy. Moreover, when war is first proclaimed between certain of these people, all of them agreeing in this, that the enemy unto whom injury is done, will perpetually think on the revenging of the same, and therefore that it is to be attributed to cowardi●e▪ if being brought into their power, they suffer him to escape unpunished: their enmities are so inveterate, The 〈◊〉 cannot be reconciled to their enemies. and of such continuance, that they can never be reconciled each to other. But the manner whereby our Tovoupinambaultij assemble, being ready to go to the wars, is this, as much as I could observe. Although they have no Kings or Princes among them, but are almost equal in dignity, yet this is given them by nature (which also was most exactly in former times observed by the Lacedæmonians) that they admire and reverence the elder sort whom Senatus. The Americans yield obedience to the elder sort. The Oration of ●he elder Americans. they call Peoreru Picheh, for their experience of things: therefore in every Village no contemptible service and obedience is performed unto them. These occasions being offered, either walking or sitting in their Cotton hanging beds, exhort the rest with these, or the like words. What (say they speaking by turn, without interruption of speech) were our Ancestors who not only fought against so many enemies, but also vanquished, slew and devoured them, an Example unto us, that we should perpetually lie lurking here at home? Shall we suffer our Nation, which in former times was so great a terror to all the rest, that they could not in any sort endure their sight, to be so much reproached to eur great disgrace, that our enemies should assail us by War even in our own houses? Shall we through our cowardice cause, that the Margaites and Peros-ergaipa (that is, th●se wicked Nations) assault us first? Then that Orator clapping his▪ shoulders and buttocks with his hands, addeth these words with exclamation: Erima, Erima, Tovoupinambaults, C●nom●ou●ssou Tan, Tan, etc. that is to say, My Countrymen, and most valiant young men, we are not so to do: but rather let us prepare us for the fight, and bequeathe ourselves to death and slaughter, or avenge our people. With these Orations therefore of the elders, which sometimes are prolonged for six hours, the hearers who most attentively hearken, so that they forget not so much as one syllable, being increased both in strength and courage, speaking each to other in every Village, assemble as speedily as they may, at the prefixed place in great multitudes. But before we bring our Tovoupinambaultij to the Batta●le, we are to declare with what Weapons they are furnished. And first surely, they have Tacapes, that is, Clubs, or Swords made some of red, and some of black wood: they are commonly of the length of five or six feet, round at the Tacape a kind of wooden Club. ends, or of an oval shape, of the breadth of a foot, and of the thickness of a Thumb in the midst, but the edges are very finely sharpened, for they are made of very heavy wood, such as Box is, and are little inferior to the edge of a very sharp Axe: so that I easily believe, that one Tovoupinambaultian armed with such a Club, and enraged with fury, would be able to put two of our Country Fencers to much trouble, and drive them to their shifts. Moreover, they have Bows, which they call Orapats, made of the same kind of wood, Orapat, a Bow. to wit, red and black: and they exceed ours so much in length and thickness, that none of our men is able either to bend or unbend them: insomuch as they are of necessity to use all their strength for the bending of the Bows of Children of ten years old. They use the herb called Tocon, for strings, which although it be very slender, yet is it of so great a The herb Tocou, saruing in steed of Bow strings. The length of their Arrows. strength, that it may endure the force of an Horse. Their Arrows are of the length of an Ell, made with three joints: the middle part consisting of a Cane or Reed, and the other two of black wood: and those pieces are so aptly bound together with certain barks of Trees, that they could not be more firmly glued. They apply two little feathers unto them, of the length of a foot, which they bind together with a Cotton Thread, because Glue is not in use with them: they aptly join very sharp bones on the ends, sometimes a piece of a dry Reed, of the length of a man's hand, cut smooth after the manner of a Surgeon's Lance: and sometimes the very end of the tail of the fish Raye, which as I have elsewhere said, is very venomous. But, since the Frenchmen and the Portugals came into those Countries, the Barbarians, after their manner have accustomed to strengthen their Arrows with Iron heads, or at the least, with very sharp Nails. We have already spoken what their dexterity is, in handling their Clubs: but as touching the Bows, I hope that all they who have seen the Barbarians, will confirm that with their naked arms, they shoot so speedily, and so certainly, that (be it spoken by the Englishmens leave, who are yet accounted the most skilful Archers) putting their Arrows in the hand The Americans most skilful Archers. wherewith they hold their Bow, twelve may sooner be shot by them, than six by the Englishmen. Lastly, they have Targets of the Hide of Tapiroussou, which I mentioned before, broad, Targets of Leather. plain, and round, like to the bottom of a german Drum, with these they cover not themselves in fight, after the manner that our Soldier's use, but fight, receive the Arrows of the Enemies with them. So these are all the Weapons of the Americans: for they cover not their bodies with other Armour: but contrarily (excepting their Caps of Feathers, Bracelets, and other short attire, wherewith as aforesaid, they deck their body, if they wore but a shirt, being about to go unto the batta●le, they would presently put it off, fearing lest they might be entangled and encumbered therewith. If they received Iron Swords from us, as I gave one to a certain Moussacat of mine, The Barbarians little esteem Iron Swords. they presently cast away the sheaths: they did the like also receiving Knives, delighting in the brightness of them, and thought them more serviceable for the cutting of the boughs of Trees, then for fight. Eight or ten thousand people being gathered together after the manner which hath been spoken, with no small number of women, not to fight, but to carry their bag and baggage, and provision of victual, assembling unto the Camp, they of the elder sort, who have slain and devoured the greatest number of enemiess, have the chief command and conducting The elder Barbarians, Captains of the Army. of the forces: who being their Leaders, they prepare themselves for the journey. And although they go without order, yet when they march trooping, the most valiant men keeping the Front of the Army, it is a wonder how well all that whole multitude convey themselves without Tribunes, and Quarter-masters, so that at the sound of the Trumpet they very speedily assemble in battle array. The Barbarians keeping no order, yet march without confusion. Inubia, huge horns. Whistles, of men's bones. But there are some, who with horns, which they call Inubia, of the length of an elle and an half, and of the thickness of our Country Spear, of the breadth of an hand at the lower end like a Trumpet, raise the Soldiers, both going out of their Country, and when the Camp removeth. Some also carry Whistles made of the bones of their enemies, slain and devoured in former time, wherewith they continually pipe by the way, that they might stir up the minds of their companions, and increase their desire to kill the enemies in like manner. But if, which often happeneth, they please to undertake a Voyage, against the Enemy, by Boat, they pass along the shores, and commit not themselves unto the main Sea. They order themselves in their Boats, which they call Ygat, every one whereof consisteth of the bark of Ygat, a Boat of the bark of a tree. one tree, taken off, and appointed to this use; yet are they of such largeness, that every one of them may receive fifty men. Standing therefore after their manner, they drive the Boat forward with an Oar, plain on both sides; which they hold in the middle▪ Moreover, these Boats seeing they are plain, are rowed with very little trouble; yet is there no use of them in the main Sea, or it a tempest arise. But, our Barbarians going a warfare, in a great calm, you may see a Fleet consisting of sixty such Boats. And these pass the Seas with so swift a motion, that they are presently gone out of ●ight. So, these are the Armies of the Toupinenquin, both by Sea, and Land. Being furnished after this manner, they sometimes go fifty miles into the Enemy's borders. And first they use this stratagem. All the most valiant, leave the rest with the women and carriages, The first stragem of the Barbarians. one or two days journey behind them: they approach with great silence, and possess the Woods, lying in wait to entrap the Enemy, for whom they so diligently watch, that oftentimes they lie hid there, for four and twenty hours. And if they set upon the Enemy unawares, as many men, women and children as they meet with, are not only brought away, but also slain by the Enemies returning into their Country, and put upon Boucan in pieces, and at length devoured. And they surprise them so much the more easily, because the Villages (for they have no Cities) are not compassed with walls, and the Cottages (which yet are fourscore or an hundred paces long) have no Doors, but in their stead, they set the boughs of Palms, or the stalk of the ●erbe Pined at their Gates. Yet they have now learned to fortify and entrench certain Villages round about, which border upon the Enemies, with posts of Palms, of six foot long, besides they strengthen the entrances with wooden stakes sharp at the end: if therefore the Enemies will assail those Villages by night, which is common with them, then, the Inhabitants of the Village issue safely forth upon them, whereby it cometh to pass, that whether they fight, or flee, they never escape, but some are overthrown through the pain of their wounded feet, who are presently roasted and eaten by the Inhabitants. But, if they desire to fight in open war, bringing forth their forces on both sides▪ it is scarce credible, how cruel and horrible the battle is: whereof myself was a beholder, and therefore can justly make report thereof. ay, with another Frenchman, somewhat more curiously, to our great danger, determined to accompany our Barbarians going to the wars: for if we had been taken, or hurt by the Margaiates, we had certainly been devoured. These being four thousand men in number, fought with the Enemy near unto the shore, with such fierceness, that they would have overcome even the most furious and outrageous. The Tovoupinambanitij, as soon as they saw the Enemy, broke out into so great and loud howling and exclamation, as they who here hunt Wolves, make no out-cries comparable with The howling and exclamation of the Barbarians coming to the ●●ttell. The showing of the bones of the slain. those: for the clamour so pierced the air, that thunder then could scarce have been heard. But, coming nearer, they doubled their cries, and blew their Horns, and lastly, whistled with their Pipes, the one threatened the other, and in a bravery showed the bones of their dead Enemies: and also the teeth, whereof some wore them hanging about their necks, strung upon a thread above two else long: and lastly, they terrified the beholders with their gesture. But, when they came to join battle, matters fell out far worse: for, a multitude of Arrows was shot on both sides, like swarming Flies in number. Such as were wounded, who were not ●ew, stoutly plucked the Arrows out of their bodies, which they bit like mad Dogs, and yet abstained not therefore from the battle. For this Nation is so fierce and cruel, that so long as they The Barbarians are exceeding fierce. have any little strength, they fight continually, and never betake themselves to flight: we withdrawing ourselves a little from the conflict, were contented with that spectacle. In the mean space, I protest, who have diverse times here seen mighty Armies both of horse and foot ordered in battle array, that I was never so much delighted in seeing the Legions of footmen in their glittering Armour, as in beholding these Tovoupinambaultij, while they were fight. For besides that they were pleasantly seen whistling, leaping, and very speedily and nimbly gathering themselves round in a ring: a very thick cloud of Arrows was moreover added; the feathers The bodies & weapons of the Barbarians decked with feathers. whereof being rose-colour, blue, red, green, and of other such like colours, gave a radiant lustre in the Sun; their garments also, Caps, Bracelets, and other ornaments of feathers, which made a wonderful glittering show in the eyes of the beholders. This battle being ended in the space of three hours, and many slain and wounded on both sides, our Tovoupinambaultij carried away the victory, and brought about thirty captives more or less, both men and women, to their people. And we, who performed no other service, but encouraged the Barbarians with our drawn swords, and small shot, sometimes discharging them, as we beheld them fight (in that it was most acceptable unto them if strangers went with them to the wars) procured so great an opinion of us, that from that time the elder sort embraced us with a special goodwill and love. The Captives therefore being placed in the midst of the Army, and some of the stronger The captives are bound. bound with ropes, we went unto the Bay of Ganabara, from which we were distant about four and twenty miles. A few days after, certain Barbarians, who had captives with them, came unto our Castle, whom by Interpreters, we entreated that they would sell certain slaves to Villagagno. So, a great part of the captives was delivered from the jaws of the Barbarians: yet Captives bought by the Frenchmen. hardly, and against the will of the Barbarians; which not long after was plainly declared unto me. I bought a certain woman with her little child scarce two years old, the price was certain merchandise, the value whereof amounted to three French pounds. But he that sold them, complained thus unto me: What will be hereafter I know not, but since Paycolas (for so they named Villagagno) arrived here, we have scarce eaten the half part of our captives. I greatly desired to keep that little child unto myself, but Villagagno, restoring my merchandises, Their feasting with man's flesh, etc. is here omitted, though fully handled by the Author: because we have glutted you already, etc. challenged both the mother and the son. I sometimes said, unto the mother, that when I passed over Sea, I would transport the little child hither. But she (the desire of taking revenge is so inherent in the minds of that Nation) answered that she had rather that he should be devoured by the Tovoupinambaultij, then to be carried into so remote Countries: for she hoped, that growing older, he might by some means escape, and convey himself unto his Countrymen, and revenge the death of his kindred. ALthough that saying of Cicero, be held for a most certain Axiom by the common account of all men, that there is no Nation so savage, nor so fierce, that doth not know that they are to Chap. 16. Of their Religion. Cicero 1. de Legibus. The Tovoupinambaultij are ignorant of the true God, and acknowledge no false gods, nor the creation of the world. Computation of times. What the Barbarians think of the Scripture. have a God, although they be ignorant what manner of God they ought to have: yet, how this may appear to be true in our Tovoupinambaultij, I do not sufficiently know. For, they are ignorant of the true God, and neither acknowledge nor worship any false Gods, either celestial or terrestrial: and therefore have no public place where they may assemble for the cause of Religion. They are ignorant also of the creation of the World, distinguish not days by names, nor prefer one before another: they observe not weeks, months and years, but measure times by the Moons. They are not only altogether ignorant of Scripture, whether it be sacred or profane, but also utterly without Characters, wherewith they might be able to write the meaning of the mind. When I first came into those Countries, I writ certain words and sentences, to acquaint myself with their Speech, and read them presently before them. They thinking it to be a juggling trick, spoke one to another in these words: Is it not a wonder, that this man, who yesterday, knew not so much as one word of our Language, (by the means and help of this Paper which teacheth him to speak our words) should now so skilfully pronounce them, that they may be understood of us? As often as we talked with them, and happened to make mention of God, we said, that we believed in one God, Creator of Heaven and Earth, who as he hath made the World, and whatsoever things are therein, so he governeth all things at his pleasure. When they heard this, looking The Barbarians hearing of the true God, continue standing still and wondering. Toupan, Thunder. Psal. 29. one upon another, and breaking out into this word Teh, which is a familiar token of admiration with them, they stood still, fixed, and astonished: Moreover, because, as we shall speak in his proper place, they are vehemently terrified with the noise of Thunder (which they call Toupan) if bearing with their rudeness, we took occasion thereby to instruct them, and said, that that was the God whereof we spoke unto them, who that he might declare his power, shook Heaven and Earth after that manner: they answered, that that God by whom they were so terrified, was a naughty one. I do not believe that there is any Nation in the whole World, which may be more estranged from all Religion. Yet, that I may also declare how little appearance of light I perceived, among those thick mists of darkness wherewith they are blinded: I affirm, that they do not only believe the immortality of the souls: but are also certainly The Americans believe the immortality of the soul. persuaded, that after death their souls who have embraced virtue (but they define virtue after their manner, to wit, to avenge them of their Enemies, and to eat very many) flying beyond the highest Mountains, are gathered to the souls of their Fathers and Grandfathers, and there, in most pleasant Gardens, lead a joyful life in perpetual delights, and dancing: (this is that long peregrination of Socrates, and the Poets Elysian fields) but contrarily the souls of the fearful cowards, who lived ingloriously, without any care of defending their Country, are violently carried away by Aygnan (for so they call the Devil) and live in perpetual torment with him. These most miserable Barbarians are woefully even in this life tormented by the Devil (whom by another name they call K●ag●rre): For, I have sometimes seen them, even while they were talking with us, immediately crying out like frantic men, Hei, hei, help us, for Aygnan beateth us. Nay, they affirmed, that the wicked spirit was seen of them sometimes in the shape Aygnan an evil Spirit vexeth the Savages. of a cruel Beast, sometimes of a Bird, and sometimes also in some monstrous form. And because they greatly wondered that we were not vexed by the Devil: therefore, we telling them that we were delivered from those torments by that God, whereof we often spoke unto them, who was far above Aygnan, and hindered him from procuring us any trouble. It sometimes happened that danger enforcing them, they promised to believe in God, but being delivered, Master Knivet, which lived long with the Savages hath told me, that he knew one of their caribs or Diviners confer with this Spirit in tormenting one of his fellows; and threatening if he so dealt with them, that they would all go to the white men, etc. whereupon the man recovered, whereas many other had died. And this shows that which Tully saith of the universality of religion, how o●uer these want solemn forms of it. Deos fecit timor. They which will not Deum vereri tanquam parentem, timebunt ut hoslem, Varto, They are so much liker the Deviil which worships: not God, yet believeth and trembleth. jam. 2. caribs false Prophets. A relation of a great solemnity of the Barbarians. they were unmindful of the promise. But, that it may evidently appear, that the torments wherewith they are vexed, are no pastimes, I myself have sometimes seen them so stricken with a shivering and quaking fear, remembering that misery, that sweeting through anguish, and clapping their thighs with their hands, they complained unto us with these words. Mair Atourassap, Acequeiey Aignan Atoupané: that is, My fool, my companion, I fear the Devil above all other evils. But chose, if any of us spoke unto him in these words, Nacequeicy Aygnan, I fear not the Devil: then, bewailing their condition, they said; Ah, how happy were we, if thereby we might be secured from him: whereupon we answered, that therefore they were to believe in him who is mightier than Aygnan. But although, as hath been said, in the present danger they promised that they would do it, yet they presently returned to their own disposition of nature. Therefore, although our Americans confess not God with the mouth, seeing among themselves they are convinced that there is some divine power; thereby I gather, that they shall neither be excusable, nor justly take occasion to pretend Ignorance. But besides those things which have been spoken by me, concerning the immortality of the Soul, which they believe; of the Thunder, whereof they are horribly afraid; and Devils, by whom they are tormented: (which three things are first of all to be noted) I will moreover add a fourth principal matter. That they have Prophets or certain Priests among them, which they call caribs, who going from Village to Village, persuade those miserable men, that they (because they have familiarity with Spirits) give not only fortitude and courage to whomsoever they please, whereby they might overcome their enemies in war, but also that through their help, all fruits, and those great Roots grow, which we have said that the American soil produceth. Moreover, (as far as I understood by the Neustrian Interpreters, who had lived many years in those Countries) the Tovoupinambaultians have this custom, that every third, or fourth year they assemble together. At which assembly, as shall immediately be declared, I was present unawares: concerning which I am to report that which followeth. ay, with a certain Frenchman named jacobus Ruffus, and also a certain Neustrian Interpreter, travelling far from home, turned in to a certain Village to lodge; the next day after, we prepared ourselves early in the morning for our journey, at which time we saw the Borderers come flocking thither from all places. So, the Inhabitants of that Village joined themselves with them that came, and presently we saw six hundred gathered together in a cerraine void plat of ground. We demand the cause of that meeting, and saw that multitude divided into three parts. All the men went into a certain Cottage, the women into another, and the children also went into the third. ay, who had seen certain caribs intermingled with the men, suspecting that some unaccustomed and strange thing should be done by them, earnestly entreated my companions, that they would stand still there with me to observe the whole matter: which I obtained of them. The caribs, before they departed from the women and children, with great care forbid the women to go out of their Cottages, but diligently to attend to the singing, and also charged us to keep ourselves close in that Cottage where the women were: Being earnestly busied about our breakfast, and ignorant of those things which they purposed to do, we heard a certain low and soft muttering noise breaking out of the house into the which the men had severed themselves (for that Cottage was almost thirty paces distant from ours) the women which were about two hundred in number, standing, and giving ear, gather themselves as it were on an heap. But the men lifting up their voices by little and little, so that their distinct words were heard of us exhorting, and likewise repeating this Interjection, He he he he he he he he he he. The singing of the Barbarians. we heard the women presently, with a trembling voice singing the same Interjection again, he, he, he, etc. And they lifted up their voices with so great vehemency of mind, and that for the space of one whole quarter of an hour, that they drew us who were the beholders into admiration. And surely, they did not only horribly howl, but also leapt forth with great violence, The howling, and horrible gestures of the Americane women. and shaked their paps, and foamed at the mouth, nay some of them (not unlike unto those that are troubled with the Falling-sickness) fell down dead. So that I think, that the Devil entered into their bodies, and they suddenly became possessed with the Devil. Moreover, having plainly perceived those things which Bodinus writeth, in the Book which he called Daemonomania, concerning the ecstasy of Witches, which he affirmeth to be common to all Witches, Lib. 3. cap. 3. who have made an express covenant with the Devil, and who are often violently carried away in spirit, the body remaining void of all sense, although also they are sometimes carried away both in body and mind. Add (saith he) that they never meet together in any place, but they danse, among which, as far as he could gather by the confession of certain Witches, they all Lib. 2. cap. 3. & lib. 3. cap. 1. cry cut together, Har, har, (which very well agreeth with He, he, of our Americans) the Devil crieth, Danse hither, danse hither: and others answer, Sabbath, Sabbath, that is, A festival day, or day of rest; lifting up their hands, and the crops of herbs or trees which they have in their hands, that they may show a most assured token of joy, and signify that they serve the Devil with all their heart: and so, that they imitate the adoration due unto God. For, in the Law of God, it was prescribed to the Israelites, that they should lift up their hands unto the Deut. 12. 6. 7. Lord, and show themselves cheerful before him. These things, I say, being certainly known, I gather, that Satan is Lord of them both: and that they are led by the same spirit, so that the The Americane women a●e led with the same spirit, wherewith our country Witches are. I once saw Tomocomo a Virginian dance, with such exta icall visages and diabolical behaviour, as if the Devil had been in him. distance of places hindereth not, but that the Father of lies may work here and there upon them who through the just judgement of God are delivered unto him. Likewise, when I heard the children crying altogether (although I had now lived half a year with the Barbarians, and was almost acquainted with their manners) yet, not to dissemble, I was then somewhat afraid, especially, seeing I knew not what should be the end of that matter. At length those cries were ended, the men being somewhat silent, the children and women also altogether holding their peace, presently the men began to sing so sweetly, and with so great harmony, that I was wonderfully desirous to see them. But when I would have gone out of the Cottage, I was both kept back by the women, and also admonished by the Interpreter, that he (who had already lived seven years among the Barbarians) durst never come to those solemn meetings; and lastly, that if I went unto them I should not do wisely. Whereby he caused me to stay a while, for fear of danger; yet, because he alleged no probable reason thereof, the women and Interpreter somewhat resisting, I went forth: relying upon the friendship of certain ancient men, Inhabitants of that Village. Going therefore unto that place where I heard that Musical harmony, I made an hole through the roof of the Cottage, that I might the better perceive what was done within. For, they are somewhat long, and round, after the manner of our Country garden Arbours, and covered with grass from the top to the bottom. Then, making a sign with my The form of the American Cottages. finger, I called my companions, and at length we entered into that Cottage. As soon as we saw that the Barbarians were not moved through our presence (which thing the Interpreter suspected, would have been done) and that they kept their order very well, and proceeded with their Verses: we went apart into a certain corner, and beheld them without fear. These are their gestures in dancing. They were ordered in a round circle, standing close each to other: yet The gesture of the Barbarians dancing in a round circle. so, they took not one another by the hand stooping, with their body somewhat bending downward, shaking only one of their legs, to wit, the right, with their right hand laid upon their buttocks, and the left hanging down, and after this fashion they both dansed and sung. All that whole multitude made three such round Circles, in the middle whereof were three or four caribs, attired with Caps. Garments, and Bracelets of feathers. Each of them in either hand carried Maraca, that is, that rattle of a fruit exceeding the bigness of an Ostriches egg, whereof we have made mention before, for that use, as they said, that the Spirit might speak out of The caribs consecrating Maraca. them: and that they might rightly consecrate them, they continually shook them. Moreover, those caribs dancing, sometimes, went forward, and sometimes backward, and did not continually stand still in the same place, as the rest. Further, I observed that with a very long Cane, wherein they put the herb Petum set on fire, they often turned themselves hither * Petum by the Author is thought to differ from Tobacco, because it hath a pleasing scent, etc. I think it the same. The caribs blowing upon the Barbarians. and thither, and blew out the fume of that herb upon them that stood round about them, with these words: Receive the spirit of fortitude, whereby you may all overcome your enemies. And this was often done by these caribs. The celebrating of these Rites and Ceremonies was prolonged for the space of two hours: those men continually dancing and singing. And their tuneable singing was so sweet, that to the unskilful it is scarce credible, how excellently well that harmony agreed, especially, seeing the Barbarians are utterly ignorant of the Art of Music. And surely, although in the beginning I was stricken with a certain fear, as I lately mentioned, yet contrarily I was then so much over-ioyed, that I was not only ravished out of myself: but also now, as often as I remember the tuneable agreement of many voices, both my mind rejoiceth, also mine ears seem continually to ring therewith: but especially the burden of the song yielded a pleasing sound unto the ears, which at the end of every Verse, they sung after this manner. Heu heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, heura, oveck. Being about to make an end of that tuneable singing, shaking the ground with the right foot more vehemently than before, they all spit also, and all with one voice, and that hoarse, sing this Song often repeated. He he hua he hua hua hua. Then because I did not yet plainly understand their Language, and conceived not many things which had been spoken by them, I entreated the Interpreter that he would declare them unto me. He signifieth, that these men, first lamented their dead Ancestors, who were most valiant, but in the end were hereby comforted, in that they hoped that after death they should at length go unto them beyond the Mountains, and dance with them, and celebrate merry meetings: and that afterward they most grievously threatened the O 〈…〉 tes, (which are a people not far removed from them, with whom they have perpetual enmity, whom also they could never overcome) and foretold, that it should shortly come to pass, that they should be taken and devoured, as the Caraibes luckily guessed. Moreover, I know not what they intermingled with their Songs concerning a flood, that the waters in times passed so overflowed, that they covered the whole earth: and that through that inundation all men perished except only their Ancestors, The confused opinion of the Barbarians concerning the flood. who climbed up into exceeding high Trees. Which last thing cometh very near unto the sacred History, and I never once heard it from them before. The same day they were sumptuously received by the Barbarians, for they liberally entertained both with most exquisite meats, and plentiful drink Canoin. I also with my companions, who were present at those Feasts of Bacchus' unexpected, were most honourably entertained by Feast following. our Moussacat, that is the Masters of the house, who give food to their guests. But beside those things which have been spoken by me, those days being passed (wherein these solemn meetings are celebrated every third or fourth year among the Tovoupinambaultij) sometimes also before they came thither, those caribs go about from Village to Village, and command three or four of those Rattles which they call Maraca, to be decked with the best feathers in every Family: The decking of Maraca. which being so decked, they stick the longer part of the staff, wherewith they are thrust through in the ground, and then command meat and drink to be set before them. Whereby it cometh to pass, that those miserable people, through the persuasion of those Impostors, believe that those hollow fruits decked after that manner devour the meats. Wherefore every Moussacat carefully setteth before them, not only meal with flesh and fish: but also Caovin. Moreover, A gross Superstition. they serve those Maracas being so stuck in the ground, for fifteen whole days together with very great diligence. Lastly, those miserable people after that so great bewitching of those Maraca, (which they continually carry in their hands) conceive an opinion, attributing holiness unto them, that while they are shaken by them, a certain Spirit speaketh with them from the midst thereof. And they were so bewitched with those delusions, that if we travelling that A most gross Error. way, seeing some more delicate meats, which they had set before their Maraca, took them to eat (which we oftentimes did) the Barbarians supposing that some great misfortune would thereby happen unto us, were offended. Moreover, if taking occasion thereby to discover their errors, we signified that they were deceived by the caribs, not only because they taught them that Maraca did eat and drink, but especially in this, that they most falsely vaunted that through their means, the fruits, and great Roots which they eat, increased and grew: which only was to be attributed unto God, from whom we were to believe that we had received the same: these things, I say, were of so great moment with them, as if any here should speak against the Pope, or at Paris, deny that the Image of Genovef would procure rain. For which cause those Impostors the caribs did no less hate us, than sometimes the false Prophets of Baal did Elias detecting their delusions. And therefore they shunned our sight. 1. Reg. 18. 19 But although our Tovoupinambaultij, as hath been declared by me in the beginning of this Truth putteth falsehood to flight. Chapter, neither honour their caribs, nor Maraca, with any external rite, no not with kneeling unto them, nor worship any thing created, much less adore it, or call upon it for help. I will add an example of those Relics of Religion which I observed among them. When by chance I was sometimes with other Frenchmen in a certain Town (which they call Ocarentim) and that we supped abroad in the open Air, the Barbarians Inhabitants of that Village flocking together to see us, not to feast with us (for this is their usual custom, that they never sit together at meat, with those whom they reverence most) the elder men especially with many tokens How the ancient Barbarians entertain the Frenchmen. of friendship stood ●ound about us as our guard or attendants: and holding in their hands the bone of the beak of a certain fish, of three or four foot long, in the form of a Saw, they drove away the children from us, with these words: Get you hence Knaves: for you are unworthy to come unto these men. So they beheld us attentively, and holding their peace, not speaking the least word the mean while: until the Banquet being ended, a certain elderly man observing us to begin meat with Prayers, and also to end Supper with Prayer, coming unto us, spoke thus. What meaneth this custom, which you now used, when taking of your caps, you all kept silence, save one, that spoke? to whom appertained that speech which he made? to any of you that are present, or to some that are absent? There fitly taking that occasion offered, that I might speak unto them concerning the true worship of God, seeing besides the largeness of that The occasion of declaring the true God unto the Barbariaus. village, & the great resort of people (I also perceived the Barbarians more attentive than they were wont) I entreated our Interpreter that he would declare my speech unto them in their Language, that they might conceive the same. Then beginning with the question of the old man, I answered that our Prayers were directed unto God: and that although he could not see him, he had not only plainly heard us, but also did apparently know whatsoever we had hid in our hearts. From thence coming to the Creation of the World, I first of all laboured to teach them, that among the creatures God made man the most noble and excellent, that he should so much the more endeavour to extol the glory of his Creator. And that we surely in that we worshipped him, were delivered by his hand from infinite dangers of a very long Navigation, in so vast a Sea, and depending upon his help, were freed from a●● fear of Aignan, both in this life and in the life to come. Wherefore, if they would reject the delusions of their caribs, and that barbarous custom of devouring man's flesh, they should undoubtedly obtain the same gifts of God, which they saw we had. Moreover, we added many things concerning the corruption and fall of Mankind, that we might prepare their minds unto Christ, applying Reasons and Examples to their The Barbarians hearing speech of the true God, were astonished. A relation of a Barbarian most worthy to be noted. capacity, as much as might be. Now when they had hearkened unto us above the space of two ho●res with great attention and admiration: one of them reverend for his authority and years, discoursed after this manner: Surely, you have here told us wonderful and excellent things; and such as we have never heard before, and certainly your speech hath brought into my memory, what we have often heard our Grandfather's report: To wit, that even from ancient time, and so many Moons since, as we cannot now remember, a certain Mair (that is a Frenchman, or stranger of any other Nation) came into these Countries, attired after your manner, and having a beard. And that he, to the ●nd he might draw them to the obedience of your God, made such a speech unto them, as you delivered unto us this day. But, as it was reported unto us by tradition from our Fathers, they will not give credit to his words. Therefore, presently another succeeded, who gave them a Sword, in token of a curse. Hereupon, followed wars amongst us, and from that time, we have not ceased to exercise cruelty one towards another, through mutual slaughters. But now, after we have accustomed ourselves to these outrages by continual use, if we should now suddenly leave our ancient custom, we should become a laughing stock, and derision, to the neighbouring Nations. here we testified with great vehemency and earnest speech, that it was so far off, that they ought to be moved with the scoffs of the borderers, that contrarily, if they seriously worshipped that Creator both of Heaven and Earth, they should carry away the victory from all those, who for that cause, should willingly be trouble some unto them. Lastly, the Lord gave that efficacy to our words, that not only many Barbarians afterwards promised to frame their lives according to that Law which they had learned of us, and that they would never eat the flesh of their slain enemies any more: but also according to this conference, kneeling on the ground, gave thanks with us, unto God. That Prayer which was made unto God, by one of our men, with a loud voice, in the midst of their assembly, was presently expounded unto The Barbarians promise to embrace the worship of God, & are present at Prayers. them by our Interpreter: and so they brought us to sleep in those hanging beds of Bombasin Cotton. But sleep had not yet taken us, when, behold, we hear these Barbarians singing and crying out together, that they were to take vengeance on their Enemies, and that more should be eaten then before. Behold the inconstancy of this miserable people, and the lamentable example of humane nature. Yet surely, I persuade myself, if Villagagno had never revolted from the true Religion, and that we had stayed longer in those Countries, it would have happened, that at length, some should have been won unto Christ. Another time I being with three Savages, and singing the 104. Psalm, at the request of one of them I declared the sense and antiquity thereof, so many thousand Moons. Whereat he cried The Barbarians acknowledge their own ignorance and blindness. Teh, how happy are you Mair, who know so many secrets, which are hid from us poor miserable men. Afterward, one of them to gratify me, presented me with a certain little beast, which he carried, called Agouti, speaking unto me in these words. here, take you this, because you have sung sweetly. I have willingly added this digression, to the intent I might declare that the Barbarous Americans, although outrageous against their enemies, are not yet so rude that they cannot discern those things which they hear, with judgement. Nay, I dare affirm, that they are more apt in framing speeches, than our Country Peasants are, and very many of them also, who esteem highly of themselves. §. III. Of their Marriages, Education of Children, Polity, Hospitality, Diseases, Physicians, Funerals and Lamentations. IN Marriages, these degrees of Consanguinity only, are observed: none of them taketh The degrees of Consanguinity. his Mother, Sister, or Daughter to wife: no regard is had of the rest: the Uncle marrieth the Niece, and so consequently. Nevertheless, as shall be hereafter spoken in the American Dialogue, no man may marry the Daughter or Sister of his Atourassap. And he is called Atourassap, whose familiarity with any one is so great, that both their goods are common. There is no place for Rites or Ceremonies. He who desireth a Widow, or Virgin, being certainly persuaded of the good will of her whom he loveth, goeth to her Parents, or if she have none, to her next Kindred, and asketh them whether they will marry their Daughter unto him? If they consent, he presently bringeth her home, without giving her any assurance of Dowry and so keepeth her for his lawful Wife. And if he suffer the repulse, he giveth over his Suit without any perturbation of mind. But it is to be noted, that Polygamy is Polygamy, usual with them, and therefore it is lawful for a man to marry as many Wives, as he shall think good. Nay, the more Wives that any one hath the more valiant and generous he is esteemed. Among the rest I saw one, who had eight at home, and he often spoke very much of them in commendation of himself. But this is chiefly to be wondered at, that in so great a multitude of Wives although one be beloved of the Husband above the rest, the other meaner take it grievously, The wonderful agreement between the American women. The Sauage● abhor adulter●e. Single women lose. or become jealous, or openly murmur. Therefore they live most quietly and with great agreement, weaving their Cotton beds, looking to the affairs of the house, making Gardens and planting Roots. They so hate adulterous women, that it lieth in the Husband's power either to kill the adultress, or at the least, to put her away with great ignominy and reproach. This surely is true, that they are not very careful of preserving the chastity of unmarried women: nay, they easily prostitute them to any man. So that (as I have already said) I have seen very many in diverse Villages deflowered by the Neustrian Interpreters, who yet were not reproachfully disgraced for the same. I have observed that the younger sort both men and women are not very much given to lust: How the American women great with child behave themselves. Childbirth. and I would our Country people could moderate themselves aswell in this behalf. But that I may attribute no more unto them than is meet, I remember, that often in their brawling they used to object this reproach Tyvire, that is, Buggers, one unto another, whereby we may conjecture, that that heinous and abominable wickedness reigneth among them. The women great with child, abstain only from the greater burdens, and perform the other accustomed duties. And surely the women much exceed the men in labour, for the men (save that sometimes in the Morning, never at noon, they place certain Trees to make Gardens) spend the time in warfare, The American men perform the office of Midwives. hunting, fishing, making of wooden Clubs, Bowes, Arrows, and other things of that kind. As touching the travel of women; I and another Frenchman lodging in a certain Village, about midnight heard a great outcry of a woman, and supposing she had been surprised by the cruel beast janovare, we arose, and ran unto her, and found the woman in travel, to whom the Husband performed the office of a Midwife: he receiving the Infant in his arms, cut the navel string asunder with his teeth, but pressed down the N●se (for they esteem the beauty of children to consist in the flatness of the Nose) the new borne Infant is presently washed, and painted by the Father with colours black and red: then, not being wrapped in swadling-clouts at all, it is put into a Cotton hanging bed. But if it be a Male child, the Father will give The little Infant's Gugawes to play withal. What the manner is of giving American names. him a little wooden Sword, a small Bow and little Arrows, presently after his birth, and lay them in the bed with the child, and kissing the little Babe will speak unto him in these words. My Son, when thou art come to man's estate, be valiant, to take revenge of thine enemies. As touching the giving of names, I remember that he of whom I now spoke, was named by the Father Orapacen, which word signifieth a Bow and Bowstrings: for the word ●s compounded of Orapat, which is a Bow, and Cen which signifieth a string. The same manner also is observed in others. Their nourishment, beside the Mother's Milk, is chewed Meal, and every most tender kind The food of In●ants. of meat. The woman lately delivered lieth down two days only, or three days at the most. Afterward putting the little child in a Cotton Scarf, she either goeth to the Garden, or to dispatch her other business. This opinion hath prevailed with us, that little children would have crooked legs, unless they were carefully wrapped and bound in swaddling clouts: But, I affirm, that the Barbarians nothing regard these things (who p●t the new borne Infants naked, and unswadled in their Cotton beds) whose children notwithstanding, go most strait and upright of all the men in the World. The Mothers who both want linen, and also use not the help of leaves for these services (whereof not withstanding they have great plenty) so diligently wipe the hinder parts of The American Infants are very clean without the use of linen clothes the Infants with small chips of wood, that they are continually free from all filth. The elder sore also observe the same manner, whom also (digressing a little into this filthy matter) I thought good to mention, that they use to make water in their houses, and yet no evil nor stinking savour ariseth from thence: although they shine bright almost continually with often fires, and are strewed with sand: but as often as they do their easement, they use to go apart far from the Houses. Moreover, proceeding to speak of the Marriage of the Tovoupinambaultians, as far as shame and modesty will permit, I affirm (contrary to that which some have forged) that the men observing In what things the Barbarians busy themselves. Natural shamefastness is observed in the American Marriages. The purgation of the American women. natural shamefastness, do no where openly company with their Wives. This is especially worth the noting, that for the space of an whole year, while we lived in those Countries, we never saw any woman having the flowers. I think that they divert that Flux by some means unknown to us. For I saw Maidens of twelve years old, whose sides were cut by their Mothers, from the armhole down to the knee, with a very sharp tusk of a certain beast. And the young Girls gnashing with their Teeth through extremity of pain, bleed very much: I conjecture that they prevented their monthly Flux by this remedy. As touching the Policy of the Barbarians, it is scarce credible how well they agree among themselves, being guided only by the light of Nature. Nor may this be spoken, but to their great shame who are instructed in divine and humane Laws, which yet is to be understood of them The Barbarians live peaceably together. who are of the same kindred, or of the Confederates: for how they behave themselves towards their enemies, it hath been already by us declared. Yet if any contention arise between certain persons among them (which very seldom happeneth, for in the whole space of a year, while I lived among them, it was my chance twice only to see them brawling) the beholders care not to pacify the strife: but suffer them to do their pleasure, although they be ready to put out one another's eyes. But if the one wound the other, and that he can be taken, he is The punishment o● murderers among the Barbarians. Leui●. 24. 19 20 wounded in the same part of the body by the Kinsmen of him that is wounded. Nay, if peradventure death follow the wound, the Murderer is slain by the Kinsmen of the dead. Lastly, they recompense eye for eye, tooth for tooth, and life for life. But these things as I said, very seldom happen among them. The things of the ground, with them are Cottages, and fields far larger than might be required for maintenance of the Inhabitants. As touching the Cottages, you are first to understand, that every Village containeth six hundred men: wherefore very many are of necessity to dwell After what manner the villages and American families are ordered. in one and the same Cottage. Notwithstanding every Family possessing their place without any distance between (for there is nothing that may hinder, but that from one end unto the other those houses lie open, which for the most part are extended sixty paces in length) every Master of a Family hath his wife and children placed apart. Moreover, you are to observe (which surely is to be wondered at) that the Americans inhabit not one place above five or six months. But The transporting of the American Villages. carrying away the matter and herb Pindo, whereof their houses consist, they often transport their Villages, which yet always retain the same names. We ourselves saw some Villages removed a mile from the accustomed place. No man buildeth a Cottage, which he is not compelled to finish, nay, to build and pluck down, above twenty times before his death, if he have attained to the full age of a man. Now if it be demanded of them, why they change their habitation so often? The answer is easily made. That the changing of the Air is very profitable for the health: besides, that if they should alter the custom of their ancestors, they should presently What grounds the Americans peculiarly possess. perish. As touching the fields, every Moussacat hath certain particular plaits of ground, which he chooseth at his pleasure wheresoever he thinketh good for the making of Gardens. But that excessive care of dividing the grounds, setting limits, and bounding the fields, they leave to our Country covetous persons, and to the Lawyers. Concerning their household stuff, I have often spoken in the former Chapters. Yet that we may not omit any of those things which appertain to the household government of the Barbarians, I will here recite the cunning of the American women in spinning of Cotton, whereof there is manifold use, as well for Ropes, as for the weaving of their hanging beds. Being drawn out of the flocks, in stead of all picking and carding, they pluck it out somewhat in length with the fingers, and then lay it upon the ground in a heap (for they know not How the American women spin the cotton how to use Distaffs) in stead of a Spindle they take a little wand of the thickness of a finger, and a foot in length, which they thrust through a little wooden round ball, and fasten the Bombasin Cotton to the top of the small wand, then turning that Instrument about upon their thigh (as our Countriewomen do their Spindle's) they let it slip out of their hands. That little round ball is turned about, through the houses and streets, like a Wherue. And after that manner they spin Thread, not only course and great for the weaving of their Cotton Beds, but also that which is most fine. Of this sort I brought some into France, wherewith I caused a fair stomacher to be made of the white Web, which was of so fine and small a Thread, that some took it for the best and choicest Silk. They call their Cotton beds Inis. The women, to whom this workmanship appertaineth, have their work-houses for their Looms somewhat unlike to those of our Country: for they are Inis, Cotton Beds. neither made flat and plain, nor consist of so many subtle inventions, but being framed to the height of their stature, they work after their manner, and also begin their weaving from the bottom. They make certain of those beds in the form of Nets, and others thicker, like the finest Cloth. They are five or six foot long, and an elle broad: unto either end Cotton loops are How the Beds of the Barbarious are prepared and spread. added, unto the which they fasten cords: and hang them up in their houses upon beams, made fit for this use. But, living in the Camp, or in the woods for hunting, or on the shores for fishing, they hang them upon trees. These beds (that we omit nothing) when they have gathered filth either through humane sweat, or by the smoke, by reason of the continual fire, are washed clean after this manner. The women gather a certain fruit in the woods, not much unlike in shape unto a plain Gourd, but far larger, so that every Apple may scarce be borne with one hand: these fruits they cut into small pieces, and having cast them into some very great earthen vessel, they moisten them with water. Then, they vehemently stir them about with a stick, and Foam, whic● among the Americans supplieth the vs● of Sope. cause a foam to arise from them, through the help whereof (in stead of Soap) they make their Beds so clean, that in whiteness they may be comparable with the Snow, or Fuller's Clothes. The use of such Beds is far more commodious in watches, then that the Soldiers, after the accustomed manner, should tumble in Beds of grass: for they both foul their garments, and get Lice, and that which is more, if they be to arise unto the fight, the body is bruised in some sort with the Arms, which Soldiers continually wear: which in the siege of the City Sancerra, we proved in good earnest: For the Enemy lay a whole year at our Ports. That we may gather the rest of the Americane householdstuff into a short sum, the women (who have the charge of domestical matters) prepare huge Cans, and make very great Earthen vessels, wherein to put their Caouin. They also make Pots of diverse fashions, little and The American women make huge, mean, and little earth●● vessels. indifferent Basins, Platters, and other things of that sort, vessels which on the outside surely, are nothing smooth, but are so polished within, and beautified with I know not what kind o● tincture, which presently waxeth hard, so that those women may easily match the industry of all our Country people. Besides, I know not what kind of ash-colour painting they steep in water, and afterwards make diverse forms of things in their vessels, within, and specially in those wherein they lay up their Meal, and other kinds of meats, to be preserved. The use therefore of them is most acceptable, nay those vessels far excel them of wood, which very many use here with us. Yet these Women-painters have this fault, that when they have portrayed with the Pencil whatsoever they please, if they be entreated to paint the same again, they are not possibly able to do it: because they have no example proposed, beside the industry of their own fantasy. Hence it cometh to pass, that two of these kind of pictures may scarce be found alike. Moreover, (as I have elsewhere said) the Barbarians have Gourds, and other kinds of fruits, which they divide, and make hollow, and they use them instead of Cups, (which they call Covi) Pot● and oth●● vessels, of fruits, pan 〈…〉 and baskets. and other vessels of diverse uses. They have also Panniers, large and mean, and likewise Baskets, very finely made of bul-rushes, or yellowish grass, not much differing from Wheaten straw. These they call Panacon, and in them they put Meal and other things which they think good. Although the Tovoupinambaultians receive strangers very courteously, yet the Frenchmen, and The Barbarian● courteously entertain guests, other Strangers, who are ignorant of their Language, were not a little astonished in the beginning, by reason of their unaccustomed behaviour. When I first conversed among them (which happened about twenty days after our arrival at the Castle of Colligne) a certain Interpreter brought me to certain Villages, in the Continent: that which I first saw, in their native Language is called Ybouraci, but in French, Pepin, by the name of a certain Pilot, who sometime laded A pleasant discourse of thos● things which befell the Author when he first went unto the 〈◊〉, a ship at that place; four miles only distant from our Castle. In the very entrance the Barbarians came thick about me, and spoke unto me in these words, Marapé derere, Marapé derere? that is, By what name are you called? which words, surely, to me were very barbarous, but one of them taking off my Hat, put it upon his head; another girdeth my Girdle and Sword unto his naked side: another putteth on my Coat: and they dull me with their cries, and being clothed with my spoils, run hither and thither. I than thought that I had lost all, and did not well know how safe I might be among them. But, as I found by experience, that fear arose from my ignorance of their customs, for they use to do the like to all strangers, especially unto them whom they never saw before. Now, when for their recreation, they had walked about a little while in that habit, they precisely restore every thing again. Then I was advertised by the Interpreter, that they greatly desired to understand my name: but in declaring that, I was to forbear usual names with us, which the Barbarians could neither pronounce (for in stead of john, they said Ni●n) nor yet well remember: but was to propound somewhat which The Author's name in the American language. might be known unto them. The matter succeeded so happily, that, as the Interpreter signified unto me, who was very skilful in the Brasilian Language, my name Lerius signified an Oyster: I therefore answered, that I was called L●riy-oussou. They liked it very well, and often using Teh, their Interjection of admiration, they spoke thus unto me. An excellent name surely, nor have we ever found any Mair, who had such a name. They have so good and sure a memory, that if they have once heard any man's name, they never forget it. Their memory. The same day, accompanied with the Interpreter, I went further, and turned into the Village Euramiri, so called in their native Language, but in French, Goset, after the name of a certain Interpreter, who dwelled there some little while: we came thither about Sun set, and found them dancing, and drinking their Caouin, by reason of a Captive, whom they had slain that day. I perceived the pieces of his flesh laid upon Boucan. I think, you need not inquire with how great and horrible fear I was then stricken: yet that was but a small matter, if it be compared with the fear wherewith I was afterward astonished. We entered into a Cottage, and sat upon the hanging beds, after the accustomed fashion: the women lament after that manner which we will declare, and the Master of the Family entertaineth us with friendly words. Th● Interpreter who was acquainted with these matters, and who was very much delighted with their drink, leaveth me unsaluted, and ignorant of all things, and went away to them that were dancing, and drinking. But being weary, after I had refreshed myself with Meal, and certain other meate● that were set before us, I lay down in the bed. Notwithstanding, through the noise of their dancing, drinking, and devouring of the Captive, I was presently awaked, and (which was the chiefest matter) by one coming unto me, who carried the roasted foot of the Captive in his hand, and demanding of me, as I afterwards understood, for then, I conceived not his words) whether I would eat thereof; I was so astonished through fear, that I was altogether freed from drowsiness and sleep. And I verily believed, by that gesture, which I took in the worst part, that the Barbarian had showed me, that my flesh should shortly after be devoured after the same manner. Moreover, as fear begetteth suspicion, it came presently into my mind, that the Interpreter had betrayed, and delivered me into the Barbarians hands. Wherefore, if I had had any way open to flee, I had quickly taken my flight. But they stood round about me, whose mind I did not sufficiently know, for they attempted no evil against me. Now being confirmed in fear, I unluckily guessed, that I should presently have been slain, wherefore I passed the whole night in pouring forth prayers unto God. At the first dawning of the day, the Interpreter (who had passed all the night in pleasure with the Barbarians) returned unto me, and saw me pale, and taken with a Fever, whereupon he demanded whether I were ill at ease, & whether I had not quietly rested? Then I began sharply to reprove him, who had left me alone among those Barbarians, whose speech I understood not at all. H●● openeth the whole matter to them who stood by me all the night, to congratulate my coming: they signify, that they perceived the matter in some sort, and yet were sorry, that I had passed that night in so great fear of them. And at length they break out into dissolute laughter, which was the solace and comfort of that my fear. From thence I and that Interpreter, went unto certain other Villages. These are the Rites which the Barbarians observe in entertaining Guests. First of all, as soon as the Guest entereth into the house of that Moussacat, which he hath chosen to be his Host, (which is to be done in every Village, nor are you to turn into another, unless you will incur his displeasure) he must presently sit down upon a Cotton hanging Bed, and remain quietly there a while without speaking any word. By and by, the women come unto him, compass the The American women bewail the coming of Guests. Bed about, and sitting on the ground, put their hands on their eyes, and bewailing the happy coming of the Guest after this manner, they rehearse innumerable things in his commendation. As for example: Have you taken so much pains to come unto us: you are good, you are valiant. But if the Guest be a Frenchman, they add, you have brought very many excellent merchandises unto us, which we want here. To conclude, those women, as hath been said, entertain Guests weeping, with such like flattering speeches. But the Guest who sitteth on a Cotton bed, if he desire The gesture of the Guest among the Americans. to procure favour with his Host, settling his countenance, unless he mean to weep in good earnest (as I saw some of our men of so weak a courage, that tears were forced from them, through the howling lamentation of these women) he must of necessity sergeant weeping, answering somewhat at the least, and fetching deep sighs. This most pleasant salutation being How M●●ssac●t entertaine●h his Guest. ended by the women, Moussacat, that is, the Master of the Family, being busily employed in making of an Arrow, casts not so much as his eyes for a certain time upon the Guest, as if h● marked nothing. At length coming unto the Guest, he speaketh unto him in these words: Ere joube? that is, Are you come? then, how do you? what seek you? etc. After, he demandeth, whether you be hungry? if you grant that you are, presently he commandeth meats of diverse kinds to be set before you in earthen vessels, to wit, Meal, which with them supplieth the place of bread, Venison, Fowl, Fish, and other things of that kind: but because there is no use with them, for Tables, and Benches, all those things are set on the ground. As touching Drink, if you desire Caouin, & that it be in the house, it shall presently be given you. Lastly, after the women have stoutly solemnised the coming of the Guests with weeping, they come unto them bringing Fruits, and other trifling Presents, and so, secretly, demand Combs, Looking-glasses, and little Beads of glass, which they wind about their arms. Moreover, if you will lodge all night in that Village, the Moussacat commandeth a very neat and clean bed to be hanged up for you, round about which he will cause small fires to be kindled, and often quickened in the night with Bellows, which they call Tatapecova, not much unlike the little round Fans, wherewith the nicer and more delicate sort of women with us, defend the scorching of fire from their faces. Not because that Country is subject unto cold, but by reason of the moisture of the night, and especially, because it is their usual manner. Now seeing we have chanced to mention Fire, which they call Tata, and Smoke Tatatin, I think it needful that I declare the excellent manner of kindling the same. They have two kinds of wood, whereof the one is very soft, but the other very hard, which they use after this manner, to kindle fire. They sharpen a twig of a foot long of that hard wood at the one end like a Spindle, and stick the point thereof in any piece of that soft wood, then laying it on the ground, or upon a stock, they turn that twig swiftly about with the palms of their hands, as if they would pierce an hole through the piece of wood which lieth under. Through that so swift and violent motion, smoke is not only raised, but also fire; putting Cotton unto it, or certain dry leaves (in stead of our Country tinder) fire is very aptly engendered: whereof I myself have made trial. After that the Guests have refreshed themselves with meat, and lodged after the manner How strangers requite their Host. which we have declared, if they be liberal, they use to give unto the men Knives, Scissors, and Pincers fit for the plucking out of the hairs of their beards: to the women, Combs, and Looking-glasses: and to the children, Fishhooks. But, if the Guest want victuals, when he hath agreed of the price, he may carry them away. Moreover, because they want all kind of beasts of burden, they are all of necessity to travel on foot. If Strangers be weary, and give a Knife to any of the Barbarians, he presently offereth his help to carry him that is weary. I myself The Barbarians carry Strangers upon their shoulders. when I lived in those Countries, was diverse times carried by those Porters, and that surely two miles' journey together. And if we admonished them to rest a little, they laughed at us with these words; What? Think you that we are so effeminate, or of so weak a courage, that we should faint, and lie down under our burden? I would rather carry you all the day without any intermission. But we breaking out into laughter, wondered at those two legged Hackneys, and encouraging Two legged amblers. them, said: let us therefore proceed on the way. They exercise natural charity abundantly among themselves, for they daily give one unto The Barbarians practice charity even by the direction of nature. another, both Fish, Meal, and Fruits, and also other things: nay, they would be very sorry, if they saw their neighbours want those things which they have. They also use the like liberality towards Strangers: whereof, it shall be sufficient, to bring one example. In the tenth Chapter of this Book, I made mention of a certain danger, which myself, and two other Frenchmen escaped, to wit, that we were in great peril of death, by reason of an huge Lizard which met us in the way: at that time, we wandered two days through the middle of the Woods out of the way, and endured no mean hunger, and at length came unto a certain Village called Pavo, where we had lodged before. There we were most liberally entertained by the Barbarians. For, having heard the troubles which we had suffered, and specially the great danger wherein we were, that we were likely to have been devoured by wild beasts, but chiefly, that we were in danger to be slain by the Margaiates, our common enemies, near unto whose borders we approached unawares: and, seeing also the hurts and scratches of thorns, wherewith our sk●n was miserably rend, they took our harms so grievously, that I may here truly affirm, that the feigned flatteries wherewith our Country people use to comfort the distressed, are far from the sincere humanity of that Nation, which we call Barbarous. For, they washed our feet with A notable example of the courtesy of the Barbarians. clear water (which put me in mind of the ancient custom) every one of us sitting apart upon an hanging Bed. Then the Masters of the Families, who had already provided meats to be prepared for us, and caused new Meal to be ground, which (as I elsewhere said) is nothing inferior unto the crumb of white bread, in goodness, presently, after we had been a little refreshed, commanded all the best meats, to wit, Venison, Fowl, Fish, and the most exquisite and choicest Fruits, wherewith they continually abound, to be set before us. Moreover, the night approaching, the Moussacat our Host, removeth all the children from us, that we might the more quietly rest. The next day after, early in the morning, he cometh unto us, and demandeth, go to Atourassap, (that is, dearly beloved Confederates) have you quietly rested this night? we answered, very quietly. Then saith he; my sons, rest yourselves yet a while, for, yesterday, I perceived that you were very weary. To be brief, I am not able to express with words, how friendly, and courteously we were entertained. But we never traveled far from home without a Satchel full of Merchandises, which might serve us in stead of money among those Barbarians. Departing therefore thence, we gave our Hosts, what we thought good: to wit, Knives Sizzers, Pincers, to the men: Combs, Looking-glasses, Bracelets, and glassen Beads; to the women: and Fishhooks to the children. How much the Barbarians esteem knives, and other merchandises. I one day turned out of the way to lodge in a certain Village, and was requested by my Moussacat, to show him what I had in my Satchel, who commanded a great earthen vessel to be brought, wherein to put my merchandises: I took them all out, and set them in order: whereat he greatly wondering, calleth the rest of the Barbarians unto him, and saith. See I pray you, my good friends, what manner of man I have entertained with me: doth it not manifestly appear that he is very rich, seeing he carrieth so great wealth about him? yet those would scarce have been sold at Paris, for two silver Cardicues. Then, because (as we have said) they love liberal men, that I might procure authority and favour among them, I gave my Monssacat the best of my Knives before them all, which he esteemed no less, than any one with us would regard a golden chain, of very great price, bestowed upon him. If peradventure it happen, that any of them fall sick, when the inward and familiar friend of the sick person hath declared the grieved part, one sucketh it with his mouth, sometimes also that service is performed by certain impostors, which they call Pages, that is, Physicians, or Pages, the Barbarians Physicians. Surgeons. (But they are a kind of People differing from the caribs, whereof I have spoken before.) And they also say, that they draw out the pain, and prolong the life. They are sometimes sick of Fevers, and other common diseases: but, not so often, as we use to be. Moreover, they are troubled with a certain incurable disease, which they call Pians. This, for the most part proceedeth of lust: yet, I have seen the little children infected therewith, not unlike the manner of our Country Measles. This contagion breaketh out into pustles, broader than a thumb, which over spread the whole body, and also the face itself. They never give meat How the Barbarians handle the sick. to the sick, unless he desire it, although he be ready to perish through hunger. Moreover, although it be the most grievous disease, they that are healthy, never cease dancing, singing, and drinking after the accustomed manner, to dull and weary the miserable sick person with the noise: nor doth he complain, because he knoweth, that he shall not prevail at all. But, if he die, that singing (especially if he be a Master of any family) is suddenly turned into tears, and so great lamentation is made, that if by chance we turned into a certain Village, at the time of that mourning, we were of necessity to go to some other place, or pass the night without sleep. First of all, not without admiration, the women are heard, which so cry out and exclaim, that you would say they were the howling of Wolves or Dogs, and no humane voices. But they pour forth these complaints with a trembling voice. That most valiant man is dead, who sometimes gave us so many Captives to be devoured. Then the rest say, O notable Hunter, O most excellent Fisher, O valiant Killer of the Portugals, and Margaiates. To be brief, those women provoking one another to mourning, and embracing arms together, desist not from these lamentations, and praises, before the dead body be brought forth. Lastly, these Barbarian women imitate the Bearneansian custom in bewailing their dead men, whom, as I have heard, they follow with these complaints. La mi amon, la mi amon, cara rident, oeil desplendou, camaleuge, bet dansadou: Lafoy me balen, lo m'esburbat: mati depes: fort tard congat. that is, My friend, my friend with a merry countenance, shining eyes, swift legs, notable danser, strong and valiant, thou didst arise early, and go late to bed. The Vascone women also, who add these things to the former, Year, year, o le bet renegadou, o le bet iougadou qu'bere: that is, Alas, alas, how stout and deep a Swearer was he, how notable a Gamester? Moreover, to those complaints whereof we spoke, the Barbarian women often add this burden of the Song, He is dead, he is dead, whom we now lament. Then the men answer: Alas, he is dead, and we shall see him no more, until we danse with him behind the Mountains, as our caribs teach. Those howling lamentations are prolonged for six hours; for, they use not to keep their Dead any longer unburied. Then digging a Trench, not long as we use, but circular, like a great Drie-fat, they bury the dead body bolt upright. The dead Masters of Families, they bury in the midst of their houses, wrapped in their Cotton bed, with feathers, and other The Graves, and rites of burial of the Americans. things, wherein they delighted in their life time, laid in the Grave. Since their commerce with the French they have forborn to put precious things in the Graves: but they retained a strange and very devilish Superstition. The first night after the Funeral, the Barbarians, who are thus persuaded, that Aygnan, unless he found other meats prepared, would dig up the A very devilish error. dead body, and devour it, set no small store of vessels, with Meal, Fish, Flesh, and other meats carefully prepared, and also great pots full of their drink Caouin, about the Grave. Which Sacrifice they perform so long, until they think that the dead body be wholly consumed. From the which error they were the more hardly removed, because certain Neustrian Interpreters, by example of the Sacrifices of Bell, diverse times before our coming, privily feole away Dan. 14. those meats. Through which fact they so confirmed the Barbarians in error, that although we showed them, that those meats set down in the evening, remained in the morning, yet with great labour and difficulty we dissuaded very few from that error. As often as the Barbarians transport their Villages unto another place, after the manner which we have declared, they put certain coverings of the herb Pindo upon the Graves of the Dead. Whereby it cometh to pass, that Travellers may take notice of a certain form of a place of burial. At which places, if at any time wand'ring in the Woods, they remember the dead men, they make so great lamentation, that they may be heard far off. Worse than their howl here, worse than their former man-eatings, is the tragical famine which attended Lerius and his fellows in their return, besides dangers of shipwreck, resolution of some to kill their fellows for food; Thither by Sea in 500 fathom depth seeming like a Marish, the horbes yellowish, with Berries like those of juniper, the leaves like Rue, with threads like ground Inie floating on the Saa, but not safely handled; in some places red filth like concombes swimming, the touching of which caused the hand presently to swell) as also his Brasilian Dictionary, etc. for brenitie I have omitted. Villagagnons' Apostasy from the Religion was the cause of their departure; whose malice pursued them homewards to pronounce them to be burned for Heresy upon his accusation at home: as they were fain to line from him in Brasill. We will leave this Religions Frenchman, and acquaint you with a German. CHAP. four The travels of HULDERIEE SCHNIRDEL in twenty years' space from 1534. to 1554. abbreviated. §. I. His Voyage up the River of Plate, foundation of Towns, their expedition up the River of Parana and Parabol; the people of these parts. ANno 1534. I went from Antwerp to Cadiz, and there found fourteen ships furnished for the River of Plate. There were 2500. Spaniards, 150. high and low Dutch, unto which I joined myself. They set forth in September the same year, and (having had some trouble at Palma, one of the Canaries, about stealing of a Citizen's Daughter by G●●rge Mendoza, a Kinsman of the Commander Don Pedro de Mendoza) arrived at the river jenero. They call these Indians, To●pin. Here we abode To●pin. fourteen days, and Petro Mendoza our General then gave commandment to john Osorius his sworn Brother, to take charge of us in his steed, because he being weak, and consumed in his members, was much troubled almost with continual sickness and diseases. But when a little after the government received, john Osorius had been falsely accused, and by forgery, to Mendoza his sworn brother, as though he had gone about seditiously to stir the company against him, the said Mendoza commanded other four Captains (to wit) john Eyoldas john Saleisen, George Luchsam, and Lazarus Saluascho, that having stabbed him with a Dagger, they should expose Mendoza● cruelty. him as a Traitor in the middle of the Plain, to the view of all beholders. And straightly commanded it publicly to be given in charge, that no man upon pain of death disquiet or trouble himself in the behalf of Osorius, for if he did, he should be no more respected, whosoever, or of what condition soever he were. But he was altogether injuried. For he was an honest man, and a stout and courageous Warrior, and courteous, liberal, and very beneficial to his fellow Soldiers. 6. Departing hence with our ships and going to the River of Plate, we came into a pleasant R. Parana Vrassa. River, which they call Parana Urassa. It is far from the mouth of the River where the Sea leaves it, and is forty two leagues broad. And from the River janero to this River are two hundred and fifteen leagues. here we came to a Haven called Saint Gabriel, and all our fourteen ships anchored in the River Parana. But because we were to abide in the greater ships on the water, a Musket shot from the Land, our General Petro Mendoza gave commandment to set the people and Soldiers aland in the lesser skiffs or Boats, which they call Potten, then prepared for that purpose. So by the grace and blessing of God, in the year of Christ 1535. we happily arrived at the River of Plate, and there we found a row of houses, or an Indian Village, R. of Plate, Lechuruas. wherein there were about 2000 men, whom they call Zechuruas', who eat no other thing, save fish and flesh. And go all naked, but that the women cover their secrets, with a thin piece of Cotton-cloth, which reacheth from the Navel to the knees. They therefore at our coming, leaving the Town, fled away with their wives and children. Then our General Mendoza commanded the people to be shipped again, and conveied over to the other side of the River Parana, where the breadth of the River extendeth itself no more than eight leagues. 7. In this place we built a City, which for the wholesomeness of the Air we called Bonos Buenos Aeres built. Aeres. We brought with us also out of Spain seventy two Horses and Mares, in our fourteen ships. We found also another Village in this Country, which the Indians inhabit, whom they call Carendies, of whom there were about 3000. men, together with their wives and children. These also as the Zechuruas' are covered from the Navel only unto the knees, who brought Carendies. us fish and flesh to eat. These Carendies have no Proper and settled dwellings, but wander in the Gountrie hither and thither, almost as our Cingari, and Zigeunori. When they take their journey in the Summer, they often times travel thirty leagues and more by Land, and find not a Gipsies. drop of water to drink. If they light upon a Stag or other wild beast, when they have killed it, they drink the blood thereof: some times they find a Root, which they call Cards, and chewing that, they quench thirst. But that they drink blood, this only is the cause, for that they want other drink, and peradventure without this, they should die for thirst. These Carendies for fourteen days imparted liberally of their poverty, and daily brought fish and flesh unto our Camp, one day only excepted, wherein they came not to us at all. Therefore our General Don Petro Mendoza sent our Corregidor jan. Baban and two Soldiers unto them (for these Carendies abode four leagues distant from our Camp) but they so entreated them when they came unto them, that they sent them home all three sound cut and mangled with stripes. But when our General Petro Mendoza understood these things by report of the judge: who for this cause raised a tumult in our Camp, he sent his own natural Brother Don Diego Mendoza against them with three hundred Soldiers, and thirty ready light Horsemen, among the which I also was one, straightly charging him to kill, and take all the said Indian Carendies, and possess their Town. But when we came unto them, there were now some 4000 men gathered together; for they had sent for all their familiars, and friends to help them. 8. When we set upon them, they so resisted us, that they put us to trouble enough that day: The fight or skirmish with the Indian Carendies. for they slew our Captain Don Diego Mendoza, and six Gentlemen with him, and of the horse and foot about some twenty. But on their part there fell about 1000 men. Therefore they fought courageously and stoutly against us, which we felt by experience. The weapons of these Carendies are Bows, and a kind of Dart like the staff of a Spear of a middle length, whose point they arm with a flint called a Marchasate, with an edge in form of the three edged T underbolt. They have also bowls of stone hanging at a long cord, somewhat like our plummets of Lead. These bowls they so cast about the feet of Horses, or Stags, that they are constrained to fall. After this manner they slew our Captain, and the Gentlemen with these bowls, which I myself beheld, but they slew the Footmen with their Darts: yet by the grace of God (to whom be praise) we overcame them in battle, and possessed their Town. But we could take none of these Indians; their wives and children also, before we assailed them by war had fled into another Village. We found nothing in this Town of theirs, but Otter skins, plenty of flesh and flower, and the trane of fish. Abiding therefore three days we remained in that place, and after returned to our Camp, leaving 100 men there, who in the mean time should fish with the Indians Nets, to maintain our Soldiers more plentifully: for the waters there are marvelous full of fish: for three ounces only of flower made of fine Wheat were distributed to every one for one day's victual, and every three days one fish. This fishing lasted two months, and if any would eat fish otherwise, he must seek them on foot four leagues off. 9 When we returned to our Camp, they that were fit for labour among the people, were Of the buildings of the City of Bonos A●res, and of the famine which they endured there. separated from them that were fit for war, that every one might be put to service agreeable unto him. The City therefore began to be built there, and a wall of earth to be raised about it, to to the height of a Spear or javelin, and in the City a firm and strong house for our General. The wall of the City was three foot broad. But that which was built to day, the next day fell down again. For the people wanting food, lived in great scarcity, so that many died of famine, nor could the Horses satisfy them. There was not plenty enough of Dormice, or other-mices, or Serpents, or other wild beasts, to assuage this lamentable famine and unspeakable poverty. Not so much as shoes and other Leather could avoid this rage of devouring. It fell out Miserable famine. also at that time, that three Spaniards having stolen a Horse, did privily eat him. Which as soon as it was discovered, they were grievously tormented, and questioned touching the fact, and when they confessed it, they were condemned to the Gallows. When they were hanged, three other Spaniards consorted themselves together, who the same night going to the Gallows, cut off the legs of them that were hanged, and cut out pieces of flesh from their bodies, that in their Cottages they might assuage untollerable hunger by eating thereof. A certain Spaniard (through exceeding hunger) eat his own brother, who died in the City of Buenas Aeres. 10. When therefore our General Don Petro Mendoza saw, that the people could no longer be How some sailed up the River of Parana, or the River of Plate. sustained and preserved in this place, he presently commandeth four small Barks which they call Brigantines', or small men of war, and are carried with Oars to be made ready, whereof every one will hold forty men: there were also three other less called Potten. These seven little Vessels therefore being made ready and dispatched, our General commanded the company to be mustered, and George Luchsam with 350. ready and able men, to sail up the River, and seek out the Indians, that we might get provision of victuals and food. But the Indians understanding before of our presence, burnt their provision of victual, and whatsoever was good to eat, together with their Villages, and run away. But we in the mean season got no food, and for every day's allowance unto every man, one ounce and an half of bread was distributed, whereby it came to pass, that in this journey the half part of our Soldiers perished through famine. We therefore of necessity returned to the said Town where our General was, who greatly wondered, that so small a number of people should return, seeing we were no more than five months absent, and he demanded of our Captain George Luchsam to declare unto him what he had done in this journey, who signified, that they who were wanting, died of famine, because the Indians had consumed all the food with fire, and after run away themselves. 11. All these things falling out thus as I have said, yet we continued together in the Town How the town of Buenas Aeres was besieged, assaulted, and burnt. Four Nations of Indians. of Buenas Aeres, a whole month in great want, expecting while the furniture of our ships should be finished. In the mean wh●le, in the year 1535. the Indians invade us and our City of Buenas Aeres, with the strength of twenty three thousand men, and in their Army there were four distinct Nations (to wit) Cariendes, Bartennis, Lechuruas', and Tiembus. The purpose and principal intention of all these was, to kill us all. But praise and glory be to God, who saved the greatest part of us safe from destruction. For together with the Captains, and Ancients, and other Soldiers, there were not above thirty men of ours slain. When therefore they first came to our City of Buenas Aeres, some of them ran furiously to assault it, others cast fiery Darts upon our houses all which (except our General's house which only was covered with Tile) were only thatched: and by that means all our City, together with Their fights & weapons. all the houses was consumed with the flames, even from the foundation. The Weapons or Darts of these Indians are made of Reed, which when they are cast or shot out, take fire in the point. They have a kind of wood also whereof they make their Darts, which if they be fired before they be cast, are not quenched, but set houses (covered with Thatch) on fire, and so those that touch or join together burn together. In this fight these Indians burned us also four great ships, which were half a league distant Four ships burned. from us on the water. But the Soldiers who were in these ships, when they saw that mighty tumult of the Indians, betook themselves to flight from these four ships, into three others, which road not far from these, and were furnished with Ordnance. They therefore when they saw the four ships burn, began to defend themselves, and eagerly to assault the Indians, and let flee the bullets which caused them to leave the assault and depart, giving rest unto the Christians. All this was done on the Feast of Saint john the Evangelist. In the year 1535. 12. All these things being past and done, all the people went into the ships, and our General They muster their Soldiers, and build ships to go further. The most of 2000 died of famine. Don Petro Mendoza made john Eyollus his Deputy, creating him Lieutenant General, delivering over unto him the whole government of all, as also of the people. He taking a view of the company, of two thousand five hundred men, which came from Spain together in ships, he found only five hundred and sixty alive: all the rest were dead, whom for the most part the intolerable famine had consumed. After this, our Lieutenant john Eyollus, commandeth eight little Barks, which they call Brigantines and Pott, speedily to be built. And of five hundred and sixty which remained alive, he took unto him four hundred men: leaving the other one hundred, and sixty to take charge of the four great ships; over whom he set john Romero the chief commander, leaving provision for a whole year, so that four ounces of bread were distributed to every man for his daily allowance. 13. After this our Lieutenant john Eyollus with his four hundred Soldiers, which he had with him, among whom also Petro Mendoza our General was, saileth up the River of Parana, in the Brigantines and Potts, furnished for this purpose, until we came unto the Indians, which They go up the River. was performed in the space of two months, from our coming forth of the City of Buenas Aeres, so that we were now eighty four leagues distant from our said burnt City. When therefore we were not above four leagues from these people (which they call Tiembus, but we Tiembus. called them Bona speransa) and they understood of our coming before, about four hundred men of them came peaceably unto us in their Boats, which they call Canoas', in every one of the which Canoas' sixteen person sat. When therefore we met together in the River, our General gave the Captain of these Indians of Tiembus, (whom they call Zchara Wassu) a shirt, a red Cap, a Hatchet, and certain other things. Which presents being received, the said Zchara Wassu brought us into their Town, setting before us fish and flesh plentifully, and sufficient food, so that we were exceeding well contented. For if this Voyage of ours had continued yet but ten days longer, we should all have died with famine, as even now in this Voyage of four hundred men, who came together in the ships, fifty were dead. These people of Tiembus, wear on either nostril a blue star artificially made of a white and blue stone; they are large men, and of a tall stature, but the women aswell young as old, are very deformed with torn faces, and always bloody: from the Navel to the knees they are covered with Cotton-cloth, the rest is naked. This people hath no other meat save fish and flesh, nor ever lived with any other thing. The strength of this Nation is thought to be fif●eene thousand men or more. The skiffs or Boats which they use are made of a Tree eighty foot long, and Don Petro Me●doza being about to return into Spain dieth in t●● wa●. three broad, which (as the fisher-men's Boats of Germany) are rowed with Oars, save that their Oars are not bound with Iron. 14. We abode four whole years in the foresaid Village or Town, but our General or Admiral Petro Mendoza, by reason of his extreme and continual sickness, in that he was able neither to stir hand nor foot, and had spent in this journey of his own about forty thousand Ducats of ready money, would no longer stay with us in this Town, but returneth in two Brigantines to Buenos Aeres, to the four greater Ships, and there taking two of them, and fifty Soldiers, he intended to return into Spain, but scarce half the journey performed, the hand of almighty God so smote him, that he miserably died. But before his departure he certainly promised us, that he would do his best, as soon as he, or the Ships returned into Spain, that two other Ships should be sent back to the River of Plate (which by his will he had so ordained, and was faithfully also performed) furnished with Soldiers, provision of victuals, Merchandise, and other things necessary for such a voyage. 15. The name of the Commander of these two Ships was Alfonso Gabrero, who also brought with him two hundred Spaniards, and provision for two years. He arrived at the Town of Buenas Alfonso Gabr●●o is sent away from Spain towards the river of Pl●te. Aeres, in the year 1539. where we left the other two Ships (when we departed) together with one hundred and sixty men. They presently sent away a Ship into Spain, provided for this purpose (for so the Counsel of the Emperor's Majesty commanded) and delivered orderly and at large to the said Counsel the state and condition of these Countries, and people, and other circumstances. After this, our General john Eyollas consulting with Alfonso Gabrero, Martino Don Eyollas, and the rest of the Captains, judgeth it to be most convenient to muster the Soldiers; which being done, together with ours, and those who came first from Spain, five hundred and fifty men were found of these; they choose unto them four hundred men, leaving one hundred and fifty in Tiembus. 16. By this order of the Captains, we sail up the river Parana, with these four hundred men, shipped in eight Brigantines, seeking another River, whereof we were told, called Parabol, at They sail further up the River of Paran● toward C 〈…〉 nda R. 〈◊〉 abol. Carios. Sheep of Peru. Curenda. the which the Carios dwell, for these were reported to abound with Turkish grain, and roots, of the which they make wine, and also fish, and flesh, and Sheep as big as Mules, and Hearts, Hogs, Ostriches, Hens, and Geese. Departing therefore from the Haven of Bona Speranza, with our eight Brigantines, sailing four leagues the first day, we came to a Nation called Curenda, which live with flesh and fish. This Island is 12000. strong of men fit for war, and hath great store of Canoes. This Nation is like the former Tiembus, with little stones hanging dangling in their noses. The men also are of a tall stature, but the women, as well young as old, deformed, Description of these Sauage●. with rugged and bloody faces: And are no otherwise apparelled than they of Tiembus, to wit, covered with a Cotten cloth from the navel to the knees, as is before said. These Indians have great plenty of other skins. These men did liberally communicate unto us of their poverty, or of that little they had, Fish, Flesh, Skins, to whom chose we gave Glasses, Beads, Looking-glasses, Combs, Knives, and Fishhooks, and abode with them two days. They gave us also two men of Carios, who were their captives, to be our Guides and Interpreters. 17. Sailing further hence, we came to another Nation called Gulgaisi, which is able to bring We came to Gulgaisi & Macuerendas. Gulgaisi. 40000. men for war, into the field. This Nation also hath two stones at their nose; it was thirty leagues distant from the Island Curenda, and they and the inhabitants of Tiembus have the same language. They dwell upon a Lake six leagues long, and four broa●, situate on the left side of the River Parana. We stayed here four days, and these men imparted to us of their poverty, and we did the like to them: proceeding further thence, for the whole space of eighteen days we light on no men, but afterward we came to a River, flowing into the Country itself. In that Country we found a great number of men come together, which they call Macuerendas. Macuerendas. These have nothing to eat, save fish, and a little flesh, and are 18000. strong of warlike men, and have a great number of Boates. These men after their manner entertained us courteously enough: they dwell on the other side of the River Parana, towards the right hand, have a differing tongue from the former, and are tall men, and of a good proportion, but their women also are very deformed. They are distant from those whom they call Gulgaisi sixty four leagues. While we remained idle among these people four days, we found an huge monstrous Serpent five and twenty Huge Serpent. foot long, lying on the land not far from the shore, which was as big as a man, of a black colour, spotted with a deep yellow. This Serpent we killed with a Gun, which when the Indians saw, they wondered thereat with great astonishment, for they themselves had never seen any so great before. This Serpent, as the Indians themselves said, had done much hurt unto them; for when they washed themselves in the water, the Serpents finding men there, wound their tails about them, and having drawn them under water, devoured them, so that the Indians knew not oftentimes what became of many of them. Idiligently measured the length and thickness of this Serpent, which the Indians cutting in pieces, every one carried part home unto their houses, and being sod and roasted did after eat thereof. 18. From hence sailing further up the River of Parana, in four day's journey we came to a We came to Zemais Saluaisco, and Nepenes. Zemias' Saluaisco. Nation, called Zemais Saluaisco. The men of this Country are of a short stature, and of a gross body. They live with nothing else save fish, flesh, and honey. Both men and women go naked, as they came into the world when they were first borne, so that they cover not their body so much as with a thread, no not their privy parts. They make war with the Macuerendas; the flesh they eat is the flesh of Stags, Boars, Ostriches, Coneys, which excepting the tail, are not much unlike a Dormouse or Rearmouse. They a●e sixteen leagues distant from the Macuerendas, which distance we sailed in four days, and abode one only day with them. Departing hence, we came unto another Nation called Mepenes, who are 10000 strong. Mep 〈…〉 These people dwell scattered here and there, every where in that Country, extending itself forty leagues in length and breadth, yet within two days both by water and land they may all come together. The multitude of the Boats they have, exceedeth the number of themselves, as we saw when we were with them: and in such a Boat or Canoa about twenty persons are carried. This people received us in hostile and warlike manner with five hundred Canoas' upon the River, but with little profit for themselves, for we slew many of them with our shot, for they had never before seen either Guns or Christians. But coming to their houses, we could prevail nothing against them, seeing they were a whole league distant from the River of Parana, where our Ships lay. The waters also about their Town were very deep, which ran out of a Lake, so that we could perform nothing against them, that was of any worth, save that we burned and destroyed two hundred and fifty Canoas' which we had taken. Neither did we think it good also for us, to depart so far from our Ships, seeing it was to be feared lest they would affaile us from the other side: We returned therefore to our Ships. This people of Mepenes fight only upon the water, and is distant from the former Country of Zemais Saluaisco, from whence we departed ninety five leagues. 19 Sailing up higher from thence, and in eight day's space arriving at a certain River, we light Of the River Parabol, and the people● ●ueremagbas, and Aygais. Cueremagbas. Men o● tall stature. Their gallantry on a Nation that was very populous, called Cueremagbas, which also liveth only with fish and flesh. They have Cherry trees, of the which they make wine. This people bestowed their best affections upon us, and courteously imparted those things unto us whereof we stood in need. The people are of a huge and tall stature, both men and women. The men have a little hole in their nose, into the which, for ornament, they put a Parrot's feather. The women paint their faces with long blue streaks, which all the time of their life are never put out. They cover their privities with Cotten cloth, from the navel to the knees: from the foresaid people of Mepenes, to these Cueremagbas are forty leagues: so we stayed in this place three days. Departing thence, we came to another Nation, called Aygais, which also liveth with fish Aygais. and flesh. The men and women are of a tall stature: the women like the former paint their faces, and cover their privities after the same manner. When therefore we arrived on their coast, taking arms, in hostile manner they resisted us, and would have stopped our passage. We ordered our battle both by land and water, and fight with them slew many of them, fifteen also of our men were slain. These Aygais are stout warriors on the water, but not so by land. Being ready to fight against us, they had conveyed away their wives and children to another place before, and had hidden, whatsoever provision of meat or other like things they had, so that we could get nothing from them. Their Village is situate near the Riner called jepidus, having the River called Paraboll on the other side, descending from the Montainous Countries of Peru, near the City Fuech Kamin. These Aygais are distant from the foresaid Cueremagbas thirty five leagues. 20. Departing from these people, we came to a Nation called Carios, fifty leagues distant Of the people Carios. from the Aygais, with whom (by God's grace) we found (as was told us) plenty of Mais, Potatoes and Mandiochpobier, having the taste of a Chestnut, of which they make wine. They have also fish, flesh, wild Boar, Ostriches, Indian Sheep, as big as our Mules, also Coneys, Hens, Goats, and such like: sufficient plenty of Honey, whereof, by boiling it, they make a kind of Coin. This Country also aboundeth with Çotten. These people of Carios inhabit a large Country, extending itself three hundred leagues in Carios' custom: length, and breadth: they are men of a short stature, and thick, and more able to endure work and labour then the rest. The men have a little hole in their lips, and yellow Crystal therein (which in their language they call Parabol) of two spans long, and of the thickness of a quill or reed. The men and women both in this Country, go all naked, as they were created of God. Amongst these Indians the Father sells the Daughter, the Husband the wife. Sometimes also the Brother doth either sell or change the Sister. They value a Woman at a Shirt, a Knife, a Hatchet, or some other thing of this kind. These Carios also eat man's flesh, if they can get it. For when they take any in the wars, whether they be men or women, young or old, they fatten them, no otherwise then we do Hogs. But they keep a woman some years, if she be young, and of a commendable beauty, but if in the mean time, she apply not herself to all their desires, they kill, and eat her, making a solemn banquet, as marriages are wont to be celebrated with us. But they keep an old woman, till she die of her own accord. These Carios undertake longer journeys than any of these Nations upon the River of Plate. They are courageous and fierce in battle, and their Villages and Towns are situate upon the River Parana, on an high and mounting land. 21. The City of these people (which the Inhabitants call Lampere) was compassed with a double bulwark cunningly made of timber, as with a hedge or enclosure, every trench being of the breadth and thickness of a man, and one bulwark or trench was twelve paces distant from Of the City Lampere, how it was besieged and won by assault. Their fortifications. Stratagem. the other. The trenches being digged a fathom deep into the earth, were so high above the ground, as a man might reach with the length of a Sword. They had also Pits and Caves fifteen paces distant from the walls cast up the height of three men, in the midst whereof pikes were stuck, yet not appearing above ground, as sharp pointed as a Pin. They made these Pits so covered with straw, putting twigs and branches therein, with a little earth strewed between, that we Christians pursuing them, or being ready to assault their Town, might fall into them. But they cast these pits for themselves, and at length they fell into them: for when our General john Eyollas, gathering all his Soldiers together, who were not above three hundred (for they left sixty to guard the Brigantines) ordering and ranging the companies, went against their City Lampere, they understanding before of our coming, making a stand a Musket shot of with their army of four thousand men, furnished with Bow and Arrows after their manner, commanded that we should be told, that they would provide us victual, and other necessaries, desiring us to go back and return unto our Ships, that so departing as soon as we could, we might peaceably return to our companions. But it was neither good for our General, nor ourselves, that we should consent to their request: for this Nation and Country, by reason of the plenty of victual, was also most fit, and commodious for us, especially when in four whole years past, we had not seen a morsel of bread, living only with fish and flesh, and The Spaniards in four years had not seen a morsel of bread. oftentimes also in great penury. These Carios therefore taking their Bow and Arrows, entertained and saluted us therewith. But as yet, we had no mind to hurt them, but commanded to signify unto them, that they should be quiet, and we would become their friends. But they would not be so contented, for they had not yet tried our Guns and Swords. When therefore we came somewhat nearer unto them, we discharged our brass Pieces against them. Which when they heard, and saw that so many men fell down dead, and when neither Bullets, nor Arrows appeared, but holes only were seen in their bodies, they wondered with astonishment, and horribly terrified, took their flight in troops, overthrowing one another like Dogs: and while with great celerity they hasten to shelter themselves in their Town, more than three hundred men, in that amazed fear, fell into the foresaid pits, which themselves had digged. Afterward coming to their City, we assaulted it, they courageously defending themselves, till the third day. But when they could defend themselves no longer, and were much afraid of their wives and children, which they had with them in the Town, they earnestly entreated our favour and mercy, promising, that they would do any thing for us, and for our sakes, at our pleasure, so that we would spare their lives. In this stir sixteen of our men were slain. They brought also to our General Eyolas, six women, among which the eldest was but eighteen years old, they presented also six Stags, and another wild beast, entreating us to stay with them. They gave two women to the Soldiers, to serve them for Laundresses and other services. They also provided us victuals, and other necessaries for food. And so peace was concluded between them and us. 22. These things being so done, the Corios were compelled to build us a great House, of A Castle is built in Lampere, and is called the Assumption. stone, timber, and earth, that the Christians might have a place of refuge, if hereafter they moved any sedition against them wherein they might be safe, and might defend themselves against injury. We took this Village or City of theirs by assault the year of Christ 1539. in the feast of the Assumption and gave it that name. And here we abode two months. These Carios are fifty leagues distant from the Aygais, and from the Island of Bonasperanza, which the Tiembus inhabit about three hundred thir●ie and four leagues. Making therefore a league with these Carios, they promised, that they would aid us, when we went to the wars, and if we were to undertake any service against the Aygais, they would send eighteen thousand men with us. When our General had thus determined, taking three hundred Spaniards, with these Carios, going down the River of Parabol, with the stream, we marched thirty leagues by land, till we came to the place, where the said Aygais dwelled: we slew them both old and young, in the old place where we left them, unawares in their houses, while they yet slept, early in the morning between three and four of the clock (for the Carios had diligently searched out all) oppressing them even to the death; for the Carios have this custom that being conquerors in war, they kill all without any commiseration or pity. Aygais destroyed. After this, taking away five hundred Canoas' or Boats, we burned all the Villages to the which we came, doing much hurt besides. After one month past, some of the people of Aygais came unto us, who being absent far from home, were not present at this fight, and craving pardon, yielded themselves into our hands. 23. Continuing therefore in this City of the Assumption of Marie six months, we quietly refreshed ourselves. In the mean space our General Don Eyollas enquired amongst these Carios, of the Nation called Piembos, from whom he received answer, that it was almost an hundred Piemb●s. leagues distant from the City of Assumption, and that they dwelled up the River Parabol. Being further demanded, whether they had plenty of food, and how and with what they lived, what their behaviour and conditions were? They answer again, that these Paiembos have no other meat and provision, but Flesh, and Fish, and also Ceratia, which they call Algorobo, whereof they make Meal, which they eat with their Fish. Moreover also they make Wine thereof, which may be compared to our sweet Wine, for the pleastntnesse thereof. The General musters the Soldiers, and out of four hundred men, chooseth three hundred, whom he saw better furnished with Arms and other things than the rest, leaving the other hundred with the said Carios, in the City of Assumption. We therefore sail up the River, and always in five leagues distance we arrived at some Village situate upon the River of Parabol, whose Parabol well peopled. Inhabitants came to meet us withal necessary provision. 24 Departing thence we came to a Mountain called Fernando, like unto that which they Mount Fernando. Weibingo. Paiembos' treachery. call Bogenberg. There we light on the said Paiembos, twelve leagues distant from Weibingo. These people entertained us friendly and peaceable, but with a treacherous and deceitful mind, as you shall understand hereafter. They therefore brought us into their houses, and gave us Fish, Flesh, and Cerated, or bread to eat, and so we abode nine whole days with them. In the mean time our General commanded to inquire of them, whether the Nation called Carcariso were known unto them? They answered him, that concerning them, they knew nothing, but what they Carcariso. had heard by report, to wit, that they dwelled far hence, in a Country abounding with Gold and Silver, but that they had never seen any of them. They added also moreover, that these Car●carisos were wise men as we Christians are, and that they abound with Victuals, to wit, Maiz, Mandeoch, Manduis, Pot●des, Mandeoch Nach ke k●s, Mandeoch Purpy, Mandeoch Ade, Mandeparea, Amte, beasts called Sheep of Peru; and it seemeth bigger and stronger in these pa●ts than 't 〈…〉: For the Author road on one, which in Peru beareth a small burden. and other roots; and with flesh also of Indian Sheep, called Amte, which are a kind of beast like Asses, having feet like Kine, of a thick and gross skin; and that they had plenty also of Coneys, Hearts, Geese, and Hens: but that none of the Paiembos had ever seen them, as they remember, but that they had it only by report of others: but we found afterwards assuredly how all things went. Having learned this, our General required to have some of the Payembos to go with us into that Country, whereupon they readily offered themselves, and their chief Commander presently appointed three hundred Paiembos to go with us, to carry our victuals, and other necessaries for us. The General commanded to prepare, and of five Ships he caused three to be destroyed. To the other two he appointed fifty men of us Christians, whom he commanded that in his absence they should stay there four months, expecting his return, and that if within the time appointed he returned not unto us, they should go back with these two Boats to the City of the Assumption. But if so fell out, that we stayed whole six months with these Paie●bos, and never heard any thing in the mean while of our General john Eyollas; and provision of victual failed us, and therefore of necessity, with Dominicke Eyollas, who in the mean time was left to command us, we were to return with our Ships to the foresaid City of the Assumption. 25. The General departing from the said Paiembos, he came to a Nation called Naperus, joined Naperus. in league and friendship with the Paiembos, who had nothing but flesh and fish. And it is a populous Nation of these Naperus; our General took certain unto him, to show him the way, for they were to go through diverse Countries with great labour and in great penury of all things; for they had tried the violence of many who resisted them in hostile manner, the half part of the Christians almost being dead; being brought therefore to a certain Nation called Peisennos; he could go no further, but was compelled to go back again with all his people, Peisennos. except three Spaniards, which by reason of their weak estate of body, he left with the Peisennos. Our General therefore john Eyollas being in reasonable good health himself, went back again with all his people and Soldiers, and quietly refreshed himself with all his fellows for three days with these Nap●rus, for the people were faint, being over tired with the journey; and munition and weapons failed us, which the Naperus and Paiembos' understanding, conspire among themselves, to kill the General john Eyollas, with all his followers, which also they performed: for when our General marched with his Christians from Naperus, toward the Paiembos, and had almost now gone half the way, these two said Nations, set upon them unawares in a thicket or Forest (which they chose for their ambush) through which the Christians were to go. There the General, together with his sick and faint Soldiers, was slaughtered by them, as of so many mad Dogs, so that not one escaped. §. II. MARTIN EYOLLAS made General. GABREROS' coming: SC●E●VES Voyage. NUNNER his insolence. Di●ers people and accidents described. IN the mean space, while we fifty men returning to the Assumption, expect our General, we understand what happened, by report of a certain Indian slave of john Eyoll●● who was now dead, given him of the Peisennos, who being skilful in the Language escaped the hands of the enemies, he declared all the whole matter. This was further confirmed by two of the Paiembos taken Prisoner, and it seemed good to us Christians, that we should create Martin Eyollas often named to us, our chief Commander and General, until we received other commandment from the Emperor's Majesty. Our General therefore gave commandment, that four Brigantines' should be prepared, and taking 150. men of the company, leaving the rest in the City of the Assumption of Mary, he made show that he would gather together the 150. men left with the Tiembus (as we said before) and also these 160. Spaniards who abode with the ships in the City of Buenas Aeres, into the said City of the Assumption. With these four Brigantines therefore he went down the Rivers of Paroboll, and Parana with the stream, and came to Tiembus (which first place we called Bona speranza, but the Castle wherein our Garrison Soldiers were, we named Corpus Christi. But before we came from the Assumption to Tiembus, a certain man of the Christians, to wit, Captain Franco Ruis, a Priest called john Baban, and a certain Secretary john Erua●dus, as it were subordinate Governors of the Christians, took treacherous and wicked counsel together, to kill the Captain of the Indians of Tiembus, and certain other Indians with him: which wicked Wickedness of some 〈◊〉. attempt they performed also in deed, so that, not without great impiety before our General Martin Don Eyollas his coming, and ours, they had slain those Indians, from whom a long time they had received no small benefits. Our General therefore commanded Ant●●●●io Mendoza (whom he left as Commander in the Castle of Corpus Christi, with a Garrison of 120. of our men, giving him also provision of victual) if his life and safety were dear unto him, that in any case he should beware of the Indians, and should diligently keep watch and ward, by day and night. And if the Indians making show of friendship should come unto them, that they should deal courteously with them, performing all friendly offices unto them, yet in the mean time they should carefully look unto themselves, & be very wary in all things, left any damage should be done to themselves, or other Christians. These things being thus ordered and disposed, he prepareth himself to continue his intended journey, taking with him ●hose three persons, who were Authors of the murder. When they were now about to take their journey, one of th● Nobles of Tiembus Zuche Lye●i by name, although he were a great friend of the Christians, yet by reason of his wife and children, and other Kinsmen of his, and familiars, compelled to consent to their counsels and practices: he admonished our General Eyollas, to cause all the Christians to be conveyed down the River with him, for now all the Country had made ready all their forces, that either they might wholly cut them all off, or drive them all out of the Country. To whom our General Martin Don Eyollas answered, that he would shortly return: and that his people had strength enough to sustain the assault or force of the Indians, and added moreover, that he desired, that Zuche Lyemi with his Wife and children, and all his familiar friends, and all his people would come over to the Christians, and join himself with them, which also he promised, After this, our General is carried down the River, and leaveth us at Corpus Christi. 28. Eight days after or thereabouts, the aforesaid Indian Zuche Lyemi, sendeth one of his brethren Suelupa by name, but deceitfully and treacheously, and requested our Captain Mendoza to grant him six Christians furnished with shot and other weapons, for he would bring over all his substance, with his whole Family unto us, and from henceforth dwell amongst us. Our Captain being persuaded by these promises, gives him not six but fifty Spaniards, exceeding well provided and furnished with armour and shot, the Tiembus came unto them, and entertained them with judas kiss, bringing flesh and fish, that they might eat: now when the Christians began to fall to their meat, their friends and consorts, and other Tiembus gathered together amongst them, with those also who hide themselves, in the field and houses, fall upon these fifty men, and so consecate the Banquet with them, that no man escaped alive, except one Boy only ●iftie Sp●●iards slain by Tiem 〈…〉 treachery. called Caldero, who got out of their hands. Afterwards they set upon us with 10000 strong and besieged the Village (which we held) continually for fourteen days, intending wholly this that being brought under, they might utterly destroy us: but God in mercy defeated their purposes, and overthrew their erterprises. They had made themselves long Spears or javelins, of the Swords which they had gotten from the slain Christians, wherewith they fought against 〈◊〉 〈…〉 th' with the edge and point, 〈…〉 ting ●p 〈…〉 ards besieged. our Village day and night. Our Captain Anthony Mendoza armed with a two hand Sword, Captain Mendoza slain. went out of the Port, near which some Indians lay in ambush, so that they could not be seen. Being gone therefore out of the Port, the Indians thrust him through with their javelins, so that he presently fell down dead upon the ground. But because the Indians wanted victuals, they could sustain themselves no longer here, but were compelled to leave the siege and be gone. After this two Brigantines laden with provision of victual and other necessaries arrived at our Port, which our General sent unto us from the Town of Buenas Aeres, to maintain ourselves therewith till his coming. As therefore we were cheered at the coming of them, so they who arrived with the Brigantines, incredibly sorrowed and lamented for the slaughter of the Christians. We therefore determined by a common Council (which thing also seemed to be best for us) to stay no longer in this Village of Corpus Christi, abiding with these Tiembus, but that being carried down the River, gathering all our forces together, we return to Buenas' Acres, to our General Martin Dominicke Eyollas. Who being frighted at our coming, was vehemently grieved (for the slaughter of the people, doubtful how to consult what he should first do, seeing also victual and other necessary things failed us. 29. While therefore we continued five days at Buenas Aeres, a Caravell came to us out of Spain, and brought us news, that a ship was arrived at Saint Katherine, whose Captain Allunzo Gabrero, brought with him 200. Soldier's out of Spain, which when our Captain certainly knew, he commanded one of the lesser ships, which they call a Galley, to be made ready, that Gabreros' coming out of Spain with 200. Soldier's thither. he might send her as soon as possibly he could to Saint Katherine's into Brasill, which was 300. leagues distant from Buenas Aeres: making Gonzallo Mendoza Captain thereof to govern the ship: giving him charge also, that if arriving at Saint Katherine's, he found the ship there, they should lad one of the ships with Rice, Mandeoch, and other victuals, as seemed good unto him. Gonzallus Mendoza therefore receiving this commandment, requested the General Martin D. Eyollas to give him seven of the Soldiers whom he might trust, for this Voyage which he promised. He therefore chose me, and six Spaniards to himself, with twenty other Soldiers. Setting sail from Buenas Aeres, in the space of a month we arrived at Saint Katherine's, and S. Katherine's. finding the ship there; which came out of Spain, together with Captain Allunzo Gabrero, and all the Soldiers, we greatly rejoiced. Abiding with them two months, we laded our ship with Rice, Mandeoch, and Turkish Corn, as full as it could hold, so that no more could be put in both the ships to carry with us. And the day before All Saints, we arrived at the River Parana, twenty leagues yet distant from Buenas Aeres. Both the ships met together that night, whose Pilots asked one another, whether we were now in the River of Parana: when our Pilot affirmed we were, the other said the contrary, that we were yet almost twenty leagues of. For when twenty or more ships sail together, in the Evening at the going down of the Sun Custom of Mariners● they meet together, and one of the Masters asketh the other, what way he had made that day, and with what wind he would sail by night, lest they should be divided one from the other. The River of Parana Vuassu, at the Bay or mouth thereof is thirty leagues broad, which breadth Greatness of Parana. continueth for fifty whole leagues together, unto the Port of Saint Gabriel, where the River Parana is eighteen leagues broad. After this our Pilot asketh the Master of the other ship, whether he would sail after, to him the other made answer, that night was now at hand, and therefore he would continue still at Sea, till the rising of the Sun, and that he would not make to the Land in the unseasonable night. And this Pilot in guiding his ship was more circumspect than ours was, as the event afterward declared. Therefore our Master held on his intended course, leaving the other. 30. Sailing by night, a mighty storm troubled the Sea, so that about twelve or one of the clock before Sun rising, before we had cast our Anchors in the Sea, we descried Land, and our ship was much bruised when we were yet a league or more from the Land. We could find no other remedy for this mischief, then making our Prayers unto God, to entreat him to be merciful unto us. The same hour our ship being split was broken in more than a thousand pieces, and fifteen of our men, and six of the Indians perished being drowned in the waters. Some taking hold of great pieces of Timber swam out. I with five of my companions escaped by the help of a Mast. But of fifteen persons, we found not so much as one carcase. Afterward we were to travel fifty leagues on foot, when we had lost all our clothes, with all the victuals in the ship, so that we were constrained to sustain ourselves, only with Roots and other Fruits, which we could find here and there in the fields, while we came to the Port of Saint Gabriel, where we found the foresaid ship with her Captain, who arrived there thirty days before us. But our General Martin D. Eyollas had heard before by intelligence, of this our mishap, and thinking that we were all dead, commanded some Masses to be read for our soul's health. When They are wracked. justice on the negligent P●lot. we were brought to Buenas' Acres, our General commandeth the Captain of our ship, and the Master thereof to be cited, an● stand to their trial, who without doubt had hanged the Pilot, if so great and earnest entreaties had not been used, yet he was condemned for four years to the Galley. Gathering together all our companies to Buenas Aeres, our General commandeth the Brigantines to be made ready, and all the Soldiers to be shipped therein, and commandeth the rest of the ships to be burned, yet preserving the Iron Vessels and Instruments. We therefore once more sail up the River of Parana again, and arriving at our foresaid City of the Assumption of Marie, staying there two years, we expected further commandment from the Emperor's Majesty. 31. In the mean time while these things are thus done, a certain Captain Aluarez Nunnez Cabeça de Uacha cometh out of Spain, whom Caesar's Majesty had created General, Aluarez Nunnez. and with four hundred men, and thirty Horses divided into four ships, of the which two were greater, and the other two Caravels. The four ships arrived in Brasill at the Haven of Wiesaij, or Saint Katherine, to seek provision Note. Franciscus Lopez ●hap. 89. writeth of this Aluarez Nunnez that in the year 1541. he was sent from Caesar's majesty, with 400. men, and 46. horses to the River of Plate. And he was 8. whole months in this Voyage. And therefore first in the year 1542. he arrived at the Assumption. Ship wrack & travail by land. 100 men lost. of victual. And when the Captain had sent the two Caravels eight leagues from the Haven to seek victuals, so great a storm took them, that they perished, being broken all to pieces in the Sea, the men notwithstanding which were in them being saved. When Aluarez the chief Commander knew this for a certainty, he durst not put to Sea any more in the greater greater ships; he therefore commanded utterly to destroy them, and travelling by land towards the River of Plate, at length came unto us, to the Assumption of four hundred men bringing three hundred with him, the rest dying either of famine, or of cruel diseases. From hence the Captain was eight whole months in his journey, and from the City of the Assumption, to S. Katherine's are reckoned three hundred leagues. This is to be understood of the next and most direct way, for from the Assumption, down the River to the Sea, there are three hundred thirty four leagues, and to Saint Katherine three hundred. Aluarez Nunnez also brought the title of his government out of Spain, granted unto him from Caesar's Majesty, and therefore required, that our General Martin Don Eyollas, should yield up the whole government unto him, which thing also Don Eyollas, and all the company with all their heart were ready to perform, yet upon this condition, that he should make good proof also, that this power and authority was granted unto him from the Emperor's Majesty. But the whole assembly could not wrest this from him, only the Priests, & one or two of the Captains affirmed it. 32. The said Aluarez Nunnez therefore taking a view of the Soldiers, found the number of the whole Army to be eight thousand men. Making friendship also with Martin Don Eyollas, each swore to other brotherly fidelity and friendship, so that Eyollas should have no less power to command the people, than he had before. The Governor commandeth nine Brigantines to be made ready, that he might sail up the River as far as it was possible. But before the ships were made ready, he sendeth three Brigantines with one hundred and fifteen Soldiers before commanding, that they should go as far as they could, and seek out the Indians that had Maiz. He joined also two Captains unto them, Antonio Gaberro, and Diego Tabellinus. These Savage nation of Surucusis. therefore in the beginning come to a Nation, called Surucusis, having Maiz, Mandeoch, and other Roots of that kind, and Mandues also (which are like our Filbirds) and fish and flesh. The men carry in their lips a blue stone like the bone of a Die. With this Nation we left our ships, and with them certain of our companions, to whom we committed the custody thereof: but having gone four days journey into the Country, we came to a Village pertaining to the Carios, being three hundred strong, enquiring therefore diligently Village of Carios. there, of the state of that Country, we received honest and peaceable answers from them. Returning thence unto our ships, and going down the River of Parabol, we came to the Nation Achkeres. There we found Letters sent from Alvaro the Governor, whereby he commanded Achkeres hanged. to hang up the chief Captain of these Indians, Achkeres by name. Which commandment our Captain obeyed without delay, and we returned home. 33. The whole Country of Dabero and Carios, were up in Arms, joining their forces together to invade the Christians. For the King of Dabero was the brother of that Achkeres, whom the Chrictians hanged, whose death he would most severely avenge upon the Christians. Our Governor armeth himself in the mean time against his Enemies, to undertake some service against them. He therefore determined with the consent of his sworn brother Martin Don Eyollas, that this Eyollas should go against the said Dabero, and Carios with four hundred Christians and two thousand Indians, and either drive them out of the whole Country, or utterly root them out. The said Eyollas faithfully executing this commandment, leadeth his Army out of the City of the Assumption, and meeting with the enemy, by the commandment of Caesar's Majesty first persuadeth Dabero to peace and quietness, but he little regarding this, would admit Indian fottifica●ions. no treaty of peace, for he had gathered a mighty Army, fenced his Villages with Bulwarks or Rampires of wood fastened in the ground, and had compassed them about with a triple fence of stakes or piles, having also cast up deep and mighty pits, whereof we spoke before in the 21. Chapter, all which we found out before by diligent search. We stood still quietly with our Army till the fourth day, before we proclaimed war against them, but the fourth day in the morning, three house's before the rising of the Sun, making an assault, we violently rushed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈…〉 o the City, and whomsoever we found there, we slew, yet taking many women, and preserving them from slaughter, which afterward turned to our great benefit. In this assault twenty six of the Christians were slain, many of the people being wounded and hurt. And many also of the Indians on our part perished▪ but of the Cannibals 3000. slain. Not long after Dabero, came unto us Dabero cometh in. with his people, and craved favour and pardon. In the next Expedition Dabero sent to Nunnez 2000 Indians to aid us. From the Carios also he commandeth nine Brigantines to be furnished, all which being done, 800. Christians he taketh 500 leaving 300. at the Assumption, over whom he made john Satensser Captain. With this Army of 500 Christians, and 2000 Indians, we sail up the River of Parabol: and the Carios had with them 83. boats, we Christians had nine Brigantines, in every one of the which there were two horses. But the horses were conveyed over Land 100 leagues, and we were carried upon the River unto the Mountain of Saint Ferdinand. At that place taking our horses again into the ships, from thence afterward we were carried forward, until we came to our Enemies the Paiembos, but they not looking for our coming, conveyed Paiembos. away themselves by flight with their wives and children, having first set their houses on fire. After this we traveled 100 leagues together, and light not on any people, at length we came to a Nation, whose people are called Baschurepos, who live by fish and flesh. It is a populous Bascherepos. Nation, and they inhabit a large Country of 100 leagues broad. They have so great a number of boats, that it is incredible to be written. Their women cover their Secrets. These people refusing to talk with us, fled from us. Departing from them, we came to another Nation called Surucusis, 90. leagues distant from the Bascherepos, the people out of this Country lovingly Surucusis. and friendly entertained us. Every Housholder of these Surucusis dwelleth in a peculiar and proper house of his own with his wife and children. The men have a round piece of wood hanging at their ears like a Calcutta Die. The women have Crystal of a Sky colour, of a finger thick hanging at their lips, they are well-favoured to behold, and go altogether naked. These people abound with Turkish Corn, Mandeoch, Manduis, Padades, fish and flesh. And it is a very populous Country. Our Captain commanded to inquire of them concerning a Nation called Carchacaris, and also of the Carios. They could tell us nothing of the Carchacaris; but concerning the Carios Carchararis. they said, that they were with them at their houses. But it was not true, having learned this, out General commanded to prepare ourselves for the journey, for he determined to go further into the Country. He appointed an hundred and fifty Soldiers to stay with the ships, to whom he gave provision of victual for two years. Taking the other three hundred and fifty together with the eighteen horses, and twenty thousand Indians or Carios, who came from the Assumption with us, he went further into the Country, but with little benefit to us. For our General was not a man fit for so great an attempt; besides all the Captains and Soldiers hated General not beloved. him, for his perverse and rigorous carriage towards the Soldiers. Having traveled therefore eighteen days journey they never set eye neither upon the Carios, nor any other people, and food also failed them, so that our General was of necessity to return again unto the ships. But yet He returneth. our General chargeth a certain Spaniard Franciscus Rieffere, with ten other Spaniards to go forward, commanding them that if after ten days journey they found no people, they should return unto the ships, where they would stay for them. It happened therefore that they light upon a populous Nation, which had plenty of Turkish Corn, Mandeoch, and other Roots. But the Spaniards durst not come in their sight, and returning to us, signified this unto our General, who was very desirous to have gone into this Country again, but he was hindered by the waters, that he could not proceed. He therefore commandeth a ship to be furnished again, wherein he put eighty Soldiers, and Ernandus Rie●fiere saileth up the River to the Guebuecusis, and Achkeres. Guebuecusis; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 River. making Ernandus Rieffiere, Captain inioyneth him to go up the River of Parabol, to discover the Nation called Scherues, and therein two days journey, and no more to enter into the heart of the Country, and after that to make report unto him of the Country, and the Inhabitants thereof. Departing by ship from our General, the first day we came to a certain Nation called Guebuecusis, on the other side of the Country, whose people inhabit a certain Island, containing thirty leagues in length, which the River Parabol compasseth. They feed upon Mandeoch, Maiz, Manduis, Padades, Mandepore, Porpe Bachkeku, and other Roots, and also upon flesh and fish. The men and women are like the former Surucusis in Phisnomy and favour. We sta●ed this day with them, When we were to depart the next day, they accompanied us with ten Canoas' or Boats: twice in the day time they fished, and caught Venison, which they gave us. Spending nine days in this journey we arrived after at the Nation called Achkeres, where a Achkeres. Men of tall stature. They are call●d Achker●s, which signifieth Crocodiles, o● the store (〈…〉 meth (of ●hos● creature●●n those par●● great multitude of people were gathered together. The men and women, are of a great and tall stature, the like whereof I saw not in all the Country of the River of Plate, and these Achkeres are thirty leagues distant from the foresaid Surucusis; they live by no other thing save fish and flesh: the women cover their secrets. We stayed one day with these Achkeres, and from hence the said Surucusis returned with their ten Boats or Canoas' to their Village. Afterward our Captain Ernandus Rieffere, requested the Achkeres, to show him what way they might go to the Scherues, whereto they were very ready, and sent eight Canoas' or Boats from their Village with us, and twice every day they caught fish and flesh, that so we might have sufficient plenty of food. 36. The ninth day after our departure from them, we came to the Scherues, unto whom from the said Achkeres, are thirty six leagues. This Nation is very populous, yet they are not true Scherues. and natural, among whom the King himself hath an house. But these Scherues maintain a Priest exp●rt in the Mysteries of Religion, and have a ring of wood hanging at their ears. These men also wear a blue Crystal in their lips, of the shape and bigness of Dice, they are painted with a blue colour from the paps to the privities, with that excellency that I think a Painter is Priest's and wooden Earring. Cunning painters. not to be found in all Germany which could perform the like so finely and artificially. They go naked, and are beautiful after their manner. We stayed therefore oneday with these Scherues, and after going fourteen leagues forward in three days journey, at length we came to the place where their King dwelleth, from the which the Inhabitants are called Scherues. His Country containeth only four leagues in length. Yet hath he a Village situate upon the River of Parabol. Therefore leaving our ships here, we committed the custody thereof to twelve Spaniards, that returning we might use them for our defence. We also entreated the Scherues dwelling there, that in the mean space they would friendly converse with the Christians, and entreat them courteously, which also they did. with necessaries for our journey, passing over the River Parabol, we arrived at that place, Wild pomp of the King. where the seat and house of the King was. Who, when we were almost yet a league from him, cometh forth to meet us guarded with more than 12000. men in a Champion plain, yet friendly and peaceably. The path wherein they marched, was eight paces broad, strewed with flowers and grass on every side, and made so clean, that not so much as any little stone, stick, or straw appeared. The King had also with him his Musicians, whose Instruments were like our crooked Trumpets, which we call Schalmes. He gave commandment also, that they should hunt Stags and other wild beast on both sides of the way which he went, so that they took about thirty Stag's and twenty Ostriches or jandu, which spectacle was very pleasant to behold. Stags and Ostriches. When we were entered into the Village, he always appointed one lodging for two Christians. But our Captain together with his Servants or followers was brought into the King's Palace. He is wont to have Music at the Table, and at his meat, whensoever he pleaseth. For than they play upon the Flutes or Pipes, men leading the dances and skipping with most beautiful Music. women, which dances and skippings seemed so strange unto us, that looking upon them, we had almost forgot ourselves. In the rest the Scherues are like those people of whom we spoke before. The women make them gowns or upper garments of thin Cotton, almost like our clothes which are some part silk, which we call Arras or Burschet. They wove in these diverse Weavers. shapes of Stags, Ostriches and Indian sheep, according as every of them is more skilful in the art of weaving. In these garments they sleep, if the Air happen to be somewhat cold, or putting them under them they sit upon them, or use them at their pleasure for other services. These women are very fair and venerous. When we had stayed there four days, this petty King demanded of our Captain what our purpose was, and whether we would go? to whom he made this answer, that he sought Gold and Silver. Therefore he gave him a Crown of Silver weighing a pound and an half. He gave him also a plate of Gold of a span and an half long, and half a spanbroad, and certain other things made cunningly wrought of Silver, and told our Captain that he had no more Silver nor Gold and Silver. Gold: And that these things wherewith he presented him, were the spoils which in time passed he had gotten in war against the Amazons. That he made mention of the Amazons and of their riches, was very pleasing to us to hear. Our Captain therefore presently demandeth of the King, whether we might come to them by Sea, or by the River, and how much further we had to go, when we were to take our journey towards them; whereunto he answered, that we could not go to them by water but by land, and that in two whole months journey. 37. These women the Amazons, have only one of their paps, their Husbands come unto The Amazons described. them three or four times in the year. And if the woman being with child by her Husband, bring forth a Male child, she sendeth him home again to his Father, but if it be a Female, she keepeth it with her: and seareth the right pap of it, that it may grow no more, which she doth for this purpose, that they may be more fit to handle their Weapons and Bows. For they are warlike women, making continual war with their Enemies. These women inhabit an Island that is very large, on every side compassed with water, to whom there is no access but by Canoas' or Boats. The Amazons have neither Gold not Silver in this Island, but they are reported to have great Treasures in the firm land, which the men inhabit. It is a very populous Nation, and is Island of Amazons. said to have a King called jegues, and the King of Scherues told us the name of the place. Therefore the Captain Ernandus Ri●ffiere desired the King of Scherues, to join certain of his men with us, to carry our bag and baggage for us, and then we would enter the heart of the Country to seek those Amazons. He willingly assenteth thereunto, yet in the mean time admonishing us, that the whole Country was now overflowed with waters, and therefore we should have a very difficult and uneasy journey unto them, and that we could not easily at this time come unto them. But we would not give credit to his words, but were instant to have the Indians joined with us. He therefore gave twenty men to our Captain, for his own person, to carry his provision and necessaries: and to every one of us, he gave five Indians to serve us, and carry that little which we had. For we were to go eight days journey, wherein we should not see any Indian. But afterward we came to a certain Nation called Siberis, who in their language and other Siberis. things were like the Scherues. We were to go for these eight whole days, day and night in the water up to the knees, and sometimes reaching as high as the waste: nor could we by any Wading journey. means get out of them. And if we would make fire, we were of necessity to put it upon a pile or stack made of great blocks or pieces of wood: and it fell out often, that when we were Bellie-shifts, about to boil our meat, both the pot and the fire fell into the water, so that after that, we were fain to be without our meat. And Gnats also troubled and vexed us day and night, so Gnats. that we could not do our necessary work or business. We therefore demanded of those Siberis, whether we should yet have any more waters? who answered, that we were yet four days to walk in the waters; and afterward were to travel five days by Land, and at length we should come to a Nation called Orethuis●n. They signified also unto us, that we were too few in number, and therefore that we should return. But the Scherues would not do this: for we thought rather to send them back unto their Town, who had hitherto accompanied us, but they refused to do it, saying, they were enjoined by their King not to leave us, but should continue with us, until we came out of the Country again. These Siberis joined ten men with us, who together with the Scherues should show us the way to the foresaid Orethuisen. We were yet seven days more to Travels in ho● waters. travel in the waters which were so hot, as if they had been heat upon the fire, which water also, having no other, we were compelled to drink. But some might peradventure think, that it was River water, but at that time, showers of rain were so common and usual, that they filled the whole Country with water, which is altogether very plain and even. The ninth day we came unto a certain Village of the Nation Orethuisen, between ten and Orethuisen. eleven of the clock. And at twelve of the clock, being come into the midst of the Town, we came unto the Prince's house. At that time a cruel and mighty Plague was very hot, whereof Famine was the cause: for, two years together, the Grasshoppers had so eaten and Locusts. corrupted all manner of Corn, and the fruits of trees, that almost nothing was left them, which they might eat. But our Captain asked the Petie-King of this Nation, how many day's journey we yet had to the Amazons? from whence he receiveth answer; That we must yet travel one whole The Amazons are still further off: I doubt beyond the region of Truth; 〈◊〉 the title be properly mean of such as ar● here described. For wa 〈…〉ke wife's living in society with men, are many. Gold and silver. month, besides that all the Country was full of water. The King of these Orethuisen, gave our Captain four Plates of gold, and four silver Rings, which they put about their arms: but the Indians wear the Plates of gold on their foreheads for ornament, as our Nobles do their Chains, or C●llars of Esses hanged about their necks. For these things our Captain gave the King of the Indians an Hatchet, Knives, and Beads, or Pater-nosters, Barbers Scizzars, and such l●ke. We would willingly ha●e craved more of them, but we durst not attempt it, because we were but few in number, so that we were forced to stand in fear of them. For the multitude of these Indians was very great, and the Town huge, in so much as I have not seen any greater or more populous throughout all India. For the Town was very long, and broad. 38 Going back therefore, we returned to the foresaid Siberis, and we christian's were ill furnished with provision of victual, and other things, nor had we any meat, but the fruits of trees, which they call Patmides, and Cards, and other wild roots growing under ground. And when we should return unto the Scherues, the half part of our people was deadly sick, and that by reason of the water, through which we were to wade for thirty days together, so that we Thirty days wading. could never turn afide, or get out of the same; and also by reason of the great scarcity and famine, which we must endure in this journey: which calamity was not a little increased, in that we were compelled to drink that filthy and impure water. Abiding therefore four days with Profitable trick. these Scherues, with whom the King himself dwelleth, we were very lovingly and bountifully entertained, and provided for. For the King gave commandment to his Subjects, to give us all things necessary. Every man also had gotten for himself almost two hundred Ducats only by Cotton Gowns and Silver, which we had gotten of them by secret exchange of Knives, Beads, Scissors, and Glasses. After all this, being carried down the River, we returned to our General. But when we came to the ships, the General commanded upon pain of death, that no man should go out of the ship, and he also in proper person coming to our Captain, laying hold of him, commanded him to be cast in Prison, and by violence took away from us Soldiers, whatsoever we had gathered in this journey. And not contented with this, would have hanged our Captain upon a tree. When we abiding yet in the Brigandines understood this, taking counsel with certain of our friends, which were ashore, we raised a tumult and a sedition against our said General, and in his presence face to face we said unto him, that forthwith he should set Captain Ernandus Rieffere free before us, and restore all unto us, which he had violently taken from us, otherwise we would provide according to the state and the time. When Aluarus saw this our tumult and indignation, with a willing mind, he presently freed the Captain from captivity, and restored also unto us whatsoever he had taken from us, endeavouring with fair speeches, that we might be pacified. 39 In this Country Surucusis I found no Indian, who had attained to forty or fifty years, Unhealthful Country. and in all the time of my life I never found a Country less healthful. It is situate under the Tropic of Capricorn. Our General falling sick, in this his sickness commanded an hundred and fifty Christians Wicked precept. to arm themselves, and taking two thousand Carios with them, to make four Brigandines also ready. These he enjoined, to go about some four leagues to the Island of Surucusis by ship, and after kill and take all this people, and should principally destroy those persons, who were forty or fifty years old. But how the said Surucusis entertained us before, is already declared. But what reward we gave them again, and how welcome we were unto them, you shall shortly understand. And God knoweth we did them great injury. When therefore we arrived at their Town unawares, they came out of their houses with their Arms, Bows and Arrows, yet peaceably to meet us, but forthwith a tumult arising between the Carios and the Surucusis, we Christians discharged our brass Pieces against them, killing very many: and having taken also two thousand of their men, women, boys and girls, we took away all their householdstuff, and whatsoever might be taken from them, as in such violent assaults is usually done. Then we returned to our General, who was well pleased with that we had done. But because our So●ldiers were for the most part feeble and sick, and most of them also were ill affected to our General, and hated him, we could do no more with them, but being altogether conveyed down the River Parabol, we returned to our City the Assumption; where we left the rest of the Christians. There our General fell sick again of a Fever, and kept within doors fourteen wh●le days together, more of wicked dissimulation and pride, then hindered by reason of sickness. 40. All the company hereupon, as well Noble as Ignoble, determined and decreed with one consent and purpose, that they would send this their Commander prisoner unto Caesar's Majesty, the Treasurer or judge, the Clerk, or Master of the Toll or Custom, and the Secretary, ordained by Caesar's Majesty (whose names were Almunzus Gabrerus, Francus Mendoza, and Grat●s Hamieg●s) taking to them two hundred Soldiers, took our General, who feared nothing less than this, and this was done upon Saint Marks Day, in the month of April. And they kept him prisoner an whole year, till they might send him with two other Officers into Spain in a Caravell, Martin Don Eyollas was chosen General, who also governed this Country before, especially seeing the Soldiers also loved him: which election the better part allowed. At this time, I lay grievously sick of the Dropsy, which disease I had gotten in our journey to the Orethuisen, The Authors sickness. when we waded so long in the waters, and besides suffered want, and almost intolerable hunger: By occasion of that journey, eighty of our men began to be sick, whereof only thirty recovered health. 41. Aluarus Nunnez therefore being sent away into Spain, the Christians began to disagree among themselves in hostile manner. These fightings and contentions continued with us a whole year almost, the sending away of Aluarus giving occasion to this mischief. When the Carios and Aygais, (who hitherto were our friends) perceived this, to wit, that we Christians, bore such treacherous hearts one to another, and used and exercised such fight and skirmishing amongst ourselves, it fell out very acceptably to them all, and by taking Arms against us, forced us to peace amongst ourselves. 42. Departing from the Assumption, together with our General, and three hundred and fifty Christians, to whom one thousand Indians joined themselves, which our General so divided, that three Indians always should serve under one Christian; we went so far forward, that we were only three leagues distant from that place where our Enemies the Carios encamped, who being fifteen thousand men strong, had now ranged their battle. But although we were now but half a league from them, yet we would not set upon them that day, because we were weary by reason of the journey, and many and great showers of rain troubled us: therefore we hid ourselves in a Wood, where we lay close the night before. Going forth the next morning at six of the clock, and coming into their sight about seven, we joined battle, prolonging the fight till ten of the clock. But at length they being put Fight with the Carios. to flight, made haste to a certain Town called Fraemidiere, four leagues distant, which they had fortified with strong Bulwarks. The Chief Commander of the Carios was called Machkarias, and in this conflict, there fell two thousand men of the Enemies, whose heads the jeperus took with them. Of ours, besides those that were wounded and hurt, whom we sent back to the Assumption, ten Christians were slain. But we pursued the Enemy with all our Army, even to their Town Fraemidiere, whether the Commander of the Carios conveyed himself by Fraemidiere. flight. They have compassed this Town with a triple row of Trenches, as with a wall. The Trenches were as thick as a man in the middle, which being digged a man's depth into the ground, rose three fathom high above ground. They had also cast up pits, or deep holes, whereof also we have spoken before, in every one whereof they had pitched five or six stakes, sharp pointed like Pinnes or Needles. This Town therefore by fortification, and Garrisons of valiant Siege and conquest. and courageous men, was exceedingly well fenced, so that three days we besieged them in vain, yet at length, by God's help, we conquered it. We made also great and round Targets of Indian Sheep's skins, which they call Amaten, or Amidas. This beast is of a reasonable bigness, like an ordinary Mule, of a grey colour, with cloven feet like a Kow, in the rest like an Ass, yielding pleasant meat. There is great store of these beasts in this Country, they have a skin half a finger thick. We therefore gave these round Targets to the Indians jeperus, giving some of them also an Hatchet: and between two Indians we placed an Harquebusse shot. Destroying their triple enclosure, we entered the Town of Fraemidiere; we neither spared men nor women, boys nor girls. But the greatest part of them having escaped by flight, betook themselves to a certain other Town of theirs called Carieba, twenty leagues distant from Fraemidiere, Carieba. which Town also they fortified as strongly as they could. The Carios also in great numbers came together again, encamping themselves near an huge Wood, that if peradventure this Town also should be won by the Christians, they might use the help of the Wood for their defence. We came to the said Town, and pitching our Tents, besieged it round in three places. We had also hid some of our men in a Wood, to keep diligent watch there. Supplies also of two hundred Christians, and five hundred of the jeperus, and the Bathici came to aid us, from the City of Assumption. For many of our men, both Christians, and Indians, were much wounded. So that we were of necessity compelled to send for a fresh supply of Soldiers for our aid. Now therefore all our forces were four hundred and fifty Christians, and the jeperus and the Bathaces were thirteen hundred in number. But our Enemies the Carieba, had much more strongly fortified this Town with Trenches, and Motes, than ever they had done any before. They had also made and framed certain Engines, Fortification▪ and Engines, and instruments like Traps, wherewith Mice are taken, which if according to their purpose and meaning, they had fallen, every one of them at one fall had slain twenty or thirty men. They had disposed many of these Engines here and there about this Town. We abode therefore near this Town four whole days, and could effect nothing of any worth, until Treason (which getteth the mastery every where throughout the world) came between them and home. For a certain Indian of the Carios our Enemies, who was their Captain, to whom this town properly belonged, came by night unto our General, earnestly entreating, that we would not waste and destroy this his Town by fire, which if we would promise him, he would join men with us; and would show us the way and means how to take it. Which when our General had promised, adding also this caution, that he should receive no hurt nor damage, he showed us in the Wood two ways to come to the Town, and said, that he would raise a flaming fire therein, during which we should violently break into it. When these things proceeded just according to the purpose and agreement made between us, by this means entering we got the Town, and great slaughter of the people was made by us Christians: And they that thought they had escaped by fleeing, fell into the hands of the jeperus, by whom the greatest part of them were slain. But they had not their wives, and children then with them, but had hid them in a great Wood four leagues distant from thence. The people which escaped out of this conflict, fled to a certain other Petie-King of the Indians, called Dabero: and the Village which entertained them, was called juberic Sabaie, and was forty leagues distant from Carieba. But we could not pursue them thither, for this reason, because what way soever they passed, they had wasted all far and near, with fire, and spoiling, and had taken away all the store of provision and victual. Abiding four days in the Town Carieba, we cured the wounded, and also refreshed ourselves. 43. After this we return to our City, the Assumption, that after we might sail up the River, and seek out the Town of juberic Sabaie, where the King Dabero had an house, with nine Brigandines, and two hundred Canoas' or Boats, wherein fifteen hundred Indians of jeperus were carried, we went up the River Parabol, to seek our Enemies juberic Sabaie. juberic Sabaie. 46. leagues from Assumption. In this Voyage also that captain of the Carios, who betrayed the Town Carieba to us, joined himself with us, bringing with him one thousand Carios, to aid us against Dabero. We go forward therefore with all our forces gathered together on the Land and River, and come so near unto our Enemies juberic Sabaie, that we are but two leagues distant from them. When we had arrived there, our General Eyollas, sent two Indians of the Carios to the Enemy into their Town, who should persuade them in the Christians behalf, that returning into their Country, with their wives and children, and all their householdstuff, they should serve the Christians with due subjection, as they did before, which if they refused to do, they would drive them all out of the Country. To this Dabero the King of the Cartos, for answer, commandeth to tell our General, That he neither acknowledged him, nor the Christians, but if they came, they would kill them by casting bones at them. They also send away the two Indian messengers well bombasted with cudgels, with this strait charge, that they should speedily withdraw themselves from the Camp, otherwise it should come to pass, that they should be slain. We came to a River, called Stuesia in the Indian language, almost as broad as Danubuis, half the height of a man deep in some places also deeper. This River doth sometimes so increase by R. Stuefi●. inundation, that it doth much hurt to the Country, and by reason of such inundation or overflowing, they cannot travail by land. We were to pass over this River, and because the enemy had pitched their tents on the other side of the River, they did us much hurt in the passing over. When they saw that we had now passed over the River, speedily taking their flight, conveyed themselves into their town, half a league distant from the River; we so pursued them, that we came to their town of juberic Sabaie, at the very same moment that they themselves entered, which also presently we so besieged round, that none of them might either go out or in: we also forthwith armed ourselves with targets made of the skins of the Amydas, as aforesaid. We won their town. Our General commanded, before we should invade them by force of arms, that we should neither kill the women, nor their children, but only lead them away captives; whose commandment also we obeyed, but all the men that we could light upon, must dye, yet many escaping by flight, preserved themselves, and our confederates the jeperus got one thousand of the enemy's heads. All these things thus performed, those Carios, who escaped by flight, came, together with their King, and craving pardon of our General, entreated that their wines and children might be restored unto them, and then they would perform all obedience of subjection unto us, as before, and serve us faithfully. Our General therefore received them to favour, who afterward also continued constantly in our friendship and amity, so long surely as I abode in those Countries. And this war continued a year and an half, and fell out in the year 1546. §. III. A long and troublesome March from Assumption into Peru. The Author's return. REturning therefore with our Ships to our City the Assumption, we stayed there two whole years. But when in the mean time, neither the Ships came out of Spain, nor 44. any thing was signified by messengers, our General going forth with three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and two thousand Carios, in the year 1548. saileth up the River Parabol, with seven Brigantines, and two hundred Canoas', or Boates. But those of the people, whom the Ships could not hold, travail by land with one hundred and thirty horses. He made Don. Frank Mendoza Captain; giving also provision for two years. These things therefore being thus settled. The General having sent back fifty to Assumption with three hundred Christian Soldiers, one hundred and thirty Horses, and two thousand Carios, having gone forward eight days journey, found no Nation; but the ninth day we light upon a Nation called Naperus, the people thereof live only by fish and flesh. They are of a strong Naperus. and tall stature. Their women, which are not beautiful, cover their secrets. This Country is six and thirty leagues distant from the Mountain Saint Ferdinand: here we lay all night. The day following, continuing on our journey, we came the fourth day after, to another Nation called Mapais. Mapais, which is very populous; the Subjects are compelled to serve their Noblemen, with fishing, and labours, and other work, no otherwise then our Boors with us, do their Nobles. But this Nation aboundeth with Mais, Mandeoch, Ade, Manned poor, Mandeoch porpie, Padades, Mandues, Bachkeku, and other roots, and things to eat. It hath also Stags, Indian Sheep. Ostriches Ducks, Geese, and many other kinds of Fowl. Their Woods abound in great plenty with Honey, of the which also they make Wine, and put it to other necessary uses. The Sheep (which they call Amidas) are of two kinds, some of them domestical and some Two kinds of Amidas, one able to bear men. Acosta mentions those of Peru to bear fifty pounds or little more. wild, which they use for carriages, and to ride upon, and for other services, almost as we do our Horses, as I also rid, being carried on such a Sheep in this very journey, more than forty leagues, when my leg was lame. They use the same Beasts also in Peru for carriage of Merchandile, as our people do pack Horses. These Mapais are men of a tall stature, and warlike, converting all their labour and study to warlike affairs. Their women are fair, and cover their secrets. They do no work and labour in the fields, but the whole care of maintaining the Family, lieth upon the man; neither do they any thing else at home, save spin, and wove Cotten, or dress meat for their husbands. We were not above half a league from this Nation when they coming forth of the town, they met us near a certain little Village, where they persuaded us quietly to refresh ourselves that night, for they would give us whatsoever we had need of, but this they did deceitfully and treacherously: that also we might be more secure, they gave our General four silver Crowns, such as are usually worn upon the head, and four Plates of silver, whereof every one of them was a span and an half long, and half a spanne broad. These Plates they bind to their foreheads for ornament, as we have said before. They presented our Captain also with three young women. When we had turned into this Village, supper being ended, and the watch set, that the people might be safe from the treachery of the enemy, we gave ourselves to rest. About midnight our General had lost his young wenches. 45. After this, two thousand of the foresaid Mapais came unto us, that overcharging us unawares they might utterly overthrow and kill us, but they got no great matter at our hands, and in this conflict and bickering more than one thousand men were slain. They betake themselves to flight, whom we pursued with great haste, even to their Town, but found no man there, no not so much as their wives and children: our General therefore dispatching one hundred and fifty harquebusse shot, and two thousand five hundred Indian Caries, pursueth these Mapais three days, and two nights with great speed, so that we did but dine, and rested by night refreshing ourselves four or five hours with sleep. The third day we suddenly came upon them gathered together in a certain wood with their wives and children, but they were not those we sought, but were their friends; who were nothing afraid of us, nor did they suppose that we would ever have come unto them. Notwithstanding the innocent were forced to pay for the fault of the guilty; for when we light upon them, we slew many of them, and took of the men, women, and children, about three thousand persons, and if it had been day, as it was night, none of them had scaped our hands; for an huge number of this people had gathered themselves together in a certain Mountain enclosed round with woods. I had gotten for my part of the spoil about nineteen men and women, not very old, together with certain other things. These things performed, returning to our Camp, we quietly reposed ourselves for eight days; for we found there, sufficient plenty of victual, and other necessary things; from this Nation Mapais, unto Saint Ferdinandes Mount, where our Ships road, were fifty leagues, and from the Nation Naperus thirty six. Marching on again from thence, we came to a Nation called Zemie, subject to the foresaid Zemie, Mapais. They live almost as the Boors do with us, under the power of their Lords. In this journey we light upon fields tilled, and set with Mais, and other roots, and these fruits and Fields of Mais▪ etc. meats, are all the year long found in the fields; for before one reap and gather the one into the barn, another is ready for the harvest. And this also being reaped and gathered, it is time to so we another. Turning aside thence, we came into another Town, whose inhabitants when they saw us at hand, fled all away. This town is four leagues distant from the foresaid Mapais. Departing hence, and travailing six leagues in two days journey, we light on another Nation called Tobanna, but we found no men here, but great plenty of food. The men of this Country Toban●●, also are subject to the Mapais. Going from hence we met with no Nation in our journey in four days space. But the seventh day we came to a Nation called Peionas, fourteen leagues distant from the former Tobanna. Peionas In this Country a great number of people came together; and their Captain came forth to meet us, guarded with a great multitude of men, yet peaceably, and earnestly besought our General not to enter into their Town, but that we should stay without, in the place where he came to meet us; and our General would not consent, but directly marched forward, will he, nill he, entered into the Town. We stayed with these Peionas' three days, and our General demanded many things of them concerning the nature and condition of this Country. When we were to depart, these Peionas gave us an Interpreter and a guide, that we might find water to drink, for there is great scarcity of water in this Country, having travailed four leagues, we came to a Nation called Mayegory, Mayegory, and staying one only day there, taking an Interpreter again, and a guide, we marched forward. And these people were gentle and courteous. Departing also from these people, when we had marched eight leagues, we came to a Nation, whose people, which were many in number, were called Marronos. They also gently and courteously Marronos, entertained us: we abode here two days, and receiving a relation of the nature, and condition of the place, taking also a guide with us, we went further forward. Departing four leagues from these, we came to another Nation, yet not so populous, called Paronios'. This Country Paronios'. aboundeth not with victual and food, yet notwithstanding it is 3000. strong of men able for war. In this Country we rested one day only. Having travailed twelve leagues from this place, we came to a Nation, whose people are called Symamios, where a great multitude of men came together. Their town is situate upon an Symanos. Wall of bushes Barconos. high hill, and compassed round about with Briar bushes, as with a wall. 46. We travailed sixteen leagues further in four day's journey, and at length were brought unto a certain Nation, called Barconos: the men thereof, seeing our coming chanced to them beyond their expectation and opinion, presently betook themselves to flight, as soon as we came near their town; yet they could not escape out of our power. But when we only craved food of them, being very ready, they willingly gave us Hens, Geese, Sheep, Ostriches, Stags, and other food abundance. Departing thence, the third day after we came to a Nation, whose people were called Leyhannos. They dwell twelve leagues removed from the former. These people had but little food, Leyhannos. Grasshoppers. for the Grasshoppers had corrupted almost all their fruits. Therefore resting one only night with them, after having travailed sixteen leagues in four days journey, we came to another Nation called Carchconos. The Grasshoppers also had done them great displeasure, but had not so Carchconos. much hurt them as they had done the former: abiding with them one day, we understood this of the condition and quality of the Country, that we should find no water in four and twenty or thirty leagues space: we approached to these Suboris in six days space: But many of our Suboris. They die of thirst. men died of thirst, although with these Carchconos we had furnished ourselves with indifferent store of water for this journey. But in this journey we found a root above ground, having great and broad leaves where in water remaineth as it were in some vessels, nor is it poured out thence, nor also so easily consumed, and one of these roots containeth about half a measure of water. Root holding water. These Suboris had great scarcity of water also, neither had they any other thing besides to drink, and it had not now reigned for three whole months: yet of the root called Mandepore, they make drink after this manner. They gather together the said root into a Mortar, and out of No ●●ine in 3. months. Drink of a root. them being stamped they wring forth a juice like milk: if water may be had, wine also may be made of these roots. In this Village there was one Well only, which was to be kept by a watchman. So that we were not much troubled with the desire either of Silver or Gold, but the common complaint of all men, would be for want of water. In this Country far and wide also noriver waters are to be found beside these, but they use only that water which they gather in the cisterns. These Suboris make war with the bordering Indians, only for water. The Suboris, who should have showed us the way, by night privily stole away. We were therefore now to seek out the way ourselves, and at length we light upon those people called Peisennos; they refusing our friendship withstood us by arms, but got little at our hands. We took some of Peisennos. these Peisennos, who told us that there had been three Spaniards in their town, whereof one called ●ki●ronimus was a trumpeter, whom john Eyollas (who was sent by Don Petro Mendoza, to discover these Countries) left sick there, as we have at large before rehearsed. They said therefore that the Peisennos had slain these three Spaniards, four days before our coming thither, being advertised thereof by the Suboris: but they should dearly pay for this fact of theirs. Abiding fourteen days in their town, we sought them round about us every where, till at last taking them unawares in a wood, but not all, we partly slew them, & partly led them away captives. 47. Taking our journey, at length we came to the Maigenes, but the people thereof resisting us with strong hand, wou●d not entertain us as friends. Their Town being situate upon an Maigenes. hill, was compassed round on every side with a thick and broad quickset hedge, as high as a man might reach with his Sword. We Christians therefore with our Carios, began to assault this Quickset wall. Town in two diverse places. But in this assault twelve Christians, together with some few of the Carios were slain, and they put us to a great deal of trouble, before we could take and win this town. Eight days after the Town taken five hundred of our Carios, taking their Bows and Arrows, departing secretly and without our privity, about two or three leagues from our Camp, seek out the Maigenos, who were fled. On whom when they lighted, these two Nations fought with so great and constant resolution, that more than three hundred men of the Carios, Fight betwixt Carios and Maigenos. but of the enemies, almost innumerable, were slain; for there was so great a multitude of them, that they spread almost a whole league in length. But the Carios sending a messenger to the town where we were, earnestly entreated our General, that they would come with some supply of Soldiers to help them; for the Maigenos had so beset them round in a wood, that they could neither go forward nor return back again. Which when our General understood, he presently commandeth the Horses to be made ready, and to send away and dispatch one hundred and fifty Christians, but of the Carios assembled a thousand men, leaving the rest of the Soldiers in the tents to guard them, that we being absent, the Maigenos our enemies might invade them. We went forth therefore with this force (to wit) the said horse, one hundred and fifty Christians, and one thousand Carios, to help the Carios our friends. But so soon as the Maigenos perceived our coming, removing their tents, they committed themselves to flight, and albeit we pursued them with as much speed as we could, yet could we never over take them. Returning therefore to our tents, we abode there three days; for we had found in this town of the Maiegenos, great plenty of food, and other things. Having travailed a continual journey of thirteen days, that is to say (in our judgement and theirs who are skilful in the celestial motions) two and fifty leagues, we came to a Nation, whose people are called Carcokies: and Carookies. having travailed further the space of nine days, we came into a▪ certain little Country, six leagues long and broad, which was all so thick overspread with excellent Salt, as if it had ●owed Salt Country. Salt in great abundance, and this Salt is not corrupted winter nor summer. We rested two days in this Salt Country, going forward, at length, after four day's journey, we came to the foresaid Nation Carcokies: But when we were yet four leagues from their town, our General sent fifty Christians, fifty Carios to provide us lodgings. Having entered the town, we found such an innumerable multitude of men gathered together, as in all this journey we had not seen the like: wherefore being very pensive and careful above measure, sending a messenger presently back unto our General: who taking his journey the very same evening, came unto us between three and four of the clock in the morning. But the Carcokies supposing there had been no more men there then we, whom they had seen before, had now promised themselves the victory. But when they understood that our General followed us with a greater force, they were very sad and sorrowful, and performed all friendly offices and kindness unto us; for they could do none other, seeing they were afraid of their wives, children, and their town. They brought us therefore flesh of Deer, Geese, Hens, Sheep, Ostriches, Coneys, and whatsoever else of this kind of Venison, and also of Birds, they had also Turkish Samdela. Come, Wheat, Rise, and certain Roots, of all which things there was great plenty in this Country. The men of this Country wear a blue stone in their lips, as broad as a die. Their weapons are Darts, the staffs of Spears, and round Targets made of the skins of the Indian Sheep called Amidas. Their women have a little hole in their lips, in the which they put Crystal either of a green or blue colour: they have garments of Cotten, like to a shirt, but without sleeves: they are beautiful enough: they do nothing else but spin, and order things appertaining to the household; for tillage of the ground, and other things necessary for the maintenance of the family, are looked unto by the men. 48. When we had gone three day's journey from this town, we came to a certain River called Machcasies▪ Machcasies, a league and a half broad: and when we saw not how we might pass safely over without danger, at length we found out this means, that for every two persons we should make a Boat of twigs and timber, whereon being carried down the River, they might come to the other side of the bank; but in this passage four of our men were drowned. This River hath most savoury Fish, Many Tigers also are found about these places, and this River is but four leagues only distant from the town Machcasies. The Inhabitants coming forth to meet us, entertained us courteously, speaking to us in the Spanish tongue, whereat being astonished and sore afraid at the first, we demanded of them to Spanish tongue. They arrive in the Kingdom of Peru. Pedro Ansuetes. what Lord they were subject, and who was their supreme Governor? They therefore answered us, and our Captain, that they were subject to a certain Noble man in Spain, whose name was Petro Ausuetes. Entering into this Town, we found certain men and women, and little Infants also swarming with very little vermin, like our fleas. These little vermin, if they lay hold of the toes of the feet, or any other part of the body, they gnaw and enter always more and more deeply Strange worms▪ in, and at length become worms, such as are found in our filberts; yet if it be done in time, this mischief may be prevented, that it shall not hurt, but if deferring the cure it be neglected, at length by eating and gnawing, it consumeth and corrupteth whole toes. From the often named City of the Assumption of Mary, to this Town, are numbered (according to the account of the Astronomers) three hundred seventy two leagues. And when we had stayed there about twenty days, a Letter was brought us from a City of the Kingdom of Peru, A Letter on▪ of Peru. called Lima, where the Viceroy or Lieutenant of Caesar's Majesty, who at that time was Liecutiatus Lagasca, had an house. The Letter contained, that our General Martin Don Fiottas should go no further forward, upon pain of death, but abiding in the Town Machcasies, should expect his further commandment. But after this our General sent away four persons to the Gonernor to Peru. These four persons journeying six weeks in Peru, came first to that Nation called Potasi, next to another called Rueskem. The third Nation to which they came, was called Plata, and the fourth, which was the Metropolis or the chief City, was called Lima. Potosi. 49. This also is worthy of observation. That the Country of Machcasies is so fruitful, that we neither found, not saw any like it in fruitfulness, in all this our journey. For if an Indian Honey in trees. Bees without stings. going forth into the Wood, make an hole or a cleft in the first tree that cometh to hand, smiting an Hatchet into it, five or six measures of so pure Honey flow out, as if it were sweet Wine, or Muskadel. The Bees that make this Honey are without stings, and are very small. This Honey being eaten with Bread, or mingled with other food, yieldeth pleasant meat. They make also Drink thereof, or Wine, of the same taste that Muskadel hath, but sweeter. Our General Eyollas so wrought with the people, that we could stay no longer here, by reason of the want of provision. For we had scarce victual for one month. In performing this journey we spent a year and an half, doing nothing else, but making continual war. And in this journey we had brought into our subjection about twelve thousand men, women, and children, who were compelled to serve us as bondslaves: as I for mine own person did possess about fifty men, women, and children. 50. We, with our General Martin Don Eyollas, came unto the City Assumption, but Abriego Civil contentions. a Captain which had rebelled against Captain Mendoza, and slain him would neither open the City to our General, nor yield it up unto him, nor acknowledge him for General, and his Governor. But the said Diego Abriego, being forced to forsake the City with fifty Christians, who joined themselves with him, fled thirty leagues from us, so that we could achieve nothing against him. This war continued two whole years space between us, the two Captains so opposing themselves one against the other, that neither was safe from danger of other. 51. In the mean season, while these things were thus done, I received Letters out of Spain, and showed to Martin Don Eyollas, I presently desired a friendly and courteous dismission from him, I took my journey in the name of God, upon Saint Stephen's Day, which was the six and twentieth of December, in the year 1552. and departing from the Assumption of Marie, carried upon the River of Plate, with my twenty Indians in two Canoas' or Boats, when we had now gone six and forty leagues, we first arrived at a certain Town called juberic Sabaie. In that Town four others also, together with two Portugals joined themselves with us, having gone fifteen leagues, we came to a Town called Gaberetho. After this having gone sixteen Gaberetho. leagues further in four days, we came to a certain Village called Barotij. Whence departing Bar●●y. Barede. again, having gone four and fifty leagues in nine days, we came to a Town called Barede, where staying two days, we sought provision and Boats to carry us, for we were to go one hundred leagues up the River Parana by Boat. At length being brought to a certain Town called Gingie, we abode there four days. And thus far the Country and Empire of Caesar's Gingie. Majesty extendeth itself, all which places in former time were subject to the People Carios. 52. After this therefore, all the Nation Toupin, beginneth the Country and jurisdiction of the Portugal, and we were compelled, leaving Parana, and our Boats, to travel by land unto these Toupin, which continued six whole months; in which journey we were to go over Deserts, Mountains and Valleys, and for the fear waxed of wild and ravening beasts, we durst not safely take our sleep, etc. We wandered eight whole days through Woods and Thickets, so that although having traveled far and wide, yet in all my life time I had never gone so rough, troublesome, and tedious a way: nor had we any thing which we might eat, so that we were compelled to sustain ourselves with Honey, and Roots, wheresoever we could get them: and for the danger also, to wit, that we feared lest our enemies would pursue us, we had not so much time as to take any venison. After this we came to a Nation called Biesaie, where staying four days, we provided our Biesaie. selves again of victual, but durst not come near their Town, because we were so few. In this Country there is a River called Vrquam, wherein we saw Water-snakes, and Serpents River Vrquam. Huge Water-snakes. called Tuesca, in the Spanish Tongue Scheve Eyba, which were sixteen paces long, and four fathom thick. These Serpents do much hurt: for if a man wash himself in that River, or any beast swim over, forthwith such a Serpent swimming to them, windeth his tail about the man, or beast, and drawing them under water, devoureth them. Proceeding further hence we traveled about one hundred leagues, in a continued journey of a whole months space, and at length came into a large Town called Schevetveba, and rested Schevetveba▪ there three days. Going again further, we came into a certain Town of Christians, whose Captain was john Reinueill. 53. Moreover, proceeding further thence, we came to the Town of Saint Uincent. From the City of the Assumption of Marie, to the Town of Saint Uincent in Brasill, are reckoned three hundred and seventy leagues. Setting sail from the Town of Saint Uincent, on Saint john Baptists Day, which was the four and twentieth of june, in the year of our Lord 1553. we arrived at Lisbon, the third of He arrived at Antwerp, whence he had set forth at first in januarie 1554. September, in the year 1553. and while we abode fourteen days there, two of my Indians died, which I brought with me out of those Countries. I had thought here to have added the Voyages of johannes Stadius, (another German, which served the Portugals in Brasill about Schmidels later time) published in Theodore de Bry; and had the same by me translated. But containing little light for the Country, and People; and relating in manner only his own Tragedies, in his taking by the Savages, and often perils of being eaten by them, as some of his friends were before his face, with other like Savage arguments wherewith we have glutted you already: I being already too voluminous, have omitted the same, and hasten to other Relations. CHAP. V. The Observations of Sir RICHARD HAWKINS, Knight, in his Voyage into the South Sea. An. Dom. 1593. once before published, now reviewed and corrected by a written Copy, illustrated with notes, and in diverse places abbreviated. §. I. What happened in this Voyage before they came near the Equinoctial Line, with diverse accidental Discourses useful for Navigators. WIth the Counsel's consent; and help of my Father, Sir john Hawkins, Knight, I resolved a Voyage to be made for the Lands of japan, of the Philippinas, and Moluccas, the Kingdom of China, and East Indies, by the way of the. straits of Magelan, and the South Sea. This ship was named the Repentance: an ominous n●me and unfortunate, as usually those celestial characters sort not to terrestrial fabrikes: instanced in the Revenge, Thunderbolt, and this Resentance, with the jesus of Sir Io. Hawk. For this purpose in the end of the year 1588. returning from the journey against the Spanish Armado, I caused a Ship to be builded in the River of Thames, betwixt three and four hundred tons, which was finished in that perfection as could be required. For she was pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good of sail, and well conditioned. On the day of her launching, she was named, The Repentance. The Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the Queen's Majesty passing by her, to her Palace of Gre●nwich, commanded her Bargemen to row round about her, and viewing her from Post to Stem, disliked nothing but her Name, and said, that she would christian her a new, and that thenceforth she should be called the Dainty; which name she brooked as well for her proportion and grace, as for the many happy Voyages she made in her Majesty's services: Having taken (for her Majesty) a great Bysten, of five hundred tons, laden with Iron, and other Commodities, under the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher; A Carack bound for the East Indies, under my Father's charge, and the principal cause of taking the great Carack, brought to Dartmouth by Sir john Borrow, and the Earl of Cumberlands ships, Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages. To us, she never brought but cost, trouble, and care. Considerations for pretended Voyages. Having made an estimate of the charge of Victuals, Munition, Imprests, Sea-store; and necessaries for the said ship; consorting another of an hundred tons, which I waited for daily from the straits of Giberalter, with a Pinnace of sixty tons, all mine own: And for a competent number of men for them; as also of all sorts of merchandises for trade and traffic in all places where we should come; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victuals & provisions, and to lad her with them, and with all sorts of commodities (which I could call to mind) fitting; and dispatched order to my servant in Pilmouth, to put in a readiness my Pinnace; as Provisions b●●ter provided at Plimout●. then at London, Note. Danger of Ports open. also to take up certain provisions, which are better cheap in those parts then in London, as Beef, Pork, Biscuit, and Cider. The eight of April, 1593. I caused the Pilot to set sail from Black-wall, and to veil down to Gravesend, whither that night I purposed to come. And for that she was very deep laden, and her Ports open, the water began to enter in at them; which no body having regard unto, thinking themselves, safe in the River, it augmented in such manner, as the weight of the water began to press down the side, more than the wind: At length when it was seen and the sheet flown, she could hardly be brought upright. But God was pleased, that with the diligence and travel of the Company, she was freed of that danger: whi●h may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping, even before they set sail, either in River or Harbour, or other part, to have an eye to their Ports, and to see those shut and calked, which may cause danger; for avoiding the many mishaps, which daily chance for the neglect thereof, and have been most lamentable spectacles and examples unto us: Experiments in the Great Harrie, Admiral of England, which was ouer-set and sunk at Portsmouth with her Captain. Carew, and the most part of his company drowned in a goodly Summer's day, with a little flaw of wind; for that her Ports were all open, and making a small heel, by them entered their destruction; where if they had been shut, no wind could ●aue hurt her, especially in that place. In the River of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small ship ouer-set through the same negligence. And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake, in Santo Domingo Harbour, turned her keel upward likewise, upon the same occasion; with many others, which we never have knowledge of, Coming near the South fore-land, the wind began to vere to the Southeast and by South, so as we could not double the point of the Land, and being close aboard the shore, and putting our ship to stay, what with the chapping Sea, and what with the Tide upon the Bow, she missed staying, and put us in some danger, before we could flat about; therefore for doubling the Point of any Land better is ever a short board, then to put all in peril. Being clear of the race of Portland, the wind began to suffle with fog and misling rain, and forced us to a short sail, which continued with us three days; the wind never vering one point, nor the fog suffering us to see the Coast. The third day in the fog, we met with a Bark of Dartmouth, which came from Rochel, and demanding of them, if they had made any land, answered, that they had only seen the Ediestone that morning, which lieth thwart of the Sound of Plymouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought) bore off us North North-east: which seemed strange unto us; for we made account that we were thwart of Exmouth: within two hours after, the weather began to clear up, and we found ourselves thwart of the Berry, and might see the small Bark bearing into Torbay, having over-shot her Port: which error often happeneth to those that make the land in foggy weather, and use not good diligence by sound, by lying off the land, and other circumstances, to search the truth; and is cause of the loss of many a ship, and the sweet lives of multitudes of men. That evening, we anchored in the range of Dartmouth, till the flood was spent; and the ebb come, we set sail again. And the next morning early, being the six and twentieth of April, we harboured ourselves in Plymouth. And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of the principal parts required in Parts requisite in a good Mariner. a Mariner, that frequenteth our coasts of England, is to cast his Tides, and to know how they set from point to point, with the difference of those in the Channel from those of the shore. After the hurts by a cruel storm (in which the Pinnace was sunk, and the Daiaties' Mast Abuses of some Sea faring men. cut overboard) repaired, I began to gather my company aboard, which occupied my good friends, and the justices of the Town two days, and forced us to search all lodgings, Taverns, and Alehouses. (For some would ever be taking their leave and never depart:) some drink themselves so drunk, that except they were carried aboard, they of themselves were not able to go one step: others knowing the necessity of the time, feigned themselves sick; others to be indebted to their Hosts, and forced me to ransom them; one his Chest; another, his Sword; another, his Shirts; another, his Card and Instruments for Sea: And others, to benefit themselves of the Impressed given them, absented themselves; making a lewd living in deceiving all, whose money they could lay hold of: which is a scandal too rife amongst our Seamen; by it they committing three great offences. First, Robbery of the goods of another person: Secondly, Breach of their faith and promise: Thirdly, Hindrance (with loss of time) unto the Voyage; all being a common injury to the owners, victuallers, and company; which many times hath been an utter overthrow, and undoing to all in general. An abuse in our Commonwealth necessarily to be reform. Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage, in the Sound of Plymouth, being ready to set Master Thomas Candish. sail, complained unto me, that persons which had absented themselves in Imprests, had cost him above a thousand and five hundred pounds: These Varlets within a few days after his departure, I saw walking the streets of Plymouth, whom the justice had before sought for with great diligence, and without punishment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to do the like. Impunitas peccandi illecebra. The like complaint made Master George Reymond; and in what sort they dealt with me, is notorious, and was such, that if I had not been Master George Reymond. provident, to have had a third part more of men, than I had need of, I had been forced to go to the Sea vnmanned; or to give over my Voyage. And many of my company, at Sea vaunted how they had cozened the Earl of Cumberland, Master Candish, Master Reymond, and others, Note. some of five pounds, some of ten, some of more, and some of less. And truly, I think, my Voyage prospered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons company, which were in my ship: which, I think, might be redressed by some extraordinary, severe, and present justice to be executed on the offenders by the justice in that place, where they should be found. He adds another remedy in taking away impr●sts. The consequence of Instructs at departure. The greater part of my company gathered aboard, I set sail the twelfth of june, 1593. I cannot but advise all such, as shall have charge committed unto them, ever before they depart out of the Port, to give unto their whole Fleet not directions for civil government, but also where, when, and how to meet, if they should chance to lose company, and the signs how to know one another afar off, with other points and circumstances, as the occasions shall minister matter different, at the discretion of the wise Commander, by publication of that which is good and necessary for the guide of his Fleet and people; but all secret instructions, to give them sealed, and not to be opened, but coming to a place appointed. Launching out into the channel, the wind being at East and by South, and east Southeast, which blowing hard, and a flood in hand, caused a chapping Sea, and my Vide-admiral bearing a good sail made some water, and shooting off a Piece of Ordnance, I edged towards her, to know the cause; who answered me, that they had sprung a great leak, and that of force they must return into the Sound, which seeing to be necessary, I cast about, where anchoring, and going aboard, presently found, that betwixt wind and water, the Calkers had left a seam uncalked, False calking. which being filled up with Pitch only, the Sea labouring that out, had been sufficient to have sunk her in short space, if it had not been discovered in time. And for more security, I hold it for a good custom used in some parts, in making an end of For prevention thereof. calking and pitching the ship, the next tide to fill her with water, which will undoubtedly discover the defect, for no pitched place without calking, can suffer the force and pease of the water. In neglect whereof, I have seen great damage and danger to ensue. The Ark Royal of his Example. See Cap. ●rings last Voyage: in which the Great james was oft endangered thereby. Majesties, may serve for an example: which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea, by a trivuell. hole left open in the post, and covered only with Pitch. In this point no man can be too circumspect, for it is the security of ship, men, and goods. This being remedied, I set sail in the morning, and ran South-west, till we were clear of Vsshent; and then South South-west, till we were some hundred leagues off, where we met with a great Hulk, of some five or six hundred tons, well appointed, the which my company, (as is natural to all Mariners) presently would make a prize, and laden with Spaniard's goods, Advice for shooting at Sea. and without speaking to her, wished that the Gunner might shoot at her, to cause her to amain. Which is a bad custom received and used of many ignorant persons, presently to gun at all whatsoever they discover, before they speak with them; being contrary to all discipline, and many times is the cause of dissension betwixt friends, and the breach of Amity betwixt Princes; Two English sh●ps have h●●eby much wronged each other by mistaking. the death of many, and sometimes loss of ships and all, making many obstinate, if not desperate. Coming within the hailing of the Hulk, we demanded whence she was? whither she was bound? and what her loding? She answered, that she was of Denmark coming from Spain, laden with Salt: we willed her to strike her top-sails, which she did, and showed us her Charter-parties, and Bills of loding, and then saluted us, as is the manner of the Sea, and so departed. We directed our course to the Maderas. The Madera Lands are two: the great, called Lafoy The Madera Lands. Madera, and the other Porto Santo; of great fertility, and rich in Sugar, Conserves, Wine, and sweet Wood, whereof they take their name. Other commodities they yield, but these are the principal. The chief Town and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera, well fortified; they are subject to the Kingdom of Portugal; the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugals. The third of julie, we passed along the Lands of Canaria, which have the name of a Kingdom, Canary Lands. and contain these seven Lands, Grand Canaria, Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera, Lancerota Fortenentura, and Fierro. These Lands have abundance of Wine, Sugar, Conserves, Orcall Pitch, Iron, and other commodities, and store of cattle and Corn, but that a certain Worm, called Gorgosho, breedeth in it, which eateth out the substance, leaving the husk in manner whole. Gorgosho. The head Island, where the justice, which they call Audiencia, is resident; and whither all suits have their appellation, and final sentence, is the Grand Canaria, although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer Island, and to have the best Sugar: and the Wine of the Palma is reputed for the best. The Pitch of these Lands melteth not with the Sun, and therefore is proper for the higher works of shipping. Betwixt Fortenentura and Lancerota is a goodly Sound, fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good anchoring, and abundance of many sorts of Fish. There is water to be had in most of these Lands, but with great vigilance. For the naturals of them are venturous and hardy, and many times climb up and down the steep Rocks and broken Hills, which seem impossible, which I would hardly have believed, had I not seen it, and that with the greatest art and agility that may be: Their Arms for the most part, are Lances of nine or ten foot, with a head of a foot and half long, like unto Boar-spears, save The description of Tenerif. and the Pike. Of a Tree in Fierro. One M. Lewis jackson, now dwelling in Holbo●●e, told me that A. 1618. he had been in this Island, and seen this Tree, which he thus described; It is as big as an Oak of middle size, the bark white like Ha● dbeame; six or seven yards high, with ragged boughs; the leaf like that of the Bay, white on the bottom, and green on the other side. It beareth neither fruit nor flower. It is situate in the declivity of a Hill; in the day it is withered, dropping ●n the night (a cloud hanging thereon) yielding water sufficient for the whole Island; which containeth 8000. souls, and above 100000. beasts, Camels, Mules, Goats, etc. It falls into a Pond made of brick, floored with stones very sight, by pipes of ●ead conveyed from the Tree to it, and thence divided into several Ponds through all the Island. They which dwell up-hill fetch ●t in barrels. They water therewith also their Corne-grounds. The Pond holds 20000. tuns, and is filled in a night. He added a report (perhaps devised to keep off busy fingers, or with busy tongues to multiply wonders) that the Moors having ta●en that Island from the Christians, went to fallen that Tree, but each blow recoiled on the striker. He affirmed also that he had been ●p the Pike of Teneriff, two miles. He saith the South side is healthful, the North very Aguish, and subject to Calentures; and the Inhabitants on one side look lusty, on the other withered. that the head is somewhat more broad. Two things are famous in these Lands, the Pike of Tenerifa, which is the highest Land in my judgement that I have seen, and men of credit have told they have seen it more them forty leagues off. It is like unto a Sugar loaf, and continually covered with snow, and placed in the midst of a goodly Valley, most fertile, and temperate round about it. Out of which, going up the pike, the cold is so great, that it is unsufferable, and going down to the Towns of the Island, the heat seemeth most extreme, till they approach near the coast. The other is a tree in the Island Fierro, which some write & affirm, with the dropping of his leaves, to give water for the sustenance of the whole Island, which I have not seen, although I have been on shore on the Island: but those which have seen it, have recounted this mystery differently to that which is written, in this manner; That this Tree is placed in the bottom of a Valley ever flourishing with broad leaves, and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines, which overtop it, and as it seemeth, were planted by the Divine providence, to preserve it from Sun and wind. Out of this Valley ordinarily rise every day, great vapours and exhalations, which by reason that the Sun is hindered to work his operation, with the height of the Mountain towards the Southeast, convert themselves into moisture, and so bedew all the trees of the Valley, and from those which overtop this Tree, drops down the dew upon his leaves, and so from his leaves into a round Well of stone, which the Naturals of the Land have made to receive the water; of which the people and cattle have great relief: but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants do reserve water for many days to come in their Cisterns and Tynaxes, which is that they drink of, and wherewith they principally sustain themselves. The City of the Grand Canaria, and chief Port is on the West side of the Island; the head Town and Port of Tenerifa, is towards the South part, and the Port and Town of the Palma and Gomera, on the East side. In Gomera, some three leagues Southward from the Town, is a great River of water, but all these Lands are perilous to land in, for the siege caused by the Ocean Sea, which always is forcible, and requireth great circumspection; whosoever hath not urgent cause, is either to go to the Eastwards, or to the Westwards of all these Lands, as well to avoid the calms, which hinder some times eight or ten days sailing, as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause, and with it to breed Calenturas, which we call burning Fevers. These Lands are said to be first discovered by a Frenchman, called john de Betancourt, about The first discoverers of these Lands. Exercises upon the Southwards of the Canaries. the year 1405. They are now a Kingdom subject to Spain. Being clear of the Lands, and seeing myself past hope of returning back, without some extraordinary accident, I began to set order in my Company and victuals. And for that, to the Southwards of the Canaries, is for the most part an idle Navigation, I devised to keep my people occupied, as well to continue them in health (for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful) as also to divert them from remembrance of their home; & from play, which breedeth many inconveniences, and other bad thoughts and works which idleness is cause of; and so shifting my company, as the custom is, into Starboard and Larboard men, the half to watch and work whilst the others slept, and take rest; I limited the three days of the week, which appertained to each, to be employed in this manner: the one for the use and cleansing of their Arms, the other for roomaging, making of Sails, Nettings, Decking, and defences of our Ships; and the third, for cleansing their bodies, mending and making their apparel, and necessaries, which though it came to be practised but once in seven days, for that the Sabbath is ever to be reserved for God alone, with the ordinary obligation which each person had besides, was many times of force to be omitted; and thus we directed our course betwixt the Lands of Cape de Verde and the Main. These Lands are held to be situate in one of the ●●pe de Verde. most unhealthiest Climates of the world, and therefore it is wisdom to shun the sight of them, how much more to make abode in them? In two times that I have been in them, either cost us the one half of our people, with Fevers The unwholsomnesse thereof. and Fluxes of sundry kinds; some shaking, some burning, some partaking of both; some possessed with frenzy, others with sloth, and in one of them it cost me six months sickness, with no small hazard of life: which I attribute to the distemperature of the air, for being within fourteen degrees of the Equinoctial Line, the Sun hath great force all the year, and the more for that often they pass, two, three, and four years without rain; and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod, cannot endure to go where the Sun shineth. The heat. The Breze. Another cause of Fevers is the d●wes which fall every night: so that the exceeding moisture and unsoundness thereof causeth men lying or watching in the open air to fall sick. The remedy. With which extreme heat the body fatigated, greedily desireth refreshing, and longeth for the coming of the Breze, which is the North-east wind, that seldom faileth in the afternoon at four of the clock, or sooner: which coming cold and fresh, and finding the pores of the body open, and (for the most part) naked, penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundry manners of sickness, as the Subjects are diverse, whereupon they work. Departing out of the Calms of the Lands, and coming into the fresh Breze, it causeth the like, and I have seen within two days, after that we have partaked of the fresh air, of two thousand men above an hundred and fifty have been crazed in their health. The Inhabitants of these Lands use a remedy for this, which at my first being amongst them, seemed unto me ridiculous, but since, time and experience hath taught to be grounded upon reason. And is, that upon their heads they wear a Nightcap, upon it a Moutero, and a Hat over that, and on their bodies a suit of thick Cloth, and upon it a Gown, furred or lined with Cotton, or Bays, to defend them from the heat in that manner, as the Inhabitants of cold Countries, to guard themselves from the extremity of the cold. Which doubtless, is the best diligence that any man can use, and whosoever proveth it, shall find himself less annoyed with the heat, then if he were thinly clothed, for that where the cold air cometh, it pierceth not so subtly. The Moon also in this climate, as in the coast of Guynne, and in all hot Countries, hath forcible The influence of the Moon in hot Countries. operation in the body of man; and therefore, as the Planet, most prejudicial to his health, is to he shunned; as also not to sleep in the open Air, or with any Scuttle or Window open, whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt. For a person of credit told me, that one night in a River of Guynne, leaving his window open in the side of his Cabin, the Moon shining upon his shoulder, left him with such an extraordinary pain, and furious burning in it, as in above twenty hours, he was like to run mad; but in fine, with force of Medicines and cures, after long torment he was eased. Of these Lands are two piles: the one of them lieth out of the way of Trade, more Westerly, and so little frequented: the other lieth some fourscore leagues from the Main, and containeth six in number, to wit, Saint jago, Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Brano. They are belonging to the Kingdom of Portugal, and inhabited by people of that Nation, and are of great trade, by reason of the neighbourhood they have with Guynne and bin: but the principal is, the buying and selling of Negroes. They have store of Sugar, Salt, Rice, cotton-wool, and Cotton-cloth, Ambergris, Cyvit, Olyphants teeth, Brimstone, Pummy stone, Sponge, and some Gold, but little, and that from the main. Saint jago is the head Island, and hath one City and two towns, with their Ports. The City Saint jago. called Saint jago, whereof the Island hath his name, hath a Garrison and two Forts, situated in the bottom of a pleasant Valley, with a running stream of water passing through the midst of it, whether the rest of the Lands come for justice, being the seat of the Audiencia, with his Bishop. The other Towns are Playa, some three leagues to the Eastwards of Saint jago, placed on high, with a goodly Bay, whereof it hath his name: and Saint Domingo, a small Town within the Land. They are on the Souther part of the Island, and have been sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades, a Portugal, with a Fleet of Frenchmen: in Anno 1585. they Sacked by Manuel Serades, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Anthony Shirley. Fuego. Fiery hill. were both burnt to the ground by the English, Sir Francis Drake being General: and in Anno 1596. Saint jago was taken, and sacked by the English, Sir Anthony Shirley being General. The second Island is Fuego, so called, for that day and night there burneth in it a Vulcan, whose flames in the night are seen twenty leagues off in the Sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort, as but by one way is any access or entrance into it, and there cannot go up above two men a breast. The Bread which they spend in these Lands, is brought from Portugal and Spain, saving that which they make of Rice or of Mayes, which we call Guynne wheat. The best watering is in the I'll of Brano, on the west part of the Island, where is a great River, but foul Anchoring, as is Brano, good watering. in all these Lands, for the most part. The fruits are few, but substantial, as Palmitoes, Plantanoes, Potatoes, and Coco Nuts. The Palmito is like to the Date tree, and as I think a kind of it, but wild. In all parts of The Palmito▪ Africa and America they are found, and in some parts of Europe, and in diverse parts different. In Africa, and in the West Indies they are small, that a man may cut them with a knife, and the lesser the better. But in Brasil they are so great, that with difficulty a man can fallen them with an Axe, and the greater the better: one foot within the top is profitable, the rest is of no value, and that which is to be eaten is the pith, which in some is better, in some worse. The Plantain is a tree found in most parts of Africa and America, of which two leaves are The Plantain, great leaves. sufficient to cover a man from top to toe: It beareth fruit but once, and then drieth away, and out of his root sprouteth up others new. In the top of the tree is his fruit, which groweth in a great bunch, in the form and fashion of puddings, in some more, in some less. I have seen in one bunch above four hundred Plantans, which have weighed above fourscore pound weight. They are of diverse proportions, some great, some lesser, some round, some square, some triangle, most ordinarily of a span long, with a thick skin that peeleth easily from the meat; which is either white or yellow, and very tender like Butter; but no conserve is better, nor of a more pleasing taste. For I never have seen any man, to whom they have bred mislike, or done hurt with eating much of them, as of other fruits. The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, but in most parts they cut them off in branches, and hang them up in their houses, and eat them as they ripe. For the Birds and Vermin presently in ripping on the tree, are feeding on them. The best that I have seen are in Brasil, in an Island called Placentia, which are small and round, Placentia▪ and green when they are ripe: whereas the others in ripening become yellow. Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great, and one of them sufficient to satisfy a man: the only fault they have is, that they are windy. In some places they eat them instead of bread, as in Panama, and other parts of Tierra firm. They grow and prosper best when their roots are ever covered with water; they are excellent in Conserve, and good sodden in different manners, and dried on the tree, not inferior to Suckets. The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a hasel-nut, but that it is as big as an ordinary The Cocos, & their kinds. Bowl, and some are greater. It hath two shells, the uttermost framed (as it were) of a multitude of threads, one laid upon another, with a green skin over-lapping them, which is soft and thick: the innermost is like to the shell of a hasel-nut in all porportion, saving that it is greater and thicker, and some more blacker. In the top of it is the form of a Monkeys face, with two eyes, his nose and a mouth. It containeth in it both meat and drink, the meat white as milk, and like to that of the kernel of a Nut, and as good as Almonds blanched, and of great quantity: The water is clear, as of the Fountain, and pleasing in taste, and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of Milk. Some say it hath a singular property in nature, for conserving the smoothness of the skin; and therefore in Spain and Portugal, the curious Dames do ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it. If the holes of the shell be kept close, they keep four or six months good and more; but if it be opened, and the water kept in the shell, in few days it turneth to Vinegar. They grow upon high Trees, which have no boughs, only in the top they have a great cap of leaves, and under them groweth the fruit upon certain twigs; and some affirm that they bear not fruit before they be above forty years old. They are in all things like to the Palm trees, and grow in many parts of Asia, Africa and America. The shells of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups, and much cost and labour is bestowed upon them in carving, graving and garnishing them, with Silver, Gold, and precious stones. In the Kingdom of Chile and in Brasil, is another kind of these, which they call Coquilloes, as we may interpret (little Cocos) and are as big as Wal-nuts, but round and smooth, and grow Coquillos. in great clusters: the trees in form are all one, and the meat in the nut better, but they have no water. Another kind of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru, which have not the delicate meat nor drink, which the others have, but within are full of Almonds, which are placed as A third kind. the grains in the Pomegrannet, being three times bigger than those of Europe, and are much like them in taste. In these Lands are Cyvet-cats, which are also found in parts of Asia, and Africa; esteemed for the Civet they yield, and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts, which is taken Cyvet-cats. from them by force. In them also are store of Monkeys, and the best proportioned that I have seen; and Parrots, but of colour different to those of the West Indies; for they are of a russet or Monkeys. Parrots. grey colour and great speakers. §. II. Considerations of Currents: the Scorbute: fire in Ships; Fishes which attend them: Sea-hawking and hunting: their coming to Brasil and observations thereof. WIth a fair and large wind we continued our course, till we came within five degrees of the Equinoctial line, where the wind took us contrary by the South-west, about the twentieth of july, but a fair gale of wind and a smooth Sea, so that we might bear all a * Tawt or taught, a Sea-terme, sig. stiff and fast. Morning and evening prayer tawt: and to advantage ourselves what we might, we stood to the Eastwards, being able to lie Southeast and by South. The next day about nine of the clock, my company being gathered together to serve God, which we accustomed to do every morning and evening, it seemed unto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the days past, and which is ordinarily where is deep water; and so called the Captain and Master of my Ship, I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish, and that it made show of Should water. Whereunto they made answer, that all the lines in our Ships could not Change of water. fetch ground: for we could not be less than threescore and ten leagues off the Coast, which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed upon, and myself was of the same opinion. And so we applied ourselves to serve God, but all the time that the service endured, my heart could not be at rest, and still me thought the water began to wax whiter and whiter. Our prayers ended, I commanded a lead and a line to be brought, and having the lead in fourteen fathoms we had ground, which put us all into a maze, and sending men into the top, presently discovered the land of Guynne, some five leagues from us, very low Land. I commanded a Piece to be shot, and lay by the lee, till my other Ships came up. Which hailing us, we demanded of them how far Error in reckoning. they found themselves off the land; who answered, some threescore and ten, or fourscore leagues: when we told them we had sounded, and found but fourteen fathoms, and that we were in sight of Land, they began to wonder; But having consulted what was best to be done, I caused my Shallop to be manned, which I towed at the Stern of my Ship continually, and sent her and my Pinnace a head to sound, and followed them with an easy sail, till we came in seven and six fathom water, and some two leagues from the shore anchored, in hope by the Sea, or by the Land to find some refreshing. The Sea we found to be barren of fish, and my Boats could not discover any landing place, though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast, with great desire to set foot on shore, for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous. Which experienced, we set sail, notwithstanding the contrariety of the wind, sometimes standing to the Westwards, sometimes to the East-wards, according to the shifting of the wind. Here is to be noted, that the error which we fell into in our accounts, was such as all men fall into Note. where are currants that set East or West, and are not known, for that there is no certain rule yet practised for trial of the longitude, as there is of the latitude, though some curious and experimented of our Nation, with whom I have had conference about this point, have showed me two or three manner of ways how to know it. This, some years before was the loss of the Edward Cotton, bound for the coast of Brasil, The less of Edward ●otton. which taken with the wind contrary near the line, standing to the East-wards, and making account to be fifty or sixty leagues off the coast, with all her sails standing, came suddenly a ground upon the shoals of Madrebomba; and so was cast away. This currant from the line Equinoctial, to twenty degrees Northerly, hath great force, and setteth Current-consideration▪ next of any thing East, directly upon the shore, which we found by this means: Standing to the Westwards, the wind Southerly, when we lay with our Ships head West and by South, we gained in our height more than if we had made our way good West South-west, for that the currant took us under the bow: but lying west or West & by North, we lost more in twelve hours then the other way we could get in four and twenty. By which plainly we saw, that the currant did set East next of any thing. Whether this currant runneth ever one way, or doth alter, and how, we could by no means understand, but tract of time and observation will discover this, as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas. The currant that setteth betwixt New-fonnd-land and Spain, runneth also East and West, and New found-land Current. long time deceived many, and made some to count the way longer, and others shorter, according as the passage was speedy or slow, not knowing that the furtherance or hindrance of the currant was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way. And in Sea Cards I have seen difference of above thirty leagues betwixt the Island Tercera and the Main. And others have recounted unto me, that coming from the Indies, and looking out for the Lands of Azores, they have had sight of Spain. And some have looked out for Spain, and have discovered the Lands. The self same currant is in the Levant Sea, but runneth trade Levant Sea. Brasil and South Sea. betwixt the Manes, and changeable sometimes to the Eastwards, sometimes to the Westwards. In Brasil and the South Sea, the currant likewise is changeable, but it runneth ever alongst the Coast, accompanying the wind: and it is an infallible rule, that twelve or twenty four hours (before the wind altars) the currant begins to change. In the West Indies only the currant runneth continually one way, and setteth alongst the coast from the Equinoctial line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these currants keep any certain Currents of smaller force near the shore time or run so many days or months, one way as another, as doth the course of ebbing and flowing, well known in all Seas: only near the shore they have small force; partly, because of the reflux which the coast causeth, and partly for the ebbing and flowing, which more or less is general in most Seas. When the currant runneth North or South, it is easily discovered by augmenting or diminishing the height, but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the main Seas, is difficult, and as yet I have not known any man, or read any Author, that hath prescribed any certain mean or way to discover it. But experience teacheth, that in the main Sea, for the most part it is variable; and therefore best and safest rule to prevent the danger (which the uncertainty and ignorance hereof may cause) is careful and continual watch by day and night, and upon the East and West course ever to be before the Ship, and to use the means possible to know the error, by the rules which new Authors may teach: beating off and on, sometimes to the Westwards, sometimes to the Eastwards, with a fairegale of wind. Being betwixt three and four degrees of the Equinoctial line, my Company within a few days began to fall sick, of a disease which Seamen are wont to call the Scurvy: and seemeth to A discourse of the Scurvy, or Scor●●●●. be a kind of dropsy, and reigneth most in this climate of any that I have heard or read of in the world; though in all Seas it is wont to help and increase the misery of man; it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold, with a loathsome slothfulness, that even to eat they would be content to change with sleep and rest, which is the most pernicious enemy in this sickness that is known. It bringeth with it a great desire to drink, and causeth a general swelling of all parts of the body, especially of the legs and gums, and many times the teeth fall out of the jaws without pain. The signs to know this disease in the beginning are diverse, by the The signs. swelling of the gums, by denting of the flesh of the legs with a man's finger, the pit remaining without filling up in a good space: others show it with their laziness, others complain of the crick of the back, etc. all which, are for the most part, certain tokens of infection. The cause is thought to be the stomach's feebleness, by change of air in untemperate climates, of diet in salt meats, boiled also in Salt water and corrupted sometimes; the want of exercise also either in persons or elements, as in calms. And were it not for the moving of the Sea by the force of winds, tides, and currants, it would corrupt all the world. The experience I saw in Anno 1590. lying Azores. Strange effect of calms. with a Fleet of her Majesty's Ships about the Lands of the Azores almost six months, the greatest part of the time we were becalmed: with which all the Sea became so replenished with several sorts of jellies, and forms of Serpents, Adders, and Snakes, as seemed wonderful: some green, some black, some yellow, some white, some of diverse colours and many of them had life, and some there were a yard and half, and two yards long; which had I not seen, I could hardly have believed. And hereof are witnesses all the Companies of the Ships which were then present: so that hardly a man could draw a Bucket of water clear of some corruption. In which Voyage, towards the end thereof many of every Ship (saving of the Nonpereli, which was under my charge, and had only one man sick in all the Voyage) fell sick of this disease, and began to die apace, but that the speedy passage into our Country was remedy to the crazed, and a preservative for those that were not touched. The remedies. The best prevention for this disease (in my judgement) is to keep clean the Ship, to besprinkle her ordinarily with Uinegar, or to burn Tar, and some sweet savours, to feed upon as few salt Meats in the hot Country as may be, and especially to shun all kinds of salt Fish, and to reserve them for the cold Climates, and not to dress any meat with salt water, nor to suffer the company to wash their Shirts nor By Diet. clothes in it, nor to sleep in their clothes when they are wet. For this cause it is necessarily required, that provision be made of apparel for the Company, that they may have wherewith to shift themselves. By shift. Being a common calamity amongst the ordinary sort of Mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring to Sea no more clothes than they have backs; for the body of man is not refreshed with any thing more, then with shifting clean clothes: a great preservative of health in hot Countries. The second Antidote is, to keep the company occupied in some bodily exercise of work, of agility, of pastimes, of dancing, of use of Arms; these help much to banish this infirmity. Thirdly, In the morning By labour. at discharge of the watch, to give every man a bit of bread, and a draught of drink, either Beer, By early eating and drinking. or Wine mingled with water (at the least, the one half) or a quantity mingled with Beer, that the poors of the body may be full, when the vapours of the Sea ascend up. The morning draught should be ever of the best, and choicest of that in the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more hurtful, than the other is profitable. In this, others will be of a contrary opinion, but I think partial. If not, then leave I the remedies thereof to those Physicians and Surgeons who have experience. And I wish that some learned man would write of it, for it is the plague of the Sea, and the spoil of Mariners; doubtless, it would be a Work worthy of a worthy man, and most beneficial for our Country, for in twenty years (since I have used the Sea) I dare take upon me, to give account of ten thousand men consumed with this disease. That which I have seen most fruitful for this sickness, is sour Oranges and Lemons, and a water Ten thousand English dead of the Scurvy in 20. years. By sour Oranges and Lemons. By Doctor Stevens water. By Oil of Vitry. By the Air of the Land. The company sick, and dismayed. which amongst others (for my particular provision) I carried to the Sea, called Doctor Stevens water, of which, for that his virtue was not then well known unto me, I carried but little, and it took end quickly, but gave health to those that used it. The Oil of Vitry is beneficial for this disease; taking two drops of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a little Sugar. It taketh away the thirst, and helpeth to cleanse and comfort the stomach: But the principal of all is the Air of the Land; for the Sea is natural for Fishes, and the Land for men. And the oftener a man can have his people to Land, (not hindering his Voyage) the better it is, and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them. Having stood to the Westwards some hundred leagues and more, the wind continuing with us contrary, and the sickness so fervent, that every day there died more or less: my company in general began to be dismayed, and to desire to return homewards, which I hindered by good reasons and persuasions: As, that to the West Indies, we had not above eight hundred leagues, to the Lands of Azores little less, and before we come to the Lands of Cape de Verde, that we should meet with the Breze; for every night we might see the reach go contrary to the wind which we sailed by; verifying the old Proverb amongst Mariners; That he hath need of a long Mast, that will sail by the Reach; and that the nearest Land and speediest refreshing we could look for, was the Coast of Brasill, etc. Proverb. As we approached nearer and nearer the Coast of Brasill, the wind began to vere to the eastwards, and about the middle of October, to be large and good for us; and about the eighteenth of October, we were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine, which lieth Brasill. Cape Saint Augustine. Farnambuca. in six degrees to the Southwards of the Line: and the one and twentieth in the height of Farnambuca, but some fourscore leagues from the Coast; the twenty four, in the height of Bayea de Todos Santos; near the end of October, betwixt seventeen and eighteen degrees, we were in sixteen fathoms, sounding of the great Scoles, which lie alongst the Coast, betwixt the Bay of Todos Santos, and the Port of Santos alias nuestra s●nora de Vitoria; which are very perilous. But the divine Providence hath ordained great flocks of small Birds (like Snites) to live upon Todos Santos. De Vitoria. the Rocks, and broken lands of these Shoals, which are met with ordinarily twenty leagues before a man come in danger of them. It shall not be amiss here to recount the Accidents which befell us during this contrary wind, and the curiosities to be observed in all this time. Day and night we had continually a fair gale of wind, and a smooth Sea, without any alteration; one day the Carpenters having Calked the Dangers of fire. By heating of Pitch. Deck of our ship, which the Sun with his extreme heat had opened, craved licence to heat a little Pitch in the Cook room: which I would not consent unto by any means; for that my Cook rooms were under the Deck, knowing the danger; until the Master undertook, that no danger should come thereof, But he recommended the charge to another, who had a better name, than experience. He suffered the Pitch to rise, and to run into the fire, which caused so furious a flame as amazed him, and forced all to flee his heat; one of my company, with a double pair of Gloves took off the Pitch-pot, but the fire forced him to let slip his holdfast, before he could set it on the Hearth, and so overturned it, and as the Pitch began to run, so the fire to enlarge itself, that in a moment a great part of the ship was on a light fire. I being in my cabin, presently imagined what the matter was, and for all the haste I could make, before I came, the fire was above the Deck: for remedy whereof, I commanded all my company to cast their Rug Gowns into the Sea, with Ropes fastened unto them. These I had provided for my people to watch in, for in many hot Countries the nights are fresh and cold; and divided one Use of ●ugge Gowns. Gown to two men, a Starboard and a Larboard man; so that he which watched had ever the Gown: for they which watched not, were either in their Cabins, or under the Deck, and so needed them not. The Gowns being well soaked, every man that could took one, and assaulted the fire; and although some were singed, others scalded, and many burned, God was pleased that the fire was quenched, which I thought impossible; and doubtless, I never saw myself in greater peril in all the days of my life. Let all men take example by us, not to suffer (in any case) Pitch to be heat in the ship, except it be with a shot heat in the fire, which cannot breed danger: nor to permit fire to be kindled, but upon mere necessity; for the inconvenience thereof (is for the Prevention. diverse ships as the Primrose, jesus of Lubeck, Robuck, Black Lion, etc. have been burned. By hooping & sculling of Cask. Note. most part) remediless. Great care is to be had also in cleaning of Wood, in Hooping or Scutling of Cask, and in any business where violence is to be used with Instruments of Iron, Steele, or Stone; and especially in opening of Powder, these are not to be used, but Mallets of Wood; for many mischances happen beyond all expectation. I have been credibly informed by diverse persons, that coming out of the Indies, with Scutling a But of water, the water hath taken fire, and flamed up, and put all in hazard: And a Servant of mine Thomas Gray told me, that in the ship wherein he came out of the Indies, Anno 1600. there happened the like; and that if with Mantles they had not smothered the fire, they had been all burned with a Pipe of Water, which in Scutling taken fire. Master john Hazlelocke reported, that in the Arsenal of Venice happened the like, he being present. For mine own part, I am of opinion, that some waters have By natures of waters. this property, and especially such as have their passage by Mines of Brimstone, or other Minerals, which (as all men know) give extraordinary properties unto the waters which run by them: Or it may be that the water being in Wine Cask, and kept close, may retain an extraordinary property of the Wine. Yea, I have drunk Fountain and River waters many times, which have had a favour as that of B 〈…〉 stone. Three leagues from Bayon in France, I have proved of a Fountain that hath this savour, and 〈◊〉 medicinable for many Diseases. In the South Sea, in a River some five leagues from Cape 〈◊〉 Francisco, in one degree and an half to the Northwards of the Line, in the Bay of Atacames, is a River of fresh water, which hath the like savour. We had no small cause to give God thanks, and took an occasion hereby, to banish swearing By swearing. out of our ships, which amongst the common sort of Mariners and Seafaring men, is too ordinarily abused. So with a general consent of all our company, it was ordained that in every ship there should be a Palmer or Ferula, which should be in the keeping of him, who was taken with An excellent order for shipswearing. an Oath, and that he who had the Palmer should give to every other that he took swearing in the Palm of the hand a Palmada with it, and the Ferula. And whosoever at the time of Evening, or Morning Prayer, was found to have the Palmer, should have three blows given him by the Captain, or Master, and that he should be still bound to free himself by taking another, or Custom feeds vice, which severity starveth else to run in danger of continuing the penalty; which executed, few days reform the Vice; so that in three days together, was not one Oath heard to be sworn. This brought both Ferulaes' and swearing out of use. Ordinarily such ships as Navigate between the Tropickes, are accompanied with three sorts Pi high discourse of diverse fishes and their description. The Dolphin. of fish The Dolphin, which the Spaniards call Dozado: the Bonito, or Spanish Make●ill: and the Shark, alias Tiberune. The Dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest fishes in the Sea: He is like unto a bream, but that he is longer and thinner, and his scales very small. He is of the colour of the Rainbow, and his head different to other fishes; for, from his mouth half a span it goeth straight upright, as the head of a Wherry, or the Cut-water of a ship. He is very good meat if he be in season, but the best part of him, is his head, which is great. They are some bigger, some lesser; the greatest that I have seen, might be some four foot long. I hold it not without some ground, that the ancient Philosophers write, that they be enamoured of a man: for in meeting with shipping, they accompany them till they approach to cold Climates; this I have noted diverse times. For disembarking out of the West Indies, Anno 1583. within three or four days after, we met a Scole of them, which left us not till we came to the Lands of Azores, near a thousand leagues. At other times I have noted the like. But some may say, that in the Sea are many Scoles of this kind of fish, and how can a man know if they were the same? Who may be thus satisfied, that every day in the morning, which is the time that they approach nearest the ship, we should see four, five, and more, which had (as it were) our eare-mark. one hurt upon the back; another near the tail; another about the fins, which is sufficient proof that they were the same. For if those which had received so bad entertainment of us would not forsake us, much less those which we had not hurt; yet that which makes them most in love with ships and men, are the scraps and refreshing they gather from them. The Bonito, or Spanish Mackerel, is altogether like unto a Mackerel, but that it is somewhat The Bonito. more grown; he is reasonable food, but drier than a Mackerel. Of them there are two sorts; the one is this which I have described; the other so great, as hardly one man can lift him; At such times as we have taken of these, one sufficed for a meal for all my company. These from the sin of the tail forwards have upon the chine seven small yellow hillocks, close one to another. The Dolphins and Bonitoes are taken with certain Instruments of Iron, which we call Vysgeiss, in form of an Eele-speare, but that the blades are round, and the points like unto the head of a broad Arrow; these are fastened to long staffs of ten or twelve foot long, with Lines tied unto them, and so shot to the fish, from the Beakhead, the Poop, or other parts of the ship, as occasion is ministered. They are also caught with Hooks and Lines, the Hook being baited with a red Cloth or with a white Cloth, made into the form of a fish, and sowed upon the Hook. The Shark or Tiberune, is a fish like unto to those which we call Dog-fish, but that he is The Shark. far greater. I have seen of them eight or nine foot long; his head is flat and broad, and his mouth in the middle udderneath, as that of the Scate; and he cannot bite of the bait before him, but by His mouth. making a half turn; and then he helpeth himself with his tail, which serveth him in stead of a Rudder. His skin is rough (like to the fish which we call a rough Hound) and Russet, with reddish spots, saving that under the belly he is all white: he is much hated or Seafaring men, Superstition▪ who have a certain foolish Superstition with them, and say that the ship hath seldom good success, that is much accompanied with them. It is the most ravenous fish known in the Sea; for he swalloweth all that he findeth. In the Puch of them hath been found Hats, Caps, Shoes, Shirts, legs and arms of men, ends of R●pes, and many other things; whatsoever is hanged Alldevouring. by the ships side, he sheereth it, as though it were with a Razor; for he hath three rows of teeth on either side, as sharp as nails; some say, they are good for Pick-teeth. They spawn not, as Three rows of teeth. Whelping. the greatest part of fishes do, but Whelp, as the Dog or Wolf; and for many days after that she hath whelped every night, and towards any storm, or any danger which may threaten them hurt, the Dam receiveth her Whelps in her mouth, and preserveth them, till they be able to shift for themselves. I have seen them go in and out, being more than a foot and half long; and after taking the Dam, we have found her young ones in her belly. My company took many. At the tail of one, they tied a great log of wood, at another, an empty Batizia well stopped, one they yoked like a Hog; from another, they plucked out his eyes, and so threw them into the Sea. In catching two together, they bound them tail to tail, and so set them a swimming▪ another, with his belly sl●●, and his bowels hanging out which his fellows would have every one a snatch at; with other infinite Inventions to entertain the time, and to avenge themselves; for that they deprived them of swimming, and fed on their flesh being dead: they are taking with Harping Irons, and with great hooks made of purpose, with Swyvels and Chains; for no Line, nor small Rope can hold them, which they share not asuuder. There doth accompany this fish, diverse little fishes, which are called Pilat's fishes, and are ever upon his sins, his head, or his back, and feed of the scraps and superfluities of his preys. Pilat's ●●shes. They are inform of a Trout, and streaked like a Mackerel, but that the streaks are white and black, and the black greater than the white. The manner of Hunting and Hawking representeth that which we reasonable creatures use, saving only in the disposing of the game. For by our industry and ability the Hound and Hawk Sea hawking and hunting. is brought to that obedience, that whatsoever they seize, is for their Master; but here it is otherwise. For the game is for him that seizeth it. The Dolphins and 〈…〉 nitoes are the Hounds, and the Flying fishes. Alcatraces the Hawks, and the flying fishes the game: whose wonderful making magnifieth the Creator, who for their safety, and help, hath given them extraordinary manner of fins, which serve instead of wings, like those of the Bat or Rearmouse; of such a delicate skin, interlaced with bones so curiously, as may well cause admiration in the beholders. They are like unto Pilchards in colour, and making; saving that they are somewhat rounder, and (for the most part) bigger. They flee best with a side wind, but longer than their wings be wet, they cannot sustain the weight of their bodies; and so the greatest flight that I have seen them make, hath not been above a quarter of a mile. They commonly go in Scoles, and serve for food for the greater fishes, or for the Fowls. The Dolphins and Bonitoes do continually hunt after them, and the Alcatraces lie soaring in the Air, to see when they spring, or take their flight; and ordinarily, he that escapeth the mouth of the Dolphin, or Bonito, helping himself by his wings, falleth prisoner into the hands of the Alcatrace, and helpeth to fill his gorge. The Alcatrace is a Sea-fowle, different to all that I have seen, either on the Land, or in the Sea. His head like unto the head of a Gull, but his bill like unto a Suits bill, somewhat shorter, Alcatrace. and in all places alike. He is almost like to a Heronshaw, his legs a good span long, his wings very long, and sharp towards the points, with a long tail like to a P●easant, but with three or four feathers only, and these narrower. He is all black, of the colour of a Crow, and of little flesh; for he is almost all skin and bones. He soareth the highest of any Fowl that I have seen, and I have not heard of any, that have seen them rest in the Sea. Now of the fight betwixt the Whale and his contraries; which are the Swordfish and the Thresher, The Swordfish is not great, but strongly made, and in the top of his chine (as a man The fight of the Whale. with the Swordfish and Thresher. may say) betwixt the neck and shoulders, he hath a manner of Sword in substance, like unto a bone of four or five inches broad, and above three foot long, full of prickles of either side, it is but thin, for the greatest that I have seen, hath not been above a finger thick. The Thresher is a greater fish, whose tail is very broad and thick, and very weighty. They fight in this manner; the Swordfish placeth himself under the belly of the Whale, and the Thresher upon the Rhyme of the water, and with his tail thresheth upon the head of the Whale, till he force him to give way, which the Swordfish perceiving, receiveth him upon his sword, and wounding him in the belly forceth him to mount up again: (besides that, he cannot abide long under water, The strokes heard two leagues. Of Whales, see our Greeneland discourses. li. 3. c. 2. & 〈◊〉. but must of force rise up to breath) and when in such manner they torment him, that the fight is sometimes heard above three leagues distance, and I dare affirm, that I have heard the blows of the Thresher two leagues off, as the report of a piece of Ordnance, the Whales roaring being heard much farther. It also happeneth sundry times, that a great part of the water of the Sea round about them, with the blood of the Whale changeth his colour. The best remedy the Whale hath in this extremity to help himself, is to get him to land, which he procureth as soon as he discovereth his adversaries, and getting the shore, there can fight but one with him, and for either of them hand to hand he is too good. Ambergris is thought by some to breed in the Whale's belly by eating of a certain herb, Ambergris but that which carrieth likeliest probability is, that it is a liquor which issueth out of certain Fountains, in sundry Seas, and being of a light and thick substance, participating of the Air, suddenly becometh hard, as the yellow Amber, of which they make Beads, which is also a liquor of a Fountain in the german Sea: in the bottom it is soft and white, and partaking of Amber. the Air becometh hard and stony: Also the Coral in the Sea is soft, but cometh into the Air, becometh a stone. Those who are of this former opinion, think the reason (why the Coral. Ambergris is sometimes found in the Whale) to be for that he swalloweth it, as other things, which he findeth swimming upon the water, and not able to digest it, it remaineth with him till his death. From the Tropic of Cancer to three or four degrees of the Equinoctial, the breze which is the North-east wind, doth reign in our Ocean Sea the most part of the year, except it be Best times to pass the line from the Northwards to the Southward. near the shore, and then the wind is variable. In three or four degrees of either side the line, the wind hangeth Southerly, in the months of july, August, September, and October: all the rest of the year from the Cape bona esperança to the Lands of Azores, the breze reigneth continually; and some years in the other months also or calms, but he that purposeth to cross the line from the Northwards to the Southwards, the best and surest passage is, in the months of january, February, and March. In the months of September, October and November is also good passage, but not so sure as in the former. Betwixt nineteen and twenty degrees to the Southwards of the line, the wind took us contrary, which together with the sickness of my people made me to seek the shore, and about the end of October, we had sight of the land, which presently by our height and the making of Port of Santos. it, discovered itself to be the Port of Santos, alias nostra Senora de Victoria, and is easy to be known, for it hath a great high hill over the Port, which (howsoever a man cometh with the land) riseth like a bell, and coming near the shore presently is discovered a white Tower or Fort, which standeth upon the top of a hill over the Harbour, and upon the Sea-most-land: It is the first land a man must compass before he enter into the Port: coming within two leagues of the shore we anchored, and the Captains and Masters of my other Ships, being come aboard, it was thought convenient (the weakness of our men considered, for we had not in our three Ships twenty four men sound) and the wind uncertain when it might change, we thought with policy to procure that which we could not by force, and so to offer traffic to the people of the shore. Entering the Port, within a quarter of a mile is a small Village, and three leagues higher up, is the chief town: where they have two Forts, one on either side of the Harbour, and within them ride the Ships which come thither to discharge or load. In the small Village is ever a Garrison of a hundreth Soldiers, whereof part assist there continually, and in the white Tower upon the top of the hill, which commandeth it. Here my Captain, whom I sent with a Letter, had good entertainment, and those of the shore received his message and Letter, dispatching it presently to the Governor, who was some three leagues off in another place; at least, they bear us so in hand. In the time that they expected the Post, my Captain with one other entertained himself with the Soldiers ashore, who after the common custom of their profession (except when they be besonios) sought to please him, and finding that he craved but Oranges, Lemons, and matters of small moment for refreshing for his General, they suffered the women and children to bring him what he would, which he gratified with double Pistolets, that I had given him for that purpose. So got he us two or three hundreth Oranges and Lemons, and some few Hens. The answer of the Governor was, that he was sorry that he could not accomplish our desire, being so reasonable & good: for that in consideration of the war between Spain and England, he had express order from his King, not to suffer any English to trade within his jurisdiction, no, nor to land, or to take any refreshing upon the shore. And therefore craved pardon, and that we should take this for a resolute answer: And further, required us to depart the Port within three days, which he said he gave us, for our courteous manner of proceeding: If any of my people from that time forwards, should approach to the shore, that he would do his best to hinder and annoy them. With this answer we resolved to depart; and before it came, with the first fair wind, we determined to be packing: but the wind suffered us not all that night, nor the next day. In which time I lived in a great perplexity, for that I knew our own weakness, and what they might do unto us, if that they had known so much. For any man that putteth himself into the enemy's Port, had need of Argus eyes, and the wind in a bag, especially, where the enemy is strong, and the tides of any force. For, with either ebb or flood, those who are on the shore, may thrust upon him inventions of fire, and with swimming or other devices may cut his cables. A common practice in all hot Countries. The like may be effected with Raffes, Canoas', Boats or Pinnaces, to annoy and assault him; and if this had been practised against us, or taken effect, our Ships must of force have yielded themselves; for they had no other people in them but sick men; many time's opinion & fear preserveth the Ships, and not the people in them. Wherefore it is the part of a provident Governor, to consider well the dangers that may befall him, before he put himself For prevention of annoyances, etc. in Harbours. into such places: so shall he ever be provided for prevention. In Saint john de Vlua, in the New-Spain, when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foul act of perjury, and breach of faith, given to my Father, Sir john Hawkins (notorious to the whole world) the Sp●niards fired two great Ships, with intention to burn my Father's Admiral, which he prevented by towing them with his Boats another S 〈…〉 rds perjury. way. The great Armado of Spain, sent to conquer England, Anno 1588. was with that selfsame industry overthrown: for the setting on fire six or seven Ships (whereof two were mine) and letting them drive with the flood, forced them to cut their Cables, and to put to Sea, to seek a new way to Spain. Their punishment. In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished. The next night, the wind coming off the shore, we set sail, and with our Boats and Barks sounded as we went. It flowed upon the Bar not above four foot water, and once in four and twenty hours (as in some parts of the West Indies) at full Sea there is not upon the bar above seventeen or eighteen foot water. The harbour runneth to the Southwestwards. Note for that harbour. he that will come into it, is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he bear with it, and be bolder of the Westerside, for of the Easterland lieth a great ledge of Rocks, for the most part under water, which sometimes break not, but with small shipping, a man may go betwixt them and the point. Coming aboard of our Ships, there was great joy amongst my company, and many with 〈◊〉 The virtue of Oranges. sight of the Oranges and Lemons seemed to recover heart: This is a wonderful secret of the power and wisdom of God, that hath hidden so great and unknown virtue in this fruit, to be a certain remedy for this infirmity; I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sick men, which were so many, that there came not above three or four to a share: but God was pleased to send us a prosperous wind the next day, so much to our comfort, that not any one died before we came to the Lands, where we pretended to refresh ourselves: And although our fresh water had failed us many days (before we saw the shore) by reason of our long Navigation, without touching any land, and the excessive drinking of the sick and diseased (which could Distilling of Salt water. not be excused) yet with an invention I had in my Ship, I easily drew out of the water of the Sea sufficient quantity of fresh water to sustain my people, with little expense of fuel, for with four billets I stilled a hogshead of water, and therewith dressed the meat for the sick and whole. The water so distilled, we found to be wholesome and nourishing. The coast from Santos to Cape Frio lieth West and by South Southerly. So we directed our course West South-west. The night coming on, and directions given to our other Ships, we set the wa●ch, having a fair fresh gale of wind and large. Myself, with the Master of our Ship, having watched the night past, thought now to g●ue nature that which she had been deprived of, and so commended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates; who with the like travel past being drowsy, or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helm, had not that Unskilfulness of the Master's M●te. watchful care which was required; he at the Helm steered West and West by South, & brought us in a little time close upon the shore: doubtless he had cast us all away, had not God extraordinarily delivered us: for the Master being in his dead sleep, was suddenly awaked, and with such a fright, that he could not be in quiet: whereupon, waking his youth, which ordinarily 〈…〉 pt in his Cabin by him, asked him how the watch went on; who answered, that it could not Providence of God, and the ca●● of the Master. be an hour since he laid himself to rest. He replied, that his heart was so unquiet, that he could not by any means sleep, and so taking his Gown, came forth upon the Deck, and presently discovered the land hard by us. And for that it was sandy and low, those who had their eyes continually fixed on it, were dazzled with the reflection of the Stars, being a fair night, and so was hindered from the true discovery thereof. But he coming out of the drake, had his sight more forcible, to discern the difference of the Sea, and the shore. So that forthwith he commanded him at the Helm, to put it close a starbourd, and taking our Ship, we edged off; and sounding, found scant three fathom water, whereby we saw evidently, the miraculous mercy of God, that if he watched over us, as he doth continually over his, doubtless we had perished without remedy: to whom be all glory and praise everlasting world without end. In this point of Steeridge, the Spaniards & Portugals do exceed all that I have seen, I mean for their care, which is chiefest in Navigation. And I wish in this, and in all their works of Care of Steeridge. Discipline and reformation, we should follow their examples, as also those of any other Nation. In every Ship of moment, upon the half deck, or quarter deck, they have a chair or feat; Exquisite in the Spaniards and Portugals. out of which whilst they Navigate, the Pilot, or his Adiutants (which are the same officers which in our Ships we term, the Master and his Mates) never depart, day nor night, from the sight of the Compass, and have another before them, whereby they see what they do, and are ever witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helm. The next day about ten of the clock, we were thwart of Cape Blanco, which is low sandy Cape Blanco. land and perilous, for four leagues into the Sea (thwart it) lie banks of sand, which have little water on them; on a sudden we found ourselves amongst them, in less than three fathom water, but with our Boat and Shallop we went sounding, and so got clear of them. The next day following, we discovered the Lands, where we purposed to refresh ourselves: they are two, and Saint jalmes Lands, alias Saint Annes. some call them Saint james his Lands, and others, Saint Annes. They lie in two and twenty degrees and a half to the Southwards of the line; and towards the evening (being the fifth of November) we anchored betwixt them and the main, in six fathom water, where we found our other Ships. All which being well Moored, we presently began to set up Tents & Booths for our sick men, to carry them ashore, and to use our best diligence to cure them. For which intent our three Surgeons, with their servants, and adherents, had two Boats to wait continually upon them, to fetch whatsoever was needful from the Ships, to procure refreshing, and to Fish either with Nets or Hooks, and Lines. Of these implements we had in abundance, and it yielded us some refreshing. For the first days the most of those which had health, occupied themselves in romeging our Ship, in bringing ashore of empty Cask, in filling of them, and in felling and cutting of wood: which being many works; and few hands; went slowly forwards. near these Lands are two great Rocks or small Lands adjoining. In them we found great Gannets. store of young Gannets in their nests, which we reserved for the sick, and being boiled with pickled Pork well watered, and mingled with Oatmeal, made reasonable Pottage, & was good refreshing and sustenance for them. This provision failed us not, till our departure from them. Upon one of these Rocks also, we found great store of the herb Purslane, which boiled and made into Purslane. Salads, with oil and vinegar, refreshed the sick stomaches, and gave appetite. With the air of the shore, and good cherishing, many recovered speedily: some died away quickly, and others continued at a stand. We found here some store of Fruits, a kind of Cherry, Cherries. that groweth upon a tree like a Plum-tree, red of colour, with a stone in it, but different in making to ours, for it is not altogether round, and dented about: they have a pleasing taste. In one of the Lands we found Palmito trees, great and high, and in the top a certain fruit like Cocos, but Palmitos. no bigger than a Wal-nut. We found also a fruit growing upon trees in cod, like Beans, both in the cod and the fruit. Some of my Company proved of them, and they caused vomits and purging. Purgatives. One other fruit we found, very pleasant in taste, in fashion of an Artechoque, but less; on the Artechoques, or Prick-pears▪ outside of colour red; within white, and compassed about with prickles: our people called them Prick-peares: no Conserve is better, They grow upon the leaves of a certain root, that is like unto that which we call semper viva; and many are wont to hang them up in their houses: but their leaves are longer and narrower, and full of pricks on either side. The Fruit groweth upon the side of the leaf, and is one of the best fruits that I have eaten in the Indies. In ripening, A good note to take or refuse unknown fruits. presently the Birds or Vermin are feeding on them; a general rule to know what fruit is wholesome and good in the Indies, and other parts. Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowls, a man may boldly eat of them. The water of these Lands is not good; the one for being a standing water, and full of venomous worms and Serpents, which is near a Butt-shot from the Seashore, where we found a great Tree fallen, and in the root of it the names of sundry Portugals, Frenchmen, and others, and amongst them Abraham Cocks, with the time of their being in this Island. The other, though a running water, yet passing by the roots of certain trees, which have a smell as that of Garlic, Contagious water. taketh a certain contagious sent of them. Here two of our men died with swelling of their bellies: the accident we could not attribute to any other cause, then to this suspicious water. It is little, and falleth into the sand, and soaketh through it into the Sea; and therefore we made a well of a Pipe, and placed it under the rock from which it falleth, and out of it filled our Cask: but we could not fill above two tuns in a night and a day. After our people began to gather their strength, we manned our Boats, and went over to the Main, where presently we found a great River of fresh and sweet water, and a mighty Marish Country, which in the winter seemeth to be continually overflown with this River, and others, which fall from the mountainous Country adjacent. We rowed some leagues up the River, and found that the further up we went, the deeper was the River, but no fruit, more than the sweat of our bodies for the labour of our hands. At our return we loaded our Boat with water, and afterwards from hence we made our Store. The sickness having wasted more than the one half of my people, we determined to take out the victuals of the Hawk, and to burn her; which we put in execution. And being occupied in Waste & loss of m●n. Hawk burnt. this work, we saw a Ship turning to windwards, to succour herself of the Lands; but having descried us, put off to Sea-wards. Two days after, the wind changing, we saw her again running alongst the coast, and the Dainty not being in case to go after her, for many reasons, we manned the Fancy, and sent her after her; who about setting of the Sun fetched her up, and spoke with her; when finding her to be a great Flyboat, of (at least) three or four hundreth tuns, with eighteen Pieces of Artillery, would have returned, but the wind freshing in, put her to Leewards; and standing in to succour herself of the land, had sight of another small Bark, which after a short chase she took, but had nothing of moment in her, for that she had been upon the great Shoals of Abreoios in 18. degrees, and there thrown all they had by the board, to save Shoals of Abrcoios. their lives. This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancy could not beat it up in many days: but before we had put all in a readiness, the wind changing, she came unto us, and made Relation of that which had past; and how they had given the small Bark to the Portugals, and brought with them only her Pilot, and a Merchant called Pedro de escalante of Potosi. In this Coast the Portugals, by industry of the Indians, have wrought many feats. At Cape Frio they took a great French Ship in the night, the most of her company being on the shore Industry of the 〈…〉 ans. They surprise 〈◊〉 French. with Canoas', which they have in this Coast so great, that they carry seventy and eighty men, in one of them. And in Isla Grand, I saw one that was above threescore foot long, of one tree as are all I have seen in Brasil, with provisions in them for twenty or thirty days. At the Island of San-sebastian, near Saint Vincent, the Indians killed about eighty of Master Candish his men, and G 〈…〉 at Canoa. San sebastian. took his Boat, which was the overthrow of his Voyage. There cometh not any Ship upon this Coast, whereof these Canoas' give not notice presently to every place. And we were certified in Isla Grand, that they had sent an Indian from the River of jenero, through all the Mountains & Marshes, to take a view of us, and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships, Boats, and the number of men, which we might have. But to prevent the like danger that might come upon us being careless and negligent, I determined one night, in the darkest and quietest of it, to see what watch our Company kept on the shore; manned our Light-horsman, and Boat, armed them with Bows and Targets, and got ashore some good distance Wise stratagem from the places where were our Booths, and sought to come upon them undiscovered: we used all our best endeavours to take them at unawares, yet coming within forty paces we were discovered; the whole and the sick came forth to oppose themselves against us. Which we seeing, gave them the Hubbub, after the manner of the Indians, and assaulted them, and they us; but being a close dark night, they could not discern us presently upon the Hubbub. From our Ship the Gunner shot a piece of Ordnance over our heads, according to the order given him, and thereof we took occasion to retire unto our Boats, and within a little space came to the Booths and landing places, as though we came from our Ships to aid them. They began to recount unto us, how that at the Wester point of the Island, out of certain Canoas', had landed a multitude of Indians, which with a great outcry came upon them, & assaulted them fiercely, The merry events of a care full watch. but finding better resistance than they looked for, and seeing themselves discovered by the Ships, took themselves to their heels, and returned to their Canoas', in which they embarked themselves, and departed. One affirmed, he saw the Canoas'; another, their long hair; a third, their Bows; a fourth, that it could not be, but that some of them had their payments: And it was worth the sight, to behold those which had not moved out of their beds in many months (unless by the help of others) had gotten, some a bow-shot off into the woods, others into the top of trees, and those which had any strength, joined together to fight for their lives. In fine, the Booths and Tents were left desolate. To colour our business the better, after we had spent some hour in seeking out, and joining the Company together, in comforting, and commending them; I left them an extraordinary Guard for that night, and so departed to our Ships, with such an opinion of the assault, given by the Indians, that many so possessed (through all the Voyage) would not be persuaded to the contrary. Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company, that in all places where the Indians might annoy us, they were after most careful and vigilant, as was convenient. In these Lands it heigheth and falleth some five or six foot water, and but once in two and twenty hours; as in all this Coast, and in many parts of the West Indies; as also in the coast of 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉. Peru and Chely (saving where are great Bays or indraughts) and there the tides keep their ordinary course of twice in four and twenty hours. In the lesser of these Lands, is a Cove for a small Ship to ride in, Land-lockt, and she may moor herself to the trees of either side: this we called Palmito Island, for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees, the other hath none at Palmito Island. all. A man may go betwixt the Lands with his Ship, but the better course is out at one end. In these Lands are many Scorpions, Snakes, and Adders, with other venomous Vermin. They have The creatures. Parrots, and a certain kind of fowl like unto Pheasants, somewhat bigger, and seem to be of their nature, Here we spent above a month in curing of our sick men, supplying our wants of wood and water, and in other necessary works. And the tenth of December (all things put in order) we set sail for Cape Frio, having only six men sick, with purpose there to set ashore our Cape Frie. two Prisoners before named: and anchoring under the Cape, we set our Boat ashore, but they could not find any convenient place to land them in, and so returned: the wind being Southerly, and not good to go on our voyage, we succoured ourselves within Isla Grand, which lieth some dozen or fourteen leagues from the Cape, betwixt the West, and by South and West Southwest: the rather to set our Prisoners on shore. In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Island, lieth the River jenero, a very good Harbour, fortified with a Garrison, and a place well peopled. The Isla Grand is some eight or ten leagues jenero. long, and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping: it is full of great sandy Bays, and in the most of them is store of good water: within this Island are many other smaller Lands, which cause diverse sounds and creeks; and amongst these little Lands, one, for the pleasant situation Little Island. and fertility thereof, called Placentia. This is peopled, all the rest desert: on this Island our Prisoners desired to be put ashore, and promised to send us some refreshing. Whereto we condescended, and sent them ashore with two Boats well manned and armed, who found few Inhabitants in the Island; for our people saw not above four or five houses, notwithstanding our Boats returned loaden with Plantines, Pinias, Potatoes, Sugarcanes, and some Hens. Amongst which they brought a kind of little Plantine, green, and round, which were the best of any that I have seen. With our people came a Portugal, who said, that the Island was his; he seemed to be a Mistecho (who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood) poorly apparelled and miserable; we feasted him, and gave him some trifles, and he according to his ability answered our courtesy with such as he had. The wind continuing contrary, we emptied all the water we could come by, which we had filled in Saint james his Island, and filled our Cask with the water of this Isla Grand, It is a wilderness Isla Grand. covered with Trees and Shrubs so thick, as it hath no passage through, except a man make it by force. And it was strange to hear the howling and cries of wild Beasts in these Wood's day and night, which we could not come at to see by any means; some like Lions, others like Bears, others like Hogs, and of such and so many diversities, as was admirable. Here our Nets Shells of mother of Pearl. profited us much, for in the sandy Bays they took us store of fish. Upon the shore at full Sea-mark, we found in many places certain shells, like those of mother of Pearls, which are brought out of the East Indies, to make standing cups, called Caracoles; of so great curiosity as might move all the beholders to magnify the maker of them: and were it not for the brittleness of them, by reason of their exceeding thinness, doubtless they were to be esteemed far above the others, for more excellent workmanship I have not seen in shells. The eighteenth of December we set sail, the wind at North-east, and directed our course for the Straits of Magalianes. The twenty two of this month, at the going too of the Sun, we descried a Portugal ship, and gave her chase, and coming within hailing of her, she rendered herself without any resistance, she was of an hundred tuns bound for Angola to load Negroes, to be carried and sold in the River of Plate: It is a trade of great profit, and much used, for that the Negroes are carried from the head of the River of Plate, to Potosi, to labour in the Mines. It is a bad Negro, who is not worth there five or six hundreth pieces, every piece of ten Rials, which they receive Price of Negroes. in Ryals of Plate, for there it no other Merchandise in those parts. The loading of this Ship was meal of Cassavi, which the Portugals call Farina de Paw, made of a certain root which the Indians Cassavi meal call Yuca, much like unto Potatoes. Of it are two kinds, the one sweet and good to be eaten (either roasted or sodden) as Potatoes; and the other of which they make their bread, called Cassavi, deadly poison, if the liquor or juice be not throughly pressed out. This Farina, in making Pancakes, and frying them with butter or oil, and sometimes with Manteca de Puerco; when strewing a little Sugar upon them, it was meat that our company desired above any that was in the Ship. The Indians also accustom to make their drink of this meal, and in three several manners. And for Beverage. First, is chewing it in their mouths, and after mingling it with water, after a loathsome manner, yet the commonnest drink that they have; and that held best which is chewed by an old woman. The second manner of their drink, is baking it till it be half burned, than they beat it into Powder; and when they will drink, they mingle a small quantity of it with water, which giveth a reasonable good taste. The third, and best, is baking it (as aforesaid) and when it is beaten into Powder, to seethe it in water; after that it is well boiled, they let it stand some three or four days, and then drink it. So it is much like the Ale which is used in England, and of that colour and taste. The Indians are very curious in planting and manuring of this Yuca: It is a little shrub, & carrieth The manner of planning juca. branches like hazel wands; being grown as big as a man's finger, they break them off in the midst, and so prick them into the ground; it needeth no other art or husbandry, for out of each branch grow two, three or four roots, some bigger, some lesser: but first they burn and manure the ground, the which labour, and whatsoever else is requisite, the men do not so much as help with a finger, but all lieth upon their poor women, who are worse than slaves: for they labour the ground, they plant, they dig and delve, they bake, they brew, and dress their With the labour of the women. meat, fetch their water, and do all drudgery whatsoever; yea, though they nurse a child, they are not exempted from any labour: their child they carry in a Wallet about their neck, ordinarily under one arm, because it may suck when it will. The men have care for nothing but for their Canoas', to pass from place to place, and of their Bows and Arrows to hunt, and their Arms for the war, which is a sword of heavy black wood, some four fingers broad, an inch thick, and an Elle long, somewhat broader towards the top then at the handle. They call it Macana, and it is carved and wrought with inlaid works very curiously, but his edges are blunt. If any kill any game in hunting, he bringeth it not with him, but from the next tree to the game, he bringeth a bough (for the trees in the Indies have leaves for the most part all the year) and all the way as he goeth streweth little pieces of it, here and there, and coming home giveth a piece to his woman, and so sends her for it. If they go to the War, or in any journey, where it is necessary to carry provision or Merchandise, the women serve too carry all, and the men never succour nor ease them, wherein they show greater Barbarism then in any thing (in my opinion) that I have noted amongst them, except in eating one another. We took out of this Prize, for our provision, some good quantity of this meal, and the Sugar she had, being not above three or four Chests: after three days we gave the Ship to the Poriugals, and to them liberty. In her was a Portugal Knight, which went for Governor of Angola, of the habit of Christ, with fifty Soldiers, and Arms for a hundreth and fifty, with his wife and daughter. He was old, and complained, that after many years' service for his King, with sundry mishaps, he was brought to that poor estate, as for the relief of his wife, his daughter and himself, he had no other substance, but that he had in his Ship. It moved compassion, so as nothing of his was diminished, which though to us was of no great moment, in Angola it was worth good Crowns. Only we disarmed them all, and let them depart, saying, that they would return to Saint Vincents. We continued our course for the Straits, my people much animated with this unlooked for refreshing, and praised God for his bounty, providence, and grace extended towards us. Here it will not be out of the way to speak a word of the particularities of the Country. Brasil is accounted to be that part of America, which lieth towards our North Sea, betwixt The description of Brasil. the River of the Amazons, near the line to the Northwards, until a man come to the River of Plate in 36. degrees to the Southwards of the line. This coast generally lieth next of any thing South and by West. It is a temperate Country, though in some parts it exceedeth in heat; it is full of good succours for shipping, and plentiful for Rivers and fresh waters. The principal habitations, are Fernambuca, the Bay De todos los Santos, Nostra Senora de victoria, alias Santos, the Its Havens. River jenero, Saint Vincents, and Placentia: every of them provided of a good Port. The winds are variable, but for the most part trade alongst the Coast. A worm there is in this Country, which killed many of the first Inhabitants, before God was pleased to discover a remedy for it, unto a religious person. It is like a Maggot, but more slender Strange worm. Variation of the Compass. and longer, and of a green colour, with a red head. This worm creepeth in at the hinder parts, where is the evacuation of our superfluities, and there (as it were) glueth himself to the gut, there feedeth of the blood and humours, and becometh so great, that stopping the natural passage, he forceth the principal wheel of the clock of our body to stand still, and with it the account of the hour of life to take end, with most cruel torment and pain, which is such, that he who hath been throughly punished with the Colic can quickly decipher or demonstrate. The Antidote for this pernicious worm is Garlic: and this was discovered by a Physician to a Religious person. §. III. THARLTONS treachery: Discovery of Land unknown: Entrance of the Straits, accidents therein, and description thereof: diverse occasional discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Natural knowledge. IN our Navigation towards the Straits, by our observation we found, that our Compass varied a point and better to the Eastwards. In the height of the River of Plate, we being some fifty leagues off the coast, a storm took us Southerly, which endured forty eight hours: In the first day about the going down of the Sun, Robert Tharlton, Master of the Francie, bore up before the wind, without giving us any token or sign, that she was in distress. We seeing her to continue her course, bore up after her, and the night coming on, we carried our light, but she never answered us, for they kept their course directly for England, which was the overthrow of the Voyage, as well for that we had no Pinnace to go before us, to discover any danger, to seek out roads and anchoring, to help our watering and refreshing; as also for the victuals, necessaries, and men which The overthrow of the Voyage by a perfidious man they carried away with them: which though they were not many, yet with their help in our fight, we had taken the Vide-admiral, the first time she bourded with us, as shall be hereafter manifested. For once we cleared her Deck, and had we been able to have spared but a dozen men, doubtless, we had done with her what we would, for she had no close fights. Moreover, if she had been with me, I had not been discovered upon the coast of Pe●ew. But I was worthy to be deceived, that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite, and a man which had left his General before in the like occasion, and in the self same place: for being with Master Thomas Candish, Master of a small Ship in the Voyage wherein he died, this Captain being aboard the Admiral, in the night time forsocke his Fleet, his General and Captain, and returned home. Pity it is that such perfidious persons are not more severely punished. These absenting and escapes are made most times only to p●l●er and steal, as well by taking The cunning of runaways. of some prize when they are alone, and without command, to hinder or order their bad proceedings, as to appropriate that which is in their entrusted ship; casting the fault, if they be called to account, upon some poor and unknown Marinenrs, whom they suffer with a little pillage, to absent themselves, the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders, and Robberies. The storm ceasing, and being out of all hope, we set sail and went on our course. During Birds like Swans. Such the Hollanders found in the Straits which they called Mayres. Caught with Line & Hooke. this storm, certain great Fowls as big as Swans, soared about us, and the wind calming, settled themselves in the Sea, and fed upon the sweep of our ship; which I perceiving, and desirous to see of them, because they seemed far greater than in truth they were; I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me; and with a piece of a Pilehard I ba●ted the Hook, and a foot from it, tied a piece of Cork, that it might not sink deep, and threw it into the S●a, which, our ship driving with the Sea in a little time was a good space from us, and one of the Fowls being hungry, presently seized upon it, and the Hook in his upper beak. It is like to a Falcon's bill, but that the point is more crooked, in that manner, as by no means he could clear himself, except that the Line broke, or the Hook righted: Plucking him towards the ship, with the waving of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the stern of our ship, two of our company went down by the ladder of the Poop, and seized on his neck and wings; but such were the blows he gave them with his Pinnions, as both left their hand fast, being beaten black and blue; we cast a snare about his neck, and so triced him into the ship. By the Prove good refreshment. same manner of fishing, we caught so many of them, as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day. Their bodies were great, but of little flesh and tender, in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed. They were of two colours, some white, some grey; they had three joints in each wing; and from the point of one wing to the point of the other, both stretched out, was above two fathoms. The wind continued good with us, till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took us Westerly, being (as we made our account) some fifty leagues from the shore. Betwixt 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint julian, a good Harbour, and in which a man may grave his ship, though she draw fifteen or sixteen foot water: But care is to be had of the people called Patagones'. Care of the Patagones'. They are treacherous, and of great stature, most give them the name of G●ants. The second of February, about nine of the clock in the morning, we descried land, which bare South-west of us, which we looked not for so timely; and coming nearer and nearer unto it, by the lying, we could not conjecture what Land it should be, for we were next of any thing in 48. degrees, and no Plate, nor Sea-card which we had, made mention of any Land, which Land unknown. lay in that manner, near about that height; In fine, we brought our Larboard tack aboard, and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night, and the wind continuing Westerly and a fair gale, we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following. In which time we made account we discovered well near threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold, and made small show of dangers. The land is a goodly Champion Country, and peopled; we saw many fires, but could not come to speak with the people; for the time of the year was far A description of the same. A caveat for coming suddenly to ne●re an unknown Land. spent to shoot the Straits, and the want of our Pinnace disabled us for finding a Port or Road; not being discretion with a ship of charge, and in an unknown Coast, to come near the shore before it was founded; which were causes, together with the change of the wind (good for us to pass the Straight) that hindered the further Discovery of this Land, with its secrets: This I have sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to be an excellent Country. It hath great Rivers of fresh waters; for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places, as we ran alongst it. It is not Mountainous, but much of the disposition of England, and as temperate. The things we noted principally on the Coast, are these following: the Westermost point of the Land, with which we first fell, is the end of the Land to the Westwards, as we found afterwards. If a man bring this point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillocks: bringing it more Westerly, they shoot themselves all into one; and bringing it Easterly, it riseth in two Hillocks. This we called Point Tremountaine. Some twelve or fourteen leagues from Point Tremountaine. Fair Island. this point to the Eastwards, fair by the shore, lieth a low flat Island of some two leagues long; we named it Fair Island; for it was all over as green and smooth, as any Meadow in the Sping of the year. Some three or four leagues Easterly from this Island, is a goodly opening, as of a great River, or an arm of the Sea, with a goodly low Country adjacent. And eight or ten leagues from this opening, some three leagues from the shore, lieth a big Rock, which at the first we had thought to be a ship under all her sails; but after, as we came near, it discovered itself to be a Rock, which we called Conduit-head; for that howsoever a man cometh with it, it is like Conduit-head. to the Conduit-heads about the City of London. All this Coast so far as we discovered, lieth next of any thing East and by North, and West and by South. The Land, for that it was discovered in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, my Sovereign Lady and Mistress, and a Maiden Queen, and at my cost and adventure, in a perpetual memory of her chastity, and remembrance of my endeavours, I gave it the name of Hawkins Maidenland. Before a man fall with this Land, Hawkins Maidenland. Beds of Oreweed, with white flowers. some twen●y or thirty leagues, he shall meet with beds of Oreweed, driving to and fro in that Sea, with white flowers growing upon them, and sometimes farther off; which is a good show and sign the Land is near, whereof the Westermost part lieth some threescore leagues from the nearest Land of America. With our fair and large wind, we shaped our course for the Straits, and the tenth of February we had sight of Land, and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards, which Our coming to the Straits. agreed with our height, wherein we found ourselves to be, which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes. Within a few hours we had the mouth of the Straits open, which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes. It riseth like the North foreland in Kent, and is much like the Land of Margates. It is not good to borrow near the shore, but to give it a fair birth; within a few hours we entered the mouth of the Straits, which is some six leagues broad, and lieth in 52. degrees, Description thereof. and 50. minutes; doubling the Point on the starbood, which is also flat of a good birth, we opened a fair Bay, in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten upon the Beach. It was of the Spanish Fleet, that went to inhabit there, in Anno 1582. under the charge of Pedro Sarmiento, who at his return was taken Prisoner, and brought into England. In this Bay the Spaniards made their principal habitation, and called it the City of Saint Philip, and left it peopled; But Pedro Sarmiento buildeth San Philip. the cold barrenness of the Country, and the malice of the Indians, with whom they badly agreed, made speedy end of them, as also of those, whom they left in the middle of the Straits, three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards, in another habitation. We continued our course alongst this Rea●h (for all the Straits is as a River altering his course, sometimes upon one point, sometimes upon another) which is some eight leagues long, and lieth West Northwest. From this we entered into a goodly Bay, which runneth up into the Land Northerly many leagues; and at first entrance, a man may see no other thing, but as it were, a main Sea. From the end of this first Reach, you must direct your course West South-west, and some fourteen or fifteen leagues lieth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits; This leadeth unto another Reach, that lieth West and by North some six leagues. Here in the middle of the Reach, the wind took us by the Northwest, and so we were forced to anchor some two or three days. In which time we went ashore with our Boats, and found near the middle of this Reach, on the starboard side, a reasonable good place to ground and trim a small ship; where it higheth some nine or ten foot water. Here we saw certain Hogs, but they were so far from Hogs. us, that we could not discern whether they were of those of the Country, or brought by the Spaniards; these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits. In two tides we turned through this reach, and so recovered the Lands of Pengwins; they lie Lands of Pengwins. Note. from this reach four leagues South-west and by West. Till you come to this place, care is to be taken of not coming too near to any point of the land; for being (for the most part) sandy, they have sholding off them, and are somewhat dangerous. These Lands have been set forth by some to be three, we could discover but two; And they are no more except that part of the Main, which lieth over against them, be an Island; which carrieth little likelihood, and I cannot determine it. A man may sail betwixt the two Lands, or betwixt them and the Land on the Since it hath been plainly found that all the South part are Lands. Larboard side; from which Land to the bigger Island is as it were a bridge or ledge, on which is four or five fathom water; and to him that cometh near it, not knowing thereof, may justly cause fear: for it showeth to be should water with his rippling, like unto a Race. Betwixt the former Reach, and these Lands, runneth up a goodly Bay into the Country to the North-wards. It causeth a great Indraughty, and above these Lands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Lands, the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy (for the most part, and without doubt, Lands) for it hath many openings into the Sea, and forcible Indraughts by them, and that on the Starboard side, is all high Mountainous Land, from end to end; but no wood on either side. Before we passed these Lands, under the Lee of the bigger Island we anchored, the wind being at North-east, with intent to refresh ourselves with the Fowls of these Lands they are of diverse sorts, and in great plenty, as Pengwins, wild Ducks, Gulls and Gannets; of the principal we purposed to make provision, and those were the Pengwins. Good provision in the Straits. The description of the Pengwin. The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose, and hath no feathers, but a certain down upon all parts of his body: and therefore cannot flee, but availeth himself in all occasions with his feet, running as fast as most men. He liveth in the Sea, and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea, and as a Goose on the shore upon grass. They harbour themselves under the ground in Burrowes, as the Coneys; and in them hatch their young. All parts of the Island where they haunted were undermined, save only one Valley which) it seemeth) they reserved for their food; for it was as green as any Meadow in the month of April, with a most fine short grass. The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the savour of a certain Fowl taken in the Lands of Lundey and Silley; which we call Puffins, by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish. They are very fat, and in dressing must be flayed as the Byter; they are reasonable meat roasted, baked, or sodden; but best roasted. We salted some dozen or sixteen Hogsheads, which served us (whilst they lasted) instead of powdered Beef. The hunting of them (as we may well term it) was a great Hunting the Pengwin. recreation to my company and worth the sight, for in determining to catch them, necessarily was required good store of people, every one with a cudgel in his hand, to compass them round about, to bring them, as it were, into a Ring; if they chanced to break out, then was the sport, for the ground being undermined, at unawares it failed, and as they ran after them, one fell here, another there, another offering to strike at one, lifting up his hand, sunk up to the armpits in the earth, another leaping to avoid one hole, fell into another. And after the first slaughter, in seeing us on the shore, they shunned us, and procured to recover the Sea: yea many times seeing themselves persecuted they would tumble down from such high Rocks and Mountains, as it seemed impossible to escape with life. Yet as soon as they came to the Beach, presently we should see them run into the Sea, as though they had no hurt. Where one goeth, the other followeth, like sheep after the Bell-wether: but in getting them once within the Ring close together, few escaped, save such as by chance hid themselves in the borrows, and ordinarily there was no drove which yielded us not a thousand, and more: the manner of killing them which the Hunters used, being in a cluster together, was with their cudgels to knock them on the head, for though a man gave them many blows on the body they died not: Besides the flesh bruised is not good to keep. The massacre ended, presently they cut of their heads, that they might bleed well: such as we determined to keep for store, we saved in this manner. First, we The keeping for store. split them, and then washed them well in Sea-water, than salted them, having lain some six hours in Salt, we put them in press eight hours, and the blood being soaked out, we salted them again in our other cask, as is the custom to salt Beef, after this manner they continued good some two months, and served us in steed of Beef. The Gulls and Gannets, were not in so great quantity, yet we wanted not young Gulls to eat The Guls. all the time of our stay about these Lands. It was one of the delicatest foods, that I have eaten in all my life. The Ducks are different to ours, and nothing so good meat; yet they may serve for necessity: Ducks. They were many, and had a part of the Island to themselves several, which was the highest Hill and more than a Musket shot over. In all the days of my life, I have not seen greater art and curiosity in creatures void of reason, then in the placing and making of their Nests; all the Hill being so full of them, that the greatest Mathematician of the World, could not devose how Cunning Architecture. to place one more than there was upon the Hill, leaving only one pathway for a Fowl to pass betwixt. The Hill was all level, as if it had been smoothed by art; the Nests made only of earth, and seeming to be of the selfsame mould; for the Nests and the soil is all one, which, with water that they bring in their Beakes, they make into Clay, or a certain daub, and after fashion them round, as with a compass. In the bottom they contain the measure of a foot; in the height about eight inches; and in the top, the same quantity over; there they are hollowed in, somewhat deep, wherein they lay their Eggs, without other prevention. And I am of opinion, that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young: their Nests are for many years, and of one proportion, not one exceeding another in bigness, in height, nor circumference; and in proportionable distance one from another. In all this Hill, nor in any of their Nests. was to be found a blade of grass, a straw, a stick, a feather, a moat, no, nor the filing of any Fowl, but all the Nests Their neatness. and passages betwixt them, were so smooth and clean, as if they had been newly swept & washed. One day having ended our hunting of Pengwins, one of our Mariners walking about the Island, Of Seals, or Sea-woolues. discovered a great company of Seals, or Sea-wolues (so called for that they are in the Sea, as the Wolves on the Land) advising us, that he left them sleeping, with their bellies toasting against the Sun: we provided ourselves with staffs and other weapons, and sought to steal upon them at unawares, to surprise some of them, and coming down the side of a Hill, we were not discovered, till we were close upon them, notwithstanding, their Sentinel (before we could approach) with a great howl waked them: we got betwixt the Sea and some of them, but they shunned us not; for they came directly upon us; and though we dealt here and there a blow, yet not a man that withstood them, escaped the overthrow. They reckon not of a Musket shot, a sword pierceth not theirskinne, and to give a blow with a staff, is as to smite upon a stone: only in giving the blow upon his snout, presently he falleth down dead. After they had recovered the water, they did as it were, scorn us, defy us, and danced before us, until we had shot some Musket shot through them, and so they appeared no more. This fish is like unto a Calf, with four legs, but not above a span long: his skin is hairy Description of the Seal. like a Calte: but these were different to all that ever I have seen, yet I have seen of them in many parts; for these we greater, and in their former parts like unto Lions, with shag hair, and mostaches. They live in the Sea, and come to sheep on the Land, and they ever Their Sentinel. have one that watcheth, who adviseth them of any accident. They are beneficial to man in their skins for many purposes: In their mostaches for Pick-teeth, and in their fat to make train-oil. We embarked ourselves, and set sail with the wind at Northwest, which could serve us but to an end of that reach, some dozen leagues long, and some three or four leagues broad. It lieth next of any thing, till you come to Cape Agreda, South-west; from this Cape to Cape Froward, the coast lieth West South-west. Some four leagues betwixt them, was the second peopling of the Spaniards: and this Cape lieth in 55. degrees and better. Thwart Cape Froward, The second peopling of the Spaniards. the wind larged with us, and we continued our course towards the Island of Elizabeth; which lieth from Cape Forward some fourteen leagues West and by South. This reach is four or five leagues broad, and in it are many channels or openings into the Sea; for all the land on the Souther part of the straits are Lands and broken land; and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the Straits, high mountainous Land on both sides, in most parts covered with snow all the year long. Betwixt the Island Elizabeth, and the Main, is the narrowest passage of all the Sraites; it may be some two Musket shor from side to side. From this Straight to Elizabeth Bay, is somefoure leagues, and the course lieth Northwest and by West. This Bay is Elizabeth's Bay. all sandy, and clean ground on the Eastern p●rt; but before youcome at it, there lieth a point of the shore a good birth off, which is dangerous. And in this reach, as in many parts of the straits, runneth a quick and forcible tide. In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foot water. The Northern part of the Bay hath foul ground, and Rocks under water: and therefore it is not wholesome borrowing of the Main. One of Master Thomas Candish his Pinasses (as I have been informed) came aground upon one of them, and he was in hazard to have left her there. From Elizabeth Bay ot the River of Ieronim●, is some five leagues. The course lieth West and The River of Ieroni●●. by North, and West. Here the wind scanted, and forced us to seek a place to anchor in. Our Boats going alongst the shore, found a reasonable Harbour, which is right against that which they call, River Ier●●im●: but it is another channel, by which a man may dissemb●que the Straight, as by the other which is accustomed; for with a storm, which took us one night, suddenly Another channel. we were forced into that opening un wittingly; but to the morning, seeing our error, and the wind larging, with two or three boards we turned into the old channel, nor daring for want of our Pinnace to attempt any new Discovery. This Harbour we called Blanches Bay; Blanches Bay. for that it was found by William Blanch, one of our Master's Mates. Here having moored our ship, we began to make our provision of wood and water, whereof was plenty in this Bay, and in all other places from Pengwin Lands, till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the straits. NOw finding our Deckens open, with the long lying under the Line, and on the coast of Brasill, the Sun having been in our Zenith many times, we calked our ship, within board and without, above the Decks. And such was the diligence we used, that at four days end, we had above threescore Pipes of water, and twenty Boats of wood stowed in our ship: no man was idle, nor otherwise busied but in necessary works: some in felling and cleaning of wood; some in carrying of water; some in rummaging; somein washing, others in baking; one in heiting of Pitch, another in gathering of Mussels: no man was exempted, but knew at evening, whereunto he was to betake himself the morning following. Some man might ask me, how we came to have so many empty Cask in less than two months; for it seemeth much, that so few men in such short time, and in so long a Voyage Objection of waste. Answer. should waste so much? Whereto I answer, that it came not of excessieu expense; for in health we never exceeded our ordinary; but of a mischance which befell us unknown in the Island of Saint james, or Saint Anne, in the coast of Brasill; where; where we refreshed ourselves, and recording to the custom, laid our Cask ashore, to trim it, and afters to fill it, the place being commodious forus. But with the waer a certain worm, called Broma by the Spannard, and ●yvs Aters. entered also, which eat it so fuli of holes, that all the waer spaked out, and made much of our Cask of small use. This we remedied the best we could, and discovered it long before we came to this place. Hereof let others take warning in no place to have Cask on the shore, where it may be annoyed; Warning against worms which eat throug●s●aps. for it is one of the promisions which are with greatest care to be preserved in long Voyages, and bardest to be supplied. These Arters, or B oma, in all hot Countries enter into the planks of ships, and effeciast where are Ruers of fresh water (the common opinion is, that they are bred in fresh water, and with the current of the Riners are brought into the Sea) but experience teacheth, that they breed in the great Seas, in all hot chimates, especially near the Equinoctial Line: for lying so long under, and near the Line, and towing a Shalop at our stern, coming to cleanse her in Brasill, we found her all under water covered with these Worms, as big as the little singer of a man, on the outside of the plank, not fully covered, but half the thickness of their body, like to a jelly wrought into the plank as with a Gowdge. In little time, if the ship be not sheathed, they put all in hazard; for they enter in no bigger than a small spanish Needle, and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater than a man's finger. The thicker the plank is, the greater he groweth; yea, I have seen many ships so eaten, that the most of their planks under water have been like Honie-combes, and especially those betwixt wind and water. If they had not been sheathed, it had been impossible that they could have swom. The entering of them is hardly to be discerned, the most of them being small as the head of a Pin. Which, all such as purpose long Voyages, are to prenent byu sheathing their ships. And for that I have seen diverse manners of sheathing, for the ignorant I will set them down which Of sheathing ships. In Spain and Portugal, with double planks. by experience I have found best. In Spain, and Portugal, some sheath their ships with Lead; which, besides the cost and weight, although they use the thinnest sheet-lead that I have seen in any place, yet it is nothing durable, but subject to many casualties. Another manner is used with double planks, as thick without as within, after the manner of surring; which is little better than that with Lead: for besides his weight, it dureth little, because the Worm in small time passeth through the one and the other. A third manner of sheathing had been used amongst some with fine Canvas; which is of small With Canvas. continuance. and so not to be regarded. The fourth prevention, which now is most accounted of is to With burnt planks. In china with Varnish. burn the upper plank till it come to be in every place like a Coal, and after to pitch it: this isnot bad. in China, (as I have been informed) they use a certain Beta'en or Varnish, in manner of an artificial Pitch, wherewith they trim the outside of their ships. It is said to be durable, and of that virtue, as neither worm, nor water pierceth it; neither hath the Sun power against it. Some have devised a certain Pitch, mingled with Glass, and other ingredients, beaten into powder, with which if the ship be pitched, it is said, the worm that toucheth it, dieth: but I have not heard, that it hath been useful. But the most approved of all is the manner of sheathing used now adays in England, in England, with thin boards, half inch thick, the thinner the better, and Elm better than Oak; for it riveth not, it endureth better under water, and yieldeth better to the ships side. The invention of the materials incorporated betwixt the plank and the sheathing, is that indeed which availeth; for without it many planks were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worm: this manner is thus: Before the sheathing board is nailed on, upon the innner side of it, they smear it over Best manner of sheathing with Tar, half a finger thick, and upon the Tar, another half thick of hair, such as the whitelymers use, and so nail it on, the nails not above a spanne distance one from another: the thicker they are driven, the better. some hold opinion, that the Tar killeth the worm; others, that the worm passing the sheathing, and seeking a way through, the hair and the Tar so innolue, that be is choked therewith; which me thinks is most probable: this manner of sheathing was innented by my Father; and experience hath taught it to be the best, and of least cost. Such was the diligence we used for our dispatch to shoot the Straits, that at four days end, we had our water and wood stowed in our ship, all our Copper-worke finished, and our ship calked from Post to Stem: the first day in the morning (the wind being fair) we brought ourselves into the channel, and sailed towards the mouth of the straits, praising God: and beginning our course with little wind, we described a fire upon the shore, made by the Indians The Natural. for a sign to call us; which seen, I caused a Boat to be man'd, and we rowed ashore, to see what their meaning was, and approaching near the shore, we saw a Canoa made fast under a Rock with a With, most artificially made with the rinds of trees, and sewed together with the fins of Whales; at both ends sharp and turning up, with a green bough in either end, and ribs for strengthening it. After a little while we might discern on the fall of the Mountain (which was full of trees and shrubs) two or three Indians naked, which came out of certain Caves or Coats. They spoke unto us, and made diverse signs; now pointing to the Harbour, out of which we were come; and then to the mouth of the straits: but we understood nothing of their meaning. Yet left they us with many imaginations, suspecting it might be to advise us of our Pinnace, or some other thing of moment: but for that they were under covert, and might work us some treachery (for all the people of the Straits, and the Land near them, use all the villainy they can towards white people, taking them for Spaniards, in revenge of the deceit that Nation hath used towards them upon sundry occasions:) as also for that by our stay we could reap nothing but hindrance of our Navigation, we hasted to our ship, and sailed on our course. From Blanches Bay to long Reach, which is some four leagues, the course lieth West South-west Long Reach. entering into the long Reach, which is the last of the Straits, and longest. For it is some thirty two leagues, and the course lieth next of any thing Northwest. Before the setting of Mouth of the Straits. the Sun, we had the mouth of the straits open, and were in great hope the next day to be in the South Sea: but about seven of the clock that night, we saw a great cloud arise out of the North-east, which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings, and suddenly sailing with a fresh gale of wind at North-east, another more forcible took us astayes, which put us in danger: for, all our sails being a taut, it had like to have overset our ship, before we could take in our sails. And therefore in all such semblances it is great wisdom to carry a short sail, or to take in all sails. Here we found what the Indians forewarned us of: for they have great Note. insight in the change of weather, and besides have secret dealing with the Prince of Darkness, who many times declareth unto them things to come: By this means and other witchcrafts, which he teacheth them, he possesseth them, and causeth them to do what pleaseth him. Within half an hour it began to thunder and rain, with so much wind as we were forced to lie Tempest. a hull, and so dark, that we saw nothing, but when the lightning came. This being one of the narrowest Reaches of all the straits, we were forced, every glass, to open a little of our foresail, to cast about our ships head: any man may conceive if the night seemed long unto us, what desire we had to see the day. In fine, Phoebus with his beautiful face lightened our Hemisphere, and rejoiced our hearts (having driven above twenty four leagues in twelve hours lying a hull: whereby is to be imagined the force of the wind and current.) We set our foresail, and returned to our former Harbour: from whence, within three or four days, we set sail again with a fair wind, which continued with us till we came within a league of the mouth of the Straight, here the wind took us again contrary, and forced us to return again to our former Port: where being ready to anchor, the wind scanted with us in such manner, as we were forced to make aboard. In which time, the wind and tide put us so far to lee-wards, that we could by no means seize it: So we determined to go to Elizabeth Bay, but before we came at it, the night overtook us: and this Reach being dangerous and narrow, we durst neither hull, nor try, or turn to and again with a short sail, and therefore bare alongst in the midst of the channel, till we were come into the broad Reach, then lay a hull till the morning. When we set sail and ran alongst the coast, seeking with our Boat some place to anchor in; some four leagues to the West wards of Cape Forward, we found a goodly Bay; which we named English Bay: where anchored, we presently went ashore, and found a goodly River of English Bay. fresh water, and an old Canoa broken to pieces, and some two or three of the houses of the Indians, with pieces of Seal stinking ripe. These houses are made in fashion of an Oven seven or eight foot broad, with boughs of trees, and covered with other boughs, as our Summer houses; The natives houses. and doubtless do serve them but for the Summer time, when they come to fish, and profit themselves of the Sea. For they retire themselves in the Winter into the Country, where it is more temperate, and yieldeth better sustenance: for on the Main of that straits, we neither saw beast nor fowl, Sea-fowle excepted, and a kind of Blackbird, and two Hogs towards the beginning of the Straits. Here our ship being well moored, we began to supply our wood and water, that we had spent. Which being a day's work, and the wind during many days contrary, I endeavoured to keep my people occupied, to divert them from the imagination which some had conceived; that it behoved we should return to Brasill, and winter there, and so shoot Sloth cause of imagination. the Straits in the Spring of the year. One day we rowed up the River, with our Boat and Light-horseman, to discover it, and the Inland: where having spent a good part of the day, and finding should water, and many Trees fallen thwart it, and little fruit of our labour, nor any thing worth the noting, we returned. Another day, we trained our people ashore, being a goodly sandy Bay: another, we had a hurling of Bachelors against married men; this day we were busied in wrestling, the other in shooting; so we were never idle, neither thought we the time long. After we had passed here some seven or eight days, one evening with a flaw from the shore, our ship drove off into the channel, and before we could get up our Anchor, and set our Sails, we were driven so far to lee-wards, that we could not recover into the Bay; and night coming on, with a short sail, we beat off and on till the morning. At the break of the day conferring with the Captain and Master of my ship, what was best to be done, we resolved to seek out Tobias Cove, which lieth over against Cape Fryo, on the Southern part of the Straits. Tobias Cove. because in all the Reaches of the Straits (for the most part) the wind bloweth trade, and therefore little profit to be made by turning to winde-wards. And from the Lands of the Pengwins to the end of the straits towards the South-sea, there is no anchoring in the channel: and if we should be put to lee-wards of this Cove, we had no succour till we came to the Lands of Pengwins; and some of our company which had been with M. Th. Candish in the Voyage in which he died, and in the same Cove many weeks, undertook to be our Pilots thither. Whereupon we bore up, being some two leagues thither, having so much wind as we could scarce lie by it with our course and bonnet of each; but bearing up before the wind, we put out our topsails and Spritsayle, and within a little while the wind began to fail us, and immediately our ship gave Setting of the ship upon a Rock. To the laborious God propitious. a mighty blow upon a Rock, and stuck fast upon it. And had we had but the fourth part of the wind, which we had in all the night past, but a moment before we struck the Rock, our ship, doubtless, with the blow had broken herself all to pieces. All our labour was fruitless till God was pleased that the flood came, and then we had her off with great joy and comfort, when finding the current favourable with us, we stood over to English Bay, and fetching it, we anchored there, having been some three hours upon the Rock, and with the blow, as after we saw, when our ship was brought a ground in Perico (which is the Port of Panama) a great part of her sheathing was beaten off on both sides of her Bulges, and some four foot long, and a foot square of her false stem, joining to the Keel, wrested across, like unto a Hog's yoke, which hindered her sailing very much. They founded a Cove some sixteen leagues from the mouth of the Straight, which after we Crabby Cove. called Crabby Cove. It brooked his name well for two causes; the one, for that all the water was full of a small kind of red Crabs; the other, for the crabbed Mountains which overtopped it: a third we might add, for the crabbed entertainment it gave us. In this Cove we anchored, but the wind freshing in, and three or four Hills over-topping (like Sugarloafs) altered and straightened the passage of the wind in such manner, as forced it down with such violence in flaws and furious blu●trings, as was like to overset our ship at Anchor, and caused her to drive, and us to weigh; but before we could weigh it, she was so near the Rocks and the puffs and gusts of wind so sudden and uncertain, sometimes scant, sometimes large, that it forced us to cut our Cable, and yet dangerous if our ship did not cast the right way. Here necessity, not being subject to any law, forced us to put ourselves into the hands of him that was able to deliver us. We cut our God's gracious deliverance. Cable and Sail all in one instant: And God to show his power and gracious bounty towards us, was pleased that our ship cast the contrary way towards the shore, seeming that he with his own hand did wend her about: for in less than her length, she flatted, and in all the Voyage but at that instant, she flatted with difficulty, for that she was long; the worst property she had. On either side we might see the Rocks under us, and were not half a ships length from the shore, and if she had once touched, it had been impossible to have escaped. From hence we returned to Blanches Bay, and there anchored, expecting Gods good will and pleasure. Here began the bitterness of the time to increase with blustering and sharp winds, accompanied with rain and fleeting snow, and my people to be dismayed again, in manifesting a desire to return to Brasill, which I would never consent unto, no, not so much as to hear of. And all men are to take care, that they go not one foot back, more than is of mere force: for I Voyage overthrown by giving way to murderers. Edward Fenton and Master Thomas Candish. have not seen, that any who have yielded thereunto, but presently they have returned home. As in the Voyuge of Master Edward Fenton; in that which the Earl of Cumberland set forth, to his great charge; as also in that of Master Thomas Candish, in which he died. All which pretended to shoot the straits of Magelan, and by persuasion of some ignorant persons, being in good possibility, were brought to consent to return to Brasill, to winter, and after in the Spring to attempt the passing of the Straight again. None of them made any abode in Brasill: for presently as soon as they looked homeward, one, with a little blustering wind taketh occasion to lose company; another complaineth, that he wanteth victuals; another, that his ship is leak; another, that his masts, sails, cordidge faileth him. So the willing never want probable reasons to further their pretences. As I saw once (being but young, and more bold than experimented) in the year 1582. in a Voyage, under the clarge of my Uncle William Hawkins of Plymouth, Esquire, in the Indies, at the Wester end of the Island of San juan Master William Hawkins. de Portorico; One of the ships (called the Bark bonner) being somewhat leak, the Captain complained that she was not able to endure to England: whereupon a Counsel was called, and his reasons heard, and allowed. So it was concluded, that the victual, Munition, and what was serviceable, should be taken out of her, and her men divided amongst our other ships; the Hull remaining to be sunk, or burned. To which I never spoke word till I saw it resolved; being my part rather to learn, then to advise. But seeing the fatal sentence given, and suspecting that the Captain made it worse than it was, rather upon policy to come into another ship, which was better of sail, then for any danger they might run into: with as much reason as my capacity could reach unto, I dissuaded my Uncle privately; And urged, that seeing we had profited the Adventurers nothing, we should endeavour to preserve our principal; especially, having men and victuals. But seeing I prevailed not, I went further, and offered to find out in the same ship, and others, so many men, as with me would be content to carry her home, giving us the third part of the value of the ship, as ●hes should be valued at, at her return, by four indifferent persons; and to leave the Vide-admiral, which I had under my charge, and to make her Vide-admiral. Whereupon it was condescended, that we should all go aboard the ship, and that there it should be determined. The Captain thought himself somewhat touched in Reputation, and so would not that further trial should be made of the matter, saying, that if another man was able to carry the ship into England, he would in no case leave her, neither would he forsake her till she sunk under him. The General commended him for his resolution, and thanked me for my offer, tending to the general good; my intention being to force those who for gain could undertake to carry her home, should also do it gratis, according to their Obligation. Thus, this leake-ship went well into England; where, after she made many a good Voyage in nine years. As the weather gave leave, we entertained ourselves the first days in necessary affairs and works, and after in making of Coal, with intent (the wind continuing long very contrary) to see if we could remedy any of our broken Anchours; a Forge I had in my ship, and of five Anchors which we brought out of England, there remained but one that was serviceable. In the Lands of Pengwins we lost one, in Crabbiss Cove another: a third, upon another occasion, we broke an arm, and the fourth, on the Rock had the eye of his Ring broken. This (one day devising with myself) I made to serve, without working him a new. Which when I took first in hand, all men thought it ridiculous: but in fine, we made it in that manner so serviceable, as till our ship came to Callaw, which is the Port of Lyma, she scarce used any other Anchor, and when I came from Lyma to Panama, which was three years after, I saw it serve the Admiral in which I came (a ship of above 500 tuns) without other art or addition, than what my own invention contrived. And for that in the like necessity, or occasion, others may profit themselves of the industry, I The mending of an unserviceable Anchor. will recount the manner of the forging our eye without fire, or Iron. It was in this sort. From the eye of the shank, about the head of the cross, we gave two tons with a new strong Halser, betwixt three and four inches, giving a reasonable allowance for that, which should be the eye, and served in stead of the Ring, than we fastened the two ends of the Halser, so as in that part it was as strong as in any other, and with our Capsten stretched the two bightes, that every part might bear proportionably, then armed we all the Halser round about with six yarn Synnets', and likewise the shank of the Anchor, and the head with a smooth Mat made of the same Synnet: this done, with an inch Rope, we woolled the two bightes to the shank, from the cross to the eye, and that also which was to serve for the Ring, and fitted the stock accordingly. This done, those who before derided the invention, were of opinion, that it would serve for need; only they put one difficulty, that with the fall or pitch of the Anchor in hard ground, with his weight he would cut the Halser in sunder on the head; for prevention whereof, we placed a paunch (as the Mariners term it) upon the head of the Anchor, with whose softness this danger was prevented, and the Anchor passed for serviceable. Some of our idle time we spent in gathering the bark and fruit of a certain Tree, which we Entertainment of time to avoid idleness. A kind of hot Spice in the Straits. found in all places of the Straits, where we found Trees. This Tree carrieth his fruit in clusters like a Hawthorne, but that it is green, each berry of the bigness of a Peppercorn, and every of them containing within four or five grains, twice as big as a Musterd-seed, which broken, are white within, as the good Pepper, and ●ite much like it, but hotter. The bark of this Tree, hath the savour of all kind of Spices together, most comfortable to the stomach, and held to be better than any Spice whatsoer. And for that a learned Countryman of ours Doctor Turner, In gathering of Wi●ters Bark. hath written of it, by the name of Winter's Bark, what I have said may suffice. The leaf of this Tree is of a whitish green, and is not unlike to the Aspen leaf. Otherwhiles we entertained ourselves in gathering of Pearls out of Muscles, whereof there are abundance in all places, from Cape Froward, to the end of the Straits. The Pearls are but of a bad colour, and small, but it may be that in the great Muscles in deeper water, the Pearls Of Pearls in the Straits. are bigger, and of greater value, of the small seed Pearl, there was great quantity, and the Muscles were a great refreshing unto us: for they were exceeding good, and in great plenty. And here let me crave pardon if I err, seeing I disclaim from being a Naturalist, by delivering my opinion touching the breeding of these Pearls, which I think to be of a far different nature and quality to those found in the East and West Indies, which are found in Oysters, growing in the shell, under the ruff of the Oyster, some say of the dew, which I hold to be some old Philosopher's conceit, for that it cannot be made probable, how the dew should come into the Oyster: and if this were true, then, questionless, we should have them in our Oysters, as in those of the Discourse of Pearls how they breed. East and West Indies: but those Oysters were by the Creator, made to bring forth this rare fruit, all their shells being (to look to) Pearl itself. And the other Pearls found in our Oysters and Muscles, in diverse parts are engendered out of the fatness of the fish, in the very substance of the fish, so that in some Muscles have been found twenty and thirty, in several parts of the fish, and these not perfect in colour, nor clearness, as those found in the Pearle-oysters, which are ever perfect in colour and clearness, like the Sun in his rising, and therefore called oriental, and not (as is supposed) because out of the East, for they are as well found in the West, and no way inferior to those of the East Indies. Other fish, besides Seals and Crabs, like Shrimpes, and one Whale with two or three Porpoises, we saw not in all the Seraits. here we made also a survey of our victuals, and opening certain Barrels of Oatten meal, we found a great part of some of them, as also of our Pipes and Fats of bread, eaten and consumed by the Rats; doubtless, a fifth part my company did not eat so much, as these devoured, as we found daily in coming to spend any of our provisions. When I came to the Sea, Prevention of Rats. it was not suspected, that I had a Rat in my ship; but with the bread in Cask, which we transported out of the Hawk, and the going to and again of our Boats unto our prize, (though we had diverse Cats and used other preventions) in a small time they multiplied in such a manner, is incredible; It is one of the general calamities of all long Voyages, and would be carefully prevented, as much as may be. For besides that which they consume of the best victuals, they eat the sails; and neither pack, nor chest, is free from their surprises. I have known them to make a hole in a Pipe of water, and saying the Pump, have put all in fear, doubting lest some The calamities they bring to a ship. leak had been sprung upon the ship. Moreover, I have heard credible persons report, that ships have been put in danger by them to be sunk, by a hole made in the bulge. All which is easily remedied at the first, but if once they be somewhat increased, with difficulty they are to be destroyed. And although I propounded a reward for every Rat which was taken, and sought means by poison, and other inventions to consume them, yet their increase being so ordinary and many; we were not able to clear ourselves from them. At the end of fourteen days, one evening being calm, and a goodly clear in the Easter-boord, Backwardness in the company. I willed our Anchor to be weighed, and determined to go into the Channel, being gotten into the Channel, within an hour, the wind came good, and we failed merrily on our Voyage; and by the break of the day, we had the mouth of the Straits open, and about four of the clock in the afternoon, we were thwart of Cape Desire; which is the Westermost part of the Land Cape Desire. on the Souther side of the Straits. straits four Entrance into the South Sea; discovery of the South parts of the Straits to be but Lands by Sir FRANCIS DRAKE (which the Hollanders ascribe to MORE and SCHOUTEN.) Of the Island Mocha, and the parts adjoining. FRom Cape Desire, some four leagues, Northwest, lie four Lands, which are very small, and the middlemost of them is of the fashion of a Sugarloaf. We were no South part of the Straits Lands. The Hollanders challenge the discovery of new Straits by Mayor and Schouten before twice sailed about by Sir F. Drake. See sup. the Preface to the second Chapter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake embraceth the Southermost point of the World. Since this, in that Voyage wherein W. adam's was Pilot (whose voyage and Seb. Werts ye have in the former Tome) Theodore Gerard's one of that fleet, was carried by tempest (as ●hey write to 64. degrees South, in which height the country was mountainous & covered with snow, looking like Norway. It seemed to extend towards the Lands of Solomon, Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous success in Chili, was taken by the Portug●ls at the Molucca●, and carried to Mala ca prisoner. Mocha. Baldivia and Conception won from the Spaniards by the Indians. Beef kept most safely in Pickle. sooner clear of Cape Desire, and his ledge of Rocks (which lie a great way off into the Sea) but the wind took us contrary by the Northwest; and so we stood off into the Sea two days and two nights to the Westwards. In all the Straits it ebbeth and floweth more or less, and in many places it hieth very little water, but in some Bays, where are great Indraughts, it higheth eight or ten foot, and doubtless, further in, more. If a man be furnished with wood and water, and the wind good, he may keep the Main Sea, and go round about the Straits to the Southwards, and it is the shorter way; for besides the experience which we made, that all the South part of the Straits is but Lands, many times having the Sea open, I remember, that Sir Francis D●●ke told me, that having shot the Straits, a storm took him first at Northwest, and ●●●er vered about to the South-west, which continued with him many days, with that extremity, that he could not open any sail, and that at the end of the storm, he found himself in fifty degrees, which was sufficient testimony and proof, that he was beaten round about the Straits, for the least height of the Straits is in fifty two degrees and fifty minutes; in which stand the two entrances or mouths. And moreover, he said, that standing about, when the wind changed, he was not well able to double the Southermost Island, and so anchored under the lee of it; and going ashore, carried a Compass with him, and seeking out the Southermost part of the Island, cast himself down upon the uttermost point grovelling, and so reached out his body over it. Presently he embarked, and then recounted unto his people, that he had been upon the Southermost known Land in the World, and more further to the Southwards upon it, than any of them, yea, or any man as yet known. These testimonies may suffice for this truth unto all, but such as are incredulous, and will believe nothing but what they see; for my part, I am of opinion, that the Straight is navigable all the year long, although the best time be in November, December, and january, and then the winds more favourable, which other times are variable, as in all narrow Seas. Being some fifty leagues a Sea-boord the Straits, the wind vering to the Westwards, we cast about to the Northwards; and lying the Coast along, shaped our course for the Island Mocha. About the fifteenth of April, we were thwart of Baldivia, which was then in the hands of the Spaniards, but since the Indians, in Anno 1599 dispossessed them of it, and the Conception; which are two of the most principal places they had in that Kingdom, and both Ports. Baldivia had its name of a Spanish Captain so called, whom afterwards the Indians took Prisoner, and it is said, they required of him the reason why he came to molest them, and to take their Country from them, having no title nor right thereunto; he answered, to get Gold; which the barbarous understanding, caused Gold to be molten, and poured down his throat; saying, Gold was thy thy desire, glut thee with it. It standeth in forty degrees, hath a pleasant River and Navigable; for a Ship of good burden may go as high up as the City, and is a goodly Wood Country. here our Beef began to take end, and was then as good, as the day we departed from England; it was preserved in Pickle, which, though it be more chargeable, yet the profit payeth the charge, in that it is made durable, contrary to the opinion of many, which hold it impossible, that Beef should be kept good passing the Equinoctial Line. And of our Pork I eat in the house of Don Beltran de Castro in Lyma, near four years old, very good, preserved after the same manner, notwithstanding, it had lost his Pickle long before. Some degrees before a man come to Baldivia to the Southwards, as Spaniards have told me, lieth the Island Chule, not easily to be discerned from the Main; for he that passeth by it, cannot but think it to be the Main. It is said to be inhabited by the Spaniards, but badly, yet Island Chule. rich of Gold. The nineteenth of April, being Easter-even, we anchored under the Island Mocha. It lieth in thirty nine degrees, it may be some four leagues over, and is a high mountainous Hill, but Island Mocha. round about the foot thereof, some half league from the Seashore, it is Champain ground, well inhabited and manured. From the Straits to this Island, we found, that either the Coast is set out more Westerly than it is, or that we had a great current, which put us to the Westwards; for we had not sight of Land in three days after our reckoning was to see it; but for that we Note. coasted not the Land, I cannot determine, whether it was caused by the current, or lying of the Land. But Spaniards which have sailed alongst it, have told me, that it is a bold and safe Coast, and reasonable sounding of it. In this Island of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants, but with great vigilancy and care; for they and all the people of Chily, are mortal enemies to the Spaniards, and held us to be of them; and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake, when he was in this Island, wh●ch was the first Land also that he touched on this Coast. They used him with so fine a treachery, that they possessed themselves of all the Oars in his Boat, saving two, and in striving to get them also, they slew, and hurt all his men; himself who had fewest wounds, had three, and two of them in the head. Two of his company which lived long after, had, the one seventeen; his name was john Bruer, who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish; and the other above twenty, a Negro Servant to Sir Francis Drake. And with me they used a policy, which Treachery of the Indians. amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined, although I wrought sure; for I suffered none to treat with me, nor with my people with Arms. We were armed, and met upon a Rock compassed with water, whether they came to parley and negotiate. Being in communication with the Casiques, and others, many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boats, and some went into them. Certain of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oars, for that there went a bad siege, were forced to lay down their Muskets, which the Indians perceiving, endeavoured to fill the barrels with water, taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands. By chance casting mine eye aside, I discovered their flynesse, and with a Truncheon, which I had in mine hand, gave the Indians three or four good Lambeskinnes. The sheep of this Island are great, good, and fat; I have not tasted better Mutton any where. They were as ours, and doubtless of the breed of those, which the Spaniards brought into the Of Sheep. Country. Of the sheep of the Country, we could by no means procure any one, although we saw of them, and used means to have had of them. This Island is situate in the Province of Arawea, and is held to be peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily, though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdom are very courageous. They are clothed after the manner of antiquity, all of woollen; their Cassocks made like a Sack, square, with two holes for the two arms, and one for the head; all open below, Their apparel, without lining or other art: but of them, some are most curiously woven, and in colours, and on both sides alike. Their houses are made round, in fashion like unto our Pigeon houses, with a lover and housing. in the top, to evacuate the smoke when they make fire. They brought us a strange kind of Tobacco, made into little cakes, like Pitch, of a bad smell, with holes through the middle, and Strange Tobacco. People of Chily so laced many upon a string. The people of this Island, as of all Chily, are of good stature, and well made, and of better countenance than those Indians which I have seen in many parts. They are of good understanding, and agility, and of great strength; Their weapons are Bows, and Arrows Their weapons and Macanas, their Bows short and strong, and their Arrows of a small Reed, or Cane, three quarters of a yard long, with two Feathers, and headed with a flintstone, which is loose, and hurting, the head remaineth in the wound, some are headed with bone, and some with hard wood, half burnt in the fire. We came betwixt the Island and the Main; On the South-west part of the Island lieth a great ledge of Rocks, which are dangerous; and it is good to be careful how to come too near the Island on all parts. Immediately when they discovered us, both upon the Island and the Main, we might see Their hate to the Spaniards. them make sundry great fires, which were to give advice to the rest of the people to be in a readiness: for they have continual and mortal war with the Spaniards, and the ships they see, they believe to be their Enemies. The City Imperiall lieth over against this Island, but eight or Imperial. ten leagues into the Country: for all the Sea-coast from Baldivia, till thirty six Degrees, the Indians have now (in a manner) in their hands free from any Spaniards. Having refreshed ourselves well in this Island, for that little time we stayed, which was some three days we set sail with great joy, and with a fair wind sailed alongst the Coast, and some eight leagues to the North-wards, we anchored again in a goodly Bay, and sent our Boats ashore, with desire to speak with some of the Indians of Arawca, and to see if they would be content to entertain amity, or to chop and change with us. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person, and so we set sail again; and towards the Evening the wind began to change, and to blow contrary, and that so much, and the Sea to rise so suddenly, that we could not take in our Boats, without spoiling of them. This storm A cruel storm in the Sea of Ladies. In it they lost their light horseman. Saint mary's. continued with us ten days beyond expectation, for that we thought ourselves out of the Climate of fowl weather, but truly it was one of the sharpest storms that ever I felt to endure so long. The storm took end, and we shaped our course for the Island of Saint mary's, which lieth in thirty seven degrees and forty minutes, and before you come unto the Island some two leagues, in the Trade way lieth a Rock, which afar off, seemeth to be a ship under sail. This Island is little and low, but fertile and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it. Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Island, lieth the City Conception, with a good Port; from City of Conception. juan Fernandes. this we coasted alongst till we came in thirty three degrees and forty minutes. In which height lay the Lands of juan Fernandes, betwixt threescore and fourscore leagues from the shore, plentiful of fi●h, and good for refreshing. I purposed for many reasons not to discover myself upon this Coast, till we were past Lyma, (otherwise called Cividad de los Reyes, for that Good to avoid discovery. it was entered by the Spaniard the day of the three Kings;) but my company urged me so far, that except I should seem in all things to ouer-beare them, in not condiscending to that which in the opinion of all (but myself) seemed profitable and best, I could not but yield unto, though it carried a false colour, as the end proved, for it was our perdition. This all my company knoweth to be true, whereof some are yet living, and can give testimony. But the Mariner is ordinarily so carried away with the desire of Pillage, as sometimes for Wilfulness of Mariners. very appearances of small moment, he looseth his Voyage, and many times himself. And so the greediness of spoil, only hoped for in ships of Trade, which go too and fro in this Coast, blinded them from forecasting the peril, whereinto we exposed our Voyage, in discovering ourselves before we passed the Coast of Callao, which is the Port of Lyma; To be short, we haled the Coast aboard, and that Evening we discovered the Port of Valparizo, which serveth the City of Saint jago, standing some twenty leagues into the Country; when presently we descried four ships at an Anchor: whereupon we manned, and armed our Boat, which rowed towards the ships: they seeing us turning in, and fearing They seize upon four ships. that which was, ran ashore with that little they could save; and left us the rest: whereof, we were Masters in a moment, and had the rifling of all the Storehouses on the shore. This night, I set a good guard in all the ships, longing to see the light of the next morning, to put all things in order; which appearing, I began to survey them, and found nothing of moment, save five hundred Botozios of Wine, two or three thousand of Hens, and some refreshing of Bread, Bacon, dried Beef, Wax, Candles, and other necessaries. The rest of their lading was planks, Sparres, and Timber, for Lyma, and the Valleys, which is a rich Trade; for it hath no Timber, but that which is brought to it from other places. They had also many packs of Indian Mantles (but of no value unto us) with much Tallow, and Manteca de Puerco, and abundance of great new Chests, in which we had thought to be some great mass of wealth, but opening them, found nothing but Apples therein; all which was good Merchandise in Lyma, but to us of small account. The Merchandise on shore, in their storehouses And the Warehouses. was the like, and therefore in the same predicament. The Owners of the ships gave us to understand, that at a reasonable price they would redeem their ships and loading, which I hearkened unto; and so admitted certain persons which might treat of the matter, and concluded with them for a small price, rather than to burn them, saving for the greatest, which I carried with me, more to give satisfaction to my people, then for any other respect; because they would not be persuaded, but that there was much Gold hidden in her; otherwise she would have yielded us more than the other three. Being in this Treaty, one morning, at the break of day, came another ship towering into the harbour, and standing into the shore, but was becalmed. Against her we manned a couple of Boats, and took her before many hours. In this ship we had some good quantity of Gold, which she had gathered in Baldivia, and the Conception, from whence she came. Of this ship was Pilot, and part owner, Alonso Perezbueno, whom we kept for our Pilot on this Coast; till moved with compassion (for that he was a man charged with wife and children) we set him ashore betwixt They seize upon another ship, and some gold. Light Anchors brought from the North Sea. Santa and Truxillo. Out of this ship we had also store of good Bacon, and some provision of Bread, Hens, and other victual. We gave them the ship, and the greatest part of her loading freely. Here we supplied our want of Anchors, though not according to that which was requisite, in regard of the burden of our ship; for in the South Sea, the greatest Anchor for a ship of six or eight hundred tons, is not a thousand weight; partly, because it is little subject to storms, and partly, because those they had till our coming, were all brought out of the North Sea by Land; for they make no Anchors in those Countries. And the first Artillery they had, was also brought over Land; which was small, the carriage and passage from Nombre de Dios, or Porto And the first Artillery. Bello to Panama, being most difficult and steep, up hill and down hill, they are all carried upon Negro's backs. But some years before my imprisonment, they fell to making of Artillery, and since they forge Anchors also. We furnished our ship also with a shift of sails of Cotton-cloth, whi●h are far better in that Sea, than any of our double sails, for that in all the Navigation of that Sea, they have little rain and few storms, but where rain and storms are ordinary, Sails of Cotton-cloth. they are not good; for with the wet they grow so stiff, that they cannot be handled. In treating of the ransoms, and transporting and lading the provisions we made choice of, we spent some six or eight days, at the end whereof, with reputation amongst our enemies, and a good portion towards our charges and our ship as well stored and victualled, as the day we departed from England, we set sail. The time we were in this Port, I took small rest, and so did the Master of our ship, Hugh Cornish, They depart from Lyma, a most careful, orderly, and sufficient man, because we knew our own weakness; for entering into the Harbour, we had but seventy five men and boys, five ships to guard, and every one moored by himself, which (no doubt) if our enemies had known, they would have and conceal their weakness. wrought some stratagem upon us; for the Governor of Chily was there on shore in view of us, an ancient Flanders Soldier, and of experience, wisdom, and valour, called Don Alonso de Sot● Mayor, of the habit of Saint jago, who was after Captain General in Terra firm, and wrought The noblen's of Alonso de Soto. all the inventions upon the River of Chagree, and on the shore, when Sir Francis Drake purposed to go to Panama, in the Voyage wherein he died. As also at my coming into Spain, he was Precedent in Panama, and there, and in Lyma, used me with great courtesy, like a Noble Soldier, and liberal Gentleman; he confessed to me after, that he lay in ambush, with three The enemy l●ste d●ngerous than the Wine. hundred horse and foot, to see if at any time we had landed, or neglected our watch, with Balsas, which is a certain Raffe made of Masts or Trees fastened together, to have attempted something against us. Bu● the enemy I feared not so much as the Wine; which, notwithstanding all the diligence and prevention I could use day and night, overthrew many of my people. A foul fault, because too common amongst Seamen, and deserveth some rigorous punishment with severity to be executed. A league or better before a man discover this Bay to the Southwards, lieth a great Rock, or small Island, near the shore, under which, for a need, a man may ride with his ship. It is a good Description of ●he Bay. mark, and sure sign of the Port, and discovering the Bay a man must give a good birth to the Harbour; for it hath perilous Rocks lying a good distance off. It neither ebbeth nor floweth in Note of tides. this Port, nor from this, till a man come to Guayaquill, which is three degrees from the Equinoctial Line to the Southwards; let this be considered. It is a good Harbour for all winds, that partake not of the North; for it runneth up South and by West, and South South-west, but it hath much foul ground. In one of these ships we found a new device for the stopping of a sudden leak in a ship under water, without board, when a man cannot come to it within board; which was, taking a round A new device for stopping a leak without board. wi●ker Basket, and to fill it with pieces of a junke or Rope chopped very small, and of an inch long, and after tozed all as Oacombe; then the Basket is to be covered with a Net, the Meshes of it being at the least two inches square, and after to be tied to a long Pike or Pole, which is to go a cross the Baskets mouth, and putting it under water, care is to be had to keep the Baskets mouth towards the ships side: if the leak be any thing great, the Oacombe may be somewhat longer, and it carrieth likelihood to do good, and seemeth to be better than the stitching of a Bonnet; or any other diligence, which as yet I have seen. Another thing I noted of these ships, Spar● Rudders and to take off at pleasure. which would be also used by us; that every ship carrieth with her a spare Rudder, and they have them to hang and unhang with great facility: and besides, in some part of the ship, they have the length, breadth, and proportion of the Rudder marked out, for any mischance that may befall them; which is a very good prevention. Ten leagues to the Northwards of this Harbour, is the Bay of Quintera, where is good anchoring, but an open Bay; where Master Thomas Candish (for the good he had done to a Spaniard▪ Bay of Quintera. in bringing him out of the Straits of Magellan, where, otherwise, he had perished with his company) was by him betrayed, and a dozen of his men taken and slain: But the judgement of God left not his ingratitude unpunished; for, in the fight with us, in the Vide-admiral, he was Ingratitude punished. wounded and maimed in that manner, as three years after, I saw him beg with crutches, and in that miserable estate, as he had been better dead, then alive. From Balparizo, we sailed directly to Coquinbo, which is in thirty degrees, and coming thwart the place, we were becalmed, and had sight of a ship: but for that she was far off, and Coquinbo. night at hand, she got from us, and we having wind entered the Port, thinking to have had some shipping in it; but we lost our labour: and for that the Town was half a league up in the Country, and we not manned for any matter of attempt, worthy prosecution, we made no abode on the thoare; but presently set sail for the Peru. This is the best Harbour that I have seen in the Excellent harbour. South Sea, it is land-locked for all winds, and capable of many ships; but the ordinary place where the ships lad, and unlade, and accommodate themselves, is betwixt a Rock, and the Main on the Wester side, some half a league up within the entrance of the Port, which lieth South, and South and by East, and North and by West. In the in-countrie, directly over the Port, is a round piked hill, like a Sugar loaf, and before the entrance on the Southern point of the Port coming in, out of the Sea, is a great Rock, a good birth from the shore; and these are the marks of the Port, as I remember. Being cleate of this Port, we shaped, our course for Arica, and left the Kingdoms of Chily, Arica in Chily, much commended. one of the best Countries that the Sun shineth on: for it is of a temperate climate, and abounding in all things necessary for the use of man, with infinite rich mines of Gold, Copper, and sundry other metals. The poorest houses in it, by report of their Inhabitants, have of their own store, Bread, Wine, Flesh, and Fruit; which is so plentiful, that of their superfluity they supply other parts: sundry kinds of cattle; as Horses, Goats, and Oxen brought thither by the Spaniards, For all sorts of fruits. are found in herds of thousands, wild, and without owner; besides those of the Country, which are common to most parts of America: in some of which are found the Bezoar stones, and those very good and great. Amongst others they have little beasts, like unto a Squirrel, but that he is grey, his skin Chinchilla a rare beast. is the most delicate soft, and curious Fur that I have ●eene of much estimation, (as is reason) in the Peru; few of them come into Spain, because difficult to be come by, for that the Princes and Nobles lay wait for them, they call this beast Chinchilla, and of them they have great abundance. All fruits of Spain, they have in great plenty, saving stone fruit, and Almonds: for in no part of the Indies, have I known, that Plums, Cherries, or Almonds have borne fruit: but they have certain little round Cocos, as those of Brasill, of the bigness of a Walnut, Little Cocos. which is as good as an Almond: besides, it hath most of the fruits natural to America. The Gold they gather, is in two manners; the one is washing the earth in great Treys of wood in And plenty of Gold. many waters; as the earth wasteth away, the Gold in the bottom remaineth. The other is, by force of Art, to draw it out of the mines, in which they find it. In most parts of the Country, the earth is mingled with Gold; for the B 〈…〉 izias (in which the Wine was) which we found in Balpharizo, had many sparks of Gold shining in them. Of it the Goldsmiths I carried with me (for like purposes) made experience. When Baldi 〈…〉 a and Arawca were peaceable, they yielded greatest plenty, and the best: but now, their greatest mines are in Coquinbo; as also the mines of Copper, which they carry to the Peru, and sell it better cheap, than it is ordinarily sold in Spain. The Indians knowing The Indians forbid the search of gold. Every shower, a shower of gold. the end of the Spaniards molestation, to be principally the desire of their riches, have enacted, that no man, upon pain of death, do gather any Gold. In Coquinbo it raineth seldom, but every shower of rain, is a shower of Gold unto them; forwith the violence of the water falling from the Mountains, it bringeth from them the Gold: and besides, gives them water to wash it out, as also for their ingenious to work; so that ordinarily every week they have Processions for rain. In this Kingdom they make much linen and woollen Cloth, and great store of Indian Mantles, Linen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo. with which they furnish other parts, but all is corpse stuff. It hath no Silk, nor Iron, except in mines, and those as yet not discovered. Pow●er is well esteemed, and so are fine linen, woollen cloth, Haberdashers wares, edge-tools, and Arms, or M●nition. It hath his Governor, and Audiencia, with two Bishops: the one of Saint jago, the other of the Imperial; all under the Viceroy, Audiencia, and Primate of Lyma. Saint jago is the Metropolitan and Head of the Kingdom, and the seat of justice, which hath his appellation of Lyma. The people are industrious and ingenious, of great strength, and invincible courage; as in the The valour of the Araweant. wars, which they have sustained above forty years continually against the Spaniards, hath been experienced. For confirmation whereof, I will allege only two proofs of many; the one was of an Indian Captain, taken prisoner by the Spaniards; and for that, he was of name and known to have done his devoir against them, they cut off his hands, thereby intending to disenable him to fight any more against them: but he returning home, desirous to revenge this injury, to maintain his liberty, with the reputation of his nation, and to help to banish the Span. with his tongue entreated & incited them to persevere in their accustomed valour and reputation abasing the enemy, and advancing his Nation; condemning their contraries towardliness, and confirming it by the cruelty used with him, and others his companions in their mishaps, showing them his arms without hands, & naming his brethren, whose half feet they had cut off, because they might be unable to sit on horseback with force, arguing, 〈…〉 t if they feared them not, they would not have used so great inhumanity; for fear produceth cruelty, the companion of cowardice. Thus encouraged he them to fight for their lives, limbs, and liberty, choosing rather to die an honourable death fight, then to live in servitude, as fruitless, members in their Commonwealth. Thus, using the office of a Sergeant Maior, and having laden his two stumps with bundles of Arrows, succoured those, who in the succeeding battle had their store wasted, and changing himself from place to place, animated and encouraged his Countrymen, with such comfortable persuasions, as it is reported, and credibly believed, that he did much more good with his words, and presence, without striking a stroke, than a great part of the Army did with fight to the utmost. The other proof is, that such of them as fight on horseback, are but slightly armed, for that their Armour is a Beasts hide, fitted to their body, green, and after worn till it be dry and hard. He that is best armed, hath him double: yet any one of them with these Arms, and with his Lance, will fight hand to hand with any Spaniard armed from head to foot. And it is credibly reported, that an Indian being wounded through the body by a Spaniards Lance, with his own hands hath crept on upon the Lance, and come to grapple with his Adversary, and both fallen to the ground together. By which is seen their resolution and invincible courage, and the desire they have to maintain their reputation and liberty. This let me manifest, that there have been and are certain persons, who before they go to Sea, either The mischief of corrupt, or scanty provisions rob part of the provisions, or in the buying, make penurious, unwholesome, and a●ar●ious penicworths; and the last I hold to be the least; for they rob only the Victuallers and owners, but the others steal from owners, victuallers, and company, and are many times the only over thro●ers of the Voyage, for the company thinking themselves to be stored with four or six months Uictuals, upon survey, they find their Bread, Beef or Drink short; yea, perhaps all, and so are forced to seek home in time of best hopes and employment. This mischief is most ordinary in great actions. Lastly, some are so cunning, that they not only make their Voyage by robbing before they go to Sea, but of that also which cometh home. Such Gamesters, a wise man of our Nation resembled to the Mill on the River of Thames, for grinding both with flo●d and ebb: So, these at their going out, and coming home, will be sure to rob all others of their shares. But the greatest and most principal robbery of all, in my opinion, is the defranding or the detaining of Of detaining and defrauding o● wages. the Companies thirds or wages, accursed by the just God, who forbiddeth the hire of the labourer to sleep with us. To such I speak, as either abuse themselves in detaining it; or else to such as force the poor man to sell it at vile and low prices: And lastly, to such as upon feigned cavils and suits, do deter the simple and ignorant sort from their due prosecutions: which being too much in use amongst us, hath bred in those that follow the Sea a jealousy in all employments, and many times causeth mutinies and infinit● inconveniences. To prevent this, a Chest with three locks was appointed: I kept one, the Master another, the third one chosen by the Company. No loss worthy reformation are the general abuses of Mariners and Soldiers, who rob all they Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage. can, under the colour of Pillage; and after make Ordnance, Cables, Sails, Anchors, and all above Decks to belong unto them of right; whether they go by thirds or wages: this proceedeth from those pilfering wars, wherein every Gall 〈◊〉 that can arm out a Ship, taketh upon him the name and office of a Captain, not knowing what to command, or what to execute. Such Commanders for the most part consort and join unto themselves disorderly persons, Pirates, and Ruffians, under the title of men of valour and experience: they meeting with any Prize, make all upon the Decks their▪ of duty, etc. In the time of war in our Country, as● also in others, by the laws of Oleron (which to our ancient The laws of Oleron, concerning Pillage. Seamen were fundamental) nothing is allowed for Pillage but Apparel, Arms, Instruments, and other necessaries belonging to the persons, in that ship which is taken: and these to, when the ship is gained by dint of sword; with a proviso, that if any particular Pillage, exceed the value of six crowns, it may be redeemed for that value, by the general stock, and sold for the common benefit. If the prize render itself without forcible entry, all in general aught to be preserved and sold in mass, and so equally divided; yea, though the ship be won by force and entry, yet whatsoever belongeth to her of tackling, Sails, or Ordnance, is to be preserved for the generality: saying a Piece of Artillerrie for the Captain; another for the Gunner, and a Cable and Anchor for the Master, which are the rights due unto them; and these to be delivered, when the ship is in safety, and in harbour, either unloden or sold: which Law or Custom well considered, will rise to be more beneficial for the Owners, Uictuallers, and Company, than the disorders newly ●rept in and before remembered. For the Sails, Cables, Anchors, and Hull, being sold (every one apart) yield not the one half which they would do if they were sold all together, besides the excusing of charges, and robberies in the unloding and parting. In the wars of France, in the time of Queen Marie, and in other wars (as I have heard of many ancient Captains) the Company had but the fourth part, and every man bound to bring with him the Arms, with which he would fights which in our time, I have known also used in France: and if the Company victualled themselves, they had then the one half, and the Owners the other half for the ship, powder, shot, and munition. If any Prize were taken, it was sold by the ton, ship and goods, so as the loading permitted it; that the Merchant having bought the goods, he might presently transport them whither soever he would: By this manner of proceeding, all rested contented, all being truly paid; for this was just dealing, if any deserved reward, he was recompensed out of the general stock. If any one had filched or stolen, or committed offence, he had likewise his desert: and who once was known to be a disordered person, or a thief, no man would receive him into his ship: whereas now a days many va●●t themselves of their thefts and disorders; yea, I have seen the common sort of Mariners, under the name of pillage, maintain and justify their robberies most insolently, before the Queen's Majesty's Commissioners, with arrogant and unseemly terms. Opinion hath hold such for tall fellows, when in truth, they never prove the best men in difficult occasions. For their minds are all set on spoil, and can be well contented to suffer their associates to bear the brunt, whilst they are prowling after pillage, the better to gain and Note or brand rather for taltongued-fingred fellows. Wh●t aught to be reputed pillage. maintain the aforesaid attributes, in Taverns, and disorderly places. For the orderly and quiet men, I have ever found in all occasions to be of best use, most valiant, and of greatest sufficiency. Yet I co●demne none: but those who will be reputed valiant, and are not, examine the accusation. All whatsoever is found upon the Deck, going for Merchandise, is exempted out of the censure of pillage; Silks, Linen, or Woollen cloth in whole pieces, Apparel, that goeth to be sold, or other goods whatsoever (though they be in remnants) manifestly known to be carried for that end; or being comprehended in the Register, or Bills of lading, are not to be contained under the name of Pillage. But as I have said of the consort, so can I not but complain of many Captains and Governors, who overcome with like greedy desire of gain, condescend to the smothering and suppressing of this ancient Against the disloyalties of Captains. discipline, the cleanlier to smother their own disloyalties, in suffering these breake-bulkes to escape, and absent themselves, till the heat be past, and partition made. Some of these cause the Bills of lading to be cast into the Sea, or so to be hidden, that they never appear. Others send away their prisoners, who sometimes are more worth than the ship and her lading, because they should not discover their secret stolen treasure: for many times, that which is left out of the Register or Bills of lading (with purpose to defraud the Prince of his Customs (in their conceits, held to be excessive) is of much more value, then Concealment; of much more value, than the Trading. that which the ship and lading is worth. Yea, I have known ships worth two hundred thousand pounds, and better, clean swept of their principal riches, nothing but the bare bulk being left unsacked. The like may be spoken, of that which the disorderly Mariner, and the Soldier termeth Pillage. My Father, Sir john Hawkins, in his instructions, in actions under his charge, had this particular The prevention of undue pillagings. Article: That whosoever rendered, or took any ship, should be bound to exhibit the Bills of lading; to keep the Captain, Master, Merchants, and persons of account, and to bring them to him to be examined, or into England: If they should be by any accident separated from him, whatsoever was found wanting (the prisoners being examined) was to be made good by the Captain and Company, which took the ship, and this upon great punishments. Running alongst the coast, till we came within few leagues of Arica, nothing happened unto us of extraordinary novelty or moment, for we had the Breze favourable, which seldom happeneth in this climate, finding ourselves in 19 degrees, we haled the shore close aboard, purposing to see, if there were any shipping in the Road of Arica. It standeth in a great large Bay, Aric●. in 18. degrees: and before you come to it, a league to the Southwards of the Road and Town, is a great round Hill, higher than the rest of the land of the Bay, near about the Town: which we having discovered, had ●ight presently of a small Bark, close aboard the shore becalmed; manning our Boat, we took her, being laden with fish from Moormereno; which is a goodly Moormereno. head-land, very high, and lieth betwixt 24. and 25. degrees, and whether ordinarily some Ba●ques use to go a fishing every year. In her was a Spaniard and six Indians; The Spaniard, for that he was near the shore, swum unto the Rocks, and though we offered to return him his bark, and fish (as was our meaning) yet he refused to accept it, and made us answer, that he durst not, for fear lest the justice should punish him. In so great subjection are the poor unto those who have the administration of The 〈◊〉 of Spain. justice in those parts, and in most parts of the Kingdoms and Countries subject to Spain. Insomuch, that to hear the justice to enter in at their doors, is to them destruction and desolation: for this cause we carried her alongst with us. In this mean while, we had sight of another tall ship, coming out of the Sea, which we gave chase unto, but could not fetch up, being too good of sail for us. Our small Prize and Boat standing off unto us, descried another ship, which they chased and took also, laden with fish, coming from the Lands of juan Fernandes. After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica, but seeing it clean without shipping, we haled the coast alongst, and going aboard to visit the bigger Prize, my Company saluted me with a volley of small shot. Amongst them one Musket broke, and carried away the hand of him that shot it, through his own default, which for that I have seen to happen many times, I think it necessary to note in this place, that others may take warning by his harm. The cause of the Ouercha●gi●g of Artilerie●. Muskets breaking, was the charging with two bullets, the powder being ordained to carry but the weight of one, and the Musket not to suffer two charges, of powder or shot. By this oversight, the fire is restrained with the overplus of the weight of shot, and not being able to force both of them out, breaketh all to pieces, so to find a way to its own Centre. And I am of opinion, that it is a great error, to prove great Ordnance, or small shot, with double charges of powder, or shot; my reason is, for that ordinarily the mettle is proportioned to the weight of the shot, which the Piece is to bear, and the powder correspondent to the weight of the bullet: and this being granted, I see no reason why any man should require to prove his piece with more, then is belonging to it of right: for I have seen many goodly pieces broken with such trials, being clean without honey combs, crack, flaw, or other perceavable blemish, which no doubt, wi●h their ordinary allowance would have served many years. If I should make choice for myself, I would not willingly, that any piece should come into Fort, or ship (under my charge) which had borne at any time more than his ordinary allowance, misdoubting, least through the violence of the double charge, the Piece may be crazed within, or so forced, as at another occasion, with his ordinary allowance he might break in pieces: how many men so many minds: for to others, this may seem harsh, for that the contrary custom hath so long time been received, and therefore I submit to better experience, and contradict not but that in a demi culvering, a man may put two Saker or Minion shots, or many of smaller weight: and so in a Musket, two Caliever shot, or many smaller, so they exceed not the ordinary weight, prescribed by proportion, art, and experience. Having visited our prizes, and finding in them nothing but fish, we took a small portion for our victualling, and gave the bigger Ship to the Spaniards again, and the lesser we kept with purpose to make her our Pinnace. The Indians (which we took in her) would by no means depart The amity of the Indians. from us, but desired to go with us for England, saying that the Indian and English were brothers; and in all places where we came, they showed themselves much affectionated unto us. These were Natives of Moremoreno, and the most brutish of all that ever I had seen: and except it were in form of men and speech, they seemed altogether void of that which appertained to reasonable men. They were expert swimmers, but after the manner of Spaniels, they dive, and abide under water a long time, and swallow the water of the Sea, as if it were of a fresh Their rudé manners and expert swimming. River, except a man see them, he would hardly believe how they continue in the Sea, as if they were Mermaids, and the water their natural Element. Their Country is most barren, and poor of food: if they take a fish alive out of the Sea, or meet with a piece of salted fish, they will devour it without any dressing, as savourly as if it had been most curiously sodden or dressed, all which makes me believe, that they sustain themselves of that which they catch in the Sea. The Spaniards profit themselves of their labour and travel, and recompense them badly, they are in worse condition than their slaves, for to those they give sustenance, houseroom, and clothing, and teach them the knowledge of God; but the other they use as beasts, to do their labour without wages, or care of their bodies or souls. §. V. The Viceroy sends an Armado against the English; which vieweth them and returneth: is again set forth: their fight; the English yield upon composition: diverse martial discourses. BY general accord we eased ourselves of a leak prise, and continued our course alongst the coast, till we came thwart of the Bay of Pisco, which lieth within 15. degrees and 15. minutes. Presently after we were clear of Cape Sangalean, and his Lands, we Bay of Pisco. Cape Sangalean ranged this Bay with our Boat and Pinnace. It hath two small Lands in it, but without fruit, and being becalmed, we anchored two days thwart of Chilca. Chilca. By Sea and by Land, those of Clyly had given advice to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoca, Marquis Advise given by Sea and Land. of Cavete, Viceroy of Peru, resident in Lima, of our being on the Coast. He presently with all possible diligence, put out six Ships in warlike order, with well near two thousand men, and dispatched them to seek us, and to fight with us, under the conduct of Don Be●●rian de Castro Ydelaluca, his wife's brother; who departing out of the Port of Callao, turned to windward, in sight over the shore, from whence they had daily intelligence, where we had been discovered. And the next day after our departure out of Chilca, about the middle of May, at break of day, we had sight each of other, thwart of Cavete, we being to wind-wards of the Spanish Armado, some two leagues, and all with little or no wind. Our Pinnace or prize being furnished with Oars came unto us, out of which we thought to have taken our men, and so to leave her; but being able to come unto us at all times, it was held for better, to keep her till necessity forced us to leave her: and so it was determined, that if we came to likelihood of boarding, she should lay our Boat aboard, and enter all her men, and from thence to enter our Ship, and ●o to forsake her: Although by the event in that occasion, this proved good, notwithstanding I hold it to be reproved, where the enemy is far superior in multitude and force, and able to come and board, if he list: and that the surest course, is to fortify the principal, and the best that may be, and to cut off all impediments, where a man is forced to defence; for that no man is assured to have time answerable to his purpose and will, and upon doubt whether the others in hope to save themselves, will not leave him in greatest extremity. We presently put ourselves in the best order we could, to fight, and to defend ourselves: our prayers we made unto the Lord God of battles, for his help and our deliverance, putting ourselves wholly into his hands. About nine of the clock, the Brese began to blow, and we to stand off into the Sea, the Spaniards cheek by jowl with us, ever getting to the wind-wards upon us; for that the shipping of the South Sea, is ever moulded sharp under water, and long; all their voyages depending upon turning to wind-wards, and the Brese blowing ever Southerly. As the Sun began to mount aloft, the wind began to fresh: which together with the rolling Sea, that ever beateth upon this coast, coming out of the westerne-bourd, caused a chapping Sea, wherewith the Admiral of the Spaniards snapped his main Mast asunder, and so began to lag a stern, and with him, other two Ships. The Vide-admiral split her mainsail, being come within shot of us upon our broad side, but to lee-wards: the Rear-admiral cracked her mainyard asunder in the midst, being a head of us: one of the Armado, which had gotten upon the broad side of us, to wind-wards, durst not assault us. With these disgraces upon them, and the hand of God helping and delivering us, night coming, we began to consult what course was best to be taken, to free ourselves; wherein were diverse opinions: some said it was best to stand off to the Sea close by, all the night: others to lie it a hull: others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses, and after all the night to stand off to Sea close by. The Admiral of the Spaniards with the other two were a stern of us, some four leagues: the Vide-admiral a mile right to lee-wards of us: the Rear-admiral in a manner right a head, some culvering shot; and one upon our loof, within shot also, the Moon was to rise within two hours. After much debating, it was concluded, that we should bear up before the wind, and seek to escape betwixt the Admiral and the Vide-admiral, which we put in execution, not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them, but that of the Rear-admiral: till after our surrender, when they recounted unto us all that had past. In the morning at break of day, we were clear of all our Enemies, and so shaped our course alongst the Coast, for the Bay of Atacames, where we purposed to trim our Pinnace, and to renew our wood and water, and so to depart upon our Voyage with all possible speed. The Spanish Armado, returned presently to Callao, which is the Port of Lyma, or of the City Return of the Spanish Armado. of the Kings. It was first named Lyma, and retaineth also that name of the River, which passeth by the City called Lyma, the Spanish Armado being entered the Port, the people began to go ashore, where they were so mocked and scorned by the women, as scarce any one by day would Scoffed at. show his face, they reviled them with the name of cowards and golnias, and craved licence of the Viceroy to be admitted into their rooms, and to undertake the surrendry of the English Ship. I have been certified for truth, that some of them affronted their Soldiers with Daggers and Pistols by their sides. This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced, as they vowed either to recover their reputation lost, or to follow us into England, and so with expedition, the Viceroy commanded two Ships and a Pinnace to be put in order, and in them placed the chief Soldiers and Mariners of the rest, and furnished them with victuals and munition. The foresaid General is once again dispatched to seek us; who ranged the Coasts and They set forth the second time. Ports, informing himself what he could: Some fifty leagues to the North-wards of Lyma, in sight of Mongon, we took a Ship half loaden with Wheat, Sugar, Miell de Canas, and Cordovan skins: which for that she was leak, and sailed badly, and tackled in such manner (as the Mariners would not willingly put themselves into her) we took what was necessary for our provision, and fired her. Thwart of Truxillo, we set the company of her ashore, with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo, reserving the Pilot of the burnt Ship, and a Greek, who chose rather to continue with us, then to hazard their lives in going ashore; for that they had departed out of the Port of Santa (which is in eight degrees) being required by the justice not to weigh anchor before the Coast was known to be clear. It is a thing worthy to be noted, and almost incredible, with how few men they use to sail Few men 〈◊〉, a Ship in the South Sea. a Ship in the South Sea, for in this prize, which was above an hundred tons, were but eight persons: and in a Ship of three hundreth tuns, they use not to put above fourteen or fifteen persons: yea I have been credibly informed, that with fourteen persons, a Ship of five hundred tuns hath been carried from Guayaquil to Lyma, deep loaden: which is above two hundred leagues. They are forced ever to gain their Voyage by turning to wind-wards, which is the greatest toil and labour that the Mariners have; and slow sometimes in this Voyage four or five months, which is general in all the Navigations of this coast: but the security from storms, and certainty of the Brese (with the desire to make their gain the greater) is the cause that every man forceth himself to the uttermost, to do the labour of two men. In the height of the Port of Santa, some seven hundred and fifty leagues to the Westwards, Port of Sant●. Plantation of the Lands of Solomon. lie the Lands of Solomon, of late years discovered. At my being in Lyma, a Fleet of four sail was sent from thence to people them; which through the emulation and discord that arose amongst them, being landed and settled in the Country, was utterly overthrown, only one Ship, with some few of the people, after much misery, got to the Philippines. This I came to the knowledge of, by a large relation written from a person of credit, and sent from the Philippines to Panama: I saw it at my being there, in my voyage towards Spain. Having edged near the coast, to put the Spaniards on shore, a thick fog took us, so that we could not see the land; but recovering our Pinnace and Boat, we sailed on our course, till we came thwart of the Port Malabrig●. called Malabrigo. It lieth in seven degrees, In all this Coast the currant runneth with great force, but never keepeth any certain course, saving that it runneth alongst the coast, sometimes to the Southwards, sometimes to the North-wards, Current. which now runneth to the North-wards, forced us so far into the Bay (which a point of the land causeth, that they call Punta de Augussa) as thinking to clear ourselves by roving Punta de Augussa. Northwest, we could not double this point, making our way North Northwest. Therefore special care is ever to be had of the current: and doubtless, if the providence of Almighty God had not Freed us, we had run ashore upon the Land, without seeing or suspecting any such danger; his name be ever exalted and magnified, for delivering us from the unknown danger, by calming the wind all night: the Suns rising manifested unto us our error and peril, by discovering unto us the land within two leagues right a head. The current had carried us without any wind, at the least four leagues: which seen, and the wind beginning to blow, we brought our tacks aboard, and in short time cleared ourselves. Thwart of this point of Angussa, lie two desert Lands; they call them Illas de Lobos, for the multitude of Seals, which accustom to haunt the shore. In the bigger is very good harbour, Point of Augussa. Illas de Lobos. and secure: they lie in six degrees and thirty minutes. The next day after we lost sight of those Lands, being thwart of Payta, which lieth in five degrees, and having manned our Pinnace and Boat to search the Port, we had sight of a tall Ship, which having knowledge of our being on the coast, and thinking herself to be more safe at Sea, then in the harbour, put herself then under sail: to her we gave chase all that night, and the next day; but in fine, being better of sail than we, she freed herself. Thus being to lee-ward of the Harbour, and discovered, we continued our course alongst the shore. That evening, we were thwart of the River of Guyayaquill, which hath in the mouth of it two Lands: the Souther-most and biggest, called Puma, in three degrees; and the other to the North-wards, Santa clara. Puma is inhabited, and is the place where they build their principal shipping: from this River, Lima and all the valleys are furnished with Timber, for they have none but that which is Puma. brought from hence, or from the Kingdom of Chile. By this River passeth the principal trade of the Kingdom of Quito; it is Navigable some leagues into the Land, and hath great abundance of Timber. Those of the Peru, use to ground and trim their Ships in Puma, or in Panama, and in all other parts they are forced to carene their Ships. In Puma it higheth and falleth, fifteen or sixteen foot water, and from this Island, till a man come to Panama, in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or less; keeping the ordinary course, which the Tides do in all Seas. The water of this River, by experience, is medicinable, for all aches of the bones, for the stone and strangury: the reason which is given, is, because all the banks and low land adjoining to this River, Medicinable River. are replenished with Salsaperillia: which lying for the most part soaking in the water, it participateth of this virtue, and giveth it this force. In this River, and all the Rivers of this coast, are great abundance of Alagartoes; and it is said that this exceedeth the rest, for persons of credit have certified me, that as small fishes in other Rivers abound in scoales, so the Alagartoes in this; they do much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards, and are dreadful to all whom they catch Scoales of Crocodiles. within their clutches. Some five or six leagues to the North-wards of Puma, is lafoy Punta de Santa Elena; under which is good anchoring, clean ground, and reasonable succour. Being thwart of this point, we had P. de S. Elena. sight of a Ship, which we chased, but being of better sail than we, and the night coming on, we lost sight of her; and so anchored under the Isla de Plata; to recover our Pinnace and Boat, which had gone about the other point of the Island, which lieth in two degrees, and forty minutes. The next day we passed in sight of Puerto Vicjo, in two degrees ten minutes; which Puerto vicjo. lying without shipping, we directed our course for Cape Passaos. It lieth directly under the Equinoctial line; some fourscore leagues to the Westwards of this Cape, lieth a heap of Lands, the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos; they are desert and bear no fruit: from Cape Passaos, we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco, which lieth in one degree to the North-wards of the line: and being thwart of it, we descried a small Ship, which we chased all that day and night, and the next morning our Pinnace came to board her; but being a Ship of advice, and full of passengers, and our Ship not able to fetch her up, they entreated our people badly, and freed themselves, though the fear they conceived, caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King, as also of particulars into the Sea, with a great part of their loading, to be lighter and better of sail, for the Ships of the South Sea load themselves like lighters or sand barges, presuming upon the security from storms. Being out of hope to fetch up this Ship, we stood in with the Cape, where the Land beginneth to trend about to the East-wards. The Cape is high land, and all covered over with trees, and so is the land over the Cape, and all the coast (from this Cape to Panama) is full of wood, from the Straits of Magelan, to this Cape of San Francisco. In all the coast from head-land to head-land, the courses lie betwixt the North and North and by West, and sometimes more Westerly, and that but seldom: It is a bold coast, and subject to little foul weather, or alteration of winds, for the Brese, which is the Southerly wind, bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco, except it be a great chance. Trending about the Cape, we haled in East North-east, to fetch the Bay of Atacames, which lieth some seven leagues from the Cape. In Bay of Atacames. the mid way (some three leagues from the shore) lieth a bank of sand, whereof a man must have a care; for in some parts of it there is but little water. The tenth of june we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames, which on the Wester part hath a round hammock. It seemeth an Island, & in high Springs, I judge, that the Sea goeth round about it. To the Eastwards it hath a high sandy Cliff, and in the midst of the Bay, a fair birth, from the shore lieth a big black Rock above water: from this Rock to the sandy Cliff, is a drowned Marsh ground, caused by his lowness; And a great River, which is broad but of no depth. Manning our Boat, and running to the shore, we found presently in the Western bite of the Bay, a deep River, whose Indraught was so great, that we could not benefit ourselves of it, being brackish, except at a low water; which hindered our dispatch, yet in five days, we filled all our empty Cask, supplied ou● want of wood, and grounded and put in order our Pinnace. Here, for that our Indians served us to no other use, but to consume our victuals, we eased They dismiss their Indians. ourselves of them; gave them Hooks and Lines which they craved, and some bread for a few days, and replanted them in a rarre better Country, than their own, which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the Ship which we chased thwart of Cape San Francisco; for victuals growing short with her, having many mouths, she was forced to put ashore fifty of her passengers, near the Cape; whereof more than the one half died with famine, and continual Distress of Spaniards. wading through Rivers and waters: the rest (by chance) meeting with the Indians, which we had put ashore, with their fishing, guide, and industry were refreshed, sustained, and brought to habitation. Our necessary business being ended, we purposed the fifteenth day of May, in the morning, Occasion of their ruin. to setsaile, but the foureteenth in the eu●ning, we had sight of a Ship, some three leagues to Sea-wards; and through the importunity of my Captain and Company. I condescended that our Pinnace should give her chase, which I should not have done, for it was our destruction; I gave them precise order, that if they stood not in again at night, they should seek me at Cape San Francisco, for the next morning I purposed to set sail without delay, and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her coming, at nine of the clock in the morning, we weighed our Anchors, and stood for the Cape; where we beat off and on two days: and our Pinnace not appearing, we stood again into the Bay, where we descried he●, turning in without a main Mast, which standing off to the Sea, close by, with much wind and a ch 〈…〉ng Se● bearing a taut-sayle, where a A taut sail is that which proportionably is to high for the vess 〈…〉. Boy of S. Matthew. little was too much (being to small purpose) suddenly t●ey bore it by the board; and standing in with the shore, the wind, or rather God blinding th●m for our punishment, they knew not the land; and making themselves to be to wind-wards of the Bay, bore up and were put into the Bay of San Matthew: It is a goodly harbour, and hath a great fresh River, which higheth fifteen or sixteen foot water, and is a good Country, and w●ll peopled with Indians; they have store of Gold and Emeralds. Here the Spaniards from Guay aquill made an habitation, whilst I was prisoner in Lyma, by the Indians consent; but after not able to suffer the insolences of their guests, and being a people of stomach and presumption, they suffered themselves to be persuaded and led by a Molato. This leader many years before had fled unto them from the The Indians led by a 〈◊〉 Chase the Spaniards. Spaniards, him they had long time held in reputation of their Captain General, and was admitted also unto a chief Office by the Spaniards, to gain him unto them. But now the Indians uniting themselves together, presuming that by the help of this Molato they should force the Spaniards out of the Country; put their resolution in execution, drove their enemies into the woods, and slew as many as they could lay hands on few escaped with life; and those who had that good hap, suffered extreme misery before they came to Quito; the place of nearest habitation of Spaniards. To this Bay, as soon as our people in the Pinnace saw their error, they brought their tacks aboard, and turned and tided it up, as they could. as soon as we came to Anchor, I procured to remedy that was amiss; in two days we dispatched all we had to do, and the next morn●ng we resolved to set sail and to leave the coast of Peru and Quito. The day appearing, we began to weigh our Anchors, and being a Pike ready to cut sail, one out of the top descried the Spanish Armado, coming about the Cape: which by the course it kept, presently gave us to understand, Spanish Armado. who they were: though my company (as is the custom of Sea men) made them to be the Fleet bound for Panama, loaden with treasure, and importuned that in all haste we should cut sail and stand with them, which I contradicted, for that I was assured that no Shipping would stir upon the coast, till they had security of our departure (except some Armado that might be sent to seek us) and that it was not the time of the year to carry the treasure to Panama. And besides, in riding still at an Anchor, they ever came nearer unto us, for they stood directly with us, and we kept the weather gage; where if we had put ourselves under sail (the ebb in hand) we should have given them the advantage, which we had in our power, by reason of the point of the Bay. And being the Armado (as it was) we gained time to fit ourselves, the better to fight. And truly (as before, to a stiffnecked Horse) so now again, I cannot but resemble the condition of the Mariner to any thing better, then to the current of a furious River, repressed by force or Art, which nevertheless ceaseth not to seek a way to overthrow both Pride and unruliness forerunners of ruin. fence and bank: Even so the common sort of Seamen, apprehending a conceit in their imaginations, neither experiment, knowledge, examples, reasons nor authority, can alter or remove them from their conceited opinions. In this extremity, with reason I laboured to convince them, and to contradict their pretences: but they altogether without reason, or against reason, break out, some into vaunting and bragging, some into reproaches of want of courage, others into wish, that they had never come out of their Country, if we should refuse to fight with two ships whatsoever. And to mend the matter, the Gunner (for his part) assured me that with The unadvised courage of the multitude. the first tire of shot, he would lay the one of them in the sods: And our Pinnace, that she would take the other to task. One promised, that he would cut down the Mainyard, another that he would take their Flag; and all in general showed a great desire to come to trial with the Enem●. To some I turned the deaf ear, with others I dissembled, and armed myself with patience (having no other defence nor remedy for that occasion) soothing and animating them to the execution of what they promised, and persuaded them to have a little sufferance, seeing they gained time and advantage by it. And to give them better satisfaction I condescended, that our Captain with a competent number of men, should with our Pinnace go to discover them; with order, that they should not engage themselves in that manner, as they might not be able to come unto us, or we to succour them. In all these divisions and opinions, our Master, Hugh Dormish (who was a most sufficient man for government and valour, and well saw the errors of the multitude) used his office, as became him; and so did all those of best understanding. In short space, our Pinnace discovered what they were, and casting about to return unto us, the Vide-admiral (being next her) began with her chafe to salute her with three or four Pieces of Artillery, and so continued chase her, and gunning at her. My Company seeing this, now began to change humour: And I then, to encourage and persuade them to perform the execution of their promises and vaunts of valour, which they had but even now protested, and given assurance of, by their proffers and forwardness,. And that we might have Sea-room to fight, we presently weighed Anchor, and stood off to Sea with all our sails, in hope to get the weather gage of our contraries. But the wind scanting with us, and larging with them, we were forced to lee-ward. And the Admiral weathering us, came room upon us: which being within The beginning of the fight. Musket shot, we hailed first with our noise of Trumpets, then with our Waits, and after with our Artillery: which they answered with Artillery, two for one. For they had double the The inexperience of the Spaniards, and of the English Gunner. And carelessness of the English. Ordnance we had, and almost ●en men for one. Immediately they came shoaring aboard of us, upon our lee quarter contrary to our expectation, and the custom of men of War. And doubtless, had our Gunner been the man he was reputed to be, and as the world sold him to me, she had received great hurt by that manner of boarding: But contrary to all expectation, our stern Pieces were unprimed, and so were all those, which we had to lee-ward (save half one in the quarter) which discharged wrought that effect in our contraries as that they had five or six foot water in hold, before they suspected it. Hereby all men are to take warning by me, not to trust any man in such extremities, when How far a Commander is to trust his officers. he himself may see it done: and coming to fight, let the Chieftain himself be sure to have all his Artillery in a readiness, upon all occasions. This was my oversight, this my overthrow. For I, and all my Company, had that satisfaction of the sufficiency and care of our Gunner, as not any one of us ever imagined there would be any defect found in him. For my part, I with the rest of our Officers, occupied ourselves in clearing our Decks, lacing our Netting, making of Bulwarks, arming our Tops, fitting our Wast-clothes, tallowing our Pikes, slinging our Yards, doubling our Sheets and Tacks, placing and ordering our People, and procuring that they should be well fitted and provided of all things; leaving the Artillery, and other Instruments of fire, to the Gunners dispose and order, with the rest of his Mates and Adherents: which (as I said) was part of our perdition. For bearing me ever in hand, that he had five hundred Cartredges in a readiness, within one hours' fight, we were forced to occupy three persons, only in making and filling Cartredges, and of five hundred else of Canvas and other Cloth given him for that purpose, at sundry times, not one yard was to be found. For this we have no excuse, and therefore could not avoid the danger, to charge and discharge with the Ladle, especially in so hot a fight. And coming now to put in execution the sinking of the ship, as he promised, he seemed a man without life or soul. So the Admiral coming close unto us, I myself, and the Master of our ship, were forced to play the Gunners. Those Instruments of fire, wherein he made me to spend excessively (before our going to Sea) Deceit of the Gunner, and his extreme carelessness, and suspicious disloyalty. now appeared not; Neither the brass Balls of Artificial fire to be shot with Slurbowes (whereof I had six Bows, and two hundreth Balls, which are of great account and service, either by Sea or Land) he had stowed them in such manner (though in double Barrels) as the salt water had spoilt them all; so that coming to use them, not one was serviceable. Some of our Company had him in suspicion, to be more friend to the Spaniards, then to us; for that he had served some years in the Tercea, as Gunner, and that he did all this of purpose. Few of our Pieces were clear, when we came to use them, and some had the shot first put in, and after the powder. Besides, after our surrendry; it was laid to his charge, that he should say; he had a Brother that served the King in Peru, and that he thought he was in the Armado; and how he would not for all the world, he should be slain. Whether this were true or no, I know not, but I am sure all in general gave him an ill report, and that he, in whose hands the chief execution of the whole fight consisted, executed nothing as was promised and expected. It is requisite that all Captains and Commanders were such, and so experimented in all offices, that Who to account a true Mariner. they might be able as well to control as to examine all manner of errors in officers. For the Government at Sea hardly suffereth a head without exquisite experience. The deficiency whereof hath occasioned some ancient Seamen to straighten the attribute of Mariner in such sort, as that it ought not to be given but to the man who is able to build his Ship, to fit and provide her of all things necessary, and after to carry her about the world: residue, to be but sailors. Hereby giving us to understand, that he should His knowledge for Materials. know the parts and pieces of the Ship, the value of the timber, plank and Iron-worke, so to be able aswell to build in proportion, as to procure all materials at a just price. And again, to know how to cut his sails, what length is competent to every Rope, and to be of sufficiency to reprehend and reform those who err, and do amiss. In providing his Ship for victuals, munition and necessaries, of force it must For provisions. be expected that he be able to make his estimate, and (that once provided and perfected) in season, and with expedition to see it laden and stowed commodiously, with care and proportion. After that, He is to order the spending thereof, that in nothing he be defrauded at home, and at Sea, ever to know how much is spent, and what remaineth to be spent. In the Art of Navigation, he is bound also to know, so much For Navigation as to be able to give directions to the Pilot & Master, and consequently to all the rèst of inferior officers. In matter of guide and disposing of the Sailors, with the tackling of the Ship, and the works which belong Office of the Master. thereunto, within board and without, all is to be committed to the Master's charge. The Pilot is to look carefully to the Sterridge of the Ship, to be watchful in taking the heights of Sun and Star; Office of the Pilot. The Boatswain. to note the way of his Ship, with the augmenting and lessening of the wind, etc. The Boatswain is to see his Ship kept clean; his Masts, yards and tackle well coated, matted and armed; his shrouds and stays well set; his sails repaired, and sufficiently prevented with martnets, blayles, and caskets; his boat fitted with Sail, Oars, thoughts, tholes danyd, windles and rother: His Anchors well boyed, sufely stopped and secured, with the rest to him appertaining. The Steward is to see the preservation of Victuals The Steward. and necessaries, committed unto his charge; and by measure and weight, to deliver the portions appointed, and with discretion and good terms, to give satisfaction to all. The Carpenter is to view the The Carpenter masts and yards, the sides of the Ship, her decks and cabins; her pumps and boat; and moreover to occupy himself in the most forcible works, except he be otherwise c 〈…〉 ded. The Gunner is to care The Gunner. for the britching and tackling of his Artillery; the fitting of his shot, T●●pkins, coins, crones and linstokes, etc. To be provident in working his fire works, in making and filling his Cartreges; in accommodating his ladles, sponges and other necessaries; in sifting and drying his powder; in cleansing the arms, munition, and such like works, entrusted unto him. In this manner every officer in his office, aught to be an absolute Commander, yet ready in obedience and love, to sacrifice his will to his superiors command: This cannot but cause unity; and unity cannot but purchase a happy issue to dutiful travels. Lastly, except it be in urgent and precise cases, the Head Directions in secret. should never direct his command to any, but the officers, and these secretly, except the occasion require publication; or that it touch all in general. Such orders would be (for the most part) in writing, that all might know what in general is commanded and required. The reason why the Admiral came to leewards (asafter I understood) was for that her Artillery being very long, and the wind fresh, bearing a taut sail, to fetch us up, and to keep us Why the Spanish Admiral came to leewards. company, they could not use their Ordnance to the weather of us, but lay shaking in the wind: And doubtless it is most proper for ships to have short Ordnance, except in the stern or chase. The reasons are many: viz. easier charging, ease of the Ships side, better traversing and mounting, yea, greater security of the Artillery, and consequently of the Ship. For Rule for Ordnance. the longer the Piece is, the greater is the retention of the fire, and so the torment and danger of the Piece the greater. But here will be contradiction by many, that dare avouch that longer Pieces are to be preferred; for that they burn their powder better, and carry the shot further, and so necessarily of better execution: whereas the short Artillery many times spends much of their powder without burning, and works thereby the slenderer effect. To which I answer, that for Land service, Forts, or Castles, the long Pieces are to be preferred; but for shipping, the shorter are much more serviceable. And the powder in them, being such as it ought, will be all fired long before the shot come forth; and to reach far in fights at Sea, is to little effect: For he that purposeth to annoy his Enemy, must not shoot at random, nor at point blank, if he purpose to accomplish with his devoir, neither must he spend his shot, nor powder, but where a potgun may reach his contrary; how much the nearer, so much the better: and this duly executed, the short Artillery will work his effect, as well as the long; otherwise, neither short nor long are of much importance: but here, my meaning is not, to approve the overshort Pieces, devised by some persons, which at every shot they make, dance out of their carriages, but those of indifferent length, and which keep the mean, betwixt seven and eight foot. The entertainment we gave unto our contraries, being otherwise then was expected, they fell off, and ranged a head, having broken in pieces all our gallery: and presently they cast about Entertainment of Spaniards. upon us, and being able to keep us company, with their fight sails lay a weather of us, ordinarily within Musket shot; playing continually with them and their great Artillery; which we endured, and answered as we could. Our Pinnace engaged herself so far, as that before she could come unto us, the Vide-admiral had like to cut her off, and coming to lay us aboard, and to enter her men, the Vide-admiral boarded with her; so that some of our company entered our Ship over her bow-sprit, as they themselves reported. We were not a little comforted with the sight of our people in safety, within our Ship, for in all, we were but threescore and fifteen men and boys, when we began to fight, and our enemies thirteen hundred men and The English 75. The Spaniards 1300. boys, little more or less, and those of the choice of Peru. Here it shall not be out of the way, to discourse a little of the Spanish Discipline, and manner of their government in general; which is in many things different to ours. In this expedition came two Generals, The Spanish discipline. the one Don Beltran de Castro, who had the absolute authority and command: The other Michael Angel Pilipon, a man well in years, and came to this preferment by his long and painful service, who though he had the title of General by Sea, I think it was rather of courtesy then by Patent; and for that he had been many year's General of the South Seas, for the carriage and swaftage of the Silver from Lyma to Panama; He seemed to be an assistant, to supply that with his counsel, advice, and experience, whereof Don Beltran had never made trial (for he commanded not absolutely, but with the confirmation of Don Beltran) for the Spaniards never give absolute authority to more than one. A custom that hath been, and is approved in all Empires, Kingdoms, Commonwealths, and Armies, rightly disciplined: the mixture hath been seldom seen to prosper, as will manifestly appear, if we consider the issue of all actions and journeys committed to the government of two or more generally. The Spaniards in their Armadas by Sea, imitate the discipline, order and officers, which are in an Army by Land, and divide themselves into three bodies, to wit, Soldiers, Mariners and Gunners. Their Soldier's ward and watch, and their officers in every Ship round, as if they were on the shore; this is the only task they undergo, except cleaning their Arms, wherein they are not over curious. The Gunners The Soldiers. are exempted from all labour and care, except about the Artillery. And these are either Almains, Flemings, or strangers; for the Spaniards are but indifferently practised in this Art. The Mariners The Gunner. are but as slaves to the rest, to moil and to toil day and night, and those but few and bad, and not suffered The Mariner. to sleep or harbour themselves under the decks. For in fair or foul weather, in storms, sun or rain, they must pass void of covert or succour. There is ordinarily in every Ship of War, a Captain, whose charge is, as that of our Masters with us, and also a Captain of the Soldiers, who commandeth the Captain of the Ship, the Soldiers, Gunners, Officers in a Ship of War. Captain of the Ship. Captain of the Soldiers. M. Del Campo. &. and Mariners in her; yea, though there be diverse Captains, with their companies in one Ship (which is usual amongst them) yet one hath the supreme authority, and the residue are at his ordering and disposing. They have their Mastros de Campo, Sergeant, Master, General (or Captain) of the Artillery, with their Alfere Mayor, and all other officers, as in a Campe. If they come to fight with another Armado, they order themselves as in a battle by land: In a Vanguard, rearward, main battle, and wings, etc. In every particular Ship the Soldiers are set all upon the decks; their forecastle they account their head Front, or Vanguard of their company; that abast the Mast, the rearward; and the waste, the main battle; wherein they place their principal force, and on which they principally rely, which they call their placa de armas or place of Arms; which taken, their hope is lost. The Gunners fight not, but with their great Artillery: the Mariners attend only on the tackling of the Ship, and handling of the sails, and are unarmed, and subject to all misfortunes; not permitted to shelter themselves, but to be still aloft, Ill order. whether it be necessary or needless. So ordinarily, those which first fail are the Mariners and Sailors, of which they have greatest need. They use few close fights or fireworks, & all this proceedeth (as I judge) of error in placing land Captains for Governors and Commanders by Sea, where they seldom understand what is to be done or commanded. Some that have been our prisoners, have perfited themselves of that, they have seen amongst us: and others disguised, under colour of treaties, for ransoming of prisoners, for bringing of presents, & other Imbassages, Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline. have noted our form of shipping, our manner of defences and discipline: Sat hence which espial in such actions as they have been employed in, they seek to imitate our government, and reformed discipline at Sea: which doubtless is the best, and most proper that is at this day known, or practised in the whole Their imitation of our Discipline. world, if the execution be answerable to that which is known and received for true and good amongst us. In the Captain (for so the Spaniards call their Admiral) was an English Gunner, who to gain grace with those under whom he served, preferring himself, and offered to sink our Ship with Englishman lost the English and therefore the man. the first shot he made; who, by the Spaniards relation, being traversing a piece in the bow, to make his shot, had his head carried away with the first or second shot, made out of our Ship. It slew also two or three of those which stood next him, A good warning for those which fight against their Country. The fight continued so hot on both sides, that the Artillery and Muskets never ceased playing. Our contraries, towards the evening, determined the third time to lay us aboard, with resolution to take us, or to hazard all. The order they set down for the execution hereof, was, that the Captain (or Admiral) should bring himself upon our weather bow, and so fall aboard of us, upon our broad side: And that the Vide-admiral, should lay his Admiral aboard upon his weather quarter, and so enter his men into her; that from her, they might enter us, or do as occasion should minister. The Captain of the Vide-admiral, being more hardy than considerate, and presuming with his ship and company to get the prize, and chief honour; waited not the time to put in execution the direction given, but presently came aboard to wind-wards upon our broad side. Which The Spaniards pay dear for their rashness. doubtless was the great and especial Providence of Almighty God, for the discouraging of our enemies, and animating of us. For although she was as long, or rather longer than our ship, being rarely built, and utterly without fights or defence; what with our Muskets, and what with our fireworks we cleared her decks in a moment; so that scarce any person appeared. And doubtless if we had entered but a dozen men, we might have enforced them to have rendered unto us, or taken her, but our company being few, and the principal of them slain, or hurt, we durst not, neither was it wisdom, to adventure the separation of those which remained: and so held that for the best and soundest resolution, to keep our forces together in defence of our own. The Vide-admiral seeing himself in great distress, called to his Admiral for succour: who presently laid him aboard, and entered a hundred of his men, and so cleared themselves of us. In this boarding the Vide-admiral had at the least thirty and six men hurt, and slain; and amongst them his Pilot shot through the body, so as he died presently. And the Admiral also received some loss; which wrought in them a new resolution; only with their Artillery to batter us; And take a new resolution and so with time to force us to surrender, or to sink us, which they put in execution; and placing themselves within a Musket shot of our weather quarter, and sometimes on our broad side, lay continually beating upon us without intermission, which was doubtless the best and securest determination they could take, for they being rare ships, and without any manner of close fights, in boarding with us, their men were all open unto us, and we under covert and shelter. For on all parts our ship was Musket free, and the great Artillery of force must cease on either side (the ships being once grappled together) except we resolved to sacrifice ourselves together in fire. For it is impossible, if the great Ordnance play (the ships being boarded) but that they must set fire Great Ordnance 〈…〉 e 〈◊〉 ship near. on the ship they shoot at; and then no surety can be had to free himself, as experience daily confirmeth. A Piece is as a Thunderclap. As was seen in the Spanish Admiral after my imprisonment, crossing from Panama to Cape San Francisco, a Rayao, (for so the Spaniards call a Thunderclap) broke over our ship, killed one in the foretop, astonished either two or three in the shrouds, and split the Mast in strange manner; where it entered, it could hardly be discerned, but S●r●nge e 〈…〉 of Th 〈…〉. where it came forth, it drove out a great splinter before it; and the man slain, was clean in a manner without sign or token of hurt, although all his bones turned to powder, and those who lived and recovered, had all their bodies black, as burnt with fire. In like manner the Piece of Ordnance hurteth not those which stand aside, nor those which stand aslope from his mouth, but those alone which stand directly against the true point of his level: though sometimes the wind of the shot overthroweth one, and the splinters (being accidents) main and hurt others. But principally where the Piece doth resemble the Thunderclap, as when the ships are boarded. For then, although the Artillery be discharged without shot, the fury of the fire, and his piercing nature is such, as it entereth by the seams, and all parts of the ships sides, and meeting with so fit matter as Pitch, Tar, Oaombe, and sometimes with powder, presently converteth all into flames. For avoiding whereof, as also the danger and damage which may come by Pikes and other inventions of fire, and if any ship be oppressed with many ships at once, and subject by them to be boarded; I hold it a good course to strike his fire and main yards close to his deck, and to fight with spritsail, and myson, and topsails lose: so shall he be able to hinder them from oppressing him. Some have thought it a good policy to lance out some ends of masts or yards by Policies to avoid boordings. the Ports or other parts: but this is to be used in the greater ships, for in the lesser, though they be never so strong, the weight of the bigger will beat out the opposite sides, and do hurt, and make great spoil in the lesser. And in boarding, ordinarily the lesser ship hath all the harm, which the one ship can do unto the other. Here is offered to speak of a point much canvased amongst Carpenters, and Sea Captains, diversely maintained, but yet undetermined: that is, whether the race or lofty built ship, be best for the Merchant, and those which employ themselves in trading: I am of opinion, that the race ship is most convenient; yet so, Dispute concerning ships of Trade. as that every perfect ship ought to have two decks, for the better strengthening of her; the better succouring of her people; the better preserving of her Merchandise and victual, and for her greater safety from Sea and storms. But for the Prince's ships, and such as are employed continually in the Wars, to be Concerning the Prince his ships. built lofty I hold very necessary for many Reasons. First, for Majesty and terror of the Enemy; Secondly, for harbouring of many men; Thirdly, for accommodating more men to fight: Fourthly, for placing and using more Artillery; Fiftly, for better strengthening and securing of the ship; Sixtly, for over topping and subiecting the Enemy; Seventhly, for greater safeguard and defence of the ship and company. For it is plain, that the ship with three decks, or with two and an half, shows more pomp than another of her burden with a deck and half, or two decks, and breedeth great terror to the enemy, discovering herself to be a more powerfulship as she is, than the other, which being indeed a ship of force, seemeth to be but a Bark, and with her low building hideth her burden. And who doubteth that a deck and a half cannot harbour that proportion of men, that two decks, and two decks and a half can accommodate to fight, nor carry the Artillery so plentifully, nor so commodiously. Neither can the ship be so strong with a deck and a half, as with two decks, nor with two as with three, nor carry her Masts so taut, nor spread so great a clue, nor contrive so many fights to answer one another for defence & offence. And the advantage the one hath of the other, experience daily teacheth. That which hath been spoken of the danger of the Artillery in boarding is not to be wrested, nor interpreted Courses for Artillery after boarding. to cut off utterly the use of all Artillery after boarding, but rather I hold nothing more convenient in ships of War, than Fowlers and great Bases in the cage works, and Murderers in the Cobridge heads, for that their execution and speedy charging and discharging is of great moment. Many I know have left the use of them, and of sundry other preventions, as of sherehookes, stones in their tops, and arming Disuse of engines of Antiquity. them, Pikebolts in their males and diverse other engines of Antiquity. But upon what inducement I cannot relate, unless it be because they never knew their effects and benefit, and may no doubt be used without the inconveniences before mentioned in great Ordnance. As also such may be the occasion, that without danger some of the great Artillery may be used, and that with great effect, which is in the discretion of the Commanders and their Gunners, as hath been formerly seen and daily is experimented. In the Revenge of her Majesties, good experience was made, who sunk two of the Spanish Armado lying aboard her. In these boordings and skirmishes diverse of our men were slain, and many hurt, and myself amongst them received six wounds; one of them in the neck very perilous; another through Sir R. H. wounded. the arm perishing the bone, and cutting the sinews close by the Arme-pit; the rest not so dangerous. The Master of our ship had one of his eyes, his nose, and half his face shot away. Master Henry Courton was slain; on these two I principally relied for the prosecution of our voyage, if God by sickness, or otherwise should take me away. The Spaniards with their great Ordnance lay The Spaniards patley. continually playing upon us, and now and then parled and invited us to surrender ourselves a Buena Querra. The Captain of our ship, in whose direction and guide, our lives, our honour, and welfare now remained; seeing many of our people wounded and slain, and that few were left to sustain and maintain the fight, or to resist the entry of the enemy (if he should again board us) and that our contraries offered us good pertido: came unto me accompanied with some others, and began to relate the state of our ship, and how that many were hurt and slain, and scarce any men appeared to traverse the Artillery, or to oppose themselves for defence if the enemy should board with us again. And how that the Admiral offered us life and liberty, and to receive us a Buena querra, and to send us into our own Country. Saying, that if I thought it so meet, he and the rest were of opinion that we should put out a flag of truce, and make some good composition. The great loss of blood had weakened me much. The torment of my wounds newly received made me faint, and I laboured for life, within short space expecting I should give up the ghost. But this parley pierced through my heart, and wounded my soul; words failed me wherewith to express it, and none can conceive it, but he which findeth himself in the like agony: yet grief and rage ministered force, and caused me to break forth into this reprehension and execution following. Great is the Cross, which almighty God hath suffered to come upon me; that assaulted by our professed enemies, and by them wounded (as you see) in body, lying gasping for breath) those whom I reputed for my friends to fight with me, those which I relied on as my brethren to defend me in all occasions. Those whom I have nourished, cherished, fostered and loved as my children to succour me, help me, and to sustain my reputation in all extremities, are they who first draw their swords against me, are they which wound my heart, in giving me up into mine enemy's hands, whence proceedeth this ingratitude? whence this fa●●tnesse of heart? whence this madness? is the cause you fight for, unjust? is the honour and love of your Prince and Country buried in the dust? your sweet lives, are they become loathsome unto you? will you exchange your liberty for thraldom, will you consent to see that, which you have sweat for, and procured with so great labour and adventure at the dispose of your enemies? can you content yourselves to suffer my blood spilt before your eyes? and my life bereft me in your presence? with the blood and lives of your dear brethren to be unrevenged? is not an honourable death to be preferred, before a miserable and slavish life? The one sustaining the honour of our Nation, of our predecessors, and of our society, the other ignominious to ourselves, and reproachful to our Nation. Can you be persuaded that the enemy will perform his promise with you, that never leaveth to break it with others when he thinketh it advantageous? and know you not, that with him all is convenient that is profitable? Hold they not this for a maxim; that, nulla fides est Perfidiousness often found in Spanish promises. ●●ruanda cum hereticis. In which number they account us to be. Have you forgotten their faith violated with my father, in S. john de Vlua, the conditions & capitulations being firmed by the Viceroy, & twelve Hostages, all principal personages given for the more security of either party to other? Have you forgotten their promise broken with john Vibao, & his company in Florida, having conditioned to give them shipping and victuals to carry them into their country? immediately after they had delivered their weapons & arms, had they not their throats cut? have you forgotten how they dealt with john Oxenham, & his Company, in this Sea, yielding upon composition? and how after a long imprisonment, and many miseries (being carried from Panama to Lyma) and there hanged with all his Company, as Pirates, by the justice? And can you forget how daily they abuse our noble natures, which being void of malice, measure all by sincerity, but to our loss? for that when we come to demand performance, they stop our mouths: Either with laying the inquision upon us, or with delivering us into the hands of the ordinary justice, or of the King's Ministers. And then urged with their promises, they shrink up to the shoulders, and say, That they have now no further power over us. They sorrow in their hearts, to see their promise is not accomplished; but now they cannot do us any good office, but to pray to God for us, and to entreat the Ministers in our behalf. The rest of this conference, being long, is omitted. They resolve to fight out. Came we into the South-sea to put out flags of truce? And left we our pleasant England, with all her contentments, with intention or purpose to avail ourselves of white rags? The Captain and Company were persuaded to resolution; and in accomplishment of this promise and determination, they persevered in sustaining the fight all this night, with the day and night following, and the third day after. In which time the Enemy never left us day nor night, beating continually upon us with his great and small shot. Saving that every morning, an hour before break of day, he edged a little from us to breath, and to remedy such defects as The Enemy breatheth. were amiss; as also to consult what they should do the day and night following. This time of interdiction we employed in repairing our Sails and Tackle, in stopping our Leaks, in fishing and woolling our Masts and Yards, in mending our Pumps, and in fitting and providing ourselves for the day to come: though this was but little space for so many works, yet gave it The English repair their defects. great relief and comfort unto us, and made us better able to endure the defence: for otherwise our ship must of force have sunk before our surrendrie, having many shot under water, and our Pumps shot to pieces every day. In all this space, not any man of either part took rest or sleep, and little sustenance, besides Bread and Wine. In the second days fight, the Vide-admiral coming upon our quarter, William Blanch, one of our Master's mates, with a lucky hand, made a shot unto her with one of our stern Pieces; it carried Vice-admirals mast shot away away his main Mast close by the deck: wherewith the Admiral bear up to her to see what harm she had received, and to give her such succour, as she was able to spare: which we seeing, were in good hope that they would have now left to molest us any longer, having wherewithal to entertain themselves in redressing their own harms. And so we stood away from them close Advantages omitted. by as we could: which we should not have done, but prosecuted the occasion, and brought our selves close upon her weathergage, and with our great and small shot hindered them from repairing their harms: if we had thus done, they had been forced to cut all by the board, and it may be (lying a hull, or to le-wards of us) with a few shot we might have sunk her. At the least, it would have declared to our enemies that we had them in little estimation, when able to go from them, we would not: and perhaps been a cause to have made them to leave us. But this occasion was let slip, as also, that other to fight with them, sailing quarter winds, or before the wind: for having stood off to Sea a day and a night, we had scope to fight at our pleasure, and no man having sea room is bound to fight as his enemy will with disadvantage, being able otherwise to deal with equality: chose, every man ought to seek the means he can, for his defence and greatest advantage to the annoyance of his contrary. Now we might with our foresail low set have borne up before the wind, and the enemy of force must have done the like, if he would fight with us, or keep us company; and then should we The difference of shot. have had the advantage of them. For although their Artillery were longer, weightier, and many more than ours, and in truth did pierce with greater violence; yet ours being of greater bore, and carrying a weightier and greater shot, was of more importance and of better effect for sinking and spoiling: for the smaller shot passeth through, and maketh but his hole, and harmeth Their effects. that which lieth in his way; but the greater shaketh and shivereth all it meeteth, and with the splinters, or that which it encountreth, many times doth more hurt, then with his proper circumference: as is plainly seen in the battery by land, when the Saker, and Demy-coluerin, the Coluerin, and Demi-canon (being pieces that reach much further point blank than the Canon) are nothing of like importance for making the breach, as is the Canon; for that this shot being ponderous pierceth with difficulty, yea worketh better effects, tormenting, shaking and overthrowing all; whereas the others, with their violence, pierce better, and make only their hole, and so hide themselves in the Wool or Rampire. Besides (our ship being you're and good of steeridge) no doubt but we should have played better with our Ordnance, and with more effect than did our enemies; which was a greater terror being able to fight with less disadvantage, and yet to fight with the most that could be imagined, which I knew not of, neither was able to direct though I had known it; being in a manner senseless, what with my wounds, and what with the agony of the surrendry propounded, for that Errors in fight. had seldom known it spoken of, but that it came afterwards to be put in execution. The General not being able to succour his Vice-admiral, except he should utterly leave us, gave them order to shift as well as they could for the present, and to bear with the next Port, and there to repair their harms. Himself presently followed the Chase, and in short space fetched us up, and began a fresh to batter us with his great and small shot. The Vide-admiral (having saved what they could) cut the rest by the board, and with Foresail and Myson came after us also, and before the setting of the Sun, were come upon our broad side, we bearing all our Sails, and after kept us company, lying upon our weather quarter, and annoying us what she could. Here I hold it necessary, to make mention of two things, which were most prejudicial unto us, and the principal causes of our perdition, the errors and faults of late days, crept in amongst those who follow the Sea, and learned from the Flemings and Easterlings. I wish that by our misfortunes others Learned from the Flemings & Easterlings. 1. To fight unarmed. 2. To drink to excess. would take warning, and procure to redress them as occasions shall be offered. The one, is to fight v●●●med, where they may fight armed. The other, is in coming to fight, to drink themselves drunk. Yea, some are so mad, that they mingle Powder with Wine to give it the greater force, imagining that it giveth spirit, strength and courage, and taketh away all fear and doubt. The latter is, for the most part true, but the former is false and beastly, and altogether against reason. For though the nature of wine with moderation, is to comfort and re 〈…〉 e the heart, and to fortify and strengthen the spirit; yet the immoderate use thereof worketh quite contrary effects. In fights, all receipts which add courage and spirit, are of great regard to be allowed and used; and so is a draught of wine to be given to every man before he come to action, but more then enough is pernicious; for, exceeding the means, it offendeth, and infeebleth the senses, converting the strength (which should resist the force of the enemy) into weakness: it dulleth and blindeth the understanding, and consequently depraveth any man of true valour. For that he is disenabled to judge and apprehend the occasion, which may be offered to assault and retire in time convenient, the raynes of reason being put into the hands of passion and disorder. For after I was wounded, this nimium bred great disorder and inconvenience in our ship, the pot continually walking, infused desperate and foolish hardiness in many, who blinded with the fume of the liquor, considered not of any danger, but thus, and thus would stand at hazard; some in vain Folly of the bold English. glory vaunting themselves; some other railing upon the Spaniards; another inviting his companion to come and stand by him; and not to budge a foot from him: which indiscreetly they put in execution, and cost the lives of many a good man, slain by our enemy's Musketeers, who suffered not a man to show himself, but they presently overthrew him with speed and watchfulness. For prevention of the second error, although I had great preparation of Armour, as well of proof, as of light Corselets, yet not a man would use them, but esteemed a pot of wine, a better defence, than an armour of proof: which truly was great madness, and a lamentable fault, worthy to be banished from amongst all reasonable people, and well to be weighed by all Commanders. For if the Spaniard surpasseth us in any thing, it is in his temperance The Spaniard surpas●eth us only in temperance. and suffering: and, where he hath had the better hand of us, it hath been (for the most part) through our own folly, for that we will fight unarmed with him being armed. And although I have heard many men maintain, that in shipping, armour is of little profit; all men of good understanding, will condemn such desperate ignorance. For besides, that the sleightest armour secureth the parts of a man's body (which it covereth) from pike, sword, and all hand weapons: it likewise giveth boldness and courage; a man armed, giveth a greater and a weightier blow, than a man unarmed, he standeth faster, and with greater difficulty is to be overthrown. And I never read, but that the glistering of the armour hath been by Authors observed, for that (as I imagine) his show breedeth terror in his contraries, and despair to himself if he be unarmed. And The v●e & profit of arming, exactly observed by the Spanish. therefore in time of war, such as devote themselves to follow the profession of Arms (by Sea or by Land) ought to covet nothing more than to be well armed, for as much as it is the second means, next God's protection, for preserving and prolonging many men's lines. Wherein the Spanish nation deserveth commendation above others, every one from the highest to the lowest, putting their greatest care in providing fair and good Arms. He which cannot come to the price of a Corslet, will have a coat of Mail, a jacket, at least, a Buff-jerkin, or a privy Coat; And hardly will they be found without it, albeit they live, and serve (for the most part) in extreme hot Countries. Whereas I have known many bred in cold Countries, in a moment complain of the weight of their Arms, that they smother them and then cast them off, choosing rather to be shot through with a bullet, or launched through with a pike, or thrust through with a sword, then to endure a little travail and suffering. But let me give these lazy ones this lesson, that he that will go a warfare, must resolve himself to fight, and he that putteth on this resolution, must be contented to endure both heat and weight, first, for the safeguard of his life, and next for subduing of his enemy; both which are hazarded and put into great danger, if he fight unarmed with an enemy armed. Now for mine own opinion, I am resolved that armour Arms more necessary by Sea, then at Land. is more necessary by Sea, then by Land, yea, rather to be excused on the shore, then in the ship. My reason is, for that on the shore the bullet only hurteth, but in the ship, I have seen the splinters kill and hurt many at once, and yet the shot to have passed without touching any person. As in the Galeon, in which I came out of the Indies, in Anno 1597. in the road of Tarcera, when the Queen's Majesty's ships, under the charge of the Earl of Essex, chased us into the road, with the splinters of one shot, were slain, maimed, and sore hurt, at the least a dozen persons, the most part whereof had been excused if they had been armed. And doubtless, if these errors had been forescene, and remedied by us, many of those who were slain and hurt, had been on foot, and we enabled to have sustained and maintained the fight much better and longer; and perhaps at last had freed ourselves. For if our enemy had come to board with us, our close fights were such as we were secure, and they open unto us. And what with our Cubridge heads, one answering the other, our hatches upon bolts, our bracks in our Decks and Gunner room, it was impossible to take us as long as any competent number of men had remained, twenty persons would have sufficed for defence, and for this such ships are called Impregnable, and are not to be taken, but by surrender, nor to be overcome, but with boarding or sinking, as in us by experience was verified; and not in us alone, but in the Revenge of the Queen's Majesty, which being compassed round about with all the Armado The Revenge avenged. of Spain, and boarded sundry times by many at once, is said to have sunk three of the Armado by her side. A third and last cause of the loss of sundry of our men, most worthy of note for all Captains, owners, The third cause. Race-ships of War disliked and Carpenters: was the race building of our ship; the only fault she had, and now adays held for a principal grace in any ship: but by the experience which I have had, it seemeth for sundry reasons very prejudicial for ships of War. For in such, those which tackle the sails, of force must be upon the decks, and are open without shelter or any defence: yet here it will be objected, That for this inconvenience, waste clothes are provided, and for want of them it is usual to lace a bonnet, or some such shadow for the men: worthily may it be called a shadow, and one of the most pernicious customs that can be used Wast-clothes, not so vsef●ull as other devinses. for this shadow or defence, being but of linen or woollen cloth emboldeneth many, who without it would retire to better security, whereas now thinking themselves unseen, they become more bold than otherwise they would, and thereby shot through, when they least think of it. Some Captains observing this error, have sought to remedy it in some of his Majesty's ships, not by altering the building, but by devising a certain defence made of four or five inch planks, of five foot high, and six foot broad, running upon wheels, and placed in such parts of the ship, as are most open. These they name Blenders, and made of Elm, for the most part, for that it shivers not with a shot, as Oak and other Timber will do, which are now in use and service, but best it is when the whole side hath one blender, and one armour of proof for defence of those, which of force must labour and be aloft. This race building, first came in by overmuch homing in of our ships, and received for good, under colour of making our ships thereby the better sea-ships, and of better advantage to hull and try: but in my judgement it breedeth many inconveniences, and is far from working the effect they pretend, by disinabling them for bearing their cage work correspondent, to the proportion and mould of the ship, making them tender sided, and unable to carry sail in any fresh gaile of wind, and diminishing the play of their Artillery, and the place for accommodating their people to fight, labour, or rest. And I am none of those who hold opinion, that the overmuch homing in, the more the better, is commodious and easier for the ship, and this is out of the experience that I have learned, which with forcible reasons I could prove, to be much rather discommodious and worthy to be reform. But withal I hold it not necessary to discourse here of that particularity, but leave the consequence to men of understanding, and so surcease. All this second day, and the third day and night, our Captain and company sustained the ●ight, notwithstanding the disadvantage where they fought: The enemy being ever to windwards, The disadvantage of Ships to lee-ward. and we to lee-ward, their shot much damnifying us, and ours little annoying them, for whensoever a man encountereth with his enemy at Sea, in gaining the weather gage, he is in possibility to sink his contrary, but his enemy cannot sink him; and therefore he which is forced to fight with this disadvantage, is to procure by all means possible to shoot down his contraries Masts or Yards, and to tear or spoil his tackling and sails: for which purpose, Billets of some heavy wood fitted to the great Ordnance, are of great importance. And so are Arrows And the best remedy. of fire to be shot out of Slurbowes, and Cases of small shot joined two and two together, with pieces of Wire of five or six inches long, which also shot out of Muskets are of good effect for tearing the sails, or cutting the tackling. Some are of opinion, that Crosse-barres and Chain-shot, Cross-bar, and Chainshot misliked. are of moment for the spoiling of Masts and Yards, but experience daily teacheth them not to be of great importance, though near at hand, I confess, they work great execution: but the round shot, is the only principal and powerful mean to break Mast or Yard. And in this our fight, the Admiral of the Spaniards had his Foremast shot through, with two round The Spaniards Foremast thrice shot through. shot, some three yards beneath the head; had either of them entered but four inches further into the heart of the Mast, without all doubt it had freed us, and perhaps put them into our hands. The third day, in the afternoon, which was the two and twentieth of june, 1594. according to our computation, and which I follow in this my discourse, our sails being torn, our Masts all perished, our Pumps rend and shot to pieces, and our ship with fourteen shot under water, and seven or eight foot of water in hold; many of our men being slain, and the most part of them (which remained) sore hurt, and in a manner altogether fruitless, and the enemy offering still to receive us a buena querra, and to give us life and liberty, and imbarkation for our Country. Our Captain, and those which remained of our Company, were all of opinion that our best course was to surrender ourselves before our ship sunk. And so by common consent agreed the second time, to send a servant of mine Thomas Sanders, to signify unto me the estate of our ship and company: and that it was impossible by any other way to expect for hope of deliverance The Company again importunate to come to composition. or life, but by the miraculous hand of God in using his Almighty power, or by an honourable surrender, which in every man's opinion was thought most convenient. So was I desired by him to give also my consent, that the Captain might capitulate with the Spanish General, and to compound the best partido he could by surrendering ourselves into his hands, upon condition of life and liberty. This he declared unto me, being in a manner void of sense, and out of hope to live or recover: which considered, and the circumstances of his relation, I answered as I could, that he might judge of my state, ready every moment to give up the Ghost, and unable to discern in this cause what was convenient, except I might see the present state of the Ship. And that the honour or dishonour, the welfare or misery, was for them, which should be partakers of life: At last, for that I had satisfaction of his valour and true dealing, in all the time, he had served me, and in correspondence of it, had given him (as was notorious) charge and credit in many occasions, I bound him, by the love and regard he ought me, and by the faith and duty to Almighty God, to tell me truly, if all were as he had declared. Whereunto he made answer, that he had manifested unto me the plain and naked truth, and that he took God to witness of the same truth: with which receiving satisfaction, I forced myself what I could, to persuade him to animate his companions, and in my name to entreat the Captain and the rest to persevere in defence of their liberty, lives, and reputation, remitting all to his discretion: not doubting, but he would be tender of his duty, and zealous of my reputation, in preferring his liberty, and the liberty of the Company above all respects what soever. As for the welfare hoped by a surrender, I was altogether unlikely to be partaker thereof, Death threatening to deprive me of the benefit, which the enemy offered; but if God would be pleased to free us, the joy and comfort I should receive, might perhaps give me force and strength to recover health. Which answer being delivered to the Captain, he presently caused a flag of truce to be put in place of our Ensign, and began to parley of our surrendry with a Spaniard, which Don Beltran appointed for that purpose, from the poop of the Admiral, to offer in his name, the conditions before specified; with his faithful promise and oath, as the King's General, to take us a buena querra, and to send us all into our own Country. The promise he accepted, and said, that under the same he yielded, and surrendered himself, Ship and Company. Immediately, there came unto me another servant of mine, and told me, that our Captain had surrendered himself and our Ship; which understood, I called unto one juan Gomes de Pineda, a Spanish Pilot, which was our Prisoner, and in all the fight we had kept close in hold, and willed him to go to the General Don Beltran de Castro from me, to tell him, that if he would give us his word and oath, as the General of the King, and some pledge for confirmation, to receive us a buena querra, and to give us our lives and liberty, and present passage into our own Country, that we would surrender ourselves, and Ship into his hands: Otherwise, that he should never enjoy of us, nor ours any thing, but a resolution every man to dye fight. With this Message I dispatched him, and called unto me all my Company, and encouraged them to sacrifice their lives fight and killing the enemy, if he gave but a fillip to any of our companions. The Spaniards willed us to hoist out our boat, which was shot all to pieces; and so was theirs. Seeing that he called to us to amain our sails, which we could not well do, for that they were slung, and we had not men enough to hand them. In this parley, the Vide-admiral coming upon our quarter, & not knowing of what had passed, discharged her two chase pieces at us, and hurt our Captain very sore in the thigh, and maimed one of our Master's Mates, called Hugh Maires, in one of his Arms, but after knowing us to be rendered, he secured us: And we The English surrender. satisfied them that we could not hoist out our boat, nor strike our sails, the Admiral laid us aboard, but before any man entered, john Gomes went unto the General, who received him with great courtesy, and asked him what we required; whereunto he made answer that my demand was that in the King's name, he should give us his faith and promise, to give us our lives, to keep the Laws of fair wars and quarter, and to send us presently into our Country; and in confirmation hereof, that I required some pledge, whereunto the General made answer; that in the King's Majesty's name his Master, he received us a buena querra, and swore by God Almighty, and by the habit of Alcautara (whereof he had received Knight hood, and in token whereof, he wore in his breast a green cross, which is the ensign of that Order) that he would give us our lives with good entreaty, and send us as speedily as he could into our own Country. In confirmation Glove sent for pledge. whereof, he took off his glove, and sent it to me as a pledge. With this message john Gomes returned, and the Spaniards entered and took possession of our Ship, every one crying buena querra, buena querra, ●y por immaniana por ti: with which our Company began to secure themselves. The General was a principal Gentleman of the ancient Nobility of Spain, and brother to the Conde de Lemos, whose intention no doubt was according to his promise; and therefore considering that some bad entreaty and insolency might be offered unto me in my Ship, by the common Soldiers, who seldom have respect to any person in such occasions, especially in the case I was, whereof he had informed himself; for prevention, he sent a principal Captain, brought Brave & worthy Spaniard. up long time in Flanders, called Pedro Alueres de Pulgar, to take care of me, and whilst the Ship were one aboard the other, to bring me into his Ship: which he accomplished with great humanity and courtesy; despising the bars of Gold which were shared before his face, which he might alone have enjoyed, if he would: And truly he was, as after I found by trial, a true Captain; a man worthy of any charge, and of the noblest condition that I have known any Spaniard. The General received me with great courtesy and compassion, even with tears in his eyes, The mildness of a General after victory. and words of great consolation and commanded me to be accommodated in his own Cabbine, where he sought to cure and comfort me the best he could; the like he used with all our hurt men, six and thirty at least. And doubtless as true courage, valour, and resolution, it requisite in a General in the time of battle. So humanity, mildness, and courtesy after victory. Whilst the ships were together, the Mainmast of the Dainty fell by the board, and the people being occupied in ransacking and seeking for spoil and pillage neglected the principal; whereof ensued, that within a short space the Dainty grew so deep with water, which increased for want of prevention, that all who were in her desired to forsake her, and woven and cried for succour to be saved, being out of hope of her recovery. Whereupon, the General calling together The Dainty in danger of perishing. the best experimented men he had, and consulting with them what was best to be done: it was resolved, that General Michael Angel should go aboard the Dainty, and with him threescore Mariners, as many Soldiers; and with them the English men, who were able to labour to free her from water, and to put her in order if it were possible: and then to recover Perico the Port of Panama for that of those to wind-wards it was impossible to turn up to any of them, and nearer than to ●eward was not any that could supply our necessities and wants, which lay from us East, North-east, above two hundred leagues. Michael Angel, being a man of experience and care accomplished that he took in hand, although Michael Angel recovereth the ship. in clearing and bayling the water, in placing a pump, and in fitting and mending her Foresail he spent above six and thirty hours. During which time the Ships lay all a hull; but this work ended, they set sail and directed their course for the Isles of Pearls: And for that the Dainty sailed badly, what for want of her Mainsail, and with the advantage which all the South Sea ships have of all those built in our North Sea. The Admiral gave her a taw, which notwithstanding (the wind calming with us as we approached nearer to the Land) twelve days were spent before we could fetch sight of the Lands, which lie alongst the Coast beginning some eight leagues West South-west from Panama, and run Many Lands. to the Southwards near thirty leagues. They are many and most inhabited, and those which have people have some Negroes, slaves unto the Spaniards, which occupy themselves in labour of the Land, or in fishing for Pearls. In times past many enriched themselves with that trade, but now it is grown to decay. The Fishing for Pearls. manner of fishing for Pearls is, with certain long Pinnasses or small Barks, in which there go four, five, six, or eight Negroes, expert swimmers and great dievers, whom the Spaniards call Busos, with tract of time, use, and continual practice, having learned to hold their breath long under water for the better achieving their work. These throwing themselves into the Sea, with certain instruments of their Art, go to the bottom and seek the Banks of the Oysters in which the Pearls are engendered, and with their force and Art remove from their foundation, in which they spend more or less time, according to the resistance the firmness of the ground affordeth. Once loosed, they put them into a bag under their arms, and after bring them up into their Boats, having loaden it they go to the shore, there they open them and take out the Pearls: they lie under the uttermost part of the circuit of the Oyster in ranks and proportions, under a certain part which is of many plights and folds, called the Ruff, for the similitude it hath unto 〈◊〉 Ruff. The Pearls increase in bigness, as they be nearer the end or joint of the Oyster. The meat of those which have these Pearls is milky, and not very wholesome to be eaten. In Anno 1583. in the Island of Margarita, I was at the dregging of Pearl Oysters, after the manner we dreg Oysters in England, and with mine own hands I opened many, and took out the Pearls of them; some greater, some less, and in good quantity. They are found in diverse parts of the world, as in the West Indies, in the South Sea, in the East The places where Pearl are found. Indian Sea, in the Straits of Magellane, and in the Scottish Sea. Those found near the Poles are not perfect, but are of a thick colour, whereas such as are found near the line are most orient and transparent: the curious call it their water, and the best is a clear white shining, with fiery flames. And those of the East India have the best reputation, though as good are found in the West India: the choice ones are of great value and estimation, but the greatest that I have heard of, was found in these Lands of Pearls; the which King Philip the second of Spain, gave to his daughter Elizabeth, wife to Albertus, Archduke of Austria, and Governor of the States of Great Pearl. Flanders, in whose possession it remaineth, and is called, la Peregrina, for the rareness of it, being as big as the pommel of a Poniard. In this Navigation, after our surrender, the General took special care for the good entreaty The General continueth his honourable usage, towards the sick and wounded. of us, and especially of those who were hurt. And God so blessed the hands of our Surgeons (besides that they were expert in their Art) that of all our wounded men not one died, that was alive the day after our surrendry, and many of them with eight, ten, or twelve wounds, and some with more. The thing that ought to move us to give God Almighty especial thanks and praises was, that they were cured in a manner without Instruments or Salves: For the Chests were all broken to pieces; and many of their Simples and Compounds thrown into the Sea; those which remained, were such, as were thrown about the ship in broken pots and bags, and such as by the Divine Providence were reserved, at the end of three days, by order from the General, were commanded to be sought and gathered together. These with some Instruments of small moment, bought and procured from those, who had reserved them to a different end, did not only serve for our cures, but also for the curing of the Spaniards, being many more, than those of our Company. For the Spanish Surgeons were altogether ignorant in their profession, and Spanish Surgeons ignorant▪ had little or nothing wherewith to cure. And I have noted, that the Spaniards in general are nothing so curious, in accommodating themselves, with good and careful Surgeons, nor to fit them with that which belongeth to their profession, as other Nations are, though they have greater need than any, that I do know. At the time of our surrender, I had not the Spanish Tongue, and so was forced to use an Interpreter, or the Latin, or French; which holp me much for the understanding of those, which spoke unto me in Spanish; together with a little smattering I had of the Portugal. Through the Noble proceeding of Don Beltran with us, and his particular care towards me, in curing and comforting me, I began to gather heart, and hope of life, and health; my servants which were on foot, advised me ordinarily of that which past. But some of our enemies, badly inclined, repined at the proceedings of the General; and said, he did ●ll to use us so well; That we were Lutherans; and for that cause, the faith which was given us, was not to be kept nor performed: Others, that we had fought as good Soldiers, and therefore deserved good quarter. Others, nicknamed us with the name of Corsarios, or Pirates; not discerning thereby that they included themselves within the same imputation. Some were of opinion, that from Panama, the General would send us into Spain; Others said, that he durst not dispose of us, but by order from the Viceroy of Peru, who had given him his authority. This hit the nail on the had. To all I gave the hearing, and laid up in the store-house of my memory, that which I thought to be of substance, and in the store-house of my consideration, endeavoured to frame a proportionable resolution to all occurrents, conformable to Gods most holy Will. Withal I profited myself of the means, which should be offered, and bear greatest probability to work our comfort, help, and remedy. And so, as time ministered opportunity, I began, and endeavoured to satisfy the General, and the better sort in the po 〈…〉 'tis I dared intermeddle. And especially to persuade (by the best reasons I could) that we might be sent presently from Panama: Alleging the promise given us, the cost and charges ensuing, which doubtless would be such as deserved consideration and excuse: besides that, now whilst he was in place, and power, and authority in his hands, to perform with us, that he would look into his honour, and profit himself of the occasion, and not put us into the hands of a third person; who perhaps being more powerful than himself, he might be forced to pray and entreat the performance of his promise; whereunto he gave us the hearing, and bore us in hand, that he would do, what he could. The General, and all in general, not only in the Peru, but in all Spain, and the Kingdoms thereof Misprision of the term Pirates. (before our surrendry) held all Englishmen of War, to be Corsarios, or Pirates; which I laboured to reform, both in the Peru, and also in the Counsels of Spain, and amongst the Chieftains, Soldiers, and better sort, with whom I came to have conversation; Alleging that a Pirate, or Corsario, is he, which in time of peace, or truce spoileth, or robbeth those, which have peace or truce with them: but the What a Pirate is. English have neither peace nor truce with Spain, but war; and therefore not to be accounted Pirates. Besides, Spain broke the peace with England, and not England with Spain; and that by Ymbargo, which of all kinds of defiances, is most reproved, and of least reputation; The ransoming of prisoners, and that by the Canon, being more honourable, but above all, the most honourable is with Trumpet and Herald, to proclaim and denounce the war by public defiance. And so if they should condemn the English for Three sorts of defiances. Pirates, of force, they must first condemn themselves. Moreover, Pirates are those, who range the Seas without licence of their Prince; who when they are met with, are punished more severely by their own Lords, then when they fall into the hands of strangers: which is notorious to be ●ore severely prosecuted in England (in time of peace) then in any the Kingdoms of Christendom. But the English have all licence, either immediately from their Prince, or from other thereunto authorized, and so cannot in any sense be comprehended under the name of Pirates, for any hostility undertaken against Spain, or the dependencies thereof. And so the state standing as now it doth; if in Spain a particular man should arm a ship, and go in warfare with it against the English, and happened to be taken by them: I make no question, but the company The custom of Spain for war. should be entreated according to that manner, which they have ever used since the beginning of the war: without making further inquisition. Then if he were rich or poor, to see if he were able to give a ransom, in this also they are not very curious. But if this Spanish ship should fall a thwart his King's Armado, or Galleys, I make no doubt but they would hang the Captain and his company for Pirates. My reason is, for that by a special Law it is enacted: that no man in the Kingdoms of Spain, may arm any ship, ●and go in warfare, without the King's special licence and commission; upon pain to be reputed The custom of England. a Pirate, and to be chastised with the punishment due to Corsarios. In England the case is different, for the war once proclaimed, every man may arm that will, and hath wherewith; which maketh for our greater exemption, from being comprehended within the number of Pirates. With these, and or like Arguments to this purpose (to avoid tediousness) I omit; I convinced all those whom I heard to ha●pe upon this string; which was of no small importance for our good entreaty, and motives for many, to further and favour the accomplishment of the promise lately made unto us. One day after dinner (as was the ordinary custom) the General, his Captains, and the better sort of his followers, being assembled in the cabin of the Poop in conference, an eager contention arose amongst them, touching the capitulation of Buena Querra and the purport thereof. Some said, that only life and good entreaty of the prisoners, was to be comprehended therein; A disputation, concerning Buena Querra. others enlarged, and restrained it, according to their humours and experience. In fine my opinion was required, and what I had seen, and known touching that point: wherein I paused a little, and suspecting the Worst, feared that it might be a bait laid to catch me withal, and so excused myself; saying that where so many experimented Soldiers were joined together, my young judgement was little to be respected; whereunto the General replied: That knowledge was not always incident to years, (though reason requireth, that the aged should be the wisest) but an Art acquired by action, and management of affairs. And therefore they would be but certified, what I had seen, and what my judgement was in this point, unto which, seeing I could not well excuse myself, I condescended; and calling my wits together, holding it better, to shoot out my bolt, by yielding unto reason, (although I might err) then to stand obstinate, my will being at war with my consent, and fearing my denial might be taken for discourtesy, which peradventure might also purchase me mislike with those, who seemed to wish me comfort and restitution. I submitted to better judgement, the reformation of the present assembly; The Resolution, etc. saying, Sir, under the capitulation of Buena Querra, (or fair wars) I have ever understood, and so it hath been observed in these, as also in former times, that preservation of life, and good entreaty of the prisoner, have been comprehended: and further by no means to be urged to any thing contrary to his conscience, as touching his Religion; nor to be seduced, or menaced from the allegiance due to his Prince and Country: but rather to ransom him for his months pay. And this is that which I have known practised in our times, in general amongst all Civil and Noble Nations. But the English, have enlarged it one point more towards the Spaniards rendered a Buena Querra, in these wars; have ever delivered The noble usage of the English. But abused in these days. them, which have been taken upon such compositions without ransom: but the covetousness of our age hath brought in many abuses, and excluded the principal Officers from partaking of the benefit of this privilege, in leaving them to the discretion of the Victor, being many times poorer, than the common Soldiers, their qualities considered, whereby they are commonly put to more, than the ordinary ransom, and not being able of themselves to accomplish it, are forgotten of their Princes, and sometimes suffer long imprisonment, which they should not. With this, Don Beltran said, This ambiguity you have well resolved; And like a worthy Gentleman Don Beltran satisfied and answereth. (with great courtesy and liberality) added; Let not the last point trouble you: but be of good comfort, for I here give you my word anew, that your ransom (if any shall be thought due) shall be but a couple of Greyhounds for me; and other two for my Brother, the Conde de Lemes, And this I swear to you by the habit of Alcantera. Provided always, that the King my Master leave you to my dispose, as of right you belong unto me. For amongst the Spaniards in their Armadas, if there be an absolute General, the tenth of all is due to him, and he is to take choice of the best: where in other Countries, it is by lot, that the General's tenth is given; And if they be but two ships, he doth the like, and being but one, she is of right the Generals. This I hardly believed, until I saw a Letter, in which the King willed his Viceroy, to give Don Beltran thanks for our ship and Artillery, which he had given to his Majesty. I yielded to the General, most hearty thanks for his great favour, where with he bound me ever to seek how to serve him, and deserve it. In this discourse General Michael Angel demanded, for what purpose served the little short Short arrows for Muskets. Arrows, which we had in our ship, and those in so great quantity: I satisfied them, that they were for our Muskets. They are not as yet in use amongst the Spaniards, yet of singular effect and execution as our enemies confessed: for the upper work of their ships being Musket's proof, in all places they passed through both sides with facilicie, and wrought extraordinary disasters, which caused admiration, to see themselves wounded with small shot, where they thought themselves secure; and by no means could find where they entered, nor come to the sight of any of the shot. Hereof they proved to profit themselves after, but for that they wanted the Tampkings, which are first to be driven home, before the Arrow be put in, and as then understood not the secret, Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Piece. they rejected them, as uncertain, and therefore not to be used, but of all the shot used now a days; for the annoying of an Enemy in fight by Sea, few are of greater moment for many respects: which I hold not convenient to treat of in public. A little to the Southwards of the Island of Pearl, betwixt seven and eight degrees, is the great River of Saint Buena Ventura. It falleth into the South Sea with three mouths, the head of which, is but a little distant from the North Sea. In the year 1575. or 1576. one john Oxnam of Plymouth, going into the West Indies, joined with the Symarons. These are fugitive Negroes, john Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea. What the Symarons are. and for the bad entreaty which their Masters had given them, were then retired into the Mountains, and lived upon the spoil of such Spaniards, as they could master, and could never be brought into obedience, till by composition they had a place limited them for their freedom, where they should live quietly by themselves. At this day they have a great habitation near Panama, called Saint jago de los Negro, well peopled, with all their Officers and Commanders Their habitation. of their own, save only a Spanish Governor. By the assistance of these Symarons, he brought to the head of this River, by piecemeal, and in many journeys a small Pinnace, he fitted it by time in warlike manner, and with the Their assistance. choice of his Company, put himself into the South Sea, where his good hap, was to meet with a couple of ships of trade, and in the one of them a great quantity of Gold. And amongst other things two pieces of special estimation, the one a Table of massy Gold, with Emeralds, sent for a present to the King; the other a Lady of singular beauty, married, and a mother of children. The latter grew to be his perdition: for he had capitulated with these john Oxnam capitulateth with them, Symarons, that their part of the booty, should be only the prisoners, to the end to execute their malice upon them, such was the rancour they had conceived against them, for that they had been the Tyrants of their liberty.) But the Spaniards not contented to have them their slaves; who lately had been their Lords, added to their servitude, cruel entreaties. And they again to feed their insatiable revenges, accustomed to roast and eat the hearts of all those Spaniards, whom at any time they could lay hand upon. john Oxnam (I say) was taken with the love of this Lady, and to win her good will, what through her tears and persuasions, and what through fear and detestation of their barbarous His folly, and Breach of promise. inclinations; breaking promise with the Symarons, yielded to her request, which was, to give the prisoners liberty with their ships; for that they were not useful for him: notwithstanding Oxnam kept the Lady, who had in one of the restored ships, either a Son, or a Nephew. This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards, made all the haste they could to Pamana, His pursuit. and they used such diligence, as within few hours, some were dispatched to seek those, who little thought so quickly to be overtaken. The pursuers approaching the River, were doubtful See the Story before. This is added of later intelligence. by which of the afore-remembred three mouths, they should take their way. In this wavering one of the Soldiers espied certain feathers, etc. Coming in sight of the Lands of Pearls, the wind began to fresh in with us, and we profited ourselves of it: but coming thwart of a small Island, which they call La Pacheta, that lieth within the Pearl Lands, close aboard the Main, and some eight or ten leagues South and by West from Panama, the wind calmed again. This Island belongeth to a private man, it is a round humocke, containing not a league of La Pacheta. ground, but most fertile. Insomuch that by the owner's industry, and the labour of some few slaves, who occupy themselves in ma●uring it; and two Barks, which he employeth in bringing the fruit it giveth, to Panama; it is said to be worth him every week, one with another a bar of silver; valued betwixt two hundreth and fifty, or three hundreth Pesoes: which in English money, may amount to fifty or threescore pound: and for that, which I saw at my being in Panama, touching this, I hold to be true. In our course to fetch the Port of Panama, we put ourselves betwixt the Lands and the Main: which is a goodly Channel, of three, four, and five leagues broad, and without danger; except a man come too near the shore on any side; and that is thought the better course, then to go a Sea-boord of the Lands, because of the swift running of the tides, and the advantage to stop the ebb: As also for succour, if a man should happen to be becalmed at any time beyond expectation; which happeneth sometimes. The seventh of july we had sight of Perico; they are two little Lands, which cause the Port of Panama, where all the ships use to ride; It is some two Leagues West Northwest of the City, which hath also a Peer in itself for small Barks, at full Sea, it may have some six or seven foot water, but at low water, it is dry. The ninth of july we anchored under Perico, and the General presently advised the Audienoia, The General certifieth the Audiencia of his success. The great joy of the Spaniards. of that which had succeeded in his journey: which understood by them, caused Bonfires to be made, and every man to put Luminaries in their houses; the fashion is much used amongst the Spaniards in their feasts of joy, or for glad tidings; placing many lights in their Churches, in their windows, and Galleries, and corners of their houses: which being in the beginning of the night, and the City close by the Sea shore, showed to us (being far off) as though the City had been on a light fire. About eight of the clock all the Artillery of the City was shot off, which we might discern by the flash of fire, but could not hear the report: yet the Armado being advised thereof, and in a readiness, answered them likewise with all their Artillery: which taking end (as all the vanities of this earth do) The General settled himself to dispatch advice for the King, for the Viceroy of Peru, and the Viceroy of Nova Spana, for he also had been certified of our being in that Sea, and had fitted an Armado to seek us, and to guard his coast. But now for a farewell, (and note it) Let me relate unto you this Secret; How Don Beltran Note. English treachery procured by Spanish Gold. showed me a Letter from the King his Master, directed to the Viceroy, wherein he gave him particular relation of my pretended Voyage; of the ships; their burden; their munition; their number of men, which I had in them, as perfectly as if he had seen all with his own eyes; Saying unto me: Hereby you may discern, whether the King my Master have friends in England, and good and speedy advice of all that passeth. Whereunto I replied; It was no wonder, for that he had plenty of Gold and Silver, which worketh this and more strange effects: for my journey was public and notorious to all the Kingdom, whereunto he replied, that if I thought it so convenient, leave should be given me to write into England to the Queen's Majesty my Mistress, to my Father, and to other personages, as I thought good; and leaving the Letters open; that he would send some of them, in the King's Packet, others to his Uncle Don Rodrigo de Castro, Cardinal and Archbishop of seville, and to other friends of his: Not making any doubt but that they would be speedily in England. For which I thanked him, and accepted his courtesy, and although I was myself unable to write, yet by the hands of a servant I have this Letter translated into Spanish, and printed by them; together with the discourse of the whole action, much agreeing with this, except where they lust to magnify their Spanish worth. The Dainty, named the Visitation. of mine, I wrote three or four copies of one Letter to my Father, Sir john Hawkins. In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our Voyage. The dispatches of Spain and New Spain, went by ordinary course in ships of advice; but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals, called Don Francisco de la Cuena. Which being dispatched, Don Beltran hasted all that ever he could, to put his ships in order, to return to Lyma. He caused the Dainty to be grounded and trimmed, for in those Lands it higheth and falleth some fifteen or sixteen foot water. And the General with his Captains, and some Religious men being aboard her, and new naming her, named her the Visitation; for that she was rendered on the day, on which they celebrate the Visitation of the Virgin Marie. In that place the ground being plain, and without vantage (whereby to help the tender sided and sharp Ships) they are forced to shore them on either side. In the midst of their solemnity, her props and shores of one side failed and so she fell over upon that side suddenly, entreating many of them (which were in her) very badly, and doubtless had she been like the ships of the South Sea, she had broken out her bulge: but being without Masts and empty (for in the South Sea, when they bring aground a ship, they leave neither Mast, Ballast, nor any other thing aboard, besides the bare Hull) her strength was such, as it made no great show to have received any d●mage, but the fear she put them all into was not little, and caused them to run out of her faster than a pace. In these Lands is no succour, nor refreshing; only in the one of them is one house of straw, and a little spring of small moment. For the water which the Ships use for their provision, they fetch from another Island, two leagues West Northwest of these; which they call Tabaga, having in it some fruit and refreshing, and some few Indians to inhabit it. What succeeded to me, and to the rest during our Imprisonment, with the rarities and particularities of the Peru, and Tierra firm, my Voyage to Spain, and the success, with the time I spent in prison in the Peru, in the Tercera, in seville, and in Madrid, with the accidents which befell me in them; I leave for a second part of this discourse, if God give life, and convenient place and rest, necessary for so tedious and troublesome a work: desiring God that is Almighty, to give his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions: that it and they may be fruitful, to his glory, and to the good of all: then shall my desires be accomplished, and I account myself most happy. To whom be all glory, and thanks from all eternity. CHAP. VI A brief Note written by Master JOHN ELLIS, one of the Captains with Sir RICHARD HAWKINS, in his Voyage through the Straight of MACELAN, begun the ninth of April, 1593. concerning the said Straight, and certain places, on the coast and Inland of Peru. THe second of February, 1593. we fell with the Land of Terra Australis, in 50▪ degrees fifty five leagues off the Straight of Magelan, which Land lay East and by North, or East North-east from the Straight, which is a part of Terra Australis: from which Land we entered the Straight upon the West South-west course: then we ran ten leagues West Northwest, other ten leagues West South-west, than eight leagues South-west, and came to an anchor on the starboard side, in a hook where you may moor any ship in twelve fathoms water. From thence we ran South-west and by South seven leagues, where we came to an Island called, Penguin Island, and took in five or six tons of Penguins, and flayed them, and salted them. Thence twelve leagues South South-west, Penguin Island. and found good riding in twelve fathoms, fine sand: from thence to Port Famine, the new Town of Pedro Sarmiento, five leagues South-west. Then West Northwest sixteen Port Famine. leagues, where we anchored in good riding. Then Northwest and by West, till we came to the River of Genevera, on the starboard side eight leagues. Then five leagues Northwest. The River of Genevera. Then Northwest and by West thirty leagues, till we came out of the Straight, which is in length one hundred and eleven leagues. The mouth or entrance of the Straight is in thirty two degrees and an half, and the Outlet is in the same height. The middle is in fifty four degrees and a terce. After we were come out of the Straight we went away Northwest and by North forty leagues into the Sea: then North, until we came to the Island of Mocha, which is in thirty Mocha. eight degrees and thirty minutes, where we had good trade with the People. This I'll is three leagues long, where great relief, of Mutton, Mais, and other things may be had from the Indians. This I'll is twelve leagues from the main Land. From thence we went North, and past by the I'll of Saint Marie: from thence unto Valparaiso, which standeth in thirty three Santa Maria. Valparaso. degrees, into which Haven I went with our Boat, and took four ships, in which we had Wines, and other good provision: and there we remained the space of twelve days. And in this time I went on shore, and took five houses, which were full of Wine, and other good things: And in this time there came a ship by the Harbour, which the General went to take, but he did not: yet I with twelve men did take her, and within one hour the General came to us. The ship had clothes of Cotton for men to wear, of the Indian making, and some Gold. Gold. Valparaiso is a Port and a 〈◊〉 in the bottom of the Bay, where they make excellent Wine. From thence eighteen leagues into the Land is Saint jago, a great Town of Spaniards. From thence we passed to Arica, which is in twenty degrees, as I take it. All Arica. Pisco. Chincha. this Coast lieth North and South. From thence we passed to Pisco and Chincha, where the General, and the Master Hugh Cornish, went to go on shore, but they did not. here we met with six of the King's ships, which came to seek us: but at that time we escaped Six of the King's ships. them. These places are in fourteen degrees and an half. From thence we passed by the City of Lima, which is in twelve degrees and an half. From thence by Paita, which is an Haven, Lima. Paita. Atacame. and a Town, and standeth in five degrees. From thence we passed by the Equinoctial Line, and went to Atacame, where we were taken, the two and twentieth of june, 1594. This place is in one degree to the Northward of the Line. There is from thence some eight leagues, a Bay called, The Bay of Saint Matthew. From thence we were carried unto Panama, Baia de Sant● Mateo. which is in nine degrees to the Northward of the Line: where we were held Prisoners. From Panama we were returned to Payta, and so to Lima. Lima is near as big as Panama. Paita. Lima. London within the walls: the houses are of Lome baked, for want of Stone. There are near twenty thousand Negroes in Lima. There are in it of Horsemen an hundred Lances, and an hundred Carbiners, at a thousand Ducats a man by the year. From Lima I went to Gnamanga, which is a good City sixty leagues from Lima, to the Southeast. Twelve leagues from Lima Gnamanga. Eastward it raineth, but never at Lima. Twenty leagues more Southerly, towards Gnamanga, at Paricacco, which is a Mountain, it is as cold as in England in our Winter: But none will dwell there, because of the cold. Then is the Valley of Choosa having Hills on both sides, and a River in the midst. The Valley is eighteen leagues long, and well peopled, and hath diverse Towns: it is forty leagues from Lima, and so through that I traveled to Gnamanga. From Gnamanga we passed towards Cusco on hard ways cut out of the Rocks by Gnamacapo, Cus●o. with great difficulty by the ways there are Tamboes' or houses to lodge people, and some Villages. Then we came to Cusco, which is a City about the bigness of Bristol, without a wall, having a Castle half a mile off on the side of an Hill, builded with stones of twenty tuns weight strangely joined without mortar. From Lima they trade to Cusco all that comes out of Spain. They of Quito trade to Cusco, with woollen Cloth and Cottons: for Quito hath abundance of sheep about it, and is a great City. They drive sheep to Lima twenty thousand in a Flock, and be half a year in the Passage. Between Cusco and Potosi there is continual trade, and the Lords or Caciquoes of the Naturals Potosi. will entertain you in the way, feed you in Silver vessel, and give you very good lodging, and if they like you, they will guide you with three or four hundred Indians. In Potosi there are at work near an hundred thousand Indians, which the Caciquoes bring in for so many days to work the mines; and then other Caciquoes bring in as many more. I have also two Letters written by Thomas Sanders servant to Sir Richard Hawkins, written to Master Lucas s●nne to Master Tho. Lucas. Sir Io●n Hawkins out of the prison of Saint Lucar; in one of which he maketh a large relation of their Voyage and taking (which is here needless to reiterate) with mention of one Master Lucas, condemned by the Holy House to the Galleys, and sent to Nombre de Dios, in which Voyage he died: out of the other I have hither added this transcript touching the usage and respect which Sir Richard Hawkins found in Peru. I wrote in like sort of my Master's health, and of his entertainment in his taking, and in This is part of another Letter. the City of Lima by the Vice-king of the Country, and how he was beloved for his valour, by all brave men in those parts, the which I learned by many which came from thence, as well rich as poor, and many Negroes, servants to Merchants, which came from thence, and were there when he came. He was received by all the best in the Country, carried by the 〈◊〉 a Princely house all richly hanged, the which he had to himself, with a great allowance from the King, besides many presents from the Queen: but within six or seven days he was carried by the Fathers to the Holy House, not as a man to be executed, but to rest there vn●●ll they heard from the King what should be done with them. etc. Having occasion here to mention Sir john Hawkins, I thought good, in memory of his name, to express a Pardon from the Spanish King Philip the second, to him, and to the Master George Fitzwilliams, and the rest of their company, both for the form thereof, (being here printed from the Original, superscribed and subscribed with the Kings own hand) and to show the strict prohibition of Trade in the Indies. EL REY. POr quanto por parte de juan Aquins y jorge Fitzwilliams Ingleses por si yen number de todos los demas Ingleses que han ydo y estado ensu compania, enlo que de yuso sedira, nos hasido hecha relaceon que noenbar gante lo que por nos esta prohibido yordenado paraque ningun estrangero yque no sea natural destos nostros Reynos, naveque, tr●te, ni contrate enla carrera de las India's, ni enlos puertos y lugares dellas, Los susudicbos han entrado y navegado, tratado y contratado enla dicha carrera y puertos y lugares della, y porque su intention no ha' sido deruirnos ni offender ni damnificar, a nostros Vasallos, y por que como sabiamos sum dess●o yvo luntad avia sido de nos servingman end tiempo que est unimos enel Rein de Inglaterra, nos ha● pedido y supplicado que vsando de clemencia y de benignidad conelloes hiziesemos merced de perdonalles la culpa y penas en que avian incurrido, y nos por just as causas y confirationes que aello nos mueven y por les bazer merced lo avemos tenido por bien. Y por la presente les pardonamos y remitimos todos y qualesquier penas en que por razon de aver entrado y navegado enla dicha carrera de las India's y tractado y contractado enlos puertos y lugares dellas hasta agora aya● incurrido, y queremos que en la dicha razon no puedanser acusadoes ni molestadoes, ni por esta razon ni causa puedan contra elloes proceder los del nuestro conceso de las India's, ni los iuezes de la casa dela contratation, ni otros algunos. Porque nostra merced y voluntad es de les remitir como les remitimos todas las dichas penas, y de les librar, como les libramos y damos por libres y quitos dellas, bien assi com● fienellas no hu●ieran caydo ni incurrido, no embargantes qualesquiera leys, ordenanças, provisiones y cedulas que en razon delo suso dicho ayamos hecho y dado, con quales quiere clausulas que enellas aya, o, haver pueda, las quales todas paraen quanto alo suso dicho 'las abrogamos y derogamos, aviendolas aque por expressadas & insertas de Verbo ad verbum, quedando en sufuerça y vigour quanto alodemas. El qual dicho pardon, gracia y remission quiremos que se entienda y estienda no solo alos dhos juan Aquins y lorge Fitzwilliams, pero a todos los demas ●ngleses queens 〈…〉 compania savydo conque esto sea y se entienda ser enrespecto delo passado, pero que por esto no seavisto permitirles ni darseles licencia paraque de aqui adelante puedan sin nuestra expressa y particular licencia, navegar tratar y contratar enla dicha carrera, y que si lo hesieren, demas de incurrir en las penas contenidas en nuestras leyes ordenanças, cartas y provisiones, este pardon y gracia sea y ayadeser ninguno y de ningun valour y effecto, y mandamos alos del nostro conseio delas India's y alos nostros juezes y Officiales de la cas● dela contratation y a otras quales quire juezes y justicias que assilo guarden y cumplan, fecha enel monastero de Sanct Lorenço el real a diez dias deal mes de Agusto, anno del Sennor de mill y quinien tos y setenta y un annos. YEL REY. Por mandado de su Mag. S. Antonio Gracian. V. Md. pardon a juano Aquins' Ingles y a sus companneros le pena enque incurrienzo poraver navegado, y contratado enlas Indeas contra las ordenes de V. Md. CHAP. VII. A brief Relation of an * I found this paper amongst others of Master Hakl. without the name of the Author. Lima. Payta. Englishman which had been thirteen years' Captive to the Spaniards in Peru, etc. THe eleventh of October, 1602. we departed from the City of Lyma, and that day we set sail from the Calloa, in the Contadora, Captain Andrea Brocho. The fifteenth of October we came into Payta, and there watered, and took in fresh victuals: and set sail from thence the four and twentieth of the same, for Mexico, 1602. The fourteenth of December we came to an anchor in Acapulca, we were becalmed in 17. degrees and an half, four and twenty days, and were set with the current into Acapulca. 23. degrees to the Northward, we came all the coast alongst from Colyma and Navydad to Acapulca. The twentieth of December we came from Acapulca, with six Mules: and on Christmas Day in the morning we came to Zumpanga, a Town of Indians, where we remained all that Zumpanga. day being between this Town and Acapulca thirty leagues, no Town betwixt. The last of December we came to Querna vaca a Town in the Marquesado of Hernan Cortes, thirteen leagues from Mexico. The first of januarie we came into the great City of Mexico, where we remained until the Mexico. seventeenth, at which time we came from Mexico, in the evening, and came two leagues that night. The next day we came to Irazing, which is seven leagues from Mexico, where we remained two days. The five and twentieth of januarie we came to Pueblo de los Angelos, passing in our way the Vulcan being from Mexico twenty leagues, and thorough Chullula. The thirtieth of januarie I went to Atrizco, where we were six days, being five leagues from Mexico. Atrizco. The sixteenth of February we came from the Pueblo de los Angelos, with fourteen Carts, five or six temes of Oxen in a Cart, for to come to the City of Vera cruz. Angeles. The seventh of March, 1603. we came into the Vera cruz, the new Town, where we remained Vera Cruz. until the eight of April, staying for a ship of advice. Tuesday the eight of April, we set sail from Saint Iuo de Ullua, in a Bark of advice called the Saint Lazaro, the Captain's name was Diego Garces, being of the burden of thirty tons, Saint I. de ullua. the Pilot named Diego Vyedall, we were eight and twenty persons. 1603. The nine and twentieth of April we had sight of the Martyrs, and were in two fathoms water, off them we saw no more nor no other, while we fell with Alla Rocha in Barbary, which was the 14. of june. The sixteenth of june we had sight of Chiprone, and Cales, that night we came into S. Lucar. The seventeenth of june in the morning, the King's Officers came aboard of us for the King's Letters, and the Letters of the Mexico Fleet: where I heard news of our good Queen Elizabeth's death, and our King james his coming to the Crown in peace. here I was discharged, and had my liberty given me, so I went to Syvill the nineteenth day, where I remained until the one and twentieth of September: at which time I came to Wellua in the Condado. The fifth of November I came from Wellua in the George of London. Master juano Whary, the ship was Master Hangers. I arrived at the Reculluers the seventh of December, 1603. being since my departure from England thirteen years and nine months of captivity for the which the Lord be praised, and make me thankful all the days of my life. Amen. CHAP. VIII. The Relation of ALEXANDRO VRSINO concerning the coast of Terra Firma, and the secrets of Peru, and Chili, where he had lived four and thirty years. THe first Town inhabited of the Spaniards is Saint john in the I'll of Porto ricco, it is a very poor Town. They have no Bread, but in stead thereof they use a certain Root called Cazave. There is in the Town about sixty Spaniards, and a Fort. In Saint Domingo there is a very strong Fort with above eighty great Saint Domingo. Pieces of Ordnance. It is one of the fairest Cities in all the Indies: there are above seven hundred Spaniards in it. It is a Bishopric. There is next the Town of Monte Christo, wherein there are about eighty Spaniards. There is a small Fort. Then Ocoa, which is a very good Port, where the Fleet both coming and going, do put in for fresh water and wood, and other necessaries. Then Porto de Plata, a small Town, with a little Fort, about seventy or eighty Spaniards. Porto Real, a dishabited Town, but a very good Port. There is nothing else in the I'll of Spagnola, of any importance. There are above 22000. Negroes, men and women, slaves. From Saint Domingo to jamaica, an hundred leagues in this I'll there is but one Town, which jamaica. standeth three leagues within the Land. There are in it about fifty Spaniards. In all these places they make Sugar in great abundance, but especially at Saint Domingo there are above eighty Ingenios', or Sugar-houses. They have neither Silver, nor Gold. They eat of the foresaid Root for Not one natural in Hispaniola. Bread in every place. The I'll of Spaniola is inhabited only by the Spaniards, there is not one Natural of the Country. From jamaica to Cartagena one hundred leagues. This Cartagena is a fair City, a very strong Cartagena. Fort in the Haven mouth and Artillery in three parts of the Town. A Bishopric. They have neither Silver nor Gold: there are about 150. Spaniards. Next to this is Tulu inhabited of the Spaniards about forty or fifty: it is eighteen leagues from Cartagena alongst the coast. Then Santa Martha, a City with a small Fort, about 100 Spaniards: there they gather great Saint Martha. quantity of Gold very fine: they are a fierce people. Santa Martha is fifty leagues from Cartagena longest the same coast. Upon the same coast is Nombre de dios about seventy leagues from Nombre de dios. Cartagena, they have no Fort but upon the haven side: there lieth four pieces of Artillery: there are in it about sixty Spaniards. It is under the government of Panama. Then Veragna, about seventy or eighty Spaniards: they gather great store of Gold above a million and a half yearly. Veragua. Upon the same coast about one hundred leagues from Veragua, lieth a town called Costa ricca, Costa ri●ca. inhabited only of the naturals: they gather great store of Gold. Over against Nombre de Dios on the other Sea of Sur lieth the City of Panama, eighteen Panama. leagues distant from thence: there is an Audience, and a Precedent, and an Archbishop▪ there are about four hundred Spaniards; it is a very rich town, full of treasure: all the Gold and Silver that cometh out of those parts into Spain, cometh by that town: they have no Fort but four pieces of Ordnance that lie upon the Haven; but to return to the coast of the ocean Sea. From Cartagena Eastwards there is a River called Rio de Lahache, upon this River a pretty town, with two hundred Spaniards, where is gathered great abundance of Pearl, about one million every year: there is a little Fort. A little beyond that you come to Baxemete, which is in the government of Valenzuola, and Venesuela. Barbaruta, three leagues within land. Then Tocuo five leagues within land. Then Margarita with a strong Fort, in all these places is gathered most fine Gold. Nombre de Dios, Cartagena, Santa Martha, Tulu, Rio de Lahache, Veragua, Barbaruta, these have been spoiled two or three times by the Frenchmen. Margarita is the utmost Town of the Spaniards upon that coast, from whence passing into the Country, about four days journey we came to Granada, a town in the government of Valenzuola, Granada. from thence to Trugillo, which is the utmost town of that Province. So to Villetta, where beginneth the Nueno Regno de Granada, Vele Pa●pelona, Ocagna, Tunza, a proper City with four hundred Spaniards. Santa Fe del Nuevo Regno di Granada, the principal City of the Kingdom, five hundred Spaniards: an Archbishop, a Precedent, and an Audientia; Tocayma, Ayvage, Cariago, Arma, Caramanta, Santa Fe di Antiochia, Anzerma, Cali, Buga, Popaya, a government. Aymage, Mocoa, Scanze, Timana, La Plata, Neva, Pasto. The end of the new Kingdom of Granada. In all these Cities is gathered great abundance of Gold. Quito the first City of the Kingdom of Peru. There is a Precedent, an Audience, and a Bishop. Quito. Riobamba, the Government of the Squisos, Auila, Baeza, Acedonia, T●nibamba, Guaiaquill a Port town in Mar del Sur, la Punta di Santa Helena, Porto, vi●io in Spanish, Manta in Indian, Pa 〈…〉 a, Port Townes. Cosibamba. The government of john di Salma, Sarigra, Saint Iaco●o de la● Valles, Santa Maria de las ne●es, Vallad●lid, Combinama, Zaem, in these six towns is gathered the greatest quantity of Gold and the finest of all the Country of Peru. Chachapoia, Moiobamba, Guanico upon the Sea, Malabrigo, the port of Tr●gillo. Trugillo is two leagues within the port of Reque, Santa, Casma, Guagnara, Chancai, Lima, Cagnette, Ica, Camena, (Aerquipa, Quilca and Chuli, ports of Arequipa) Arica, all these are upon the Sea coast of Peru, Guamanga and Guancavallica, where they gather all the Quicksilver above five millions every year: the City of Cusco, the chief City of the Kingdom of Peru, Choguiago, Choquisaca, Potossi, and Porco, where all the Silver is gathered in the Kingdom of Peru. And this is the end of the Kingdom of Peru. In the Province of Tuquema, subject to Peru, Tuquema the principal City of the Province. Saint jacomo Tuca●●. de las Torres, Arrian, Calchaqui. In the Province of Chiriguana, subject to Peru. Santa cruse de la Sera. In the Province of Chili alongst the coast; Tarapaqua, Ilo, Copiape, Coquimba, Chili. la Serena, S. jacomo, La conception, Cuyo, la Imperiala, Paraiso, Valdivia, Ozorne. From Margarita or Barburata to Sancta Fe del nueno regno di granada is 300. leagues by land, the ordinary way. From Santa Fe to Quito 250. leagues. From Quito to Lima 300. leagues. From Lima to Chognisaca, or Potossi, or Porco 300. leagues. From Potossi to Copiapo chie●e City of Chili 500 leagues. And these are ordinary travailed ways. There are in Potossi and Porco 300. mines of the Spaniards, and 5000. of the Indians. The Silver Potossi and Porco. that is for the King (which is supposed to be two millions) and all the rest that is sent into Spain is brought upon Sheep's backs unto Arica or Port of Peru from thence by Sea into Lima. A Sheep will carry 100 li. three leagues in one day. The Gold that is gathered in Chili, the King's part which is about a million, and of others a million and a half is brought by Sea unto Lima. All the Gold and Silver that comes to Lima is about twelve millions, from thence it comes to Panama, from Panama by land to Nombre de Dios, from thence by Sea to Cartagena. The Gold that comes out of the new Kingdom of Five millions laden at Cartagena yearly the Kings, and as much of other Merchants Arequipa. Granada and the Province of john di Selina is brought by a River to Cartagena. So that at Cartagena there is laden out of those parts for Spain every year of the Kings about five millions, and as much of other Merchants. In all the Country of Chili there are not above 1300. Spaniards. In Arica 100 Spaniards. Arequipa is 17. leagues distant from Chuli or Quilca the ports: it hath about 200. Spaniards. In Lima 1000 Spaniards. In Seutu 100 Spaniards. In Trugillo 200. it is a very wealthy town (the Port of it Malabrigo two leagues from Trugillo. The City of Cusco is bigger than Rome: there is a Bishop and about 1000 Spaniards. They have the Inquisition in Lima. In Payta which is the Cusco. harbour for all the Fleet for fresh provision: there are 100 men. Porto Vicio, is also another harbour where the Fleet taketh in fresh victuals. There are not three Spaniards in the town, but about five leagues off there is a small town called Mantu, where there are but 50. Spaniards. In Panama 400. In February the Silver comes from Potossi and Porco to Lima: about the same time the Ships return from Chili to Lima with Gold. In April they set forth from Lima four Ships, and in fifteen days they arrive at Panama. From the point Saint Helen to Copiapo it never raineth: this dry tract extendeth from the Sea coast into the Country in some places 40. miles, in some places 50. and in sundry parts of the Country it is so hot that no man can endure it, and within six miles of that place so cold again, that it is enough to kill any man. This strange tract extends 1200. leagues. In the City of Lima and Trugillo there grow Oranges, Pomgranets, Citrons and Melons, bigger far than those of these parts. La Loma de Camena is a very fertile soil, yielding abundance of grass, which beginneth at Camena and passeth by Quilca towards Chuli eighteen leagues from Camena. The same Loma, is in some part within a mile of the Sea and in some other places a league off from the Sea. The same Loma is in breadth in some places half a league, and in other places a league, which is the greatest breadth that it beareth. Between this Loma de Camena and the Sea, is nothing growing but barren sands and stones. And within the said Loma, is also barren for the space of eight or ten leagues. And in all the said circuit both of the Loma, and from it to the Sea, and also in towards the land the said distance of eight or ten leagues in never raineth. But farther into the Land where the hills and mountains are, there it raineth and sometimes snoweth. A di 24. Luglio 1581. Alessandro Orsino Romano antico dico che son de tempo de cinquanta uno agnos. Io son stado Trenta quatro agnos nel regno del Peru, e ho caminado todo el regno. CHAP. IX. Notes of the West Indies, gathered out of PEDRO ORDONNES de Cevallos a Spanish Priest, his larger observations. SAnta Fe de Bogota, is the Mother City of the New Kingdom of Granada, an Archbishops See, and of the Chamber. Muso is subject to it, where is store of the best Emeralds taken out of a rock, which a long time cannot waste. The fifth thereof is of inestimable value to the King. An Indian found there a stone Emeralds. which was sent to King Philip, and his daughter Clara Eugenia, the price whereof was above all price, nor could the Goldsmith's value it. In Saint juan de los llanos are men with white faces. In all the Kingdom the towns are very frequent. There are above 14000. Negroes which work in the Mines there. In Quito two things are dear, Wine, which is worth eight Rials a quart, if brought from Lima, 14000. Negro. and twelve from Spain: and Asses, of which one hath been worth 1500. Pesos, and that for the store of Mares in those parts. It is a proverb, What is dearest in Quito? An Ass. In Lima Wine and Asses dear. Quito. Lima. no houses are covered with roofs, be they never so large, because they never have rain. No City in India is richer than it. Out of Potosi are yearly gathered great treasures. Over the top of this Mountain always hangs a cloud, even in the clearest days, as it were marking and pointing out the riches thereof. Potasi and the Mines. It riseth in form of a Pyramid, three leagues high, environed with cold air. At the foot is the City Potosi, inhabited by twenty thousand Spanish men, and ten thousand women, as many Negroes, and four thousand Indians. Within six leagues about is no pasture of grass, so that Preciosa pericula. to it, Wood, and Corn are brought from other places. The entrance and Myne-workes are so dangerous, what they which go in, use to take the Sacrament of the Altar, as if they went to their death, because few return. The Earl of Villar made a proclamation, that all the Indians should have leave and liberty to labour in this Mine, and to have four Rials a day for each man's work, which they were before forced to do for nothing; since which the King hath received greater profit. The King receiveth thence yearly eight or ten millions of Silver. The metals lie two hundred Stades * The Latin word is Stad●a, which in ordinary sense were 25. miles. Auracanes not subject. (or man's heights) beneath the earth. Raine is very needful for the Myne-workes, which usually falls about Christmas. Then the Precedent of Charcas comes thither (as also to have care of the Quicksilver) that in February and March they may be ready for Lima. Chile hath two Bishoprickes, of Chile and Saint jago. It brings forth the fruits of Castille, greater than Spain it s●lfe. There are many Gold Mynes, if the Auracan Indians could be compelled to the works, which do our men great harms. I went into Chile from Peru, and thence returned to Quito. Mexico is as great as Seville. There dwell in it three thousand Spaniards, many more women, Mexico. two hundred thousand Indians, twenty thousand Negroes. The Natives are capable of Arts and Discipline. They very much honour Priests, Monks, and Regulars, and when the Bell rings R 〈…〉 ct to Priests. to Sermon, the Indian Boys run up and down the streets crossing their foreheads. When they go out of the Church, they cry, Blessed be our Lord jesus Christ, and blessed be his Mother Saint Marie; the Priest answers, For ever, and they, Amen. They are liberal Almes-givers'; to me Dear Mass. saying Mass, I remember they gave an hundred Ducats. D. Martin Cortes marquis of the valley, was author of this reverence to Priests by his own example, which would stand still bare headed, till a Priest were passed, and sometimes would go forth to meet him and kiss his hand. Hides. In New Spain is such store of cattle, that one man often kills one thousand Beefs, and as many Goats, and sends their hides into Spain. The Magurie tree or Cabuya yields Wine, Vinegar, Maguey tree. Honey, Beds, Threads, Needles (out of the prickles of the leaves) Tables and hafts of Knives besides many medicinable uses. From Mexico to Acapulpo the Haven on the South Sea, are ninety leagues, and well inhabited. The Viceroy is Precedent at the Court at Lima, and Governor and Captain General of that The Viceroy of Peru. ●allao. Territory, and of Charcas and Quito. He hath forty thousand Ducats salary, and the charges of War are paid by the King. The Territory of Lima containeth in circuit three hundred leagues. Callao is the Port, two leagues from Lima, the chief in all the South Sea, where the Viceroy useth to abide much for furnishing the Fleets which carry the treasure. The mines of Oruto are given over for want of Quicksilver, or as some say, lest the Inhabitants of Potosi should remove thither. Guacovelica hath rich Silver Mynes, which yearly yield Saint Philip of Au●iria. eight thousand Quintals. But some Mountains falling have stopped the mynings. Saint Francis of Quito is under the line very temperate, three hundred leagues from Lima. There is a Chancery, Bishop, Deane, and University. The Territory of this Court extends two hundred and sixty leagues. near the City are many burning Hills. There is a twofold government in the Indies, one of Spaniards, which is the same with that of Indian government. Spain; the other of Indians. The Spaniards in these parts neither plow the ground, nor work in the mines, especial there where they are accounted gentlemen. Scarcesly shall you find any Spanish youth, which will betake himself to the service of any man, except the Viceroy. They Spaniard's life. trade with Merchandise, are set over the King's Rents, Garrisons, and Miners. The Indians are base minded. They solemnize the Feasts of the Sacrament, Easter, and Midsomerday, with Dances, Music, Processions, and in the Temples religiously. On Mandy Thursday Indians disposition & state. they are all chastised. In guilds they are observant. On a certain day they are compelled to render account of all their goods and possessions. They procure Masses at Funerals. They are generally witty, liars, and strong drinkers. They will drink two or three days together closely, and sometimes a whole week. Their Feasts are like the Negroes with songs and dances. With these Rites they say they pray for the dead. They never make an end, till they have spent all, and then they return to their labours. They are very expert in the Arts which they learn, although it be writing or reading, which yet is not granted them to learn. They pay yearly to their Governors a certain tribute of Silver and other things, after they are eighteen years old, till fifty. The Commendator receiveth these things, conditionally to maintain a Priest and a Corregidor, and to pay the tenths to the Church. This and other places are there given for two lives, the son or eldest daughter succeeding. The Corrigidors amongst the Indians are prohibited merchandise. A Visitor is appointed in every Court to go to the places of that Precinct to inquire justice's itinerant. of affairs, and to decide controversies. The number of Mesticos is great, which wander up and down poor and beggarly, nor give Mestizos'. their minds to learn any handicrafts. It were good they were forced to labour. A Council celebrated at Lima, 1583. in the third Session, Chap. 22. approved of the Pope and Indian Provincial Council. our King, decreed that wheresoever one thousand Indians are found together, a Teacher and Priest should be set over them. The Indians Priests use at the King's charges to carry with them many religious men: and the Jesuits by the supreme Council of India, with advice of the BB. are commanded to send many thither for the Bishop's assistance. The Rents and Tenths of Bishoprickes are divided into four parts, one of which goeth to the Bishop, a second to the Dean and Chapter, so as the Deans proportion is 150. the dignities Ecclesiastical Revenues. 130. the Canons 100 The third and fourth part are divided into nine shares called Ninths, of which two return to the King, and are bestowed on the buildings of Cathedral Churches; another ninth and half on the Fabrics, another ninth and half on the Hospital buildings, the fourth remaining are paid to the Vicars, Singers, Organists and other Church Officers. What remaineth is spent on the Fabrics. All are laid out by the Bishop's order. In my judgement it were very good if every Bishopric had Seminaries and Colleges wherein the children of their Seminaries. Caciques and chief men might be educated, to be maintained by the Caciques. The Bishopric of Cusco is 200. leagues long and 70. broad: that of Lima is greater by the one half, as is that also of Quito. Whereupon the Bishops of the New World writ to the King that it were better to make them more Bishoprickes, each of which shall yet retain 20000. Pezos'. Every seventh year ordinarily is a Provincial Synod in Peru, to which the Bishops come, some by Sea, some by Land 400. or 600. leagues, the ways not admitting Coaches. Some have sought for Universities in some places to be erected (as those of Quito) at least for Divinity, and the liberal Arts and Indian Tongue: the Professors to have four or 5000. Ducats a piece yearly. There is no question but of the Indians many learned men may adorn the Schools and Pulpits. The King's Revenue out of the West Indies is twelve Millions yearly growing out of the fifth King's Revenues 12. Millions from ten Springs. of Gold and Silver, great Melt, Customs of Ports, Indian Tributes, sale of Offices, the Cruzada, Tribute of Rents, Quicksilver, Fines of Courts, and the ninth part of Ecclesiastical Rents. Pope's Bulls and Collations of Benefices Ecclesiastical and Secular are subject to the King, and ordered by his supreme Council of the Indies CHAP. X. Relation of the new Discovery in the South Sea made by PEDRO FERNANDEZ GIROS Portugez 1609. with his Petitions to the King, one Englished, another in Spanish. THis man being a famous Pilot was sent with two ships from Peru to discover the Lands of Solomon. After he had taken his course in the height of the Straits of Magellanu●, little more or less, he did discover a main Land, and sailed eight hundred leagues upon the Coast, until he came to the height of fifteen degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctial Line where he found a very fruitful and pleasant Country and well peopled, abounding with Pearls, Gold and Silver, great store of Lemons; Oranges and other Fruits excellent good, and in great quantity: great store of Goats, Hogs, Geese, Partridges, Coneys and Fowl, Pepper and Spices. The Country is very temperate and healthful, great store of fish of many different sorts; full of wood and goodly high Trees for shipping; very good pasture, ground for Corn and Cattell. The men of the Country are some tawny, and some white of good disposition, more civil and politic than the Indians of Peru and Nova Hispania. There is in the Coast a Bay of some twenty leagues into which there falls two great Rivers out of the Country, which is the place where they purpose to settle their first Plantations. There are many Lands in the same Coast both great and little, plentiful they are all and well inhabited. This Captain Giroz shall be presently sent unto Peru, with order and Commission to take up twelve hundred men and shipping with other necessaries for the Voyage to inhabit, and as many more shall be sent the year following from Nova Hispania, and for the whole business he is to receive five hundred thousand Ducats. Walsingham Gresley. The Copy of a Petition presented to the King of Spain, by Captain PETER FERDINAND de Quir, touching the Discovery of the fourth part of the World, called Terra Australis incognita: and of the great riches and fertility of the same: Printed with licence in Seville, An. 1610. SIR, I Captain Fernandez de Quiros, show unto you, that this is the eighth * Perhaps it is one of those eight or some later, which followeth in Spanish, containing more particulars than this hath: Or else it may be of Lewis di Vaez, etc. Petition, which by me hath been presented to your Majesty's view, to persuade the conduction of some Colonies, unto the Land which your Majesty hath commanded to be discovered in the parts of Australia incognita. And yet to this hour no resolution is taken, neither have I received any answer or hope, whereby I might rest assured to obtain my dispatch, although I have attended fourteen months in your Court, and have employed fourteen years in this Discovery without any profit or other respect but the benefit thereof; with which, notwithstanding infinite contradictions, I have gone 20000. leagues by Land and by Sea, and have diminished and sunk my estate, I have traveled with many afflictions in my person, and suffered such strange and extraordinary crosses that they seem almost incredible to myself; and all, that so Religious an undertake should not unworthily be abandoned. In regard whereof, I do most humbly beseech your Majesty in the bowels of the divine charity, that you would be pleased to take order, that I be not deprived of the fruits of this Design, which with such instance I do desire, and which with so much justice are due unto my continual pains and travel: nor that I be debarred from the effects of so considerable and well grounded a request, whose principal scope is the glory of God, and of your Majesty, and from whence infinite benefits are likely to issue forth, which will live as long as the fabric of the World shall subsist, and after the dissolution thereof will remain to all Eternity. 1. Touching the extent of these Regions newly discovered, grounding my judgement on that which I have seen with mine own eyes, and upon that which Captain Lewes Paez de Torres Admiral of my Fleet hath represented unto your Majesty, the length thereof is as great as all Europe and Asia the less, unto the Sea of Bachu, Persia, and all the Isles, aswell of the Ocean, as of the Mediterranean Sea, taking England and Island into this account. This unknown Country is the fourth part of the Terrestrial Globe, and extendeth itself to such length, that in The printed discourse (so I call it rather than translation) in English calls it the fifth part: but the Spanish hath the fourth, perhaps accounting the East Indies for a second, America the third, and this the fourth, reckoning all the first known parts for the first. Description of the people. probability it is twice greater in Kingdoms and Seignories, than all that which at this day doth acknowledge subjection and obedience unto your Majesty: and that without neighbourhood either of Turks or Moors, or of any other Nation which attempteth war upon confining Countries. The Land which we have discovered, is all seated within the Torrid Zone, and a great tract thereof reacheth unto the Equinoctial Circle; the breath may be of 90. degrees, and in some places a little less. And if the success prove answerable unto the hopes, they will be found Antipodes unto the better part of Africa, unto all Europe, and to the greater portion of Asia. But you must observe, that as the countries which we have discovered in 15. degrees of latitude, are better than Spain, so the other which are opposed to their elevation, must by proportion and analogy prove some terrestrial Paradise. 2. All those quarters swarm with an incredible multitude of Inhabitants, whereof some are white, others black and in colour like Mulatos, or half Moors, and others of a mingled complexion. Some wear their hair long, black, and scattered, others have their hair cripsed and thick, and others very yellow and bright. Which diversity is an apparent argmument that there is an apparent argument, that there is commerce and communication amongst them. And this consideration together with the bounty which Nature hath bestowed on the soil, their inexperience of Artillery and Guns, and their unskilfulness in labouring in mines, with other semblable circumstances, doth induce me to infer, that all the Country is well peopled. They know little what belongeth to artificial Trades; for they have neither fortifications nor walls, and live without the awe of Kings or Laws. They are a simple people cantoned into partialities, and exercise much disagreement amongst themselves. The Arms which they use are Bowes and Arrows, which are not poisoned or steeped in the juice of venomous herbs, as the custom is of many other Countries; They do also carry Clubs, Truncheons, Pikes, Darts to hurl with the arm, all which are framed only of wood. They do cover themselves from the waste or girdling place down to the half of their thighs, they are very studious of cleanliness, tractable, cheerful, and wondrously addicted to be grateful unto those that do them a courtesy, as I have experienced many times. The which doth build in me a belief, that with the assistance of God, if they may be gently and amiably entreated, they will be found very docible and easy of manage, and that we shall without much work accommodate ourselves unto them. And it is most necessary to observe this way of sweetness, especially in the beginning, that the Inhabitants may be drawn along to this so holy and saving an end, whereof we ought to take a particular care and zeal, aswell in small things, as in matters of more importance. Their houses are built of wood, covered with Palmtree leaves; they have Pitchers and Vessels made of earth, they are not without the mystery of weaving, and other curiosities of that kind. They work on Marble, they have Flutes, Drums, and wooden Spoons, they set apart certain places for Oratories and Prayers, and for burial places. Their Gardens are artificially severed into beds, bordered and paled; Mother of Pearl and the shells which contain Pearl, they have in much use and estimation, of which they make Wedges, Razors, Saws, Culters, and such like Instruments: They also do make thereof Pearls and great Beads to wear about their necks. They that do dwell in the Lands, have Boats very artificially made, and exceedingly commodious for See of their Boats in Ma●●es Voyage. sailing, which is a certain argument that they confine upon other Nations that are of a more polished and elegant behaviour. And this also they have of our husbandry, that they cut Cocks and geld Boars. 3. Their bread is usually made of three sorts of Roots, which grow there in great abundance. Neither do they employ much labour in making this bread, for they do only roast the Roots until they are soft and tender. They are very pleasant to the taste, wholesome and nourishing, they are of a good length, there being of them of an Ell long, and the half of that in bigness. There is great store of excellent fruits in these Countries. There are six kinds of Plane Trees, Almond Trees of four sorts, and other Trees called Obi, resembling almost in fruit and greatness the Melacatones; store of Nuts, Oranges and Limonds. They have moreover Sugarcanes, large in size and in great plenty, they have knowledge of our ordinary Apples; they have Palmtrees without number; out of which there may easily be drawn a juice, which will make a liquor alluding much to Wine, as also Whey, Vinegar, and Honey, the kernels thereof are exceeding sweet. And they have fruits which the Indians call Cocos, which being green do make a kind Uses of the Coco. of twine, and the pith is almost like in taste unto the Cream of Milk: When they are ripe they serve for meat and drink both by Land and Sea: And when they wither and fall from the Tree, there sweateth out an Oil from them, which is very good to burn in Lamps, and is medicinable for wounds, and not unpleasant to be eaten. Of their rinds or barks there are made Bottles, and other like Vessels, and the inner skin doth serve for calking of ships. Men do make Cables and other Cordage of them, which are of sufficient strength to draw a Canon, and are fit for other domestic uses. But that which is more special, they do there use the leaves of Palmtrees, which they a mass together, to make sails of them for Vessels of small bulk and burden. They make likewise fine thin Mats of them, and they do serve to cover the house without, and for hangings within. And of them they do likewise make Pikes, and other sorts of weapons, as also Oars to row with, and Utensils for the house. You are to note, that these Palmtrees are their Vines, from whence they gather their Wine all the year long, which they make without much cost or labour. Amongst their herbage and Garden fruits; We have seen Melons, Pears great and little, and sundry sorts of potherbs. And they have also Beanes. For flesh, they are stored with a great number of Hogs which are as tame as ours: they have Hens, Capons, Partridges, Ducks Turtles, Pigeons, Stock-doves, and Goats, as one of my Captains did see. And the Indians themselves have given us notice of Cows and Oxen. There are also sundry sorts of fish, Harghi, Persereyes, Lize, Soles, Trout, Shads, Macabises, Casanes, Pampani, Pilchard, Thorn-backes or Skate-fish, Cuculi, conger's, Porpoises, Rochets, Muscles, Lobsters, and many other, the names whereof I cannot now remember. But it is probable that there are diverse other kinds, since those which I have recounted were taken hard by our ships. And upon ripe and serious consideration of that, which I have represented unto you, a man may easily collect, that such plentiful and different varieties of all things, may yield great and singular delights. There is stuff for Marchpanes and sweet Confections of all sorts, without borrowing any Spice for the composition of them else where. And for my Mates the Mariners, besides those particulars which I have before set down, there will be no want of Gammons, Sausages, and other salt meats which Hogs do yield; neither of Vinegar, Spiceries, and other Sauces that serve for delicacy, and to awake the appetite. And you must oberue, that many of these things, are the same with those which we have in our parts, and possibly they are there in greater abundance; by all which it is easily to be conjectured, that this Country is fit for the production of all that which groweth in Europe. 4. The Riches which I have seen in those parts, are Silver and Pearl; another Captain in his Relation, doth report that he hath seen Gold, which are the three most precious Darlings that he and are cherished in the bosom of Nature: we have also both seen much Nutmegs, Mace, Ginger, and Pepper. There is also notice of Cinnamon; and it is likely that Cloves may be found in those parts, since so many other sorts of Spiceries and Aromatical drugs do prosper there; and that the rather, because these Country's lie very near the parallel of the Isles of Terrenatte, Bachian, and the Moluccos. There are likewise materials for all sorts of Silk, and we have seen A●ise-seed, and excellent good Ebony, as also other kinds of wood proper for the building of as many ships as one will desire, and stuff to make sails for the same. Three sorts of materials there are wherewithal to make Cordage, and one of them is very like unto our Hemp. Moreover out of the Oil of Cocos, whereof I have already made mention, there is a kind of bituminous stuff extracted, called Galagala, which may be well used for Pitch. They make also a kind of Rosen with which the Indians pitch their Boats, which they call Piraguas. And since there are Goats and Kowes in those parts, without question we shall have Goatskins, Leather, Tallow, and flesh in full abundance. The Bees which we have seen there do make proof, that there will be no scarcity of Honey and Wax. And there is good appearance to discover many other things which are not yet known, to say nothing touching the form and scite of the Country. Unto all which if that be adjoined, which the industry of man may contribute to those parts, since there is such abundance of commodities which the Country itself doth yield, and such hope to transport thither those things which grow with us (the best and choicest which Peru and New Spain bring forth, I have resolved to transfer thither) it is to be hoped, that this will so enrich that Country, that it will be able to nourish and furnish not only the Inhabitants of the same, and those of America, but give an accession unto Spain itself both of Riches and extent of command: and this may be accomplished after the manner which I have projected, and will unfold unto those which shall lend an assisting hand for the guiding and consummation of this work. Now by that Land which we have already discovered outwardly and along the shores, without entrance into the inward parts, we do conceive a certain Argument, that as much Riches, Commodities, and greatness may be hoped from thence, as we have already in these Countries. And you may be pleased to understand, that my principal aim was to take a view only of these ample Regions which we have discovered: for by reason of many sicknesses which have weakened me, and some other chances whereof I will at this time make no mention, I was not able to survey all which I desired, neither could I in a full month have seen all that, which I was of myself inclinable to view. You are not to make your judgement of the Indians that inhabit these Countries, according to the honour of the people here, or conceive them to be affected with the same desires, pleasures, necesities, or estimation of things that we are: But you are to make account that they are a people whose care is studiously placed upon this, that they may live easily in this World, and pass their days with the least pain and perturbation they can. And this is indeed their practice, for they do not bestow themselves on those things, which with such vexation and torment we here labour to obtain. 5. There are found in this Country as many commodities, both for the support and delectation of the life of man, as may be expected from a soil that is Manurable, pleasant and very temperate. It is a fat and fertile Land, wherein many places clay is found, which will prove of excellent use to build houses, and to make Tiles and Bricks, and will serve for whatsoever is usually made of earth. There is Marble and other good stones, wherewith if there be occasion there may be built structures of greater State and Magnificence. The Country aboundeth in wood, fit for all works and uses, whereunto the same is commonly put. There are spacious and goodly plains, and fields that are divided and interlated with Brooks, Trenches, and Rivers. There are great and high Rocks, sundry Torrents, Rivers great and little, on which water-mils for Corn may with much commodiousness be built and placed, as also Engines to make Sugar, Tucking-mils, Forges, and all other Instruments which in their use do require water. We have found Salt-pits there, and which is a note of the fertility of the soil, there are in many places Canes whereof some are five or six handfuls thick, with fruit answerable to that proportion. The top of that Fruit is very small and hard, and the skin thereof is exceeding sweet. There are also flints for fire, equal in goodness with those of Madrid. The Bay of Saint james and Saint Philip, hath twenty leagues of bank, and is without mud; into which there is a sure and safe entrance both by day and night. It is sheltered and covered with many houses, which in the day time we have seen afar off to send forth smoke, and in the night store of fire. The Haven called The true Cross, is of that spacious capacity, that it is able to contain a thousand ships. The P. de la v●ra Cruz. bottom as I have said is without mud, and hath a blackish coloured sand where withal it is covered. There are no gulfs or deep pits, but an assured and easy anchorage in what part soever you will, from forty to half a fathom; and it is between the mouths of two Rivers, the one whereof is as great as that of Guadalquivir, and hath mud of a fathom deep, over which our shallops and boats did pass. For the other River, when our Skiffe went to water there, they Rivers. found the entrance safe & easy. And a man may from the very mouth of the river take in as much fresh water as he will. The place where ships may be unloaded hath three leagues of gravel, mingled with little flints blackish and very heavy, which will serve for ballast for ships. The bank is strait and united, on which much green grass doth grow and prosper, and that makes me to conceive that the Sea doth not beat or rage thereupon; I observe that the Trees are strait, and the branches not dismembered, which is a token that there are no tempests there. Touching the Port, besides the commodities which I have already discoursed of, there is one of marvelous pleasure and contentation. And that is, that at the dawning of the day you shall hear from a Wood which is near at hand, a sweet and various harmony of a thousand Birds of all sorts, among which we could distinguish the Nightingales, Blackbirds, Quails, Goldfinches, Swallows almost without number Parrochitoes, and one Parrot we marked there, and cr●atures of sundry other kinds, even down to Grasshoppers, and Field-crickets. Every Morning and Evening we received a most odoriferous sweet smell, sent unto our nostrils from the infinite diversity of Flowers and Herbs which grow there, amongst which we observed the blossoms of Orange and Basill. All which (with a number of other varieties) doth make us think that the Air is clear and healthy, and that the nature of the place is of a good temperature. The Haven and the Bay are therefore of the greater estimation, because they have the Neighbourhood of so Great Lands. many goodly Lands that are there, and especially of those seven, which are said to have two hundred leagues of extent: and surely one of them (which is some twelve leagues distant from the Haven) is fifty leagues in circuit. In brief Sir, I do affirm unto your Majesty, that you may give command to have a goodly and great City built in this Port and Bay which are 15. degrees Bay in 15 deg. 40. minutes. and forty minutes of the Southern Elevation, and those that shall inhabit there, shall have plenty of riches, and all other conveniencies which they can desire. Time will show and discover all these commodities, and in this place there may be made the discharge and unloading of all the wares and merchandizes of the Countries of Chilly, Peru, Panama, Nicaragua, Guatimala, New-Spaine, Terre-natto; and the Philippines, all which Countries are under the command of your Majesty. And if you shall acquire unto yourself the Dominion of these Signories which I do now present, I do make so great an esteem of them, that besides their being the Key of all the rest, they will (in my opinion) prove another China or japan, and equalise the other rich Lands which are on this side of Asia, in traffic of curious and precious merchandizes, to speak nothing of the augmentation and extent of your power, and the establishment which you may make unto yourself of your Dominions, by the accession of so great a Country. That which I have given unto your view in my discourse, is of much slenderness, in regard of that which I do probably conceive of this land, the which I am ready to make appear in the presence of Mathematicians. Neither will I vex this paper to demonstrate unto you, that these Countries will be able to nourish two hundred thousand Spaniards. In sum, this is Sir, the world whereof Spain is the Centre, and that which I have related, is the nail by which you may judge of the whole body, which I pray you to take into your observation. 6. You may judge by that which I have already represented, what the goodness and temperature of the air is: whereunto this may be added for a further testimony, that although all our Company were strangers, yet never a one of them was sick, albeit they were in continual travel and labour, and did sometimes sweat, and sometimes take wet. They drank water fasting, and fed many times on that which the earth did there bring forth. Neither had they any regard to keep themselves from the * The Sereno is the Dew which falls every night in great (almost) snowers, infections to those which are abroad in the air, as is before observed in Drakes Voyages, etc. Sereneses, nor from the Moon or Sun, which indeed in those parts is not over-vehement. Only about midnight, they covered themselves with Wool, and did lie and repose themselves thereupon. And for the Inhabitants, they are commonly healthy, and many of them very aged, although they have nothing but the bare earth for their pallet; which is an argument of the wholesomeness and pureness of the soil. For if it were a wet and weeping ground, or had any viciousness in the mould, they would raise their lodgings higher from the earth, as they do that live in the Philippines, and other Countries which I have viewed. And this is further confirmed by their Flesh and Fish, which although it be unsalted, yet will it keep sweet and without corruption two days and more. And the Fruits which are brought from thence are exceeding good, as we had proof by two that I took care to bring along with me, although they had not their full maturity and growth when I gathered them from the Tree. We have not seen any barren and sandy ground, nor any Thistles or trees that are thorny, or whose roots do show themselves, no Marshes or Fens, no Snow upon the Mountains, no Snakes or Serpents, no Crocodiles in the Rivers, no Worms that use with us to hurt and consume our Grain, and to work us so much displeasure in our houses, no Fleas, Caterpillars, or Gnats. This is a Prerogative that hath the advantage of all the privileges that nature hath bestowed on other places, and is worthy to be compared, or rather preferred before any delicacy of the Countries of India, some of which are abandoned and habited, merely by reason of these incommodities, and of sundry others that are distasteful unto the Inhabitants, as myself have oftentimes been witness. 7. These (Sir) are the greatness and goodness of the Countries which I have discovered, of which I have already taken the possession in the name of your Majesty, and under your Royal Banner, as appeareth by the Acts which I keep safely in my power, whereunto I proceeded after this ensuing manner. First (Sir) we erected a Cross, and built a Church in honour of our Lady of Loretto. Then we caused twenty Masses to be celebrated there, and our troops made haste thither to gain some Indulgences, granted on Whitsunday. We also made a solemn Procession, L. of Loretto. and observed the Feast of the blessed Sacrament, the which was carried in Procession, your Banner being ever displayed, and marching before it, through a great circuit of Countries, which were honoured with the presence of the same. In three several places we set up your Title, in every one of which we prepared and erected two Columns, with the Arms of your Majesty tricked and garnished thereupon: so that I may with good right affirm, that since this will challenge to be one of the Parts of the world, the Impress of Plus ultra is accomplished, and because it stretcheth unto the continent, whether it be forward or behind it skils not, the bounds Plus ultra. of your Dominions are with much spaciousness enlarged. Now all this which I have performed, receiveth its root from this the faithful zeal which I bear unto your Majesty, that to all the Titles which you already do possess, you may adjoin this which I represent, and that the name de la Austrialia del spiritu santa, may be blazoned and spread over the face of the whole world to the glory of God, who hath revealed this Country, and hath given me the grace to guide my course thither, and to return to the presence of your Majesty, before whom I do present and prostrate myself with the same affection and zeal unto this work which I had before, and which hath grown up with me as it were from my cradle, and for the nobleness and worth thereof, I do still tender and cherish the same with the greatest love that can be. 8. I do confidently believe, that your Majesty doth use so much prudence in your Counsels, and are so magnanimous and full of Christian piety, that you will (with your best care) embrace all the conducements which may further the habitation of these new-discovered Countries. And the principal reason to put a tye and obligation upon us not to leave them abandoned, is in regard that this is the sole ordinary way to establish the knowledge of God, and faith amongst them, and to bring to pass that his name may be adored and called upon, where the Devil usurpeth so much reverence and invocation. And this aught to be embraced with the more readiness, because it is the channel to convey and disperse all abundance of commodities amongst your subjects. And hereby you shall be eased of many disturbances and vexations, which will assuredly be put upon you, in case the Enemies of the Church of Rome should enter and nestle there, and should vent their erroneous doctrines amongst them, whereby they would convert all the blessings which I have hitherto recounted unto you, into assured incommodities and mischiefs, and would arrogate unto themselves the names of the Lords of the India's, to the utter ruin and desolation of those Countries. I make no question but your Majesty well weigheth, of what importance this danger, of which I speak, may prove, and what evil consequence some other hazards may carry with them, which are either at this time imminent, or may succeed hereafter. And if this should happen, it would cost you innumerable thousands of gold and men, before you shall be able to give a remedy unto the same. Acquire therefore Sir, whiles that occasion is offered you (that one day you may purchase heaven unto yourself) acquire (I say) with a little money which you misplace upon Peru, a neverdying reputation, and this New-world with all the benefits which it reacheth out unto you. And since there is none that craveth a reward for these good tidings, that is brought you concerning so great & singular a blessing, which God hath been pleased to lock up until your happy time, I am he Sir, that do demand it, and my humble request unto you is only this, that you would be of that graciousness unto me, as to dispatch and give me mine answer: for the Galleons are ready to hoist sail, and I have much way to go, and many things must be fitted and disposed for the voyage. There is no hour passeth, which carrieth not with it an assured loss both in regard of spiritual and temporal blessings, the damage whereof can never be made up or repaired. If upon a bare suspicion Christopherus Columbus did pursue his design with so much obstinacy, you are not to account it strange in me, if the things which I have beheld with mine eyes, and touched with mine hands, do put some kind of constraint upon me to be importunate. Let it therefore please your Majesty, amongst so many expedients which you have at hand, to seuer and put apart some one for the accomplishment of this work, that after all these languishments, I may at length meet with the success of my desires. I do assure you that you will find my propositions most just, and that I shall be of sufficiency to give you satisfaction in all things. This, Sir, is a great work, amongst which the Devil doth bandy himself with all the puissance he may: And it is not consonant to reason, to abandon these Countries to his tyranny and power, whereof, know your Majesty is Defender. Here followeth another Petition or Declaration in Spanish, which I have not translated, that the Original may be of more authority; and have added for further explanation and notice of particulars. I had thought also to have given the other in Spanish, and had accordingly prepared it, but for the English Readers sake, have corrected the once printed Copy by it, and not troubled you with both. EL Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros: Xa he dicho a V. M. que de la parte del Sur, esta oculta la quarta parte del Glovo, y que el descubrimiento que en ella hize, lo es de vente y tres is las, cuy os numbers son. La encarnation. San juan Bantista. Santelmo. Las quatro Coronadas. San Miguel Archangel. La conuersion de san Paulo. La Dez●na. La Sagitaria. La Fugitiva, La del Peregrino. Nuestra Sennora del Socorro. Monterrey. Tucopia. San Marcos. El Uergel. Las Lagrimasde sand Pedro Los portales de Belen. El pillar de Zaragoça. San Raymundo. Yla is la de la Uirgen Maria. Y iuntament de aquel las tres partes de tierra llamada la Austrialia del Espiritu santo: en laqual tierra se ba●●o lafoy Ba h ya de san Felipe, y Santiago, y puerto de la Veracruz, adonde estwimos surtos con los tres navios 3. Naui●s. Ki● Io●dan. treinta y seis dias. Entiendiose ser todas tres una gran tierra, y sus altas y dobladas Serranias', y aquel rio jordan por sum grandeza pair ce que osseguran la de la tierra, como de todo mas largo consta por una information quehize en Mexico, con diez testigos delos que fueron comigo, a la qual me remito. Manned V. M. que sea vista, y que se haga una iunta de Matematicos, y Pilotos, y personas platicas, pues all present las ay muy insignes en esta Corte, y la causa lo merece, y a V. M. le importa muchisimo. Aduierto que esta into mation la hiziera, con todas quantas personas vinie ron de la iornada, si fuera bien admitida la ofrenda que para esto hize, o sue ra ayudado, o yo pudiera, que no me oblige a impossibles, y me veo obligado a elloes. Digo pues sennor que en una ista que se llama Taumaco, que all parecer dista de Mexico mil y dozientas Taumaco Is 〈…〉. y cincuenta leguas, estwimos surtos diez dias, y que el sennor de aquella islaas, cuyo number es Tamay, hombre de razon, buen cuerpo, tall, y colour algo moreno, los oios hermosoes, lafoy nariz afilada, 'las baruas, y los cabelloes crecidos, y crespos, y a su modo grave, nos ayudo con su gente, y embarcaciones, a hazer a guada, y lenna, de que en aquella sazon estavamos muy necessitadoes. Este tall vino a verme a la Na●, y dentro en ella le examine, en la manera siguiente. Lo primiero le mostre su isla, y la mar, y nuestras naos, y gente, y apunte a todas parts deal Orizonte, y hize otras ciertas sennas, y con ellas le pregunte, si avia visto navios, y hombres como los nuestros, y a esto dixo que no, Preguntele si sabia de otras tierras lexas, ò cerca, pobladas, ò despobladas, y luego que me entendio nombrò a mass de sesenta Islas, y a una grande tierra que se llama Manicolo: yo sennor 'las fui escriviendo a todas teniendo present la guia de navegar, para Mas desosenta Islas y vna grande tierra que se llama Manicolo. saber hazia el rumbo que cada una demorava, que viene a ser de aquella su isla a la parte del Sneste, Sur Sudeste, ò Este, y Nordeste; y para que yo entendiesse quales oran las pequennas, hazia pequennos circulos, y mostrava el mar con el dedo, y con el dava a entender cercana la tierra, y por las que eran mayores, hazia mayores circulos, y las mismas demostraciones: y por aquella gran tierra abrio ambos los braços, sinboluerlos a iuntar, mostrandoque prosegnia. Y para dare a entender quales eran las lexanas, ò estavan de all. mas cerca, mostrana el Sol de Levante a Poniente, recostana la cabeça sober una mano, cerrava los oios, y contava por los dedos 'las noches que en el camino se dormia, y por semeiancas dezia, quales gentes eran blancas, Negro, Indios, y mulatos, y quales estavan mezelados, y quales ran sus amigos, y enemigos, y que en algwas islas se comia carne humana; y para esto hizoque mordia su braço, mostrando claro querer mal à estagente, y deste, y de otros modos all parecer, se entendio quanto dixo, y se lo repeti tantas ve zes, que mostro cansarse dello. Y dando con la mano hazia el Sur Sudeste, y otras parts, dio bien a entender quantas mas tierras avia. Mostro desseo de boluer a su casa, dile cosas que llevasse, y se despidio de mi, aandome paz en el carrillo, y con otras muestras de amor. El siguiente dia fui a su pueblo, y para mas bien enterarme delo que Tumay declarò, lleve comigo muchos Indios a la playa, y teniendo en la mano el papel, y present la aguia de marear: a todas fui preguntando muchas vezes' porlas tierras a que Tumay puso number, y en todo conformaron todos, y dieron noticia de otras pobladas, todas de gentes de los referidos colores, y iuntament de aquella grande tierra, en la qual con proprias sennas dixeron que avia Bacas, ò Bufalos: y para dare a enterder que avia perros ladravan, y por gallos y gallinas, cantavan, y por puerc●s grunnian. Y assi desta manera dezian lo que querian, y respondian a quanto se les preguntava: y por que les mostraron perlas en el boton de un rosario, dieron a entender las avia. Todas' estas preguntas y diligencias, hizieron otros de mi compannia, este dia, y otras vezes a estos, y a otros Indios, y siempre dixeron lo mismo, y por esto s● entendio ser gente que trata verdad. Quando sali desta isla de Taumaco, hize ●oger quatro muy gallardoes Indios, los tres se becharon a nado, y el que quedo, y despnes se 〈◊〉 Pedro, declarò en el puerto de Acapidco, y por el camino, y enla ciudad de Mexico adonde murio 〈…〉 endola visto el Marques de Montes claros lo siguiente, sin nunca variar, annque se le pre gunto en diversos tiempos, y por muchas personas, y de muchos modos, y se le negavan, y contradezian sus dichos. Lo primero dixo Pedro, sir natural de una isla que se llama Chicayana, mayor que la de Taumaco adonde de hallamos, y que de la una ala otra ay quatro dias de camino, de sus embarcaciones, y que Chicayana es tierra rasa y muy abundante de los frutos y a referidos, y que la gente della es de su bue na colour Chicayana Isla. de Indio, cabello suelto y largo, y que se labran como el lo estava, poco enel rostr●, ombros, y pechos, y que tambien ay hombres blancos que tienen los cabelloes rubios, y muy largos, y que ay mulatos, cuyo cabello no es frisado, ni de todo suelto, y que el era texedor, y soldado flechero, y que en su lengua se llamava Luca, so muger Layna, y su ●lio Ley. Dixo mass, que en aquella so isla ay muchas Ostras, como de las que visus conchas, y traxe algunas, que aqui tengo de tres tamarinos. El primero, es el comun de la Margarita; el segundo mayor all double; y el tercero de palmo, ma● y menos de diam●tro, y que a todas estas Ostras llaman Totofe, y que en ellas se hallan perlas, a las quales llaman Futiquilquil: y por esto le mostre las conchas, y el 'las tomò en las manos, y en ellas fue mostrando las parts a do se crian. Y preguntado quantas eran, y de que tamanno, dixo, que en unas se hallan mas, y en otras menos; y para dare a entender el grandor dezia que las ay como arena, y como sal, y como pedrezitas, y como cuentas de rosarios, y como botones como tenia en un coleto, y otras mayores, y que se pescan en menos de medio estado de fondo, de piedras y arena, y que son muy gran des los trechos de mar, que alli tienen poco fondo, y que el mismo sin çabullir se las sacava con la mano, y las ponia en so Canoa, y que solo las quieren para comer su carne, a la qual llaman Canofe, y que las conchas les sir●en para hazer anzuelos, cucharas, y otras cosas, y que las perlas no les siruende nada. Dixo mass, que ay en osta misma isla de chicayana o●ra surety de ostras, a la qual llaman Taquila: y para dare a entender sum tamanno, sennalò el grandor de una buena rodela: y por hazerseme increyble la mucha camidad que dixo de todas perlas, y la grandeza destas Taquilas, le pregunte si nacian dentro en los cocos, o en los arboles, o en las pennas, o en la tierra, o por fuera de las conchas: dixo que no se hallan sino en le suelo del mar, y dentro en ellas las perlas, y que las ostras las unas estan recostadas a todos lados, y otras enh●estas y abiertas hazia arriba, y que si en algunas destas ostras entran la mano que se ci●rra, y luego go dixo no ay mano, y que a esta causa las sacan con palos, y con lazadas de cuerdas, y que tienen grande y muy buena carne que elloes comen, y no hazen caso de las perlas, y que las vezes que las queria el mismo las pescana, y las llenava a su casa. Y como el Orro Voyage yo mismo vi He made two Voyages. a las Indios de la isla de Santacruz, traer del cuello colgadas muchas patenas mayores y menores, todas de conchas de nacar, entendi ser loque Pedro de zia, lo mismo de las patenas, y a esta causa no hazia mucha cuenta deste dicho: mas viendo que unas vezes se enoiava, y otras con muy grande ahinco trabaiava por darse a entender, por esto le mostre un guijarro negro y redon do, del tamanno de una ciruela temprana, y le pregunte si en su tierra avia per las assi como aquella, dixo que no, porque aquel guijarro era negro, y las perlas blancas como papel, y que quando las mirava all Sol, que la vislumhre dellas le dana en los oios, y assi hazia con elloes como si 'las tnuiera presents. Y preguntado si las avia tan grandes como el referido guijarro, dix● que otras avia chiquitas como el guijarro. Y luego tuntò la cabeça del dedo pulgar con la del indice en forma de circulo, y alli con un dedo de la otra mano, few senna lando may oars y menores perlas, y que en cada hostia no ay mas de una sola: y con todo temiendo ser lo que dezia las patenas de mi sospecha, le pregun te si eran chatas, o redondas, o de otras formas. Nome entendio por este len guage. Luego hize como que queria poner el guij arro en el suelo a son de correr: y assi como lo vio, dixo con gran demostration, que quando las echa nan en el suelo ynan rodando por manera que a mi entender dio claramen ta ser perlas redondas, y de los tamannos referidos, y que su hijo trahia all cuello una dellas, y que el mismo la horadò con piedra blanca, y delgada, y que el fondo de adonde las sacana, es de does estadoes mas y menos, y que en sus conchas dan de comer a los puertos. Preguntele si las grandes conchas tienen el mismo lustre que tienen las ordinarias que le mostre dixo que si, todas estas y otras preguntas le hize muy trocadas, y como en su tierra se llaman los arcabuzes, y otras de nuestras cosas, dixo que no las ay, por manera que siempre respondio sin sospechas, y solo dio number con mucha resolution a las cosas que elloes tienen, yo afirmo por verdad que no entendi escrivir la grandeza, ni el mucho numero que dixo aver de toda surety de perlas, por parecerme noticia nunca oyda: mas considerando que naturaleza es ponderosa para criar como ya se han visto grandes perlas, y de las communes tan gran suma en el rio de la Hacha, Margarita, y Cubagua: y yo porfie tanto en inquirir esta su declaration, pareciome dever dezir lo que este Indio me dixo tantas vezes, y a otras muchas personas, que no con menos cuy dado le examinaron, y en suma yo hago las diligencias, y escrivo como hombre que tengo de morir, y no se quando. Dixo mass, que de la isla de Taumaco a tres dirs de camino, y de Chicayana ad os; ay otra isla mayor que Guatopo Isla. las does dichas, que se llama Guaytopo, poblada de gente tan blanca, como loes en comun la nuestra, y que hasta los hombres tienen rubios los ●abellos mas y menos, y tambien negroes, y que se labran las barrigas, y a so nibel todo en rueda, y que todas tres islas son gente amiga, y de una lengua, y que usan darse la p●● en los carrillos, y que tienen por sennal de enemigos quando huyen los rostros, y que en esta isla ay muchos ostrales de los tres generos menores, en grandes trechos de mar, de fondo assi coma el de Chica yana, y que tienen much as perlas. Y preguntado si el avia estado en ella, dixo que no. Luego le bolui a preguntar como sa bia lo dicho, y lo coniò desta manera que de aquella isla salio vn navio gran de los suyos, con mas de cincuenta personas, a buscar conchas de Carey, de que usan hazer çarçillos, y otros iuguetes que cuelgan de las oreias, a otra isla poblada que llaman Mecaraylay, que estando a vist a della, ●es dio Mecaraylay Is 〈…〉. un viento contrario que les obligò a buscar su isla, de la qual estendo cerca, boluio el viento a ser contrario, y que andando en estas bueltas se les acabò el bastimento, a cuya falta murieron quarenta personas de hambre y sed, y que el estava en la Isla de Taumaco, quando este navio aportò alli con solos siete hombres muy blancos, excepto eluno que era moreno, y con tres mugeres blancas, y hermosas como Espannolas, que tenian los cabellos rubios, y muy largos, y que todas tres venian cubiertas de cabe ça●hasta los pies con vuos como mantos azules, o Negro, y muy delgadoes, a que llaman foafoa, y que de todas estas diez personas, solo quedô vivo el Indio Olan, all qual los westros quando alli lo viero en Taumaco, tan blanco y tan bermeio. le llama ron el Flamenco, como q●eda referido, y que este Indio Olan y otros le contaron quanto ha dicho, de aquella isla de Guay tupo, y g●e el mismo vio ve nir a su isla de Chicayana, otro navio de aquellos de dos vasos cargado de gente blanca y hermosa, y con muchas y muy lindas muchachas, y dio a entender contando por los dedos de diez en diez, ser por todos ciento y diez personas. Dixo mass, que de otra isla que se llama Tucopio, que es a donde los dos Indios se echaron a nado, como queda referido, a cinco dias de su navegar, ay aquella gran tierra Manicolo, poblada de mucha gente lora Tucopio Isla. Manicolo terr● grande. y mulata en grandes pueblos, y para dare a entender sum tamanno, sennalò el de Acapulco, y otros mayores, y por esto le pregunte si avia pueblos tan grandes como Mexico, dixo que no, mas que muchas gentes, y que son sus amigos, y no comen carne humana, ni se entienden las lenguas, y que es tierra de muy altas serra nias, y grandes rios, y que algunos delloes no se pueden vadear, sino passarse en canoas: y pew para it de la isla Tucopia a aquella tierra, quando sale el Sol les queda a la mano izquierda, que viene a ser del Sur para el Sudeste. Digo pues, que si esto es assi como lo dixo, que viene bien con la cordillera de sierras que se vieron it corriendo a la buelta del Poniente, como esta dicho en su lugar, quando fuimos desgarrando. Mucho encarecio Pedro la grandeza po plation y fertilidad, y otras cosas desta tierra, y que el y otros Indios fueron a ella en vna de sus embarcaciones, a buscar vn tron●o de un grande arbol, de los muchos que ay en ella, para hazer una piragua, y que vio alli vn puer to, y dio a entender ser mayor, y de boca mas cerrada que lo es el de la Bahia de san Felipe, y Santiago, y que el mirô su fondo ser de arena, y su play a Del astre como el otro ya dicho, y que tiene dentro quatro rios y mucha gente, y que por la costa de aquella tierra andwieron hazia el Poniente mas camino que ay de Acapulco a Mexico sin verle fin, y se buluieron a su isla. Aduierto que como yo avia visto aquella isla de Tucopia, dixe adrede que sabia aver en ella muchas ostras y perlas, y que dixo que no ay sino mucho fondo, y que es assi verdad porque lo hize sondar. Dixo mass, que de Taumaco atres dias de camino, y con viento fresco a does, ay otra isla que se llama Fonoso no, partida en muchas islas pequennas y rasas, y por esto a cautela le dixe, que avia en ellas grandes rios: pues grandes rios en islas pequennas, y rasas, no los puede aver, dixo que no sino poços, y que ●ono fono Isla. son todas muy fertiles, y muy pobladas de gentes loras, Indios y mulatos, muy altos en demasia, y tanto, que con ser algo mas alto que yo, sennalo en una pared todo quanto pudo alcançar con los dedos, estendidos braço y ma no, y dixo ser aquella su altura, y que son sus amigos mas no de su lengua, y que en estas islas ay grandes trechos de mar, de poco y de mucho fondo, commanchas de muchas hostras, y que el mismo las saco para comer 'las, y que te nian perlas de los tamannos que, tiene dicho, excepto las Taquilas, y que ay alli un muy buen puerto: y tambien dixo que cerca destas islas ay otra que se dize Pilen, y otra Nupan, y que tienen lo mismo de comidas, gentes y perlas y de oydas y no de vista, dio number a otras muchas Pilen, Isla. Pupan Isla. islas, y de todas dixo lo dicho. Aduiertese, que en todas las Indias en solo la Margarita, y en el ri● de la hacbo, se ha sacado y va sacando la multitud de las perlas que se sabe, de xo las pocas v no tan buenas de Panama, y digo que si es assi como est a dicho, que much os numeros se pueden esperar de adonde dio la noticia, assi por ser much as estas pàrtes, como por la grandeza de los mares que dixo tienen poco fondo, y mas se advierte que solo dixo de las ostras que alcançan a ver los oios, y solo con 'las manos cogen sin zabu 〈…〉 rse, quedando siempre reseruadas 'las does, quatro, ocho, y mas braças como oy se pescan en sa Margarita. En Mexico lleve a Pedro por does vezes a casa de un h●r adador de perlas, y a mi ruego le mostro de todos los generos communes: assi como los vio se alegro mucho, y dixo con gran demostration y encarccimiento, que en su tierra ay muchas perlas y mas blanchas que aquellas. Mostrole mas unos barruecos, o assientoes grandes y abromadoes, hizo mal gesto, y dixoque aquello no era buono, y que en su tierra avia meior. Mas diligencia hizo el Alcalde mayor del puerto de Acapulco, done Pedro Flores, pues le mostro una cadena de muchas sartas de perlas, y le preguntò si en su tierra avia de aquellas cadenas, dixo que no. Luego saco de alli ciertas perlas, y se las mostrò en la mano, y le preguntò si avia assi como aquello, dixo que si, mas que no estavan hor adadas, y se puede presumir que a falta de brocas, y de taladros, no se aprovechan de las perlas y de las conchas si por ser mayores, y del mismo lustre, y faciles de horadar. Dixo mass, que en Taumaco ay un Indio grau piloto, y que sabe los numbers de muchas tierras, en las quails ha estado muchas vezes', y que de una Grantierra que se llama Pouro muy poblada, cum y a gente Pouro gran tierra. lora, e Indios, algunos son amigos su yos, y otros muy belieosoes y guerrer os entresi, traxo a su isla de Taumaco un pagagayo de pecho y cuello colorado, y ciertas flechas con puntas a forma de cuchillo, y que el mismo las uto, y las tentò, y dio a entender que les querian para con ellas matar mas facilment, por esto le mostre un cuchillo, y dixo ser negro all respeto de las puntas. Mostrele un vaso de plata, y dixo ser las puntas tan blancas como ella, muchas vezes' le contradixe este dicho, y siempre mas se afirmò. Admierto, que en la Bahiya de san Felipe y Santiago, se hallaron en una casa muchas piedras negras y pesadas, y que a caso me traaeron does parts tan grandes, cada una dellas como una nuez, y que en la ciudad de Mexico un don Francisco Pachoco duenno de minas, y un Diego Gomez de Molina 'las vieron en mi mi posada, y el uno delloes me mostraron lleno de oios de plata, por esto lo llevamos luego a casa de un ensayador que lo puso en un crisol, y ella por sus razones le dio tanto fuego que el crisol se desfondo, y assino se vio na da toda via, yo me avia quedado con la otra parte que el ensayador requemò y en esta se vio una puntilla que estendida al martillo se tocô luego en tres piedras, y dixeron seis plateroes ser toques de plata: y para mas certificarse tocaron plomo y estanno, y otra plata concscida iunto a ella, mas hwo alli quien dixo que aquel ensaye se auia de hazer por azogue, y otros que con salitron y ciertas cosas, y el ensayador afirmò ser bueno el metal, y aqui se tocò la puntilla, y dixeron does plateroes que es plata. Estas piedras avia mostrado a Pedro, y assi como las vio, dixo que en los cerros de Taumaco a y muchas dellas, y que se llama Treaque, y que tanbien las ay en aquillo gran tierra Manicolo, y que todos los Indios las quieren, los unos para labrarse, y otros para inviexarse con ellas, ylo mismo dixo Paulo de su tierra, que es la Bahia de san Felipe y Santiago de adonde se traxeron, y dizen mineros que adonde ay invixes ay metales, y que por los invixes se descubreron las minas de plata y oro de S. Luis de la nueva Espanna, y las de azogue de Guancavelica del Piru. Y advierto, que dezir Pedro que vio flechas con puntas de plata, parece que por razon de la poca que se hallò en aquel poco metal que tan a caso setra●ò y por la dispusicion de la tierra, y el sitio ser paralelo delP●ru, obligan a creer que puede ser assi como lo dixo. Aduierta se mas que Pedron despues que supo darse a entender en westra lengua, confor 〈…〉 con todolo que dixeron los Indios de Taumaco, y esto assi en la tierra grande, como en las muchas islas y muchas gentes, y algunas cor pulentas labradas y por labrar, varios coleres, largos cabellos rubios, negroes, srisa does, crespos, de que estan pobladas: y iuntament en la mucha abundancia de comidas de unos mismos generos que todos tienem. Y tambien se advierta, que to do lo referido lo avemos visto desta vez, y que lanti, erra donde estwimos surtos, parece ser la misma que va prosiguiendo, y de la grandeza que elloes dizen a suma digo, fundado en razones fuertes, que aquellas gentes estan alli por vezindad y continuacionen otras tierras mas all Sur, Least, y Oeste, y que si no ay milagro que en aquella oculta quarta de globo, estey muy grandes y muy estendidas provincias, llenastodas de muchas y muy varian gentes, y que en todos generos aura ventaia, quanto mas fueren subiendo de quinze grados arriba y por venderse tan caro, se deu esperar meior a en todo lo apuntado. 15. Grados. The first Voyage. Aduiertase que la primera vez que el Adelantado Alvaro de Mendasia, few y d●scubrio las 〈◊〉 que llamo, de Solomon, hallo en ellas, y se traxeron cantidad de perlas t●stadas all fuego, porque los 〈◊〉 solo comen la carne assando las ostras, y que el segundo voyage que hizo el mismo Adelantado, descubrio The second Voyage. Isl● de Santa Cruz. de nuevo la isla de Santacruz, donde murio, y que en ella yo mismo vi muchas conchas, y aquellas muchas patenas de nacar referidas, y que de una cierta isla alli cerca, se traxo un muchacho que se llamo Miguelillo, y que este despues que supo nuestra lengua, dio noticia de auer en su tierra muchas perlas, congrandes muestras de ser assi. Tambien se advierta, que desta ida avemos visto en tres islas las conchas de nacar, de los tres tamannos, y en la una dellas Ostiones secos, adonde se hallaron algunas perlas menudas: pormanera, que iuntando lo que dixo Pedro, a lo que se ha visto, son quinze las islas de que ay noticia que tienen perlas, y por la vista de sus conchas, se pueden, y deven esperar. y tambien por ser Aquella poca altura, tan propriaparacriarse, y quanto Aquellas grandes Taquillas, lo dexo all tiempo; y solo advierto, que pues Pedro dixo, que ay grandes perlas, que tambien dixo aver grandes conchas, capazes dellas. Y en suma digo, que Dios nuestro Sennor, no da de una vez todo quanto puedo, y que primero haze la prueva del costoso, y sufrido amor que le tienen las personas, a quien encamina una tan gran cosa como a U. M. en esta. Dixo mass Pedro que all diablo llaman Terua, y que habla con los Indios de un palo, sin ser visto, y que a el mismo, y a todos elloes de noche, y muchas vezes', les palpava los rostros, y los pechos con cosa muy fria, y que quertendo saber lo que era no hallavan nada: y esto dezia mostrando cierto recato y temor dan do bien a entender se cosa mala y para elloes bien aborrecible; y tanbien dixo a otros que no a mi, que antes que a su tierra fueramos, ya el diablo les avia dic ho que los aviamos de it a matar. Mostrava muchos desseos de boluer a su tierra, para dezir all sennor de Taumaco, todo el bien que le aviamos hecho, y que los otros Indios sus companneros, elloes mismos se hecharon de las naos a nado, que nosotros no les hizimos ningun mal. Y tambien mas, para dezir a todos sus naturales quan buena cosa es ser Christiano, y que a el despues que lo era, el diablo no le hablo, ni le o y o, ni de noche le palpo, y para traer so hijo, y venirse a vivir con nosotros. Y tamcien dixo, que ensu isla de Chicayana, ay perros grandes como los nuestros, y que los llaman Ticuri, y que ay muchas avas como las de Europa, mas que no las sabien comer: y una fruta quiso dezir mançanas porque las vio, y mucho gengibre, y que en su tiempo haze buen frio, con ser en tan poca altura. Y mas dixo, que a los que matan honbres los ahorean, y que nuestros cavallos son buenos para andar en elloes, mas no para ser seruido de los honbres. Era Pedro all parecer de edad de venticinco annos, y en aquella sazon que declaro sabia poco de la lengua Castellana, y a esta causa costo mucho trabaio esta su declaration, porque se le ha negado y repeti do muchas ve●es, y parece que si viviera dier a mass razon que ha dado: mas yo creo que es mas paracreer lo que esta dicho, que no lo fuera si llegara a ser se ladino, con que yo y todos quanto le trataro le teniamos por hombre de verdad, y de verguença. Vn dia entro en la y glesia de San Francisco de Mexico, y por ver en ella muchos Crucifixos dixo, que como avia alli tantos Dioses, si le dezian que no avia mas que un solo Dios Fuele respondido ser todos retratos del verdadeao Christo. Y con esto, y con lo demas que se le dixo parecio satisfacerse y los frayles que le oyeron se alegraron por ser pregunta de hombre que sabia discurrir; y finalment Domingo de Ramos murio: yo fio de la misericordia de Dios, que pues por un en estranno modo le traxo al bautismo, y a morir confessado, y olea, le y en tan sennalado di●, y con muestas de buen Christiano, que ha sido para darle su santa gloria. Y este few sum dichoso fin, deal qual devo estar muy consolado, y parece que su divina Magestad va ordenando, que casi no ay a medios humanos para, acabar Aquella so tan grande obra, ò almenos que falten Aquellos en que mas estrivo, ò puedo estrivar. El otro Indio se llamava Paulo, era muchacho de hasta ocho annos, de colour loro, cabello frisado, tenia muy hermosoes oios, muy buen tall y meior condition, y tanto que todos quantos le trataron le querian mucho, por se tan docil, y agradable: sabia como Pedro las quatro oraciones, y se per signava con mucha alegria, y bautizado y buen Christiano le llevo Dios el dia dela Ascension: dava razon del Demonio, y que s● llamava Hadanua, y de como habla con los Indios sin ser visto, y tanbien la dava de perros mayores y menores, y de un animal como gato, y de un granderio hazia la parte de supueblo que en Aquella su tierra ay mucha gente guerrera, enemiga unade otra, y queno se come carne humana: y esto se due creer porla mucha que tienen de puercoes, y gallinas, y tantas otras comidas, pues el comer se carne humana entre otras gentes, par●ce proceder de la ester elidad de las tierras, ò de la vestialidad desus moradores: y porque era ninno y estava enforma, no se pudo saber del quanto se quiso. Vn pe quenno vocabulario tengo, que es lo que pude iuntar de las lenguas de Pedro y Paulo, lo que dezir, que es muy pronunciable. Por todo lo dicho se ye clarament, que solo ha avidodos grandes partes de tierras a partadas desta Europa, y de la Africa, y Asia: lafoy primera es la America, que descubrio, Christoval Colon, y la segunda y postrer a del mundo, es la que vi, y pretendo poblar, y acabar de descubrir para U. M. Esta grandeza deve de ser abraçada, assi por tener tanto de Dios, como por ser dare principio a una tan grande obra, y de tantos, y tan grandes bienes, que ninguna otra de su genero puede ser mas, ni tanto all present, ni adelante, como lo podre mostrar si soy oydo, y preguntado. Si●ndo pues este caso tan admirable quanto sueva, y viendo, tan empennada mi conciencia, y serme fuerças, tan grandes y tan pessadas, cargas, que por abreviar, prometo a U. M. de pudiere llegar con ellas, y tuniere de licencia, y aora, para mas obligar a V. M. a lo que tan obligado le tierie el titulo de Rey Catolico, y defensor de la Fé, re●uerdo, quan Real, y sennalada merced de ' Dios es esta, negada a todos los Reyes dei mundo, y solo a V. M. concedida, cuyo sonido, ò retin, es fuerça causar grandes invidias, y a sum pessar de todas ellas V. M. ha de conseguir el mas principal intento que es solo hazer la guerra all infierno, que tanto estrago haze en un numero tan copi●so de almas, redimidas por la persona de Christo, con la esperanea que queda de quantas se han de saluar andando tiempos, siendo la saluacion de una sola de tanto precio, quae si necessario fuera el mismo Christo viniera, a dare la vida por ella. Y con esto queda Sennor bien entendido de quanto valor es este hecho, y quantos premios dara Dios, por averlo (contanto amor y fervour) intentado; y quantos mas grados de gloria tendra. V. M. si da fin a esta obra de tanta piedad y misericordia, y tan digna de recebir en la memoria de las gentes: advirtiendo que no sera con tanto gasto de d●neros, ni de hombres, ni con Aquellos estragos, ruynas, y escandalos, que suele aver para averigar el derecho de muy pequennos estadoes, sino poner debaxo de la protection Real con medios todos muy suaves, y iustificadoes, quanto los puedo mostrar una tan gran part de toda la tierra poblada, para en ella sembrar bienes, y costelloes frutos que yo espero en Dios han de ser muchos, muy dulces, muy ricos, y muy duraderos: y solo quiero por paga de tanto quanto tanto vale, que V. M. crea la mportancia del caso, y quanto conuiene loque pido, y que en todo trato verdad, y que es animo de vender todo lo passado, present, y venidero por un precio, y este es Sennor de valde. A note of Australia del Espiritu Santo. Written by Master HAKLVYT. SImon Fernandez, a Pilot of Lisbon, told me Richard Hakluyt, before other Portugals in London, the eighteenth of March 1604. That he having been in the City of Lima in Peru, did perfectly understand, that four ships and barks departed from the said City of Lima, about the year 1600. in the month of February toward the Philippinas. Their General was a Mestizo, that is to say, the Son of a Spani●r●, and an Indian woman. And that seeking to make way toward the Philippinas, they were driven with strong Northern winds to the South of the Equinoctial Line, and fell with diverse rich Countries and Lands, as it seems, not far from the Isles of Solomon. One chief place they called Monte de Plata, for the great abundance of silver that is like to be there. For they found two crowns worth of silver, as he reported, in two handfuls of dust. And the people gave them for Iron as much, and more in quantity of silver. They report that this place is two months sailing from Lima, and as much back again. Concerning this Voyage also; the Licentiate Luis de Tribaldo, a Gentleman of quality in the Conde de villa Mediana, the Spanish Ambassador's house, told me Richard Hakluyt, that two years passed he saw at Madrid, a Captain of quality suing for licence to conquer this place, & that he obtained the same. And that diverse religious men and Fathers were to go to convert them to Christianity. They arrived at their return from this Voyage at Peru, in the month of August. CHAP. XI. The History of LOPEZ VAZ a Portugal (taken by Captain WITHRINGTON at the River of Plate, Anno 1586. with this Discourse about him) touching American places, discoveries and occurrents; abridged. NOua Hispania was called so by the Spaniards, when they made Discovery of it, for that it was like the Country of Spain, though the people of the Country termed Part of this Discourse was published by M. Hak out of a written copy containing the whole. I have added & inserted those things which I thought fit, leaving out such as before have been by others delivered. The Ports. Saint juan de Lua. Mexico. the Land after their own Country Language (some one part after one, some after another) the most part of the people called it Eucata. This Country hath sundry great Provinces in it, so fruitful of all kind of necessaries in it for man, that there is neither Africa, Asia, nor Europe, that is better; for that of sustenance for man's body there lacketh no store, as Wheat and all other Grains, all beasts necessary for man to eat or to use, with great store of Silks, mines of Gold, Silver, Stones, and Pearl. The Country is very well inhabited, so that it is thought there is no part of the World better. The King of Spain because he hath many other Countries under him, he doth little esteem of this Country, but doth take out of it all things that are for his profit, having used those people with great cruelty, and taking of them much Tribute; this Land hath many Ports in the North Sea, and much more in the South Sea, the principal Ports in the North side is Saint juan de Lua. At this place doth he discharge the Armadas that come from Spain, and from this place they carry their Merchandise to the great City of Mexico: which City is sixty leagues within the Land, and known by the Parishes in the same, to have a hundred and fifty thousand fair houses of Indians, and six thousand fair houses the Spaniards have in it. The fear and reverence that they use towards the Spaniards is such; that one Spaniard may go among a thousand of them, and strike the chiefest of them and use his pleasure, without any word given by the Indians to the contrary, such is the fear that these silly people have of the Spaniards. But now, thanks be to Almighty God, the Indians of that Country and Kingdom are become Christians: yet notwithstanding now and then the old men, having not forgotten their former Law, do use their Idolatry, which being known are very cruelly corrected by the Friars for the same offence. The people of this Kingdom are of a sharp wit, and good understanding, for whatsoever it be, Sciences or other Arts, these people are very apt to learn it with small instructing, the Indians of this Country do make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silks, Silks and clothes. so that they now begin to carry of these Silks for Spain. And have all other things necessary that any other Kingdom of the Christians have, only Wine and Oil, which the King of Wine and oil denied. Vineyards, Ports and shipping. Spain denieth to have made there, but such as cometh from Spain, because of his customs, notwithstanding the King doth allow them to plant Vineyards for to eat of the Grapes. This Land is greatly commended not for that above mentioned, nor yet for the Gold and Silver Mynes that it hath, but for the great number of Ports for shipping it hath in the South Sea, where they make many great ships, with the which ships they have traffic with them of Peru, and Parawna, and then they have a Trade to the Philippinas, and to the Lands of Moluccas and China, so that the commodities which the Portugal carrieth for Portugal out of the East Indies, are likewise brought to the City of Mexico, by reason of their shipping, although not in so great quantity, as they carry for Lisbon, not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or ability, but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands, and not by the way of Traffic, as the Portugal doth, the principal Port from whence this Merchandise doth come, is called Aguatorke, in the Coast of China on the North side. Aguatorke. After the Conquest of this Kingdom of Mexico, the order how the Spaniard did divide this Land, was this. The principal Cities they refined to the King of Spain, and to the General of this Conquest, who was renowned Ferdinando Curtis, they assigned unto him a great Valley, or Cornavake Valley. 400000. fire-houses in this Valley. as we call it a low Land between two Mountains, which was called Cornovake, by which, Valley he had the name of marquis of the Ualley, where there were great Towns, in which some affirm to be about 400000. fire houses; whereby the rent was to him better worth than three hundred thousand Ducats by the year. These Rents were confirmed to him and his for ever. The other part of the Land that remained, was parted among the rest of the Captains and Soldiers which were at this Conquest, some had a hundred thousand Ducats by year, and other forty thousand Ducats, and some fifty thousand Ducats, and he that had lest had ten thousand Ducats by the year, so that now there are very few which have this Rent, for that they are most of them dead, so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the King's hand, wherefore there are many insurrections against the King, which cost many a man's life. And now to proceed farther along the Coast, which is a Land full of great Mountains, and very hot with much rain, for which cause it is a very unwholesome Country, where breedeth all noisome worms and beasts, therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there, and no Spaniards, so that the Country is almost desolate. The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast, is called Veragua, this is the most richest Land of Gold than all the rest of the Indies: Veragua rich of Gold. therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards. In this place the people are always sick, and it raineth continually, and the Land yieldeth no fruit, so that all their sustenance cometh from other places, all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the covetousness of the Gold, the which Gold they get out of the Rivers with the help of a number of Negroes. I do verily believe that if this Land were now the ancient Romans, or else the Egyptians, they would surely make a channel from the end of this River de Carinas (which A Channel to be made. issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua) to the South Sea, for that there is no more but four leagues between the Sea and the River, so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas, and to the Coast of China, so would it be sooner and easier done than the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals, and sooner made, then to go through the Straits of Magellan; which is almost impossible to pass thorough. From this Land of Veragua unto the Island of Margereta, the Coast along is called the firm Terra firma. Land, not for that the other places are not of the firm Land, but because it was the first firm Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Lands. This Land is very hot, and hath much rain, and for this cause is very unhealthful, and the most vilest place of all the rest, is Nombre de Dios ha●h 400. houses. called Nombre de Dios: which is the first place inhabited after you have passed Veragua. There may be in Nombre de Dios: about four hundred houses, and hath a very good Port for shipping. The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place, was for that it should be the way by Land to the South Sea, and for the Trade of Peru, that is from hence unto the City of Panama Panama. eighteen leagues. And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea. To this Town of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping, and there discharge them, than put they the goods into small Barks that go up a River to a house which is called, The house of Crosses, where the small Barks do discharge the goods again. And then they put it on Mules so to carry it to Panama, which is seven leagues from This house of Crosses, all which they do with much labour and great charge, because the Land hath great store of rain, and full of Mountains, and very unhealthful, therefore they often want victuals, for the victuals they have come from Peru, and Nova Hispania. This Town of Nombre de dios, since they have had the traffic out of Spain, are grown marvelous rich, and very well inhabited, but in short time the people left the Town, saving only the Merchants, because of the unhealthfulnesse * Here followed h●●●stori●s o 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 D 〈…〉ke, and ●o●n O●e●h●m, 〈◊〉 you have be●ore more complete. ●●rre made with the Negroes. thereof. The King of Spain hearing of the affairs of Drake and Oxenham, sent out of Spain three hundred Soldiers which should make war against those Negroes that had aided the Englishmen, which were slaves unto the Spaniards, but run away from their Masters, and joined with the Englishmen, thinking that way to be revenged of the Spaniards cruelty. But when these three hundred Soldiers were arrived in the Country, at their first coming they took many of the Negroes, and did on them great justice; according to their faults committed, but afterwards the Soldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro. Which news being sent unto the King by his Captains, as also how the Country was full of Mountains and Rivers, and very unhealthful, insomuch that his Soldiers died, he did write to his Captains to make agreement with those Negroes, to the end the Country might be in quiet. And the Negroes inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them, so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negroes, from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountains unto that present day, on condition that all those Negroes that did run from their Masters that day forward, they should be bound to bring them dead or alive; but if they brought them not, that then they should pay for them, and to make all quiet in the Mountains: and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed upon. So the Negroes dwell in great Towns, where they have Spaniards 〈◊〉 Towns. for their Teachers, and a Spaniard for their judge; and with this they hold themselves very well contented, and are obedient unto their Rulers. The King of Spain hearing that Englishmen, as well as Frenchmen, have used that Coast, he caused two Galleys to be made, and well appointed, to keep the Coast; the first year that they were made, they took six or seven French ships, and after this was known, there used few Seven French ships taken by two Galleys. Fr. Drake with 24. ships. Englishmen, or French men of war, to come on the Coast, until this year 1586. that the aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet, of about four and twenty ships, and did such harm as it is well known to all Christendom: but God sparing the King of Spain's life, he will sufficiently provide to keep his Subjects from the invasions of other Nations. Now, to go forward with our begun work, the first People that is in this Coast, being Cartagena. past Nombre de Dios, is called Cartagena, it is a healthfuller Country, and a greater Town than the other, and a better Country, with plenty of Victuals, and a very good Port for shipping, passing any of the rest, and is called Cartagena, for that it resembleth very much the City of Cartagena in Spain: there are in it about four hundred fire houses in the City; it is very rich, by reason of the ships staying there when they go or come from Spain. And if the ships chance to winter before they go home, than they lie at Cartagena: also it is greatly enriched by the Merchandise that here they do discharge, for to carry to the new Kingdom of Granada; and much Gold cometh from the said Kingdom unto Cartagena. This new Kingdom of Granada, is New Granada. two hundred leagues within the Land. From Cartagena to this Kingdom they cannot travel by Land, because of the Mountains, and standing waters, which lie in their way, so that they carry their goods up a River, called The great River of Magdalene: they can go with their Magdalena a great River. Barks up this River but twenty leagues, yet the River is both large and very deep, but there runneth a great current, so that the Barks discharge the goods at a place in the River, called Branco de Malambo, into small Canoas' which row close by the shore side. The River of B●anco de Malambo. There is a passage by the New Kingdom, and Popayan, from Cartagena to Peru, by Land, which is about five hundred leagues, so that taking the two hundred leagues, which they go up the River, the other three hundred leagues is a Country well inhabited, and quiet travelling, so that oftentimes the Posts pass to and fro, but because the way is long, the Merchants do not travel that way but when they are forced thereunto, if any foreign Nations should take and keep the South Sea, the King might have his treasure brought to this place from Peru, and so into Spain. For in times passed there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards, against the King, and thorough these Provinces he sent his power to suppress them. Santa Marta is a very poor Town, because it bathe been often robbed of the Frenchmen, and hath no trade, but by a few Indians that dwell about them. Here beginneth the great Mountains covered all with snow, which compasseth all the Country of India and Peru, until you Great Mountains covered with snow. come to the further end of the straits of Magelan, these Mountains are seen with the snow upon them above thirty leagues into the Sea, in the bottom of this Wilderness, or Mountains, there is a Valley called Tagrona, which is the richest place that is known: but because the Land that is joining to it is full of Mountains, and the Inhabitants are very many, and withal Tagrona Valley. of a good courage, and they use to poison their Arrows, so that in striking of a man, he cannot escape death. Therefore it lieth unconquered, and many Spanish Captains there have been slain. 70. Lands. Santa Domingo. Cuba, and Porta Rico. On this Coast of The Firm Land, there are above seventy Lands of Sante Domingo, and Cuba, and Porto Rico, although it be not very great, yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard; the rest of all the Lands have been inhabited by Indians, where was good store o● Gold, and Pearls, and Emeralds: but the Spaniards have destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth, and in many of those Lands is nothing of any value, therefore I have small cause to entreat of them: but Santa Dom●ngo is an Island of great bigness, and hath been very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Pea●les, but now all is wasted away; for it was as full of people as any place of that bigness in the world, yet now are there none left, for they were men of so hard a heart, that they killed themselves, rather than they would serve the Spaniards. It happened on a time, that a Spaniard called certain Indians to go to work in the Mines, which kind of labour did most A strange way to keep men alive. grieve them, and would rather do violence on themselves, then to go; which the Spaniard perceiving, he said unto them, seeing you will rather hang yourselves then to go and work, I will likewise hang myself, and go with you, because I will make you work in the other world: but the Indians hearing this, said, we will willingly work with you, because you shall not go with us; so unwilling they were of the Spaniards company: so that of all the Inhabitants of this Island, there was none escaped death, but only these few, which was by the means of this Spaniard; or else they would have hanged themselves also. There is near this Island another Island greater than Santa Domingo, called Cuba; it is like Cuba. unto Santa Domingo, although there is not such store of Sugar, the chiefest place in this Island is called La havana, and is a very good Harbour: these people are very rich, by reason of the shipping La havana. that doth touch there, which are bound for Nova Hispania and Peru, therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Soldiers; for there is no other Castle in all the Land, nor Soldiers but only here, and in Florida. There is also another Island inhabited with Spaniards, near unto this, which is called Porto Rico: it is but little, and every way as plentiful as Porto rico. the other two are. I will follow my Discourse of the Port Towns along the Coast of the main Land, and passing The Port Townes. once the Island of Margareta, there are no Towns inhabited by the Spaniards, till you come to Fernanboke, which is on the Coast of Brasill: yet between the Island and Fernanboke, there is Fernanboke. The River of Maranoyn. the great River of Maranoyn. This River is one of the greatest in the world, it was first found when as the Spaniards did seek out the other Coast, but none can go into this River because of the great current that cometh down; and withal there are many shelves of sand lying about the mouth of it, whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the River was known, until the time that the Land of Peru was conquered; at which time a Captain called Gonsalo Pizarro, entering into the Country of Peru, came into a Land which they named La Canela, La Canela. because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon, but not altogether so good as that which cometh from the Indies. Proceeding further into the Country, he came to a great River, The great River of Marannon. where he saw many of the Country people come up in Canoas', bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards. The Captain seeing this, was desirous to see the end of this River, but could not travel by Land because of the Mountains, wherefore he made a small Pinnace, to go see from whence these Indians brought their Gold; and he sent in this Pinnace, a Captain under him, called Orillana, with thirty men, the which went down the River, but could not return to their Captain Pizarro, because of the great current which was very strong against them, Orillana. and forced them to pass the River, and enter into the Sea, and so came to the Island of Margareta: Margareta 〈◊〉 Island. but as they passed the River, they found it well inhabited with Indians, and to have good store of Gold. These men with their Pinnace were passing down this River a year and a half; for the River lieth very crooked, which maketh a long way by water, and the Spaniards never durst land, because they saw the Country so full of people; but took many Canoas', where they had good store of Victuals, and some Gold. Now this Captain Orillana coming unto Margareta with this good news and riches, he determined with himself, not to return again unto his Captain Pizarro, which sent him, but took his way from hence to the King of Spain, and presented him with the Gold that he brought out of the River. Whereupon the King sent him with a Fleet of ships, and six hundred men, to inhabit the said River: but because of the great current, and shoalds that are in this River, he left the most part of his men, and ships, and with those that remained, he went unto certain Lands hard by the River, and built him Pinnaces: but the Country being very unhealthful, he himself died, and many of his men, and the rest that remained, went every one the way that pleased him best. The fame of this River was straightway spread thorough Spain and Portugal, so that a Gentleman of Portugal, called Leus de Melo, which asked licence of Don juan the third, than King of Portugal, that he might go and conquer this said River: for from the mouth of this River to the mouth of this River of Plate, is that part of America, which the Kings of Portugal do hold according to the partition that the Kings of Spain and Portugal both made between Brasill conquered. themselves; so that the King of Portugal having this River in his part, he gave it to the said Leus de Melo, to conquer: who taking ten ships, and eight hundred men, among which there were many Gentlemen, and coming to the mouth of this River, he lost all the ships saving two sail, and in one of them that were saved was Leus de Melo, also the most part of the men that were in the ships were saved and got to shore, and so went along unto the Island Margareta, from whence they were dispersed throughout all the Indies. Thus these two several Fleets of ships being cast away, by such evil fortune, never any Captain after, would give the attempt to conquer this said River. Yet from the new Kingdom of Granado, before spoken of, two or three Captains have gone by Land to discover it. None of all these came to any plain discovery till few years past, a Captain of the Country Pedro de Orzua, or Oss●●a of Navarre, called Pedro de Orzua, who came into the Country of Peru, near the place where before Captain Pizarro had first discovered, and had with him about seven hundred men, all Spaniards, which was marvel that he could have so many, and amongst them there were many Gentlemen, and old Soldiers of Peru, which caused many mutinies and insurrections. With all these men he came to the head of this River, (all the matters that come from the Mountains of Peru, and the Rivers which run within the Land from sixteen degrees, and the Line, run all into this River, which causeth it to be so great.) Now at the head of this River, the Captain Pedro de Orzua made fifteen Pinnaces, with many Canoas', in which he carried above two thousand Indians to help him, with many Horses and other provision, for to inhabit there, for it was not possible for him to carry all his provision by Land, for that the Mountains be very great, and between them many small Rivers, which issue out of this great River above twenty leagues into the Land. So this Captain having all his things in good order, went down this River with all his men, and came to a plain Country from the Mountains, where the Indians did dwell, and there held a Counsel, determining in that place to build a Town, and to fortify Town founded. it very strong, because he would leave all his stuff, there and such men as were not Soldiers. So they began to make the said Town, and work on it all the Winter, where because it raineth much, and is with all very hot, whereby sickness did begin to rise among them, and also want of Victuals; wherefore his men began to murmur. These men came all out of the Land of Peru, which is the fruitfullest Land in all the World, and most richest; therefore these men were the more given to have their fill of Bread and Meat, then to lay their bodies to labour, which was the cause: that although the Country in which they were, was very fruitful, and also they saw with their eyes, the Gold that was there, as also how up in the Country it seemed much better than the place in which they were, notwithstanding they murmured, and would needs return for Peru, from whence they came. There was among these men a Soldier of Bisca, called Lopez de Agira, a very little man of Lopez de Agira his mutiny. body, and was lame of one of his legs, but very vavant, and of good experience in the wars (this man was one of the principal mutineers in Peru, and therefore given usually thereunto) this fellow asked the Soldiers, what they went to seek in those Wildernesses where as they were brought, for said he, if you seek riches, there is enough in Peru, and there is, said he, Bread, Wine, Flesh, and fair Women, so that it were better to go thither and conquer that, and take it out of the hands of the Spaniards, for that would easily be done: for that all the Soldiers, & poor men of Peru would turn unto them, and that were a better way then to go and conquer the savage people in those Mountains, so that they once having the government of Peru, that then the King of Spain should agree with them, if not said he, we shall not lack them that will send us succour for to have the riches that is in the Land of Peru. By these persuasions he brought many Soldiers to be of his mind; and agreed with a young Gentleman of Seville, called Don Fernando de Gosman, the which was in love with a young woman, that the Captain Pedro de Orzua or Ossone had, and therefore he did the sooner agree with Lope de Agire to fulfil his intent. On a The Captain murdered. night, the Captain being asleep in his bed, these Soldiers entered into his Bedchamber, & stabbed him with their Daggers, as also they slow all the Captains friends, and they made a great cry, saying, Live the King, live the King, wherewith all the Camp was in an uproar. Then Lope de Agira made unto the Soldiers a long Oration, & got them all to consent with him, some by force, some because they durst not say to the contrary, and others with their good will, in the end they all agreed unto his determined purpose. So they made the gentleman their head, and Lope de Agire was made Captain, this done, and because the people should the better hold their opinion, he did as great a villainy as ever any Spaniard did, for he made an Altar, on which he and all the Soldiers did deny their service unto the King of Spain, and so as people without a King, they chose the said Don Fernando to be their King, and did unto him homage. Fernando de Gusman chosen King. These matters being finished, they agreed among themselves which should be the best way for them to go to Peru, for they could not go up the River from whence they came, for the great currant, and also if they should go through the land, they should be very weak for want of Horsemen, therefore they determined to go down the River. Then said this Lope de Agire, that they would carry nothing with them, but the Pinnaces and Soldiers which should fight, and that it were best to leave behind them, all the Indians that they brought from Peru, with the women, and sick men, unto which their General Don Fernando would not agree, for that he knew that when they were gone, the people of the Country would kill them all. Lope de Agire hearing this, and longing to be chief Governor himself over all, and taking unto him thirty of his own Country men, of his own disposition, he suddenly killed Don Fernando, whom He is slain. not twenty days before he had sworn to obey. But now by his subtle working, and being withal eloquent in his talk, he caused the people to make himself Governor, and made the people believe that all these cruelties were done to save themselves, but the tyranny of this man did not end here (he was of the Country of Bisca, a land joining unto France, therefore I rather believe that he was a Frenchman then a Spaniard, for that in the heart of a Spaniard there is not Hard conceit of French cruelty by Span. and Portugals. so much cruelty as this man had.) Now he being ready to go his way, he determined not to carry with him any Gentleman or other of high degree, and therefore he slew all those which he did know to be of high degree or Gentlemen, and then departed only with the common Soldiers, and left behind him all the Spanish women and sick men, with all other creatures. If I should rehearse all the cruel murders of this wicked man one by one, I should be over much tedious unto you; only I say in as few words as I may, that this man proceeded down the River, and had with him only four hundred men, but before he passed this River, and came to Margareta, he had no more left but two hundred and thirty men, for the rest he had done to death, and left ashore among the people of the Country: he used this tyranny because he always Nothing so cruel as fear proceeding from an ill conscience. stood in fear of his life, for that if he had seen but two Soldiers talk together, he thought that he had always consulted on his death, and therefore he used the order above said, now he never went any way but that they had in his company thirty biscain's of his own will and mind, for to execute his cruel desire: As these Soldiers with their Captain came down the River, they saw many Canoas' with Gold in them going to and fro, and people on both sides the River, where in their passage many times they landed and got good store of Gold, and victuals. Now did they see also that which Oryllana had reported, which was that there were amazons, R. amazons why so called. Note the truth of that which hath mocked men touching Amazons in Asia, Africa and America. None other have yet by credible reports been found but warlike wives, and not solitary unimamians. His treason at Margarita. women that fight in the war with Bows and Arrows, but these women fight to help their husbands, and not by themselves as Orillana reported from the company of men; there were of these women in diverse parts of the River, and saw the Spaniards fight with their husbands, and came and helped them, and showed themselves more valiant than their husbands, and therefore is named the River of the Amazons: the Spaniards intent only was to pass down the River, and therefore never sought to know the Country within the land; yet took they good store of Gold, and put it into one of the Pinnaces where he went himself, which Pinnace at the mouth of the River was cast away, but he himself escaped, because as yet he had not made an end of his bloody mind. But coming to the Island of Margareta, the Governor thereof thought he had been one of the King's Captains, received him with Pinnaces, and brought to him good store of victuals, but he put him to death presently and landed on the Lands, and took it and two Ships that were in the Lands, and took perforce one hundred and fifty men to go with him, and others that went willingly, with good store of victuals and many Horses, and then returned to the main land, saying that with his small force he would subdue the whole Indies; thinking that all the old Soldiers and poor people in seeing of him would all turn to his side, and take his part, and so he went deceived in his own conceit, for he had not gone two days journey up in the Land, when the Captain of new Granado came against him with a power of men, but Lope de Agire hoping that the other Soldiers would have come all unto him, whereby his strength might be the more; but he was deceived, for his own men left him and took the King's Captains part. Now seeing himself destitute of his Soldiers, and void of all help, he then showed himself more cruel than did the tyrant Nero, for this man killed his own daughter, being but sixteen years of Lope de Agire slayeth his daughter, and is slain. age, which he brought with him from Peru, for that she should not be made the bed of Villains, nor be called the daughter of a Traitor: these words he used unto her, after he had given her her death's wound: but before he could finish this cruel deed, the Soldiers came upon him, and cuchim in pieces; yet his daughter did die of her wound in that place, and thus you have heard the evil end of this cruel man, for he was the cause likewise that the King would never suffer to have this River discovered, so that the riches resteth to this day unknown that is in Great riches hidden within the River of Maragnon. The coast of Brasill. this River. Now having ended with this River of Marannon, all the Coast between this River and the River of Plate, is called the Coast of Brasill, taking the name of the wood in the Country, which is called Brasill wood (for there is great store of it.) Brasill was first found by Pedro Arnales Cabrall in the second time that the King of Portugal sent his ships for the East Indies, and so took possession of this Land, for the King of Portugal. The King Don Emanuel, having news hereof, sent ships for to discover the whole Country, and found it to be the Land of America, which joineth to the West Indies; wherefore there was some controversy between him and the King of Spain, but in the end being both kinsmen, and great friends, they agreed that the King of Portugal should hold all the Country that he had discovered, the which was as I have said, from the River of Marannon to the River of Plate, although the Spaniards say that it is no further than the Island of Santa Catalina, and hereupon there have been many controversies, between the Portugals and Spaniards and many men slain. Two English ships. See their story sup. l. 6. There came in the year 1587. into this River of Plate two English Ships and a Pinnace of the honourable the Earl of Comberland, being bound for the straits of Magelanos, and anchored ten leagues within this River, at a little Island hard by the Island called Seal Island, etc. There is a port called lafoy Para jua, which few years past, the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles that were in Portugal, came to this place, and made there a Fort, and so the French Ships came every year thither to lad Brasill wood. But they of Fernambocke with the help of the Spaniards went and Parawa now inhabited by Spaniards. Fernambock hath 3000. houses. burnt five ships within the Port, and took the Fort, but some of the Frenchmen ran into the Mountains, and others slain, so that the Spaniards do there inhabit to this day. Now to return unto Fernambocke, inhabited by a Portugal Captain called Eduarte Coelio, this is the greatest Town in all that Coast, and hath above three thousand houses in it, with seventy Ingenios' of Sugar, and great store of Brasill wood, and good store of Cotton, yet are they in great want of victuals, for that all that they have cometh out of Portugal, and from other places there on the Coast. It is a barred Harbour, and for small Barks, this place belongeth yet to the Son of Eduarte Coelio. Passing hence is the Cape of Saint Augustine, and next to that is the River of Saint Francisco, which is also a great River. Between this and the Bayha, it is all a Wilderness, inhabited with cruel Savage people; for whom soever they take they kill to eat. The Town of Baya Baya a town belonging to the King: for he gave most part of this Country to Gentlemen, because they found no Ours, etc. As Ilhas hath 150. houses. belongeth to the King, and therefore the Governor that governeth all the Coast along, is in this Town of Baya, and also the Bishop; it is a Town of a thousand houses, and hath forty Ingenios' of Sugar, and much Cotton, but no Brasill wood. The Sea runneth up fourteen or fifteen leagues, where they get some ye●res good store of Ambergris; here there is plenty of victuals, and although it be hot, it is a healthful Country, and wholesome airs. The next Coast is called, Las Ilhas, it is a small Town not above one hundred and fifty houses, there are but three Ingenios' of Sugar, the most part of these people are labouring men, and carry victuals to Fernambock in three small Barks: this people belong unto a Gentleman called Leucas gerald's. From hence, the next to this Town is called Porto Sequero: this hath four small Towns, and Porto Sequero h●th four small towns. Rio de jenero hath 300. houses. Villagagnons' Fort taken. Of him and it you have before in Lerius. are in all about three hundred houses, it belongeth to a Gentleman called Vasco Fernandes Coytenio: from hence they go to the River of jenero, which hath about three hundred houses. In this place also the Frenchmen inhabited first, whóse Captain was called Monsieur de Villegagnon, he made here a Fort, and planted good Ordnance thereon, and jades every year great store of Brasill from thence, and had great friendship with the Savage people, which served him very well. But the King of Portugal sent a power of men against the Frenchmen, and first took the French ships by Sea, and then landed, and besieged the Fort, and in time took them with the Captain, and because the French Captain was a Gentleman, and never hurt the Portugals, therefore they gave thirty thousand Ducats for his Ordnance, with all things that they had in the Fort, and so sent him for France, and the Portugals inhabited the River. There is not at this present but two Ingenios', and great store of Brasil-wood, with plenty of victuals. From this River of jenero, they go along the Coast of Saint Vincent, which hath four Towns, the greatest is called Santos, and hath four hundred houses, there are here three Ingenios', but a The Coast of Saint Vincent hath four towns. Two English ships by Fenton and Ward. very poor Country. About few years passed there came two English ships into this Harbour, which were going for the Straits of Magellanes, who being in this Port, there came thither three of the King of Spain's ships, and fought with the Englishmen, but the Englishmen sunk one of them, and therefore the King commanded a Fort to be made, because that no English ships that were bound to the Straits should not victual there, the which Fort standeth on the mouth of the Harbour, this Country belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Sousa, this is the last inhabitant in all the Coast of Brasill; this said Coast is very full of Mountains, and raineth much, therefore they cannot go from Town to Town by Land. All the dwellings in this Country are by the Sea side, yet the Portugals have many times traveled up in the Country a hundred and fifty leagues, but finding no profit, inhabited in no place. The Coast from Saint Vincent is all full of Mountains, till you come to the Island of Saint Catalina, from this Island till you come to the straits of Magellanes, is very plain and without The Coast of Saint Vincent. Woods. The River of Plate was discovered by Solis, and after by Sebastian Cabot, which went one hundred and fifty leagues up in it and built a Fort; after by Don Pedro de Mendoza, who having lost eight ships, died in the way homewards: the poor men which he left behind him for very hunger, died the most part of them, for that there about were very few Indians, and therefore small store of victuals, but only lived by hunting of Deer and fishing. Of all the men See sup. in Schmidel. that this Don Pedro left behind him, there was living no more but two hundred men, which in the ships Boats went up the River, leaving in this place called bonas airs, three Mares and Horses. But it is a wonder to see, that of thirty Mares and seven Horses which the Spaniards left in Breed of 30. Mares and seven Horses. this place, that in forty years these beasts have so increased, that the Country is twenty leagues up full of Horses, whereby one may see the pasture, and fruitfulness of the Country. The Spaniards that went up this River, were three hundred leagues up, and found the Country full of Indians, where were great store of victuals, and the Spaniards dwelled among them as their friends, and the Indians did give their Daughters to wise unto the Spaniards, and so they dwelled in one Town together, which the Spaniards called La Ascension, which standeth on the North La Ascension. side of the River. These foresaid Spaniards, were twenty years in this place, before any of them in Spain heard of these poor men's dwelling in this River. But the Spaniards now waxing old, and fearing that if they were dead, that then there Sons which they had in this Country, which were very many, should live without the knowledge of any other Christians; determined among themselves to make a ship, and so to send news into Spain, with Letters unto the King, of all things that had passed within the River among them. Upon this news the King sent them three ships, with a Bishop, Friars and Priests, and more men and women to inhabit with all kind of cattle. When this succour was come, they inhabited in two places more on the North side of the River, and traveled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension, but found neither Gold nor Silver, but returned back again to Ascension: the people are so multiplied in this City, that it is now one of the greatest Cities in all the Indies, and hath above two thousand houses, it is a fruitful Country of all kind of victual, and there is Sugar and Cotton, from this City of Ascension, one hundred and fifty leagues toward the River's mouth, there is another Town, which they call Santa Fee. Also five years past, they have inhabited again the Town of Bonos Airs Santa Fee. Bonos Ayres▪ on the South side, because they would have some Trade with them on the Coast of Brasill, but there fortune was such, that the first time that they went to Brasill, and would have returned to the River of Plate again, they were taken by two ships of England, that were going to the Straits of Magellanes. The Coast along from this River to the Straits of Magellanes, is a Land which hath not been discovered, neither by Sea nor Land, saving only certain Ports which they▪ have seen going to the Straits. The next that sought to pass the Straits after Magelanes were two ships of Genoa which came to the mouth of the Straits, and with a great storm were put back again, and one of them whose Master was called Pancaldo, put into the River of Plate, and was cast away about Bonos Ayres, and to this day there is part of the ship to be seen, and some of the men are yet living in the River among the Spaniards, and the other ship went home to Genoa again. Also there was a Bishop of Placencia in Spain, coveting Riches, made a fleet of four ships to pass the Straits, and so to go unto the Moluccas, and getting licence of the Emperor, he sent his ships to the Straits, and had very fair wind till they came thither, and entering the Straits twenty leagues, the storm of Westerly winds took them, and drove three of them ashore, and the other went into the Sea, and the storm being past, he returned into the Straight to seek his companions, and found many men going on the shore side, but the ships were ●eaten all in pieces, and they on the Land called unto the ship. But the Captain seeing that his ship was but little, and had small store of victuals, he would not go to them ashore, but went on his Voyage, and passed the Straits, and because he was alone, he would not go to the Moluccas, but went to the Coast of Peru unto the City of Lam●, where the ship is yet unto this day, the men that were in the Straits, where the three ships were cast away, were to the number of two hundred and fifty men, whose Captain was called Queros, being Kinsman to the Bishop of Placentia, it is forty years since these men Captain Queros. Quiedo cais him Zamargo. were left there, but never heard of unto this day. A year after this, certain Merchants of the Groin in Galizia, set forth other three ships, which ship also came to the Straits mouth, where one of them was cast away withal the men, and the other returned for Spain, also I have had intelligence that there hath been certain Portugal ships, which have come to the mouth of the Straits, and loft two of their Pinnasses which they sent to know the Land, and so the ships returned, and after these other two French ships were sent from the River of jenero, by Monsieur de villagagnon over for the Straits, but when they came into the height of forty five degrees, they put back again by a great storm of contrary winds. After all this the Governor of Chili, called Don Garcia de Mendoza Son to the marquis of Taneta, would also discover the Straits from the South Sea, and sent from Chili two ships with a Captain called Latherelio; but the danger to seek the Straits by the South Sea, is more than by the North Sea, because all the storms on Fr. Drake. You have 〈◊〉 and C●nd●shes, and other English and Du 〈…〉 〈…〉 yages thorough the Stra 〈…〉 before. the North Sea, come from the Land, and in the South Sea the wind and storms came all out of the Sea, and forceth the ship on the shore, so that these two ships were lost in fifty degrees. The seeking of the Straits of Magelanes is so dangerous, and the Voyage so trouble some, that it is almost impossible to be obtained, so that for the space of thirty years, no man made account of it, till of late years one Francis Drake an Englishman, etc. Captain Drake carried from the Coast of Peru, eight hundred sixty six thousand pieces of silver, which is eight hundred sixty six Kintals at a hundred pound weight, the kintal, and every Kintall is worth twelve hundred Ducats of Spain, which is a Million, thirty nine thousand and two hundred Ducats, besides this, he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of Gold, which is ten Kintals, and every Kintall is worth fifteen hundred Ducats of Spain, which amounteth to a hundred and fifty thousand Ducats, besides that which he had in the ship that was not customed, which I do not know of, as well Pearls, Precious stones, and other things of great value, besides the money he had in coin, with all this he went towards Nova Hispania: and at an Island which is before you come there called The Island of Cockles, he discharged all The Island of cockles. Others say the Island of Cairo. things out of his ship and graved her there, and remained there fifty days, from hence he went along the Coast of Hispania, where he took many ships laden with Spices, Silks, and Velvets: but no Gold nor Silver, for here is none on this Coast. Pedro Sarmiento was sent to the Straits with two ships, and at the Straits met with a storm, and he not knowing how, nor which way in a night he was put into the Straits, the other ship run more into the Sea, and came into fifty eight degrees, the storm being past, he found many Fifty degrees five minutes. Lands joining to the main Lands, and so returned with fair weather all along the shore, and never found any other way to enter the Straits, but only that which Magellanes did discover, which is thought to be otherwise by the sayings of others, which affirm the Straits to be full of Lands, to the Southwards. Pedro Sarmiento entered the Straits, where his men were in a mutiny, and would have returned Pedro Sarmiento. for Lima, but he hanged one of them, and so went on his Voyage for Spain, and told the King that there were two narrow points in the Straits, where he might build a Fort, and that the Straits was a very good Country, and had great store of Riches and other necessaries, and very well inhabited with Indians. Upon whose words, and for that there were more ships making ready in England to pass the Straits; The King sent Diego Floris de Valdes with three and twenty ships, and three thousand five hundred men, as also the Governor of Chili, with five hundred old Soldiers new come out of Flanders. These ships had the hardest hap of any ships that D. F. de Valdes his disaduentures. went out of Spain since the Indies were found, for that before they came from the Coast of Spain, a storm took them and cast away five of the ships, and lost in them above eight hundred men, and the rest put into Calls, notwithstanding the King sent them word that yet they should proceed: and so did with sixteen sail of ships, for that other two ships were so shaken with the storm that they could not go, and in the sixteenth sail Pedro Sarmiento was sent to be Governor in the Straits, and had committed unto him five hundred men for to stay in the Straits: he had also all kind of Artificers to make his Forts and other necessaries, with great store of Ordnance and other Munition. This fleet because it was late, did winter on the Coast of Brasill in the River of jenero, and from hence they went where the Winter was past, and about the height of forty two degrees they had a storm, so that Diego Flores beat up and down about two and twenty days, in which time he had one of his best ships sunk in the Sea, and in her three hundred men and twenty women, that went to inhabit the Straits, and also most part of the munition that should be left in the Straits. In the end the storm grew so great, that the ships might not endure it any longer, but were put back again unto an Island called Saint Catalina, and there he found a Bark, wherein were certain Friars going for the River of Plate, which Friars told him of two great ships of England, and a Pinnace that had taken them, but took nothing from them, nor did them any harm, but only asked them for the King of Spain's ships. Now Diego Flores knowing that these English ships would go to the Straits, he also was determined to go to the Straits, although it was the month of February, and choosing ten ships of the fifteen that were left, he sent three ships that were old and shaken with the storm, he put in them all the women and sick men that were in the fleet, and sent them to the River of jenero: and left two other ships which The River of jenero. were not for the Sea at the Island, and he with the other ten ships returned again for the Straits. Now the three ships in which the sick men and women were, came to the Port of Saint Uincent, where they found the two English ships, so they would have the Englishmen gone out of the Port of Saint Vincent. Fenton. Harbour, and hereupon they fell at fight, and because that these three ships were weak with the foul weather that they had, as also the men were the refuse of all the fleet, the Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and sunk one of them, and might have sunk another if they would, but they minded not the destruction of any man: for it is the greatest virtue that can be in any man, that when he may do hurt, he will not do it. Upon this the Englishmen went from this Port to Spirito Sancto, where they had victuals for their Merchandise, and so returned home to England, without doing any harm in the Country. john Drake went from them in the Pinnace (the cause why I know not) but the Pinnace came into the River of Plato, and within five leagues of Seal Island, not far from the place where john Drake. Seal Island. the Earl of Cumberlands ships took in fresh water, this said Pinnace was cast away upon a ledge of Rocks, but the men were all saved in the Boate. They were eighteen men, and went ashore upon the North shore, and went a day's journey into the Land, where they met with the Savage people, these people are no man-eaters, but take all the Christians that they can, and make them there slaves, but the Englishmen fought with them, and the Savages sl●e five Englishmen, and took the other thirteen alive, which were with the Savages about fifteen months. But the Master of the Pinnace, which was Richard Faireweather, being not able to endure this misery that he was in, and having knowledge that there was a Town of Christians on the other Richard Faire-weather. side of the River, he in the night called john Drake, and another young man which was with them, and took a Canoa which was very little, and had but two Oars, and so passed to the other side of the River, which is above nine leagues broad, and were three days before they could get over, and in this time they had no meat, and coming to land, they hit upon a high way that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of Horses, they follow it, and at last came to a House where as there was Corn sowed, and there they met with Indians which were Servants unto the Spaniards, which gave them to eat, and clothes to cover them, for they were all naked; and one of the Indians went to the Town, and told them of the Englishmen, so the Captain sent four Horsemen, which brought them to the Town behind them, than the Captain clothed them, and provided for them lodging, and john Drake sat at the Captain's Table, and so entreated them very well, thinking to send them for Spain. But the Viceroy of Peru hearing of this, sent for them, so they sent him john Drake, but the other two they kept, because that they were married in the Country. Thus I know no more of their affairs. But upon this news, there were prepared fifty Horsemen to go over the River, to seek the rest of the Englishmen and Spaniards, that were also among these Savage people, but I am not certain where they went forward or not. But now let us return to Diego Flores, who passed from the Island of Santa Catalina, towards the Straits in the middle of February, and coming in the height of the River of Plate, he sent the Bonos Ayr●●. Governor of Chili, with three ships up the River Bonas Ayres, and so to go over land to Chili. Of these three ships they lost two, but saved the men and the other provision, and the third returned for Spain. Then Diego Flores with the other seven ships came as high as fifty two degrees, which is the mouth of the Straits, and because it was the end of March, which is the latter end of Summer, so that the Country was full of snow, and withal a sudden storm came, that he could not see Sarmiento and his men ashore but returned the second time to the Coast of Brasill, to the River of jenero, where he heard news of the English ships, by the two ships that escaped from the Englishmen, whereupon he left his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera, and Sarmiento, that they might the next year return for the Straits. So Diego de Flores with four ships which he had left, and other four which the King had sent to succour him, went all along the Coast to seek for the Englishmen, but could not find them, for they were gone directly for England, so he went unto a Port called Parayna, where he found five French ships, and burnt three, and took two, and Parayna. also the Fort that the Frenchmen had, and put in Spaniards, and the Frenchmen run into the Mountains to the Savages, this done, he returned for Spain. And his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera, and Sarmiento had the next year such good fortune, that they arrived safely into the Straits with all their ships, and so set ashore four hundred men, and because the ships Boat could not land being once laden, the ship that had all the victuals and munition, that ship they run ashore in a Bay, and as the water did ebb they took all things out of her, this being done, Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with four hundred men, thirty women, and a ship with victuals for eight months, and with the other three returned, being in the Straits but eight days. Now Pedro Sarmiento made a Town at the mouth of the Straits on the Northside, and put Pod●o Sa●miento builded within the Straits. Two towns in the Straits▪ Number de jesus and Philip's City. therein a hundred and fifty men, and from hence he went by Land, and sent the ship further into the Straits, and fifty leagues within the Straits at the narrowest place of all, where is a very good Port, here he made another Town, which he named the Town of King Philip, and also would have made a Fort, and planted Ordnance for the defence of the Straits, but the Snow and the Winter was so great, that he could not proceed in it; but he took above five and twenty Mariners into the ship with him, and said, he would go see how the other people did, and so came to the Straits mouth to the Town, and after he had been there a day or two with them, he said, that a storm put him from the Straits by force, and broke his Cables (but his men said to the contrary, that he himself cut his Cables; God knoweth the truth) and so he came to the River of jenero: and not finding any succour there came from the King, he went to Fernambocke, ask aid of the Captain for victuals, the Captain incontinent, laded his ship with victuals and clothes for the men, so that having these things, he took his way for the straits, but between the Cape of Saint Augustine, and the Baya, the wind came out of the Sea, with such violence, that it forced the ship to run ashore, where Sarmiento had three of his men drowned, and he with the rest hardly escaped; the ship was lost, and all that was in her. And then he came by Land to the Baya, and the Governor of Brasill, bought a Bark that was there in the Harbour, and lading her with victuals and clothes for the men, he having this provision, with diverse other more that were needful for his men, he took his Voyage for the Straits, and coming as high as forty four degrees, he met with a sudden storm, and was forced to throw all overboard that he carried, and was yet in the end compelled to return for the River of jenero: where he stayed for succour from the King a whole year; but there came not so much as a Letter for him, for the King was sore grieved at Pedro Sarmiento, because he told him that in the narrowest place of the Straits it was but a mile over, but Diego de Ribera and others told the King that it was above a league broad, that if a ship came with wind and current, all the Ordnance in the World could not hurt them, whereby the King thought that Pedro Sarmiento had deceived him, in making him to lose so many men, and to be at so great a charges to no effect. Also the Governor of Sarmi 〈…〉 〈◊〉 taken by 〈◊〉 W. Ra 〈…〉 Barks. Baya, seeing the King wrote not to him, would give Sarmiento no more succour, wherefore Sarmiento went in his ship for Spain, which he came last in from the Straits, and it is said, that he was taken by Englishmen, and so carried for England. It is reported that this Sarmiento▪ is the best Manner in all Spainè, and hath say led farthest. After all this, the Captain of the River jenero, ●ent This di 〈…〉 w●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 a small ship with victuals for the Straits, but was also put back in forty degrees. This is all the Discovery that hath been of the Straits of Magelanes, as well by the Spaniards, as other Nations, unto this year 1586. It is faure years since these poor and miserable Spaniards were 〈◊〉 in the Straits, from which time there hath no succour gone unto them, so God he knoweth whether they be dead or alive. The Land that heath from the Straits to the Coast of Chili, no man hath traveled it by land, because of the great Mountains of Snow that lie in that Country, as also I may well say, that it hath not often been done by Sea, for that all the ships that have passed that way, have at the least gone thirty leagues of the shore, because of the shoalds, and many little Lands that lie of the main land, and therefore there is nothing known what is in that Country. The first Inhabitant that you have after you pass the Straits, is on the Coast of Chili, and is called Castro, it is Castro. the worst place of all the Coast, for that in it there is small store of Gold, and little victual, and very cold; this place is compassed with many shoalds, so that it is a Port but for small Barks. The next to this is Baldivia, but before I pass any further, I will declare unto you the situation Baldivia. Chili. of Chili. This Coast lieth North and South, and is in length above a hundred leagues; and it is not in breadth above five and twenty leagues at the most, there run from the great Mountains into the Sea great store of Rivers, which maketh many Valleys, and is the fruitfullest land in the World, for that it hath bread, wine, and other victuals great store. These Rivers be very rich of Gold, and for to show you in few words all that this Province hath: I say, that this land lacketh nothing, but might be called Paradise, but for that it lacketh only one thing, and that is How Chili was first discovered peace. This land was first discovered in this order, after the Spaniards had conquered the Kingdom of Peru, as hereafter I will show unto you, they found in this Kingdom of Peru great store of Gold, and ask the Indians from whence it came, they answered from Chili, wherefore Don Diego de Almagro, which was one of the Captains that conquered Peru, went upon this news toward Chili with three hundred Horsemen. Now he must go round about the Mountains of Snow, which way the Indians that were his guides, did carry this Captain, because they should die all of cold. Yet the Spaniards, although they lost some of their Horses, came to the first Inhabitant of Chili, called Copiapo: which is the first plain land in the entering of the Province, but from hence he returned back again for Peru, because he had news that the Indians had risen against Copiapo. the Spaniards, & enclosed them; upon which news he returned without going any farther into the Country. Now this Captain Don Diego de Almagro, being slain in the Wars of Peru, after his death, another Captain called Don Pedro de Baldivia, with four hundred Pedro de Ualdivia. Horsemen went unto Chili, and with smali labour he overcame half the Country, which were subject to the Kings of Peru, for they of Chili, knowing that Poru was overcome by the Spaniards, they strait way yielded the Land unto the Spaniards, but the other half which was the richest, and the fruitfullest part, so had God made the men the valiants and most furious that shall be found among all the Savage people in the whole Land. The Province which they inhabit, called El Estado de Arauco, is but a small Province about El Estado de Arauco. twenty leagues in length, and is governed by ten principal men of the Country, out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their General in the Wars. The Kings of Peru in times past could never conquer this part of Chili, nor yet any other Kings of the Indians. The weapons used by these people of Arauco are long Pikes, Halberds, Bows and Arrows: they also make them jacks of Seale-skinnes, and Headpieces: in times past the heads of their Halberds and Pikes were of Brass, but now they have gotten store of Iron. They pitch their battles in manner like the Christians: for putting their Pikemen in ranks, they place Bowmen among them, and marshal their troops with discretion and great valour. Now the Spaniards coming unto this Province, sent word unto them by other Indians, saying, that they were the children of God, and came to teach them the Word of God, and that therefore they ought to yield themselves unto them; if not, they would shoot fire among them and burn them. These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards, but desiring to see that which they had heard reported, met them in the field, and fought a most cruel battle: but by reason of the Spaniards great Ordnance and Caleevers, they were in the end put to flight. Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God, because of their great Ordnance which made such a noise, and breathed out such flames of fire, yielded themselves unto them. So the Spaniards having divided this Province, made the Indians to serve their turns, for getting of Gold out of the mines, which they enjoyed in such abundance, that he which had lest had twenty thousand Pesoes, but Captain Baldivia himself had three hundred thousand Pesoes by the year. The fame of these riches in the end was spread as far as Spain; from whence soon after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili, whom Captain Baldivia caused to inhabit six Towns: to wit, Villa nueva Villa nueva de la Serena, La Conception, Saint Iago, La Imperial, Baldivia, La Villa Rica, the first six Towns that were inhabited in Chili. de la Serena, called in the Indian Tongue Coquimbo; the second Saint jago, which the Indians call Mapocha; the third, La Conception, called by the Indians Penco; the fourth, Lafoy Imperial; the fifth, Baldivia; and the sixth, Lafoy Villa Rica. Also he built a Fort in the middle of all the land, wherein he put Ordnance and Soldiers: how beit all this their good success continued not long: for the Indians in short time perceiung that the Spaniards were but mortal men as well as they, determined to rebel against them: wherefore the first thing that they did, they carried grass into the said Fort for the Spaniards Horses, and wood also for them to burn, among which gr●●●e the Indians conveyed Bowes and Arrows, with great Clubs. This done, fifty of the Indians entered the Fort, be taken themselves to their Bows, Arrows and Clubs, and stood in the gate of the said A stratagem of the Indians of Chili, against the Spaniards. Fort: from whence making a sign unto other of their Nation for help, they won the Fort, and slew all the Spaniards. The news of this overthrow coming to the Town of Conception, where Captain Baldivia was, he presently set forth with two hundred Horsemen, to seek the Indians; taking no more men with him, because he was in haste. And in a Plain he met the Indians; who coming of purpose also to seek him, and compassing him about, slew most part of his company, the rest escaping by the swiftness of their Horses: but Baldivia having his Horse slain under him was taken alive. Whom the Indians wished to be of good courage, and to fear nothing; for the cause (said they) why we have taken you, is to give you Gold enough. And having made a great banquet for him, the last service of all was a Cup full of melted Gold, which The death of Baldivia. the Indians forced him to drink, saying, Now glut thyself with Gold: and so they killed him. This Baldivia was a most valiant man, who had been an old Soldier in the Wars of Italy, and at the sacking of Rome. Upon this discomfiture the Spaniards chose for their Captain, one Pedro de Uilla grande; Pedro de Villa grande. who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili, and taking with him ten pieces of Ordnance, marched against those Indians; but with so bad success, that he lost not only the field, and many of his men, but also those ten Pieces of Ordnance which he brought. The Indians having thus gotten the victory, went straightway against the Town of Conception, from whence the Spaniards fled for fear, and left the Town desolate. And in this manner were the Spaniards chased by the Indians out of the Country of Arauco. But news hereof being brought to the Marquess of Cannete, Viceroy of Pern, he sent his son Don Garcia de Mendoza, against those Indians, with Don Garcia de Mendoza. a great power of Horsemen, and Footmen, and store of Artillery. This Nobleman having subdued Chili again, and slain in diverse battles above forty thousand Indians, and brought them the second time under the Spaniards subjection, newly erected the said Fort, that stood in the midst of the Land, inhabited the Town of Conception again, and built other Towns for the Spaniards: and so leaving the Land in peace, he returned for Peru. But ere he was clean departed out of the land, the Indians rebelled again, but could not do so much mischief as they did before, because the Spaniards took better heed unto them. From that time until this present, there hath been no peace at all: for not withstanding many Captianes' and Soldier have done their uttermost, yet can they not bring that People wholly in subjection. And although the Spaniards have in this Province eleven Towns and two Bishoprikes, yet have they little enough to maintain 11. Towns, and 2. bishoprics in Chili. themselves, by reason of the Wars; for they spend all the Gold that the Land yieldeth in the maintenance of their Soldiers: which would not be so, if they had peace; for than they might work in all their Mines. Thus having spoken somewhat of the situation of Chili, and of the troublesome conquest thereof, A description of the Towns of ●hili. Baldivia. The Province of Arauco, over against the Island La Mocha, situate in 38. degrees and a half La Conception. I will return to my former discourse where I left, Baldivia therefore being of 150. houses, hath twice been burnt and spoilt by the Indians; so that now it is waxen poor, but before the Indians sacked it, it was very rich: and it standeth up a River four leagues from the Sea. Passing from hence you come to the plain Country of Arauco, being situate over against the Island La Mocha, on which Island the Indians that inhabit belong to the main Land. Having passed this Plain of Arauco, the next Town of the Spaniards that you come unto, is La Conception which hath been the greatest and the richest Town in all Chili; but by reason that the Indians have burned the same four times, it is now grown very poor, and hath small store of people: it containeth about some two hundred houses. And because it adjoineth upon the Plain of Arauco, where these valiant Indians be, therefore this Town is environed about with a strong wall, and hath a Fort built hard by it: and here are five hundred Soldiers continually in Garrison. Between this place and Ualparizo, the Indians call the Coast by the name Valparizo, which is the Port of S. jago standeth i● 3●. d●gr. 40 min. Coquimbo stands in 20. deg. 30. min. Copiapo. of Mapocha. Saint Iago itself standing five and twenty leagues up into the Country, is the principal Town of all Chili, and the seat of the Governor; it consisteth of about eight hundred houses. The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping, hath about twenty houses standing by it. The next Town near the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo, which standeth two leagues up into the Land, and containeth about two hundred houses. Next unto Coquimbo standeth a Port-town, called Copiapo, inhabited altogether by Indians which serve the Spaniards: and here a Gentleman which is Governor of the Town hath an Ingenio for Sugar: at this place endeth the whole Province of Chili. Here also the Mountains joining hard upon the Sea, are the cause why all the Land between Capiapo and Peru, containing one hundred and sixty leagues, lieth desolate. The first Town on the Coast of Peru, called Atacama, is inhabited by Indians which are slaves A description of Peru. unto the Spaniards. But before I pass any further I will here also declare unto you the first Discovery of Peru, with other matters there to belonging, and then will I return to the Sea-coast again: and to the end you may understand me the better, I will begin with Panama. After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this main Land, passing over the Mountains they discovered the South Sea: where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearls, they built a Town eighteen leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios, hard upon the Sea side, and called it Panama. From hence they discovered along the Coast of Nueva Espanna: and for that Nueva Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards, there began a trade from thence to Panama: but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time, because of the Southerly winds blowing on this Coast almost all the year long, which are a hindrance to ships sailing that way: and by Land the passage was impossible, in regard of Mountains and Rivers: Yea it was fifteen years before they passed the Island of Pearls, which is but twenty leagues from Panama. There were at this time in Panama two men, the one called Francisco Pizarro, borne in the City of Truxillo in Spain, a valiant man, but withal poor; the other, called Diego de Almagro, was very rich. These men got a company unto them, and provided two Caravels to discover the Coast of Peru: and having obtained licence of the Governor of that place, Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Caravels, and an hundred men; and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama, to send him Victuals and other necessaries. Now Francisco Pizarro sailing along the Coast, met with contrary winds and rain, which put him to great trouble; and he began also after a while to lack victuals, for he was sailing of that in eight months, which they now pass in fifteen days, and not knowing the right course, he ran into every River and Bay that he saw along the Coast; which was the chief cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage: also thirty of his company died by reason of the unhealthfulnesse of the coast. At last he came to an Island called by him Isla del Gallo, being Isla del Gallo. situate from the main Land six leagues. From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama, for a new supplie of victuals, and of men: which ship being departed, forty of his men that remained behind made a mutiny, and passed up into the Country, meaning to return by Land to Panama, but in the way they all perished, for they were never heard of until this day. So that Francisco Pizarro was left upon the said Island only with thirteen men: who although he had his ship there, in which he might have returned, yet would he rather die then go back; and his thirteen men also were of his opinion, notwithstanding that they had no other victuals, but such as they had from the main Land in the night season. Thus he continued nine months, before any succour was brought him from Panama: but in the end his ship returned with forty men only, and victuals: whereupon he prosecuted his Voyage, till he came to the first plain Country of Peru, called Tumbez, where he found a Fort, made by the King of Tumbez. Peru, against the Indians of the Mountains. Wherefore Pizarro, and his men were very glad, in that they had found a People of so good understanding and discretion, being rich also in Gold, and Silver, and well apparelled. At this Port of Tumbez, he took thirty thousand Pesoes of Gold in truck of Merchandise, and having two few men to proceed any further, he carried two Indians with him, to learn the Language, and returned back for Panama. Upon this Discovery, Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to travel into Spain, to crave of the King the Conquest of this Land. Whither being come, the King granted his request. And with the money which he carried over with him, he hired a great number of men, with a Fleet of ships, and brought also along with him four of his Brethren, very valiant and hardy men. And being come to Panama, he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru, being accompanied with his Partner, Diego de Almagro. They sailed first to the Island, called Isla de Gallo; where Francisco Pizarro, and his Brethren went on Land, and left Diego de Almagro in the ships. And the whole number which afterward landed on the main Land were sixty Horsemen, and one hundred and twenty Footmen, with two great Field-pieces. But before we proceed any further, we think it not amiss to describe unto you the situation of Peru, and the natural disposition of the Inhabitants: This Country was called Peru, by the The River of Peru. Spaniards, of a River so named by the Indians, where they first came to the sight of Gold. From which River standing under the Line, till you come to Copiapo, the first Town on the Coast of Chili, stretcheth the Land of Peru, for the space of eight hundred leagues: upon six hundred whereof, from Atacama to Tumbez, did never drop of rain fall, since the Flood of Noah: and yet is it the fruitfullest Land for all kind of victuals, and other necessaries for the sustentation of man's life, that is to be found in all the world besides. The reason why it raineth not in this The cause why it raineth not in Peru. Land, is because it being a plain Country, and very narrow, and low, situate between the Equinoctial and the Tropic of Capricorn, there runneth on the West frontier, not above twenty leagues from the Sea called Mar del Sur, Eastward thereof, a mighty ridge of high Mountains covered with snow; the height of which Mountains so draweth the moisture of the clouds unto itself, that no rain falleth upon the Valleys of Peru, From these Mountain's issue great store of Rivers into the South Sea, with the waters whereof drawn by certain sluices and channels, they moisten their Vineyards and Corne-fields, and by this means the Land is so exceeding fruitful. Between these Mountains and the Mountains of Chili, that stretch unto the straits of Magellan, heath a Plain of sixty leagues over, being so cold, that it yieldeth no Wheat, but good store of other victuals. This Country of Peru is full of people well apparelled, and of civil Gold, Silver, 〈…〉 o, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉. behaviour. It hath many mines of God, and more of Silver, as also great store of Copper, and Tinne-mines, with abundance of Saltpetre, and of Brimstone to make Gunpowder. There are likewise cattle of all sorts, among which there is a beast, in shape somewhat resembling a Camel, The sheep of Peru, called Llamas. but no bigger than a Steere of a year old; they serve to carry burdens, their flesh being good to eat, and their wool apt for many purposes. This beast is accounted the most profitable of all others, for the use of man: howbeit the Spaniards since their first coming have replenished this Country with Horses, Kine, Sheep and Goats, and likewise with plenty of Wheat. So that in few words, this Land hath abundance of riches and victuals, and is the healthfullest place in the world. There were in times past Kings of this Land which were mighty Monarches, whose Dominions stretched twelve hundred leagues, and their Laws were very civil, save that they were worshippers of the Sun. At what time the Spaniards first entered this Land, there were two Brethren of the blood Royal, which strove who should have the Kingdom, the one called Mango Inga, and the other, Atabalipa. Now Mango had possession of all the Mountains Atabalipa and Mango, by others called Gaspar, in strife. and the Land within them: and Atabalipa was Lord of all the Sea-coast, and of the Valleys situate between the said Mountains and the Sea. The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arrive upon their shore, called them Uira coach, which in their Language signifieth, The some of the Sea. Also Atabalipa the Indian Prince sent unto them to know what they did in his Land, and what they sought for: the Spaniards made answer, that they were the messengers of a great Lord, and that they came to speak with the Prince himself: who sent them word, that they should come with a very goodwill; and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a City called Caxamalca, being thirty leagues distant from the Sea side. Whither being come, they found the Indian Prince sitting in a Chariot of Gold, carried upon men's shoulders, and accompanied with above sixty thousand Indians all ready armed for the wars. Then the Spaniards told them that they were sent from an Emperor (unto whom the Pope had given all that Land) to convert them unto the Christian Faith. Whereunto Atabalipa answered, that he would gladly be friends with the Emperor, because he was so great a Monarch, but in no case with the Pope, because he gave to another that which was none of his own. Now while they were thus in talk, the Spaniards discharging their two Field-pieces, and their Calivers, set upon the Indians, crying, Saint lago. The Indians hearing the noise of the Ordnance, and small shot, and seeing the fire, thought that flames of fire had been come down from Heaven upon them; whereupon they fled, and left their Prince as a booty for the Spaniards. Whom they at the first entreated very gently, wishing him not to fear, for that their coming was only to seek for Gold and Silver. During the time of Atabalipas imprisonment, his Captains had slain his Brother Mango, and had subdued all the Mountains, and plain Countries. Upon which news Atabalipa told the Spaniards, that if they would release him, he would give them all that they should demand. This communication having continued a whole day, at length a Soldier named Soto said unto Atabalipa; what wilt thou give us to set thee free? The Prince answered, I will give whatsoever you will demand. Whereto the Soldier replied, Thou shalt give us this house full of Gold and Silver, thus high, lifting up his sword, and making a stroke upon the wall. And Atabalipa said, that if they would grant him respite to send into his Kingdom, he would fulfil their demand. Whereat the Spaniards much marvelling, gave him three months time, but he had filled the house in two months and an half; a matter scarce credible, yet most true: for I know above twenty men that were there at that time, who all affirm, that it was above ten millions of Gold and Silver. Howbeit, for all this, they let not the Prince go, but thought that in killing of him they should become Lords of the whole Land, and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him. But God the righteous judge seeing this villainous act, suffered none of those Spaniards to die by the course of nature, but brought them to evil and shameful ends. Upon the news of these great riches, there came store of people out of Spain, and inhabited many places in this Country. The King in recompense of the good services of the two foresaid partners, appointed Diego de Almagro Governor of half the Land, and Francisco Pizarro of the other half, whom also he made a marquis. But these two consorts in parting of a Land belonging unto other men, fell at variance and sharp war between themselves: and at length Pizarro having slain Almagro, got all the Land into his own hands. Howbeit, this prosperity of Pizarro continued not long: for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro, to be revenged of his father's death, slew Pizarro, for which act he lost his head. In this controversy between these two partners were slain, also two brothers of Pizarro, and the third was carried prisoner into Spain, and there died in Prison: but the fourth, called Gonsaluo Pizarro, rebelled with the whole Country, and became a cruel Tyrant, vanquishing many of the Emperor's Captains in battle, and possessing the Country in peace for two years: howbeit, being in the end overcome, he lost his head like a Traitor. And thus died they all an evil death, that were causes of the death of that innocent King Atabalipa. And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards, but the Indians never rebelled, after they had once peace granted unto them. The Indian people of this Land, are parted among the Spaniards, some being slaves unto the Gentlemen that conquered their Land, other some to others, and the residue to the King: and these Indians pay each man for his tribute seven Pesoes of fine Gold, which is about ten Ducats and an half. There are in this Country above forty Cities and Towns inhabited by the Spaniards: also they have here erected nine Bishoprics and one archbishopric. Nine Bishoprics, and one archbishopric in Peru. Now after this Country was fully conquered and brought in good order, certain Spaniards being desirous to discover the land on the other side of the snowy Mountains, found a very wholesome Country, and there inhabited. The said Province situate behind the Mountains is called The Province of Tucuman, wherein are five towns inhabited by the Spaniards, the last of The Provinces of Tucuman. Cordova. them called Cordova, from which town unto Santa Fee situate upon the River of Plate it is seventy leagues. This town of Santa Fee was built in that place, to seek a way to Peru by the River of Plate. And from hence down the said River to Buenos Airs are 120. leagues, and from Buenos Airs unto Seal-Island you have 40. leagues. Now having put down all that I know concerning the Country of Peru, and of the way from the River of Plate unto Tucuman, I will return unto Atacama the Southermost town upon the coast of Peru, where I left. From this town of Atacama till you come to Arica, all the coast is inhabited Atacama. by Indians subject unto the Spaniards. But since Captain Drake was here, they have built Towers by the Sea side, whereon, seeing any sail that they do mistrust, they presently make smokes, and so from Tower to Tower they warn all the Country. Having before spoken of Camena. Arica all that I can, I will now proceed to the next Port called Camena being a Town of Spaniards, and containing about two hundred houses. Here they make store of Wine, and have abundance of Figs and Reisins. The next Town called Acari containeth about three hundred houses, and here is made the best and greatest store of Wine in all Peru. From hence passing along Acari. the coast you come to El Calao the Port of Lima consisting of about two hundred houses: and Al Calao. here was a strong Fort built since Captain Drake was upon the coast. The City of Lima standing two leagues within the land, and containing two thousand houses, is very rich, and of more Lima. trade than all the Cities of Peru besides, and this City is the seat of the Viceroy, the Archbishop and the Inquisition. Next unto this standeth a small town of the Spaniards by the Sea side called Santa: and next unto Santa is another small town of Christians called Cannete. From hence they sail unto a rich Santa. Cannete. Truxillo. Paita. Guaiaquil. Tumbez. City called Truxillo, being one of the principal towns of Peru, and containing about five hundred houses. Then followeth Paita which hath to the number of two hundred houses. Leaving this town they pass to Guaiaquil which standeth forty leagues up into a great Bay or River, at the entrance of which River standeth Tumbez, a town of the Indians. All this coast along from Atacama to Tumbez it never raineth, as I have before said: so that all the houses in their towns are not tiled, but covered with boards to keep off the heat of the Sun, for they fear no rain at all. Guaiaquil is the first place where it raineth, and here they gather Salsaperilla. Here Salsaperilla. Ships built at Guaiaquil. Puerto Vieio a place where Emeralds abound. La Bucna ventura. La gouernacion de Popaian. is also great store of timber, and at this place they build many Ships. Hence they sail along the coast to a small and poor town called Puerto Vieio, which in times past hath been rich with Emeralds: but now since these stones in regard of their plenty are grown nothing worth, this town likewise is waxen very poor. Below this Village standeth another called Lafoy Buena Uentura: but whosoever go thither must needs meet with evil fortune, the place itself is so waterish and unwholesome. Here abide not above twenty men, who serve only to transport goods into a City standing fifty leagues within the main, in a Province called La gouernacion de Popaian. From Buena ventura and Popaian till you come to Panama there is no other town, by reason of the high Mountains, the manifold Rivers, and the unholesomenesse of the Country. In this place do inhabit the Negroes that run from their Masters, and upon these Mountains was Negroes fled from their Masters. Panama. Oxenham the English Captain and his men taken, as is before mentioned. Beyond these Mountains standeth the City of Panama, being a rich place, by reason that all the treasure which cometh from Peru is brought thither, and it consisteth of about four hundred houses. The coast running along between this City and Nueva Espanna is called Costa rica. Osta rico. Next unto Costa rica, which is a Mountainous and desolate place, lieth the coast of Nicaragua, being inhabited by the Spaniards, and having many good ports belonging to it and is frequented The Province of Nicaragua. with trade of Merchandise; but having no knowledge of the situation thereof, nor of the towns therein contained, I surcease to speak any more of it. A certain Viceroy of Nueva Espanna called Don Luis de Velasco caused certain Ships to be built for the discovery of the Malucos and of the coast of China: which Ships in sailing thitherward The discovery of the Philippinas. The Isse of Manilla. from certain Islands, eighty leagues distant from the main land, which the Spaniards, according to the name of their King, called The Philippinas: and having conquered one of these Lands called Manilla, inhabited with a barbarous kind of people, they built a fort and a town thereupon, from whence they have trade with the people of China. Unto these Islands they have four great Ships that usually trade, two of them continually going, and two coming: so that such Spices and Silks as the Portugals bring home out of the East Indies, the very same do the Spaniards bring from these Islands and from China, for Mexico the chief City of Nueva Espanna. The principal Port towns of the coast of Nueva Espanna are Guatulco, and Acapulco. All the Viceroys and Governors that the King of Spain sendeth for Peru and Nuena Espanna have a custom, for the obtaining of his favour, to seek and discover new Countries. But the greatest and most notable discovery that hath been from those parts now of late, was that of the Isles of Solomon, which were found in manner following. The Licenciate Castro being The discovery of the Isles of Solomon. governor of Peru, sent forth a Fleet of Ships to discover certain Islands in the South Sea, upon the coast of Peru, appointing as General of the same Fleet a kinsman of his, called Aluares de Mendanio, and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant, and in the Vice-admiral went Pedro de Ortega. This Fleet departing forth of the haven of Lima, and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru, found certain Islands in eleven degrees to the South of the Equinoctial, inhabited with a kind of people of a yellowish complexion, and all naked, whose weapons are Bows and Arrows, and Darts. The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs, and they found some Hens. Here also they found a muster of Cloves, Ginger, and Cinnamon, although the Cinnamon Cloves, Ginger, and Cinnamon. were not of the best; and here appeared unto them likewise some show of Gold. The first Island that the Spaniards discovered, they named Santa Izabella; and here they built a small Pinnace, with the which, and with their Ships Boat they found out between nine and fifteen degrees of Southerly latitude, eleven great Islands, being one with another of eighty leagues in compass. The greatest Island that they discovered was according unto the first finder, called Guadalcanal, The Isle of Guadalcanal. on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues, before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the main land: and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it, but think that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the straits of Magellan; for they coasted it to eighteen degrees, and could not find the end thereof. The Gold that they found was upon this Island, or main land of Guadalcanal, whereas they landed and took a town, finding small grains of Gold hanged up in the houses thereof. But because the Spaniards understood not the language of the Country, and also for that the Indians were very stout men, and fought continually against them, they could never learn from whence that Gold came, nor yet what store was in the Land. These Indians use to go to Sea in great Canoas', that will carry one hundred men a piece, wherein they have many conflicts one against another: howbeit unto the Christians they could do no great hurt; for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may overcome one hundred of them. At this place fourteen men mistrusting nothing, rowed to land, to take in fresh A Town burnt. water, whom on the sudden certain Indians in four Canoas' set upon, took the Ships Boat, and slew all the men therein: wherefore a man cannot go on shore too strong, nor yet be too wary in a strange land. Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace, and burned the Town, and in this town they found the small grains of Gold before mentioned. They were discovering of these Islands from one to another about fourteen months, at the end of which time (because that upon the coast where they were, the wind continuing still in one place, might be an occasion of longer tarrying) they consulted which way to return. Southward they durst not go for fear of great tempests which are that way usual: wherefore sailing to the North of the line, they fell with the coast of Nueva Espanna; on which coast they met with such terrible storms, that they were forced to cut their main masts overboard, and to lie nine months beating it up and down in the Sea, before they could get into any harbour of the Christians. In which time, by reason of evil government, and for lack of victuals and fresh water, most of the men in their Admiral died; for five whole days together they had neither water Abundance of good victuals upon the Isles of Solomon. nor meat: but in the other Ships they behaved themselves so well, that the greater part of them came safe unto the land. He that passeth the Straits of Magellan: or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos, must needs run in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of. At which Islands lying so conveniently in the way to the Malucos, you may furnish your A new rich trade for Gold, Cloves, Ginger, and Cinnamon. self with plenty of victuals, as Hogs, Hens, excellent Almonds, Potatoes, Sugarcanes, with diverse other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance. Also among these Islands you shall have some quantity of Gold, which the Indians will give you in truck for other commodities. For the Spaniards in their discovery of these Islands, not seeking nor being desirous of Gold, brought home notwithstanding 40000. pesoes with them, besides great store of Cloves and Ginger, Why these Isles were called the Isles of Solomon. and some Cinnamon also, which is not so good as in other places. The discoverer of these Islands named them the Isles of Solomon, to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Solomon fetched Gold to adorn the Temple at jerusalem, might be the more desirous to go and inhabit the same. Now the same time when they thought to have sent colonies unto these Islands, Captain Drake entered the South Sea; whereupon commandment was given, that they should not be inhabited, to the end that such Englishmen, and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to go to the Malucos, might have no succour there, but such as they got of the Indian people. CHAP. XII. Brief extracts translated out of JEROM BENZOS', three Books of the New World, touching the Spaniards cruel handling of the Indians, and the effects thereof. ANno 1641. jerom Benzo went from Milan to Seville in Spain, and thence to the New World, where he was entertained of the Spaniards, and practised with Ben. l. 1. c. 1. He served 14. years in the Span●sh-Indian expeditions. C. 2. C. 3. them the hunt of the Indians; which they did by lurking in coverts, till some of the Natives came within their reach; by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captives, and other means. Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with above 4000 slaves, and had brought many more, but with labour, weariness, hunger, and grief, for loss of their Country and friends, many had perished in the way. Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march, were by them killed to prevent their taking arms. A miserable spectacle to see those troops of slaves naked, with their bodies rend, maimed, starved: the mother's dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling, the necks of all, arms and hands chained; not any grown Maid amongst Indians spoiled. them which the spoilers had not ravished, with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases. The Spanish horsemen in those wars used quilted jacks with Lances and Swords; the footmen, Sword Shield, and Crossbow, with lighter jacks. The moisture and great dews made Pieces unserviceable in those parts. The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better, or place for worse, killed their children, and then hanged themselves. The women by the juice of a certain herb caused abortions, that C. 25. they might not procreate slaves to the Spaniards; others hanged themselves, as their husbands had done: some threw themselves from the tops of steep hills, others into the Sea and Rivers; some starved themselves, and others with sharp stones ripped and rend out their entrails: so that of two millions there found at first, now scarcely one hundred and fifty persons remain. Is this to convert Savages to the Christian faith? The same altogether hath happened in Cuba, jamaica, Porto Ricco, and other places. Yea whatsoever slaves have been after carried into the Islands, to prevent their desolation, though in incredible multitudes, have almost all perished with misery. Once, in whatsoever places the Spaniards have displayed their colours, by their examples of cruelty they have left to the Natives eternal monuments of implacable hatred. After the native Islanders were killed with too much labour, the Spaniards procured slaves from Guinnee in great multitudes, and used their services in the Mines; which being exhausted, L. 2. C. 1. Negro slaves succeed. they employed them in Sugar-mils, and in breeding of cattle. Some of the Spaniards are so cruel, that if a slave hath not brought his diary or day-scot, or otherwise hath angered his imperious Master, he strips him naked to clothe him with stripes (according to the Law of Baian, as they call it, devised I think by some cruel Devil) his hands and feet bound, and the prostrate Law of Bayon devilish device. slave tied to some cross timber, with a rod or rope he is beaten till the blood issue from all parts: after which the Master droppeth scalding Pitch or Oil over all that wretched corpses, and then washed with Pepper of the Country and Salt mingled with water, he lies on a board in a sheet or blanket till his Master thinks him fit for labour. Others make a hole in the ground and there set him, his head only excepted, all night long, which these Physicians do to cleanse and cure the ulcers of corrupt blood. If any dye in these torments, his Master hath no other punishment but to pay the King another for him. These cruelties caused the Negroes to fly and wander about, till gathering head together they grew dreadful to the Spanish Islanders, whom they (when they got any into their hands) repaied with like cruelties. Whiles I was in that Island, their army was said to contain 7000. men, insomuch that the Spaniards feared to be driven out by these Moors and Negro. And when as An. 1545. the Precedent Ceratus urged Caesar's Edict for Army of 7000 fugitives. the Indians liberty, the Island was almost brought to a desert, not above 1100. Spaniard's remaining therein: which (the strangers increasing) were in danger to lose at once their l●●e with the Island. And the wont means of getting wealth failing therein, few Spaniards are willing to stay there. Nombre de Dios, in regard of the heat and moisture immoderate, is unwholesome, as also for the C. 9 See Drakes and Oxenhams stories. Western Marish or Fen, whence are frequent funerals of the inhabitants. Not far from it to the East, some fugitive Negroes keep in the woods, which have slain many Spaniards, and have entered into league with the Indians, shooting likewise poisoned Arrows, and killing all the Spaniards which they can get. Gotierez a Spanish Captain going up the River of Suera, feasted the Cacikes of Suera and Chiuppa, and said that he came thither to reduce them from their Idolatry C. 11. and the Devil's tyranny, and to show them the truth: namely, that jesus Christ the Sin of Gotierez his converting of Indians. God came from heaven to redeem mankind: and that he had brought a Priest with him, for no other purpose but to instruct them in Christianity. Wherefore (said he) prepare yourselves to the obedience of the Divine Law, and to acknowledge the sovereignty of Charles the fifth, Caesar, King of Spain, and Monarch of the whole world. The Indians answered nothing, and returned home. The next day the Governor sent for two other Caciques by a Spaniard, which trusting on his promise, came, and were bound in his Chamber with hard usage. They had before given him 700. Ducats; now he picked a quarrel with them, and extorted from one 2000 Ducats, wrought in the forms of Tigers, Fishes, Birds, and other creatures: which the Governor seeing smaller than his expectation, caused a great fire to be kindled, and a chest to be brought forth, threatening to burn him, if in four days he did not fill it with Gold six times; which he promising to do, found means to escape. Other Cacikes of the Country hearing hereof, burned their houses, cut down their fruit trees and corn, and leaving a wilderness to the Spaniards, fled to the Mountains. The other Cacike yet in durance, having been often threatened with death except he brought the Gold demanded, the Governor commanded to be cast to the Dogs: he answered, that he could not but marvel at the Governors' vanity, which had so often threatened that which he had rather should be performed, then to live so miserable a life; contrary to his expectation, which had voluntarily Indian magnanimity. come to him upon his promise. He added, that he marvelled much what kind of creatures Christians were, which executed such mischiefs wheresoever they came, and that the earth could longer bear and nourish such cruel beasts so patiently. But at last the Governor carried him prisoner in a miserable expedition, where at a turning the Governor demanding of a captive Indian, whether way would bring him to some Indian habitation, he answered, he could not tell; whereupon he commanded his Negro slaves to kill him, which was done. Then he demanded of the Cacike, and having like answer, gave like sentence. He presently threw down his burden, and prepared his head to the fatal stroke, with such patience, that the Governor remitted it, and gave him his life. Three starved Spaniards were there left, and after killed by the Indians. The Governor commanded the Dogs to be killed for food, keeping the provisions left to himself. I gave my part to another, because of the Hungry March worms therein; and went to the Governor, hoping to receive somewhat of him, who sent me to the roots of trees to feed thereon. Then said another Spaniard; Sir Governor, if we may not share together in good and bad fortune, war you alone. Hereupon he divided three pounds of Cheese into four and thirty parts amongst us. Two days after, the Indians suddenly set on us, and slew the Governor as he was doing his easement. I with another's Helmet escaped that shower of stones, wherewith it was then exceedingly battered; and the rest being slain, with two others fled thorough a troop of Indians making way to the Hills top, where we found the Priest, with two others which had escaped by flight in the beginning of the fight, and after that, four and twenty others joined themselves to us. The Indians pursued us, armed with our own weapons, and dancing about us, cried in the Spanish tongue, Here is Gold Christian, here is Gold. Two which had lurked in the Woods till the Indians were gone, told us, that the Indians had carried away the head, hands and feet of the Governor, and of two Negroes, the rest being spoilt were thrown into the River. If we had had but four Horses (these they fear more than all arms) they had never adventured on us. On foot the Spaniards are commonly overcome by them. In the first Mexican expedition, they took the Horse and Man to be but one Indians fear of Horses. creature. That which hath carried the Spaniards into those Provinces, is only covetousness, whatsoever Cap. 13. Examples of covetousness. Sedegnus and his 700. men. Sotos acts in Florida. profession they pretend of Christian Faith. Neither will any of them stay in any place where Gold is not found. Antonius Sedegnus died with thought after three years' travel in Paria with seven hundred men, not finding this golden Sunshine, fifty only of his men returning. Soto spent in Florida, what he had gotten in Peru. He threatened fifteen Cacikes, to burn them, except they brought him to the place whence they had their Gold. These promised any thing to prevent present execution, and after twelve days wand'ring were sent away with their hands cut off. When he told a Cacike which visited him with a Present, that he was a Christians the sonn of God, Creator of Heaven and Earth; and came thither to teach them the Divine Law: If thy God, said the Cacike, bids thee rob, kill, burne, and commit all mischief, we can neither Pam. Naruaez. believe Him, nor his Law. Soto finding no Mine, died at last of the bloody Flux. The like may be said of Naruaez, twelve of whose company fell mad with famine, and fell to biting and tearing each other. Of six hundred which he carried forth, scarcely ten returned, which at Mexico reported that with breathing they had cured the sick, and had raised three dead men to life. But I crave pardon of their holiness, and shall easier believe that they killed four living men, then that they raised half a dead one. Cortes set forth by Velasquez gave him no accounts at all. Peter Aluarado left by Cortes at Mexico, fell upon the Indians amidst their dances, and slew them. And when Cortes had returned from the defeat of Naruaez, and besieged Mexico, Cortes and Aluarado. the Mexicans gathered all their Gold and Silver, and threw it into the Lake, and by no torments could be compelled to confess where it was; although Cortes tortured the King's Scribe to death, and put the King also to vain tortures for that purpose. Some say that Cortes strangled him. When I first traveled in Nicaragua, I was entertained by a principal Cacike of those parts, C. 〈◊〉. called Gonzallus, a man of seventy years of age, and well skilled in the Spanish Tongue. He one morning, I sitting near him, fixed his eyes on my face, said, Christian, what are Christians? Indians conceit o● Christians. they require Maiz, Honey, Silk, a Garment, an Indian Woman to lie with; they demand Gold, and Silver. Christians will not work; they are Gamesters, Dicers, lewd and blasphemous. When they go to Church to hear Mass, they backbite the absent, and they strike and wound each other. He concluded, that Christians were not good. I said, they were the bad, and not the good, which did such things: he replied, Where are those good? for I never yet saw any but bad. I asked, why they suffered Christians to enter their borders. He answered, Honest friend, thus it is: When the fame of the cruelty of Christians, which wheresoever they came, filled all with fire, sword and robbery, dispersed in these Provinces, had comen unto us, and we had heard that they would invade us, we called a Council, of all our friends, and generally decreed rather to die then to yield ourselves subjects to the Christians. When they had entered our Borders, we made head against them, but most of us after long fight terrified by the Horses, fled. And we sent two messengers to desire pardon, and peace; with no other purpose but to gain time to reinforce our strength. We carried them many presents, entertained them with dances, and within three days fell on them again, but with ill success; we seek peace again, and after that by common consent decree rather to die then to serve the Christians, and to kill him whosoever shall flee from the battle. Thus we take Arms. But our Wives come weeping to us, and beseech us rather to serve the Christians, then to die shamefully: otherwise, to kill them first, with their children, that they may not after loss of their husbands, come into the power of those bearded and cruel men. These prayers and tears broke our hearts, and we voluntarily submitted our persons and goods to the greedy Christians. Some yet, provoked by wrongs, rebel; but were punished grievously by the Christians, not sparing the very Infants. Others also which were innocent, were made slaves; and we were then possessors neither of our wives, nor children, nor any thing else. Many impatient hereof, killed their children, others hanged, and others famished themselves: till the King of Castile's Proclamation, by which we were made free, made an end of those miseries. The Indians, especially the sons of their Cacikes which can write and read, confess God's Commandments good; but wonder that we, of whom they have them, do not keep them, Cap. 18. and use thus to say. Ho sir Christian, God forbids to take his Name in vain, and thou continually for every cause, be it never so light, swearest and for swearest. God saith, Thou shalt not bear false witness: but you Christians do nothing but slander, and speak evil. God commands to love your neighbours as yourselves, and to forgive one another: You oppress the poor, are rigorous to your Dettors, and if there be any poor Christians, you give them nothing, but send them for relief to our houses. Some of them showing a piece of Gold, will say, Lo here the Christians God, for this they are comen hither, for this they have subdued us, and done so many mischiefs, for this they are never quiet, but dice, blaspheme, curse, quarrel, steal, commit rapes, and do whatsoever villainy and lust. There are Monks which perpetrate those things openly by daylight, which others would be ashamed to do by night. And a Franciscan publicly preached, that there was neither Priest, Monks and Friars. nor Monk, nor Bishop in India, worthy the name of a good man. For they all had given themselves to covetousness, and still went to the wealthy Countries, and avoided the poorer. For these words he was apprehended, and carried to Guatimala. I have also heard Priests discoursing together, that they came out of Spain into India for gain, and nothing else. A Casikes' son, when he was a child of great towardness, proved afterwards very lewd; and being asked the reason, said, Since I was made a Christian, I have learned to swear by the name of God, and by the Cross, and by the words of the holy Gospel, and to blaspheme by the life of God; and I deny him, nor do I believe. I have further learned to play with the Die, and never to speak truth. I have also got me a Sword to make frays, and now want nothing to live like a Christian, but a Concubine, which I mean to bring home shortly. I once reproved an Indian, for dicing and blasphemy: We, saith he, learned these examples of yourselves. And the Indians which are so lewd, are such usually as have been brought up by some Spaniards which study nothing else. These for the most part, are the Miracles which the Spaniards have done amongst the Indians. Span. Miracles. Many other Indians being demanded whether they be Christians, answer, they are, because the Bishop hath crossed and blessed them, they have built a Church, set up there our Lady's Image, Indian Christianity. and gotten a Bell. I asked one whether he were a Christian: What, said he, would you have me be a Bishop's servant ten or twelve years, and keep his Mule? Others asked thereof, say, that a Priest washed their heads four or five times, etc. He reciteth the Letter of Didacus Lopez de Zunega, and other passages of Spaniards vices. In the third Book Benzo relateth the Acts of the Spaniards in Peru. Francis Pizarro, Diego Almagro, and Fernand Luques a Priest, enter into a league of triumvirate for the Southern Discoveries, Lib. 3. c. 1. triumvirate. and therein to share equally, both the care, charge and gain. They procure ships, and convenient provisions, and with two hundred and twenty Soldiers, Pizarro and Almagro, in First Voyage. the year 1526. one a little after the other, set sail for Panama. Pizarro having sailed three hundred miles, goeth on land, and is repelled by the Indians, himself wounded, and many slain. Hereupon he returneth to Panama. Almagro went up a River in another Region, and was kindly entertained, and brought thence three thousand Ducats of Gold, with which in his return he came near to the place where Pizarro had received his bad entertainment, and himself in fight with them lost one of his eyes, and many of his Soldiers. Being comen to Panama with Second Voyage. those shows of Gold, they redintegrate their designs, and with two hundred Soldiers, and many Indian slaves setting sail, landed in another place, where they also were beaten back to their ships, and many slain. Thence they went to the I'll Gorgon, a small and desert Island six I. Gorgon. leagues from the Continent. The Golden hopes would not permit them to give over that which this strength could not enable them to win, and therefore Almagro is sent to Panama to reinforce and increase their numbers. He returned with eighty five Spaniards, and found Pizarro, Third expedition. and the rest almost starved. Being refreshed they set sail, and again landing were repelled with the loss of some Soldiers, and went to a desert Island, which they called Cock-Iland, for the shape of the Cape or Promontory. Almagro again returneth to Panama for more Soldiers to be revenged on these Indians. Most of the Spaniards cursing their covetousness, would have returned with him, but were not permitted, no not to write to their friends; which yet some closely did complaining of the Country, the leaders and their designs. Pedro de los Rios was then newly Governor at Panama, and hearing hereof presently sent one to Cocke-Iland, Cock-Iland. to Pizarro that he should not detain any there against his will, whereupon they all save fourteen departed. These lived on fish till Almagro came, who also could bring no supply by reason of the ill rumour. At last they agreed to sail by the shore, and search if any riches there presented themselves. Fourth expedition. They sailed five hundred miles, and came to Chira, a Province of Peru, and there going on shore took some cattle, and Indians to learn the Spanish Tongue. Then returning to Tumbez, when no Spaniard had so much courage, Peter of Candie (a Greek borne in Candie) adventured to go Peter of Candy. on shore, which he did, armed with a two-hand Sword. This spectacle of a bearded man was no little wonder to the Natives. The Governor used him kindly, leading him into the Fortress, wherein was a Temple to the Sun, full of stupendious riches. At the gate he found certain beasts like Lions, and two Tigers, but harmless. And when the Governor would have given him at his departure certain pieces of Gold, he seemed to contemn them utterly, so to dissemble the true cause of his coming. Then coming aboard he related what he had seen: and they with joy returned to Panama. Hereupon Pizarro is sent to Spain, by Almagro and Luquez, to obtain of Cesar the conquest Cap. 2. of that Province, for which purpose they borrowed 1500. Ducats. He notwithstanding makes the suit in his own name and accordingly obtaining commission, returned with his brethren Fernandez, Gonzales, john, Pizarri, and Martin de Alcantara. Hence grew a quarrel, his partners esteeming him perfidious, till Gama compounded the matter 'twixt him and Almagro (Luques being excluded, and therefore afterwards surnamed, The Fool) that Almagro should employ his wealth, and therefore participate in the honours, swearing each to other, and taking the Sacrament thereupon. Thus Pizarro went from Panama with 150. Soldiers, and many Horses, Fifth Voyage Puna now Saint jago. leaving Almagro shortly to follow. He came to Colonchia, thence to the Island Puna, where he was well entertained till rapes and robberies made the Natives take Arms, which was to their greater loss, the Spaniards getting the victory. Thence Pizarro went to the Continent of Tumbez, fifty miles distant. Where the Natives refused his friendship, and sought to oppose him: but he by night entered the River, and being guided by unpassable ways made a great slaughter of them, spoiled the City, and robbed the Sun's Temple. Atabaliba King of Peru was then at Cassiamalca, who hearing that a strange bearded People Cap. 3. Atabaliba of Atabualpa. had robbed his Subjects, sent to Pizarro, threatening him, if he continued thus or there. Pizarro answered, that he was sent by his Emperor to succour those which desired his friendship, nor might he safely return to him, except he had first seen his Royal person, and declared to him things good both for his body and soul. Thus he travels thorough Chira, and by the Lords in the way is sued to for friendship, which hated Atabaliba. Meeting with a navigable River, he laid the foundation of a Colony there called Saint michael's, and shared the spoils Saint michael's. amongst his followers. Atabaliba derided their paucity, and sends to them, if they loved their lives to be gone. But he proceeded to Cassiamalca, and thence sent messengers to the King (then two miles off) to signify his desire of acquaintance. Fernand Pizarro told him, that he was brother to the Leader who was sent from the Pope and Cesar, to desire his friendship, and therefore desired audience, having some special matters to deliver to him, after which he would be gone. The King answered, he would first have him depart his confines. The night following they prepared themselves for fight. The next day the King was in Pomp carried on men's shoulders, guarded with five and twenty thousand Indians. Friar Uincent de valle viridi a Dominican, friar Vincents embassage, not in God's name. carrying in the one hand a Cross, in the other a Breuiarie, went to him, and by an Interpreter, signified that he came to his Excellency by the mandate of the Imperial Majesty, and that with the authority of the Roman Bishop, Vicar of the heavenly Saviour, which hath given to Cesar the Lands before unknown, and now first discovered, that he might send thither learned and godly men, to preach his most holy Name publicly to those Nations, and to free them from Diabolical errors. Having thus said, he gave to the King, the Law of God * So he calls his Breviary. , and saith, that he had created all things of nothing, and beginning with Adam and Eve, tells how Christ had assumed flesh in the womb of the Virgin, and died on the Cross, after which he rose again, and ascended into Heaven. Then averring the articles of the resurrection and of everlasting life, he showeth that Christ appointed Peter his first Vicar for the government of the Church, and that this power succeeded to his successors the Popes, declaring lastly the power and wealth of Caesar the King of Spain, Monarch of the whole world. Therefore the King should do as became him, if he accepted his friendship, and became his tributary and vassal; and if lastly he rejected his false gods and should become a Christian. Which if he would not do voluntarily, let him know, that he should thereunto be compelled by force and arms. The King answered, that not unwillingly he would accept the friendship of the chief Monarch of the world, but for a free King to pay tribute to a man whom he had never seen, seemed scarcely honest or just. As for the Pope, he must needs appear to be a fool, and a shameless man, which was so bountiful in giving that which is none of his own. Touching Religion, he denied that he would alter that which he professed; and if they believed in Christ, whom they confessed to have died on the Cross, they also believed in the Sun which never died. And how (saith he to the Friar) do you know that the Christians God created all things of nothing, and died on the Cross? The Friar answered, that he was taught it by his Book, and withal reached it to him, which he looking on, said, it said nothing to him, and threw it to the ground. The Friar presently took up his Book, and cried amain to the Spaniards, Go to Christians, go to, and make them smart for so heinous a deed, the Gospels are derided and thrown away. Kill these Dogs which so stubbornly despise the Law of God. Presently Pizarro gives the sign, and leads forth his men. The Guns amaze the Indians, as also the Horses, Drums and Trumpets. Easily are they hereby, and terror of their Swords chased, and Atabaliba himself taken by Pizarro, which commanded the footmen: without hurt or slaughter of any Spaniard. Ferdinand his brother, Captain of the Horse, made a great slaughter amongst the Indians, sparing neither age nor sex, and filling the ways with Carcases. The Friar also all the time of the battle animated the Spaniards, admonishing them to use the thrust rather than the stroke with their Swords, for fear of breaking them. The next day Pizarro visits his prisoner, and giveth him good words, who grieved with his chains, covenanted for his ransom to give them as much Gold and Silver vessels (so that they Cap. 4. Atabalibas ransom. should not break them) as should fill up the room as high as a man could reach. But when half so much was not brought in a month's space, they persuaded Pizarro to kill him. The King excused himself by the length of the way, that it could not come in so soon. If they would send to Cusco, they might see themselves cause to credit him. Soto is sent thither with two Spaniards, which met Indians all the way laden with treasure. Almagro came to the sharing of this ransom. Pizarro notwithstanding retained his former purpose to kill him, that so he might enjoy Cap. 5. Pizarros perfidious cruelty. the Country. Atabaliba desired to be sent to Caesar, which he refused. And none that consented to his death, came to a prosperous end. When Pizarro had told him of the Sentence, he exclaimed bitterly, and then turning with his devotions to the Sun, he expostulated with Pizarro for breaking his oath, not only to restore him to liberty upon his ransom, but to depart out of his Country: but he commanded his Negroes to execute him, which with a cord fastened to a stick, and wrung about his neck was soon dispatched. Then marched he to Cusco, and was encountrered by Quisquiz, Atabalibas Captain, whom he Quisquiz. overthrew, and entered Cusco by force, and got there more prey than before by Atabaliba. The Soldiers tortured the Inhabitants to confess their treasures; yea some killed the Indians in sport, and gave them to their Dogs to eat. After this he began the City of Kings, on the River of Lima, and made Almagro Governor of this new Province. Caesar also gave him privilege to be Marshal of Peru, and to conquer three hundred miles further than Pizarros conquest, for himself. Hence arose suspicions and jealousies of Pizarro Cap. 6. Chili. to Almagro, and after some quarrels Almagro is sent to Chili by Pizarro, so to rid his hands honourably of him. New Oaths also passed. He passeth over the snowy Hills, where diverse both Men and Horses were frozen to death. Pizarro receiveth soon after, the title of marquis, from Caesar. Mango Inga, brother of Atabaliba, whom Francis Pizarro in those broils had crowned, Mango Inga his acts. was by Fernandez Pizarro taken and committed to chains in Cusco: and upon great promises by his brother john freed: who seeing the Spaniards took a course of robbery rather than war, rebelled, slew many Spaniards at their Mines, and sent a Captain to Cusco, which took it, and slew john Pizarro, with some Spaniards. The Spaniards again recovered it, and again lost it * The City: some say they held the Castle. Spanish disasters , Mango besieging it with an hundred thousand Indians, which burned it, and slew the Spaniards. The marquis sent Diego Pizarro, with seventy Spaniards, against Mango; but not one of them was left to carry tidings of their destruction. About the same time Morgonius had like success with his Spanish Band, going to relieve Cusco. Gonçales Tapia was sent with eighty horse, but he and most of his were slain near Guamanga. Gaeta another Captain with his fifty Spaniards ran the same fortune. The marquis sends Godoys with forty Horse, but he being assailed, and seeing his men slain, fled, and brought news to Lima. Then did the marquis send Peter Lerma with fifty Horse, and followed himself, and slew many of the Indians in battle; two hundred Horses, and four hundred Spaniards, had been lost, neither could he hear of his brethren any thing. He sent therefore to Cortese, to Truxillo, Nicaragua, Panama, to Alonso Aluarado, who first came to his succour with three hundred Spaniards, the most Horsemen. He overthrew Tizoia (Mangos chief Commander) with 50000. Indians, and again in another battle. Mean while Almagro (whom the marquis thought to be dead) returneth out of Chili, Cap. 7. which had not answered his expectations, the fame whereof caused Mango, fearing to be hemmed in of all sides, to leave Cusco, (despairing to recover his estate) with twenty thousand Indians, settling himself on the Mountains over Guamanga. When Gasca the Precedent sent for him after, promising him peace, he refused, as warned by Atabalibas example. Almagro would have entered Cusco in his own right, as Governor, which Ferdinand Pizarro refused till he had leave from the marquis. But he by night-entred, and imprisoned both Gonzales and Ferdinand Pizarro. The next day he was proclaimed Governor, according to the Imperial commission. He hearing of Aluarado, and fearing his coming, sent to him Messengers which Aluarado stayed, but was soon after taken by Almagro in his Tents. Then doth he return to Cusco pompous, swearing to cast out all the Pizarrists. Aluarado and Gonzales corrupting their keepers get out of prison, and acquaint the marquis with these things, who provided five hundred men to march against him, but the case was compromitted. Yet did the marquis set men to murder Almagro by the way as he should come to the place appointed, which took no effect, he being warned thereof. After this they are reconciled, Oaths going before and after, which soon after were broken, and broke out into open wars, in which Almagro was taken, sentenced to death, which no pleading, appeal, intercession Almagro put to death. could reverse; but he was first strangled in prison, and then beheaded by Ferdinand Pizarro, who had before been his prisoner. His Father is not known; he left a Son by an Indian Concubine, bearing his own name Diego. The marquis sent his Brother Ferdinand to Spain, with the process of Almagro, and the Cap. 8. Ferd. sent to Spain, where he is thought to have died in prison. The marquis slain. Cap. 9 Vacca de Castro cuts off Diego. King's fifts. In the mean time one Rada a friend of Almagro, with young Diego his son conspire against the marquis, who contemning their meanness, was by them slain in his own house with his half brother Martin de Alcantara: Diego Almagro invades the government, and makes all to swear to him till Caesar had otherwise provided. He goeth to Cusco, and there slayeth Garcia Aluarado, who had stabbed Sortello, and would have done as much for him. Caesar hearing of these broils sent the Licentiate Vacca di Castro thither with commission, betwixt whom and Diego was fought a bloody battle, three hundred slain, on Caesar's side one hundred and fifty. Diego fleeth to Cusco, but by Roderigo Salazar, on whom he had bestowed many benefits, was betrayed to Vacca, who cut off his head. About this time the Decree for the Indians liberty was promulged and Blascus Nunnez Vela Cap. 10. Viceroy Vela. made Viceroy of Peru, who arriving at Nombre de Dios, A. 1544. there met with many Spaniards which had gotten much by the sale of Indian slaves; he committed to the Officers, and would have confiscated their money, as against the late Law; which being done by him in a place out of his jurisdiction, it was upon intercession restored. Going to Panama he causeth the Indians to be freed, at Tumbez he meets with a Priest and a servant of Gonzales Pizarro, which had been in the battle against Almagro, and hanged them both. He executed a Friar also which had taxed the severity of Caesar's Edict, and ill rewarding those which had served him. And whiles he Cap. 11. would remit nothing of utmost rigour, he procured the hate of all, which after broke forth into a rebellion. He committed Vacca de Castro into prison, whereupon the Spaniards chose Gonzales Pizarro their Leader, Governor, and Procurator general of the Peruan Provinces. The Viceroy also put the King's Factor to death, whose brother the Licenciat Caruaial swore to be avenged of him. The Viceroy after this was taken and imprisoned, but soon after sentenced to be sent back to Spain by Aluarez, who at Tumbez freed him. His brother Vela Nunnez seeking to raise forces Cap. 12 for him was taken and executed. Civil wars grew hot, a battle was fought betwixt Pizarro and the unfortunate Viceroy there taken, whom Caruaial in revenge of his brother's death caused to be done to death. Gasca, a man of great subtlety, was sent to appease those affairs; who made the Indians to Cap. 13. Gascas acts in Peru. bear the carriages of his Army on their shoulders, chained on a row, to prevent their flight; some fainting under the weight of their burdens, others with extreme thirst. Those which could not march with the Army the Spaniards freed by cutting off their heads, to avoid the delay of the chain: or if they were tied with ropes, they ran them thorough with their weapons: of some they cut off the legs, of others the nose, or arms. Gonzales Pizarro the chief Cap. 14. Cap. 15. of the Rebels, overcame Centenus in one battle, but in another was taken by Gasca, and executed; and after him his Campmaster Caruaial, a cruel man, which would deride his own Countrymen, when he executed them; bidding them, because they were Gentlemen horsemen, choose, which tree they would hang on. Gasca ordained that the Indians should pay tribute to Cap. 1● their Lords only of such things as the Country yielded. For before, the Spaniards forced them by tortures to bring them Gold: if any not having it fled those torturers into the Woods, the Spaniards hunted them out with Dogs, and many so found were torn with Dogs, others hanged themselves. Once; the men of Peru conceived so hard an opinion of the Spaniards, and of their Peru conceit of S 〈…〉 rds. Cap. 21. cru lties, that they not only denied them to be the sons of God, but thought that they were not borne into the world like other men, supposing that so fierce and cruel a creature could not be procreated of man and woman. They called them therefore Uiracochie, that is, Sea-froth, as if they thence had received original. Nor can any alter this their opinion so deeply rooted, but God Almighty, saying, The winds overthrow trees and houses, fire burns them, but these Viracochie devour all things, ●nsatiably seeking Gold and Silver, which as soon as they have gotten, they play away at Dice, war, kill one another, rob, blaspheme, wickedly forswear and deny God, never speak truth; and us they have spoilt of our Country and fortunes. Lastly they curse the Sea, which hath brought to the Land so fierce and dreadful an issue. If I asked for a Christian, they would not answer, nor look on me. But every child could say, There goeth a Uiracochie. They hid their ancient treasures, that the Spaniards should not find them; saying, that all which they got, in comparison of these hidden, was but as a grain of Maiz to a dishfull. Some they buried in the Earth, and some ●b●y threw into the Sea. etc. CHAP. XIII. Observations of things most remarkable, collected out of the first part of the Commentaries Royal, written by the Inca GARCILASSODE LA VEGA, Natural of Cozco, in nine Books; Of the Original, Lives, Conquests, Laws and Idolatries of the Incas, or Ancient Kings of Peru THis Author (of the blood of the Incas, or as others call them, Ingas, Emperors of Peru, by the mother's side, his father a Spaniard) hath written three L●●ge Volumes of American affairs, one of Sotos expedition into Florida, in six Books; both the other of his own Country of Peru the one containing in nine Books the History of things done by the Incas, before the Spanish Conquest, the later those later Spanish-Peruan occurrents. Of his Floridan History we have only borrowed a few notes, bringing on our Stage a Portugal, eyewitness of that Voyage, to act his own part in our next Act or Booke● out of the other I purposed more liberality, that thou mightst ●eare a Peruan speak of Peru: L. 8. c. 2. but the Work growing so great, and we having out of Acosta, and so many others presented so much before, fearing to 〈◊〉 the Reader with fullness (which may, if not here satisfied, go to the Author) have principally collected such things a● either they had not, or had by false information received and deceived their Readers, whom this Author correcteth; out of better intelligence. Besides, he seems to hold counterpoise, as drawing things from their original, with our Mexican Pictureantiquities. THe Language general of Peru, hath three manner of pronunciations of some syllables much Ex Praesatione. O 〈…〉 e cusco Tongue. Three pronunciations. Accent. b. d. f. g. i. x. l. rr. wanting. different from the Spanish, in which variety of pronunciation lieth the different significations of the same word. One way in the lips, another in the palate, and the third in the throat. The accent is almost always in the last syllable but one, seldom in the syllable before that, and never in the last of all, as some ignorant of the Tongue have affirmed. That Language of Cuzco doth also want these letters following, b, d, f, g, i consonant, the single l (they use the double ll, as on the other side they pronounce not the double rr, in the beginning or midst of a word, but always single) and x: so that of the Spanish Alphabet they want eight letters, accounting the single l, and double rr. Hence they hardly pronounce Spanish words in which these letters are. Neither is there any plural number, but certain particles which signify plurality, otherwise the singular serves for both numbers. In my time about 1560. and twenty years after, in my Country there was no money coined, but they reckoned by weight, the mark, or ounce; as in Spain they reckon by Ducats, so Money. in Peru by Pezos or Castellans, every Pezo of Silver being four hundred and fifty Maravedies, P●zos. and reduced to Spanish Ducats, every five Pesoes are six Ducats. ANno 1484. Alonso Sanchez of Huelua, in the County of Niebla, traded in a small ship from The first Book of the first part. Spain to the Canaries, and thence to Madera. In this his triangular trade, he was one day taken with a tempest, which carried him twenty and eight or nine days he knew not whence nor whither, and then the tempest ending, he arrived at an Isle (which some think to be Hispaniola) where he went on land, and took the height. He wrote all occurrents, and after a tedious voyage arrived at Tercera, but five of seventeen being left, which all died there (spent This Spanish report some of themselves conceal, others deny: see sup. ca 1. §. 4. To. 1. l. 2. I have here giventhis voyage (or fable) because the particulars are so full and plain in this author: whereas Gomara saith neither in the man, nor time, hor place, etc. is agreed on: see G●m p 2. c. 13. Name of Peru whence and how. with their ill passage) at Christopher Colon or Columbus his house, which gave him that heart and courage to the discovery of the New World. Blasco Nunnez de Balboa, An. 1513. discovered the South Sea, & was thereof made Adelantado, and the conquest of those Regions granted him by the Catholic Kings. He made three or four Ships for discovery, one of which passed the line to the South, sailing along the coast; and seeing an Indian Fisherman at the mouth of a River, four of the Spaniards went ashore far from the place where he was, being good runners and swimmers to take him. The Indian marvelling what kind of creature the Ship under sail might be, was taken in the mids of his muse and carried a shipboard. They asked him by signs and words (being somewhat refreshed after that dreadful surprise and bearded sight) what Country that was, and how called. The Indian not understanding what they demanded, answered and told them his proper name, saying Beru, and added another word, saying Pelu: as if he should have said, if ye ask me what I am, my name is Beru, and if you ask me whence, I was in the River, Pelu being the common name of a River in that language. The Christians conceived that he had understood them, and answered to the purpose; and from that time Anno 1515. or 1516. they called by the name of Peru that great and rich Empire, corrupting both names, as they use in Indian words. Some later authors call it Piru. After the discovery of the Incas Kingdom the name still continued, howsoever the Natives to this day (seventy two years since the conquest) will not take it in their mouths, although they speak with Spaniards and understand them: neither have they one general name for all those Provinces, as Spain, Italy, France with us, but call each by The like you may before read of China, a name no● there known, etc. jucatan. its proper name; and the whole Kingdom they called Tavantinsuyu, that is to say, the fourth part of the World. That River also where they took the Indian, was after by the Spaniards called Peru. Yucatan received the name from like accident, the first discoverers ask the place, the Indian answering tectetan, tectetan, that is, I understand you not, which they understood of the proper appellation, and corruptly called the place Yucatan. From Panama to the City of Kings, the sailing is very troublesome, by reason of Southern winds which always ran on that coast, as also of many currents: these forced the Ships in Sir F. Drake teacher of navigating the S. Seato the Span. that voyage to make large boards of forty or fifty leagues into the Sea, and then again to landward; until Fra●cis Drake an Englishman (which entered by the Magellan straight 1579.) taught them a better course of sailing two or three hundred leagues into the Sea, which the Pilots before durst not do, being fearful of calms, if they were once one hundred leagues from land, otherwise also uncertain and ignorant. Touching the original of the Incas Kings of Peru, this author affirmeth, that when he was a C. 15. Atahualpa or Atabalipa his cruelties. child, his mother residing in C●sco her Country, every week there came to visit her some of her kindred which had escaped the tyrannies of Atauhuallpa, at which time their ordinary discourse was always of the original of their Kings, of their Majesty and great Empire, Conquests, and Government: such discourses the Incas and Pallas hold in their visitations, bewailing their losses. Whiles I was a boy I rejoiced to hear them as children delight to hear tales, but being grown to sixteen or seventeen years of age, when they were one day at my Mothers in this discourse, I spoke to the ancientest (my Mother's Uncle) desiring him to tell me what he knew of their first Kings, seeing they kept not memory of their antiquities, as the Spaniards use in writing, which by their Books can tell all their antiquities and changes which have happened since God made the World. I desired him to tell me what traditionary memorial he had of their Originals. He willing to satisfy my request, recounted to me in manner following, advising me to lay up these sayings in my heart. In old times all this region was untilled and overgrown with bushes, and the people of those times lived Indian fables of their Originals. as wild beasts, without religion or policy, without town or house, without tilling or sowing the ground, without raiment, for they knew not how to work Cotten or Wool to make them garments. They lived by two and two, or three and three, in caves and holes of the ground, eating grass like beasts, and roots of trees, and wild fruits, and man's flesh. They covered themselves with leaves, and barks of trees, and skins of Beasts, and others in leather. Once, they lived as wild beasts, and their women were in common and brutish. Our Father the Sun (this was the Incas manner of speech, because they derived their pedigree from the Sun; and for any besides the Incas to say so, was blasphemy, and incurred stoning) seeing men live in this fashion, took pity on them, and sent from heaven a Son and a Daughter of his own, to instruct men in the knowledge of our Father the Sun, and to worship him for their God; to give them laws also and precepts of humane and reasonable course of life in civil fashion, to dwell in houses and towns, to husband the earth, to sow and set, to breed cattle. With these ordenances our father the Sun placed these his two children in the lake Titicaca, eighty leagues from Cusco; and gave them a bar of Gold two fingers thick, and half a yard long, for a sign that where that bar should melt with one blow on the ground, there they should place their residence and Court. Lastly, he commanded that when they had reduced the people to serve him, they should uphold them in justice with clemency and gentleness, behaving themselves as a pitiful Father dealeth with his tender and beloved children, like as he himself gave them example in giving ligh: and heat to all the world, causing the seeds and grass to grow, and the trees to fructify, the cattle to increase, the seasons to be fair, and encompassing the world once every day: that they should imitate him, and become benefactors to the Nations, being sent to the earth for that purpose. He constituted also and named them Kings and Lords of all the Nations which they should instruct and civilize. After these instructions he left them, and they went up from Titicaca travelling to the North, still as they went striking with that bar of Gold, which never melted. Thus they entered into a resting place seven or eight leagues Southwards from this City Cusco, now called Pacarec Tampu, that is, morning sleep, and there slept till morning, which he afterwards caused to be peopled, and the inhabitants boast greatly of this name, which the Inca imposed. Thence they traveled to this valley of Cusco, which was then a wild wilderness, and stayed first in the hillock, called Huanacanti, in the midst of the City; and there making proof, his Golden Bar easily melted at one stroke, and was no more seen. Then said our Inca to his Sister and Wife, In this Valley our Father the Sun commands us to make our abode; and therefore O Queen and Sister, it is meet that each of us go and do his endeavour to assemble and draw hither the people to instruct and benefit them as our Father the Sun hath enjoined us. From the hillock Huanacauri our first Kings went each to gather together the people. And because that is the the first place on which they were known to have set their feet, and thence to have gone to do good to men; we builded there a Temple to worship our Father the Sun, in memory of this benefit Temple to the Sun. to the world. The Prince went to the North, and the Princess to the South: to all the men and women which they found in those wild thickets, they spoke, saying that their Father the Sun had sent them fromheaven to become instructers and benefactors to all that dwell in that land, to bring them from a brutish life to civility, with many other words to like purpose. Those Savages seeing these two persons attired and adorned with ornaments, which our Father the Sun had given them, and their ears bored and open, as their descendants have continued, and that in their words and countenance they appeared like children of the Sun, and that they came to give them sustenance; they gave them credit, and reverenced them as children of the Sun, and obeyed them as Kings, and calling other Savages and acquainting them herewith, many men and women came together and followed our Kings whether they would conduct them. Our Princes gave order that some should be occupied in providing victual in the fields, lest hunger should force them back to the Mountains; others in making cottages and houses, the Inca instructing them how they should do it. In this manner this our Imperial City began to be peopled, being divided into two Cusco or Cozco first inhabited. halves, Hanan Cozco and Harin Cozco, that is, the high and the low Cozco, those which the King drew thither dwelling in the high, those which followed the Queen in the low. One half had not more privileges than the other, but they were all equal; but those names remained as a memorial of those which each had attracted: only those of high Cozco were as the elder, and the other reduced by the Queen as the second sons of the same parents; or as the right hand and left. In like sort the same division was held in all the great towns and small of the Empire, by the high lineages and the low, the high and low streets or wards. Moreover, the Inca taught the men to do the offices pertaining to their sex, as to till the Land, to sow seeds (showing them which were profitable) teaching them to make instruments for that purpose, to Use of Arts. make trenches for the water, etc. The Queen on the other side taught the women to work in Cotten and Wool, and to make garments for their husbands and children, with other household offices. These Indians thus civilised, went thorough the hills and wild places to search out others, and acquainted them with these affairs, telling them what the children of the Sun had done for them, showing for proof thereof their new garments, and meats, and so brought much people hither, that in six or seven years the Inca had trained many to arms for their defence, and to force those which refused to come to him. He taught them Use of Arms. Bows and Arrows, and Clubs, etc. And to be short, I say that our first Father Inca reduced all the East to the River Paucartampu, and Westward conquered eight leagues to the great River Apurimac, and nine leagues Southward to Quequesana. In this Region our Inca caused to people above a hundred Towns, the greater of them of one hundred houses. These were our first Incas, which came in the first ages of the World, of whom all the rest of us have descended. How many years have passed since our Father the Sun sent these his first children, I cannot precisely say; we hold that it is above 400. years. Our Inca was called Manco Capac, and our Coya, The Incas Empire dured about 400. years Valera hath 5. or 600. Mama Ocllo Huaco, brother and sister, children of the same Sun, and the Moon, our progenitors. I think I have given thee large account of that which thou desiredst, and because I would not make thee cry, I have not recited this story with tears of blood shed by the eyes, as I shed them in my grieved heart, to see our Incas come to an end, and our Empire lost. This relation I have faithfully translated from my mother tongue, which is that of the Inca, to the Spanish, which is far short of the Majesty of the stile, nor so significantly as that language affordeth, and have abbreviated some things which might make odious the discourse. It is enough that I have delivered the truth of their conceit, as befits an Historian. Other like things the said Inca told me in those visit and discourses at my mother's house, which I shall recite in their due places. The common people of Peru recite other fables of their Originals, the Collasuyu which dwell to the South from Cozco, and the Cuntisuyu, which dwell to the West; fabling that after the The Flood. flood, the waters ceasing, there appeared a man in Tiahuacan● Southwards from Cusco, so mighty that he divided the World into four parts, and gave them to four men which he called Kings, to Manco Capac, the North; the South to Colla; to Tocay, and Pinahua the East and West, and sent each of them to their governments, etc. Those of the East and North have another tale, that four men and four women in the beginning of the world came out of a rock by Paucartampu, all brethren and sisters, the first of which was Manco Capac and his wife Mama See sup. p. 1060. Ocllo which founded Cosco (which signifieth a navel) and subjected those Nations; the second Ayar Cachi or salt; the third Ayai V●hu (a kind of Pepper) the fourth Ayar Sanca, that is, mirth and content. These fables they allegorise also, and some Spaniards would here find the Fables and allegorisers. eight persons which came forth of Noah's Ark; wherewith I meddle not, nor with the other fables which other Indian Nations have of their progenitors; there being no honourable stock Conceits of the originals of all chief families. which is not derived from some Fountain, or Lake, or Lion, Tiger, Bear, Eagle, Cuntur or other Birds of prey, or Hills, Caves, etc. But I by the said Incas relation, and of many other Incas and Indians of those towns which the said Inca Manco Capac peopled, in the space of twenty years which I there lived, received notice of all that I writ: for as much as in my childhood they related their stories to me, as they use to tell tales to children; and after being grown in age they gave me large notice of their Laws and government, comparing this Spanish with the old, telling me how their Kings proceeded in peace and war, and how they handled their subjects: and as to their own Son they recounted to me all their Idolatry, Rites, Ceremonies, Sacrifices, Feasts, ●●d Superstitions, much whereof I have seen with mine eyes, it being not wholly left when I was twelve or thirteen years old, who was borne eight years after the Spaniards had gotten my Country. I also purposing to write a story of these things, did write to my Schoolefellowes for their help to give me particular information of the several Provinces of their Mothers, each Country keeping their annals and traditions; which reporting my intent to their Mothers and kindred, that an Indian, a child of their own land, meant to write a History thereof, searched their antiquities, and sent them to me; whereby I had notice of the conquests and acts of every Inca. Manco Capac to the East of Cosco, peopled thirteen towns of the nation called Poques, to c. 20. the West thirty, with the Nations Masca, Chilqui, Papuri; twenty to the North of four peoples, Mayu, Cancu, Chinchapucyu, Rimac tampu: 38. or. 40. to the South, 18. of which were of the Nation Ayarmaca, the others of the Quespicancha, Mugna, Vrcos, Quehuar, Huaruc, Cavinna. This Nation Cavinna, believed that their first Parents came out of a certain Lake, to which they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. say the souls of the dead have recourse, and thence return into the bodies which are borne. They had an Idol of dreadful shape, which Manco Capac caused them to leave, and to worship the Sun, as did his other vassals. These towns from 100 households the greater, and 30. or 25. the less, grew to 1000 families, and the less to 3. or 400. The tyrant Atauhuallpa for their privileges which the first Inca and his descendants had given them, destroyed them, some in part, others wholly. Now a Viceroy hath removed them out of their ancient situation, joining five or six towns together in one place, and seven or eight in another, a thing so odious and inconvenient Spanish alterations. that I cease to mention it. Manco Capac to reduce the abuses of their women, ordained that adultery should be punished with death, as likewise murder and robbery: he enjoined them to keep but one wise, and to Mancos laws. marry in their kindred or tribe that they should not be confounded, and that they should marry from twenty years upwards. He caused them to gather together tame and harmless cattle in flocks and herds to clothe them; the Queen teaching these women to spin and weave. He taught them to make the shoe which they call Vsuta. He set a Curaca (or Cacique) over each several Nation, choosing them to that dignity which had taken most pains in reducing the Savages, the mildest and best minded to the common good, to instruct the rest as fathers. He ordained that the fruits which were gathered in each town should be kept together, to give to each man as he had need, till lands were disposed to each in propriety. He taught them how to build a Temple to the Sun, where to sacrifice and do him worship as the principal God, and to adore him as the Sun and Moon, which had sent them to reduce them to civility. He caused them to make a house of women for the Sun, when there should be women sufficient of the Sun's Nunnery blood royal to inhabit it; and propounded all things to them in the name of the Sun, as enjoined by him; which the Indians simply believed, adoring them for his children, and men divine come from heaven. Manco and his successors wore their hair poled, using to that purpose Razors of flint, a Poled heads. thing so trouble some, that one of our Schoolefellowes seeing the readiness of Scissors said, that if your Fathers the Spaniards had only brought us Scissors, Looking-glasses, and Combs, we would have given them all the Gold and Silver in our Land. They wear Wide bored ears. their ears with wide holes caused by art to grow into a strange and incredible wideness, whereupon the Spaniards called them Oreiones, or men with gteat ears. He ware on his head as a Diadem or royal ensign a kind of Ribben of many colours, which compassed his head four or five times a finger breadth, and almost a finger thick. These three were Fillets. Mancos devices, the llautu or ribbon, the wide hole in the ear, and polling, as a kind Ensigns of dignity. of Royalty: and the first Privilege which the Inca gave to his Vassals was to wear the fillet or ribbon like the Inca, but theirs of one colour only, his of many. After some time, he vouchsafed (as a great favour) the polling diversified in Provincial differences of the Eare-fashions (which was a later and greater favour) both for the boaring and Ear-ring, or jewel there worn. The Inca growing old, assembled his principal Vassals in Cusco, and in a solemn speech told them, that he intended to return to Heaven, and to rest with his Father the Sun which called Cusco and the Neighbours Incas by privilege, which none elsewhere except of the Royal blood. Royal Diadem. him, (which was practised by all his successors, when they perceived themselves near death) and now at his departure he minded to leave them his chief favour, to wit, his Royal Title, commanding that they and their Descendants should be Incas without difference, as having been his first subjects which he loved as children; and he hoped that they would likewise serve his Successor, and augment the Empire: that their wives also should be called Pallas, as those of the Royal blood. Only he reserved the Royal Head-tire to himself and his Descendants the Kings which was a fringe or lace coloure●, extending from one side of the forehead to the other. His surname Capac signifieth rich (which they understood of the minds virtues) and mighty in arms. The name Inca signifieth Lord, or generally those of the Royal blood. For the Curacas, though great Lords, might not use that Title. The King is distinguished from all others by the appellation Capa, Capa Inca signifying the only Lord, as the Grand Signior among the Turks. They C●●a and Huaccharuyak peculiar titles to the King. styled him also Huacchacuyak, that is, Benefactor to the poor. They called them also Intip charin, the Sons of the Sun. Manco Capac reigned, some say thirty years, others forty. He had many children by his Wife Mama Ocllo Huaco, and by his Concubines (saying, it was good to multiply children to the Sun.) He called his Vassals also of the better sort, and recommended his Heir as by Testument in way of discourse to them, and to the rest of his children their love and service of the Vassals, and to the Vassals their loyalty to their King, and obedience to the Laws. Then dismissing the Vassals, he made another speech in secret to his children, that they should always remember that they were children of the Sun, to worship him as their God, and to maintain his Laws giving others examples therein; also to be gentle to the Indians, to uphold them in justice without oppression: that they should recommend these things to their posterities in all generations, saying, that they were the people of the Sun, which he left unto them as his Testament; to whom he was now going to rest with him in peace, and from Heaven would have a care to succour them. Thus died Manco Capac, and left his Heir Sinchi Roca the eldest brother, and begotten of Coya Manco dieth. Sinchi Roca succeedeth. Mama Ocllo Huaco his wife and sister. Besides the Heir, those Kings left other sons and daughters which married amongst themselves to keep the Royal blout entire, which they fabulously believed to be divine, and of others humane, although they were great Lords of Vassals, called Curacas. The Inca Sinchi Roca married with his eldest sister, after the manner of his parents, Curacas. and of the Sun and Moon, thinking the Moon to be sister and wife to the Sun. The Inca Manco was lamented by his Vassals very heavily, the Obsequys continuing many months. Mancos Funeral. They embalmed his corpse to preserve it amongst them, and worshipped him for a God, Son of the Sun, offering many Sacrifices of Rams, Lambs, Birds, Grains, etc. confessing him Lord of all those things which he had left. The name Inca descended to all the posterity by the Male Line, not by the Female; all of this Titles of honour. rank were also called Yntip churin (children of the Sun) and Auqui, or Infanta, which Title they kept till their Marriage, and then were called Inca. The lawful Queen was called Coya; also Mamanchic, that is, Our Mother. Her daughters were likewise called Coya; the Concubines and other wives of the blood Royal, were called Palla, which signifieth a woman of Royal blood. Concubines which were not of Royal blood, were called Mamacuna, Mother. All the Royal Daughters were called Nusta, and if not of Royal Mothers, the name of the Province was added as Colla Nusta, Quitu Nusta. The name Nusta continued till they were married, and then they were styled Palla. THe first Incas and their Amautas (which were their Philosophers) by light of Nature acknowledged The second Book. God the Creator of all things, which they called Pachacamac (the Sun they held to be a visible God) Pacha signifieth the World, and Camac to quicken, of Cama, the Soul, as Amautas, the learned Peruans. Pachacamac, the name of God. Ignoto 〈◊〉. August in Z●r●t. l. 〈◊〉. 〈…〉 i'th' that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 V●●cent de valle virani, that they held the Sun for God, the earth for Mother, & Pachacamac for Creator of all. if Pachacamac, were the soul or quickener of the Universe. This name they had in such veneration that they durst not mention it; and if they were by occa●●on forced thereto, they did ●t with holding down the head, and bowing the body, lifting up their eyes to Heaven, and casting them down to the ground, lifting up their hands open straight from the shoulders, giving smacks or lip-motions to the air (Rites performed only to him and the Sun) holding Pachacamac in more internal reverence then the Sun, whom they named commonly on any occasion. They said that he gave life to the World, but they knew him not, for they had never seen him, and therefore neither built Temples, nor offered Sacrifice to h●m; but said they worshipped him in their minds, and held him for the unknown God. The Spaniards which took him for a Devil, Acosta calls him Uiraro●ha, and saith ●hey had no proper name for God. and knew not the general Language, found out another name for God, Tici Uiracocha, which neither I, nor they know what it meaneth: and if any should ask me how I in my Language would call God, I would answre, Pachacamac: nor is there in that general Language any other name for him. And all those which Authors report are corrupted of other Languages, or devised by them. The Incas in Cozco kept a Cross of Marble, White and Garnation, which they call jaspe Cristaline. They know not how long they had it. Anno 1560. I left it in the Vestry of the Cathedral Church of that City. The Cross was square, three quarters of a yard land, and A Cross in Cozco before the Spaniards came. three fingers th●●ke, and so much in breadth, all of one piece well wrought. They kept it in one of their Houses Royal, in 〈◊〉 room which they call Hnaca, a holy place. They did not ado 〈…〉, but held it in venerable esteem, either for the goodliness, or for some other respect which they knew not. The I●●as and all Nations subject to them, knew not what it was to swear: you have heard of their respect to the name Pachacam●c. The Witnesses were solemnly demanded in 〈◊〉 cases by the judge, Dost thou No swearing. promise to ●ell 't 〈…〉 th' to the Inea? which he promising, the judge gave him a cave at for lying or concealing. They exceedingly feared to lie, and 〈◊〉 they were found to do 〈◊〉, were grievously punished, and in cases of great importance, with death, as having lied to the Inca: for so they spoke to the judge as if it were to the Inca whom they worshipped for God. Besides Pachacamac, the Sun, and Moon (as his wife and sister) and stars, they were forbidden by Law to adore Acosta by this will be better understood & corrected. any thing. Pachacamac the supreme God had no Temples ordinarily, yet in a Valley called Pachacamac was a Temple dedicated to that unknown God. The Spaniards attribute many other Gods to the Incas, through ignorance of their Rites in the first and second age, and of their language; and not knowing the diverse significations of the word Huaca, which in the last syllable pronounced high in the roof of the mouth signifieth an Idol. It signified also things sacred in which the Devil gave answers, also things consecrated as offerings to the Sun; Temples likewise and Chapels and Sepulchers whence the Devil spoke: they gave that name also to all Huaca and the diverse significations thereof, unknown to the Spaniards occasione 〈…〉 〈◊〉 in their stories, Twins rare. things eminent and superexcellent in their kind, as the 〈◊〉 Trees, etc. On the contrary they called the filthiest and most monstrous things Huaca, which might cause horror, as the great Snakes of five and twenty or thirty foot long. Huica was applied to all things also which go out of the common course, as to a woman which had Twins, making great Feasts, and strowing flowers in the street with Dances and Songs for such her fruitfulness. The same name they gave to sheep which had Twins (for usually there they had but one) and in their Sacrifices rather offered a Twin 〈…〉 be, if they had i●, than another: likewise to an Egg with two yolkes, to those which had in their birth any member more or less than usual, as if one had six toes on his foot, a shorn lip, etc. also to Fountains which yielded extraordinary source of waters, to the rank of the snowy Hills which run thorough all Per● to the Magelane Straits, to all extraordinary Mountains. Neither did they (as the Spaniards say) hold these for Gods, nor worship them, but for their eminence held them in * He seemeth also to make a difference 'twixt the adoration to the Sun, & worship or reverence of the Inca. Acosta taxed. See before in Acosta. pag. 1041. etc. venerable respect. The same word Huaca pronounced with the last syllable in the inner part of the throat, signifieth to weep; a thing usual in that Language, for the same word in differing pronunciation, to signify things different. As for the Idol Tangatanga, which one Author saith they worshipped in Chuquisaca, and that the Indians said it was ●hree in one, and one in three: I know no such Idol, nor is there any such word in the general Language of Peru: but the Province is one hundred and eighty leagues from Cozco, and the Spaniards corrupt all the words they take in their mouths. It is likely that the Indians to flatter with the Spaniards, when they heard them preach of the Trinity pretended some such likeness of belief. The like I hold concerning their confessions, all which was invented by the Indians to curry favour with the Spaniards. I speak this as an Indian which know the natural condition of the Indians: and I say that they had no Idol with the name of the Trinity, nor had any such word in their Language. They believed the immortality of the soul, that the body was of earth, and called it Allpacamasca, Their belief of the soul. that is quickened earth. They believed another life after this, with punishment for the bad and rest for the good. They divided the Universe into three Worlds, Heaven called Hanan pacha, or the high World, whither they said the good men went to be rewarded for their virtues▪ this World they called Hurin pacha, the World below: the third vo● pacha, the centre of the Earth, called, also Cuparpa huacin, that is, the house of the Devil. The life in Heaven they said was quiet, free Three Worlds. from troubles, as that of the inferior World, which we call Hell full of pain and trouble without any rest or content, whereas this present life participated of both. Amongst the joys of the other life they did not reckon carnal delights nor other vices, but quietness of the mind only with rest of the body. They believed the Resurrection universal, not glory nor pain, but to Resurrection this same temporal life. They made great reckoning of their hair which they polled or combed from their heads, to lay it up in some place, or in a hole of the wall, and if another Indian had seen it fall'n thence, he would take and lay it up safe. I have often asked the cause, and they Ha 〈…〉- superstition. would tell me that we were to return again to live in the World (they have no word for the Resurrection) and that the souls should raise all that belonged to their bodies forth of the graves; we therefore lay our hair together that our souls should not be troubled to seek the same at that day when there shall be so great hurly-burly and pressure, and if it were possible we would have it all in one place for quicker dispatch. The Sacrifices to the Sun were diverse: as creatures tame, great and small; Lambs were the Sacrifices. principal, next Rams, and then barren Ewes; Coneys, all Birds which were for meat, and Suet, or Tallow; Corn and Pulse to the Herb Cuca, and fine garments (which they burned instead of Incense; their drinks also, as that made of water and Maiz; and in their ordinary meals when they have eaten and are about to drink (for they never drink whiles they are eating) Peru diet. they put their finger in the midst of the first vessel, and looking up to Heaven with reverence, they turn up as it were, with a fillip, a drop of that drink, offering it with thankfulness to the Sun, for that he hath given them to drink, * Dau●● does oh tres besos ●l air Peruans no Man-eaters. or Officers. Acosta and others taxed. and kissing wife moved their lips twice or thrice to the air, which with them is a sign of adoration; and then drink off the rest without more Ceremonies. This I have seen them often do. Yet did not the Indians of the second age (which began and ended with the Incas government) offer the blood or flesh of men, but prohibited the eating thereof, wherein Historians have been deceived, it being true indeed of some Regions before the conquest of them by the Incas. Neither did they sacrifice either men or children when their Kings were sick, as one Historian writeth; for they held them not for diseases, as those of the common people; but esteemed them as Messages of their Father the Sun, Incas conceit of sickness. which came to call his Son to rest with him in Heaven; and those were their ordinary speeches, when they were to die. When they entered into their Temples, the principal of those which went in, put up his hand Eybrow-rite. to his eyebrows, as if he would pluck off some of the hairs, and whether he plucked off any or no, he puffed to the Idol in sign of adoration and offering; this they did not to their Kings but only to their Idols, or Trees, or places where the Devil gave answers. Their Priests and Witches did the like, when they went into their corners or secret places to confer with the Devil. This I dolatry I have also seen them perform. The Priests of the house of the Sun in Cozco, were all Incas of the Royal blood: for other Priests of Peru. service of the Temple were Incas of those which were such by privilege. They had a High or Chief Priest, which was Uncle or Brother to the King: or atleast legitimate of the blood. The Priests had no peculiar Vestment. In other Provinces where were Temples (which were many) the Natives were Priests, the Kinsmen of the Lords of those Countries; notwithstanding the Cozco Metropolitan: others had as it were 7 Bishops and Priests. principal Priest (or Bishop as it were) was to be an Inca, that so they might hold conformity of Rites with the Metropolitan: for in all preeminent Offices of Peace or War, they had Incas their Superiors. They had many houses of Virgins which observed perpetual Virginity without going out of their house; and others of the Concubines for the King. All their Laws Civil and Sacred were attributed to Manco Capac, saying, that he had left and perfected some himself, the others for his Successors to accomplish in their times: so to give authority to all, as from the Sun's Ordnance. And though some of the Incas were great Lawmakers, All Ordinances attributed to Manco. yet no memory is left of any particulars under their name, but all is attributed to the first Inca. The Incas divided their Empire into four parts: they called it Tavantinsuya, that is, the four parts of the World. Hereof Cozco was the Centre, which in that Inca-language signifieth the Navel Division of the Empire. of the Earth, or Land. The East-division they called Antisuyu of the Province Anti (a name also given to the Rew of Snowy Mountains in the East) the West Cuntisuyu, the North Chinchasuyu; Anti, called by Acost●, Arides. the South Collasuyu; each name derived of some Province therein so called, and continued to the furthest extent that way, as Collasuyu to Chili, six hundred leagues from Colla, and Chinchasuyu to Quitu four hundred leagues from Chincha to the North. They ordained that in every Town great or small of their Empire, the Inhabitants should be registered by Tithings, and one of them should take charge of the other nine, as a Decurion or Tithing man, Tithings and Tithingmen. See the like with us in Lamb. peramb. of Kent. Orders of Officers. Chunca Camayu. called Chunca Chancapa. Five of these Decurions had another Superior, which had the charge of fifty. Over two of those was another Superior or Centurion. Five Centuries were subjected to one which had charge of five hundred, and two of those charges had a Chiliarch or Captain of one thousand: higher they went not. The Tithingman gave account to the Governor of those in his charge, to provide them Seed or Bread-corne, or Wool, or House-reparations, or other necessaries. He also was to inform of their faults to the judges, which according to the greatness of the offence were also diversified in order for dispatch of justice, and to take away need of Appeals, except in cases betwixt one Province and another, for which the Inca sent a special judge. If the Decurion neglected to inform, the fault was now made his own, and he corrected for it: as also in the other case of provision. Hence there were no Vagabonds nor idle persons. The Father was corrected which did not educate or correct his children; the children also were punished in correspondence of their age: and the Tithingman was to inform of both. The judges punished them, they said, not for the fact, but the fault in transgressing the Incas commandement which they respected as Gods. They had no purse-punishments, Fines or Confiscations; for to leave them poor, was but to Penalties. No fines. give them more liberty to evil. If any C●●aca rebelled and deserved death; his son succeeded notwithstanding to his State. In war they had Natives for Captains over their own Countrymen, having Incas for their Superiors. The judge durst not arbitrate, but execute the Law, 〈…〉 e he died for breaking the Royal commandment. This severity of the Officers and of the Laws which for light offences inflicted death, proved rather gentle then Nothing more merciful than severity unpartial, which makes all to fear; so Guns have proved saviours o● men's lives, the general fear of Ordnance causing few battles, and consequently ●●wer slain in wars then when & where they have not been. No auricular confession in Peru, as Acosta, etc. judgements examined. Quippos. cruel and barbarous, few daring to transgress: so that all that Empire, extended thirteen hundred leagues; and consisting of, so many Nations and Languages, was governed by one Law, as if it had been one house, the rather because they held the same divine, and from the Sun's ordinance by the 〈◊〉. And the Lawbreaker was therefore accounted sacrilegious and accursed, insomuch that some accused by their own consciences have made confessions without other accusers, fearing to bring public plagues on the State, as Diseases or Dearths, which they sought to prevent by appeasing God with their deaths. And I conceive, that from these public confessions, the Spanish Historians have w●itten that the Indians of Pe●● had confession in secret like Christians, and Confessors appropriated: which is false, for in Peru they had no other than I have mentioned: and the Indians which told the Spaniards thus, answered so to their questions, as they thought might best please them. Neither had they any Appeals Civil or Criminal. Every Town had a judge, and for higher matters they went to the Superior judge in the Mother City. The Sentences of ordinary judges, were every month related to the Superior judges; and theirs to others their Superiors, which were in the Court in diverse degrees according to the quality of Cases. The Supreme were the Precedents or Viceroys of the four parts of the World. This report was made to examine Sentences which had passed, and if they were found unjust, the Authors were severely punished. The manner of rendering these reports to the Inca, and to those of his Counsel, was by knots in li●es of diverse colours, which served them as it were cyphers: for the knots of such or such colours declared the offences, and certain threads of diverse colours fastened to the lines, showed the punishment. This was their Arithmetic in which they were expert and certain, some applying themselves to nothing else. If any Provincial controversy could not be decided by those whom the King sent, it was suspended till his Visitation of those parts, and then he himself would see, hear and sentence. The Tithingmen also gave account every month of all which were borne or died, and likewise Monthly and yearly accounts. at the end of the year; such as perished in the wars; they also related. The like Officers and Orders were in the Camps of war, as in the Towns of peace. They permitted not to sack the Towns which they conquered by force. For every of those four divisions of the Empire the Inca had Counsels of War, of justice, of necessary business. These had subordinate Officers in diverse degrees which rendered accounts of all to the Supreme Council. Each had a Precedent But four privy Counsellors. or Viceroy which received those accounts, and rendered the same ●o the King. These were Incas legitimate, of great experience in War and Peace. And these four only were Counsellors of State. Roca succeeded his Father Manco; he was called Sinchi, that is, valiant; excelling in manly Roca Inca his acts. feats of Activity, Running, Leaping, casting stones or Darts, Wrestling, any of his time. His Father's Obsequies being finished, he sought to augment his Empire, assembled his Curacas to that end, and put them in mind of that which his Father had said to them, when he would return to Heaven, commanding the conversion of the Indians, to the knowledge and worship of the Sun; whereunto he was now obliged by his place, and for the profit of the bordering Nations which had need thereof. They promised all readiness, and he made his expedition to Collasuyu and persuaded with fair words, the Nations Puchina and Chanchi, being simple and credulous Indian credulity. of every novelty (as are all the Indians) and so proceeded without violence twenty leagues that way to the people Chuncara, in all things following his Father's example. He also brought in other Nations on each hand; some affirm a great many. He is thought to have reigned thirty years: and then professing that he went to rest with his Father the Sun, he left Lloque Yupanqui his son to succeed him, and a numerous Issue besides. His name Lloque signifieth Lloque Yupanqui the third Inca. left handed (for so he was) Yupanqui was added for his virtues, and signifieth, thou shalt account or reckon, to wit, his great exploits and good parts. If any think the word may imply aswell the recounting of vices, let him know that in that Language it is not so, the same Verb not being flexible to evil transition which is used to good, nor to good which may be applied to evil, but their elegance enforceth a change of the Verb in change of the object. The name Yupanqui, as Strange Grammar. that of Capac were for their merits given to three other Incas. He reduced under subjection proceeding by the Collasuyu, the people Cama by persuasions. The Ayavari refused and fought with him, and after fortified themselves and endured many skirmishes, but by siege and famine were subdued. After that he went to Pucara, which was a Fortress builded by him: and sent to the Pancarcolla and Hatuncolla, which listened to his proposition, being a great Nation, or rather a multitude of Nations, which had many fables of their original, some from a Fountain, others from a Cave, others from a River. They worshipped a white Ram as their principal God, being Lords of much cattle. They said that the first Ram in the world above, made more reckoning See Acosta. of them then other Indians, and had multiplied their cattle. They offered to that Ram Lambs and tallow in Sacrifice. All of them agreed in this Ram deity, in other their gods differing, but now exchanged all for the Sun. Afterwards Titicaca, and Chucuytu, and Hurin Pa●●ssa were subdued by him. Now to intermix somewhat of the Sciences which the Incas had. Their Astrology and and natural Philosophy was little, by reason their Amautas or Pphylosopher, Of the Peruan A●●s. Astrology. wanted letters. They bet●er understood mortal learning, and left it written in the practice of their laws. They observed the solstices and equinoctials by certain towers. The Moon and Month they called Quilla, the year huata. The eclipses of the Moon they attributed to her sickness, fearing that she would dye and fall from heaven, and kill all below, and Dreams of Eclipses. therefore they sounded Trumpets, Cornets, Drums, and such Instrumencs as they had, beating, and making their Dogs also to howl, thinking her affectioned to Dogs, for a certain service which they fable done by them, and therefore imagine she would respect them, and awake out of her sleep caused by sickness. The eclipse of the Sun they say happeneth for some offence done against him, for which he is angry. The spots in the Moon they fable to have come of a Fox, which being in love with the Moon's beauty, went to heaven, and touching her with his forefeet left those foul memorial. They make their children to cry Ma●●a Quilla, Mother Moon do not dye lest all perish. The men and women cry likewise in her eclipse with horrible noise: when she recovers her light, they say Pachacamac hath cured her and commanded her not to dye, that the world should not perish; and give her great thanks. All this I have seen with mine eyes. The lightning and thunder they adore not for gods, but honour and esteem them as the Sun's servants resident in the air, not in heaven. Like account they make of the Thunder and lightning. Rainbow. Rainbow, which the Kings Incas placed in their arms and scutcheon. In the house of the Sunn● was a room for each of them. They made no Prognostications nor Predictions by signs of the Sun, Moon, Comets, but by their dreams often and strange, and by their sacrifices. The Sun Dream-divinations. every evening set in the Sea, and with his heat dried up much of the water, and swum under the earth thorough it to the East. For Physic they used purging and bleeding, but had no skill of Urines or Pulse: some roots and herbs they made medicinable use of, especially of Tobacco. Medicine. In Geometry they had some skill for partitions of their grounds, but nothing for speculation; and so much Geography, as with plaits or pictures to express the Nations. I have seen one of Geometry. Chorography. Arithmetic. Cusco, and the confines admirably artificial. Arithmetic they practised with knots, as is said, and with grains of Maiz, and small stones, making perfect accounts. Music they had in some ru●es of art; with diverse Instruments, as Pipes proportioned to a consort, and flutes and songs. Music. The Amautas also had some practice of Poetry, and composed Comedies and Tragedies. The Actors were not base persons, but Incas and the Nobility, sons of the Cur●●as. The argument Poetry. was the acts of their ancestors. These were represented before the King and Lords at Court. They had no base or dishonest parts intermixed. They made Verses short and long with measuring the syllables without rhymes, I have given an instance; the argument is (like that of jupiter and juno in our Poets) the daughter of a King had a pitcher full of water to moisten the earth, which her brother broke, and with the blow caused thunders and lightnings. They were found in knots and particoloured threads, being very ancient. The words are thus in Peruan and English, A Peruan him in spondaike verses. the syllables also in like number and meeter. Cumac Nusta Totallay quim Puyunuy quita Paquir Cayan Hina Mantara Cunun numum Ylla pantac Camri Nusta Unuyu Quita Para Munqui May 〈…〉 piri Chich● 〈…〉 qui Riti munqui Pacha rurac Pacha camac Vira cocha Cay h●●apac Ch●ras●nqui Cama sunqui. Fairest of Nymphs, Thine own Brother, This thy Pitcher Now is breaking; Whose hard striking Thunders, lightens, And throws fire-bolts. But thou sweet Nymph, Thy fair Pitcher Pouring, rainest: Sometimes also Thou send'st forth hail, Thou send'st forth snow. The world's maker, Pachacamac Viracocha To this office Hath thee placed And authorised. Now for Handicrafts, the Goldsmiths (of which they had so many) knew not to make an Handicrafts. Goldsmiths. an●●le of Iron, nor of other mettle; nor to cast Iron, although they had Mines thereof. They used for anvils certain hard stones, of a pale green colour, which they plained and smoothed with rubbing one against another. They were rare and precious. They knew not how to make hammers with handles of wood, but wrought with instruments made of Copper and Laton mingled, in form of a die, of several sizes, which they held in their hands to strike with as men do with stones. They had no Files nor Chissels, nor Bellowes for casting of metals, but used Pipes of Brass, half a yard long or less, and joined eight or ten together as there was need. Neither had they skill to make tongues. And yet did they make marvelous works. Their Carpenters Carpenters. were as much to seek or more, having no Iron tools, but an Axe and a Hatchet and those of Brass; no Saw, nor Augre, nor Plainer, nor Nails, but fastened all things with lines or ropes of a kind of heath. Neither were their Masons in better case: they used a certain black Masons. stone not to cut but to beat their stoneworks with force of their arms, and yet have left incredible Monuments of their art. The Jesuits and other Religions have instructed the youth since in other arts, in Dialogues and Comedies of Scripture. One jesuit in praise of our Lady the Virgin Mary composed a Comedy in the Aymara tongue, the argument was Gen. 3. I will Note. put enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and her seed: She (so the Romists read and make of it this remarkable use) shall break thy head, etc. A dialogue of the faith was recited at Potocsi before 12000. Indians, and another of the Sacrament at the City of Kings before innumerable, the Indian youth acting and pronouncing with such seemly gestures as much affected the Spaniards. The Licentiate juan Cuellas' read the Latin Grammar to the Mestizoes of Cozco, with good fruit. MAyta Capac followed his predecessors examples, and went forth with 12000. men (the former The third Book. expeditions had been with less company, as of 7000 and so upwards as the state increased) and covering his covetousness and ambition with pretence of converting people to his religion * This lesson the Spaniards have learned too well since. , came to the disemboking of the great lake Titicaca, and made Boats for transporting his army. He brought under by fair means the Tiahuanacu, which people had admirable buildings. One was a hand-made Mount admirable high, founded on stones joined with mortar, none could tell for what cause. In one room thereof stood two figures of Giants cut in stone with long garments down to the ground, with coverings on their heads, well worn with age. Admirable buildings. Pedro de C●eaza. c. ●05. han 〈…〉 th' this 〈…〉 m his own 〈…〉 t more largely. There was also a huge wall of stones so great that it may breed wonder what force of men might be able to bring or raise them where they are, seeing that in a great distance there are no quarries. There are other brave buildings, great porches or frontals, in diverse places each made of one stone in all the four parts; yea to greater admiration some of these are set on stone, of which some are thirty foot long, and fifteen broad, and six in front, and these stones so great, and the porches are of one piece; nor can it be imagined with what instruments they were wrought. The Naturals say they are ancienter than the Incas times, and that they imitated these in building the fortress of Cozco; and knew not who made them, but have a tradition that they were all made in a night. It seemeth that they were never finished, but were only beginnings of what the founder's intended. Diego de Alcobaça a Priest, my Schoolefellow, & borne in the same house that I was, being also my foster brother, and a Preacher to the Indians; which hath been there, wrote to me that in that Region Tiahuanacu fast by a lake called Chuq●i●itu, there stands a marvelous house, with a fair Court fifteen yards square, compassed with a high wall, on one side whereof is a great hall 45. foot long, and 22. wide, covered like the house of the Sun in Cusco. This Court with the walls and floor, hall, roof, porches, and thresholds of two doors (the one of the hall, the other into the court) is all made of one piece wrought in one rock: the walls of the hall and of the wall are three quarters of a yard thick. The roof though it seem of thatch is of stone. They say it was dedicated to the Maker of the World. There are also many stones cut Men-stones. in shapes of men and women, so natural as if they were alive drinking with cups in their hands, some sitting, some on their feet, others as it were passing, others with children in their arms, and 1000 other postures. The Indians say that for their sins, and for stoning a man which passed thorough that Province, they were converted into statues. But to return to our Inca, he subdued many Nations or petty habitations; such as would not be won by persuasions, he mastered with siege and hunger. Battles were very rare. He died having reigned about thirty years, and was bewailed a year after the custom. His Son Capac Yupanqui succeeded, the Capac Yupa●qui the fi●th Inca. fifth Inca. His first care, after his Diadem assured, was to visit his Kingdom; in which visitation he spent two years, enquiring into the courses of his Ministers and Governors. After this he went up from Cozco with 20000. men, and went Westward. He caused a Bridge to be made in the River Apurimac at Huacachaca, lower than that of Accha. He passed over it to the fair Province Yanahura, which gladly received him; thence to Aymara, there being betwixt those two Provinces a Region dishabited of thirty leagues; which passed, he found at the hill Mucansa much people of that Province (which is thirty leagues long, fifteen wide, rich of Osyer Bridge. Mines of Gold, Silver Led and Cattell) to encounter him. But he sought rather to besiege them on the hill, having purposely sent men about, and by hunger forced them to composition after a month's siege. Having pacified the Aymaras, he proceeded to Cotapampa and Cotanera of the Nation Quechua; and after to the valley of Hacari, great and fertile. He made another expedition, leaving his Brother his Lieutenant of his Kingdom, and the four Masters of his Camp his Counsellors, choosing others to serve him; and went to the Lake of Paria, where two Curacas at contention, made him arbitrator, and themselves his subjects in the division Collasuyu. Thence thorough a spacious Country unpeopled, but full of cattle and hot Springs; he came to the Provinces Tapacri and Cochapampa. He made another Bridge in the water-passage of Titicara. The former of Huacacha●a was made of Osyers', this of Bulrushes there growing, of which they made four cables as big as a man's leg, reaching from one side to the other; on which they laid great bundles of the same matter as big as an Ox, strongly tied together and to the Cables: over these bundles they made two other cables which Bulrush bridge See Acosta of their ways to pass Rivers. they fastened surely with the bundles: upon these they laid other little bundles as big as a man's arm, woven into each other and with the cables; these were as the causey of the Bridge. This Bridge is thirteen or fourteen foot broad, and about one hundred and fifty paces long. They renewed it every six months. Often use made readiness and quick dispatch. They removed it as they saw occasion. The In●a passed further to Chayanta, thorough a dishabited Country: this with five other great Provinces he subjected, and then returned to Cozco, and rewarded his Captains. The Kingdom now reached one hundred and eighty leagues from Cusco Southwards, and Westwards to the Sea, sixty leagues one way, and eighty another: to the East thirteen, to the Southeast forty. He adorned the houses of the Sun which Manco Capac had founded, and that of the Virgins, with other great works. After this he sent the Prince Roca with an army of 20000. men, by the way of Chi●chasuyu Northwards from Cuzco, which had continued at a Removing of people from one place to another. stay since Manco Capac, but seven leagues from the City, the Country beyond being rough and unpeopled. He entered into the rich Country of Sura, which gently received him, as did also the next called Apucara, which was in enmity with the former. The like success he had in Rucana, Namasca, and other Valleys to Arequepa eighty leagues outright, and fourteen in breadth. The Inca transplanted people from those parts to Apurimac, both being hot Regions. Old Inca Capac Yupanqui after these things died, leaving about eighty children (some of them left one hundred, some two hundred, and some above three hundred) and his Son Roca succeeded. Let us now speak of Cozco and the holies thereof. Many children One of the principallest Idols of that Empire was Cosco, the Imperial City, which the Indians Religious reputation of Cozco and the superstitious holies therein. worshipped as a thing sacred, because it was founded by Inca Manco Capac, and because it was the house and Court of the Incas their gods. If an Indian in the way met another which came from Cozco, though otherwise equal, and now he himself were going thither, he gave him respect therefore as his superior for having been there; how much more if he were a near dweller, or Citizen there? The like was in Seeds, Pulse, or whatsoever was brought from Cozco, more esteemed for that cause then those of other parts in other respects as good. To hold it still in reputation, the Kings adorned it with sumptuous buildings, of which the principal was the Temple of the Sun, every Inca increasing it, which is said to be builded by Yupanqui, because The Temple of the Sun. he enriched it, being before founded by Manco. The Chapel or shrine of the Sun was that which is now the Church of Saint Domingo (although not the same altogether) wrought of polished stone. The high Altar (that we may so call it, for they knew not how to make an Altar) stood to the East, the roof was thatched (for they could not make tile.) All four walls were covered from the top to the bottom with Plates of Gold. In the East or high Altar stood the figure of the Sun, made of one plank or plate) of Gold, twice as thick as the other plates Rich hangings on the walls; the face round with rays and flames of fire, all of a piece. It was so great that it took up all the end from one wall to the other. Neither had they any other idols in that or any Sun's image. other Temple but this: for indeed (whatsoever others say) they worshipped no other gods but the Sun. This Idol fell by lot, in the Spanish Conquerors sharing, to one Mancio Serra, whom I knew and left alive when I came to Spain, who lost it at play in a night, whence they said Proverbially, he had played away the Sun before it was up. He was after chosen the ordinary Alcalde of the City many years, and grew to abhoore play very much. But by such a share falling to one man, may be guessed the exceeding riches of that City. On the one side and on the other of that Image were the deceased bodies of the Kings, placed according to their antiquity, as children of the Sun, embalmed (we know not how) so that they seemed alive. They were set in their seats of Gold placed on planks of gold, Bodies of Kings deceased. Huayna Capac. holding their faces to the people. Only Huayna Capac was placed before the figure of the Sun with his face to it: as his best beloved son, whom they worshipped in his life time for his virtues. These corpses the Indians did hide with the rest of their treasures, the most of which is not yet known. Anno 1559. the Licentiate Polo found five of them, three of the Kings, and two of the Queens. The principal door looked to the North, as it still abides. That and the other less doors were lined with plates of Gold, in manner of a Porch. Without the Temple, on the top of the walls ran all alongst a chamfred work of gold, in form of a Crown, above a yard broad, round about the Temple. Beyond the Temple was a Cloister of four squares (one of which was the Temple) round about the top whereof was such a crown of chamfered gold, as is before mentioned, above a A rich Cloister yard broad, instead of which the Spaniards have set up one of white plaster. There were Five Chapels squares, or severed Chapels standing by themselves, covered like a pyramid, which made the three other sides of the Cloister. One of them was dedicated to the Moon, all which and the doors thereof was covered with plates of Silver. Her Image was placed therein like that of the Moon Chapel. Sun, with a woman's face in a plank of Silver. Thither they went to visit her, and to commend themselves to her as the wife and sister of the Sun, and mother of the Incas, and all their generation; and called her Mamaquillia, Mother Moon: but offered no Sacrifices to her as to the Sun. On each hand of the Moon's image were the bodies of the Queens deceased ranked in order of their antiquity. Mamaoello Mother of Huayna Capac stood before the Moon face to Chapel of Venus & Stars. face, for producing such a Son. The next room to that of the Moon, was dedicated to the Planet Venus, and to the seven Stars, and to all the Stars in common, which they held to Chapel of Starry sky. Chapel of thunder, lightning and bolt. Chapel of Rainbow. be the servants of the Moon, and therefore placed them about their Lady to be ready at hand for any service. The next room was lined with silver also, and the porch of silver. The roof was made with resemblances of Stars great and small, like the starry firmament. The next to this of the Stars was dedicated to the Thunder and Lightning and Thunderbolt, all which were signified in one word Yllapa. They worshipped them not for gods, but held them for servants of the Sun. They made no picture thereof. The fourth room or Chapel was dedicated to the Rainbow, which they esteemed servant to the Sun; this room and the former were all garnished with gold. On the golden planks of this was the Rainbow painted. When they saw a Rainbow in the sky, they covered their mouth with their hand, saying, that if their teeth were uncovered they would consume. The fifth building was for the chief Priests, and the other Priests which served in the Temple, not to eat or drink in, but for consultation about their Sacrifices: it was garnished with gold from the top to the bottom. The chief Priest was called Villac Vmu, that is, the Priest which speaketh, namely to the people, Priests. what the Sun hath given him in charge, or devils, or dreams, or other divinations have foretold. Three of those five rooms remain, the Gold and Silver except. Those of the Moon and Stars are down. Every side had four Tabernacles without, which had like works on them in stone, as within of mettle. Not only the walls but the floors of those Tabernacles also was of Gold. The Images were also pouldered with Gems, Turkesses, and Emeralds; for they had no Diamonds nor Rubies. There were twelve doors to the Cloister, and as many Tabernacles or shrines, besides that of the Moon's Chapel and of the Stars, these were of Silver, the rest were all plated over with Gold in form of Porches. They had also in the house of the Sun Women might not enter. Movable weeks. many other rooms or chambers for the Priests and servants of the house, which were Incas of privilege: For none but an Inca might enter into that house; nor any woman, no not the wives or daughters of the King. The Priests served their courses by weeks, which they reckoned by the quarters of the Moon: in which space they departed not out of the Temple day nor night. The Porters and all inferior officers were of the same towns which served in the King's house; Servitors. there being no difference made in the two houses of the Father and the Sun, but that one had Sacrifices. Fountains. women, the other no Sacrifice in it, equal otherwise in Majesty. For several Sacrifices they had several rooms. In the house were five Fountains of water which run thence in pipes of Gold: the Pillars were some of stone, others of Gold hollow, others of Silver; there they washed the Sacrifices. Only one of these Fountains were left to water the garden of the Covent, till 1558. when it being occasionally broken, no Indian could tell whence that water came, or how tohelpe it. Such traditions of sacred things it seems were kept by their Priests, and now lost. Occasion seven months after found the water, which they amended without further search of the Fountain, the pipes lying very low. Garden of gold and silver. This Garden was in the Incas time a Garden of Silver and Gold, as they had in the King's houses, where they had many sorts of Herbs, Flowers, Plants, Trees, Beasts great and small, wild, tame, Snakes, Lizards, Snails, Butterflies, small and great Birds, each set in their place. They had Maiz, Quinua, Pulse, Fruit-trees with the fruit on them all of Gold and Silver, resembling the natural. They had also in the house heaps of wood, all counterfeit of Gold and Golden counterfeits. Silver, as they had in the house royal: likewise they had great statues of men and women, and children, and many Pirua or Trosses for corn, every day inventing new fashions of greater Majesty, using yearly on the Sun's chief festivities to present him so much Silver and Gold wrought into counterfeit forms. All the Vessel (which was infinite) for the Temple's service, Pots, Pans, Tubs, Hogsheads, was of Gold and Silver, even to the Spades, and Pickaxes for the All vessels and instruments of Gold. Garden. Like to this Temple of Cozco were others in many Provinces of that Kingdom, in which every Curaca endeavoured according to his power to have such riches of Gold and Silver. But the most famous was that of Titicaca. This might for Gold and Silver compare with that of Cozco. It is an Island in the mids of a Lake of the same name, where their fables tell that after the flood, the Sun first shined; and Rich Temple at Titicaca. after that, he exposed his Son and Daughter (as ye have heard) to civillize the world. In these respects it was holden for a place sacred thorough all that Empire, and a Temple was built therein, all lined with plates of Gold, dedicated to the Sun. All places subject to the Empire, yearly offered Gold and Silver and Precious stones, in thanksgiving to the Sun for his benefits there done them. This Temple had the same Service as that at Cozco. Of the offerings of Gold and Silver was such a quantity stored in the I'll, besides that which was wrought, that it is more matter of wonder than credit. Blas Valera saith, that the Indians reported that there was enough to build another Temple from the foundation, and when the Spaniards came, they threw it all into the Lake. In the Valley of Orcos, six leagues Southwards from Cuzco is a little Lake above a mile about, but very deep, into which the report was that much of Cuzco treasure was thrown. Some Spanish undertaking for treasure. Spaniards agreed to be at cost to empty it, Anno 1557. but having entered fifty paces into their main work, by which they had thought to have conveied the water into the River Yucay, they were encountered with a rock, which seeking to make way thorough, they brought forth more fire than stone, and were enforced to give over. The Indians are thought to have hidden infinite treasures. But for that barren rocky Ice the Incas were at further cost to cover the stone with good earth, that it might bear Mayz (which grows no where in that cold Region) of which a little quantity grew, and by the King was offered to the Sun in his Temple, and to the chosen Virgins in Cuzco, which were to send it to other Monasteries and Temples, one year to one, and another to another, that they might have of that grain which seemed to have come from Superstitious corn. heaven. They sowed it in Gardens of the Sun's Temple, and made such ado about keeping and bestowing it, that that Indian thought himself a happy man which had a grain of that Maiz, and that he should never want bread all da●es of his life. THe Incas had houses of Virgins retired in many Provinces, touching which the Spanish Hist●rians have been deceived. I will speak of the house at Cusco called Acllahua, that is, the The fourth B●●k●. Ho●●es of Virgins. ●ouse of the chosen, to wit, for their beauty, or stock, to serve the Sun. These lived not in the Te●●pl● of the Sun, but distant a street from it, a row of houses going between them. For neither might men enter where the Nuns were, nor women where the Priests were. It was necessary that these women hold be of royal blood, without any mixture of either side. There were in inordinarily 1500. Nuns. Some of them were ancient, called Mamacuna, that is, 1500. Nuns. Mothers which take charge, or care of the rest. Some were as Abbeffes, others as teachers of the Novices both in ●●tes and handiworkes, as to spin, wove and sow; others were porters, or providers of necessaries. They lived in perpetual closure to their dying day, neither might they Exceeding st●●ktnesse. speak with any man, or see any man or woman, but those of their own house. Only the Coya and her daughters might have leave to enter and confer with them. By them the Inca sent to know how they did, and whereof they had need. The principal gate was not opened but for the Queen, or to receive Novices. They had twenty Porters, which men might not pass the second gate under pain of death. They had five hundred Girls for service of the Monastery, Men Porters. daughters to those which the first I●ca had privileged to be Incas. These also had their Nun●workes. Mamacunas. The principal exercise which the women of the Sun did, was to make all the garments and robes that the Inca or his Coya did wear, and those fine robes which were offered Robes for perfume. to the Sun. The King himself might not give those Garments to any of his Curacas which were not of his blood. They made also the Bread for the Sacrifices to the Sun at the great feasts Raymi and Sittua, called Zancu, and the drink which the Inca then drank. All the Utensils of the house, even to Pots and Pans, were of Gold and Silver, as in the house of the Sun. They had such a Garden also as the other, of golden Plants, Birds and Beasts. Obedience Golden Garden. Perpetual virginity. and Virginity was perpetual, under pain of burying quick. Any man which should deflower, must not only dye himself, but his wife, children, kindred and neighbours. Such the Law, but there was never found cause of execution. Like to these of Cuzco, dedicated to the Sun, were other Nuns and houses in principal Provinees of the Kingdom. In which were Other Nunneries. admitted those of the blood Royal, pure, and mixed, and daughters also of the Curacas as a great favour. Also some of the fairest of the common people to be concubines for the Inca, and not for the Sun, but kept with like vigilance. Their life was like the other, and their maintenance from the Inca. Their works the Inca might impart with others, and themselves also he might take out for his Concubine's, which then might not return again, but either served the Queen or were sent into their Countries with great credit. Those also which were old in these houses might have like licence. Those that were dedicated for the King present, when he was dead, were called Mamacumas, and were instructers of those Concubines which entered for the New Inca. Mamacumas when. Every of these houses had a Governor, which must be an Inca: a steward and others officers. All the vessels were of Gold and Silver, as in the houses of the Sun and of the King, so that all the Gold and Silver in the whole Kingdom was spent in manner in the Sun's service, and of those which were esteemed his descendants. The Curacas were stinted what vessels of Plate they might have for their own use, which was but little. They might never be bestowed on other men, which had been chosen women for the I●ca; for they held it a profanation of that Spanish authors deceived. which was holy; yea to be a slave to the Inca was more estee●ed then to be wife of another Lord. esteeming him as next to the Sun; wherein some Spanish authors have been deceived. yet did he reward his great men with women, but they were the daughters of other C●●●cas 〈◊〉 Captains, which held this for a favour done them that he should esteem their daughter as a iowell, which with his own hand he would bestow. Sometimes (but ●●●dome) he be 〈…〉 on some of the Curacas his own Daughters which were (as they esteemed such as were not of the whole blood) bastards, which he had by women not of his Inca-kindred, which was holden Divine. Besides these, there were many other of Royal blood which lived retired in their own houses Another sor● of Nuns. with vow of Virginity, though not enclosed in any Monastery: which took liberty to go out to visit their kindred near them in their sickness or travel. Such were highly reputed and were called Ocllo, a sacred name: and if they lost their chastity, were burned alive or cast to the Lion's Den. One of these very old I knew, which visited my Mother, being her Grandfather's sister. Widows in the first year of their widowhood kept very close; those which had Widows. no children married again; but those which had, continued continent all their lives: in which respect the Laws allowed them many privileges, and the tillage of their grounds before the Cutacas of Incas. And for matter of Marriage in Cozco, once in a year or two, the King assembled all the youth Marriages. of both Sexes, of his own Lineage, the Males of twenty to four and twenty, the Maids of eighteen and so to twenty (he permitted them not sooner to marry) and called them forth, such a man and such a maid, and having joined them with his own hand, delivered them to their Parents: after which the Marriage Feast was solemnised by the new Parents, two, four, or six days. These were legitimate wides and the most honoured. The day following his Officers did the like for the Citizens, observing the distinction of High and Low Cozco. The Governor in each Division with the Curacas did the like in their governments, the Inca never usurping but assisting the Curacas jurisdiction. Those of one Province might not marry with those of another, Tribes, towns; wards, not intermarrying. Laws of Inheritance. but observed the Rites of the Tribes of Israel: not might they got to live out of their Provinces or out of their own Towns, or the Wards of the same Town. In defect of children by the lawful Wife, the Inheritance by Law fell on the eldest of the blood lawful, as from Huascar to Manco and never to Bastards: for which Laws sake Atahualpa destroyed all the Royal blood, he being a Bastard. Others might not marry their sister, but the Inca only. The Provinces differed in some cases, the elder Son of the Inca succeeding, in other places all the brethren after each other, and somewhere the best esteemed of the Sons. diverse customs. Such usages were before the Incas times, and not broken by them. The Incas made a great Feast at the wayning of the●●●●●●st Son, which was at two years old or upwards, & they first cut off his hair with a flint-razor, the Father's beginning, each following in his dignity: then did they name him and offer presents. The same was imitated by the Curacas Care of Infants. and the people. Their children were brought up without any dainty niceness. as soon as they were born they washed them in cold water, and then put them in blankets. They gave them the breast but at morning, and noon and night, thri●● a day, how much soever they cried, lest they should be gluttons. But if I should follow our Author in household affairs, I should be too long. Inca Roca their sixth King pursued his Northern Conquests to Chanca, a valiant Nation, Inca Roca the six King 〈◊〉 conquests. which say they descended of a Lion, and therefore worshipped the Lion for God. I have seen them in their Feast of the Sacrament twelve of them like Hercules, at tired in a Lion's skin. He proceeded to the end of the Province A●ta●●●●lla and thence to Uramarca and Hancohuallu and Uillea, Silvius, and Vtunsulla. After that he sent his Son the Prince Yabuarhuarac to Antisuyu or the East, where since Manco Capac they had done nothing. They say that when this Prince was borne, he wept blood, and so his name signifieth. Other Historians have herein been deceived. Acosta and other, say that it was thorough gri●●e of captivity, Cuca. Steep & deep descent of five leagues. He took with him fifteen hundred Warriors, and three Campemasters. He went to Hau●sca (which was after, the lot of my Father Garcilasso de la Vega) and thence to the Valleys where the herb Cuca groweth, so much esteemed by them: and beyond it to Cannac-buay which hath five leagues of descent almost perpendicular, and striking terror to the beholders: how much more to them which go down, the way winding like a Snake? In these Provinces of the Antis they worshipped Tigers and great Snakes five and twenty or thirty foot in length, called Amaru, which do no harm, being as some say, charmed to that innocence by a great Magician. They worshipped also the herb Cuca or Coca as the Spaniards call it. In this Expedition the Prince added thirty leagues to the Empire, but ill peopled. The Inca Roca leaving the Prince his Deputy, went with thirty thousand to the Conquest of Chareas': and added fifty leagues square to his Sovereignty: after which he died and his Son Yahuar Huaeac succeeded. Rocas Yahuar Huaeac the seventh Inca. Apophtheg●●es. Laws and Schools which he is said first of all to have founded in Cozco, for the Arts aforesaid, I omit. He was wont to say that Pachacamac must needs be a great King which had such a house as the glorious Heavens to dwell in: also, that if he were to worship any thing below, he would worship a wise and understanding man: Yet saith he, that which beginneth, groweth, dieth irrecoverably, ought not to be worshipped. Yahuar Huacar or weep-bloud, for the ill divine of that accident at his birth, stayed a good while in visiting his Kingdoms before he thought upon Conquests. Yet at length he sent his Brother Inca Mayta with twenty thousand Southwestward, which conquered from Arequepa to Tacama. After this he minded a more haughty Design to conquer Caranca and other Regions Yahuarhu●●ac acts. in the Division Collasuyu valiant people, but was soon called to other thoughts by the ill demeanour of his eldest Son, whom therefore he purposed to disherit for his cruel conditions. He caused him to live with the Shepherds which kept the Cattle of the Sun in Chita, which Fear of his Son. he did, carrying himself like a Shepherd three years and a half. He came one afternoon to his Father's house and sent to speak with him, who sent him word that he should go thither where he had placed him, having incurred death by breaking his precept. He sent word that he came with a message from as great a Lord as himself, which when he had delivered he would return. He marvelling what Lord that should be, admitted him to his presence, and heard him tell that at noon that day, as he was feeding the Sun's cattle, there stood a man, before him in a strange A vision of the Prince. habit and form, having a beard on his face above a span long, and clothed to the foot, with an unknown creature fastened to his neck. He said (that he was the Son of the Sun and brother of Manco Capac the first Inca, and therefore to them all: that he was named Viracocha Inca, and came from the Sun our Father to give him advise that the most of the Provinces of Chinchasuyu, both subjects and others, were in arms and coming with a mighty Army to destroy the Imperial City Cozco: that therefore he should prevent and provide in time. And fear them not, for in whatsoever adversity I will succour thee as my flesh and blood. After these words he vanished away. His Father chid him and would not believe him. Three months after came news of the Rebellion of many Nations which had killed their Governors, and had assembled thirty thousand Soldiers in demand of Cozco: Hancohuallu was their General. This was the first Rebellion of the Provinces which the jucas had conquered, and was so sudden to Yahuar Huacac that he fled out of Cozco with a few followers, with purpose to secure himself in Collasuyu. The Citizens were ready to flee each his way, till some thinking of the Prince (whom upon that Dream or Vision they called Viracocha Inca, his former name is unknown) gave him intelligence thereof. He gathered what forces he could, and followed his Father to whom having presented in a pithy speech, the miserable leaving of the house and holies of the Sun, and of the Sun's Virgins to such profane Enemies, he bid those which loved an honourable death before a shameful life to follow him: which four thousand of the Royal blood did, to whom others from all parts assembled. Having set order in Cozco, he went with eight thousand resolute Warriors to meet the enemy which had now passed the River Apurimac. THe next day came news of 20000. men, coming to his aid from Cuntis●y●, which he attributed to Viracocha which had promised him succour in all distress; this bred him The fifth Book. respect, and confidence to the business with the Indians. He entertained these supplies joyfully, which told him of other five thousand coming two days behind. To these he sent word to Embuscado themselves in a place appointed, that so in the fury of the battle they might come forth unexpected. This they did and much daunted the enemies, especially when with shouts and cries manifold small troops came in also which were of such as had fled from Cozco, Great battle. who hearing of the Prince's resolution made head as they could and made the Rebels think that they should never see an end of their enemies. A brute was also raised, and rumoured in both Camps that Virachoca turned stones and trees Advantage by Fails. into men, to fight for the Prince. The battle continued eight hours with so much blood, that a Brook in the Plain ran therewith. Twenty thousand were slain on both sides, twelve thousand of the Rebel's side besides their General and Campemasters taken.) Father Acosta hath Acosta taxed, See sup. 1060. much of this Viracocha, but altogether fabulous. For the Indians esteem him next to the Sun, and his Son not above him, believing but two Gods the invisible and visible as is said; the Indians telling Fables to please the Spaniards, and some things for want of the Language were not rightly understood by the Spaniards. The Prince after the Victory sent three Messengers, the first to Their dealing with the Sun. the house of the Sun (for in all things they dealt with him as if he had been a bodily man, setting him meat and drink, etc.) the other to the house of the Virgins, the third to his Father. He dealt very midly with the Rebels and their wives and children, pardoning them and providing for the Widows and Orphans. He was received with great jubilee in Cozco, and thence went to the Straits of Muyna, to visit his Father which seemed malcontent. They spoke some words in private, and the Prince came forth and said that his Father would not return to Cozco. This (whether true or false) was enough, and in vain had he now gainsaid it; so that a Palace of pleasures was there built for the Father to spend the rest of his days, his Son taking Why the Spaniards were called Viracocha. the Diadem. This Vision of Virachoca with a beard and clothed to the foot, whereas the beardless Natives are clothed but to the knees, was the cause that the Spaniards at their first coming were called Virachoca: and for that they took and killed the Tyrant Atahuallpa, which had slain Huascar the right Heir, and wrought so many cruelties. Which caused that six Spaniards alone, of which was Soto and Barco, went to Cozco two or three hundred leagues without harm. They called them also Incas, Sons of the Sun. That which some say, b Acosta saith they were so called because they came by Sea: Benzo, as the froth or scum of the Sea, in contempt that they were called Virachoca, because they came by Sea, saying that the word signifieth the fat (or scum) of the Sea, they are deceived: for Virachoca is the Sea of fat, or tallow (Vira, sebo; cocha, mar) so that it appears to be a proper name, and not compounded. I conceive further that the Artillery was the cause that they were called Virachoca. This Inca Uiracocha by his victory and vision was so esteemed, that in his life time they worshipped him as a God sent by the Sun for reparation of things amiss, reverenced him beyond his predecessors. He built a Temple for memorial of that Vision to Uiracocha in Cacha, therein Viracochas' Temple. imitating, as much as was possible, the place where he saw the same, and therefore without a roof: it was an hundred and twenty foot long, and eighty wide, of stone fairly wrought, with four doors, the Eastern only open, with his figure ●n a Chapel, somewhat resembling those Images which we make of the Apostles. The Spaniards destroyed it, as they did other famous works which they found in Peru, scarcely any Monument remaining: which they did to search for ●●easure under them. He made also two h●ge Birds called C●ntures (so great, that Condores or Contors, huge birds. some have been found with the extremes of their wings extended, five Varas, or Spanish yards asunder) they are fowls of prey, so fierce, that their dams break their talons; ●he beak so strong, that at once they will break the hide * Cuero, perhaps it should be cuer●●, the borne: of a Cow. He made the picture of these two Birds, one representing his father in mystery fleeing from Cozco, the other Uiracoch, He sought to gratify his Commanders and Subjects, and sought new conquests. He sent Pahnac ●●y t● Inca his brother against Caranca, Ullaca, Llipi, Chicha and Ampara. These two last worshipped the rank of Hills for their height, and for the Rivers which t●ey yield. These were all subjected: and Eastward to the Sierra, or snowy H●ll, Southwards to the furthest Province of Charcas two hundred leagues from Cozco. So that the Sea and the Hills on each hand, and Southward the Defarts betwixt them and Chili, bounded the Empire. Northwards he went with thirty thousand warriors to Huamanca, and other Nations which he subjected. He made a water-passage twelve foot in the channel, to run an hundred and twenty leagues from betwixt Huge Aqueducts. Pareu and Picuy to Rucana●; and another thorough all the division Cuntisuyu from South to. North one hundred and fifty leagues from the high Sierras to the Quechuas: which may be ranked with the Wonders of the world considering the Rocks they broke thorough without instruments of steel, and only by stones with force of hands. Neither know they to make arches, but were driven to go about. The Spaniards have suffered them all to perish: as they have permitted two third parts of those which were to water the Corn grounds to be lost also. Ambassadors came from Tucma (the Spaniards call it Tucuman) to the Inca, offering vassalage, Tucma. whom he made to drink in his presence (an inestimable favour) and promised so much better respect as his course deserved. Hancohuallu not withstanding all his kind usage, left his Countries to go seek new and the Inca sent Colonies to the Chancas. This Inca they say had a foretelling of the Spaniards coming. He died, and left his son Pachac●●ec Inca his heir. It is supposed that he reigned above fifty years. Anno 1560. I saw his body in Cozco, in the possession Bodies of 〈◊〉 Kings seen. See sup. Acost●● of Licenciate Polo, with four others: this with white hairs, the second of T●pac Inc● Tupanqui, the third of Huayna Capac, which two were hoary but not white: the two other were Queen's; Mama Rantu wife to Viracocha and Mama Ocllo mother of Huayna Capac. They were so whole that there wanted not hair, eyebrows, nor hair on the eyelids. They had their garments, ribbons, & diadems, as while they lived. They were set as the Indians use with their hands across on their breasts, the right hand over the left, their eyes downwards, as looking on the ground, and seemed as if they had been alive, and full fleshed. The Indians would never tell the Spaniards their embalming art. They weighed so little, that they were easily carried to the gentlemen's houses which desired to see them. The Indians by the way kneeled to them with sighs and tears. When the Inca had conquered any Province, and settled the government, he improved the lands which would bear Mayz, sending Engineers to that purpose for conveyance of waters, Manner of i●▪ proving and allotting lands. without which they sowed no Mayz in those hot Countries. They also made plain the fields, and laid them in squares, the better to receive the water. They made plain the Mountains which were capable of seed, as it were in scales or steps, one plain subordinate to another, therefore called Andenes. Having thus improved the Land, they divided it, to each Town their share by themselves; each subdivided into three parts, one for the Sun, a second for the King, The Sun, Inca and people sharers. and the third for the Naturals; with that provision, that always the Naturals should have sufficient, and if the people increased, the Suns and Incas part were lessened, that they should not want. The like division they made of the grounds which needed not such watering, sowed with other seeds. The Andenes commonly belonged in greatest part to the Sun, and the Inca. The Andenes. Mayz grounds they sowed every year, heartening them with dung, as Gardens. They first husbanded the Sun's grounds, next that of Widows and Orphans, and of the Order of tillage. old and sick, all which were holden for poor, and had peculiar men in every Town appointed Officers for that purpose. They had seed also, if they wanted, out of the Storehouses. Each man was tied to husband enough for provision to his own household. The lands of those which Care of Widows, Poor, and Soldiers. served in the wars were provided as those of the poor; their wives for that time being respected as widows. And if any were slain in the wars, great care was had of his children. After these lands, each man tilled his own, one helping another in course; then those of the Curaca, which were last cultivated in every Town. In Huayna Capacs' time, one of the Chachapuyas was hanged for tilling the Curacas land his kinsman, before the widows, and the Gallows was set up in the Curacas land, where he had transgressed the Incas precept. The last of all was the Incas lands, which thought his good to be grounded on the prosperity of his Subjects. These and those of the Sun were common works which they did with their best ornaments Works in common done with festival alacritic. and raiment, with spangles of Silver and Gold, and feathers on their heads, as on festival days; with songs in breaking up their ground, in praise of their God and Prince. One Anden near Cozco, being the first in the Kingdom which was dedicated to the Sun, was tilled only by Incas and Pallas of the blood Royal with a great feast in their beast jewels, making Incas labour. Songs of Haylli, that is, of triumph. Their Plough (or Spade rather) was of wood, a yard long, Spade. plain before and pointed, round behind, four fingers thick; half a yard from the point was a stirrup of two pieces of wood fastened to the principal, in which he set his foot, leaping and thrusting it forcibly into the ground up to the stirrup. They went in companies, seven er eight together, and digged up turfs of incredible bigness. The women went besides them to help Women. with their hands to lift up the earth, and weed out the roots, and to cheer them with Songs. The Land was divided to each man according to the number of his family, and to the Curacas in greater proportions: likewise the water and other things necessary. The principal tribute which they paid was this labouring the grounds of the Sun and Tributes of labour. Inca, gathering their fruits, and keeping them in places appointed. Of their own private lands they paid nothing. Other tributes were their making of clothes, shoes and arms for expense in war, to which end they had wool of the cattle of the Sun and Inca, which were innumerable in the Hills, and Cotton in the Plains. The poor were ●ied to give on certain days so many pipes of Lice so to acknowledge subjection, and to keep themselves clean. The Royal Lowse-tribute. kindred, Priests, Ministers, and Curacas were tribute-free; the chief Captains to Centurions, the judges, Officers and Soldiers in time of service, young men under 25. and old men Scotfree-men. above 50. and all women and maidens: Their labour was not imposed but voluntary. Gold, Silver and Gems were not reckoned tribute, nor treasure, nor price of other things bought and sold, or of men's labour. Only they esteemed them for beauty, and thereof made voluntary Gold and Silver no money. Presents. presents for the Temples, Nunneries and houses Royal. For they might not visit a Superior without a Present. The Curacas in the principal feasts must visit the Inca, and made him Presents of these or other things of account, as materials for buildings, Lions, Tigers, Bears, Parrots, Monkeys, great Snakes, or any other thing fair, fierce, great or strange. The King had in Repositories. every Town two places, one to keep his goods for the service of the Sun and himself, another for provision against dear years; besides others for highways, etc. Wool was distributed every two years, as any had need for garments for them and theirs, so that none needed to beg, neither had they any beggars in later times. I never saw Indian man or woman in my No beggars. time that begged, but one old woman named Isabella, which did it more to go from house to house, as a Gipsy or juggler, then for any need. The Incas also caused to build public Inns for Inns and travellers. Hospitals. Course in new conquests. entertainment of Strangers, which had all necessaries free out of the King's Storehouses: and if any were sick, they were likewise provided for. None traveled in private affairs, but in the King's business. When any new conquest was made, they recorded on their quipus the quantity, quality, site and other conditions of the lands of each Province, Town and Division, that order might accordingly be taken. The Mines were given to the Curacas. Salt, Fish and Cotton were common, none to apply any part to himself, but to gather what he needed. Each man might plant trees in his own ground and enjoy them at his pleasure. The lands were divided as you have heard. THe service and ornament of the houses Royal of the Incas may seem to have exceeded any Kings of the world in some things. The buildings of their Houses, Temples, Gardens, and The Sixth Book. Stupendious buildings and riches of the Incas. Baths were adorned with stone fairly wrought, and set so close that the jointure could not be seen. Many of them had melted Lead or Silver or Gold for the joining, which caused the total destruction of them all, by the Spaniards seeking for those metals. They had the counterfeits in Gold and Silver of herbs which grow on walls, as if they had been the plants there growing: and likewise the resemblances of Mice, Butterflies, Snakes great and small, Lizards seeming to move; the Incas chambers were lined with Gold, with figures of Men, Women, Their houses. Birds, all known Beasts wild and tame, all in their natural figure and largeness in Gold and Silver; the Incas Chairs of state were of solid Gold, without backs, having a great square Table of Gold over them. All the vessels of service both for Table, Buttery and Kitchen, small and great, were of Gold and Silver; and that in all the King's houses, so that when he journeyed in progress they did not remove them from one house to another, as likewise in the Provinces where he had occasion to march with his Armies, or to visit his Kingdoms. He had in Garments. Cieça, Zarate, Gomera, and o●her Spanish writers testify the same of th●se prodigious t●easures in Peru. them also of like metals many Granaries and Repositories not to keep Grain, but to express Majesty. He had store of rich garments, the Inca never using to wear one thing twice, but giving them once worn, to his kindred. The bed-furniture was of the wool of the Uicunna, so fine, that King Philip: Beds are thence furnished. Featherbeds they had not, but had such Mantles laid over and under them. Tapestry was supplied with linings of Gold and Silver on the walls. Their provisions for diet were abundant, they preparing for all their kindred and servants: the hours were from eight to nine in the morning, and in the evening lightly by daylight. Their drinking lasted till night, for whiles they eat they drink not. Their Gardens and Orchards had all the fairest trees and plants planted, and many others Gardens, Orchards and Baths. counterfeited of Gold or Silver; as Mayz with the leaves, stalks, roots, and reedy tops of gold and silver mixed, and so in other herbs and flowers; some coming forth, some half grown, some ripe; with counterfeits of Lizards, Butterflies, Snakes, Foxes, wild Cats (for they had none tame) Birds of all sorts and postures, set on trees and plants; Dear, Lions, Tigers, and whatsoever creatures the Land had, set in due places. Their Baths had great vessels in which they bathed themselves, of gold and silver, and water pipes of the same. They had also wood-stackes counterfeited thereof. The most of which treasures the Indians hid from the covetous Spaniards, unwilling that others should be served with that which was for the service of their Kings. The servants and officers for Water, Fewell, and the Kitchen, for the Tab●e of state (for the Servants and Officers. Women and Concubines provided for the Inca himself) Butlers, Porters, Keepers of the Wardrobe, jewels, Gardens, and in other Offices, were not particular persons: but for every Office they had two or three Towns assigned, whose charge it was to send men of ability and trust, by days, weeks, or months changed in course: and this was their tribute; the whole Town being punished in any defect. These Towns were within six or seven leagues of Cozco, being those which Manco the first Inca had reduced from Savages to Towns of civility, and these were Incas by privilege, and had the title and attire according. The Incas hunt were at Hunt. certain times of the year with twenty or thirty thousand men, one half going on the right hand, the other on the left, circling in twen●ie or thirty leagues, bringing in whatsoever wild beasts ●n that compass, and killing all they pleased. Every four leagues they had Posts, swift Posts. runners for sudden messages, called Chasquis, either by word or quipus. But now we will return to Pachacutec. Pachacutec having finished the solemnities visited his Kingdom, to examine the courses of Pachacutec, the ninth Inca. Sausa Dogworshippers. his Governors: and then set forth his brother Capac Yupanqui with an Army, which passed thorough the Province Sausa, corruptly by the Spaniards, called Xauxa, which profess to be descended of a man and a woman which came out of a Fountain; their Towns were l●ke Fortresses: they worshipped the figure of a Dog, and did eat Dog's flesh savourly. They had also an Idol like a man, in w●ich the Devil spoke. This people called Huanca were subjected, the Tarma and Pumpu also and Chucurpu, Ancara, Huayllas' (in which Province he grievously punished Sodomites, a sin before unknown to the Indians) after which conquests he returned to Cozco, ha●ing gained sixty leagues North and South in that Expedition, continuing three Benefit and prerogative of Nunneries an● Sun-temples. years. Pachacutec was busy in making Laws, building Temples, founding Houses for elect or chosen Virgins in the Provinces (which was to make such Provinces, Citizens and Naturals of Cozco) in erecting Fortresses also in his frontiers, and Royal Palaces in the most delectable places, and Storehouses to keep provisions against years of dearth. He spent three years in visiting his Kingdom, and after sent his brother Inca Capac Yupauqui with his son the Prince Inca Yupanqui, knighted that year after their manner, and fifty ●housand men by Chinchusuyu to Peruan Knight. Pincu, Huaras', Piscopampa, Cunchucu, which being subjected, he proceeded to Huamachucu, where they worshipped particoloured stones, and sacrificed man's flesh, which was in that conquest altered. After that they came to Cassamarca (famous for the taking of Atahualpa by the Spaniards) where they first stood out and after yielded, and there was founded a Temple for the Sun, and a house of Virgins, which after grew one of the chief in the Kingdom. In returning Form of Peruan triumph. they subdued the Yavious, and were with festival pomp entertained in Cozco, each Nation in the City gracing the solemnity, singled in their several bands with warlike Music, adding Songs of triumph: betwixt the General and the Prince went the Inca Pachacutec, till they came to the limits of the Temple of the Sun, and then they put off their shoes, except the Shoo ceremony. Inca which at the door of the Temple was unshod also, where entering, adoring and rendering praises for the victories, they returned to the Market place where they solemnised the feast with songs, dances, and good cheer. Each Nation arose from their place and sung and danced before the Inca after their Country guise. This continued a month. After this the King with his son and brother went to the conquest of the Valleys Pisco, River turned out of the cour●e. Sea worshipped. Pachacamacs' Temple, and Oracle ●t 〈◊〉 ●ac o● 〈◊〉. Yea, Chincha, which Countries he enriched with a R●uer from the Sierras, turning the course which naturally went Eastward into the West, to water the grounds. All those Nations for five hundred leagues space worshipped the Sea, besides the particular Idols of each People, and called it Mamacocha, or Mother Sea, for her plenty of fish, wh●●h she gave them to eat. They worshipped also the Whale for the monstros greatness. In another expedition the Valleys Runa huanac, Huarcu, Malla, Chilca, all subject to one Prince, were subdued, the Inca besieging and famishing their Army. Then passed they to the Valleys of Pachacamac, Rimac, Cancay and Huaman, which also h●d one King, called Cuysmancu. The Spaniards corruptly call Rimac, Lima: Pachacamac had the name of the invisible God, neither had they any Temple to him in all P●res but here, the edifices and sacrifices whereof were remarkable. Besides beasts they sacrificed men, women and children. The Spaniards confound the Temple of Rimac, with that of Pachacamac, which were differing, that of Rimac being an Oracle (for Rimac signifieth him that speaketh) of much veneration with the Natives, and after the conquest with the Incas. The Spantards founded there the City of Kings, so named, because founded on the day of the Epiphanie. Their Idol was kept in a Temple, not so sumptuous as that of Pachacamac. Cuysmancu refused subjection to the Incas demands in name of the Sun, saying his Pachacamac was the Creator and preserver of all, and therefore greater than the Sun, to whom they had erected a Temple, where they offered the best things they had, and held him in such reverence, that wh●● the King entered his Temple to worship him, he did not dare to look on him, Rites of Pachacamacs' Temple but he and the Priest went backwards with their shoulders towards the Idol: and that he also adored Rimac which foretell things to come; and Mamacocha, the Sea. The Inca sent him word that they also in their hearts worshipped Pachacamac, but without Temple or Sacrifice, because they knew him not, and were fearful to pronounce his name. Many other words of persuasion passed, and peace was concluded, on condition that they should worship the Sun, as did the Incas, and make him a Temple apart as to Pachacamac; that they should take away their Idols in the Temple of Pachacamac, and worship him without Statue; and that they should cease humane Sacrifices: that a House of Virgins should be erected in the Valley of Pachacamac: that Cuysmancu should remain in his Lordship, acknowledging the In●a Lord Sovereign, and obeying his Laws, and that Rimacs' Oracle should still be in estimation. And thus Royal affairs, and those of greatest moment were after consulted of in Pachacamacs' Temple, vulgar businesses were remitted to Rimac. Pachacutec having been a great King and Priest and Captain, enriched the Temple of the Sun, covering the walls with planks of Gold, as also the Shrines, and of the Cloister. Where the Idol of the Sun was, there is now the blessed Sacrament, Exchange and succ●ssion of Idols. and in the Cloister are Processions, and yearly Festivals in the Covent of Saint Domingo. He sent his son in another Expedition, who coming to the Valley, entered Pachacamacs' Temple, but without Sacrifices or verbal Orisons, only professing mental adoration. He visited also the Temple of the Sun with rich offerings, and then the Idol Rimac: and after marched to Huamac, where Chimu a great Lord reigned: from thence to Truxillo in the Valleys Parmunca, Huallmi, Santa, Huarapu and Chimu. Here while Chimu would admit no new Gods, a Other Valleys subdued. bloody war followed, which at last ended in his vassalage. The Inca now having enlarged his estate above an hundred and thirty leagues North and South, and in breadth from the Hills to the Sea some sixty or seventy leagues, fell to founding Towns, Temples, Storehouses, and reform the Empire, ennobled the Schools, augmented the Schoolmasters, caused all the Caracas and all Officers to learn the Cusco Language (as common) and much enlarged Cozco. He Common Tongue. reigned about fifty years, or as others, above sixty, and left Ynca Yupanqui his successor, leaving above three hundred sons and daughters. The Spanish Authors confound the father and the son. Many of his sentences and laws are recorded by the author, here omitted: as likewise the See of their Feasts in Acosta. transplanting of Colonies, order of bringing up the Curacas heirs in the Court; the common or Court Tongue; the description of Cozco, the Schools, and the three Royal Palaces, Alms, etc. for all these I remit the curious to the Author, fearing blame for this our length. Yet their chief Feast of the Sun, rites of trial and installing of Knights, I have added. Cozco was another Rome, in which the Sun had four Festival solemnities observed, the Cozco as Reme, mother of superstitions. Raymi, that is, the Feast. principal in june, which they called Yntip Raymi, as it were The Sun's Easter, and absolutely Raymi, in acknowledgement of the Sun's Deity over all, and his being Father of the Incas, Manco and his descendants. All the principal Captains which were not then in the wars came to it, and all the Curacas, not by precept but of devotion, in adoration of the Sun, and veneration of the Inca. And when age, sickness, distance or business in the King's affairs detained General assembly. them, they sent their sons or brethren with the chief of their kindred to that solemnity. The King did perform the first ceremonies as Chief Priest: for although they had a high The King was chief Priest at that Feast. Priest always of the blood Royal, Brother or Uncle to the King, legitimate by Father and Mother; yet in this Feast proper to the Sun, the King himself, as firstborn of the Sun, was the principal Solemn●zer. The Curacas came in their greatest bravery, and best devices; some like Hercules, in Lion's skins with their heads in the Lion's head-skinne, as boasting of descent Bravery and devices. from a Lion; some like Angels, with great wings of a Cuntur fourteen or fifteen foot distant in the extremes stretched out, as descended of that Fowl; some with vizors of most abominable and deformed forms, and those are the Yuncas; others with golden and silver ornaments; and others with other inventions. Every Nation carried the arms which they used in fight, as Bows and Arrows, Darts, Slings, Clubs, Lances, Axes, etc. the pictures also of whatsoever exploits they had done in the service of the Sun o● Incas. Once; all came in their best accoultrements and bravery that they were able. They prepared themselves to this festivity with a rigorous Fast, in three days eating nothing but a little white raw Mayz, and a few herbs with water; not kindling a fire in the City, Fast of three days. or accompanying with their wives all that time. The Fast ended, or the night before the Feast the Priests Incas made ready the Sacrifices and Offerings, which every Nation is to provide. The women of the Sun make that night a great quantity of dough of Maiz called çancu, Bread festival. whereof they make little loves as big as a common Apple. Neither do these Indians ever eat their Maiz made into bread but at this Feast and at another called Citua; then eating two or three bits at the beginning of the meal; their ordinary meals in stead of bread have çara parched or boiled in grain. The Virgins of the Sun prepare this bread for the Inca, and those of his blood; for the rest, innumerable other women are appointed, which make it with Religious care. In the morning early the Inca goeth accompanied with all his kindred, 〈…〉ed according to Adoration of the rising Sun. their age and dignity, to the chief street of the City called Haucapata: and there expect the Sun rising, all barefooted, looking to the East with great attention; as soon as he peeps forth, fall on their elbows (which is as kneeling here) adoring him with their arms open, and their hands before their faces, giving kisses to the air (as in Spain it is the use to kiss a man's own hand, or the Prince's garment) so acknowledging him their God. The Curacas set themselves in Festival and consccrsted Drink. another street next thereto, called Cussipata, and make the same adoration. After this the King riseth on his feet, others remaining on their elbows, and taketh two great vessels of Gold full of drink, the one in his right hand, as in the name and steed of the Sun, as if he did drink to his kindred (this was their greatest courtesy of the Superior to the Inferior, and amongst friends, to give them drink) and pours it into a pipe of Gold, by which it runneth into the house of the Sun. After this he drinketh part of that in his left hand, giving the rest to the Incas in a small Cup, or out of the same vessel (this sanctifying or giving virtue to all that is brought forth) every man drinking a draught. The Curacas drink of that which the women of the Sun have Procession barefoot. made. This done, they went all in order to the House of the Sun, and two hundred paces before they came at the door, they put off their shoes; only the King stayed till he came at the door. Then the Inca and his entered in and adored the Image of the Sun, as natural Sons. The Curacas abode in the street before the Temple. The Inca offered with his own hands the Oblations, vessels in which he had done that ceremony; the other Incas gave their vessels to the Priests (for they which were not Priests, might not do the Priestly office, although they were of the blood.) The Priests having received the Incas offered vessels, went forth to receive those of the Curacas which brought them in order of their antiquity, as they had been subject to the Empire; they Strange Offerings. gave also other things of Gold and Sil●er, with Sheep, Lizards, Toads, Snakes, Foxes, Tigers, Lions, variety of Birds, and whatsoever most abounded in their Countries. The offerings ended, they returned to their streets in order. Then the Incas Priests, bring forth great store of Lambs, barren Ewes and Rams of all colours (for sheep in those parts are of all colours, as Horses in these) all being the C●●tle of the Sun. They take a black Lamb (which they esteem the holiest colour for Sacrifices and Auguries. Black fairest. Soothsaying usual. Rites thereof. Sacrifices and the Kings wear commonly black) and offer that first for Soothsaying (a thing used by them in all things of moment in peace and war, looking into the heart and lungs for prognostications) they set the head to the East, not tying any of his feet, open him alive (being holden by three or four Indians) and that on the left side, to take out his heart and entrails with their hands, without cutting. The best Augury was if the lungs moved when they were taken forth: the worst, if the Sacrifice in the opening arose on the feet overcoming those which held it. If one proved unlucky, they assayed another of a Ram, and another of a barren Ewe; if all proved unlucky they gave over keeping the Feast, and said the Sun was angry for some fault. which they had done, and expected wars, Dearth, Murrayne, etc. After this Augury, they opened not the other Sacrifices alive but cut off their heads, offering the blood and heart to the Sun. The fire which they used must be new, given them, as they said by the hands of the Sun, which they did by the force of the Sun beams shining thorough a jewel which the High Priest Holy fire. held in his hand (as by a burning Glass) on Cotton. With this fire they burned the Sacrifice and roasted that day's flesh: and carried thereof to the Temple of the Sun, and to the house of Virgins to keep all the year. And if the Sun did not shine, they made fire with motion of two smooth round sticks: but this absence or refusal of the Sun they esteemed unlucky. All the flesh of those Sacrifices was roasted openly in the two streets aforesaid; they parted it amongst the Incas, Curacas, and common people which were at the Feast, giving it with the bread çancu. After this they had many other Viands: and when they had done eating they fell to drinking, in Festival eating and drinking. which vice they exceeded, though now the Spaniards example have that way done good, and this vice is infamous amongst them. The Inca sitting in state sends his Kinsmen to the principal in his name to make them drink, first the valorous Captains, next the Curacas which have not been Commanders in war, then to Cozco-Incas by privilege: the manner was this; the Inca which brought the drink said, the Capa Inca sends thee banqueting drink, and I come in his name to drink with thee. The Captain or Curaca took the Cup with great reverence and lifted up his eyes to the Sun, as giving him thanks for such a favour, and having drunk, returned the Cup to the Inca with show of adoration, not speaking one word. He sends to the Captains in general; but to some special Curacas only; the rest the Incas in their own name, and not in the Kings, cause to drink. The Cups were holden in great veneration because the Capa Inca had touched them with his hands and lips. After this beginning they fell to freer drinking one to another, and after that to dancing, the Feast continuing nine days with great jollity, but the Sacrifices held but the first: and after they returned to their Countries. Now for their Knights, till they had that order, they were not capable of the dignities of Manner of making Knights. war or peace. The youths of the Royal blood (for none else might be in election) from sixteen years old upwards, first made experiments of themselves in rigorous trials, whether they could endure the hard Adventures of war. Every year, or each other year, these noble youths were shut up in a house where old Masters examined them. They were to fast seven days strictly, with a little raw 〈…〉 ne and water, to try their endurance of hunger and thirst. Their Parents and brethren all 〈…〉ed for them to entreat the Sun to favour them. They which could not sustain this fast, were rejected as unsufficient. After this they heartened them with meat, and tried their activity in running of a certain Race a league and half long, where was a Banner set, which he that first came at was Captain of the rest: others also to the tenth were subordinately honoured. Their next trial was in skirmish, one half to keep, the other to get a Fort; and they which were now keepers, were another day besiegers, where eagerness and emulation sometimes cost some their lives in that ludicrous war. Then followed wrestling betwixt equals, leaping, throwing small and great stones, also a Lance and a Dart, and other Arms, shooting, casting with a sling, and exercise in all weapons of war. They caused them to watch ten or twelve nights as Sentinels, coming suddenly on them at uncertain hours, shaming those which they found sleeping. They tried with wands how they could endure stripes, beating them cruelly on the arms and legs (where the Indians go bare) and if they made any sad remonstrance of sorrow they rejected them, saying how would they bear their enemy's weapons? They were to be in manner unsensible. A Fencer also made semblance with a two hand Club called Macana, another while wit● a Pike, to hit or strike them, and if they shrugged, or in their eyes or body made show of fear, they were rejected. Next they made trial whether they had skill to make their arms of all sorts, and shoes called Vsuta, like those which the Franciscans wear. After all these, the Captains and Masters of these Ceremonies tell them of their pedigree from the Sun, the noble Acts of their Ancestors, and instruct them in courage, clemency and mildness to the poor, with other parts of morality. The Heir apparent endured no less rigorous trials than others, except in running for the Banner, and all that trial time (which was from one New Moon to another) he went in poor and vile habit to teach him to pity the poor. These things done, the King solemnly attended, made a Speech to them, and each on their knees received at his hand the first Ensign of dignity, which was to boar a hole in their ears. The New Knight kissed his hand, and the next person to the Inca put off his Vsutas, and put him on gallant shoes of Wool. Then did he go to another place, where other Incas put him on breeches, as the token of manhood, which before he might not wear: after which they put on his head two kinds of flowers, and a leaf of another herb which will long keep green. No other men might wear those flowers. The Prince had the same Ensigns, and differed only in his yellow fringe of Wool (which none but he, and that first after his trial, might wear) and an Axe of Arms with a kind of javeline above a yard long; which when they put in his hand, they said Aucunapac, that is, for tyrant Traitors. The King's fringe was coloured; he ware besides on his head two feathers of a B●rd called Coreq●enque, which are said to be but a Male and a Female, in one place only called Villacanuta. These they wear upon their fringe; and every new Successor must have new. When the Prince is Knighted all of the blood Royal adore him as their Prince. INca Yupanqui bestowed three years in visiting his Kingdom, and afterwards resolved on a The seventh Book. Inca Yupanqui the tenth Inca. The Musus invaded. difficult design, namely to pass the Antis Eastward from Cozco, that having traversed those hig● Hills, he might find passage by some Rivers running thence Eastward: for the Hills themselves still covered with Snow fall'n and falling were impassable; moved by a tradition of many Habitations and Countries in those parts. One of which was called Musu (by the Spaniards, Moxos) to which he might enter by a River in the Antis divided into five, which all make the River Amarumayis; which I suspect to fall into the River of Plate, the greatest River known after Orellana. With this determination he sent to cut a great quantity of that stuff which the Spaniards call Higuera, wherein they spent two years, making thereof a kind of Boats, so many as received ten thousand Soldiers with their provisions, each holding thirty, forty, fifty more or less, with their provisions in the midst. Thus went they down the River, and had great encounter with the Chanchu which lived on both sides the River, all painted and naked with feathers on their heads armed, with Bows and Arrows. They were reduced to subjection, and The Chunchus subdued. sent presents of Poppenjayes, Monkeys and Huacamayas, Wax and Honey, which they continued till the death of Tupac Amara the last of the Incas, whom the Viceroy Francis de Toledo beheaded. A Colony of these was planted near Tono, some six and twenty leagues from Cozco. They proceeded in their Conquest till they came at Musu two hundred leagues from Cozco. These hearing their Relations of the jucas conquests and devotions, and Viracochas vision, were content to accept of their friendship, and confederacy, but not to acknowledge vassalage. They permitted them to make a plantation there, and gave them their Daughters for Wives, being now Peruan Colony in the Musus Country. not above a thousand left, the rest wasted in the ill ways and wars. They sent an Embassage also to Cozco which were well entertained and instructed in all their Rites. These Peruans would have returned into their Country about the time of Huayna Capacs' death but hearing of the Spanish conquest, stayed. Anno 1564. one Diego Aleman a Spaniard hearing of Gold in those parts, with twelve others Spanish attempts frustrate. went on foot with an Indian Curaca for his guide (the ill ways admitted no Horses) and having traveled into the Musus Country after eight and twenty days, were set upon and ten Spaniards killed, Diego himself taken, and two only escaped in the darkness of the night. The Indians made Diego their Captain (of a Captive) against their enemies. About this Golden prize the Spaniards after fell into contention, diverse having gotten the grant, and many were slain by their emulous Competitors, and so made an easy prey to the Chunchus. Three they took and after two years dismissed them. One of them was a Friar and Priest whom they requested at his departure to send for their conversion which was not done. But let us return to Inca Yupanqui. After this Expedition to the Musus, he resolved on the Conquest of the great Province Chirihuana, which is upon the Antis Eastward from Charcas. And because the Country was Chirihuana. A Savage beastly Nation. unknown, he sent Spies which brought word that it was a wretched Country, wild Mountains, marry Marshes, Lakes and Bogs, unprofitable for Seed and Husbandry, and the Naturals brutish worse than beasts without Religion or worship of any thing, without Law, Townes, or Houses, and eating man's flesh, hunting to that end the Neighbour Provinces, and drinking their blood, without difference of sex or age; eating also their own when they died, and w●en they had eaten their flesh, they laid the bones together and mourned for them, burying those Relics in Rocks or hollow Trees. They were clothed in skins, and abstained not from sisters, mothers, daughters. Good Inca Yupanqui (so they used to call him) hearing this, said they were more bound to the Conquest, to the end to civilize them; for therefore our Father the Sun hath sent us. He sent ten thousand men which spent two years, and returned without having effected Invasions of the Incas and S●aniards●●ostrate ●●ostrate. their Design by reason of the ill condition of the Country. Neither had the Viceroy Do● Francis de Toledo any better success in the like attempt. Anno 1572. in which by reason of the badness of the ways unpassable for Mules, his Litter was carried on men's shoulders, whom the Chiribuanas followed with cries threatening to eat them. Such terror they cause to the borderers, that an hundred of them will flee from ten: yet this little conversation with those which the Inca sent, instructed them to leave eating their dead friends, and to dwell in houses in common. The good King Inca Yupanqui after this, proceeded to another purpose of conquering Chili, Chili dis 〈…〉 red. and from Atacama sent Spies to discover it, and the difficulty of the ways; which passed the Deserts and left marks in the way left they should lose it at their return, there being eighty leagues of Wilderness from Atacama to Copayapu, which is a little Province well peopled, from which to Cuquimpu are other eighty leagues unpeopled. These having given advice to the Inca, he sent ten thousand men of war under the command of Sinchiruca with provisions necessary; and after them sent ten thousand others both to succour them, and to terrify the enemy. When words would not persuade the men of Copayapu to receive the command of the Lord of the four Sudued. parts of the World, they came to skirmishes and after to composition, upon the coming of the second Army. The Inca hereupon levied other ten thousand, and sent them to follow the former which marched eighty leagues, and after many troubles came to another Valley or Province called Cuquimpu, which they subdued. And so proceeded conquering all the Nations which are till you come to the Valley of Chili, whereof that whole Kingdom takes the name. This exploit was six years in hand, the Inca still sending fresh supplies of men and provisions of arms, clothes and other necessaries, so that he had fifty thousand men of war in Chili. They went fifty leagues further Southwards to the River of Maulli, still using fair means rather than cruelty B 〈…〉 le at Purumancu. to reduce them. And thus the Empire was advanced above two hundred and sixty leagues beyond Atacama: yet ambition looking further, they passed the River Maulli with twenty thousand men. Three days they fought cruelly till half of both sides were slain: the three days following they were content to sit still in expectation, and after that departed from each other without further accomplishment. Maulli was now the Southern boundary, and the Inca having intelligence sent them word rather to cultivate and order what they had gotten then to seek new Conquests. Thus they fortified the Frontiers and attended the administration Spanish acts in Chi●i. Almagros Discovery. of justice, and building Houses for the Sun and the King. Diego de Almagro was the first Spaniard which discovered Chili, but having purchased nothing but the sight and innumerable troubles in the way, he returned to Peru, which was the cause of the general Rebellion of the Indians of Peru, and of the discords and Civil wars of the Spaniards. Pedro de Valdivia, made the next Discovery, and happily conquered them, but as unhappily P●d● Valdivia. was put to death by the Araucans' his vassals, after he had raised his profits to a hundred thousand Pesoes yearly, which yet did but enlarge his appetite. The Araucans' had assembled twelve or thirteen thousand, notwithstanding which numbers Valdivia still had the better, by reason of the Horsemen, ten of which would break thorough a thousand Indians, which therefore would not deal with the Spaniards in the Plains but kept the Hills. A certain old Captain An old ●●ili Captain his policy, whereby Arauco hath beaten the Spaniards. hearing hereof, would needs go thither to see what that Military mystery might be, that one hundred and fifty men should hold under so many thousands. He called a Council, and asked if the Spaniards were mortal and made of flesh, subject to humane infirmities of weariness and sleep; and likewise of their Horses; which being affirmed, he taught them another course of battle, dividing all their thousands into so many bands single, each of which should fight, and do what they could, and when they were weary should convey themselves away, and give place to another Regiment; meanwhile to recollect themselves into their rank again, and to refresh themselves: so likewise should the second and third and all of them do in their order. Thus they fought and fled, and still seemed to the Spaniards both broken and whole, they having often broken the bands, which yet kept still near the number which they had at first. This troubled them, their bodies and horses yielding to weariness by long continuance from morning till afternoon: and then Valdivia commanded his men that they should recoil by degrees, making a defensive war till they might recover certain Straits, where they might easily by the strength of the place be defended. This was heard by one Philip a Chili Servant of the Governors (by his Indian name, Lautram) who fled to his Countrymen, Philip●etrayeth ●etrayeth his Master. and told them this his Master's intent. Whereupon they sent some Regiments to make good that place, so that about Sunset the Spaniards thinking to secure themselves there, came to the Sunset and irrecoverable night of their Fates. The Governor and a Friar were taken, the rest slain: three Indians fled and carried news of this disaster. Valdivias' death is diversely told; some say that that Philip killed him, some that another Captain did it with a Club whiles others by his promises were won to give him liberty. Francis de Rieros which then was a Captain in Chili, from the reports of Others say, they poured molten gold down his throat. Later accidents in Peru and Chili. Prodigious showers of sand & ashes 1600. They tell also of fearful Earthquakes at Arequepa 1582. See su●. p. 940. 941. Indians, tells that the Chilois made dances all night, at the end of each dance cutting off a piece of the flesh of both their Prisoners and eating it before their faces. Notwithstanding they do not ordinarily eat man's flesh. This was Anno 1553. and ever since the Rebellion hath continued: at which time Don Sebastian rebelled in Potosi and Francis Hernandes Giron in Cozco, Rebellions later than those of the Pizarrists and Almagrists. I might add to these affairs of Chili, the great Earthquakes, A. 1600. in Peru, at Arequepa, the raining of sand, as also of ashes about twenty days from a Vulcan breaking forth; the ashes falling in places above a yard thick, in some places more than two, and where lest above a quarter of a yard, which buried the Corne-grounds of Maiz and Wheat, and the boughs of Trees were broken and fruitless, and the Cattle great and small died for want of pasture. For the sand which reigned covered the fields thirty leagues one way, and above forty another way round about Arequepa. They found their Kine dead by five hundred together in several Herds, and whole Flocks of Sheep and Herds of Goats and Swine buried. Houses fell with the weight of the sand, others cost much industry to save them. Mighty Thunders and Lightnings were heard and seen thirty leagues about Arequepa. It was so dark whiles those showers lasted that at m dday they burned Candles to see to do their business. This from Peru: from Chili they write that the Rebellion of Arauco groweth every day stronger. On Wednesday the four and twentieth A Letter written by a Citizen of jago in Chili. of November 1599 there came in the morning upon the city of Valdivia, about five thousand Indians of the bordering places, and of the places adjoining to Imperial, Pica, and Putem, three thousand horsemen and the rest foot; seventy of them Harcabuse men, and two hundred in coats * Note the Avaucans' arms gotten from the Spaniards. of Mail (Cotas.) They came unperceived, having set double Spials on the city. They came in Squadrons ranked in order; for they knew that the Spaniards were asleep, and had but four men in their Corpse de guard, and to walk the round. They were blinded with their fortune some twenty days before having beaten the Indians from their Fort in Vega, and the Marshes of Paparlen, slaying many that for eight leagues about no Indian durst be seen. Thus entered they the streets of that unhappy city, and fired the houses; then took the gates, and in two hours' space with fire and Sword destroyed the Town, and won the Fort and Artillery, killing four hundred Spaniards of both Sexes; sacked three hundred thousand Pesoes of spoil, consuming all the rest. The ships of Vallano, Villaroell, and another of Diego de Roias', were at anchor in the River, and if some had not escaped in Canoas' to carry them news, they had run the like fortune. The Spaniards severity a little before made them thus cruel, having sold so many of their wives and children for slaves to Merchants, which carried them out of their Countries, being Valdivia destroyed. baptised, and having kept Priests fifty years. Now first, they destroyed the Churches, and bra●e the Images in pieces. Ten days after Colonel Francisco del Campo, came with three hundred men sent from his Excellency from Peru, to succour those Cities. Having seen this lamentable destruction, he went to succour Osorno, and Villarrica, and sad Ymperiall, of which he knew nothing but that it had Ymperiall famished. been besieged a year by the enemies, having nothing to eat but dead Horses, Cats, Dogs, and Hides. But first he succoured Osorno, to which the victorious enemies had gone from Valdivia. News came at the same time, whiles I was writing, that those of Ymperiall were dead with famine, all save twenty whom hunger forced to a worse destiny, to go to the Indians. Lord have mercy on us. Amen. March 1600. from Saint jago. Father Diego de Alcobaza (whom I have before mentioned) writ to me, Anno 1601. that the Indians Another letter 1601. Indians Valour. were grown of such dexterity in wars, that every Indian on horseback with his Lance, durst sally out on any Spanish Soldier, were he never so valiant: and every year many go from Peru thither but none return. They have sacked two Towns, and killed all they found in them, carrying away the women and daughters and servants: and lastly, they killed in an Enboscada the Governor Loyola, which Governor Loyola slain. was married to a daughter of Don Diego Sayritupac the Inca, which went from Viliacapampa, before your Worship went to those parts. God have mercy on the dead, and give remedy to the living. Other things he writ so irksome, that I forbear to recite, as of the plagues of Arequepa, one of which Dearth. was that Wheat was worth that year ten or eleven Ducats, and Maiz thirteen. Anno 1602. the disasters of Arequepa, continued as the Jesuits have written. Anno 1604. Padre Maestro 1604. Francisco de Castro gave me this further Relation of Chili. Of thirteen Cities which are in this Realm of Chili, the Indians have destroyed six, viz. Valdivio, Imperiall, Angol, Sancta Cruz, Six Towns destroyed. Chillan and Conception. They wasted and consumed therein, the Houses, Churches, Devotion, Beantie of the fields; and yet the greatest misery is, that the Indians have gathered heart and courage for greater spoils and destructions of Cities and Monasteries. They have bend their minds to mischief and cunning stratagems. They besieged the City Osorno, and consuming the Spanish forces, they retired to Osorno Fort taken. a Fort in which they have held them as it were in a continual siege, the besieged sustaining themselves with seeds and herbs. In one of the sieges which that City sustained, they broke the Images: in the last they killed the Sentinels, and safely entered and seized the Fort, the Spaniards not perceiving, and whiles they were busy in spoil, the Spaniards came on them, and got from them the women and Nuns. The last Victory of the Indians, was the taking of Villarrica, with great slaughter of Spaniards, firing Villarrica taken. it in four parts. They killed all the Freers of Saint Domingo, Saint Francis, and our Lady of Pity, and the Clergy men: they captived all the women which were many, and of a good account. Now let us return to the Inca Yupanqui, who now determined to cease further invading and conquest, His Realm now extending a thousand leagues. He made many Fortresses and Temples to the Sun, and Nunneries, and Royal Palaces, and Conveyances of water. Especially he bestowed pains on the Fortress of Cozco, for which his Father had brought great store of stones. He visited his Kingdom to see with his eyes the necessities thereof that he might remedy them, which he did with such care, that he merited the surname of Pious. After which he died full of Trophies, having enlarged his Empire so far to the South, and a hundred and forty leagues Northwards. Tupac Inqua Yupanqui his eldest Son succeeded. The Fortress of Cozco which he built may Yupanqui Inca his acts and death. seem a work of Devils rather than men, the stones (or Rocks rather) in three circuits about being so many and great, the Indians having neither Iron nor Steel to cut or work them, nor Oxen, nor Carts to draw them, but all done with force of men with great Cables, and that thorough uneven ways in rough Mountains. Many of them they brought ten, twelve, fifteen leagues, Fortress of Cozco a rare work. particularly that stone which the Indians call Saycusca, that is, wearied, which was brought fifteen leagues, and passed the River Yucay little less than Guadalquivir at Corduba. The most came from Muyna, five leagues off. Many of them are so close, that scarcely the place where they are See sup. 1056. Acostas' Relation. joined can be discerned, which required the lifting up and often settling one stone upon another, having neither Square, nor Rule. Nor could they make Cranes or any sort of Engine to help them. It seems that the Incas thought hereby to express their magnificence and power, and the skill of their workmen. This Fortress was built on a Hill on the Northside of the City, so steep that way that it could not be assaulted, and therefore one wall served on that side two hundred fathoms long. They had no mortar but used a kind of coloured clay faster than it. On the other parts they made three walls one before another, each above two hundred fathoms, in form of a half Moon; there were stones in them, but such as were admirably great. A Priest of Montilla having been in Peru and seen them, told me that he could not imagine how they The wonders of the world not so wonderful as Cozco Fortress. could be laid but by the black Art. And indeed this in respect of the want of Art may be said to exceed the seven Wonders of the World: for it is easy to conceive how the Pyramids of Egypt and walls of Babylon might be made, which here is not. Eu●ry wall in the midst had one gate which had one stone elevated the breadth and height thereof. Betwixt one wall and another was about thirty foot: the battlements were above a yard high. The height I cannot exactly tell. Within those walls were three strong Forts, the middlemost called Moyoc Marca, or the round Fort, in which was a Conduit of good water brought far off under ground, the Indians One round Fort and two square. knew not whence: it was known only to the Inca and some chief Councillors. In this the Kings remained when they went to visit the Fortress, and the walls were all adorned with gold and silver and counterfeits of beasts, and birds, and plants, enchased therein, which served for Tapestry. The second Fort was called Paucar Marca, the third, Sacllac Marca, both square, with Rooms for Soldiers which must be Incas of privilege, for no other Nation might enter, it being the house of the Sun for war, as Temples were for Prayer. The Captain was of House of the Sun for war. the blood Royal legitimate. They had under earth passages from one Fort to another very artificial with Labyrintian windings and turnings inextricable but by a Thread. When I was a Boy I often saw the ruins thereof, but none of us durst enter the Vaults further than we had Labyrinth. Sun-light. The whole work was of stone, some polished, some rude. They had to draw the great Stone Saycusca twenty thousand Indians with Cables, one half before, the other behind; in one uneven passage it killed three or four thousand Indians. They call it wearied, because they were weary Spanish acts. and never laid it in the building. The Architect was Callacunczuy. The Spaniards not only do not repair the Fortress, but pull it down to build their private houses, every of their houses in the City being therewith adorned. In such manner have they cast so great Majesty to the ground. The three walls stand because they cannot ruin them for their greatness, yet some part they demolished to seek the Chain of gold which Huayna Capac made. This Inca began this Fortress which continued fifty years before it was finished. THe Great Tupac Inca Yupanqui (his name Tupac signifieth Resplendent or Illustrious, for such were his Acts) after the accomplishment of solemnities concerning his Father's Funerals, The eigh●h Book. Tupac Inca Yupanqui the 11. King of Peru. and his own Coronation, which consumed one year; visited his Kingdom, the better to know and to be known of his Subjects, and for better execution of justice by his Officers and judges, in which he spent four years. This done, he levied forty thousand Soldiers to proceed in the course of his Fathers, which palliated their ambition of Sovereignty and Dominion, with reducing men from Barbarism and beastiality to Civility and Religion. He marched to Cassamarca, and entered the Province of Chachapuya. Eastwards from Cassamarca, a Country of valiant Cassamarca. men and very fair women. They worshipped Snakes, and the bird Cuntur was their principal God. It then contained above forty thousand Families. Their chief Arms were slings, and they wore a kind of sling-net for their head tire (he calls both by the name honda.) Beyond them are the Huacrachucu a fierce and warly Nation, which wear on their head a black leash of Wool with white flies here and there, and for a feather a piece of a Deeres horn: these worshipped in those times Snakes, and kept them pictured in their Temples and houses. These lay in the way to the former, and much blood was lost in fight on both sides; whereupon the Inca, after their ancient custom, sought to reduce them by fair means, intimating that he came more to do them good as they had done to other Nations, suffering the Curacas to rule still; then to rule over them, seeking no more but that they should worship the Sun, and leave their barbarousness. Huacrachucus subdued. He divided his Army, and sent some to take the most commodious places, so that they were forced to seek peace. He stayed there, the Country being rainy, till the next Summer, and sent for twenty thousand men more, instructing the Huacrachucus mean while in his devotions and Laws, and to convey away the waters, and make the grounds fit for seed to their great benefit. The next Summer he entered the Province Chachapuya, where notwithstanding the wont gentle message he was encountered with a cruel war. This Province was fifty leagues long, and Chachapuya. Muyupampa. twenty broad, reaching to Muyupampa, which is thirty leagues long. The Hills were craggy, and in places very steep and snowy; three hundred which he sent to spy, were drowned in the snow, not one escaping. The prowess and numbers of the Inca brought all by degrees to subjection, Pias, Charmac cassa (an open passage of the snowy Hill, very dangerous where the three hundred were lost) Cuntur Marca, Cassa Marquilla, all Mountainous and craggy places, till he came to Raymipampa, so called of a Feast which he solemnised there to the Sun in his Camp, Raymipampa. being a fair Valley; and thence to Muyupampa, where Ancohualla entered as is before said in Viracochas time, rather than he would be a subject to the Inca; these and Cascuyunca now yielded. The next Summer he marched on to Huancapampa, a great Nation, but divided amongst themselves, naked and warring not for wealth but women, worshipping Birds, Beasts, Plants, Huancapampa. every one as himself pleased. These he tamed by hunger (starving such as came not in) and gave them Masters to instruct them in husbandry, and how to cloth themselves, to water their fields, and to plant Towns, so that it became one of the best Provinces in Peru. More to ennoble it, he after built there a Temple and house of Virgins, prohibiting the eating of man's flesh, and gave them Priests and men learned in the Laws to instruct them. Afterwards he Three civil Provinces subdued. added three great Provinces, Cassa Ayahuaca and Callua to his Signory, which lived civilly, having Towns and Fortresses, and a kind of Republic or free State, having their meetings and choice of Governors. These Conquests ended, he spent long time in visiting his Kingdom, and building Temples, Nunneries, Storehouses, Aqueducts, especially taking care of the Fortress at Cozco. Some years this way spent, he marched Northward to Huanucu, which containeth many Huanacu or 〈◊〉. disunited Nations, whom he easily conquered, and planted Towns there, being a fertile Country, and temperate, making it the chief Province of many others in those Confines. He built Pedrode Cieç● says 3000●. c. 80. h● calls it Guanuco, and saith, there was a Royal hou●e very admirable of great stones cunningly placed; near to which was the Temple, etc. Cannari. Quillacu. Louse-tribute. Cieça cap. 44 p. x calls it Thomebamba, and is large in this point. there a Temple for the Sun, and a house of chosen Virgins, twenty thousand Indians performing services in course to those two houses. He went next to the Province Cannari, which ware their hair long, tied on a knot in the Crown. By these head-tires in the time of the Incas, each Indian was known of what Nation he was; which in my time they continued, but now they say all is confounded. These Cannaris before this worshipped the Moon as chief Deity, and great Trees and Stones in the second place; but now were brought to the Incas Sunne-religion, and their Country ennobled with a Temple, Nunnery, Palaces, Water-passages, etc. The Nation Quillacu is below the Cannari, the most miserable of Nations, neither having good land, nor air, nor water, whence grew a Proverb applied to covetous misers, he is a very Quillacu: on these the Inca imposed a tribute of Lice, that so they might learn to be cleanly. Tupac Inca Yupanqui and his son Huayna Capac much ennobled those Provinces of the Cannaris, and of Tumipampa, with building Royal houses, adorning the Lodgings in stead of Tapestry with counterfeits of Herbs, Plants and Creatures of gold and silver, the Porches chased with Gold and inlaid with Emeralds and Turquesses: a Temple also of the Sun enchased with Gold and Silver, the Indians custom being to make ostentation of service to their Kings, and to flatter them filling their Temples and Palaces with all the treasures they were able (in Pots, Pannes, and other vessels of gold and silver and much costly raiment.) Having returned to Cozco, his ambition not long after brought him back to Tumipampa, where he gained many Provinces unto the confines of the Kingdom of Quitu, viz. Chanchan Moca, Quesna, Pumallacta, (that is, the Land of Lions, by reason of the store there, being also worshipped for Gods) Ticzampi, Tiu cassa, Capampi, See Ci●ça c. 46. Vrcollasu and Tincuracu, barren and barbarous Regions, which he sent Masters to teach Civility and Religion. After that, he made another expedition with forty thousand men to Quitu, Quitu. the name of the Kingdom and King. It is seventy leagues long and thirty broad, fertile and rich. They worshipped Dear, and great Trees. The war continuing long, he sent for his son Huayna Capac to come with twelve thousand men more to exercise him in war. Huayna Capac signifieth from a child rich in magnanimous exploits. Capac was a title given to things of greatest eminence. And this seemed praeeminent in him that he never denied any woman any suit, v●ing to them gentle compellations of Huayna Capacs' bounty to women. Mother, Sister, Daughter, according to their age, etc. Tupac Inca returned to Cozco, and left his son to dispatch the war, which was three years before Quitu was reduced, beside two years which his father spent: the reason whereof was the Incas custom to gain not by fire and sword, but as they could make the Natives forsake it; which had this effect, that their conquest was more durable, and their vassals bore them better affection. At the end of those five Quitu subdued years the King of Quitu●●ed ●●ed, and the people subjected them to Huayna Capac, which used them gently. He passed on to Quillacenca, that is, Iron-nose Province (so called for their boring the Quillacena. nostrils, and wearing jewels thereat) a vile, brutish, lousy People, without Religion, eating any carrion. They were easily subjected, as likewise the next Province of like condition Pastu, and Otavallu a People more civil and warlike, and Caranque a barbarous Nation which worshipped Tigers, and Lions, and great Snakes, in their Sacrifices offering the hearts and blood of men which they overcame in war: these he civilised also. Tupac Inca was busy in his Fortress at Cozco, keeping twenty thousand men at work therein with great order and emulation of each Nation to exceed other. Huayna Capac returning, was received with great triumph,: and because he had no children by his eldest Sister Pillcu Huaco, he was secondly married to his second Sister Rava Ocllo, the Incas still using that marriage in imitation Huayna Capa●● marriages. of Manco Capac, and for certainty of the blood on both sides. King Tupac, and his Council ordained that both should be lawful Wives, and holden for Queens, and not for Concubines. He married also Mama Rucu, his Uncle Amara Tupacs eldest daughter the next in blood to the former, having no third Sister of whole blood. By Rava Ocllo he had Huascar Inca; and by his Cousin-german, Manco Inca. Tupac Inca drawing near to death called together his children (which were above two hundred) and made the wont discourse or Testament, commending Tupa Inca● death and progeny. peace and justice and care of their vassals to them, and to show themselves indeed the children of the Sun: recommending to the Prince, the reducing and conquest of the Savages to the service of the Sun, and a politic life, and to follow the example of his Forefathers, and to chastise the Huallcavilcas which had slain his Captains in rebellion. He said h● was now going to another life, his father the Sun calling him to rest with him. Thus died Tupac Inca, famous for the benefits done to his Country, therefore called Tupac Yaya, Illustrious Father. By Mama Ocllo he had six sons; the eldest, Huayna Capac: the second, Auqui Amaru Tupac Inca; the third, Quehuar Tupac; the fourth, Huallpa Tupac Inca Yupanqui (my mother's grandfather;) the fi●th, Titu Inca Rimachi; the sixth, A●qui Mayta. They embalmed his body which I saw Anno 1559. as if it had been alive. The rest of this eighth Book the Author hath spent in description of the creatures of principal note of those parts, in which out of Acosta, and others having been tedious already, we will not here trouble the Reader. THe mighty Huayna Capac, after other things set in order, having a son (Huascar) borne, for whom he made twenty days feast; began to propound great and rare devices to himself. The ninth Book. Huayna Capac the twelfth. One was a Chain of gold, much sought but never seen by the Spaniards. The Indians use much dancing, and are as easily distinguished one Nation from another by their dances, as by their head-tires. The Incas had a grave kind of dancing in measures, men alone without women, hand in hand, singing in their soft paces, three hundred or more in a solemn feast, the Inca himself sometimes dancing with them: at other times they danced about, still coming nearer to that Royal centre. This holding of hands in a ring gave occasion to make the golden Chain, that they might dance by it without touching hands, as I have heard the forementioned old Inca, (my mother's Uncle) discourse. He told me that it contained the length and A gold chain of incredible length and greatness. breadth of the great street of Cozco, which is seven hundred foot, and the bigness of every link thereof was (he said) as big as his wrist. Augustin de Zarate calls it Maroma, a Cable, from the report of Indians then living, and saith, it was as much as two hundred Indians could lift) Much have the Spaniards sought for this and other treasures, whereof they could never find any foot-print. Prince Ynti Cusi Huallpa (that was his name before, and signifieth Huallpa the Sun Huascar as Roper. of rejoicing) was in memory of that which was made to honour his birth called Huascar, an r added to Huasca (which signifieth a Rope, their Language not differencing a Chain from a Rope) by which addition Huascar might be without signification, and avoid the ill sound of a Rope, which was added to his former name at his waning and polling Feast, when he was two years old. After that he levied forty thousand Soldiers, and went to Quitu, in which Voyage he Atahuallpas mother. Further conquests. took for his Concubine the eldest daughter of King Quitu aforesaid, which was there kept in the House of the chosen, or Nunnery; and by her had Atahuallpa, and other children. Thence he went to the Plains, and made conquest of the Valley of Chimu (now Trugillo) and Chacma, Pacasmayn, Canna, Collque, Cintu, Tucmi, Sayanca, Mutupi, Puchiu Sallana, bestowing much cost to convey water, and benefit his new conquests. After some time spent at Quitu, he Valleys in the Plains subdued. levied another Army of fifty thousand, and conquered Tumpiz (a vicious, luxurious People, and Sodomitical, which adored Tigers and Lions, and sacrificed the hearts and blood of Men) and Chunana Chintuy, Collonche, and other confining places. He made a fair Fortress in Tumpiz, and set there a Garrison: he built a House of the Sun, and another of Virgins: and after Tumpiz or Tumbez subdued. Huancavilca punished. that entered into the Province Huancavillca, which had killed those Masters which his Father Tupac Inca Yupanqui had sent to instruct them. He commanded all the Curacas to come before him, which durst do no other, with all the chief men, to whom one of the Masters of the Camp made a Speech of their treason and bad demerits: Notwithstanding the Inca using his natural clemency, and making account of his title Huacchacuyac (The benefactor or lover of the Huacchacuyac a title of the Incas. poor) both pardoned all the common people, and would so far remit the better sort which had been doers in that business, that though all had deserved death, yet one only of ten whom the lot should design to execution, should die: and of the Curacas, and Captains, each should lose two teeth in the upper jaw, and as many in the lower, both they and their descendants, in memory of falsifying their promise to his father. They which feared that all should pass the sword were content, and the whole Nation would needs both men and women participate in that tooth-losse, and did likewise to their sons and daughters, as if it had been a favour. One Tooth-rite. of that Nation I knew in my father's house at Cozco, which largely recounted the premises. The Inca spent much time in visiting his Kingdom from Quitu to Charcas, above seven hundred leagues, and sent Visitors to Chili, whence his father had drawn much Gold. This done, he raised an Army of fifty thousand men of the Northern Provinces, and having visited the Temple of Pachacamac, and caused the Priests to consult with the Oracle, which promised prosperity to his designs, and the l●ke at Ramac; he passed thorough those Valleys to Tumpiz, and sent to the Island Puna, twelve leagues in compass, the Lord whereof was called Tampalla, a man 1. Puna subjected. Their treason. which kept many women and boys for his lust; besides the Sea, their common Deity, they worship Tigers and Lions, and sacrificed the heart and blood of Men: These received the Incas commands, but after killed and threw overboard his men as they were conveying them to the Continent, and sacrificing some of them, which the Inca severely revenged, both on them, and on their confederates in the Continent, and commanded them to keep the memory of that dismal execution in mournful songs; enjoining them to obey his Governor which kept the Fortress of Tumpiz. From Tumpiz he proceeded in visitation of his Kingdom to the Chichas, with Di●ry songs. intent to do the like in the Southern part, and sent Presents fine garments to the Governors, Curacas, Captains and Royal Officers, according to the custom of the Incas. But hearing that the Chachapuyas were in rebellion (to whom he sent Messengers, which received ill usage and answers) he made a Bridge, and marched over the River, and came to Cassa marquilla, with purpose to destroy them. The people not being able to hold out, fled into the Mountains, and others more wisely knowing his gentle disposition, procured a Matron of their Country, which had been Concubine Chachapuyas rebellion and pardon. to Tupac Inca Yupanqui to meet him with a multitude of feminine supplicants, which so well played her pitiful part in a persuasive speech seconded with cries and lamentations of that chorus of women, that the Yuca relented, taking her up from the ground, called her Mamanchic (our mother) granted her request, and gave her commission to make an end of the business, sending some unarmed Incas with her to that purpose. The Chachapuyas in remembrance Thankfulness. of this fact encompassed the place where she had met the Inca, with three walls, not permitting the foot of man or beast to touch so holy ground: the uttermost wall of clay, the second of stone unpolished, the inmost of polished stone, which the covetousness of the Spaniards overthrew, as they did other the best buildings, to search for treasure. Huayna Capac went to Manta (in which Country stands the Port which the Spaniards call Marta. Puerto Vieco. Their foolish deuctions. Puerto Uteio) which worshipped the Sea and Fishes, Tigers, Lions, and great Snakes, and amongst other things a great Emerald, which they say, was little less than an Ostriches egg. In their greater Feasts they showed it publicly; the Indians came from far to adore it, and sacrifice to it, and to present it with small Emeralds, as daughters to the mother; the Priests and Cacike, telling them that this was the most agreeable offering. Thus were many Emeralds gathered here together, where Don Pedro de Aluarado and his companions (one of which was my father Garcilasso de la Vega) found them in the conquest of Peru, and broke most of them on an Anvil, saying (like bad Lapidaries) that if they were precious stones they would not break with the greatest blows, and if they broke they were but Glass. But their goddesse-Emerald Emeraldgoddesse a huge gem, the Indians had conveyed away before, neither could it since be found by any industry. The people of Manta were open and shameless Sodomites, and in their marriages the Bridegroom's kinsmen and friends had first handsel of the Spouse. They flayed the Captives which they took in War, and filled the skins with ashes, and hanged them up at the doors of their Temples, and in their feasting and dancing places. These with the Apichiqui, Pichunsti, Sava, and other Nations confining on the Coast, he subjected. These were more brutish than the Mantans, and not only razed their faces with stones, but deformed their children with laying one board on the forehead, and another in the neck, so keeping them in press from day to day, till they were four or five years old, to make them broad-faced, shaving away the hair of the crown Platter-faced; and neck, and letting it grow on the sides, making it curl and bush out to more monstrosity. From these he went to Saramissu and Passau, under the Equinoctial Line, where they worshipped Barbarous people. nothing at all, and had neither Town nor House, but lived in hollow Trees, went naked, used women in common, neither did their lusts stay there; had their faces quartered into four colours, yellow, azure, particoloured and black, their hair, long, curled and full of filth, (I saw them with mine eyes when I came for Spain) and are the savagest people that can be imagined. Huayna Capac would none of them, but said, let us return, for those are not worthy to have us to be their Lord. The Indians have a tradition that at the Point of Saint Elena Giants. See sup in Acosta. pag. 1002. etc. there came in Boats of Rushes, huge Giants higher than common men from the knees upwards, their eyes as big as Saucers, and other members proportionable; they had no women with them, and were clothed in beasts skins, or naked. They settled themselves there, and digged Wells admirably deep in the Rock, yielding very cool water. One of them did eat more than fifty men; and were forced to get fish for their diet. They killed the women of the Country in using them; were great Sodomites, and were therefore at last by fire from Heaven consumed, leaving only some bones of them as memorial, which have been, and still are there found. Anno 1550. there were as great bones found at Mexico. In this Point of Saint Elena, near to Puerto Uteio, are certain Fountains of pitchy substance fit to calk ships, boiling Bituminous Springs. out very hot. Huayna Capac one Raymi or Feast day of the Sun, looked up to the Sun, which the high Reverence to the Sun. Priest, one of his Uncles, told him was unlawful. But soon after he looked up again, and again was reproved by the Priest: but he answered, Answer me to these questions; I am your Lord, and which of you dares bid me rise and go a long journey? None, said he, would be so mad. And if any the greatest Curaca be commanded by me to go from hence to Chili, will he not do it? The Priest answered, that none would disobey him in any thing. Why then I say (said the Inca) that Wife apophthegm. See sup. 1028. our Father the Sun must needs have a greater and mightier Lord than himself, which commands him every day to take such a journey: for if he were a superior Lord, he would some time or other rest himself. The Caranques rebelled and were severely chastised, and 2000 of them beheaded in a Lake, * Caranques rebel. 〈…〉 a saith 20000. perhaps including all which were slain in the wa●re. Atabuall●a put in posi●ssion. of Quitu, and other Provinces subdued by his f●th●r. and rherefore called Yahuarcocha, or Sea of blood. After this, with much grief that he was forced to such sharp medicines, he went to Quitu, and finding his Son Atahuallpa, witty, wise, warlike, and comely of personage (as usually were the Incas and Pallas) he much affected him, and still would have him about him, and so handled the matter, that with consent of his Brother Huascar, he set him in possession of the Kingdom of Quitu, and other Provinces, giving-him experimented Captains and part of his Army, the better to secure himself, and to pacify the vnsettled new-gained Provinces in his Father's life time, to that end transplanting Nations from one Region to another. Huayna Capac made two famous Royal ways, the one alongst the Hills within Land, the other by the Seaside. From Cozco to Quitu are five hundred leagues by the Sierras, rocky and craggy way, which he made plain, breaking down the high, and exalting the low places sometimes fifteen or twenty stades or man's heights, that a Cart might have gone on them till the wars of the Indians and Christians much endamaged them. By the Plains he made another High way works greater than the world's seven wonders o● A 〈…〉 s Alpe-way. Spanish Ship. of less difficulty, making mud-wals to hold in the way, forty foot broad with a high causey both in the Valleys, and in the sands, driving stakes therein to know the way which is there so movable and changeable, the like space of 500 leagues. B●●ied in these affairs and great works he had news of the Spaniards (those which Basco Nunez de Balboa first discoverer of the South Sea, had sent upon discovery 1515. who, as before is said, imposed the name Peru) which filled him with wonder and care. He lived after this in peace eight years, and died Anno 1523. having ●aigned two and forty years, not minding the prosecuting of further conquests after he had heard of the Spanish Ship, by reason of a Prophecy or ancient Oracle which the Incas had, that after so many Kings a strange Nation should come Prophecies and and destroy their Kingdom and Idolatry. Three years before that Ship was seen, as they were celebrating the Sun's festival solemnity, an Eagle Royal, which they call Anca, pursued five or six kistrels and as many small hawks, which set upon the Eagle and beat her, so that having Prodigies foresignifying the l●ss● of the Incas Empire. no way to escape, she fell in the market place amongst the Incas, as seeking help at their hands. They took her and did what they could to relieve her; but within few days she died; an augury seeming to presage some disaster to that state. There were also greater earthquakes than the ordinary (to which Peru is usually subject) and the Sea often swelled over the shores; the air no less terrified them with comets. The Moon in a clear night had three circles round about her very great, one of blood, the middlemost black, the utmost of smoke. Llayca a diviner 〈◊〉 a diviner. told the Inca; Only Lord, know that thy mother the Moon adviseth thee that Pachacamac threateneth the royal blood, and to send great plagues on thine Empire; the first circle signifying the bloody war which shall follow when thou art gone to rest with thy Father the Sun, betwixt thy posterity, that in few years it shall altogether fail: the second shows the destruction of our Religion and republic and alienation of thy Empire, which shall turn all into smoke as is signified by the third circle. Inca was troubled, but put it off saying, thou hast dreamt those fooleries last night, and sayest my Mother hath sent me such intelligence. But the Soothsayer answered, he might see it with his own eyes, and consult with other diviners, which he did, and found the same sight and answer; he yet made seem not to believe, saying he did not believe the Sun would permit that to happen to his progeny. He offered notwithstanding many Sacrifices to him, and appointed the Soothsayers in all parts to consult with their several Oracles, especially with Pachacamac and Rimac, whose answers were obscure and doubtful. These things I heard of two Captains of Huayna Capacs' guard, than eighty years old, and baptised, speaking hereof with tears, Don juan Pechuta, and Chauca Rimachi, as also of Cusihuallpa that old Inca, and of my Mother and her Brother Don Fernando Huallpa Tupac Inca. Huayna Capac one day bathing himself came forth cold, and found himself deadly sick, made a testamental discourse, saying, that he was now going to heaven to rest with his Father the Huayna Capacs' sickness and last will, or speech before his death. Sun, which called him out of the bath, ever since which time he was so indisposed of body: when I am dead you shall bury my body as is used to be done with Royal bodies, my heart and entrails in Quitu, in token of the love which I bear it; my body you shall carry to Cozco to lay it with my ancestors. I commend you to my Son Atahuallpa whom I so much love, who remaineth for Inca in my place in this Kingdom of Quitu, and in all the rest which he shall conquer by arms to augment his Empire. And for you the Captains of my army, I charge you in particular to serve him with that fealty & love which you owe to your King, in all and every thing doing what he shall command you, which shall be the same that I shall reveal to him by order of our Father the Sun. I likewise commend unto you justice and clemency towards the Vassals, that the Title of Lover of the poor given unto us, be not lost; and that in every thing you do like the Incas, Sons of the Sun. Having made this speech to his children and kinsmen, he called the rest of the Captains and Curacas which were not of the blood royal and gave them in charge fealty and service due to their King, and at last concluded: It is many years since that by revelation of our father the Sun, we hold that when twelve Kings are passed of his Sons, there shall The Prophecy of the Incas Empire. come a new and unknown people into those parts, and shall gain and subject to their Empire all our Kingdoms and many others. I suspect that they shall be of those whom we know to have gone alongst the coast of our Sea: they shall be a valiant Nation which every way shall exceed you. We well know that in me is complete the number of twelve Incas. I certify you that a few years after my departure from you, that new Nation shall come and fulfil that which our Father the Sun hath spoken, and shall gain our Empire and rule over it. I command you that ye obey and serve them as men which every way shall have advantage of you: whose Law shall be better than ours, and their arms more mighty and invincible than yours. I leave you in peace, for I go to rest with my Father the Sun which calls me. All this the Indians held in great veneration, and fulfilled every jot thereof. I remember that one day that old Inca speaking in presence of my Mother, and rehearsing these things, and the Cusihuallpa his comment on that speech. Spaniards entrance, and their conquest: I asked him how, their Country being so rough, their people so warlike, and their number so many, they lost their Empire to so few Spaniards. He answering me, repeated the foretelling or prophesy of the Spaniards aforesaid, and said that the Inca had commanded them to obey and serve them, for every way they should have the advantage of them. And for that objection of cowardice, he answered me. These words which our Inca said unto us, being the last that ever he spoke to us, were more powerful to subject us and quite our Empire, than the arms which thy Father and his companions brought into this Land. Thus died Huayna Capac; Huayna Capacs' death. his body was embalmed, and carried to Cozco; his heart interred in Quitu. His funeral solemnities and mourning continued a year, according to the custom of the Inca Kings. He left above Indians hate to Atahuallpa for causes following. two hundred sons and daughters; some Incas affirm above three hundred to exaggerate the cruelty of Atahuallpa, which slew them almost all: who therefore was so odious, that the Spaniards having put him to death, were thought men sent from their God the Sun to take vengeance on the destroyer of his seed. And when they brought Cocks and Hens with them Cock conceit, whrreby it appeareth that they had no Cocks before in Peru. into Peru, they hearing the Cocks crowing said, that in perpetual infamy of that tyrant and abominable memory of his name, they pronounced it in their crowing, saying Atabuallpa, and would answer the Cocks crowing with reckoning the name Atahuallpa: wherein the children imitated them in those times, so that if they had heard a Cock crow, they would recrow in like tune the name of Atuhallpa: a thing which I myself and other boys my Schoolefellowes, children of Spaniards by Indian women have often done, together with the Indian children. They named likewise on such occasion his principal Captains, whose names were of so many syllables, Challcuchima, Quilliscacha and Ruminnavi. The Spaniards thought they did this for his honour, saying the Cocks made this honourable mention of him: so Blas Valera writeth, which received it of the Indians of Quitu his natural subjects, which applied to a good mention that which those of Cozco devised in evil, for his cruelties there done. Huayna Capac being dead, his two Sons Huascar and Atahuallpa reigned quietly for the space Huascar the thirteenth, and last Inca Emperor. of four or five years, one in Cozco, the other in Quitu. After which Huascar began to think with himself that he had done ill in consenting to his father in the matter of Quitu, which now was his brothers; whereby he was barred up also from further conquests; the other three ways being locked up by the Antis, the Sea and Chili; so that his brother might by new conquests make himself greater than he: and whereas now his stile was Capa Inca (only Lord) in time, the other might both equal and exceed him. These things more and more troubling him, he Huascars' message to Atabuallpa. sent a Messenger to his brother, saying; that by the ancient constitution of the first Inca Manco Capac, the Kingdom of Quitu, and all the Provinces which he possessed, belonged to the crown and Empire of Cozco, which howsoever he had quitted to him upon his Father's command, yet was it more by force then justice, being to the loss of the crown and prejudice of the successors; and therefore neither aught his Father to command it, nor was he obliged to fulfil it. Yet seeing he had given consent, he was content upon these two conditions; first that he should add nothing to his Empire; secondly, that he should do him homage and fealty, as his vassal and feudatory. Atahuallpa received this message with great humility and seeming submission, and three days after returned answer, that in his heart he had always reknowledged vassalage; being returned to the Inca by Post, he was much Hisanswer and pretended humility. content, sending reply, that he again confirmed that estate to his Brother conditionally, that by such a time he should make his personal homage at Cozco. Atahuallpa answered he was a happy man to understand such the Incas pleasure, that he would do it by the time set him; but for greater solemnity, he did beseech his Majesty to give him leave that all the Provinces of his estate should come with him to celebrate in Cozco the obsequies of Huayna Capac his Father, with rites agreeable to those of Quitu and the other Provinces, which ended, he and his would do their due homage. All this did Huascar grant, and Atahuallpa made use of to his project of sovereignty. He sent proclamation to all his Provinces, that all men serviceable should in such a space make ready to Atahuallpa levieth forces to assault Huascar under pretèce of obsequies to Huayna Capac. go to Cozco to celebrate his Father's obsequies, and to perform the homage to the Monarch Huascar Inca, and that therefore they should set forth in their best ornaments and bravery for greater solemnity. But privily he sent to his Captains to levy the best Soldiers which should carry their arms closely; for he more minded executions than exequys. He commanded them ●o march in bands, five or six hundred together, one band two or three leagues after the other: and when they came within ten or twelves days journey of Cozca, that they should join together, the last doubling their journeys to overtake the former. In this manner Atahuallpa sent above 30000. men, most of them old Soldiers of his Fathers, with choice Captains, and appointed two Camp-masters or Generals, Challcuchima and Quizquiz. Huascar relying on the loyalty Huascars' security. of his Subjects, and his Brothers fair promises, not only suspected no treason, but provided them necessaries. Atahuallpa used this dissimulation, knowing himself of unsufficient power to war openly on his brother. But some of the experimented Governors and Captains, as they passed, could not but resent and disgust this course; and signified so much to the Inca, who thus awakened out of his dream, sent to gather forces in the South parts and East and West: to Chinchasuyu he sent not, which were the best Soldiers, because of these forces marching thorough their Country. The other through long peace were unaccustomed to arms, of which were levied above Se●o medicina ●aratur. 30000. the rest being too remote for a sudden business. Atahuallpas men passed the River Apurimac without contradiction, and embattelled themselves in three squadrons, so marching to Villacunca within six leagues of Cozco. He himself abode still in the confines of his Kingdom, there to observe the success of this battle, wherein he placed his chief trust, by reason of the negligence of the other side, & the courage of his old soldiers. These thought the shortest way the surest, before more forces might be assembled by The battle betwixt Atahuallpas men and Huascar. Huascar taken. Huascar, and within two or three leagues Westwards from the City was the battle fought, in which one side fought to get, the other to keep the Inca, whose unhappy fate made him prisoner to Atahuallpas men as he was fleeing thence with 5000. which were all in manner slain in presence, some by the enemies, some by themselves seeing their Lord prisoner. Many also not willing to enjoy liberty after he was taken, offered themselves prisoners. They set a sure guard about the Emperor's person, and sent to proclaim his taking thorough all the Empire, lest other forces should come to his succour; sending word also to their Master Atahuallpa. He used his victory most cruelly; for dissembling that he would restore Huascar to the Kingdom, he summoned Atahualpas cruelty and dissimulation. all the Incas in the Empire, and all the Rulers and Officers to appear at Cusco by such a day, to capitulate on certain Articles to be observed betwixt the two Kings, that they might live together in love like brethren. Thus all the Incas, except those whom sickness, age, or remoteness hindered, came thither, whom Atahuallpa caused to be put to diverse and cruel deaths. For he knowing that he was not of the Incas blood legitimate, that is, by the C●ya or sister of the King, nor yet of the whole blood, so to challenge the inheritance by Father and Mother, Ill conscience fearful, and therefore tyrannically cruel. removed these rubs out of the way of his ambition; yea all those who were of the half blood, though further from claim, yet lest they might imitate his example, he caused also to be slain. Not contenting himself with the death of his two hundred brethren and sisters, the children of Huayna Capac, he proceeded to the Uncles, Cousins, and all, whether legitimate or bastards: some he caused to be beheaded, some hanged, some were cast into Rivers with weights at their necks, some cast from high precipices. All which were done before he had passed Sausa, ninety leagues off the City. Yea they brought forth Huascar to see these dismal executions, that he might dye in the death of every of his kinsmen. The Curacas Captains and Nobility they brought forth being the rest of the prisoners bound, to the Valley of Sacsahuana, and made a long lane of them, thorough which they made poor Huascar to pass covered with mourning weeds, and having a roapeabout his neck: they seeing their Inca in this case, fell down with cries to do him reverence, and were therefore s●●ine with Ha●chets and Clubs before his fa●e. After this the cruelty passed to the women and children o● the blood royal, Atahuallpa commanding to take them all (but those in the house of Virgi●s) which were brought to the field Yahuarpampa, or bloody field, a name confirmed by the cruel executions, by starving, hanging, and diversified See of it in Vi●acoch●. tortures on that tender sex, and innocent age. E●ery quarter of the Moon they renewed these cruelties, from which some were yet suffered to escape, of which number were my Mother and her Brother then eleven years of age or under, which they sent away in disguised habits of the common people; for all degrees might they be known by their habit. Of the Auquis or Infants Royal which escaped, were Paullu and Titu the Sons of Huayna A Catalogue of the posterity of the Incas. Capac. Don Carlos the son of Paullu, married with a Spanish woman, by whom he had Don Melchior Inca, which in the year 1602. came into Spain to receive rewards promised for the services of his Father and Grandfather in the pacification of Peru, Anno 1604. I received a letter Don Melchior next in blood kept in Spain. At 〈…〉 son and second daughters. His whol● posterity wasted. of Valladolid that he was allowed 7500. Ducats of revenue in the City of Kings, and that he must bring his wife to Spain, that the Indians which are his inheritance shall be set over to the Crown, and that he shall no more pass to the Indies. This is the chief of the blood of the Incas, by the male line descended of Huayna Capae. Of Ataruallpa I knew one Son and two Daughters, one of which Donna Angelina by marquis Piçarro had a Son called Don Francisco, he died a little before I came ●o Spain: the next day, before his burial many Incas came to my Mothers, and amongst others her old Uncle, who said that Pachacamac had preserved him many years to see an end of all his enemies; and instead of mourning much, reioyeed; whereof I demanded the reason why we should be glad for the death of our Kinsman? he biting his ma●●le (which with them is a token of grea● a●ger) said, What, wouldst thou be the kinsman of an Auca, son of an Auca (that is, a tyrant traitor) which destroyed our Empire, killed our Inca, consumed our blood and lineage, which did so many cruelties so differing from the nature of the Incas? I could eat him raw without sauce now he is dead: for his Father the traitor Atahuallpa was not the son of Huayna Capac our I●ca, but son of Q●i●u Indian, which with his mother wrought treason to our King; otherwise he would never have done, no not imagined such things to his enemies, much l●sse to his kindred, say not therefore, he is our kinsman, thou wrong'st thy kindred to reckon to it so cruel a tyrant, etc. This Francisco whiles he lived, seeing the hatred which the Incas, and all 〈…〉 he Indian's bore Hatred of thè Incas and Indians to Atahuallpas Son. him, had little to do with them, and came little abroad, they still calling him Auca. His Father destroyed the Officers and Servants of the King's house, and the Towns whereof they were, being by Manco Inca privileged Incas, of some a third, of others a fifth or a tenth part. He named also and committed great mischiefs on the Cannaries, & slew 70000. of them, because they would not subject themselves to him at the beginning of his rising, whereby there were said to remain fifteen times as many women as me●. In the end of the year 1603. the Incas of Peru writ to Don Melchior Carlos Inca, and to me, ●all their names desiring us to make supplication to his Majesty, to command that they should Miscrable state of the Incas in Peru. be exempted from tributes which they paid, and other vexations which they suffer no less than other common Indians. They sent painted in white Chia taffeta the Tree royal from Manco Capac to Huaina Capacs' son Paullu, in their ancient habit, with the coloured ribbon of their heads, and earrings in their ears, with Partisans instead of Sceptres in their hands. Their phrase was much mixed with Spanish, for now they are all Spaniolized. They rehearse much miseries Tree Royal of Incas and their posterity living in April 1603. of their life, for which cause I do not here record it. They write with much confidence that the King would not only relieve them, if he were made acquainted, but reward them, as the posterity of Kings. At the side of every King's picture they set those of his posterity, with the title Capac Ayllu, or the Royal stock, distinguishing each King's descendants. Of Manco Capacs' posterity there remain 40. Incas: of Sinchi Roca 64. of Lloque Yupanqui 63. of Capac Yupanqui 56. of Mayta Capac 35. of Inca Roca 50. of Yahuar Hnacac 51. of Viracocha Inca 69. of Pachacutec and his Son Yupanqui put together 99 of Tupac Inca Yupanqui 18. of Huayna Capac 22. These two last generations (as nearer the Crown) Atahuallpa with great diligence destroyed. The whole sum is 567. persons, all descended by the male line; for of the female they made no such account, except they were Sons of the Spaniards which conquered the Land; for those they call Incas also, believing that they descended of their god the Sun. This writing was signed by eleven Incas, agreeing to the eleven descents, each for all of his race. CHAP. XIIII. The supplement of the History of the Incas, briefly collected out of the Authors second part, or General History of Peru. THus have we run thorough the Author's first part, or Commentaries Royal, of the original and lives of the Incas. In his second part, entitled the General History of Peru, he relates the Spanish Acts, Discoveries, and conquests there; part of which in Benzo, Vaz, and others ye have seen already, and the Spanish Authors have related the same at large. I will briefly touch a few things to perfect this friar Vincents speech to Atahuallpa. our story of the Incas. In the taking of Atahuallpa he relateth at large the Oration of friar Uincent de valle viridi. First, touching God, his creation of the world, and of man. Secondly, Touching Adam's sin and Christ's redemption on the Crosse. Thirdly, his power given Note the latter part of this Friar's Oration: for which cause I have inserted it at large. to the Apostles, and over them and all Christians to Peter and his successor the Pope. Fourthly, the Pope's gift of all those Countries to the Emperor, Lord of the world, to the end to bring them to the Christian faith. Fifthly, the Emperor's authorising Francis Pizarro as his Ambassador and Lieutenant, that those Realms might receive that benefit, and that he might begin alliance and confeder acie betwixt the Emperor's Majesty and the Inca, in such sort that his whole Kingdom should become tributary, and the Inca become his subject and wholly deliver up his Kingdom and renounce the administration thereof, as other Kings and Lords have done. Secondly, after such peace and friendship, and subjection voluutary or by force, he was to give obedience to the Pope, and receive the faith of Christ, quite abandoning his superstition of Idols, invented by the Devil. All which, O King, thou art to take well in worth as being very profitable to thee and thine: and if thou deniest, know that thou shalt be compelled by war, fire and bloodshed, and all thine Idols shall be thrown down to the ground. And we will constrain thee with the Sword, that leaving thy false Religion whether thou wilt Strange Preaching of Christianiti●. or no, thou shalt receive our Catholic Faith and pay Tribute to the Emperor giving up thy Kingdom to him. But if thou shalt obstinately resist, know for most certain, God will suffer, as of old Pharaoh and all his Army perished in the Red Sea, that thou likewise and thine Indians shall be destroyed by our Arms. This Oration was kept by the tradition of Quipu● (or Quippos) which are the knot-records of Cassamarca where the deed was done: the words of trinity and other Christian Mysteries were not well understood, and therefore ill delivered by the Interpreter: that language still wanting proper terms for them, and being forced to Indianize Spanish words for that purpose. Atahuallpas answer was, with great grief for those last words, of Pharaoh and destruction, saying, A●●huallpas answer. Atac (an interjection of sorrow) and first complained of his Interpreter, and that this minacing message was contrary to the former which they had sent him; that their Prince and they might seem tyrants so to go about destroying the world, killing and robbing those which had done them no wrong: or else that they might seem the servants of Pachacamac which had sent them to their destruction; which if it be so, he and his were ready to offer themselves to whatsoever pleased them, not for fear of their minaces or arms, but to fulfil his father Huayna Capacs' command at the hour of his death, that they should serve a bearded Nation more valiant than they, which was to come and bring them a better Law and Customs. But if this be so, Pachacamac is pitiful and merciful, whom they ought to imitate, and not to begin with robberies and cruelties as they had done in Tumpiz, and the confines. It seemed strange, he said, to him, that the Emperor should be Lord of the World, and yet the Pope should make him a new grant; and then also is the Pope greater than he, and Lord of the world. Again he had showed no reason why he should pay tribute only to Charles; which rather he thought was due to God, as Creator, or to Adam the first man, or to Christ the best man, or to the Pope which hath power to give his Kingdom and person to another, of all which he in his speech had discoursed. And if he had any right over him, it had been meet, fi●st to have signified it to him, before menacing of war, fire, and slaughter, etc. The Spaniards impatient of this long discourse fell to rifling the Indians, others to robbing an Idol Temple of the Silver plates; and coming forth to fight, the Indians raised a great shout. But the Inca with a great voice commanded Easy victory an● cruel Spaniards which kill ●o m●ny not resisting. that they should not smite nor hurt the Spaniards, though they took or killed the King. friar Uincent made a plausible Speech to the Spaniards, in favour of the Indians; but they could not hear him for the cry: neither did the King cast the Book on the ground, or the Friar cry vengeance * So they which were there, and Gom●ra, Benzo, hearer, etc. but the later Inquifi●ors seem ashamed of Vincents fu●ie. , as some have written, with other things against the Pope and the death of Christ. Five thousand Indians were slain, and no Spaniards hurt, but the General by one of his own, slightly, in the taking of Atahuallpa. When he had agreed on his ransom, which was never wholly paid, for want of time to accomplish it * See contra. cap. ult. Huascars' promises to the Spaniards. Huascar slain. : (4605670. Ducats of it came in) Soto and Barco were sent to Cozco, which at Sausa in the way had sight of Huascar, there kept prisoner; who by signs desired aid of the Spaniards to restore him to his Empire, promising three times as much as Atahuallpa had done, better able to perform it, as having and knowing where to fetch the treasures of his progenitors: whereas Atahuall●a had little treasure but what he took from Churches. They answered, t●at they must first go to Cozco whither they were sent: and in the mean time Atahuallpa had intelligence of these passages. He subtly to sound the Spaniards, how they would take the death of his brother, feigned himself very sorrowful for that he had heard one of his Captains had killed him, and refused to eat, making show of much grief. Pizarro comforted him, and promised to right and revenge the evil on him which had done it. He seeing that Pizarro took it in no worse part, sent a speedy Post to dispatch him so suddenly, that the Spaniards could not tell but that it had been done before. His own death followed after (as before is recited, a●d Huascar at his death foretold) by the unjust justice of the Spaniards, many of which protested by word Atahuallpa slain. and writing against that cruelty, in vain. His corpse were carried to Quitu to be interred, where under pretence of more honourable Obsequies, Ruminnavi one of his Captains (following his Ruminnavia cruelties. examples) wrought a great treason; made a feast to Q●illiscacha brother of Atahuallpa, and other great men, whom having made drunk unawares with the drink Sora, a heady liquor forbidden by Law, he siue, with Challcuchima the General, and the Sons and Daughters of Atahuallpa, and all that might stand in the way of his ambition. He buried alive the Chosen Virgins, which smiled at his reports of the Spaniards (interpreting it to lust, being done rather to please him) causing to undermine and cut the Hills to execute that dismal fate more terribly. After some bicker with the Spaniards, he fled to the Antis, and there perished miserably. Manco Inca Brother of Huascar, came to the Spaniards at Cozco, to demand the repossession Manco Inca. The Incas began and ended with Manco; as the Empire of Rome with Augustus and Augustu●u●, and of Constantinople with two 〈…〉 onstantines. of the Empire, by inheritance due to him. They made him fair semblance: and he offered to promote the Gospel (according to his Father's testament, as a better Law) and the Spanish affairs. Articles were agreed on, and they granted him a Diadem with great solemnity, bu● so far short of the wont, that the old men cried as fast for the want of that, as the young boys shouted for joy of this. When afterwards he propounded the accomplishment of those Articles which had been made betwixt the Spaniards and the Indians, that the Naturals might live in quiet, and know what service to perform to the Spaniards, with the real restitution of his Empire: the Governor Pizarro, and his brethren excused themselves by the broils and stirs which had grown amongst themselves, which hither to permitted not the accomplishment. They further expected answer from the Emperor their Lord, of whom he might hope for all good, (the Articles being good for both parts) to whom they had given account of the capitulations, his brother Hernando being shortly to return with answer. But when he was arrived at Tumpiz, the Marquess took occasion to rid himself of the Incas importunity, and with many fair words entreated him to return to his Fortress till things might be perfected: which he doing, they held him there Prisoner, fearing his haughty courage. The Indians seeing their Inca Prisoner, Manco imprisoned. were much grieved, but he comforted them, saying, that he and they ought to obey the Spaniards, for so Huayna Capac had commanded in his Testament, and that they should not be weary till they had seen the last issue of these things. He hoped that this his imprisonment would turn into greater liberality with him, these Utracochas being a Nation comen from Heaven. The marquis dismissed himself of the Inca, whose person and guard he commended to his brethren juan and Gonzalo, and went to the City of Kings, to people and enlarge it. The Inca Manco with much obsequiousness to all the Spaniards, and many presents of Gold, Silver, Gems, Fruits, etc. making no show of grief for his imprisonment, obtained his liberty; which he had laboured the rather, hearing that Hernando Pizarro was coming to govern in Mancos enlargement and taking Arms. Cozco. He gate leave to go to Yucay, which was the Garden of the Kings, to which place he summoned his Captains, and complained of the Spaniards breach of promise, in not performing the Capitulations which they had made with Titu Autauchi, his brother, and that they had laid him in prison with Iron fetters: that he had perceived their ill minds from the beginning, but suffered it to justify his cause with God and with the world, that none might object to him the disturbing of the peace. But now he could no further rely on their vain promises, well knowing that the Spaniards shared the Land amongst themselves in Cusco, Rimac, and Tumpiz, whereby it well appeared that they intended not the restitution of the Empire to him: and that he was loath to make further trial of their fetters, and therefore required their best advice, intending with Arms to recover his right, trusting in Pachacamac, and his father the Sun, that they would not herein forsake him. They told him, that he might look for like reward at the hands of those strangers as Atahuallpa had found, notwithstanding the payment of his ransom: and it was Pachacamacs great grace, they had not dealt with his Royal Person likewise, etc. Thus Manco raised forces, so that 200000. Indians came to Cozco, and shot Arrows with fire An Army of 200000. Indi 〈…〉 on them on all the houses of the City generally, without respect of the Royal houses, only they reserved the Temple of the Sun, with the Chapels within it, and the house of the Virgins: Cozco burnt. which two they spared (though their wealth was gone) not to commit any sacrilegious act against their Religion. Three Hals also they reserved wherein to make their feasts in time of rain, one of which was in the house that had belonged to the first Inca, Manco Capac. (The author proceeds in the particular fights and siege of the Spaniards, too long here to rehearse.) In diverse places they killed seven hundred Spaniards. But at last Manco was driven to forsake the Country b When Almagro returned out of Chili and Alu●rado with other Spaniards came in. by the inequality of the Spaniards horses, Guns and other offensive and defensive arms, against which they had no experiments to make resistance. In the civill-uncivill broils and wars of the Spaniards in Peru, some of them fled to Manco Inca to avoid the Viceroy's severity, one of which was Gomez Perez a choleric man, which playing at Bowls with the Inca, would stand so stiffly on measuring of his cast, and the earnest folly of play, that forgetting all good manners, he one day used the Inca as if he had been an Indian slave; wherewith the Inca provoked gave him a blow with his fist on the breast, whereupon Gomez with his Bowl struck the Inca on the head so great a blow, that he fell down dead. Whereupon the Indians set on the Spaniards, Gomez an ungrateful proud Sparke 〈…〉 d. Manc● 〈◊〉 slain. which first fled into the house to defend themselves there, but were fired out; and the Indians having killed them with enraged fury, had purposed to eat up their flesh raw: but after left them to the birds and wild beasts, for food. Thus died Manco by the hands of those whom he had preserved from death, and had kindly used in those wild Mountains of Uillca campa, which he had chosen for his security. I was present, when some Inca● present at the act, with tears recounted this to my Mother, which came afterwards from these Mountains Sayri Tupac his son. with the Inca Sayri Tupac, the son of that unfortunate Prince, by order of the Viceroy Mendoza, marquis of Canete. This Viceroy used (to persuade that coming in of the Inca) the Lady Beatriz his Father's Sister, which so wrought with his Guard, he being then too young to take the Diadem, that upon promise of certain conditions he came and rendted himself to the Viceroy, and after went to Cusco, and was baptised by the name of Don Diego, together with his wife Cusci Huarcay, grandchild to Huascar Inca, Anno 1558. She was a fair woman, but somewhat pale, as are all the women of that Country, about sixteen years old. I went in my mother's name to visit the Inca, and to kiss his hand, which used me courteously, and two small vessels of gilt Plate were brought forth, of which he drank one, I the other. He spent his time, one day visiting one part, and another, another part of the City. He adored the Sacrament, calling it Pachacamac, Pachacamac. He went thence to the Valley of Yucay, and there remained till his death, which was about three years after, leaving no issue but a daughter, which was married to Martin Garcia de Loyola. His brother Tupac Amaru took the Mountains. Francisco de Toledo second son to the Earl of Oropesa, being Viceroy, determined to bring Tupac Amar● his tragedy. from the Mountains of Uillca campa the Prince Tupac Amaru, the lawful Heir of that Empire, after his said brother's death without issue male. He sought to do it by fair and gentle persuasions sending Messengers to that purpose, promising him maintenance from his Majesty for his person and family. His kindred and friends told him that his brother had received small recompense from them, or society with them, and therefore counselled him not to go, it being better for him to live there, then to die with his enemies. The Spaniards counselled the Viceroy to force him, alleging that his Indians rob the Merchants, hoping also by his imprisonment to recover the treasures * Hinc ill● 〈◊〉 cry●●●. which his progenitors had hidden. Such robberies were indeed committed in his father Mancos time, but seldom, they being forced thereto of necessity for want of victuals, which the Mountains yield not. But after his death there was no such matter. The Viceroy sent Martin Garcia Loyola, with two hundred and fifty Soldiers well provided against the 〈◊〉 ●he strength of those passages was abated, and the ways plained after the issue of Sayri Tupac, so that the Prince Tupac Amaru fled, and the Spaniards pursued, and he being guilty to himself of no crime, yielded himself with his wife, two sons and a daughter, and all his Indians, looking for no ill measure, but maintenance at their hands. The Viceroy framed a process against the Prince, and against all the Incas of his kindred, and Bloody Viceroy. against the Mestizoes begotten of that stock by the Spaniards, some of which were condemned to be tortured, that so they might find some clearer matter against them. One of their mothers came to the prison, and cried out that they had got that reward, for that their Fathers had conquered the Country, for which their Children should be all hanged. Why did they not as well kill their Mothers, for whose sins Pachacamac had suffered this, which had been traitors to What became of the Incas race. the Inca for love of the Spaniards; with other outcries of vengeance in this world, and the next from God's hand. Thus went she crying in the street, which made the Viceroy surcease his purpose, & he proceeded not to put any to death: but banished them to live a lingering death in diverse parts of the world, out of that, which their Fathers had conquered. Some he sent to Chili (one of which was the son of Barco aforesaid, which had been with Huascar) others to the new Kingdom of Granada, to the Isles of Barlovent, to Panama, to Nicaragua, and some he sent to Spain, one of which was juan Arias Maldonado, who lived there an exile ten years, and recounted these things to me; he after got leave of the supreme Council of the Indies to return to Peru, for three years to recover his goods, and then to return to Spain, there to end his days. All the rest perished in banishment. The Indians of the blood Royal, which were six and thirty of the principal of the blood Royal, he exiled and confined to the City of Kings, and with them the two sons and daughter of the poor Prince, the eldest not ten years old; the Archbishop of Rimac or The Kings, pitied the young g●●le, and brought her up: the two sons with three and thirty more died in little above two years, coming out of a cold hilly Country to the hot Plains by the Sea. The three remaining were Don Carlos my School-fellow, son of Don Christovall Paullu, and two others, which were sent home to their houses, but died all in a year and half after. Of Don Carlos son we have said before, that he came into Spain in Don Melchi●●s the last Incas death. hope of great rewards which in Peru were promised him. He died Anno 1610. at Alcala de Henares of grief to see himself shut up in a Monastery, and left one son with three daughters. The son died being a child of little more than a year old, and so the Rent granted by the Contractation house at Seville to his father ceased. Now for the Prince Tupac aforesaid (to return to him) they sentenced him to lose his head, which was executed, the Crier proclaiming his treason and tyrannies against the Catholic Majesty Tupac Am●ru executed. of King Philip the second, King of Spain, and Emperor of the New Word. They told the Inca that he was sentenced to lose his head, without any particular cause mentioned: he answered, he had done nothing worthy of death, that the Viceroy might send him prisoner to Spain, to kiss the hands of his Sovereign King Philip which would be security enough. And if his father were not able with 200000. Indians, to subject 200. Spaniards in Cozco, what needed the Viceroy now fear any new commotion? The religious hastened to instruct him for baptism, to which he was willing, he said, his Grandfather Huayna Capac having commended the Christian Law, as better than theirs: He was Christened by the name of Don Philip, with as much grief of those which were present, as was joy made at the baptising of Saiti Tupac. The Spaniards did not imagine that the sentence should be executed, being so contrary to humanity, and disagreeable to the Majesty of King Philip. It was performed on a Scaffold in the chief Street of Cozco. Many sought to petition the Viceroy, which knowing their errand, would admit none to audience. They set the Prince on a Mule, with a rope about his neck, his hands tied, one going before, to proclaim his treason. He not understanding Spanish, asked the Friars, and hearing that he proclaimed him Auca, called him to him, and said to him, Say not so for thou knowest it is a lie, and I never did or thought treason, as all the world knoweth; but ●ar, that I must die for the Viceroys pleasure, and not for my faults against him or the King; I appeal to Pachacamac, that this is true. The multitude crying and lamenting, they feared some stir, there being 300000. souls assembled in the streets, they hasted to set him on the Scaffold. The Priests prayed him to still the clamours and out-cries of the people. He stretched out his arm with his hand open, which he laid on his ear, thence letting it fall by degrees to his thigh; whereupon followed a sudden silence, as if there had not been a man left in the City. Which made the Spaniards to wonder, and the Viceroy amongst others which stood at a window to see the execution. Thus died the Inca with great magnanimity, as the Incas have been in such cases accustomed, he worshipping the Images of our Saviour, and of the Vargin, as the Priests taught him. The Viceroy returned with great wealth, and with 500000. Pezos' in gold and silver, and He is baptised Philip. going to kiss the King's hand, he had him get him to his house; he had not sent him to Peru, to kill Kings, but to serve Kings. The Council of Indies receiving information against him arrested all his treasure aforesaid, which filled him with such grief that he died within few days after. Viceroys just reward. Leyolas' death. Loyola, which had taken him, and was husband to his brother's daughter, was sent general to Chili, where the Araucans' having spies on him, when he had sent most of his Soldiers to garrisons, with voices of birds and beasts gave signs to their fellows, which came in with a great power of Indians, and killed him and all his Spaniards. Anno 1603. Araucans' policy Thus have we fleeted the cream of the Incas History of the Incas; the Spaniards (whose acts he principally handleth in his second part) have enough of their own to relate their acts, some of which also follow, and others have gone before, to show how they conquered and used their conquests of and in the New World. The greatness of that State, and strangeness of the rising, proceeding, and ruin of the Incas, made me the larger, though all this be not so much in words, as one of the seventeen Books, out of which it is gathered. It may be of good use, both to understand the Spanish Indian Historians, as Acosta, etc. and in many things in which for want of Language, and acquaintance with the Incas, they have received and delivered errors, to amend them: and in this kind, for antiquities, is a jewel, such as no other Peru Merchant hath set to sale. If I have seemed confused, and without exact method, I have followed my Author, who setting forth the former part, Anno 1608. published the other, 1617. having received of some later occurrents better intelligence. We will now leave this Inca-Spaniard, and briefly recount from the Spanish Actors and Authors, what passed in those first and great mutations. Ramusio published these three following Discourses at large, which we have thus contracted. CHAP. XV. Brief Notes of FRANCIS PIZARRO his conquest of Peru, written by a Spanish Captain therein employed. A Certain Spanish Captain, whose name is not added to his Tractate writeth, that in February 1531. he went with Pizarro from Panama, who arrived, and stayed three months at Tumbez, and thence went to Tangarara, and founded Saint michael's, where he heard of Atabalipa or Atahualpa, and his wars with his brother Cusco: who sent a Spy thither, and as he marched, presents, to Pizarro. He with tortures learned of two Indians what and where Atabalipa was. They marched on (he saith) to Cax●malca, a City four miles in circuit, entered with two Gates. On Cax●malca or Cassamarca described. one side of the City is a great Palace walled about, with a great Court planted with trees. This they call the House of the Sun, whom they worship, putting off their Shoes when they enter. And such there are in every great Town. There were two thousand houses, in streets strait as a Line, the walls of strong stone, three paces (or fathoms) high; within are fair Fountains of water, and in the midst a greater street than any in Spain, walled about; before which is a Fortress of stone, with stairs from the Street to the Fort. On one side of this Street is the Palace of Atabalipa with Gardens and Lodgings, the houses all painted with diverse colours: in one room were two great Fountains adorned with plates of Gold, in one of which runs water so hot that a man cannot endure his hand therein, the other being very cold. The people are neat, the women are honest, wear a wrought Girdle on their long garments, above that a Mantle which covereth them from the head to the midst of the thigh. The men wear white Frockes without sleeves. The women in a Palace made Chicha for the Army. After the Armies Chicha is a kind of Drink made of Maiz. friar Vincent. This is denied by Inca Vega, because (it seems) the thing seems odious, rather than false: and he might not tell tales offensive to Spanish ears: epsecially to the Friars which authorised his Book to the press. approached, a Friar of the Order of Saint Dominike, went and told him that the Christians were his friends. The Cacique (Atabalipa or Atabuallpa) answered, that first he would have them restore all that they had taken in his Land, and after he would do as he should see cause. The Friar with a Book in his hand, began to speak to him the things of God; he demanded the book, and the Father gave it him, and he threw it down about his people. The Indian Interpreter ran and took it up and gave it the Father, who suddenly returned, crying, Come forth Christians, come forth, and set on these Enemies, Dogs, which will not accept the things of God, whose Prince hath thrown on the ground the Book of our holy Law. Thereupon the Governor sounded the Trumpets, and gave a token to the Gunner to discharge the Ordnance, and the Spaniards on foot and horseback rushed on with such fury, that the Indians hearing the dreadful thunders of the Artillery, and seeing the force of the Horses, fled: the Governor went directly to the Litter in which Atabalipa was whom he took, many Indians whose hands were cut off bearing the same Litter on their shoulders. Six or seven thousand were slain besides many which had their Arms cut off, and other wounded. Atabalipa, by an Indian, sent to the other Indians, that they should not flee, for he was still alive in the Christians hands, whom he commended for a good Nation, and commanded his to serve them. He was about thirty years old, a personable man, somewhat gross, with thick Atabalipa taken; description of his person. lips, and eyes incarnate with blood; his speech grave. The next day the Spaniards got fifty thousand Pesoes of Gold (each worth one Ducat and two Carolines) and seven thousand Marks of Silver, and many Emeralds, wherewith the Cacique seemed content: and said, that he would give him as much Gold as would fill a room to such a mark, higher than a tall man could reach A Mark is in these discourses 8. ounces. by a span, the room being twenty five foot long, and fifteen broad. The Governor asked how much Silver he would give? he said, that he would have ten thousand Indians, which should make a partition in the midst of the Palace, and fill it with vessels of Silver of diverse sorts, all which he would give for his ransom. The Governor promised him his liberty on this condition, and to work no treason against the Christians. Forty days were set, and twenty passed in which came no Gold. Then we learned that he had taken his brother Cusco * These first entrers of Peru call both Huayna Capac and Huascar by the name of their chief City Cusco. his brother by the father, a greater man than himself. He had told some, that Atabalipa promised the Gold which he had, and he would give the Christians four times as much as the other had promised: which being told to Atabalipa, he caused him suddenly to be dispatched. He killed another of his brothers, which had said he would drink in Atabalipas skull, but chose he drunk in his; which I myself saw, and all that went with Hernando Pizarro. I saw the head with the skin, the flesh dry, and the hairs on, and his teeth closed, and betwixt them a Pipe of Silver, and on the top a Cup of Gold fastened to the head, with a hole going into it. His Slaves put Chicha into the Cup, which ran by the mouth into that pipe, whence Atabalipa drunk. Anno 1533. the Governor gave his brother Hernando leave to go with a Company of Spaniards to Guamachuc●, and there he found an hundred thousand Castiglians of Gold, which they brought for Atabalipas ransom. Diego Almagro came with an hundred and fifty men to our succour. Because the Gold came so slowly, Atabalipa willed the Governor to send three men to Cusco, laying the blame on his imprisonment, which made the Indians not to obey him. These Christians were carried by Indians in Hamacas, a kind of Litters, and were served. They arrived at Xauxa, where was Chilicuchima, a great Captain of Atabalipa, the same which had taken Cusco, which had all the Gold at his command. He gave the Christians thirty burdens of Gold, of which each weighed an hundred pounds. They said it was little, and he gave them five burdens more, which they sent to the Governor by a Negro, whom they had brought with them. They went on to Cusco, where they found Quizquiz, a Captain of Atabalipas, which made journey to Cusco, and gold there. little account of the Christians. He said that if they would not restore his Master for that Gold he would give, he would take him out of their hands: and sent them presently to a Temple of the Sun, covered with plates of Gold. The Christians without the help of any Indian (for they refused, saying they should die, it being the Temple of the Sun) with Pickaxes of Brass * In the inside, etc. See sup. in the Inca Vegas relation. disfurnished the same, as they told us afterwards, and spoilt the Temple. Many Pots and vessels of Gold were also brought (which there they used for their cookery) for ransom of their Lord Atabalipa. In all the house, there was such store of Gold, that it amazed them. They were amazed to see one seat in their house of Sacrifices which weighed nineteen thousand Pesoes of Huayna Capacs' Sepulchre. Gold: in another where old Cusco lay buried, the pavement and the walls were covered with plates of Gold and Silver, which they did not break, for fear of the Indians displeasure, nor many great earthen Pots there, covered with Gold likewise. In that House were two dead and embalmed, near to whom stood a woman with a Mask of Gold on her face, which fanned away the wind and Flies. She would not let them enter with their shoes on: they went in and took much Gold, but not all, for Atabalipa had entreated them, because there lay his Father. They found there a great house full of Pots and Tubs, and vessels of Silver. They would have brought much more than they did, but that they were alone, and above two hundred and fifty leagues from other Christians: but they shut it up, and sealed it for his Majesty, and the Governor Francis Pizarro, and set a guard on it. Over the Rivers as they passed, they found two Bridges together, one open for the vulgar, the other shut for the passage of great men. Hernando Pizarro travelling over the Mountains with his Horse, where the way was made with hands in many places as a Scale or Stairs, which Poor shifts for horse shoes. ware off his Horse shoes, commanded the Indians to shoe his Horses with Gold and Silver, and so came to the City, bigger than Rome, called Pachalchami * This was the Temple of Pachacamac, in the former relation. This Idol perhaps was that which the Natives had kept from before the Incas conquest, for than they worshipped none. Estet●s treatise of this Voyage is in R●musio. , where in one filthy chamber was an Idol of wood, which they said, was their God which gives life to all things, at whose feet were many Emeralds fastened in Gold. They have him in such veneration, that none may serve nor touch him, nor the walls of the house, but such, as they say, are called by him. It is certanie, that the Devil there speaks to them, and tells them what they should do. They come 300. leagues off to him, and offer him gold, silver, and jewels, giving it to the Porter which goeth in and returns them an answer. They which serve him must be pure and chaste, abstaining from eating, and women. All the Country of Catamez payeth him tribute. The Indians feared that the Idol would have destroyed the Spaniards: which nevertheless entered without scruple, and brought very little Gold thence, for the Indians had hidden it all; they found the places whence they had carried great store; so that they got not above 30000. Pezos', & of a Cacike 10000 more. Chilicuchima sent them word, that he had store of Gold for them at Xauxa, but deceived them. They brought him and other great men to Atabalipa, which put corpse Cloth on them before their entrance, and did him great reverence, lifting up their hands to the Sun, with thanks that they had seen their Lord, and came by little and little nearer him, and kissed his hands and feet, who showed great signs of Majesty, and would not look any of them in the face. They tied Chilicuchima to a stake, and set fire to him, to extort a confession of old Cuscos' Gold from him, which (much burned first) said that Quizquiz had it in keeping: and that old Cusco, though dead, was still observed, and had victuals set before him; and told of another Pavilion, where were great vessels, from whence the Governor sent and fetched much Gold. The Christians came from Cusco with above an hundred and ninety Indians laden with Gold. Some vessels were so great, that twelve Indians had much ado to bring them. The Governor melted all the small pieces, which I can well tell, for I was keeper of the house of Gold, and saw it melted, and there were above ninety Plates of Gold: there were in that room two hundred great tankards * Cantari. of Silver and many small, with pots and other pieces very fair. I think I saw weighed of the Silver 50000. Marks. There were also in the same room eighty tankards of Gold, and other great pieces: there was also a heap higher than a man of those plates of very fine Gold; and to say truth, in all the rooms of the house were great hills or heaps of Gold and Silver. The Governor put them together and weighed them before the Officers, and then those some to make the shares for the company. The Governor sent the Emperor a present of 100000. pesoes in fifteen tankards, and four pots, and other rich pieces. Every footman had 4800. Pesoes of gold, which made 7208. Ducats, and the Horsemen twice as much, besides other advantages. Before the sharing he gave Almagros company 25000. * Others say 100000. pesoes, and 2000 pesoes of Gold to those which had stayed at Saint michael's: and much gold to all that came with the Captain, two or three great Cups of gold a piece to the Merchants, and to many which had gotten it, less than they deserved. I say it, for so it fared with me. Many presently, amongst which I was, demanded leave to return to Spain, and five and twenty obtained it. When Atabalipa heard they would carry the gold out of the Country, he sent for men to come Atabalipas pretended treason and assault the Governor. A few days before two Sons of old Cusco came thither and lodged with the Governor, one * Manco. of them was natural Lord of the Country. Upon news of forces coming, they brought Atabalipa by night to a stake to burn him alive, by the command of the Governor; but he said he would be a Christian; whereupon after Baptism th●y strangled him that night, and the Country was quiet. The Governor made the eldest Son of old Cusco Lord of the Country, which caused great joy to the Natives. We arrived in Sivil, january the fifteenth 1534. CHAP. XUL. The Conquest of Peru and Cusco, called New Castille, and directed to the Emperor by FRANCISCO de XERES, Secretary to Captain FRANCIS PIZARRO which conquered them. FRancis Pizarro lived in Panama which the Governor Pedrarias de Auila had peopled. He was Son of Captain Gonzalo Pizarro of Trugillo: he obtained licence Pizarros beginning. of Pedrarias to go upon new discoveries; and having bestowed a good part of his estate in a Ship and necessaries, he departed from Panama November the foureteenth 1524. with one hundred and twelve Spaniards, and some Indians: Land of hunger. seventy days after they went on land, which after they named Of Hunger, with eighty men, the rest being dead, and sent the Ship to the Island of Pearls near Panama for victuals, hoping of their return in twelve days, which continued forty seven, they living on the Seas wild provisions mean while, whereby twenty died, and the rest were very weak. A Cow hide which they had for service of the Ship, they had shared amongst them and eaten before the Ship returned. Then did they proceed on the Voyege, and came to a Town which the inhabitants had forsaken, where they found store of provisions: and the next day the Country Pizarro wounded. people set on them, easily overthrew ours being weak, gave the Captain seven wounds very dangerous, and left him for dead; slew five, and wounded seventeen of the rest: whereupon they returned for Panama, and he stayed at Chuchama to refresh and cure himself. A little before Diego de Almagro his companion was gone for his succour with a Ship and seventy men; and landing at the place where Pizarro was beaten, was there assaulted and lost one of his eyes; many Almagro wounded. Christians were wounded, but for all that they fired the town, and put the enemy to flight: sailing thence, they came to a great River which they called Saint john's, and found there some show of Gold, and returned, and found Pizarro in Chuchama. Almagro was sent to Panama, where Pedrarias misliked and crossed this design which had proved hitherto so vain; but he with much ado returned with one hundred and ten men to Pizarro, Three years' troubles. with whom fifty of the former remained of both companies, one hundred & thirty being dead. In two Ships they set forth and spent three years in great travel; hunger killed the most of them, that fifty only remained: not finding nevertheless any good Country. Then it was their hap to find great hopes of Gold and riches, coming to Cancebi, and took six men to Cock Island. learn their language. Almagro was sent for more men to Panama, whiles Pizarro stayed at Cock-Iland. But some had written to the Governor to be freed from thence. The Governor sent licence to those which would; only sixteen stayed there with Pizarro five months till the Ship returned, and then on the last day of the time granted them, having made better discovery arrived at Panama. Pizarro was sent into Spain to get grant of the Country, which in large Commission he obtained, and after his return departed from Panama with three Ships, and 180. men, and 37. Horse. In thirteen days he arrived at the Port of Saint Matthew, which was as much as before he could do in two years, and landing there, found all the Country in arms. They marched till Understand of pounds by weight, as by m●rk●s eight ounces, by Castellines Pezos. Puna. they came to a great town called Coach, which they suddenly assaulted, and there got in Gold, to the value of 15000. Castellines, and 750. pounds * Perhaps they had done this before the Inc●● conquest. But our Inca author de●ieth this, and Casas tells that the Spaniards devised such imputations of sodomy and humane sacrifices &c to cover and colour their cruelties in all places. of Silver, and many Emeralds, which they then knew not, and therefore for small trifles exchanged them with the Indians. Thence the Governor sent back for men and horse to Panama and Nicaragua. He went with his Spaniards to the Isle Puna, rich and populous, which subjected themselves, and because it was winter, stayed there. Those Indians rebelled and raised forces. He took the Cacique (having understanding hereof) and made great slaughter of the Islanders, and having beheaded ten principal men, he set free the Cacique to call together the Islanders, which had fled to Tumbez. Pizarro went thence to Tumbez, where he found the Indians in arms. Three which had gone in the Boats were robbed and slain, but Tumbez and many other places rued it. May 16. 1532. he departed from Tumbez and was well received in many places, to which he gave notice that he came to bring them in subjection to the Emperor, and to the knowledge of the holy Catholic faith; to which many of the Caciques yielded. Coming to a good River, which he found to have a good Port, he planted a Colony six leagues from the Sea, and called it Saint michael's. At Chira he found that the Cacique of that Town, and another of Almotaxe had conspired Saint michael's founded. Cacike and others burned. to kill certain Christians; he took them both with their chief men and burned them alive, sparing the Cacique himself of Chira, whose fault was left, and giving him Almotaxe also. This execution was dreadful to the whole Country. There he shared the Gold which the Caciques, and the men of Tumbez had given them, and paid the Mariners their freight. He departed thence the four and twentieth of September 1532. having news of Atabalipa at Caxamalca: 55. abode at Saint michael's, and with the Governor remained 62. horsemen and 102. footmen. Pizarros army. As he marched he received better intelligence of Atabalipa, and of Cusco, in which old Cusco lay interred in a place which had the roof and walls covered with Gold and Silver. He sent a Captain to Caxas and G●●camba, with certain horse and foot. He learned of the way (which he passed betwixt these two towns, the latter of which had a fair stone Castle) that it reacheth from Cusco to Quito above 300 leagues, so broad that six horsemen may ride abrest, with water passages all alongst for travellers to drink, and houses for their lodging every day's journey; with Long highway. Atabalipas presents. this Captain returned an Indian with a present from Atabalipa, of two Fountains of stone and two b●rtnens of dried Ducks (which is the fashion of that Country) signifying his great desire to see the Governor at Caxamalca. All the way from the River of Saint michael's to Chineha is a valley well peopled, hath the way made by hands, walled on both sides with trees in many places set for shadow, made by old Cusco. The people live much after one manner. They sacrifice their children, and sprinkle the blood on their Sepulchers, and daub their Idols faces therewith. Their sacrifices go dancing and singing to their death. The Temples are compassed with stone walls and seated in the highest part of the City. He sent an Indian messenger to Atabalipa with words of greatest kindness. Leaving the Chincha way, he took that which goeth to Cassamalca, and ascended a great Mountain, the horsemen leading up their horses, sometimes mounting as it were by stairs, there being no other way; till they came to a fortress of Stone walled with and founded on the rocks. As they proceeded in this Mountain, they found it very cold. The waters on the top were very cold that without heating they could not drink them, and they set up their tents and made fires when they stayed, because of the cold. Here came messengers with ten Sheep for a present from Atabalipa, which told Pizarro of the great victories which he had had against his brother. But he answered that his Emperor was King of Spain, and of the Indies, and Lord of the whole world, & had many servants which were greater Lords than Atabalipa; and he had sent him into these Countries to draw the people to the knowledge of God & to his subjection: and with these few Christians, said he, I have overcome greater Lords than is Atabalipa. If he will have friendship I will help him in his wars, & leave him in his estate, but if he choose war, I will do to him as to the Cacikes of Puna and Tumbez. The Indian which Pizarro had sent returned from Caxamalca and related that Atabalipa there abode with an army, and would have slain him, had he not said that the like should be done to his Messengers, then being with the Spaniards: that he could not speak with him, but an Uncle of his, which had enquired of the Christians and their arms, all which he extolled to the utmost. The Governor came to Caxamalca the fifteenth of November 1532. Atabalipa sent other messengers with presents. Fernando Pizarro was sent to his camp with another Captain, which did Caxamalca. For di●and Pizarro and Soto sent to Atabalip●. his message to him, but he did not once look on him, but was answered by a principal man; till the other Captain signified that he was brother to the Governor; & then the tyrant lifted up his eyes and objected the reports of their ill usage of his Caciques, but for his part he would be friend to the Christians, taking them to be good men. They promised help against his enemies. He said, he would employ them against a Cacique which had rebelled, together with his Soldiers. Pizarro answered, ten of their horsemen would be enough to destroy him without help of your Indians. Atabalipa laughed and bade they should drink, saying he would the next day see his Brother. They to excuse drinking, said they fasted, but he importuned them, and women came forth with vessels of gold full of drink of Mayz. He looked on them without speaking a word, and they went again and brought greater vessels of gold, whereof they drank, and were licenced to depart. There seemed to be 30000. men in the Camp; they stood without their tents with lances Atabalipa taken without fight of the Indians. Brave brag. in their hands, like to Pikes. The next morning, being Saturday, came a Messenger from Atabalipa, saying that he would come to see him with his people armed. He answered, that he should use his pleasure. The Governor had placed his horse and foot covertly in great houses that they * Spanish miracle; none wounded where none striketh, as he saith before. Atabalipas ransom, which was paid and be acquitied, as Pizarro himself w 〈…〉 es in the next chap. yet was he murdered, & that after they had made him a Christian C●●za c. 119. saith that God ●unish●d the Spaniards for their cruelties to the Indians, and few died natural deaths, all that had hand in Atabalipas death died miserably. For this God suffered the wars, etc. he nameth also Caruaias, Robledo, Belalcazar, Tovar, Martin, etc. whom God plagued for tyrannies to the Indians. should not stir forth till opportunity served (the sign being given, and the Ordnance thereupon discharged) then to rush out suddenly from diverse parts & assault the Indians. And seeing Atabalipa stayed so long, till near night, he sent a Messenger to him, signifying his desire to see him. Hereupon he moved to the town with his army in squadrons, singing & dancing, richly adorned with gold and silver. The Governor's purpose was to take him alive, & therefore expected his entrance into that walled or closed stree of Caxamalca, which the Indians had forsaken with the fortress, & left to him. It was late before he came into the town, and being come into the street he made a stand. The Governor sent Friar Vincent to him with a Cross in one hand, and a Bible in the other, being entered where Atabalipa was, he said by an Interpreter, I am a Priest of God, and teach the Christians things divine, and come likewise to instruct you that which the great God hath taught us, and is written in this Book. And therefore on God's behalf, and of the Christians, I pray you to become their friend; for God commands it, and it shall be well for you; and come to speak with the Governor which expects you. Atabalipa asked for his Book, which he gave him shut. He not knowing which way to open it, the Friar stretched forth his hand to do it, and he with great disdain hit him on the arm, and at last opened it himself. And without wondering at the letters or paper, as other Indians use, cast it a way five or six paces from him: and to the words which the Friar had said to him, he answered with great pride: I well wot what thou hast done in this voyage, and how thou hast handled my Caciques, and taken away their goods. The Friar answered, the Christians have not done this, but some Indians without the Governors' knowledge, who knowing it caused them to make restitution. Atabalipa replied, I will not depart hence till they bring it all to me. The Friar carried this answer to the Governor, and that he had thrown the holy Scripture on the ground; who presently set on the Indians, and came to the litter where Atabalipa was, and took him by the left arm, crying Saint james, S. James. The Ordnance played the trumpets founded; the horse and foot set forth; the Indians fled, the horsemen pursuing & slaying, the footmen killing all in the street, the Governor got a wound on the hand in saving his prisoner. In all this hurly-burly there was not an Indian which lifted up his arms against the Christians. Pizarro bid his prisoner not be amazed at his captivity, for with these Christians, though few, I have subjected greater Lords than thou art to the Emperor, whose vassal I am, who is Lord of Spain, and of all the world; a●d by his order I am come to conquer these lands that you may come to the knowledge of God, etc. adding many words of their pity to the conquered and his good parts and acts. The Spaniards had no harm, only one horse had a small wound: whereupon the Governor thanked God for thebmiracle. The Sun was down before they began, and the battle lasted half an hour. 2000 Indians were killed, besides those which were wounded, and 3000. taken. In the stree of Caxamalca, Pizarro caused to build a Church for the Mass, and fortified the place against all occurrents. Atabalipa promised for his ransom to fill a room 22. foot long, and 17. wide, with gold up as high as the middle of the room, higher by one half than a man's height, in pots and other vessels, plates & pieces: and the same room twice filled with silver, in two months space. But so much not coming in so soon, the Governor sent three men to Cusco, February 15. 1533. commanding one of them in the name of his Majesty, & presence of a Notary, to take possession thereof. A Negro which went with them returned, April 28. with 107. burdens of gold, and seven of silver, May 25. Fernand Pizarro came to * He had been at Pachacamac, Estates discourse of that Voyage is at large in Ramu●●, here omitted. Herera saith, that in their sharings, the Spaniards valued gold of 14. carats at 7. and by the abundance thereof grew to great excesses in gaming, pride & other vices: he saith that the three sent to Cusco were fools & ●heir behaviour caused the Indians to vnde● value the Spaniards. Caxamalca with Chilicucima, May the thirteenth, the Notary returned from Cusco with relation that they had taken possession, & had found 30. great Cities in the way besides small. He said that there was a Palace with plates of gold, four square, each square containing 350, pases from corner to corner, 700. of which they had taken away, each of which weighed 500 Castilians: from another house the Indians had taken as much as 200000. Castilians, which they reiecteddbecause the gold was base. He said that Chischis was there w●th 30000. men for guard of the City. They brought 178. burdens of gold, each as much as four Indians bore on their necks, so that it could not come thither in a month by reason of requiring so many Indians to carry it. It was the thirteenth of june before the gold came from Cusco, w●ich was two hundred burdens & twenty five of Silver. After this came sixty burdens of base gold, taken from walls of houses. It was shared on S. james his day. The fifth being taken out for his Majesty, every horseman had 8880. Castilians in gold, and 362. marks in silver, each mark being eight ounces. The footmen had half so much, some more and some less, as the Governor valued their merits. The Emperor's fifth was 262259. Castilians * A Ma●ke is 8. ounces and a Castilian is a Pez● which containeth in this Peru acconnt after Inca Uega 450. Maravediz; every 5. Pe●●s or Cast 〈…〉 s being six Duckers: about seven shillings English. Golden Age. Miserable comforters. of Gold and 51610. Marks of Silver. He set apart a quantity for those of Saint michael's, and for those which came with Almagro, and the Merchants, and all the Mariners, Prices of things were according: a Horse was commonly sold for 1500. Castilians of Gold; a vessel of six quarts (Bocali) of wine for sixty Castilians, I paid forty for four quarts: a pair of shoes for forty, as much, or fifty for a sword. I paid twelve for half an ounce of bad Saffron: ten for a sheet of Paper to write; nothing seemed cheap but Gold and Silver, insomuch that they would not stand to weigh their Gold, but gave it in mass; and if he gave not twice the quantity, he cared not. Debtors ᵃ went from house to house with Indians laden with Gold to pay their debts. Atabalipa being accused of Treason by another Cacique, that he sought to raise forces in Quito, was therefore sentenced to be burned, and brought forth to execution, where he said he would be a Christian, and Friar Vincent baptised him and comforted him at his death; the Governor commanded he should not be burnt but strangled, which was executed on a Saturday, about the same hour that he was taken. One of his Brothers was made Lord by the Governor in presence of the Caciques, with great solemnity, they lifting up their eyes to the Sun with thanks for giving them a natural Lord. Fernando Pizarro was sent to Spain, and some others had licence, many flocking thither, hearing of the Riches there gotten. Herera Dec. 5. l. 3. saith that Atahuallpa had desired his liberty because his ransom was paid, and his promise fulfilled (as Pizarro himself by sound of Trumpet acknowledged) which being deferred, his Captains offered him to free him by force. Atahualpa refused and commanded them to serve the Christians. The Yanaconas a slavish kind of people, desiring to free themselves from the Oreiones and Incas in those broils raised false news that Armies were raised to assault the Spaniards. Pizarro seeing th● Atahualpa stood in his way, and hindered his foundation of a Spanish Empire in those parts, which could not be without the dissipation of that of the Incas, nor that without Atahualpas death, Y esto tenia por iusto, pues era provechioso, He held it just because it was profitable: He spoke to the Inca complaining of insurrection which he answered was but the rumour of his enemies, that he had paid his ransom, etc. Pizarro made show (dissembling his purpose) of great fear of the enemies (which caused the Spaniards to urge and importune Atabalipas death (and to speak as you have read in them) whereupon Pizarro had sufficient colour for his Design, 〈…〉 king show that the Treasure paid in name of a ransom was not for the Incas liberty, but lest the Indians should hide it. Friar Vincent consented also, and so he was sentenced to be burned, etc. He addet●● out of Seneca, Prosperum ac ●oelix scelus virtus vocatur. Thus the King's Chronicler, saying also that Fernand Pizarro was Atahualpas friend, and his brother did it after his departure. He died in Prison, and all the rest (of whose names Herera giveth a Catalogue) were slain and murdered in civil 〈…〉 rres, or came to ill ends. Yea, still the wars continue in Arauco, to the death of many Spaniards, besides the civil ●arres of Giron, etc. in Peru after that of the Pizarrists. God is just, and therefore Pizarro the Murderer of Atahualpa (a cruel Murderer also) was murdered, and so he that murdered Pizarro, and so forwards; the Serpent's Issue and Generation of Hell proceeds from murder to murder, the Devil himself being a Murderer from the beginning. Once; Peru alone with Chili (both subjects to the Incas Empire) hath more advanced the Spanish Treasures than all the New World besides: neither is there any so likely way to supplant that Castilian-American greatness, as by the Araucos. CHAP. XVII. Relations of Occurrents in the Conquest of Peru after FERNAND PIZARROS departure written at XAUXA, july 15. 1534. by PEDRO SANCHO, Notary General in the Kingdoms of New Castille, and Secretary to the Governor FR. PIZARRO, subscribed by the said Governor himself and others, and sent to his Majesty. TEn or twelve days after Fernand Pizarros departure, two Spaniards came from Cuzco with Gold, part whereof was melted being small and fine pieces, taken out of the walls of a certain house in Cusco, being above five hundred wedges or plates of Gold, the small weighing four or five pounds a piece, the greater ten or twelve. All the walls of that Temple had been covered with them. They brought a chair or throne of most fine Gold, weighing eighteen thousand Pesoes, and a Fountain of Gold of excellent workmanship, and the mould in which it was cast; and many other pieces, pots and vessels: which all mounted to two Millions and a half, and being melted into most fine Gold came to be one Million 320000. Pesoes and upwards: out of which his Majesty's fifth was taken, above 260000. Pezos', they made it up 270000. Of Silver there was 50000. Marks, his Majesty's part 5000. the rest was shared amongst the company according to their qualities and merits. After this, the Governor made an act before a Notary, in which he acquitted Atabalipa of his promise to the Spaniards, for so much as the house would hold, and caused it to be published in Caxamalca by the sound of a Trumpet, acquainting Atapalipa himself therewith by an Interterpreter, declaring withal that for his Majesty's service and security of the Country, he would still detain him with a guard, till more Spaniards came for his security: specially considering that he had taken order for levying of men of war to assault the Spaniards, which he had no means to avoid but by keeping him fast, and his Captain General Chilichuchima. A few days after the Indians revealed the Treasons of that Tyrant, notwithstanding all his good usage by the Governor and Spaniards, which was prevented by his death: his sentence of burning by reason of his Baptism being executed with strangling, and after his death some part of his clothes and flesh were burned. It was late in the Evening, and the next morning he was solemnly buried in the Church, as if he had been the chief Spaniard in the Camp: which gave much satisfaction to his principal Caciques and Captains. This done, in presence of many Commanders and Cacikes he gave them a Lord in the name of the Emperor, a Son of Guaynacaba (Huayna Capac, or as the Spaniards use to call him Guainacapac) called Atabalipa, b Other Incas made; one called Atabalipa, to serve the Spaniards turn. Without them (as in the conclusion they confess) they could, being so few, never have perfected their conquest. But first they used the Cuscoans against those of Quito, and lastly to pacify all to the Spanish subjection. After which they perform nothing but falsehood and cruelty, Pi●arros purpose being always by any way to erect the Spanish Empire. Second sharing. Garitico slain: for as the war had been begun by Atabalipa the first, against Cusco: so after his death, it was by his Captains continued against the jucas there seeking to advance Quito above Cusco, & the seed of Atabalipa to the Sovereignty. Chilichuchima burned. Manco Inca made Lord. Third sharing of gold and silver at Cus●o: Images of beasts & men in gold, to whom the Empire was due, and placed him in his Seat, they all offering the Rites of vassalage to him, to wit, a white feather, according to their custom. The new Inca fasted three days for the deceased, shut up from all society but his Pages, and after came forth honourably attired and attended with about fifty Cacikes and Captains there present, and did eat together on the ground (for they use no Tables) after which, he offered a white Feather in token of his vassalage to the Emperor. The Governor received it and embraced him with much love, and concluded a peace, taking the names of the Cacikes, and the Countries under their command, and intimated that he was sent by his Emperor to give them knowledge of the true God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and what they should observe for their salvation; and that that God and his Vicars left on earth (for he ascended to Heaven their to remain in glory) had given those Provinces to the Emperor to take charge thereof, who had sent him to instruct them in the Christian Faith, and to bring them under his obedience: and caused his Commission to be read and interpreted to them. They all acknowledged the Emperor for their supreme Lord, and next under him their Lord Atabalipa, and in sign thereof lifted up (each of them twice) the Royal Banner. All this act was entered into writing with testimonies, and great Feasts were made by them. At this time the Governor ceased the partition of the Gold and Silver amongst the Spaniards, and Atabalipa gave the Gold of the Fifths Royal to the Treasurer of his Majesty, which was carried to Xauxa where the Governor intended to plant a Colony of Spaniards, having intelligence of the good Country thereabouts. He provided him of Indians for carriages, and sent a Captain with ten Horsemen to inhabit Saint michael's till ships came, and after that to return to Xauxa. He heard that some of Atabalipas Captains had slain Gariticus his Brother, which grieved much both the Governor and the present Atabalipa. He as he marched heard of diverse which were up in Arms against him, five leagues from Xauxa, whereupon he put Chilichuchima in chains, by whose means the report was that they had done it. They went and adjoined themselves to Quizquiz. When he came to Xauxa, none of his Spaniards were willing to abide there because the Country was in Arms, yet he left a Colony of eighty men with Officers. About this time died Atabalipa of sickness, of poison given by Chilichuchima, as was reported, who sought to have the rule remain in Quito, and not in Cusco. The Governor bade them provide a Successor. Calichuchima would have Aticoc Son of Atabilipa, but others and the Governor liked better of a Brother of Atabalipa (Son of Guanacapa.) He came to a Town where he found much Silver in great sheets of twenty foot long and one broad, a finger thick. They received intelligence of a skirmish with the enemy by another band of Spaniards, in which eighteen horses were hurt and one slain; in another the Spaniards had the victory. The Governor caused Chilichuchima to be burned, who refused to become a Christian, and called upon Pachacamac. After this he marched to Cusco, which he entered on Friday the fifteenth of November 1533. And the next day made that Son of Guaynacapac their Lord, being the right heir, and commanded the Cacikes to obey him. Incontinently the New Cacike (or Inca) gave order to assemble forces against Quizquiz; in four days five thousand were comen together well armed, with whom the Governor sent a Captain with fifty Horse, remaining himself for the guard of the City. These having done somewhat against the enemy, were forced to return by the ill mountainous passages. The Cacique having fasted three days, and performed and received the Rites of vassalage (before mentioned in his Predecessor) at the Governors' request levied greater forces, so that above five and twenty thousand went with the Spaniards, which made a Bridge of three hundred and sixty foot long, broad enough for two Horsemen to pass abreast, and passed to Bilcas. Some of them went to the succour of Xauxa which had obtained good success against their enemies. The Governor after this caused all the Gold to be melted by experienced Indians, which amounted to 580200. Pesoes and upwards of good Gold. The Emperor's fifth was 116460. Pesoes and upwards. The Silver was melted, and weighed 215000. Marks, of which 170000. and upwards was good, in Vessels and Bars, the rest allayed with other Metals. The fifth was deducted thence for his Majesty. Amongst other things there were sheep of fine Gold very great, and ten or twelve Statues of women in their just bigness and proportion, artificially composed of fine Gold. They performed like veneration to them as if they had been alive, clothing, adoring, giving them to eat and talking with them. There were others of Silver in the same stature. All this Treasure was shared betwixt those of Cusco and the Spaniards of Xauxa. In March 1534. the Governor assembled all the Spaniards, and made a solemn act of the foundation of a Town and possession taken in the midst of the chief street, by the name of the noble and great City of Cusco: bounds were set out for a Church, and privileges allotted to such as Cusco a Spanish Colony. within three years should come thither to dwell. Above twelve thousand married Indians were designed to the Province of Collao, to his Majesty's mines of Gold in those parts. After this he departed with the Cacique towards Xauxa. There he had news of two hundred and fifty comen from Panama to Saint michael's, seventy of them horsemen, and of Aluarados landing with four hundred men, and one hundred and fifty horsemen. Having overthrown his enemies, he took order for founding a Church in Xauxa, and sent some Spaniards with an Army Other Spaniards enter Peru. of Indians to pursue the enemies. There is a Mountain of Snow which continueth from Caxamalca to Xauxa, where Snow lieth all the year. The people are more civil and better Soldiers. On the other side the Mountain (Eastward) they are Savage people feeding on fruits, having small store of Maiz. All their Tribute was Feathers. From Xauxa to Cusco the Country enlargeth itself from the Sea. Collao is a plain Country and cold, and hath many Rivers where gold is taken. The Mountains continue from Tumbez to Xauxa, and thence to Cusco, if the way be not made by hands, footmen could not pass, much less horsemen: and they have many houses Country described. full of Brass to work c Immatonare. up the same. All the rough Mountains are wrought like stairs d Scaloni. of stone. There are some places where four or five men's heights, the way is wrought and made up with stone work; in others it is cut out of the stone. There are places of entertainment in every Country, and by the way one within two or three leagues of another, made for the Lords which visit the Country: and every twenty leagues principal Provincial Cities where the tributes of smaller places are kept. All those great Towns have storehouses full of the Country Commodities. There are store of cattle and pastures with their Pastors. The City of Cusco might be worthy the sight if it were in Spain, full of great men's houses, all Lords and Caciques, having houses there. The most of those houses are of stone, and some are Description of Cusco, as it was when the Spaniards first came thither. For after the Indians burned the most part of it in Mancos wars with Piçarro. The Fortress half of stone: the streets are strait in right crosses, and narrow; in the midst runneth a Conduit of water enclosed with stone on each side of which a horseman may pass and no more. The City is situate on the top of a Hill, and many houses are built on the side of it, and others below on the Plain. The Market place is square, paved with small stones. About it are four houses of Lords of stone painted and wrought; the best of which was Guainacabas: the gate is of white and red Marble, and of other colours, and hath fair Terraces. On the sides of the City ran two Rivers, which rise a league higher, over which are Bridges. Upon a Hill hard and rough is a very fair Fortress of earth and stone, with great windows towards the City. Within it are many Rooms, and one principal Tower in the midst of four or five circuits e Gironi. one higher than another; the Lodgings within are small, the stone very fairly wrought and so close joined that there is no show of mortar, and as smooth as planed boards. It hath so many Rooms and Towers that a man is not able to view them all in a day. Many Spaniards which have been in Lombardy and other strange Kingdoms, say that they have never seen such a building as this Fortress, nor Castle more strong. There may abide within five thousand Spaniards. It cannot be undermined being seated on a Rock. On the City side which is a ragged Hill, is but one wall, on the other side three, one higher than another, the inmost being highest. The goodliest spectacle are these encompassing circuits, being of stones so great, that no man would imagine them laid there by the hands of men, as great as pieces of stony Mountains and Rocks; some being of the height of thirty f See sup. pag. 1056. Acosta saith he measured some above 38. foot long, etc. spans, and and as much in length, and none is so little but it is more than three Cart-●odes. The Spaniards prefer them before the buildings of Hercules or of the Romans. They are reversed g Voltati. that they cannot be battered in plano, but in the slipping h Sguincio de igironi. turnagaines which go outwards, made of the selfsame stone. Betwixt wall and wall is earth laid so broad that three Carts may go abreast. They are made like three steps, the second beginning on the height of the first, and the third on that of the second. All this Fortress was a Storehouse of Arms, Clubs, Lances, Bows, Arrows, Axes, Shields, Cotton Mandelions quilted, and other arms and garments for Soldiers, gathered from all parts of the Empire, colours of diverse sorts and Metals. From this Fortress may be seen many houses. In the Valwhich is compassed about with Hills are above 100000. houses; many of them houses of pleasure of the Sovereigns Lords and Caciques, others are Storehouses full of Wool, Arms, Metals, Clothes and such things as the Country yieldeth; there are Horses where the Tributes are kept, and there is one, where are above 100000. dried Birds, of whose Feathers they make garments. And there are many houses for that purpose. There are Shields, Targets, Plates of Brass to cover houses, and incredible store of provisions for War. Every Sovereign Lord deceased hath his own house of these goods and Tributes which they had in their life (for by their Law the Successor may not inherit it) their Gold, Silver, and Clothes apart. They worship the Sun and have made him many Temples, and of all things they offer somewhat to the Sun. Two Spaniards were sent to Colao, and were forty days in the journey. They say it is well peopled, mountainous, and out of measure cold: so subject, that having many cattle, no man dares kill any without licence, though never so great. There is a great Lake (Titicaca) in the midst of the Province, in which are two Lands, in one of which is a Temple of the Sun in great veneration, where they offer Gold and Silver and other things. There are above six hundred Indians which serve there, and a thousand women. The mines of Gold are beyond this place, some of ten, some twenty, and that of Guarnacabo is forty fathom deep, dark and narrow, in which one alone at once, entereth, none following till he be comme forth. Other mines they pursue no further than a man's height, that he may reach the earth to another: which made some say that all the fields were Gold Mynes. Guainacapa is honoured as if he were alive, and his body is brought forth into the street with Music and Dances, and there are some day and night attending him to chase away the flies. The Lords that come to the City, go first and salute him, and then the King. To these Feasts 100000. souls assembled. Had it not been for the quarrels betwixt those of Quito and those of Cusco, the Spaniards could not have entered into Cusco, nor have Note this▪ it. And the Mountains are such that ten men may defend ten thousand. Many Horses fell down and broke their necks. The Spaniards themselves marvel at what they have done, and how they are still alive. It hath fal●e out well that this Son of Guainacaba was made their Lord, for whose love other Lords have given their obedience to the Emperor. He is very friendly to the Christians. july 15. 1534. in Xauxa Subscribed Francisco Piçarro, etc. The end of the seventh Book. VOYAGES TO AND LAND-TRAVELS IN FLORIDA, VIRGINIA, AND OTHER PARTS OF THE NORTHERN AMERICA. FRENCH Planting, Spanish Supplanting; English VIRGINIAN Colonies, and to the Land's Azores. THE EIGHTH BOOK. CHAP. I. A Relation of ALVERO NUNEZ called Capo di Vava, * See sup. l. 7. c. 〈◊〉. concerning that which happened to the Fleet in India, whereof PAMPHILO NARVAEZ was Governor, from the year 1527. until the year 1536. who returned unto Seville with three of his companions only: translated out of RAMUSIO, Ramus. vol 3. and abbreviated. §. I. Their Fleet; and admirable and unheard of tempest: their entrance into Florida: the Lakes, troublesome passages, encounters, disastrous success, building Boats for return. THE sixteenth day of june, in the year 1527. the Governor The Governor of the Fleet. Pamphilo di Naruaez departed from the haven of Saint Lucar of Barrameda, with power and commandment from your Majesty to conquer and govern the Provinces, which lie from the River of Palms unto the Cape of Florida, all in the firm land. And the Fleet which the Governor brought with him The officers over the Fleet. were five Ships, wherein six hundred men went. The Officers, because I am to make particular mention of them in this Book, were these: Capo di Vava Treasurer, Agozino Provost Marshal, Alonso Eurriquez Auditor, and Alonso de Solis Factor, and overseer for his Majesty. And besides, there was for Commissary, a Friar of the order of Saint Francis, called Friar Giovanni, john Gottierrez, and with him four other Friars of the same Order. We arrived first at the Island of San Dominica, where we stayed but forty five days, to provide The Island of S. Dominico. ourselves of certain necessary things, and principally of Horses. There we left more than an hundred and forty of our men, which would stay by promise and agreement which they of the Village made with them. Departing thence, we arrived at Saint jago or Giacomo, which is an haven in the Island of Cuba, and reposing ourselves there certain days, the Captain furnished The haven of S. James. himself with men, munition, and horses. It happened in that place, that a Gentleman, called Uasques Parcalle, neete unto the town of the Trinity, which is in the same Island, offered the Governor to give him certain victual, which he had in the said town of the Trinity, which The Trinity. is an hundred leagues off from the said port of Saint jago. Whereupon the Governor departed with all the Fleet, towards that town. But arriving half the way at an haven which they call the Cape of Santa Cruz, it seemed good unto the Governor to abide there, and send one Ship only to receive those victuals, and so he appointed one Captain Pantoxa to go thither with An haven called the Cape of Saint Cruz. his Ship, and that for the greater security, I also should go with him, and he remained still there with the four Ships: we having now gotten another in the Island of Saint Domenica. Being arrived with our five Ships at the haven of the Trinity, the Captain Pantoxa went with Vasquez Porcalle to receive the victuals at the town, which was one league distant from the haven. One hour after I was landed, the Sea began to be outrageous, and the Northwind was so strong, An Huracano or tempest, notable both at Sea and Land. that the Boats durst not go aland, nor could they with the Ships in any sort put to the contrary side; the wind being in the prow, whereupon with very great travail, with two contrary seasons, and with much rain they continued all that day, and the Sunday. The night approaching, the Sea and tempest began so much to increase, that it no less tormented those on the land then them at Sea; for all the houses fell down, and all the Churches, and we were enforced to go seven or eight men embracing one another arm in arm together, to be able to resist the wind, that it might not carry us away, and to avoid the ruin of the houses, flying unto the Forest, the trees gave us no less cause of fear, than the houses had given us: because they falling held us in continual fear, that they would kill us. In this tempest and danger we passed all the night, without Presages. finding any part or place, where for one half hour only we might stand secure: but principally, the midnight before we heard noises and great crying, and the sound of Bells, Flutes, and Drums, and other instruments, which continued until the morning, that the tempest ceased. In those Countries so fearful a thing had never been seen, whereof I caused a testimonial and true certificate to be made, which I have sent unto your Majesty. On Monday morning we went down to the haven, and found not the Ships there, but saw some of their furniture in the water; whereby we knew that they were cast away. And so we purposed to go along the coast, searching if we might find any thing, but finding nothing, we determined to search by the Mountains, and having gone about a quarter of a league of from Boat placed upon trees by the tempest. the water side, we found the Boat of a Ship set upon certain trees: and further beyond, ten leagues along the coast they found two persons of my Ship, and certain coverings and roofs of houses. And those two men were so actually transfigured and changed with weatherbeating, both of the shore, and of the Sea, that they could not know who they were. we found also a Friar's habit, and a Coverlet torn in pieces, and found no other person or thing any more. Threescore men were lost in those two Ships, and twenty horses, and those that remained alive were thirty persons only, who the same day we arrived in that haven, went aland together with the Captain Pantoxa. We remained in such manner for certain days, with much trouble and great necessity, because the sustenance and provision of that people, was all lost, and destroyed, with certain wild Beasts, and the Country remained in such sort that it moved great compassion in the beholders, the trees being fall'n, the mountains burned, and remaining without leaves, or grass, and so we passed until the fifth day of November, that the Governor Fifth of November. of our Fleet came thither to us, with his other four Ships, who also themselves had passed great dangers and torments, and were escaped, because in good time they had retired themselves unto some place of safety. The men which he had brought with him, and those that he found there, were so much affrighted, and terrified with the losses and dangers past, that they resolved to embark themselves no more in the winter, and besought the Governor that he would suffer them to repose and rest themselves in those places; he perceiving their minds, and the desire of the inhabitants, did so, and gave me the charge of the Ships, and the men, which should go with me to winter at the haven of Xaqua, which is twelve leagues distant from that place, and so going thither, we stayed The haven of Sagua, or Xaqua. until the twentieth of February following. At this time the Governor came thither unto us, with a Brigantine which he had gotten at the Trinity, and brought with him a Pilot, called Miruelo, who (as they said) was a man very well practised, and an excellent Pilot for all the coast of the North. Besides that, the Governor left on the coast of the Lissart Captain Alvaro della Querda, with a Ship which the Governor had procured there, and left forty men with him, and twelve other with the horse. Two days after the Governor came unto us, we embarked ourselves, and were (in the whole) four hundred men, and fourscore horses in four Ships, and one Brigantine. The Pilot which we had newly taken, brought the Ships through the quick sands, which they call Sands of Cunarreo. Canerreo, so that the day following we found ourselves on dry land, and so remained five days, the keel of the Ships oftentimes striking upon the ground. At the end of those five days, a storm from the South brought so much water upon the sands, that we might come out, although not without much danger. Departing thence, we arrived at Guanignanico, where another tempest assailed us so fiercely, that we stood in great danger to be lost: at the head of the Guaniguanico. currents we had another, where we stayed three days. And these being overpassed, we went about the Cape of Saint Anthony, and with a contrary wind, we went till we came within twelve leagues of the Havana. and standing the day following to put in there, a Southern gale The Cape of S. Anthony. The Havana. Martes. of wind took us, which drove us far from the land, so that we crossed over by the coast of Florida, and arrived the twelfth of April, at the land of Martes; so coasting the way of Florida, upon holy Thursday in the same coast, we ancored in the mouth of an open road, at the head whereof we saw certain houses, and habitations of the Indians. The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship, and landed upon an Island which is in the same open road, and called to those Indians, who came and abode with us a good space, and by way of ransom gave him fish, and certain pieces of Deeres flesh. The day following, which was good Friday, the Governor embarked himself with as many men as the Boats could carry, and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians, which we had seen, which we found all empty and desolate, because that night the people were gone in their Canoes. One of those houses was very great, and able to contain more than three hundred persons, the other were much lesser, and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets. The Great houses without housekeepers. Golden Bell. The first town taken in Florida, in the Emperor's name. next day, the Governor advanced the Ensign for your Majesty, and took possession of the Village in your royal name, and presented the Commissions and was received, and obeyed as Governor, according to your Majesty's appointment. And so in like manner, we presented our other provisoes unto him, which he accepted, and obeyed according to the contents thereof, and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped, and the horses, which were not above two and forty, because the other, through the many tempests, and beating of the Sea, and length of time, were dead. And these few that remained, were so weak and wearied, as at that time we could do little service. The day following, the Indians of those places came unto us, and although they spoke unto us, yet notwithstanding we understood them not. The Governor commanded that the Brigantine should go coasting the way of Florida, and search for the haven, which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew, but was now astonished, and knew not in what part we were, nor where the haven was; and the Brigantine was appointed, that if they found not the haven, to cross over to the Havana, and find the Ship wherein Alvaro della Querda was, and having taken in some victual, to return to find it. The Brigantine being deing departed, we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had been before, with some other more, and we coasted the gulf which we had found, and having gone about four leagues, we took four Indians, and showed them Maiz, because until that day we had not yet seen any token thereof: they said, they would bring us where it grew, and so they brought us to their Village, which was not far from thence, at the head of the gulf, and there they showed us a little Maiz, which was not yet ripe to be gathered. There we found many chests of the Merchants of Castille, and in every one of them was the body of a dead man, all which were covered with Deeres skins painted. The Commissary thought, that it was a kind of Idolatry, so he burned the chests with all the bodies. We also found pieces of webs of cloth, and Pennacchi, which they had gotten out of Nova Hispaniola, and certain mosters of Gold. Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signs, from whence they had such things. They * Samples. The Province Apalachn. by signs, showed us: that very far from thence there was a Province, called Apalachen, wherein there was great quantity of Gold. Departing from thence, we went further, carrying for guides those four Indians which we had first taken, and so ten or twelve leagues off from that place, we found another people of fifteen houses, where was a goodly Plain sowed with Maiz, which now was ready to be gathered, and we found some also dry. There we abode two days, and after returned. May the first, the Governor caused two pound of Biscuit, and half a pound of Pork to be given to every one of them who were to go with us, and so we departed, to enter within the land. The sum of all them who went, was three hundred men in all, among whom was the Commissary friar john Scivarez, and another Friar, called friar john de Palis, and three Clerks, and the Officers. Forty of us were on horseback, and so with that provision which we had brought, we went fifteen days without finding any other things to eat, except Dates, like those of Andaluzia. In all this time we found not any Indian, nor saw any house, nor place inhabited: and in the end we found a River, which we passed with much danger and trouble, by swimming, and upon rafts, and stayed a day to pass over it, because it ran with much fury. Having passed to the other side of the River, two hundred Indians came against us, and the Governor went before, and after he had spoken to them by signs, they made much signs again unto us, that we should join ourselves with them, taking five or six, who brought us unto their houses which were about half a league off, and there we found great quantity of Maiz, which staod now ready to be gathered. After some search of the Country to the Sea, we departed from that place, always (as we went) enquiring for that Province, which (the Indians said) was called Apalachen, and brought for guides, them that we had taken, and so went forward until the seventeenth of june, and found no Indians that durst abide our coming. There, a y Cacique came unto us, whom an Indian carried upon his neck, and he was covered with a Deeres ●a●ique●gni●eth ●gni●eth 〈◊〉 Lord among the Indians. skin painted, and brought with him many people, who went before him playing upon certain Flutes made of canes, and so came unto the Governor, and abode with him an hour, and we gave him to understand (by signs) how that we went to Apalachen, and by those signs which he made us, it seemed he meant to signify that he was an enemy to them of Apalachen, and would aid us against them. We gave him Crowns, Bells, and such other things, and he gave the Governor the skin which he wore upon him, and so turned back again, and we followed presently after him. That evening we came unto a River, which was very deep and very broad, and ran very furiously, and not presuming to pass over it upon rafts, we made a Canoa, and stayed one whole day to pass over it: so that if the Indians would have injured us, they might easily have disturbed our passage, and yet although they holped us the best they could, we had much trouble. One of our Horsemen, called john Velasquez, a native of Cuellar, because he would Strong stream. not stay, took the River with his Horse, and the current of the River being very strong, cast him from his Horse, who catching hold on the reins of the bridle, drowned himself, together with the Horse. And those Indians of that Lord, called Dulcancellin, found the Horse, and told us where we should find him in the River below: and so they went to search for him, whose death Dulcancellin a King or Cazique among them. much discontented us, because until that time there was not one man of our company wanting. The Horse gave many their suppers that night. And so having passed that River, the day following we came unto the people of that Lord, who sent us some of their Maiz. The next day we departed, the Indians being fled. The Governor left by the way an ambuscado of certain Horsemen, which as those Indians passed by, issued out upon them, and took three or four, who before served us for guides, and they brought us through a very troublesome Country to travail, and marvellous to behold, where were huge Mountains, and very high Trees, whereof Toublesome Country. so many were fallen to the ground, that they entangled and stopped the way, in such sort that we could not pass without going far about, to our great trouble; and of those trees that were fallen, the greater part were cleft from one end to the other, through the thunderbolts that fall Trees cleft with thunderbolts. there, great tempests being always in that place: with this trouble we marched until the six and twentieth day of june, at which day we came within the sight of Apalachen before they of the Town perceived us. We rendered great thanks unto God, seeing ourselves so near unto Ap●l●chen. that place, and supposing that to be true which had been spoken, and hoping we should there end our great travails which we had passed, as well for the long and evil journey, as for the great famine which we had sustained. Because, although we sometimes found Maiz, yet for the most part we went six or eight leagues without finding any. And there were many amongst us, that through hunger and weariness had wounded their shoulders with continual wearing of their arms, besides the other calamities they daily encountered. The Governor commanded me to take with me nine horse, and fifty foot, and enter the town, which the controller and I did, and found none but little children, and women, because at that time the men were not there, but going a little way from those places, the Indians came, and began to fight, and shoot at us, and slew the Controulers horse; but in the end they fled, and left us, There we found great quantity of Maiz which stood ready to be gathered, and had sufficient, of which was dry, romeining. We found there many skins of wild beasts taken by hunting, and some garments of thread, little and nought worth, wherewith the women cover some Caccoago●●o. parts of their person. They had many Mills to grind Maiz. Among these people there were forty little houses, low built, and in close places, for fear of the great tempests to which that Country continually is accustomed. The houses are made of straw of stubble, and compassed about with Mountains Great tempests in those parts. standing thick together, and great Trees, and many Seas of water, where so many and so great Trees are fall'n, that they trouble every thing, and cause that no man is able to travel there without great incumberance. The land from the place where we di barked unto this people of Apalachen, for the most part is plain, and the soil consisteth of hard and solid sand, and throughout all the same many great Trees, and famous Mountains are found, where Nut trees are, and Labrani, and other, which they call Laquidambares: there are also Cedars, Savine-trees, Holme-trees, Pines, Okes, and low Palmtrees like those of Castille. Throughout all that Country there are many great and little Lakes, and some are very troublesome to pass, as well for the great depth thereof, as also by reason Lakes. of the many trees, which are fallen there. The ground or bottom of them is sand: and those Lakes which we found in the Province of Apalachen, are much greater than all the other which we had found until then. There are many fields of their Maiz in this Province: and the houses are scattered through the Plain, like those of Gerbe. The beasts which we saw there are Dear Beasts. of three sorts, Coneys, Hares, Bears, and Lions, and other, among which we saw one, that carrieth her young in a bag, which she hath in her belly, where she carrieth them all the time Beast which carrieth her young in a bag. that they are little, until they be able to go, and seek their meat themselves. And if by chance the young stand seeking food without the dam, and people come upon them, she flieth not before she have gathered them into her bag. The Country is very cold there, and there are many good pastures for flocks. There are also many sorts of Fowl, Goslings in great abundance, Geese, Ducks, Herons, Fowls. Blackbirds, and others of diverse sorts, and there we saw many Falcons, Gerfalcons, Sparrow-hawkes, and many other sorts of Birds. Two days after we came to Apalachen, the Indians that were fled returned unto us in peace, demanding their children, and we gave them all, except one Cazique of theirs, whom the Governor retained, which was the occasion to cause them to depart offended, who the day following returned as enemies, and assailed us with such fury and suddenness, that they came to set fire to the house where we were: but so soon as we came forth, they fled and retired themselves unto the Lakes, which were very near thereunto. Whereupon by reason of them, and the Corn which was very thick there, we could not do them any hurt, save that we killed one man only. The day following, other Indians of another people, which was on the other side, came to us and assailed us after the same manner, that the other had done before, and fled likewise: and one of them also was slain. We abode there five and twenty days, in the which we caused three to enter within the Land, and found it very poorly peopled, and hard travelling, in respect of the troublesome passages, Mountains and Lakes which are there. We demanded of the Cazique whom we had retained, and of the other Indians whom we had brought with us, who were borderers and enemies to them of Apalachen, the quality and condition of that Country, of the people, the victual, and other things about it, who all plainly answered us, that the greatest people of all that Country, were they of Apalachen, and that further beyond it was without people, and very poor, that all that Country, and theirs were ill peopled, and that the Inhabitants were much dispersed, and that going further forth, exceeding great Lakes are found, Mountains standing thick together, and mighty Deserts, and without Inhabitants. We asked them of the Country which lay toward the South, what people and sustenance it had, who answered us, that going from thence towards the Sea nine days journey, were a people called Aute, and that the Indians of that place had much Maiz, and that there were small Pulse, which are like to our Ciches and Gourds, and that being so near to the Sea, fish was there to be found: and that they were their friends. Seeing the poverty of the Country, we agreed to depart from them, and go to seek out the Sea, and that people of Aute, whereof they told us. And so at the end of five and twenty days after we came thither, we departed. The first day we passed those Lakes and troublesome passages, without seeing any Indian. But the second day they came upon us, at a Lake which was very ill to pass: so that the water took us up to the breast, and many Trees were fall'n there, so that we being in the midst thereof, the Indians assailed us, they being hid behind the trees that we might not see them: and others were upon the trees that were fall'n, and began to shoot at us in such sort, that they wounded many men and horses, and took the guide from us which we had brought, they suddenly cast themselves into the Lakes and wounded fifteen men and horses. The Governor seeing this, commanded them on horseback to dismount, and assail Indian fight. them on foot, and so they did, and the Auditor dismounted with them, and assailing them put them all to flight, so that they entered into a Lake, and thus we gained the passage of them. In that skirmish some of our men (whose good arms they carried prevailed not) remained Strong archers. wounded: and some of them swore, that they saw two Okes, each of them as great as a man's leg, shot through from side to side with the Arrows of the Indians. Which therefore is not a thing that we should wonder at, seeing the force wherewith they deliver them, and I myself have seen an Arrow at the foot of an Elm, which entered an handful in. As many Indians as we saw in Florida, until we came to that place, are all Archers, tall of stature, and go naked, and seem to them that see them afar off mighty Giants. They are marvellously well set, pleasant, and of much strength and agility. The Bows they use are as thick as a man's arm, of eleven or twelve spans long, and they shoot two hundred paces off, and so Men of tall 〈◊〉ture, good archers. strait and level, that they never shoot and miss. Having got over that passage, about one league from thence, we came to another Lake of the same sort, save that it was half a league long, which was much worse than the former. This we quietly passed, and without disturbance of the Indians: because they having spent all the munition of their Arrows, in that first assault, it remained not in their power to be able to assault us afresh. The next day following going over another such passage, I who went in the Vanguard descried the Savage people, and gave intelligence to the Governor who came in the Rearward, and so going well ordered and provided, they could not offend us, and as soon as we were come forth into the Plain, they came always following us. Whereupon turning about and dividing ourselves into two parts, we slew two of them. Auellaneda turning about ran to help his boy, the Indians smote him with an Arrow on the side of the Cuiras, and the stroke was such, that the whole Arrow almost went through behind the head, so that he suddenly died, and we carried him dead unto Aute. We came to Aute, the ninth day after our departure from Apalachen: and found all the people of that place fled, having burned their houses. There we found much Maiz and Gourds, and certain Pulse which were then ready to be gathered. So we reposed ourselves two days there, and after the Governor prayed me, that I would go to discover the Sea, seeing the Indians said, it was so near, and we also had discovered it as we went, by a very great River, which we found by the way: and called it the River of Madalena. I was sent to discover the Sea. The day following we departed The River Madalena. from Aute, and marched all that day until we came where I had been before: the way was very troublesome, because the Horses were neither able to carry them that were feeble, nor knew we what remedy to take, because they were every day worse than other. Having proved many remedies, we all agreed in one judgement, to put a very hard thing in execution, and that was to make Boats for us to go from thence. It seemed a thing impossible to all, because some of us knew not how to make them, and we had neither Iron Tools, nor Forge, nor Ockam, Pitch, nor Ropes, nor finally, any thing of so many, which were needful in such an exercise: and above all we had not provision of victual for so long time while they should be made. The day following it pleased God, that one of our men came, who said, that he would make certain Pipes of wood, and that with the skins of wild beasts, certain Bellowes should be made to blow. And finding us at a time, wherein what thing soever he would, which had the least colour, or shadow of remedy, seemed sufficient: we said, that he should make them, and so we agreed, that of the Stirrups, Spurs and Crossbows, and other things of Iron which were among us, Nails, Saws and Hatchets should be made; and other Tools of Iron, seeing they were so needful. And we took for remedy, to have some food while this should be put in execution, that four entries should be made into Aute, with all the Horse, and others that could go thither, Hard shift. and that every third day one Horse should be killed, to be divided among them that wrought in the making of the Boats, and them that were sick. The entries were made with as many men and horses, as was possible, who brought thence about four hundred Staras of Maiz, although not without controversy and contention, with those Indians. We caused many Palmiti also to be gathered, that with the woolley part and bark thereof, twisting and drawing them in length we might be able to use them in stead of Ockam for the Boats. And we used so great diligence therein, that beginning the fourth of August, the twentieth of September next five Boats were finished, of two and twenty Cubits a piece, and we stopped the chinks, and calking with Ockam of the Palmiti; and pitched them with a certain Gum, Ockam of Palmiti. which a Grecian called Don Theodoro, brought from certain Pinetrees, and with the same bark of the Palmiti, and of the trains, and hair of Horses we made cordage and tackling, and made sails of out shirts, and of the Savine trees which were there, we made such Oars as we thought necessary: and such was that Country, whereinto our sins conducted us, that no stones were found there, to ballast the Boats, nor saw we any throughout all that Country. We likewise No stones. flayed the whole legs of horses, and sewed the skin together, to make bottles to carry water. In this mean time, some of our men went to gather Tamarindi in the strand of the Sea, where the Indi●●s at two several times wherein they encountered them, slew ten Christians, so near to our Tents, that we saw them, and could not help them, and found them shot through from side to side, with Arrows, so that although our men had excellent Armour, they were not able to resist, Strong shot. their strokes, those Indians shooting with such dexterity and force, as aforesaid. And our Pilots said and swore, that from the flat shore which we called by the name of the Cross, unto this Cross shore. place, we had gone about two hundred and fourscore leagues, little more or less, and in all that Country we saw no Mountains, nor had any notice by any means, that there were any, and Miserable success of the Spaniards in this Voyage. before that we embarked, besides those which the Indians had slain, there were more than forty other men dead through sickness and famine. The two and twentieth day of September, they ceased to eat horses, so that only one remained, and on that day we embarked in this order. In the Governors' Boat went nine and forty men, and in the other which he gave to the Auditor and Commissary, went as many more. The third, he gave to Captain Alonzo del Castiglio, and Andrea Durante, with eight and forty men, and another he gave unto two other Captains, the one called Tells, and the other Pigualosa, with seven and forty men, and the fifth he gave to the Controller and me, with nine and forty men. And after the victuals and furniture, and other things were shipped, they arose no more than a fourth part above the water, and beside this we were so streighted, that we could not guide nor turn in the Boats. Necessity was so powerful, that it made us adventure to go in this manner, and commit ourselves unto so dangerous a Sea, without having any one among us, who knew the art of Navigation. That flat shore from whence we departed, is called the shore of the Horses, and we went seven Spiaggia de Cavalli. days through those gulfs with the water up to the girdle, without seeing any sign of the Coast: and at the end of those seven days, we arrived at an Island which standeth near unto the Land. My Boat went before, and we saw five Canowes' of Indians coming, who forsook them all, and left them in our hands seeing us come towards them. Our other Boats went before, and lighted upon certain houses in the same Island, where they found many of their Eggs and Thorn-back were dry, and greatly relieved us in the necessity wherein we were. After this, we went further, and two leagues from thence we passed a Straight which that Island maketh with the Land, and called it the Straight of Saint Michael, because we passed it upon that holy day. Being gotten out of that Straight, we arrived at the Coast, where with the five Canowes' The Straight of Saint Michael. which I had taken from the Indians, we removed some things out of our Boats, making them fast and joining them to ours, so that they arose two handfuls above water, and therewithal we turned to go along the Coast by the way of the River of Palms, thirst and famine always R. of Palms. increasing: because the victuals were very scant, and almost at an end, and we wanted water, because the bottles which we had made of the skins of horses, became suddenly putrified and musty, and were good for nothing, and many times we entered into certain gulfs and flat shores, which went far within the Land, and found them all shallow and dangerous. And so we went thirty days, and sometimes found some Indian fishers, a poor and miserable people: and at the end of these thirty days, when our necessity for want of water, was extreme, going to the Coast, one night we perceived a Canow coming, and seeing her we expected that she would have arrived; but although we called unto her she would not come nor behold us, and because it was night we followed her not, but held on our course. When day began to appear; we saw a small Island, and went thither to see if we could find any water there, but we laboured in vain because there was none. While we stayed there, a mighty tempest arose upon us, whereupon we abode there six days, not daring to put out to Sea again, and having passed five days without drinking, our thirst was so great, that we were forced to drink the Sea-water, and some drank so largely that five of our men died suddenly. We went out the same way, which we had seen the Canow go, the night before we departed thence. This day we saw our Miserable thust. selves many times drowned, and so cast away, that there was none of us, who did not assure himself of death. But it pleased our Lord God, who in the greatest necessities useth to show his favour, that about Sun set we weathered a point which the Land maketh, where we found it very calm and quiet. here many Canowes' came towards us, and the Indians that were in them, spoke unto us, and without wondering at us returned. They were a people of a great body and well set, and carried neither Bows nor Arrows. Some of us followed them unto their houses, which stood near unto the water side, and leapt aland, and before the entrance of the houses, we found many pots of water, and great quantity of fish, and the Lord of that Country offered it all unto the Governor, and taking him by the hand, brought him to his house (their houses are of Mats very well made.) And after we entered into the house of their Cazique or Lord, he gave us much fish, and we gave them bread of Corn which we brought, and they eat it in our presence, and demanded more, which we gave them, and the Governor gave the Cazique many small trifles, and abiding with him in his house, about half an hour within night, the Indians assaulted us, and the rest of our men, who road very ill, being cast upon that Coast, they assaulted also the house of the Cazique where the Governor was, and with a stone smote him on the face: and took the Cazique. But he having his men so near escaped away, and left a Mantle of his of the skins of the Martinet Sables, which in my judgement are the best of all the World, and have a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise, and Musk is not comparable: Rich Furs & sweet Mardole Zibelline. and the scent thereof was smelled very far off. We saw also other but none like unto that. Now seeing the Governor wounded, we set him aboard, and caused him to bring with him the greater part of the men unto the Boats: and fifty of our men only remained on land, to fight with the Indians, who that night assaulted us three times, and with so great violence, that every time they made us retire a stones cast, so that there was not one of our men, that was not wounded. After this we returned to embark ourselves, and sailed three days: and having taken a little water, as much as the few vesiels we had, were able to carry, we returned to fall into the same necessity wherein we were first. And going on our Voyage, we entered into a Straight, where abiding we saw a Canow of the Indians coming, and as we called unto them, they came, and the Governor to whose Boat they were nearest, demanded water of them, who offered it him if he would give them vessels wherein to carry it: so a Greek Christian, called Theodoro, of whom mention is made before, said that he would go with them. And although the Governor, and many other laboured to dissuade him, yet he would needs go thither, and carried a Negro with him, and the Indians left for hostages two of their men. Those Indians returned in the Evening, and brought us our vessels without water, but brought not our two Christians again: and those two men of theirs, who remained for pledges, as soon as they spoke unto them, would have cast themselves into the water, but our men who had them in the Boat held them, and so the other Indians fled and left us much confounded and sorrowful, for the two Christians which we had lost. The morning following, many other Canoas' of the Indians came unto us, demanding their two companions which they left us for hostages. The Governor answered, that he would give them unto them, so that they would restore us our two Christians. Five, or six Lords came with those people, and it seemed to us, that they were of a very good disposition, and of greater authority, and retinue, than all the rest we had found hitherto, although they were not of so tall a stature Desription of th●se Indians. as the other before mentioned. They wore their hair loose, and very long, and were covered with mantles of Martinets, of the same sort whereof we spoke before, and some of them were made of a very strange fashion, having certain laces of the work of Lion's skins, which seemed very fair. They prayed us, that we would go with them, and they would give us our two Christians, and water, and many other things: and many Canoas' came continually upon us, endeavouring to take the mouth of that passage, and so therefore, because the place was very dangerous, we went out to Sea, where we stayed with them until noon. But, not being willing to restore our Christians, and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages, they began to cast stones at us with slings: making show also that they would shoot at us, although we saw not above three or four Bows among them. And while we continued thus: a fresh gale of wind began to blow, and they went their way. So, we sailed all that day until the evening, at what time my Boat that went before, discovered a point which the Land made, and at the other end I saw a River: then I anchored at a small Island, which maketh that point, to stay for the other Boats. The Governor would not come near it, but put into a flat shore very near thereunto, where many small Lands were, and there we all met together, and took fresh water within the Sea, because the River ran into the Sea continually, and with great violence. And that we might be able to bake a little Maiz which we brought, because for two days before, we had eaten it raw, we went aland on that Island, but finding no wood there, we agreed to go unto the River, which was behind the Point one league from thence. And as we went, the current of the River was so great, that by no means it suffered us to arrive, but Current. drove us back from the Land. land II. Misery pursues them at Sea, and betrays them to the Indians: their miserable lives and death. We sailed four days, every one eating half a handful of raw Maiz a day by ratement. At the end of these four days, a tempest took us, which made us recover the Boat of Captain Tells, and through the great mercy which God showed to some of us, we were not wholly drowned. And being Winter, and exceeding cold, and so many days wherein we had sustained hunger, with many blows which we received from the Sea, the day following the men began very much to faint, in such manner, that when the Sun went down, all those that were in my Boat, were fallen one upon the other, so near unto death, that few of them had any sense, and among all them there were not five that could stand on their feet, and when night came there remained no more but the Master and myself, that could manage the Boat, and two hours within night the Master said unto me, that I should take charge of my Boat, because he was in such case, that he held it for certainty, that he should die that night. And so I took the rudder, and midnight being past, I went to see if the Master were dead, who said unto me, that suddenly he was better, and that he would guide the Boat until day. Then surely I found myself in such state, that much more willingly I would have received death, then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were: and after the Master took charge of the Boat I rested myself a little, but very unquietly, because at that time nothing was further from me then sleep. And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea, because being a very low Coast it raged much, whereupon when I heard this, I called to the Master, who answered me, that he supposed we were now near unto the Land; and sounding, we found ourselves in seven fathom, and he thought it fit, that we should abide at Sea until the day appeared. And so I took an Oar and rowed to the Lands side, which we found one league distant, and put the stern to the Sea. And being near to the Land, a wave took us, which cast the Boat back again into the Sea as far as a man might well fling a stone, and with the great blow which it gave, almost all the men who remained there as dead, received their senses again, and seeing us so near unto the Land, began to arise and go on their hands and feet. And having landed, we made fire in certain trenches, and boiled some of the Maiz which we had brought, and found rainwater: and with the heat of the fire, the men began to recover and take strength: and the day that we arrived there, was the sixth of November. After the men had eaten, I commanded Lopez de Ouiedo, who was the best able, and strongest of all the rest, that he should go close to any tree of them that were there at hand, and climbing up into one of them, he should discover the Land where we were, and see if he could have any knowledge thereof. He did so, and saw that we were in an Island, and found certain poor Cottages of the Indians, which stood solitary, because those Indians were gone unto the field. And so he took a pot, a young whelp, and a little Thornbacke, and returned unto us. About half an hour after, an hundred Indian Archers came suddenly upon us, who though they were great, yet fear made them seem to be Giants: and they stood round about us, where the first three were. It had been a vain thing amongst us to think that there were any to defend us, because there were scarce six that were able to rise from the ground. The Controller and I came towards them, and called unto them, and they came near unto us, and we endeavoured the best we could, to secure them; so we gave them Crowns and Bells, and every one of them gave me an Arrow, which is a token of friendship, and they told us by signs that they would return unto us in the morning, and bring us somewhat to eat, because at that time they had nothing. The next morning at the break of day, which was the hour whereof the Indians had spoken, they came unto us, and brought us much fish, and certain Roots which they eat, and are like unto Nuts, some bigger, and some less, which they dig under the water with much trouble. At the evening they returned again, and brought us more fish, and some of the same Roots, and brought also their wives and little children with them that they might see us: and so they returned rich in Crowns and Bells which we gave them, and the next day they returned to visit us with the same things, which they had done before. Then seeing we were now provided of fish, of those roots, and water, and other things which we could get, we agreed to embark ourselves, and proceed on our Voyage: so we digged the Boat out of the sand, where it was fast moored, and were constrained to strip ourselves naked, and endured great labour to launch her into the water. Being embarked, about two Crossbow shots within the Sea, there came such a wave of water that it washed us all, and being naked, and the cold extreme, we let go the Oars, and another blow which the Sea gave us, overturned the Boat, whereupon the Controller and two other went out to escape by swimming: but the clean contrary befell them, because the Boat struck them under water, and drowned Three drowned. them. That Coast being very fair, the Sea cast us all aland on the same Coast, all tumbled in the water, and half drowned, so that we lost not a man, but those three, whom the Boat smote under water. We which remained alive were all naked, having lost all that which we had, which although it were but a little, yet was it much for us at that time: and being then November, and the cold very extreme, and being in such case, that a man might easily tell all our bones, we seemed to be the proper and true figure of Death. As for myself, I am well able to say, that from the month of May past, I had not eaten any other thing then parched Maiz, and sometimes I was in so great necessity, that I have eaten it raw, because although the Horses were killed while they made the Boats, yet I could never eat them, and I did not eat fish ten times. I speak this, that every one might consider, how we could continue in that case, and above all, the North wind blew that day, so that we were nearer unto death, than life. It pleased God, that seeking the brands of the fire which we had made before we embarked, we found light there, and so making great fires, we stood craving mercy from our Lord God, and pardon of our sins, with many tears, every one of us grieving not only for himself, but for all the rest, that he saw in the same state. At the setting of the Sun, the Indians supposing that we had not been gone, came to find us, and brought us somewhat to eat, but when they saw us thus, in so differing an habit from the first, and in such strange manner, they were so afraid, that they turned back again: but I went towards them, and called them, who beheld me with much fear. Hereupon I gave them to understand by signs, that the Boat was caft away, and three men drowned, and there they themselves saw two dead, and the rest of us that were now remaining were going the high way to death. The Indians seeing the misfortune which had befallen us, and the lamentable case wherein we Humanity of Savages. were, with so great calamity and misery, came amongst us, and through great grief and compassion which they had of us, began mightily to weep and lament, and that from the heart, insomuch that they might be heard far from thence, and they thus lamented more than half an hour. And surely, seeing these men so deprived of reason, and so cruel after the manner of brute beasts, so bewailed our miseries, it caused that in me, and all the rest of our men, the compassion and consideration of our miseries should be much more increased. The mournful lamentation being somewhat appeased, I demanded of the Christians, whether they thought it fit, that I should entreat those Indians to bring us to their houses, whereunto some of them that were of Nova Spagna, answered me, that I should not speak a word thereof, because if they brought us home to their houses, they would have sacrificed us to their Idols. Now seeing there was no other remedy, and that, what other way soever, death was more certain and more near, I cared not for that which they said, but prayed the Indians, that they would bring us to their houses, and they showed us, that it pleased them very well, and that we should tarry a little, and they would do as much as we desired, presently thirty of them laded themselves with wood, and went unto their houses, which were far from thence: and we remained with the rest, until it was almost night, and then they took us, and conducting us, we went with much anguish and heaviness unto their houses. And because they feared lest through the extreme coldness of the way any of us should die, or swound and faint, they had provided, that by the way four or five great fires should be made, some small space distant each from other, and at every one of them they warmed us, and when they saw that we had taken a little strength and heat, they brought us to another, with so great care, that they did not so much as suffer us to set our feet on the ground, and after this manner we were brought unto their houses: where we found that they had provided an house for us, & many fires therein, and about one hour after we were come thither, they began to dance and rejoice, which continued all the night. Although amongst us there was neither joy nor sleep, expecting when they would have sacrificed us. In the morning they returned to give us fish, and roots, and used us so well, that we somewhat assured ourselves, and lost some part of the fear of sacrificing. In those days wherein we abode there, I saw a small Net, with one of those Indians, and knew that it was not any of them which we gave them, and demanding whence they had it, they answered me by signs, that other men, such as we were, gave it them, who abode behind that place. I seeing this, sent two Christians, and two Indians, to show them those men, and being gone, they met with them very near, who came to seek us out, because the Indians of those places had told them of us. These men were Captain Andrea Dorante, and Alonso del Castiglio, with all the men of their Boat. And being come unto us, they were afraid to behold us in that manner wherein we were, and were very sorrowful that they had not any thing to give us, because they had no other garments, than those which they wore. And they abode there with us, and told us, how on the fifth day of that same month, their Boat had crossed over, one league and an half from thence, and that they had escaped without losing any thing. We all agreed together, to trim that Boat of theirs, and that all such as had strength, and ability to do it, should go therein, and that the rest should remain there until they recovered: and that when they were able, they should go along the Coast, and wait there till God should conduct them with the rest of us unto a Land of the Christians. And as we determined, so we did, and before we launched the Boat into the water, Tavera an Horseman of our company died: and the Boat which we thought should carry us, she also made her end, and was not able to uphold herself, but was suddenly drowned. Whereupon being in that manner aforesaid, and naked, and the weather so unseasonable to travel, and pass over Rivers and Gulfs by swimming, and having no victual, or any sustenance, nor means to carry them, we determined to do that which necessity and force compelled us unto, that is to say, to winter there. And we likewise agreed, that four of our lustiest and strongest men should go to Panuco, supposing it near unto Panuco. that place. And that if it should please our Lord God, that they arrived there, they should give intelligence that we were there, and tell them of our necessity and miseries. They who went were very great swimmers, the one was called Alnaro Ferrante, a Portugal, who was a Carpenter, and a Mariner, the second was called Mendos, and the third Figeroa a native of Toledo, and the fourth was borne in Zaffra, and they carried an Indian with them of the Island of Auia. These four Christians being departed, within few days after there came such unseasonable weather of cold and tempests, that the Indians could not find the roots, and out of the channels where they were wont to fish, they digged no fruit at all, and things falling out so unhappily, many people began to die: and five Christians who were in Xamo, upon that Coast, came to such extremity, that they eat one another, until there remained but one only, because there was none to eat him. Their names are these Siera, Diego Lopez, Coral, Palatio, Gonzalo Ruis. The Christians eat one another, for hunger. The Indians were so altered through this accident, and took so great an offence, that without doubt, if they had known it in the beginning, they would have killed them all, so that all we had been in very great danger. Finally, in a small time, of fourscore men (which we were in all) there remained only fifteen. After this mortality, a certain infirmity of the stomach happened to the Indians, through the which half of them died, and they believed that we Indian sickness and mortality. were the men that killed them: and holding it for an assured truth, they contended among themselves to kill all those few of us that were remaining: and now coming to put it in execution, an Indian which I had, said unto them, that they should not believe that we were those that killed them; for if we had such power, we would have procured, that so many men of our own should not have died, which they had seen dead, without any ability of ours to remedy and help them, and that now we were very few remaining, whereof none had done them any prejudice or harm: wherefore it were better that they suffer us to live. Thus it pleased our Lord God, that the rest followed his counsel and judgement, and so ceased from that purpose. We called this Island the Island of Malhado. Island Malhado. The people which we found there, are of a great stature, and well set, and have no other weapons but Bows and Arrows, with the which they are exceeding ready and quick. The men have one of their paps pierced from the one side to the other, and there are some who have Pierced paps, with canes for gallantry. them both pierced, and in the hole which they make, they carry a Cane across, of the length of two spans and an half and two fingers thick. They likewise have the nether lip bored, and within the same they carry a piece of a thin Cane, about half a finger thick. The women endure much drudgery and labour. The habitation which they make in that Island, is from October until the end of February, and their food is the roots aforesaid, digged under water in The Indians poor life. November and December. They have Wears, but have no fish but at this time, and before that they eat roots. At the end of February they go into other Parts to seek food: because the roots begin then to grow, and are not very good. This Nation, above all other parts of the world, love their children, and use them best. And when it happeneth that any one of their children dieth, the father, mother, and kindred, with all the people lament him, and the mourning Mourning for children. and lamentation, continueth one whole year, so that every day before the Sun ariseth, the parents begin first to lament, and after them all the people, and they do the same at noon, and in the morning: and the year being ended, they accomplish their Funerals, and honourable rites of Burial, which they perform unto the dead: and then they wash themselves, and shift all the apparel which they wore. They bewail all their dead in this manner, except the aged, whom they esteem not, for, say they, that they have now passed their time; and are Age disesteemed. no more good for any thing, but occupy the earth, and take away the maintenance from Infants and little children. They use to bury the dead, unless they be such as are Physicians among them, Physicians burned. whom they burn, and while the fire flameth they stand all dancing with great joy, and make powder of the bones: and when the year is past, wherein they perform the honourable rites, unto their dead, they all tumble, and wallow upon the earth, and give that powder of the bones to the kinsfolk, to drink in water. Every one have their proper and peculiar wives. The Physicians are they that have most liberty, who may keep two or three wives, and among them there is great friendship and conformity. When any marrieth his daughter, he that taketh her, bringeth unto the wife, whatsoever he taketh by hunting or fishing, even unto the day wherein he is espoused unto her, who carrieth it unto the house of the father, without daring to take or eat any thing thereof: and afterward they bring food to the house of the father-in-law for him to eat, and in all this time, neither father-in-law nor mother-in-law enter into their house, nor are they to enter in●o their house, nor the houses of their kindred. And if by chance they meet each other in the way, they go a Crossbow shot off one from the other, and so long time as they thus go far off, they hang down their heads, and cast their eyes on the ground; for they hold it a wicked and an evil thing to be seen, and to be spoken unto. The women have liberty to converse with the fathers-in-law, and other kinsfolk: and they of that Island have Filthy and foolish customs. this custom more than fifty leagues within the Land. They have another custom, and that is this, that when any of their brethren or children die, for three months they provide nothing to eat for them of the house where they died, but let them die through hunger, if the kinsfolk and neighbours provide them not somewhat to eat. Whereupon, at the time that we were there, many people dying, there was very great famine. In the most part of the houses, because they strictly observe their customs and ceremonies: and they who provided food for them, it being a very hard time, could find but a little. And upon this occasion, those Indians that had me went out of the Island, and in their Canoas' passed over unto the firm Land, unto certain flat shores, where; they had many Oysters: and for three months in the year they eat no other thing, and drink very bad water. They have great scarcity of wood, and great multitudes of Flies: their houses are made of mats spread upon the sh l of Oysters, and over them they sleep upon the hides of beasts, which yet they have not but by a chance. And so we continued until the middle of April, that we went to the Sea-coast, where we eat Mulberries all that month, wherein they end their sports, and festival jollity. In that Island whereof I have spoken, they would make us Physicians, without examining They are made Physicians. us, or demanding the titles of our profession, and because they heal the infirmity with blowing upon the diseased, and cure them with that, and with their hands: they would that we also should do the like, and serve them in any thing whatsoever. But we laughed thereat, saying it was a jest and mockery, and that we knew not how to heal, whereupon they took away our food, until we did that which they said. And seeing our unbelief, an Indian said unto me, that I knew not what I said, because stones and herbs that grow in the fields have virtue, and that he with an hot stone, laying it upon the stomach, cured the pain: and that we who are men, must of a certainty have greater virtue, than all other things of the world. In the end, seeing Learned argument. ourselves in so great necessity we were constrained to do it, yet not hoping to help any at all: the manner and means which they observe in curing is this, that seeing themselves sick they send for the Physician, to whom (after they are cured) they give all that they have; and besides procure other things from their kindred to give them. The cure which the Physicians do unto them, is to cut certain gashes where the disease or grief is, and suck it round about. They sear Manner of curing. it also with fire, which among them is held a very profitable thing, and I have proved it and it succeeded well. After this, blowing in the place where the grief is, they suppose the disease thereby to be removed. The means whereby we cured them, was to bless them and blow upon them, and say a Pater noster and an Au● Mary, and pray the best we could unto our Lord God, that he would give them their health, and put it into their hearts to use us well. It pleased his mercy that all they for whom he prayed, as soon as we had blessed and hallowed them, said unto the rest that they were sound and well: and for this they used us very courteously and left eating themselves to give it unto us, and gave us skins and other trifling things. The famine was so exceeding great in that place, that many times I continued three days without eating any thing at all, and so did they also, insomuch as I thought it impossible to be able to live: although afterward, I found myself in far greater famine and necessity, as I shall hereafter speak. The Indians who had Alonso del Castiglio, and Andrea Dorante and the rest that remained alive: being of another Language, and other parentage, passed over to another part of the firm Land, to eat Oysters where they abode until the first day of April, and presently after they returned unto an Island near unto it about two leagues, for that it yielded more water, and the Island is half a league over and five in length. All the people of that Country go naked, and the women only have some parts of their body covered with a certain kind of Cotton which they gather from certain trees, and the Damsels cover themselves with the skins of wild beasts. The people differ much one from another in their Garments. There is not any Lord or Cazique among them, and all they who are of one Family and stock go together. Two sorts of Languages dwell there, one of them that are called Capoques, and the other Han: they have a custom, that if at any time they see such as they know, they stand half an hour lamenting, before they speak: and after that, he that is visited ariseth first and giveth unto the other whatsoever he possesseth, and he receiveth it: and a little after he goeth away with that Garment, and sometimes Lamentable salutations. after they have received it, they depart without speaking a word. After Dorante and Castiglio returned to the Island, they gathered together all the Christians, who were somewhat dispersed, and found them fourteen in all. I (as I said) abode on the other side in the main Land, whither my Indians had brought me, and where a great sickness took me. Now when the Christians knew that, they gave the Mantle of Martinets (which we had taken from the Cazique as aforesaid) unto an Indian that he might bring them where I was, to see me: and so twelve of them came, because the other two were so weak, that they feared to bring them with them. And when they were come to the firm Land, they found another of our men, called Francisco del Leon. All these thirteen went along the Coast, and as soon as the Indians who kept me were gone, they advised me, and told me that jeronimo d' Alaniz, and Lope d' Ouiedo, were yet remaining in that Island. My infirmity hindered me that I could not follow them, and so I saw them not otherwise, and I was of necessity to stay with those same Indians of the Island more than a year. But by reason of the great travel and pains whereunto they put me, as also their evil usage of me, I determined to fly from thence, and pass over The Indians of Carruco. unto them, who abide in the Mountains and firm Land, whom they call the Indians of Carr●co, because I could not endure the life, which I led with the other. For among many other painful labours, I was compelled to dig Roots under the water, and among the Canes where they grew under the ground. And herewith I had my fingers so spoilt, that a straw that should have touched me, would have drawn blood: and the Canes being full of splinters tore me in diverse parts, among which I was to go with the Garment aforesaid, which I wore. Whereupon I endeavoured to go from thence unto those other, and with them I continued somewhat better. And because I made myself a Merehant, I was careful to perform that office with the best knowledge I had. And for this cause they gave me food, and used me well, and prayed me to go from place to place for such things as they needed, because in respect of the Wars which they continually make among themselves, there is neither travelling, nor much trading among them: so that now with my traffic and Merchandise, I went throughout the whole Country as far as I would, and traveled along the Coast, forty or fifty leagues. The principal traffic I had, were pieces of shells of the Sea, and their hides, and shells wherewith they knit a certain fruit like unto Beech mast, with the which they provide for their dance and festival sports: and this is the greatest thing of price among them, and crowns of the Sea, and such other like things. And this is that which I carried within Land, I afterward carried hides in exchange, and red Ochre with the which they anoint and die their faces, and their hair: I also carried flint stones to make Arrow heads and Glue, and stiff Canes to make Arrows: and certain flocks which they make of Deeres hair so died, that it remaineth coloured. And this office greatly availed me, because I had liberty to go whither I would, and was not bound to do any thing, for I was not a slave, and whithersoever I went they used me well, and gave me somewhat to eat in respect of my Merchandise, but that which most imported me, was, that going thus I searched, and saw how I might go further: and among them I was very well known. And such as knew me not desired my company, and procured means to know me for the fame which I had among them. I continued about six years with them in that Country alone, and naked as they all go. I got Lope de Ouiedo to travel with me to seek out the Christians: but hearing by the Indians Quevenes and Dragnanes, Indians. that only three were left of our company, he left me: and I remained alone with those Indians, who were called Quevenes, and they with whom Lope went, were called Dragnanes. Two days after Lope de Ouiedo was gone, the Indians who kept Alonso del Castiglio, and Andrea Dorante came unto the place, as those other Indians had foretold us to eat of certain Nuts wherewith they maintain themselves, grinding certain grains with them two months in the year, without eating any other thing; although they have them not every year, because some years they grow, and some not. They are of the bigness of those of Galicia, and the trees are very great, and are there in great number. Being now near unto the place where they lodged, Andrea Dorante came forth to see who it was, because the Indians had now told him that a Christian was come. And as soon as he saw me, he remained much astonished, because they supposed I had been long since dead, for so the Indians told them. We gave God hearty thanks to see one another, and that day was one of them, wherein we had the greatest joy and pleasure in our lives. And after coming where Castiglio was, they asked me whether I would go, I answered, that my purpose was to pass into the Land of the Christians, and that I went seeking and searching how I might do it. Andrea Dorante answered, that long since he entreated Castiglio and Estevamico, that we might go further, but they durst not venture to do it, because they could not swim, and greatly feared the Rivers and Gulfs which they were to pass over, there being many in those Countries. Wherefore seeing it had pleased our Lord God to preserve me among so many dangers and diseases, and in the end to bring me into their company, they determined to fly, and that I should carry them over the Rivers and Gulfs which we found. And they advertized me, that by no means, I should let the Indians know that I would go further, because they would presently kill me, and that for this cause I was of necessity to stay with them six months, which was the time in the which those Indians went into another Country to eat Tune. These Tune are certain Fruits of the bigness of an Egg, red and black, and of a very good Tune, fruits of India. taste. They eat them three months in the year, wherein they eat no other thing, and because at the time when they gathered them, other Indians beyond would come with Bows to contract and barter with them, we (when they returned) might escape from our Indians, and go with them. With this determination I remained there, and yielded myself a slave unto an Indian, with whom D●rante abode. These Indians are called Mariane, and Castiglio remained with other of their Neighbours, called Iguales. And while we continued there, they reported unto me, that after they were come Marianes. Igu●bes. out of the Island of Malhado upon the Sea Coast, they found the Boat wherein the Auditor and the Friars crossed over, and that passing those Rivers which are four, and very great: the many currents took the Boat wherewith they went to Sea, and four of them were drowned, the rest with much labour passed the Gulf: and that fifteen leagues further they found another, and as soon as they met together there, two of their companions died in the time that they had traveled sixty leagues, and that all the rest were yet at the point of death, and that all that journey they had eaten nothing but Crevices and Herbs of the wall, and coming to this last Gulf, they said, that they found Indians who stood eating of Mulberries, who when they saw the Christians they went unto the other end, and so they standing still and devising means to pass the Gulf, an Indian and a Christian came unto them, and being come, they knew it was Figheroa, one of the four we had sent before from the Island of Malhado, who recounted unto them in what manner he and his companions came to that place where two of them and one Indian died all through cold and famine, because they were come thither in the hardest time of the year: and that the Indians had taken Figheroa himself and M●ndes, which Mendes fled afterwards, travelling the best he could towards Pa●●co; and that the Indians followed after him and slew him. And that abiding thus with those Indians, he understood that with the Marianes there was a Christian, who had passed to the other side, and he found him with them whom they call Quevenes. Which Christian was Gernando d' Esquivel, a Native of Badaioa, who came in the company of the Commissary, and that from Esquivell, he understood what end the Governor had, together with the Auditor and the rest: telling them how the Auditor and the Friars had launched their Boat into the Rivers, and coming along the Coast, the Governor landed his people, and went with his Boat until they came unto that great Gulf, where he turned to take in his men, and pass over to the other side, and returned for the Auditor and the Friars, and all the rest. And he declared, that being thus embarked, the Governor revoked the authority of his Lieutenant, which the Auditor had, and gave that charge unto a Captain that went with him, called Pantossa. And that the Governor stayed that night in his Boat, & would not come on Land, and the Master abode with him, and one Page who was not well, and they had neither water nor any thing to eat in the Boat: so about midnight so hard a gale of wind from the North took them, that it drove the Boat into the Sea before any one saw it, for he had nothing to relieve him but one flint stone, and they knew not that he had any other thing besides. And when the men who remained on the land saw this, they went along the Coast, and finding the water so rough, they made floats with much trouble and pains, and so passed over unto the other side. And going further they came to the point of an Hill at the water side, and found Indians there, who when they saw them coming put their things into their Canowes', and passed over to the other side of the Coast. So the Christians seeing what the time was being in November, abode in that Mountain because they found water, wood, and certain Crevices there, where through cold and famine, by little and little, they began to die. And beside this, Pantossa who remained Lieutenant, used them very ill, and not being able to endure it, the Sergeant Maior Brother of Vasquez Porealle, who came in the fleet from Cuba, Master of the Camp, revolted from Pantossa, and smote him with a piece of wood, with the which blow he died, and such as died became the morsels of the other, and the last that died, was the Sergeant Maior, and Esquivel did The Spaniards eate one another. the like, and eating him, maintained himself until the first of March, that an Indian one of them who fled from thence came to see if they were all dead, and after brought Esquivel away from thence with him, who being in subjection to this Indian Figheroa spoke with him, and understood all this of him which we have before declared, and prayed him to come with him, that they might go together towards Pamico: but Esquivel would not do it, saying, that he understood by Friars that Pamico was behind them, and so he remained there, and Figheroa went to the Coast where he used to abide. All this Figheroa reported unto us, by the relation which Esquivel made unto him, and so from hand to hand it came unto me. Whereby he might see and know the end which all that fleet had, and the particular mischances which happened to every one of the rest. And he further said, that if the Christians at any time should go through those parts, it might be, that they should see Esquivel, b●cause he knew that he was fled from that Indian with whom he abode, unto the other which are called Marianes, who were their Neighbours. And so having ended his Discourse, he and Asturiano, were about to go unto the other Indians that were further beyond, but those Indians who kept them perceiving them, went forth and came to give them many Bastinadoes and spoiled Asturian●, and wounded him on the arm with an Arrow, but yet in the end they fled, and the other Christians remained: and procured those Indians to take them for slaves, although abiding with them and serving them, they were as evilly entreated as ever any slaves were or other men of the World. Because of six which they were, not being contented continually to buffet, and ●udgell them, and pluck off their beards with the skin, only for their pastime and recreation and only for going from one house to another, they killed three, who are those of whom I spoke before, to wit, Diego Dorante, Ualdeviesso, and Diego de Helua: and the other three that remained, expected that they also should make the like end, and not being able to endure that life, Andrea Dorantes fled to the Marianes, who were they with whom Esquivel abode, and they themselves reported that they had kept Esquivel there, who afterward would ha●e fled, because a woman had dreamt that he should kill a child of hers: the Indians pursued him and slew him; and they afterward showed Andrea Dorante his Sword, Crown, Book, and other things which he had. They have this custom also even to kill the same male children while they sleep, and when A cruel custom of the Indians, who use to kill their male children while they sleep, and cast their female children (as soon as they are borne) to the dogs to eat them, because they would not marry them to their enemies, nor to their kindred. the female children are borne, they leave them for the Dogs to eat, and cast them away in those places. And the reason why they do it is this, because they say that all they of the Country are their enemies, and make very great wars with them. Wherefore if by chance they should marry their Daughters, their enemies should be the more increased, who would subject them, and hold them all in captivity. And for this cause, they would rather kill them, then have any borne of themselves to become their enemies. We demanded of them why they married them not among themselves, who answered, that it was a beastly thing to marry them unto their kindred, and that it was much better to kill them, then give them for wives unto their kinsfolk and enemies. And they observe this custom, and other of their Neighbours also called jaguanes, and no other of that Country, but they observe the same. And when they take wives, they get the women of their enemies, and the price which they pay is the best Bow that they can get, with two Arrows. And if peradventure they have not a Bow, they give a Net of the wideness of a man's arm, and as much more in length. Dorante abode with them, and not long after fled from them. Castiglio and Estevamico came into the firm Land to the jaguanes. All they are Archers, and well ●et, although they be not so great as the other which we left behind, and have all their paps and their lips pierced like them. Their food principally are roots of two or three sorts, Penutious die. which they seek throughout the whole Country, which are very harsh and puff up such as eat them. They stay two days to roast them, and many of them are very bitter, and withal they dig them with much pains, but the famine in those Countries is so great, that they cannot live without them: and they go two or three leagues to seek them. They sometimes kill any wil●e The Indians in this Province eat Serpents, Vipers, and other beastly things, by reason of the famine which continually is th●re. Women. beast whatsoever, and at certain times take fish, but this is so little, and their hunger so great, that they eat Frogs, Ants Eggs, Worms, Lizards, Salamanders, Serpents and Vipers, which with their stinging kill men: they also eat earth, wood, and whatsoever they can get the dung of wild beasts, and other things which I leave to report, and I certainly believe, that if there were stones in that Country they would eat them. They keep the sharp bones of fishes and Serpents, which they eat to grind them all afterwards, and so eat that powder. The men load not themselves nor carry burdens, but the old men and women do all this, who are least esteemed among them, they bear no such love to their children as the other do, whereof I have spoken before. There are some among them, who use that sin which is against nature. Their women are very sufficient, and able to endure labour, for of the four and twenty hours of the day and night, they have but six hours of rest, and all the greater part of the night they spend in heating their Ovens, to dry those Roots which they eat. And when the day beginneth to appear, they begin to draw water, and carry wood unto their houses, and give order for other things which they want. The greater part of them are great thieves, because although among them they are well divided, yet if the Father or the Son turn but their heads about, the one taketh from the other Thiefs. whatsoever he can get. They are great and monstrous Liars and great Drunkards, and for that purpose they drink a certain kind of drink. They are so well used to run, that without resting themselves, or standing still at all, they run from Morning until the Evening following Indians which run a whole day to take a Deer, and tiring him with running, eftsoons take him alive in the chase. Nature's nur●lings. Dog's life. Tune-time. a Deer, and in this manner they kill many, following them until they tyre them, and sometimes take them alive. Their houses are of Mats set upon four Arches, and they take them up and remove them, every two or three days to seek food. They sow nothing at all to be able to have fruit thereof, and are a very pleasant and cheerful people, and notwithstanding the great hunger they endure, they cease not to dance and sport themselves. The best time which they have is when they eat Tune, because than they have no hunger, and pass all that time in dancing, and eat day and night all the time they have them. They wring them, open them, and set them to dry, and being thus dried they hang them up in Garlands like figs, and keep them to eat by the way, when they return thence: they also dry their Pills and make powder of them. Many times while we were with them, it so fell out, that we continued four days without eating any thing, because it was not there to be had; to make us merry they told us, that we should shortly have Tune, and should eat many of them and drink their juice, and fill our bellies very well, and that we should be very cheerful and contented, and without any hunger. And when they told us this, it was five or six months to the time of Tune. And when the time came, we came to eat Tune, and by the way we found many flies of three sorts, very mischievous and noisome, and all the rest of the Summer they put us to much Flies troublesome. trouble. And to defend us from them we made fires of rotten and moist wood, that it might not burn but make a smoke, but this defence put us to another trouble, for all the night we did nothing else but complain of the smoke which came into our eyes, and also of the great heat Noisome remedy. which the much fire gave us, and we went out to sleep by the side thereof, and if at any time we could sleep, they remembered us with their bastinadoes to return and make the fires burn. They who dwell further within the Land, use a remedy for these flies, as intolerable as this and worse, that is to say, they go with firebrands in their hands burning the Fields and the Woods wheresoever they meet with them, to make the flies to fly away: and so also they use to dig under the earth for Lizards, and other such like things to eat them, they use also to ●ill Decree; compassing them with many fires. Which they also do to take away food from the beasts, that they might be constrained to go from thence to find it, where they would have them. For they never settle themselves to dwell, but where wood and water are, and sometimes they load themselves all with this provision, and go to seek Dear, which (most commonly) abide where Decree hau●● dry places to avoid Huntmen. there is neither water nor wood: and the day they came thither they killed Dear, and some other hunting game such as they could get, and consumed all the water and wood in preparing them to be eaten, and in the fires which they made to hunt the flies, and tarried till the next day to take some thing to carry with them by the way. When they depart they go so miserably vexed with flies, that they seem to have the disease of Lazarus, and in this manner they expel hunger two or three times in the year with so great pains as hath been said: and because I have proved it, I dare affirm, that there is no travel in the World found like unto this. They found Oxen there and I saw them three times, and eat of them: and (as I think, they are of the bigness of those of Spain. They have little horns 〈…〉 e the Moresche cattle, and very Oxen of that Country. long hair, and some of them are ash-colour, and others black, and in my judgement they have better hair and much thicker than those of our Countries. Of those which are not great, they make Garments to cover them, and of the greater they make shoes and Targets and these came from the North further through the Land unto the Coast of Florida, and extend themselves far within the Land more than four hundred leagues. And in all this way, through the Valleys by which they come, the people that dwell there, come down and eat of them, and send great store of hides into the Country. When the six months were ended, wherein I abode with the Christians, hoping to put the determination made between us in execution, the Indians went to eat Tune, which might be some thirty leagues from thence, and being now ready to fly from them, the Indians with whom we abode, fell at variance among themselves about a woman, and buffetted and beat her, and broke her head: and for the great hatred and anger they conceived, they took their houses, and every one went unto their place. Whereupon it was necessary, that all the Christians who were there, should separate themselves with them, so that by no means we could meet together again until the next year: and in this time I passed much misery, as well for the great famine I endured, as for the evil usage, and bad entertainment those Indians gave me which was such, that I was fain to fly three times from those Masters that kept me, who all came diligently to seek me that they might kill me, but it pleased our Lord God, not to suffer them to find me, and to preserve me from their hands through his infinite mercy. As soon as the time of Tune returned, we Christians found ourselves together again in the same place where we were before, and having now joined together to fly from thence, and appointed the day, that very self same day the Indians separated us, and every one went unto their place, so I said unto the Christians, that I would expect them at the Tune, until the Moon were full, and that day when I said this unto them, was the first of September, and the prime of the Moon. And further I assured them, that if they came not within that time, I would go thence alone and leave them. And so we separated ourselves, and every man went with their Indians, and I stayed with mine until the thirteenth of the Moon: and my determination was to fly thence unto the other Indians, when the Moon should be full. On the thirteenth of the said month, Andrea Dorante and Estevamico came unto me and told me, that they had left Castiglio with other Indians, whom they call Canagadi, who dwelled near thereabout, and that they had passed many miseries, and had lost their way. And that the day before our Indians removed from Ca●ag●di Indians. their place, and were gone towards the place where Castiglio abode to join themselves with them who kept him, and make themselves friends having been enemies and at wars, even until that day: and in this manner also we recovered Castiglio. In all the time that we eat the Tune we were thirsty and for remedy we drank the juice thereof, which we poured in a trench which we made in the Earth, and when it was full, we drank thereof until we were satisfied: it is sweet and pleasant, and of the colour of new wine boiled, and this they do because there are no other vessels there wherein to put it. There are many sorts of Tune, among which some are very good, although all seemed good unto me, and hunger gave me no time to be able to make choice. The greatest part of all this Nation drink rain water, gathered together in certain Trenches. For although they have Rivers there, nevertheless, because they never have any certain and settled place of abode, they have no particular water known to them, or appointed place where to take it. Throughout the whole Country there are many great and goodly fences, and of excellent pasture for flocks and herds of cattle, and it would be a very fruitful Country if it Pastures. were manured, and inhabited by a people which had reason and knowledge. We saw no Mountains in all that Country all the time we stayed there. Those Indians told us, that further beyond there were another people, called Camoni, who live toward the Coast, who had ●laine all Cam●●i Indians. the men which came in the Boat of Pig●al●sa and Telliz, and that they were all so weak and sick, that although they killed them, they did not any way defend themselves, and so they made an end of them all, and they showed us their Garments and Weapons, and that the Bark remained there on the other side. This is the fifth Boat which made up the account, because we have already said, that the Sea carried away the Boat of the Governor, and that of the Audtour What became of their fifth Boat. and the Friars was seen cast athwart the Coast, and Esquivel declared the end of them. The two wherein Castiglio, myself, and D●rante went, we have already said, that they were drowned at the Island of Malhado. §. III. Their flight from the Indians to others, wonderful cures, back and belly cares: their travels thorough the Country, and hungry adventures. diverse peoples and their customs. AFter we were removed from the place, about two day's journey from them, we recommended ourselves unto our Lord God, and went flying thence, hoping that although the time of the year were now late, and the Tune ended, yet with the fruits that remained in the fields, we should be able to travel a great part of the Country. And so going that first day with much fear that the Indians would have followed us, we saw certain smokes, and going towards them after the evening we saw an Indian, who when he saw us fled without tarrying for us. Whereupon we presently sent the Negro unto him, who when he saw him alone stayed forhim. The Negro said unto him, that we came to seek out those people that made those smokes, so he answered, that their horses were near that place, and that he would guide us thither, and so we followed him and he went running to give notice of our coming. And about sunset we saw the houses, and about two crossbow shoots before we came thither, we found four Indians who stayed for us and courteously entertained us. We told them in the language of the Mariames' that we came to seek them, who seemed to be glad of our company, and so they brought us to their houses, and placed Dorante and the Negro in the house of a Physician, and me and Castiglio, with certain others. These people have another language, and are called A●●uares, and are they who used to bring the Bows unto those our first masters, and to A●●uares In- contract with them: and although they be of another nation and language, yet they understand the language of them with whom we first abode: and they themselves also that self same day came into that place with their houses. The people presently offered us much Tune, because they knew us both that we had healed them. The very same night that we came thither, certain Indians came into Castiglio, and told him that they had very great pain in their heads, entreating him that he would heal them: and after he had blessed them and recommended them unto God, in the very same instant they said that they were well, and that the pain was gone. So they went into their houses and brought us much Tune, and a piece of flesh of a wild beast, which we knew not what it was. This being Cures very wonderful, yet true. Benzo (which traveled fourteen years in the Indies with the Spaniards from 1541.) saith that of six hundred of Naruaez his company searsly t●n returned, which at Mexico reported that they had by breathing on them cured the sick, raised to life three dead men, etc. But, saith he, Let their holiness pardon me, I will easier believe that they killed four living men th' en th●t they raised half one de●d man to life. Ben. l. 2. c. 13. I permit some of these relations, more for knowledge of the Country, then for credit of Spanish cures in the Indies, which you shall find in Cas●s of another nature. These here challenge no Divine end to convert the people to God, and therefore are not like to have any divine beginning, but ●re either falsely told, or falsely done, or falsely intended by the Father of falsehood. And why may they not be ascribed to the Devil, either as lies, if never done, or if done, as devilish Arts to maintain rapine and superstition, which are here mentioned the effects thereof? Acosta tells of a great miracle-worker in the Indies, a vicious man, and hanged for knaveries. This Cowes-Head the Author is also by Schmidel before, recorded for a bad man in his acts at the River of Plate. I will conclude with S. Aug. de unit. Ecc. 〈◊〉. 16. Removeantur ista, v●● figment● mendac 〈…〉▪ hominum vel por●enta fallacium spirituum etc. published among them, many other diseased people came that night that he should heal them, and every one of them brought a piece of Venison, and they brought so many that we knew not where to put them. We yielded great thanks unto God, who so continually every day increased his mercy and his grace towards us. Thus when the cures were ended, they began to dance and sing their rhymes, and make their sports until the next day at the rising of the Sun, and this festival jollity continued three days by reason of our coming thither. Afterward we asked them of the Country beyond, and of the people and victuals that are found there, and they answered us, that throughout all that Country there was much Tune, but that they were now ended and that we should find no people, because after they had gathered the Tune, every one returned to their houses, and that it was a very cold Country, and very few skins were found there. Seeing this, and considering that the Winter, and cold time of the year was come we agreed to winter with them. And at the end of five days, after we came thither they departed thence, and went to seek other Tune, where other people were of other Nations and diverse languages: and having traveled five day's journey with much hunger, because neither Tune, not other fruits are found by the way, we came to a River and set up our houses there, and after went to seek certain fruits of a tree like unto a fig tree, and there being no high way in all those places, I stayed longer than the rest in finding them, and so they returned to their houses, and I remained alone, and coming to seek our men that night I had almost lost myself: and it pleased God that I found a tree under the which there was a fire, and at that fire I passed the cold of that night. In the morning I loaded myself with wood, and taking two fire brands I returned to seek them, and went in this manner five days, always with my fire and burden of wood, because if my fire should have been extinguished in places where there had been no wood (as in many places there is none) I was to kindle other fire brands and not to remain without fire, because I had no other remedy against the cold, being as naked as ever I was borne. And in the night I had this remedy, that I went to any small plat of ground beset with trees near unto the River, and there abode before the Sun went down and made a trench in the ground and put much wood therein, which they use to do of certain trees, whereof in those places there is great abundance, and put many sticks together of such as were fall'n and dry, and about that trench I made four fires a cross, and thought to come from time to time to renew the fires, and had made certain bundles of straw, whereof in those places there is much, and therewith I covered me in that trench, and in this manner defended myself from the cold of the nights: and on a certain night and the fire light on the straw which covered me while I was sleeping in the trench. So the fire began to burn very fiercely, and although with much fury I leapt out, yet the token of the danger which I had passed remained in my hair. In all this time I eat not one morsel nor found any thing to eat, and going thus scorched and singed much blood issued from my feet, and God used great mercy towards me that in all this time the North wind blew not, for otherwise there had been no remedy but I must needs have died. At the end of my five days I came to a River side where I found my Indians, who together with my Christians held me for dead, and always thought that some viper had stung me. And when they found me they greatly rejoiced to see me, but principally the Christians, who said unto me, that until that time they had traveled with much hunger, and for that cause they came not to seek me, and that night they gave me of the Tune which they had. The day following we departed thence, and went unto the place where much Tune was, wherewith we all satisfied the great hunger which we had, and we christian's gave many thanks unto our Lord God, who left us not without remedy. The next day many Indians came to us in the morning, and brought five sick men with them, who were lame and very ill, and they came to seek Castiglio that he might heal them, and every one of them that were diseased gave him their Bows and Arrows, which he received, and at the setting of the Sun he blessed them, and recommended them unto God, and we all besought him with the best devotion we could that he would give them health, seeing we saw there was no other remedy but to do the best we could that those people might help us, that so we might be able to get out of that miserable life: and his infinite goodness dealt so mercifully with us, that when the morning came they all arose as sound and strong, as if they had never had any disease. This caused them much to wonder, and likewise to render infinite thanks unto our Lord, and that we more entirely acknowledged his great goodness, and had assured hope that he would deliver us, and conduct us unto the place where we might better serve him. And for myself, I can boldly speak, that I always had an assured trust in his mercy, that he would raise me from that captivity, and so I always said to my companions. When the Indians were gone, and carried away their sick men healed, we went thence, where the other abode eating Tune, and these are called Cacalcuches and Maticones, who are of another language, and together with Cacalcuches. Maticones. Coaios. Susolas and Ataios. Indians: them were other called Coaios and Susolas, and on the other side others called Ataios, and they maintain wars with the Susolas, and they shot every day amongst them: and because in those places they talked of nothing else but of miracles which our Lord God wrought by our means, they came from many parts to seek us that we might heal them, and at the end of two days wherein we stayed there, certain Indians of Susolas came unto us and entreated Castiglio that he would go to cure one that was wounded and other sick men, saying, that among them there was one who was ready to die. Castiglio was a very fearful Physician, especially when the cures were grievous and dangerous, and believed that his sins would have caused that all the cures should not succeed well. The Indians said unto me, that I should go to heal them, because they wished me well, and remembered that I had sometimes healed them where the nuts grew, and that for the same they had given me nuts and hides: and this was when I came to join myself with the Christians; wherefore I agreed to go with them, and Dorante and Estevamico went with me. And when we were come near unto the Cottages which they have, I saw the sick man whom we went to cure, who was now dead, and about him stood many people lamenting, and his house plucked down, which among them is a sign that the master thereof is dead. So when I came I found his eyes distorted, and that he had no pulse, and had all the tokens of a dead man, and as it seemed to me it was so, and Dorante affirmed the same unto me. I took up the mat which he had upon him to cover him, and the best I could I prayed unto the Lord, that he would give me grace to give health unto that sick men, and to all the rest that had need thereof. And after I had blessed him and blown upon him many times, they brought me his Bow and gave it unto me, and a chest of Tune; and brought me to cure many other who were ill at ease with giddiness, and gave me two other chests of Tune, which I gave unto our Indians which came with us, and having done this we returned unto our lodgings: and our Indians to whom I gave the Tune remained there, and at night returned to their houses also, and said, that he who was then dead whom I had cured in their presence, arose up and was well, and walked, and eat, and spoke A dead man raised. If Benzos' opinion be not rather to be embraced, that they killed the living; as this author also reports of his Countrymen in the end of this book. with them; and so all the rest which I cured remained sound without any fever, and very cheerful. This caused very great admiration and fear, and throughout that whole Country they speak of nothing else. All they to whom this report went came to seek us, that we might heal them and bless their children: and when the Indians who abode in the company of our men, who were the Catalcuchi were to go thence, they gave us all the Tune that they had for their journey, without leaving any for themselves, and gave us fire-stones of an handful and an half in length with the which they cut, and among them they are held in great estimation. They entreated us that we would remember them, and pray unto God that they might always be in health, and we promised them to do it, and with this they went away the most contented men in the world, having given us all the best of that which they had. So we stayed with those Indians Auavares eight months, and this account we made by the Moon. In all this time many people came to seek us and said certainly that we were the children of the Sun. Dorante and the Negro Children of the Sun. until then had not healed any, but through the great importunity of so many people which flocked together from all parts we became all Physicians, although for the assurance to undertake every cure I was most noted amongst them all, and we never undertook to cure any who told us All become Physicians. not that he was sound and well: And they had so great confidence in us, that they thought they could not be healed but by our hands, and they believed that as long as we stayed with them not one of them could die. They, and those who are further behind them, declared a very strange matter unto us, and by the signs which they made it appeared that it fell out fifteen or sixteen years since; and this it is, they say, that a man went about that Country (which they call an Evil thing) which was An evil thing of spirit of the Indians. of a little body and had a beard, although they could never clearly see his countenance. And when he came to any house all their hair, who were within stood upright and they trembled, and presently at the door of the house appeared a flaming firebrand, and then that man entered into the house and took from them whatsoever he would, and gave them three great cuts upon the flank with a firestone very sharp, as broad as a man's hand, and two handfuls long, and put Diabolical appatition. his hand upon those gashes and drew out their bowels, and cut them about an handful, and that piece which he cut he put upon the coals to broile: and presently gave them three other cuts in one arm, and then smote them where he had lanced them, and disjointed their arm and a little after returned to set it again and put his hand upon their wounds, and they say that they became suddenly whole. And that many times while they danced that Evil thing appeared among them, sometimes in the habit of a woman, and at another time like a man. And sometimes he took away an house or a cottage, and took it up on high, and a little after fell down again together with it and gave a great blow. Moreover they told us that they give him meat, but he never eateth; and that they asked him whence he came, and in what part his house was; so he showed them a cleft of the earth, and said that his house was under that. At these things which they told us we laughed exceedingly, and made a jest thereof: who seeing we believed it not they brought us many of them whom that man had taken, and we saw the signs of the cuts which he had given them in the places which they had told us. Wherefore we said unto them that he was a wicked man, and after the best manner we could we gave them to understand, that if they would believe in our Lord God, and become Christians as we were, they should not need to fear him, and that he durst not come to do those things unto them: and that they should hold it for a certainty, that while we stayed in that Country he durst not appear there, with this they remained very well contented. These Indians told us that they had seen Austuriano and Figheroa, with others who abode on the coast beyond, whom we called those of the Figtrees. All this Nation knew not the times by the Sun nor Moon, nor keep any account of the months or the year: but know the difference of the times according as the fruits come to be ripe, and by the moving of the fishes and Their computation of times appearing of the Stars, wherein they are very wise and well experienced. With them we were always well entreated, although we were fain to dig that which we had to eat with our own hands, and carry our burdens of water and wood. Their houses and sustenance are such as the other have behind them, although they have much greater hunger, because they have neither Maiz, mast, nor Nuts. We went always in leather like them, and in the night we covered ourselves with Dear skins. Of eight months which we stayed with them, in six of them we endured much hunger, because the fi●h was not yet found. And at the end of that time the Tune began now to grow ripe, and before those Indians perceived us we went further unto the other, called Maticones. Maticones. They were one days journey from thence, whither I and the Negro came, and at the end of three days I sent the Negro to bring Dorante and Castiglio, and when they came we departed all together, with those Indians, who went to eat certain small fruits of certain trees, wherewith they maintain themselves ten or twelve days, until the Tune come. And there other Indians join with them, called Arbadaos, and among them we found many sick, weak, and swollen, inso much as we greatly marvelled thereat. And the Indians with whom we came, Arbada●●. returned again the same way, and we said we would remain with those other, for the which they signified that they were greatly displeased, and so we abode in the field with them, near unto those honses. And when they saw us, they withdrew themselves, and after they had reasoned a little, every one of them took one of us by the hand, and brought us to their houses. With Hunger's perambulation. them we endured greater hunger then with the other, so that in the whole day we eat but two handfuls of those fruits which were green, and had so much juice, that they burned our mouths; and there being great scarcity of water, they caused much thirst to them that eat them. And the famine being so great, we were fain to buy two Hogs of them, and in exchange thereof, we gave certain Nets, and other things, and one skin wherewith I covered me. I have already said, that throughout all that Country we went naked, and not being accustomed unto it before, we changed our skins twice in the year, after the manner of Serpents. And Appareli. the Sun and the weather caused many great sores to arise upon the breasts & shoulders of some of us, which put us to great pain, in respect of the burdens which we carried, that were very heavy, and made the cords to stick in our arms. And the earth was so rough and jagged, that many times when we gathered wood, when we had made an end of digging, the blound ran down from many parts of our bodies, by reason of the thorns and briers wherewith we met, which tore us wheresoever they touched us. On a time I happened to seek wood, and after it had drawn much blood from me, I could not carry it on my shoulder, nor trail it along the ground; when I found myself in this torment, I had no other remedy nor comfort, but to think on the passion of our Lord jesus Christ, and of the blood which he shed for me, and consider how much greater the torment might be, which he suffered through the crown of thorns, then that which I endured. I contracted with those Indians, making Combs, Bows, Arrows, and Nets for them. We also made Mats, which are things whereof they have very great need, and although they know how to make them, they will make none for seeking food to eat the mean while, for when they set themselves to work, they sustain very great hunger. At other times they made me shave skins, and make them thin, and the greatest prosperity that I had among them, was the day when they gave me any hide to shave, because I shaved it much, and eat those shave, and that suffi●ed me for two or three days; yet it happened, both with these and the other whom we left behind, that when they gave us a piece of flesh, we eat it raw, for if we had boiled it, the first of them that came would have taken it, and eat it, wherefore we thought it had not been well done to put it to that danger; and besides, we were none of them that would bethink ourselves whether we should rather eat it sodden or raw. This was the life we led with these Indians, and that little sustenance which we had we got it by small trifles which we made with our hands. After we had eaten these Dogs, supposing that we had some little strength to be able to go further, we recommended ourselves unto our Lord God, that he would guide us, and freed ourselves from those Indians, who brought us unto other of their language, who dwelled near thereunto: and so as we went it reigned all that day, and beside that, we lost the way, and were to stay at a very great Mountain, where we gathered many leaves of Tune, and bakd them that night in an Oven which we had made, and put so much fire to them, that in the morning they were ready to be eaten, and after we had eaten them, we recommended ourselves unto God, and went from thence, and found the way which we had lost. And having passed the Mountain, we found other houses of the Indians, and being come thither, we saw two women and certain little children that went on that Mountain, who seeing us were afraid, and fled to call their Indians, who went through the Mountain. And being come, they stayed to behold us behind certain trees, so we called unto them, who ran with much fear, and after we had spoken unto them, they told us that they had endured great Famines Discoveries. famine, and that near unto that place many of their houses stood, and said, that they would bring us thither: and so that night we came where fifty houses were, and they were all amazed to behold us, and stood astonished through exceeding fear: and after they were somewhat comforted, they came near unto us, and laid their hands upon our faces and bodies, and after put them upon their own faces and bodies. So we stayed that night, and when the morning came, they brought the diseased that were among them unto us, entreating us that we would bless them, and gave us such as they had to eat, which were the leaves of Tune and green Tune roasted or dry, and for the good entertainment they gave us, and because they parted with that little which they had willingly, and were contented to be without meat themselves to give it unto us, we abode with them certain days. And while we thus stayed, other Indians, of them that were far beyond, came thither, and when they would be gone, we said to the former Indians, that we would go with the other, which much displeased them, and so we left them sorrowing for our departure, at they which they conceived great displeasure. From the Island of Malhado, all the Indians which we saw in that Country, observe this for a common custom, that if they perceive their women to be great with child, they lie not Sine Cerere & liber● fr●g●t Venus The Indians let their children suck 〈…〉 ll the age of tw●lue years. with them, until two years be passed, after the children be borne, to the which they give suck, until they be of the age of twelve years, that they are now of understanding to provide food for themselves. We demanded of them, for what reason they did thus nourish them, who answered us, that they did it for the great famine which was in that Country: where, as we ourselves saw, they were fain to continue sometimes three or four days without eating, and therefore they let them suck, that in that time they might not dye through hunger, and if notwithstanding some should escape, they would become too delicate, and of little strength. If by chance it happen that any among them be sick, they let them dye in those fields, if he be not a child, and all the rest that cannot go with them remain there, but for a child, or a brother of theirs, they lay them upon their neck, and so they carry them. They have all this custom to be separated from their wives, when there is no agreement between them, and that both they and she may marry again with whom they please. And this is usual among the younger sort; but such as have children never forsake their wives. And when they contend with other people, or be at variance one with another, they buffet and beat each o 〈…〉 r with cudg 〈…〉 ls until they be very weary, and then they part, and sometimes the women part them, going between them, because the men come not in to part them: and what choler or passion soever they have, they fight not together with their Bows and Arrows. And after No deadly fights. they have buffetted and cudgeled each other, the brawl being ended, they take their houses and women, and go to live in the fields, separated from the rest, until their anger and choler be passed: and when they are now pacified, it is not needful that others interpose themselves to make peace and friendship, because in this manner they make it themselves. And if they who be at variance have no wives, they go to other of their neighbours, who although they were their enemies, receive them courteously, and do them much flattering kindness, and give them such as they have, so that when their choler is past, they return rich unto their people. They are all warlike people, and use as great subtlety to defend them from their enemies, as they would do, if they had been brought up in Italy, and in continual war. The horses are they that only overcome them, and which the Indians generally fear. They who are to fight with them, must be Use of Horses. very wary that they know not that they be faint or cowardly, and while the battle continueth, they are to use them the worst they can. For if they perceive them to be timorous or cowards, it is a people that very well knoweth the time to avenge themselves, and to take courage and strength from the fear of their enemies. When they are shot in the wars, and have spent Arrows, they return every one their way, without any pursuit of the enemy, although the one part be few, and the other many, and this is their custom. They go many times away shot clean through with Arrows, and die not, if they touch not the bowels or heart, nay, they quickly heal them. They see and hear, and have the sharpest senses, I think, of any men in Quick senses. the world. They are very well able to endure hunger, thirst, and cold, as they who are more acquainted there with then any other. In the Island of Malhada there are two languages: the one called Canoques, and the other Han. Names of the Nations of those parts. Ma●hada. Cavoques. Ca 〈…〉 uco. Deguenes. M●ndica. Qu●uen●s. Marian●s. G●ai●ones. I●gu●zes. Ataios, and Acubada●s. Qui●oles. Auavares, and Matiacon●s. Culia'culches. Susolus. Comos'. Camoles. Fich●. In the firm land, affront that Island, are others called Carruco, who take their name from the Mountains where they live. Further, upon the Sea coast are others, called Deguenes, and affront them, be others called Mendica. Further upon the coast are the Queu●nes, and affront these within the firm land are the Marianes, and going further upon the coast are other, called Guaicones, and affront those within the firm land the jegunzes, at the end of them are other, called Ata●●s, and behind them other called Acubadaos, and of these there are many along this bank further. Other called Quitoles, live on the coast, and affront them within the firm land, are the Auavares, and with these the Maliacones unite themselves, and the Cultalculebes, and other called Susolus, and other called Comos', and further upon the coast abide the Cumoles, and on the same coast beyond are others, whom we called them of the Figtrees. All these Nations have habitations, and people, and diverse languages. Among them there is one language, in the which, when they say unto men, look there, they say arraca, and to the Dogs, they say Xo: and in all that Country they make themselves drunk with a certain smoke, and give whatsoever they have to get it. Likewise they drink another thing which they take from the leaves of trees, like unto the Mulberry trees, and boil it in certain vessels on the fire, and after they have boiled it, they fill the vessels with water, and so keep it over the fire, and when it hath been twice boiled, they pour it out into certain vessels, and cool it with half a gourd, and when it gathereth much ●ome, they drink it as hot as they are able to suffer it, and while they put it out of the vessel, and until they drink it, they stand crying, who will drink. And when the women perceive these exclamations, they presently settle themselves, not daring once to move, although they Foolish drinkrites. find that they are very well beloved. And if by chance any of them move, they account her shameless, and cudgel her, and with much choler and anger cast away the water or drink which they have made: and if they have drunk it, they vomit it out again, which they do very easily. The reason of this their custom, they say is this, that if when they will drink of that water, the women move themselves from the place where they hear that voice, some bad thing might be put into that drink, which entering into the body, in short space would cause them to dye. And all the time, that that water is boiled, the vessel must be well closed and shut, and if peradventure it should stand uncovered, and any woman should come and pass by, they cast it away and drink no more of it. It is of the colour of Saffron, and they drink it three days without eating, and every day they drink one * A vessel containing diu●rs gallons. amphora, and an half. And when the women have their natural purgation, they provide no meat but for themselves, because no other person will eat of that which she carrieth. In the time that I continued among them, I saw a most brutish and beastly custom, to wit, a man who was married to another, and these be certain effeminate and impotent men, who go clothed and attired like women, and perform the Sodomy. office of a woman; they carry no Bows, but bear very great and weighty burdens: and among them we saw many such effeminate persons, as I have said, and they are of greater limbs and taller than the other men. After we departed from them whom we left lamenting, we were with the other at their houses, and were very well entertained of them, who brought us their children that we should touch their hands, and so they gave us much Meal of Mesquiquez. These Mesquiquez are certain Fruits, which when they are on the Tree are very bitter, and are of the same sort that the Mesquiquez a fruit of India, Carobe are, and they eat them with the earth, and with it they are very sweet and good to eat. The manner how they prepare them is this; they make a Trench in the Earth of what depth they please, and after they have cast the fruit into this Trench they bruise and break them very well, with a piece of wood as great as a man's leg, and three Cubits long, and after they are mingled with the earth of the Trench, they take other that are sitted, and put them into the said Trench, and return to bruise them a little more, and after put them into a vessel like unto a basket, and cast so much water thereon, as is sufficient to cover it, that the water may rise to the top, and he that hath bruised them, tasteth them in his mouth, and if he think they be not sweet and pleasant, he demandeth earth and mingleth it therewith. And this he doth until he find it sweet, and so afterward they prepare themselves to sit round, and every one putteth in his hand, and taketh as much as he can, and the seeds or kernels of those Fruits, and so the husks they cast upon certain hides, and he that hath bruised them gathereth them together, and returneth afterward to put them all in a basket, and casteth water upon them, as at the first, and so they return to wring out the juice and water so long as it will drop. And likewise they return to put the seeds and husks upon the hide, and so in this manner they do three or four times far every bruising: and they that are found at this banquet, which because it is very great, remain with their bellies much puffed up through the earth and water which they drink; and of this the Indians made us many great feasts, and used much dancing and jollity among themselves, for so long time as we stayed there. And when we slept in the night, six men watched with great diligence and care, at the door of the cottage where we abode, not ceasing to come in unto some of us till the Sun arose. And when we would depart from them, certain women of other people who lived further beyond came thither, and being informed by them where their houses were, we departed towards those parts, although they earnestly entreated us that we would not depart for that day, because those houses were very far from thence, and that there was no way to go thither, and that the women who came were weary; but resting themselves unto the next day, they would afterwards go with us, and conduct us thither. But we dispatched ourselves thence, and went away; and a little after those women who came thither with certain others of the former Indians, came after us: but there being no beaten way nor path, we presently lost ourselves, and so went four leagues, at the end whereof we came to drink at a water, where we found the women that followed us, who told us what great pains and travail they had taken to find us. Departing thence, and bringing those women for our guides, we passed a River somewhat late, and the water took us up to the breast, and might be as broad as that of Seville, and it ran very strongly. And at the setting of the Sun we came to an hundred houses of the Indians, who before we came, went all forth to receive us with so vehement shouting and loud exclamation, The Toupin Erasilians use such Marakas or Raeles, and have like conceits thereof. that it was a fearful thing, and gave great blows with their hands upon their thighs, and brought hollow guords with stones within them, which is the instrument of their greatest jollity & sport, and never use them but for their dance, and for medicine; and none dare to take them in his hand but they. And they say that these guords have virtue and come from heaven, because they grow not in those Countries, nor do they know from whence they come, unless the Rivers bring them when they overflow. And the fear and confusion of them was so great, that striving to come nearest unto us and touch us, they so thrunged us, that it was a wonder that they had not killed us: and not suffering us to set our feet on the ground, they carried us unto their houses, and bore us so above ground, and the press of people so thrunged us, that we entered into the houses which they had prepared for us, and would not consent that they should make their festival sport's any more with us for that night. They passed all that night, among themselves, in sports and dancing, and the day following, at a good hour, they brought us before all the people of that place, that we might touch and bless them, as we had done to the rest with whom we abode. And after this, they gave many arrows to the women of another people, who were come with them. The next day we departed thence, and all that people went with us. And when we came to the other Indians, we were very well entertained, as of the other; and they gave us such as they had, and Dear which they had killed that day. Among these Indians we saw a new custom, to wit, that they who were first with us, took the Bows & Arrows, Shoes and Crowns (if they had any) from them who came to us to be healed, and after they had thus taken them away from them, they brought them before us, that we should heal them, and being healed, that we should have them, so they departed very well contented, and said that they were whole. After this, we departed from them, and went unto other, of whom we were very courteously received, and they brought us their diseased persons, who when we had blessed them, said they were cured, and he that was not whole, believed that we could cure him, & for that which others told them whom we had healed, they made such great sport and dancing, that they suffered us not to sleep. Departing from them, we went where many other houses were, and where another new custom began, to wit, that entertaining every one of us very well, they who came with us, took all their substance from them, and rifled their houses, without leaving them any kind of thing, which displeased us very much, seeing them so ill used who so courteously received us, and also fearing that least this might be the occasion of some alteration, or offence among them. But not being able to remedy the same, and chastise those that did it, we were then to suffer it, until we saw we had more authority among them. And so, even they themselves who lost their wealth, seeing we were displeased, comforted us, saying, that we should not conceive any displeasure thereat, considering they were so well contented that they had seen us, and that they had bestowed their substance very well, and would hereafter be paid of others who were exceeding rich. The next day they brought all their people before us, the greatest part whereof are squinteyed, Blind and squint-eyed people. and other of the same people are blind, whereat we greatly marvelled: they are well set, and of good behaviour, and whiter than all the rest that we had seen until then. There we began to see Mountains, which seemed to extend themselves towards the Sea, from the North, and by the rela●●●n which the Indians made, I suppose they are fifteen leagues from the Sea. We departed thence with those Indians towards the Mountains, whereof I now spoke. And they brought us where some of their kindred were, for they would not bring us but to their kinsfolk, because they were unwilling that their enemies should receive so great a benefit, as they thought it was to see us. And when we were come thither, they that came with us spoiled the other, who knowing the custom had hid certain things before we came thither. And after they had received us with much joy and gladness: they took out that which they had hidden, and presented it unto us, and they were Crowns, Magra, and certain small plates of Silver. We, according to our custom, gave them all presently to the Indians that came with us, and having given us that which they had, they began their dancing and festival jollity, and sent to call other people near thereabouts, that they might come to see us, who came all about the evening, and brought us Garlands, Bows, and other trifling things, which for the most part we divided among those other Indians. And the day following, we being desirous to depart, they would all bring us to their friends, who remained on the top of the Mountains, laying that there are many houses and people, that they would give us many things: but because it was out of our way we would not go thither, and therefore took our journey through the plain near unto the Mountains, which we supposed should not be very far from the coast. All those people are very poor and miserable, wherefore we held it better to cross over the land, because the people that dwelled further into the Country were better conditioned, and would use us better, and we wer● certainly persuaded, that we should find a more populous Country, and of better sustenance. And lastly, we therefore did it, because crossing over the land, we saw more particularities, so that if it should please our Lord God to bring some of us out of that Country, and to conduct us into the land of the Christians, we might be able to make relation and report thereof. The Indians seeing that we were determined to go whither they would not, told us, that there was neither people nor Tune, nor any other thing to eat, and therefore prayed us that we would stay there for that day, and so we did. Then they sent two Indians to discover the people that way which we purposed to go, and the next day we departed, carrying many of them with us, and the women went laden with water, and our authority was so great among them, that none durst presume to drink without our leave. Two of their Physicians gave us two Gourds, and from that time we afterward began to carry Gourds with us, joining this ceremony to our authority, which among them is very great. They who accompanied us, rifled the houses: but the houses being many, and they but few, they could not carry all away, but should have been forced to have lost the half, and so we went thence through many Mountains; entering within the land more than fifty leagues, at the end whereof we found forty houses, and among other things which they gave us, Andrea Dorante had a thick and great Bell of copper, Copper Bell engraven. with a visage engraven in it, which they seemed greatly to esteem, saying that they had gotten it of their other neighbours: who being demanded whence they had it, they said, that they brought it from the Northward, and that it was much worth, and greatly esteemed there. Whereupon we knew, that from what place soever it came, the art of casting and melting of metals must needs be there. And hereupon we departed the day following, and crossed over a Mountain of six leagues; and the stones which were there, were of the scum of Iron, and late in the evening we came to many houses, seated on the side of a most pleasant River, and the Lords of the same came into the middle of the high way to receive us with their children in their arms, and gave us many small plates of Silver, and Antimony made in powder, Plates of Plate wherewith they anoint their faces, and gave us many garlands, and many mantles of the hides of Kine, and laded all them that came with us with such as they had: they eat Tune, and Pine apples. They told us, that in the place where the Bell was made, were many plates of that mettle under ground, and that that Bell among them was a thing greatly esteemed, and that houses were built there, and we supposed that it was the South Sea, for we always knew that that Sea was always richer than that of the North. So we departed from them, and went South Sea. through so many sorts of Nations, and diverse languages, that the memory of man is not able to reckon them, and one people always spoilt the other, and so both they that lost, and they who gained remained well contented. Through those Valleys where we passed, every one of them carried a stick or cudgel of three handfuls long, and they went all in troops, and if any Hare arose, whereof there are many in that Country, they turned her suddenly, and so many Pleasant hu●ung. cudgels fell upon her, that it was a marvelous matter to behold, and in this manner they made her go from one to another, so that in my judgement it was the goodliest hunting that could be imagined, because sometimes they came even into their hands. And when we settled ourselves at night, we had so many of them that were given us, that every one of us carried eight or ten, and such as carried Bows, appeared not among us, but went apart through the Mountains to seek dear, and when they came in the evening, they brought five, or six for every one of us, and many Fowls, and Quails, and other hunting game; and finally, whatsoever all those people took, they presented before us, not daring to touch or take thereof for themselves, although they should dye for hunger (because they accustomed so to do, since they came with us) unless they had first blessed the same. The women carried many Mats, with the which they made houses for us, to every one apart, his several house, and with all the people which he knew. When that was done, we commanded them to bake those Dear and Hares, and whatsoever else they had taken; which is very quickly done in certain ovens which they make for the same purpose. Then we first took a little of every thing, and gave the rest to the principal and chief Superstitious sanctifying their meat. men of the people to divide it among them all: and when every one had received his part, they came unto us that we should blow upon it and bless it, for otherwise they durst not presume to eat thereof. And many times we brought with us three or four thousand persons; whereupon it was a great trouble to us to blow upon and bless the meat and drink of every one of them: and for every other thing of the●rs which they would do they came to us to ask leave: whereby it may be considered how great the encumbrance and trouble was which we endured. The women brought before us the Tune, Frogs, Worms, and whatsoever else they could get; because although they should be ready to die through hunger, they would not have eaten any thing which they had not received from our hands. And so going with them we passed over a great River which came from the North parts, and having traveled over certain Plains of thirty leagues, we found many people who came very far off to receive us, and came forth unto the way whether we were to pass, and received us after the same manner that the other had done. From thence forward they observed another manner of receiving us, as touching saccage and spoiling. For they that came forth into the highway to bring us any thing, were not spoiled of them who came with us; but after we were entered into their houses, they of their own accord offered us whatsoever they had and the houses also. We gave all unto the chief and principal, to the intent that they should divide it among them; and always they who remained so spoiled followed us, whereby the number of people greatly increased through desire to be satisfied of their losses. And they said unto the rest that they should beware how they hide any thing, because it could not be but we should know it, and cause them all suddenly to die. The fear and frighting wherein they put them were so great, that the first da●es they abode with us they stood always trembling, not presuming to speak, nor to lift up their eyes to heaven. They guided us above eighty leagues through a desert Country, and very rough mountains which Desert Country. were so dry, that there was no hunting game there whereby to sustain our great hunger. In the end having passed over a very great River, where the water took up to the breast, many of those who came with us began to lament, through the exceeding great hunger and travel which they had endured through those mountains, which were extreme rough and trouble some to pass. A river. The same people brought us unto certain plains, and at the end of those mountains much people came far off to receive us, as the former had done, and gave so many garments afterward to them that were with us, that because they could not carry them they left the half behind them; so that we told those Indians that brought them, that they should take them again that Many garments. they might not be lost: who answered, that they would not do it for any thing, because it was not their custom after they had once given a thing, to return afterward to take it again and Foolish liberality. so they suffered them to be lost. Then we told them that we would go toward the place where the Sun went down, who said that in those places the people were very far off. But we commanded them to send to understand that we were coming, yet they excused themselves the best they could; saying, that they were their enemies, and that they were unwilling we should go thither; but not daring to do contrary to our will, they sent two women thither, whom both the one and the other their enemies kept prisoners. And they sent these, because the women may well negotiate with Women●reaters. the men even in the wars: and we followed them, and rested ourselves in a place where we determined to expect them, but they stayed five days before they returned, and the Indians said that they should find no people. We told them that they should bring us toward the North, whereupon they gave us the same answer, that is to say, that in those places there were no people but far off, and that there was nothing there to eat nor water to be found; yet notwithstanding all this we continued obstinate, and said, that we would go thither, although they always excused themselves the best they could: and for this cause we were angry, so that one night I arose and went out to sleep in the open fields apart from them, but they came presently where I was, and never slept all that night with much fear, and speaking unto me they said that if we would not continue any longer angry, they would bring us whether we purposed to go, although they were certainly assured to die by the way. Nevertheless we always feigned that we were yet angry, and because their fear was not removed, a very strange accident happened, that is to say, that on the very same day many of them became sick, and the day following eight of them died. Whereupon through all the Country where it was known, they were so afraid of us that when they saw us they seemed even to die as it were for fear. So they besought us that we would not continue angry any longer, and that we would not cause any more of them to die, certainly persuading themselves that we killed them only with our will and desire. We prayed our Lord God that he would relieve us, and so all those that were sick began to recover: at which time we saw a very marvelous thing, to wit, that the fathers, brethren, and wives of them that died were exceedingly grieved to see them so sick, but after they wEre No lamenting for the dead. dead they showed not any sign or token of sorrow, nor did we see them lament nor speak one to the other, nor make any other sign, nor durst they come near unto them until we commanded them to bury them: And for the space of fifteen days and more that we abode with them, we never saw one speak to the other, nor any of their little children either laughed or cried, and if any of them lamented they carried them very far from thence: and with very sharp teeth they gashed and cut them from the shoulders to the legs; so seeing their cruelty and being angry thereat, I demanded why they did it, they answered me, that they did it to chastise them for lamenting before me. All these fears which they have of us, they yet put into the heads of those who came lately to know us, because they should give us whatsoever they have, for they know that we took nothing for ourselves, but gave every thing to them. This was the most obedient people, and best conditioned that we found in all that Country, and commonly they are well disposed. Those that were sick, being recovered and restored unto health, and we having continued there three days, the women that we had sent came unto us, and said, that they had found very few people, because they were gone to the kine, which was now their time. Then we commanded them that were weak to remain behind, and those that were well to come with us: and that two day's journey from thence those two women should go with two of our men, to cause the people to come forth to the highways to receive us. And so the morning following all those that were the lustiest departed with us, and after three day's journey we settled ourselves, and the day following Alonso deal Castiglio and Estevanicco the Negro, together with those two women for their guides; and that who was their prisoner brought them unto a River which ran within a mountain where a people abode, among whom their father was; and these were the first houses that we saw, which had the form and manner of Houses artificially built. true houses. There Castiglio and Estevanicco arrived, and after they had spoken with those Indians, at the end of three days Castiglio returned to the place where they left us, and brought five or six of those Indians, and said, That he had found houses of people and of artificial building, and that the people eat pulse and gourds, and that he had seen Maiz there. Mays. There we abode one day, and the next we departed, they bringing us with them to other built houses, where we did eat of the same food that they eat. And after from thenceforth there was another custom, that they who knew of our coming came not forth into the highway to meet us as the other did; but we found them in their houses, and they did nothing else for us. And they were all sitting, and all held their faces towards Other strange behaviour. the wall, hanging down their heads with their hair over their eyes, and all their clothes were hanged up aloft in the middle of the house, and from thence forward they began to give us many mantles of hides, and they had not any thing which they gave us not. It is a Nation of the best and goodliest proportion of body that ever we saw there, and of a more lively spirit and agility, and that understood us better, and answered us to whatsoever we Goodly people. demanded them, and we call them, The people of the Kine, because the greater part of the Kine which die in those Countries is near thereabouts, and up that River more than fifty leagues, they go killing many. These people go all naked, after the manner of those whom we found first. The women go covered with certain Dear skins; and so do some few men also, and particularly the aged, who are not serviceable for the wars▪ It is a very populous Country; and being demanded why it did not sow Maiz, they said, They did it because they would not lose that which they should sow for two years since their water failed, and the seasons was so dry, that they all lost the Maiz that they had sowed, and that they could not by any means be assured to sow, unless first it had reigned very much; and they prayed us to speak unto the Heavens that they might send down rain: they boil pulse in this manner. They fill a great pot half full with water, and put many of those Old fashion of boiling pulse. stones in the fire, which will quickly burn, and when they seeth them on fire they take them up with certain tongs of Wood, and cast them into that water in the gourd until they make it boil with that fire of those stones; and when they perceive that the water boileth, they put in that which they have to boil, and all this time they do nothing else but take out one stone and put in another fired red hot to make the water boil. §. four They come to the South Sea, and travel through a plentiful Country, till they meet with Spaniards; whose cruelty and manner of converting Savages is related. WE went Westward on our journey, & crossed over all the land until we came forth at the South Sea, and the fear wherein they had put us of the great famine which we were They come to the South Sea. to pass (as surely we passed it for seventeen days together, as they had told us) was not able to divert us from our intended purpose. Throughout all that Country up the River, they gave us many Mantles of the hides of Kine, and we did not eat of those their fruits, Barren Country. but our sustenance was every day a piece of the fat of Deer, of the bigness of a man's hand, which for this necessity we provided always to have in a readiness, and so we passed all those seventeen day's journey, and at the end of them we crossed over the River, and traveled other seventeen days more to the West, through certain plains and very great mountains which are found there: and there we met with a people; who the third part of the year eat no other thing save the powder of straw, and because we passed that way at that season of the year we also were constrained to eat it, until having finished those day's journey we found settled houses, where there was great quantity of Maiz, and of that People which live on the powder of straw. and Meal they gave us enough, and Gourds, and Pulse, and Mantles of Bombasin Cotton, withal which we laded them whom we had hired there, who returned the most contented men in the world. We yielded many thanks unto God who had brought us thither, where we found such plenty of sustenance. Among these houses they had some that were of earth, and all the rest were of mats A plentiful Country with houses and corn. and from thence we passed more than an hundred leagues into the Country, and always found settled houses and much sustenance of Maiz and Pulse: and they gave us many Deeres skins and Mantles of Bombasin Cotten, better than those of New Spain; and gave us also many Garlands, and certain Coral which grow in the South Sea, and many Turkey stones which come from toward the North. And finally they gave us whatsoever Coral and Turkesses. Emeralds. they had, and unto Dorante they gave Emeralds made into Arrow heads, and with those Arrows they make their sports and festival jollity, seeming to me very good. I demanded of them whence they had them, who told me that they brought them from certain very high mountains, which lie towards the North, and that they got them by exchange and barter for quills and Parrots feathers, and there were many people there and very great houses. Among them we saw the women more honourably and honestly used, then in any Women well used. other part of India which we had seen. They wear certain smocks of Bombasin Cotton which reach to the knee and over them: soft sleeves of certain folds or plaits of Dear skins without hair which touch the ground, and they perfume them with certain roots which make them very fine, and so they use them very well: they are open before and tied together with silken strings. They go shod with shoes. All this Nation came unto us, that we should touch and bless them, and they were so importunate herein that they put us to much trouble; because the sick and the whole would all go from us blessed: and it often happened Desire of the Spaniards blessing. that of the women that came with us; some were delivered, and as soon as the children were borne they brought them unto us, that we should touch and bless them. They accompanied us until they left us with another Nation, and among all these people they held it for a certainty that we came from Heaven: because all the things which they have not, and Conceit that they came from heaven. know not whence they come: they say, that they descend from Heaven. For so long time as we went with them, we traveled all the day without eating until night, and we eat so little that they were astonished to see it. They never knew us weary, and surely we were so accustomed to travel that we were never weary. We had great authority among them, Many languages. and they held a reverend opinion of us, and to preserve the the same we seldom spoke unto them. The Negro was the man that always spoke and informed himself of the way that we would go by the direction of the people that were there, and touching every other thing which we desired to know. We passed through diverse languages, and our Lord God favoured us withal, for they always understood us and we understood them, and if we demanded any thing of them by signs they answered us as if they should have spoken our language and we theirs. For although we, understood six languages, we could not thereby prevail with all, because we found more than a thousand differences of language. Throughout all these Countries they who have war among themselves, became suddenly friends that they might come unto us and receive us, and bring us whatsoever they had. Dorante had six hundred Deeres hearts given him, whereupon we called it the people of 〈…〉 popolo de C●ori. Hearts. Through this Country, entry is made into many Provinces which stand upon the South Sea, and if they that desire to go thither enter not from hence, they are lost, because the Coast hath no Maiz, so that they are fain to eat the powder of beets, straw, and fish, which they take in the Sea with floats, because they have no Canowes', nor any Boat. The women cover their privities with herbs and straw: they are a people of little understanding and miserable. We supposed that near unto the Coast by the way of those people which way we went, it is more than a thousand leagues of a populous Country, and that they have much provision wherein they A thousand leagues of a populous Country. live, for they sow Pulse and Maiz three times in the year. We saw three sorts of Dear there, one as great as the biggest steers of Castiglia. The houses of all those people for habitation are cottages. They have poison of a certain kind of tree of the bigness of an apple tree; and they do no more but gather the fruit and anoint the Arrow therewith, and if they have no fruit they break of a bough, and with a certain milky juice which it hath they do the same. There are Great Deer. many of these trees that are so poisonous, that if the leaves thereof be bruised and cast into any standing pool and not running water, all the Dear and whatsoever other beast that drinketh Poisonous tree thereof suddenly burst asunder. We abode three days with these people, and about one day's journey from thence there was another people, where such showers of rain came pouring down upon us, that by reason the River which was there was so grown we could not pass it, and so we continued there fifteen days. In this mean time, Castiglio saw the buckle of a Spanish girdle about an Indians neck, and an Iron key sewed together with it, which he took from him: then we demanded what that thing was, and they answered, that it came from heaven; and questioning further with them who brought them, they answered, that certain men brought them which had beards like unto us, who came from heaven: and coming to that river with Horses, brought Lances and Swords, News of Spaniards. and two of them passed over with their Lances. Afterward, as cunningly as we could, we asked them what became of those men, so they answered us, that they went to the Sea. We went through many Countries, and found them all dispeopled and not inhabited, for the country people went their way flying through the mountains, not daring to keep their houses nor labour for fear of the Christians. It greatly discontented us, seeing the Country very fruitful and exceeding Country's dispeopled by Spaniards. pleasant and full of water and goodly rivers, and to see them afterward so solitary and scorched, and the people so feeble and weak fled away and all hid, and because they sowed not in so great famine, they maintained themselves only with the barks of trees and roots. We had our part of this famine in all this journey, because they could not so well provide for us being so evilly hired, that it seemed they would all die. They brought us coverings and beads, which they had hid for fear of the Christians, and gave them unto us, and declared how at other times the Christians had entered and passed through that Country, and had destroyed and burned the people, and carried half the men away, and all the women and little children, and that such as were able to escape out of their hands fled away. We seeing them so affrighted that they could not be secured to settle themselves in any place, and that they neither would nor could sow nor labour and manure the Country; nay, they rather determined to suffer themselves to die, which seemed better unto them, then to expect to be so ill entreated with so great cruelty as they had been until that time: and they seemed to be greatly pleased with us. Notwithstanding we feared that being come unto them who were upon the Frontiers, and in war with the Christians lest they would use us cruelly, and make us pay for that which the Christians had done unto them. But God being pleased to conduct us where they were, they began to fear and reverence us, as the former had done and somewhat more, whereat we did not a little marvel. Whereby Gentleness fitter than cruelty. it may clearly appear, that to allure this Nation to become Christians, and make them obedient to the Imperial Majesty, they ought to be gently and courteously used, and this is the only and most certain way of all other. They brought us to a people that abode on the top of a mountain, where they were fain to climb up by reason of the exceeding roughness of those places, where we found many people gathered together for fear of the Christians. These people received us with great good will and kindness, and gave us whatsoever they had, and above two thousand burdens of Maiz, which we gave unto those miserable and famished people who followed us and conducted us thither: and the day following we dispatched four Messengers through the Country, as we used to do, to the intent that they should assemble and gather together as many people as they could, unto one people which abode three day's journey off from thence: and having done this, we departed with all the people that were there, and always found the tracks and tokens where the Christians had lodged, and about midday we found our Messengers, who told us that they could not meet with any people, because they were all gone and fled, and hidden in the mountains, lest the Christians should either kill them or make them slaves. And that the night before they had seen the Christiàns; they themselves standing behind certain trees to behold what they did, and they saw that they led certain Indians in a Chain tied. From this place, which is called the River of Petutan, unto the River where Diego di Guzman R. Petutan. arrived, where we understood of the Christians, may be some fourscore leagues: and from thence where the waters stayed us, twelve leagues: and from thence to them whom we called the people of the Hearts, five leagues: and from thence to the South Sea, were twelve leagues. Throughout P 〈…〉 r, all that Country wheresoever we found mountains, we saw great show and tokens of Gold, Iron, Antimony, and Copper, and other metals. In those places where the settled houses Shew●s of Gold. are, in january it is very hot. From thence towards the South of the unpeopled Country, unto the North Sea, it is a very naughty Country and poor, where we endured incredible famine, and they who inhabit there are a most cruel people, and of a very evil nature and behaviour. The Indians that have settled houses, and the rest also make no account of Gold, nor of Silver, nor know for what purpose it may serve. I took the Negro and eleven Indians with me, and following the Christians by the track which they found, I went to three places where they had lodged, and the first day I traveled ten leagues, and in the morning following found four Christian Horsemen, who wondered much to see me so strangely attired, and in the company of the Indians, and when they saw He speakith wihh his countrymen. me they made a stand, and beheld me a good space, so much astonished that they durst not speak to me nor ask me any question. Wherefore I spoke unto them, entreating them to bring me where there Captain was; and so we went about half a league where Diego di Alcaraz abode, who was their Captain, and after I had spoken unto him, he told me that he was in very evil case because he had been there many days and could not take any Indian, and that he had not any provision to depart, because they began to be in great necessity and famine there. I told him that Dorante and Castiglio were remaining behind, who abode ten leagues from thence, with many people who had conducted us: Whereupon he presently sent three Horsemen, and fifty Indians of those they brought, and the Negro returned with them to guide them; but I remained there, and requested him to make me a testimonial of the year, month, and day that I came into that place, and so he did. From this River, unto the people of the Christians called Saint Michael, which pertaineth to the jurisdiction of that Province, which they call Nova Galitia, are thirty leagues. After six days were past Andrea Dorante, and Arlonzo del Castiglio came unto us, with those who came for them, and brought above six hundred persons with them, which were of them whom the Christians had caused to climb into the mountains, and hide themselves in the Country: and they, who until then were come with us brought them, and accompanied with the Christians, and they had dispatched away all the other people which they had brought thither, and came where I was. Alcaraz entreated me that I would send to call the people who abode at the River sides, and had fled into the mountains, and that they should command them to bring them victuals although it were not needful, because of their own accord they brought us as much as they could, and so we presently sent our Messengers to call them: whereupon six hundred persons came who brought us all the Maiz they had, and they brought it in certain pipkins covered with clay, wherein they had hid it under ground, and they brought us whatsoever they had besides: but we would not take any thing save victuals to eat, but gave all the rest to the Ingrateful cruelty. Christians to be divided among them. And after this we had much controversy with them; because they would have made those Indians slaves whom we brought with us: And through this displeasure and disdain at our departure, we left many Turkish Bows which we brought, and many Budgets and Arrows, and among them five of Emerands, which we remembered not and so we lost them. We gave the Christians many Mantles of the hides of Kine, and other things which we brought, and much ado with the Indians to cause them to return to their houses, and to secure them and make them sow their Maiz. They were not willing to go but with us, until they left us with other Indians as the custom was: for otherwise if they returned without being left with others, they feared lest they should die, and coming with us they feared not the Christians nor their Lances. This thing greatly displeased the Christians, who caused an Interpreter to speak unto them in their own language, and tell them that we were the very same men, who for a long time had been terrified and lost, and were a people of mean condition and of small force, and that they were Lords of the Country whom they were to serve. But the Indians made little no no account of all this, so that among themselves they said one to another that the Christians lied, because we came from the place where the Sun riseth, and the other Christians from the place where the Sun went down: and that we healed the sick, they killed the 〈◊〉 that were sound; and that we went naked and without garments; they clothed on 〈…〉 back and with Lances, and that we had not any covetous or insatiable desires: so that whatsoever was given us, we presently gave it unto others and had nothing ourselves: and the Christians intent nothing else, but to rob and steal whatsoever they find and give nothing to 〈…〉 v: and arter this manner those Indians gave their judgement of us, censuring all our actions clean contrary to that which the Christians do. And thus they answered the Christians in their 〈…〉 〈…〉 language, and did the like to others in a language which was among them which we understood, and those that use it we call Pringaitu: which we had found used for above the space of four hundred leagues of the Country where we traveled, so that we found no other language for the space of four hundred leagues and more. Finally, it was not possible for us to make those Indians believe that we were any of those other Christians; yet with much ado, and through our persuasion we made them return unto their houses, commanding them to rest satisfied, and bring back their people to sow and till the ground, which because it was so desolate, became now full of woods, albeit of it own nature surely, it were the best Country, and more fertile and abundant than any in all those Indies: for they sow three times in the year, and have many fruits, and many goodly Rivers, and other very good waters. There are many signs, and great tokens of Mines of Gold and Silver. The people are very well conditioned, and serve the Christians, that are their friends, with a very good will: they are much better disposed then the people of Mexico; and finally, it wanteth nothing to make it an absolute Country. The Indians being dispatched, they told us, that they would do as much as they had commanded, and bring back their people, if the Christians would suffer them to continue: whereupon I said and certainly affirmed, that if they did it not, the Christians should be much to blame. And after we had sent them away, the Christians sent us with an Alcado, named Zebrero, and with him three other Christians, whereby it appeareth how much the imaginations of men were deceived, in that we went to seek liberty among the Christians; and when we had thought to have found it, the quite contrary befell us, and by separating us from the conversation of the Indians, they brought us through desolate Mountains, because we should not see what they did, nor their evil usage; for they had determined to go to assault the Indians, whom we sent away secured Savage insidel●●y o● Christians were ●h●n Infidels and Savages. and in peace; and so they did as they imagined: they brought us two days through those Mountains, without water, and without any beaten way or path, insomuch as we thought we should have burst for thirst, whereof seven of our men died, & many friends which the Christians brought with them, could not come till the next day at noon, where we found water: and we travailed with them about five and twenty leagues, at the end whereof, we came unto a people of the Indians, which were in peace, and there the Alcado, who brought us, left us, and went three leagues further to a people called Culiazzan, where Melchior Diaz, the Sergeant Maior, and Captain of that Province abode. As soon as he knew of our coming, he presently came the same night to find us out, and lamented much with us, highly praising our Lord God, for his exceeding mercy towards us, and spoke unto us, and used us very well, and in the behalf of the Governor Nunnez di Guz●an, and himself, offered us whatsoever he had or could procure, and began to speak much of the evil usage wherewith Alcaraz and the rest had used us, so that we held it for certain, that if he had been there, that which was done unto us had not been done, and that night being passed, we departed for Auhacan, and the Sergeant Maior entreated us earnestly to stay there, and that we might do great seru●●e unto our Lord God, and to your Majesty, because the Country was desolate, without manuring, and altogether destroyed, and the Indians went and hid themselves, flying through the Mountains, unwilling to come and stay with their people, and that we should send to call them, and command them in the name of our Lord God, and of your Majesty, to come and inhabit the Plain, and till the Country. But this seemed a troublesome matter unto us to put it in execution, because we had not any of our Indians, or those who were wont to accompany us, to help and further us in such like offices. Notwithstanding we thought good to prove two of our Indians which we had prisoners there, who were of the same Country, and were found with the Christians when we first came among them, and saw the people that accompanied us, & understood by them the great authority & dominion which we had had throughout all those Countries, & the miraculous things which we had done in healing the diseased, and many other things, and with these we sent others of the same people which were also with them, to call the Indians that abode in the Mountains, & those of the river Patachan, where we had found the Christians. And we willed them to tell them, that they should come unto us, because we would speak with them, and so secure them that went, and the other who should come, we gave them a great gourd, of those which we carried in our hands, which was a principal token and special argument of great state, and with this they went and travailed seven days, and in the end came and brought with them three Lords of those who had fled into the Mountains, who were accompanied with fifteen men, who brought us Crowns, Turkeys, and plumes of Feathers: and the messeng●●● told us; that they had not found them of the River from whence we came, because the Christians had caused them to fly into the Mountains: So Melchior Diaz willed the Interpreter to speak unto those Indians in our behalf, and say unto them, that we were come from God, who abideth in heaven, and had tranailed through the world nine Manner of Spanish 〈◊〉ing to the Indians. years, saying unto all them that we found, that they should believe in God, and serve him, because he is Lord of all the things in the world, and that he giveth a reward and payment unto the good, and perpetual punishment of hell fire unto the wicked: and that when the good men dye, he taketh them up into heaven, where afterwards they shall never dye any more, nor suffer hunger or cold, or endure any other necessity; but find there greater glory than can be imagined. And they who will not believe nor obey him, shall be thrown down under the earth in the company of Devils, into an exceeding huge fire which never shall have end, but continually and eternally torment them. And besides that, if they will become Christians, and serve God after the manner that we will tell them, the Christians shall hold them for brethren, and use them very well; and that we would command that they should not do them any hurt, nor take their Counyrie from them, but become their good friends. And if they would not do it, the Christians should use them very cruelly, and carry them for slaves into far and remote Countries. To this they answered the Interpreter, that they would become very good Christians, and serve God. And demanding of them, whom they adored, and to whom they sacrificed, and of whom they asked water for their seed time, and health and safety for themselves; they answered, that they prayed unto a man which is in heaven, and being demanded how they called him, they said Aguar; and they believed that he created all the world, and the things therein. Then we questioned them further, whence they knew that, who answered, that their Parents told them so, and that of a long time they understood it, and knew that he sent water, and all other good things. So we caused the Interpreter to tell them, that he whom they called Aguar, we called God, and that they also should call him so, and serve him, and adore him, as we had appointed, and they should find it very good for them. They answered, that they understood all very well, and that they would do so; wherefore we commanded them to descend from the Mountains, and that they should live secure and in peace, and dwell in the Country, and build their houses, and among them make a house for God, and set a Cross at the entry thereof, like unto that which we had there: and when the Christians should come, they should go to meet them with the Cross, without Bows and weapons, and conduct them to their houses, and give them such as they had to eat, and so they would not do them any harm, but would become their friends: and the Captain gave them some of the Mantles, and used them very well. So they departed, carrying with them the two Indians, which before were prisoners, whom we had sent as Messengers, and all this was done in the presence of the Secretary of the Governor, and many other witnesses. Now when the Indians were returned, all the rest of that Province, who were friends unto the Christians, came to see us, and brought us Crowns and Feathers, and we commanded them to make Churches, and set Crosses there, because until then they had not made them, and we made them bring the children of the principal Seignory to Baptism them: whereupon the Captain presently made a vow and promise unto God, neither to make nor cause any entry to be made upon them, nor take slaves or people in those Countries, which we had secured, and that he would observe this, until your Majesty or the Governor Nunez di Guzman, or the Viceroy in his name, should provide better for the service of our Lord God, and of your Majesty. Christianity shall not be so difficult a matter to bring in, because two thousand leagues which we travailed by land and Sea, and other ten months, after we came out of captivity, we travailed without stay, and never found Sacrifices nor Idolatry. In this time, we crossed over from one 200. leagues betwixt the coast of the North and South Seas. Sea to another, and by the notice, which through much diligence we procured to have, from the one coast to the other, we suppose it to be about two hundred leagues broad and more, and we understand that on the coast of the South Sea are Pearls and great riches, and that all the best and richest are near there abouts. We abode in the town of Saint Michael, until the fifteenth of the month of May, and the occasion why we stayed there so long was this, because from thence unto the City of Compostella, where the Governor Nunez di Guzm●● made his residence, it was 100 leagues distance; and the Country was not inhabited & enemy, and it was fit, that other people should go with us to conduct us, among whom there were forty horsemen, who accompanied us about forty leagues, and from thence forward, six Christians came with us, who He could not wear apparel for many days nor sleep on the ground. He also describeth his voyage to Spain, which is here omitted. brought five hundred Indian slaves, and being come to Compostella, the Governor Nunez received us very courteously, and gave us such as he had to clothe us, which apparel for many days, I was not able to carry, and we could not sleep but on the ground. And so after ten or twelve days we departed for Mexico, and came thither on Saint james his even, where the Viceroy and the marquis of the Valley kindly entreated us, and gave us apparel and whatsoever they had. To the Reader. Captain Soto was the son of a Squire of Xerez of Badaioz. He went into the Spanish Indies when Peter Arias of Auila was Governor of the West Indies: And there he was without any thing else of his own, save his Sword and Target: and for his good qualities and valour, Peter Arias made him Captain of a troop of horsemen, and by his commandment he went with Fernando Pizarro to the conquest of Peru: where (as many persons of credit reported, which were there present) as well at the taking This Preface is contained more at large in the six first Chapters of the author's Book: which being no part of Florida discovery, I have here reduced to a Preface. of Atabalipa, Lord of Peru, as at the assault of the City of Cusco, and in all other places where they found resistance, wheresoever he was present, he surpassed all other Captains and principal persons. For which cause, besides his part of the treasure of Atabalipa, he had a good share: whereby in time he gathered an hundred and fourscore thousand Ducats together, with that which fell to his part; which he brought into Spain: whereof the Emperor borrowed a certain part, which he repaied again with 60000. Rials of Plate in the rent of the Silks of Granada, and all the rest was delivered him in the Contractation house of Sivil. From Sivil he went to the Court, and in the Court, there accompanied him john Danusco of Sivil, and Lewis Moscoso D'aluarado, Nunno de Tovar, and john Rodriguez Lobillo. Except john Danusco, all the rest came with him from Peru; and every one of them brought fourteen or fifteen thousand Ducats: all of them went well and costly apparelled. And although Soto of his own None of those men prospered which were guilty of Atabalipa or Atuhalpas death: but by civil wars or otherwise were consumed. And so it happened to this Soto. nature was not liberal, yet because that was the first time that he was to show himself in the Court, be spent frankly, and went accompanied with those which I have named, and with his servants, and many other which resorted unto him. He married with Donna Isabel de Bovadilla, daughter of Peter Arias of Auila, Earl of Punno en Rostro. The Emperor made him the Governor of the Isle of Cuba, and Adelantado or Precedent of Florida; with a title of marquis of certain part of the lands that he should conquer. This History partly for better knowledge of those parts of the world and partly for the profit of Virginian adventurers, and discoverers, I have here published far briefer than the author in Portuguse (and out of him Master Hakluyt) had done; and added this to that of Neruaz. Cabeza de Vaca the Author of that at this time had come to the Court to beg the conquest of Florida: but seeing Don Ferdinando Cabeza de Vac● was the Governor of the River of Plate. de Soto had gotten it already, for his oaths sake, he said, he might tell nothing of that which they would know. Soto made him great offers: and being agreed to go with him, because he would not give him money to pay for a Ship, which he had bought, they broke off, and he went for Governor to the River of Plate. His kinsmen Christopher de Spindola, and Baltasar de Gallegos went with Soto. Those 600. men went with Soto into Florida. Ynca in his large story of this voyage containing six Books, saith he had 1000 men with him. passed and were counted and enroled, which Soto liked and accepted of, and did accompany him into Florida; which were in all six hundred men. He had already bought seven Ships, and had all necessary provision aboard them. In the year of our Lord 1538. in the month of April, the Adelantado delivered his Ships to the Captains which were to go in them. They arrived at Saint jago in Cuba on Whitsunday. The City of jago hath eighty houses which are great and well contrived. The most part have the walls made of boards, and are covered with thatch; it hath some houses builded with lime and stone, and covered with tiles. It hath great Orchards and many trees in them, differing from those of Spain: there be Figge-trees Great Figs. which bear Figs as big as one's fist, yellow within, and of small taste; and other trees which bear fruit which they call Ananes, in making and bigness like to a small Pineapple: it is a fruit very sweet Ananes. Great Pine-apples. in taste: the shell being taken away, the kernel is like a piece of fresh cheese. In the granges abroad in the Country there are other great Pineapples, which grow on low trees, and are like the * Erua babosa. Aloetree: they are of a very good smell and exceeding good taste. Other trees do bear a fruit, which they call Mameis of the bigness of Peaches. This the Islanders do hold for the best fruit of the country. There Mameis, an excellent fruit. Guayabas. is another fruit which they call Guayabas like filberts, as big as figs. There are other trees as high as a iaveline, having one only stock without any bough, and the leaves as long as a casting dart: and the fruit is of the bigness and fashion of a Cucumber, one bunch beareth twenty or thirty, and as they ripen the tree bendeth downwards with them: they are called in this Country Plantanoes, and are of a Plantanoes. good taste, and ripen after they be gatherod, but those are the better which ripen upon the tree itself: they bear fruit but once, and the tree being cut down, there spring up others out of the but, which bear fruit the next year. There is another fruit, whereby many people are sustained, and chiefly the slaves, which are called Batatas. These grow now in the Isle of Terzera, belonging to the Kingdom of Portugal, Batatas, or Potatoes. and they grow within the earth, and are like a fruit called lname, they have almost the taste of a Chestnut. The Bread of this country is also made of roots which are like the Batatas. And the stock whereon those roots do grow is like an Elder tree: they make their ground in little hillocks, and in each of them The Cassani root. they thrust four or five stakes; and they gather the roots a year and an half after they set them. If any one, thinking it is a Batata or Potato root, chance to eat of it never so little, he is in great danger of death; which was seen by experience in a Soldier, which as soon as he had eaten a very little of one of those roots be died quickly. They pear these roots and stamp them, and squeses them in a thing like a press: the juice that cometh from them is of an evil smell. The Bread is of little taste and less substance. Of the fruits Store of good Horses. of Spain there are Figs and Oranges, & they bear fruit all the year, because the soil is very rank and fruitful. In this Country are many good Horses, and there is green grass all the year. There be many wild Oxen and Hogs, whereby the people of the Island is well furnished with flesh: Without the towns abroad in the Country are many fruits. And it happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth on't of the way and is lost fifteen or twenty days, because of the many paths in the thick groves that cross to & fro made by the Oxen: and being thus lost, they sustain themselves with fruits and palmitoes: for there be many great groves of Palm trees through all the Island; they yield no other fruit that is of any profit. The Isle of Cuba is 300. leagues long from the East to the West, and is in some places 30. in others 40. leagues from The length and breadth of Cuba. North to South. It hath six towns of Christians: to wit, S. jago, Baracôa, Bayamo, Puerto de Principes, S. Espirito, and Havana. Every one hath between thirty and forty households, except S. jago and Havana, which have about sixty or eighty houses. They have Churches in each of them, and a Chaplain which confesseth them and saith Mass. In S. jago is a Monastery of Franciscan Friars: it hath but few Friars, and is well provided of alms, because the Country is rich: The Church of S. jago hath honest revenue, and there is a Curate and prebend's and many Priests, as the Church of that City, which is the chief of all the Island. There is in this Country much Gold, and few slaves to get it: For many have made away themselves, because of the Christians evil usage of them in the Mines. A Steward of Vasques A witty stratagem. Porcallo, which was an inhabior in that Island, understanding that his slaves would make away themselves, stayed for them with a cudgel in his hand at the place where they were to meet, and told them, that they could neither do nor think any thing, that he did not know before, and that he came thither to kill himself with them, to the end, that if he had used them badly in this World, he might use them worse in the World to come: And this was a mean that they changed their purpose, and turned home again to do that which he commanded them. CHAP. II. FERDINANDO de SOTO his Voyage to Florida and Discovery of the Regions in that Continent: with the Travels of the Spaniards four years together therein, and the accidents which befell them: written by a Portugal of the Company, and here contracted. §. I. SOTOS entrance into Florida, taking of JOHN ORTIZ one of Naruaz his company, coming to Paracossy, and diverse other Caciques, with accidents in the way. ON Sunday the eighteenth of May, in the year of our Lord 1539. the Adelantado or Precedent departed from Havana in Cuba with his fleet, which were nine vessels, May 18. 1539. Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega hath written a story of this voyage. He saith Soto had with him 950. soldiers, besides Mariners, which he had entertained for the conquest of Florida, and came with him in this Fleet from Saint Lucre's. This Author hath but 600. The ships came up to the Town of Vcita. five great ships, two Caravels, and two Brigantines: They sailed seven days with a prosperous wind. The five and twentieth day of May, the day de Pasca de Spirito Santo (which we call Whitsun Sunday) they saw the Land of Florida; and because of the shoalds, they came to an anchor a league from the shore. On Friday the thirtieth of May they landed in Florida, two leagues from a Town of an Indian Lord, called Vcita. They set on Land two hundred and thirteen Horses, which they brought with them, to unburden the ships, that they might draw the less water. He landed all his men, and only the Seamen remained in the ships, which in eight days, going up with the tide every day a little, brought them up unto the Town. as soon as the people were come on shore, he pitched his Camp on the Sea side, hard upon the Bay which went up unto the Town. And presently the Captain General Vasques Porcallo with other seven Horsemen foraged the Country half a league round about, and found six Indians, which resisted him with their Arrows, which are the weapons which they use to fight withal: The Horsemen killed two of them, and the other four escaped; because the Country is cumbersome with Woods and Bogs, where the Horse's stack fast, and fell with their Riders, because they were weak with travelling upon the Sea. The same night following the Governor with an hundred men in the Brigantines lighted upon a Town, which he found without people, because, that as soon as the Christians had sight of Land, they were descried, and saw along the Coast many smokes, which the Indians had made to give advice the one to the other. The next day Lewis de Moscoso, Master of the Camp set the men in order, the Horsemen in three Squadrons, the Vanguard, the Battalion, and the Rearward: and so they marched that day, and the day following, compassing great Creeks which came out of the Bay: They came to the Town of Vcita, where the Governor was, on Sunday the first of june, being Trinity Sunday. The Town was of seven or eight houses. The The Town of Vcita. june. Lord's house stood near the shore upon a very high Mount, made by hand for strength. At another end of the Town stood the Church, and on the top of it stood a fowl made of wood with gilded eyes. Here we found some Pearls of small value, spoiled with the fire, which the Indians do pierce and string them like Beads, and wear them about their necks and hand-wrists, Some Pearls found. and they esteem them very much. The houses were made of Timber, and covered with Palm leans. From the Town of Vcita the Governor sent Alcalde Maior Baltasar de Gallegos with forty Horsemen and eighty Footmen into the Country to see if they could take any Indians: and the Captain john Rodriguez L●billo another way with fifty Footmen. john Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the Camp with six men wounded, whereof one died, and brought the four Indian women, which Baltasar Gallegos had taken in the Cabins or Cottages. Two leagues from the Town; coming into the plain field, he espied ten or eleven Indians, among whom was a Christian, which was naked and scorched with the Sun, and had his arms razed after the manner of the Indians, and differed nothing at all from them. And as soon as the Horsemen saw them they ran toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them hid themselves in a Wood, and they overtook two or three of them which were wounded: and the Christian seeing an Horseman run upon him with his Lance, began to cry out, Sirs, I am a Christian, slay me not, nor these Indians, for they have saved my life. And strait way he called them, and put them out of fear, and they came forth of the Wood unto them. The Horsemen took both the Christian and the Indians up behind them; and toward night came into the Camp with much joy: which thing being known by the Governor, and them that remained in the Camp, they were received with the like. This Christians name was john Ortiz, and he was borne in Seville, of Worshipful Parentage. john Ortiz lived 12 years, among the Floridians' of Vcita and Mocoço. Naruaez. He was twelve years in the hands of the Indians. He came into this Country with Pamphilo de Naruaez; and returned in the ships to the Island of Cuba, where the Wife of the Governor Pamphilo de Naruaez was: and by his commandment with twenty or thirty other in a Brigandine, returned back again to Florida: and coming to the Port in the sight of the Town, on the shore they saw a Cane sticking in the ground, and riven at the top, and a Letter in it: and they believed that the Governor had left it there to give advertisement of himself, when he resolved to go up into the Land: and they demanded it of four or five Indians, which walked along the Sea shore: and they bade them by signs to come on shore for it: which against the will of the rest john Ortiz and another did. And as soon as they were on the Land, from the houses of the Town issued a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, and took them in a place where they could not flee: and the other which sought to defend himself, they presently killed upon the place and took john Ortiz alive, and carried him to Vcita their Lord. And those of the Brigandine sought not to land, but put themselves to Sea, and returned to the the Island of Cuba. Vcita commanded to bind john Ortiz hand and foot upon four stakes aloft upon a raft, and to make a fire under him, that there he might be burned: But a daughter of his desired him that he would not put him to death, alleging, that one only Christian could do him neither hurt nor good, telling him, that it was more for his honour to keep him as a Captive. And Ucita granted her request, and commanded him to be cured of his wounds: and as soon as he was whole, he gave him the charge of the keeping of the Temple: because that by night the Wolves did carry away the dead corpses out of the same: who commended himself to God and Wolves. took upon him the charge of his Temple. One night the Wolves gate from him the corpses of a little child, the Son of a principal Indian; and going after them he threw a Dart at one of the Wolves, and struck him that carried away the corpse, who feeling himself wounded, left it, and fell down dead near the place: and he not woting what he had done, because it was night, went back again to the Temple: the morning being come, and finding not the body of the child, he was very sad. as soon as Vcita knew thereof, he resolved to put him to death; and sent by the tract, which he said the Wolves went, and found the body of the child, and the Wolf dead a little beyond: whereat Vcita was much contented with the Christian, and with the watch which he kept in the Temple, and from thence forward esteemed him much. Three years after he fell into his hands, there came another Lord called Mocoço, who dwelleth two Mocoço dwelleth two days journey from Vcita. day's journey from the Port, and burned his Town. Vcita fled to another Town that he had in another Sea Port. Thus john Ortiz lost his office and favour that he had with him. These people being worshippers of the Devil, are wont to offer up unto him the lives and blood of their Indians or of any other people they can come by: and they report, that when he will have them do that Sacrifice unto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them that he is athirst, and Humane Sacrifice. willeth them to sacrifice unto him. john Ortiz had notice by the damosel that had delivered him from the fire, how her father was determined to sacrifice him the day following, who willed him to flee to Mocoço: for she knew that he would use him well: for she heard say, that he had asked for him, and said he would be glad to see him: and because he knew not the way, she went with him half a league out of the Town by night, and set him in the way, and returned because she would not be discovered. john Ortiz traveled all that night, and by the morning came A River. unto a River, which is in the Territory of Mocoço. Three or four Indians carried the news to their Lord: who came forth a quarter of a league from the Town to receive him; and was very glad of him. He caused him presently to swear according to the custom of the Christians, that he would not run away from him to any other Lord: and promised him to entreat him very well; and that if at any time there came any Christians into that Country, he would freely let him go, and give him leave to go to them: and likewise took his oath to perform the same according to the Indian custom. He dwelled with Mocoço nine years, with small hope of seeing any Christians. as soon as our Governor arrived in Florida, it was known to Mocoço, and straightway he signified to john Ortiz, that Christians were lodged in the Town of Vcita. And Mocoço gave him ten or eleven principal Indians to bear him company: and as they went to the P●rt where the Governor was, they met with Baltasar de Gallegos, as I have declared before. as soon as he was come to the Camp, the Governor commanded to give him a suit of apparel, and very good Armour, and a fair Horse; and enquired of him, whether he had notice of any Country where there was any Gold or Silver? He answered, No, because he never went ten leagues compass from the place where he dwelled: But that thirty leagues from thence dwelled an Indian Lord, which was called Parocassi, to whom Mocoço and Vcita, with all the rest of that Par 〈…〉 ssi 30. leagues from Puerto de Spirito Santo. Ghost paid Tribute, and that he peradventure might have notice of some good Country: and that his Land was better than that of the Sea-coast, and more fruitful and plentiful of Maiz. Whereof the Governor received great contentment: and said that he desired no more than to find victuals, that he might go into main Land, for the Land of Florida, was so large, that in one place or other there could not choose but be some Country. The Cacique Mocoço came to the Port to visit the Governor. The Governor answered him, That although in freeing and sending him the Christian, he had preserved his honour and promise, yet he thanked him, and held it in such esteem, as it had no comparison; and that he would always hold him as his Brother, and would favour him in all things to the utmost of his power. Then he commanded a shirt to be given him, and other things wherewith the Cacique being very well contented, to his leave of him, and departed to his own Town. From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Governor lay, he sent the Alcalde Maier Baltasar de Gallego; with fifty Horsemen, and thirty or forty Footmen to the Province of Paracossi, to view the disposition of the Country, and inform himself of the Land farther inward, and to send him word of such things as he found. Likewise he sent his ships back to the Island of Cuba, that they might return within a certain time with victuals. Vasques Porcallo de Figueroa, which went with the Governor as Captain General, (whose principal intent was to send slaves from Florida, to the Island of Cuba, where he had his goods and mines) having made some Inroads, and seeing no Indians were to be got, because of the great Bogs and thick Woods that were in the Country, considering the disposition of the same, determined to return to Cuba. And though there was some difference between him and the Governor, whereupon they neither dealt nor conversed together with good countenance, yet notwithstanding with loving words he asked him leave and departed from him. Baltasar de Gallegos came to the Paracossi: Paracossi. There came to him thirty Indians from the Cacique, and said, that their Lord was ill at ease, and therefore could not come, but that they came on his behalf to see what he demanded. He asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich Country where there was Gold or Silver. They told them they did: and that toward the West, there was a Province which was called Cale; and Cale. that others that inhabited other Countries had war with the people of that Country, where the most part of the year was Summer, and that there was much Gold: and that when those their enemies came to make war with them of Cale, these Inhabitants of Cale did wear hats of Gold, in manner of Headpieces. Baltasar de Gallegos, seeing that the Cacique came not, thinking all that they said was feigned, with intent that in the mean time they might set themselves in safety, fearing, that if he did let them go, they would return no more, commanded the thirty Indians to be chained, and sent word to the Governor by eight Horsemen what had passed whereof the Governor with all that were with him, at the Port de Spirito Santo received great comfort, supposing that that which the Indians reported, night be true. He left Captain Calderan at the Port, with thirty Horsemen and seventy Footmen, with provision for two years, and himself with all the rest marched into the main Land, and came to the Paracossi, Paracossi. at whose Town Batasar de Gallegos was: and from thence with all his men took the way to Cale. He passed by a little Town called Acela, and came to another called Tocaste: and from thence he went before with thirty Horsemen, and fifty Footmen toward Cale. And passing by Acela. Tocaste. Another Town. A Lake. A swift River. a Town, whence the people were fled, they saw Indians a little from thence in a Lake; to whom the Interpreter spoke. They came unto them and gave them an Indian for a guide: and he came to a River with a great current, and upon a Tree, which was in the midst of it, was made a Bridge, whereon the men passed: the Horses swam over by a Hawser, that they were pulled by from the otherside: for one which they drove in at the first without it, was drowned. From thence the Governor sent two Horsemen to his people that were behind, to make haste after him; because the way grew long, and their victuals short. He came to Cale, and found the Cale. Town without people. He took three Indians which were Spies, and tarried there for his people that came after, which were sore vexed with hunger and evil ways, because the Country was very barren of Maiz, low, and full of water, bogs, and thick woods; and the victuals, which they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Santo, were spent. Wheresoever any Boggy country. Town was found, there were some Beets, and he that came first gathered them, and sodden with water and salt, did eat them without any other thing: and such as could not get them, gathered the stalks of Maiz and eat them, which because they were young had no Maiz in them. When they came to the River which the Governor had passed, they found Palmitoes upon low Palmtrees like those of Andaluzia. There they met with the two Horsemen which the Governor sent unto them, and they brought news that in Cale there was plenty of Maiz; at which news they all rejoiced. as soon as they came to Cale, the Governor commanded them to gather all the Maiz that was ripe in the field, which was sufficient for three months. At the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians, and one of them which were taken told the Governor, that within seven days journey, there was a very great Province, and plentiful of Maiz, which was called Apalache. And presently he departed from Cale with fifty Horsemen, and sixty Footmen. He left the Master of the Camp Lewis de Moscoso with all the rest of the people there, with charge that he should not depart thence until he had word from him. And because hitherto none had gotten any slaves, the bread that every one was to eat, he was fame himself to beat in a Mortar made in a piece of Timber with a Pestle, and some of them Travelling Soldiers shifts for bread. did sift the flower through their shirts of Mail. They baked their bread upon certain Tileshares which they set over the fire. It is so troublesome to grind their Maiz, that there were many that would rather not eat it, then grind it: and did eat the Maiz parched and sodden. The eleventh day of August 1539. the Governor departed from Cale; he lodged in a little Town called Y●ara, and the next day in another called Potano, and the third day at Vtinama, and Ytara. Po●ano. Vtinama. The Town of Evil peace. came to another Town, which they named the Town of Evil peace; because an Indian came in peace, saying, That he was the Cacique, and that he with his people would serve the Governor, and that if he would set free eight and twenty persons, men and women, which his men had tathe night before, he would command provision to be brought him, and would give him a guide to instruct him in his way: The Governor commanded them to be set at liberty, and to keep him in safeguard. The next day in the morning there came many Indians, and set themselves round about the Town near to a wood. The Indian wished them to carry him near them; and that he would speak unto them, and assure them, and that they would do whatsoever he commanded them. And when he saw himself near unto them he broke from them, and ran away so swiftly from the Christians, that there was none that could overtake him, and all of them fled into the Woods. The Governor commanded to lose a Greyhound, which was already fleshed Greyhound catcheth the fugitive. on them, which passing by many other Indians, caught the counterfeit Cacique, which had escaped from the Christians, and held him till they came to take him. From thence the Governor lodged at a Town called Cholupaha: and because it had store of Maiz in it, they named it Cholupaha. A River. Caliquen. Villa farta. Beyond the same there was a River, on which he made a Bridge of Timber, and traveled two days through a desert. The seventeenth of August, he came to Caliquen, where he was informed of the Province of Apalache: They told him that Pamphilo de Naruaez had been there, and that there he took shipping, because he could find no way to go forward: That there was none other Town at all; but that on both sides was all water. The whole company were very sad for these news; and counselled the Governor to go back to the Port de Spirito Santo, and to abandon the Country of Florida, lest he should perish as Naruaez had done: declaring, that if he went forward, he could not return back when he would, and that the Indians would gather up that small quantity of Maiz which was left. Whereunto the Governor answered, that he would not go back, till he had seen with his eyes that which they reported: saying, that he could not believe it, and that we should be put out of doubt before it were long. And he sent to Lewis de Moscoso to come presently from Cale, and that he tarried for him here. Lewis de Moscoso and many others thought, that from Apalache they should return back; and in Cale they buried their Iron Tools, and diverse other things. They came to Caliquen with great trouble; because the Country, which the Governor had passed by, was spoiled and destitute of Maiz. After all the people were come together, he commanded a Bridge to be made over a River that passed near the Town. He departed from Caliquen the tenth of September, and carried the Cacique with him. After he had traveled three days, there came Indians peaceably, to visit A River. their Lord, and every day met us on the way playing upon Flutes: which is a token that they use, that men may know that they come in peace. They said, that in our way before was there a Cacique, whose name was Vzachil, a Kinsman of the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord, waiting for him with many presénts, and they desired the Governor that he would lose the Cacique. But he would not, fearing that they would rise, and would not give him any Guides, and sent them away from day to day with good words. He traveled five days, passed by some small Towns, came to a Town called Napetuca, the fifteenth Some small Towns. Napetuca. Two very great L●kes. day of September. There were thirty or forty Indians slain. The rest fled to two very great Lakes, that were somewhat distant the one from the other: There they were swimming, and the Christians round about them. The Calievermen and Crossebowmen shot at them from the bank; but the distance being great, and shooting afar off, they did them no hurt. The Governor commanded that the same night they should compass one of the Lakes, because they were so great, that there were not men enough to compass them both: being beset, as soon as night shut in, the Indians, with determination to run away, came swimming very softly to the bank; and to hide themselves, they put a water Lily leaf on their heads. The Horsemen as soon Indian subtlety. as they perceived it to stir, ran into the water to the Horses breasts, and the Indians fled again into the Lake. So this night passed without any rest on both sides. john Ortiz persuaded them, that seeing they could not escape, they should yield themselves to the Governor: which they did, enforced thereunto by the coldness of the water; and one by one, he first whom the cold did first overcome, cried to john Ortiz, desiring that they would not kill him, for he came to put himself into the hands of the Governor. By the morning watch they made an end of yielding themselves: only twelve principal men, being more honourable and valorous than the rest, resolved rather to die then to come into his hands. And the Indians of Paracossi, which were now loosed out of chains, went swimming to them, and pulled them out by the hair of their heads, and they were all put in chains, and the next day were divided among the Christians A new Conspiracy. for their service. Being thus in captivity, they determined to rebel; and gave in charge to an Indian, which was Interpreter, and held to be valiant, that as soon as the Governor did come to speak with him, he should cast his hands about his neck, and choke him: Who, when he saw opportunity, laid hands on the Governor, and before he cast his hands about his neck, he gave him such a blow on the nostrils, that he made them gush out with blood, and presently all the rest did rise. He that could get any weapons at hand or the handle wherewith he did grind the Maiz, sought to kill his Master, or the first he met before him: and he that could get a Lance or Sword at hand, bestirred himself in such sort with it, as though he had used it all his life time. One Indian in the Market place enclosed between fifteen or twenty Footmen, made away like a Bull with a Sword in his hand, till certain Halberdiers of the Governor came, which killed him. Another got up with a Lance to a loft made of Canes, which they build to keep their Maiz in, which they call a Barbacoa, and there he made such a noise, as though ten men had been there defending the door: they slew him with a partisan. The Indians were in all about two hundred men. They were all subdued. And some of the youngest the Governor gave to Two hundred 〈◊〉 tak●n. them which had good chains, and were careful to look to them that they got not away. All the 〈◊〉 he commanded to be put to death, being tied to a stake in the midst of the Market place: and the Indians of the Paracossi did shoot them to death. The G 〈…〉 nour departed from Napetuca the three and twentieth of September: he lodged by a River, where two Indians brought him a Buck from the Cacique of Vzachil. The next A River. day he passed by a great Town called Hapaluya; and lodged at Vzachil, and found no people in it, because they durst not tarry for the notice the Indians had of the slaughter of Napetuca. He H 〈…〉 a a 〈…〉 at Town. Vzachil. found in that Town great store of Maiz, French Beans and * Abobora●. Pompions, which is their food, and that wherewith the Christians there sustained themselves. The Maiz is like course Millet, and the Pompions are better and more savoury than those of Spain. From thence the Governor sent two Captains each a sundry way to seek the Indians. They took an hundred men and women: of which aswell there as in other places where they made any inroads, the Captain chose one or two for the Governor, and divided the rest to himself, and those that went with him. They led these Indians in chains with Iron collars about their necks; and they served to carry their stuff, and to grind their Maiz, ●and for other services that such Captives could do. Sometimes it happened that going for wood or Maiz with them, they killed the Christian that led them, and ran away with the chain: others filled their chains by night with a piece of stone, wherewith they cut them, and use it in stead of Iron. Those that were perceived paid for themselves, and for the rest, because they should not dare to do the like another time. The women and young boys, when they were once an hundred leagues from their Country, and had forgotten things, they let go loose, and so they served; and in a very short space they understood the Language of the Christians. From Vzachil the Governor departed toward Apalache, and in two days journey, he came to a Town called Axille, and from thence forward the Indians, Axille, were careless, because they had as yet no notice of the Christians. The next day in the morning, the first of October, he departed from thence, and commanded a Bridge to be made over a A River. River which he was to pass. The Governor passed upon Wednesday, which was Saint Francis his day, and lodged at a Uitachuco. Town which was called Vitachuco, subject to Apalache: he found it burning; for the Indians had set it on fire. From thence forward the Country was much inhabited, and had great store of Maiz. He passed by many Granges like Hamlets. On Sunday the five and twentieth of October, October 25. V 〈…〉 a. A 〈…〉 a Ap●●ac●●. he came to a Town, which is called Uzela, and upon Tuesday to Anaica Apalace, where the Lord of all that Country and Province was resident: in which Town the Campemaster, whose office it is to quarter out and lodge men, did lodge all the company round about within a league and half a league of it. There were other Towns, where was great store of Maiz, Pompions, French Beans, and Plums of the Country, which are better than those of Spain, and they grow in the fields without plantin. The victuals that were thought necessary to pass the Winter, were gathered from these Towns to Anaica Apalache. The Governor was informed, Ap 〈…〉 withi 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Sea. 〈◊〉. The Sea. that the Sea was ten leagues from thence. He presently sent a Captain thither with Horsemen and Footmen: And six leagues on the way he found a Town, which was named Ochete, and so came to the Sea, and found a great tree felled, and cut it into pieces, with stakes set up like mangers, and saw the skulls of horses. He returned with this news. And that was held for certain, which was reported of Pamphilo de Naruaez, that there he had builded the barks wherewith he went out of the land of Florida, and was cast away at Sea. Presently the Governor sent john Danusco with thirty horsemen to the port de Spiritu Santo, where Calderan was with order that they should abandon the port, and all of them come to Apalache. He departed on Saturday the seventeenth of November. In Uzachil and other towns that stood in the wa● he found great store of people already careless. He would take none of the Indians for not hindering himself, because it behoved him to give them no leisure to gather themselves together: He passed through the Towns by night, and rested without the Towns three or fou●e hours. In The Port de Spiritu Santo ten day's journey from Apalache. ten days he came to the Port de Spirito Santo. He carried with him twenty Indian women, which he took in Yeara, and Potano, near unto Cale, and sent them to Donna Isabel, in the two Caravels, which he sent from the Port de Spirito Santo to Cuba. And he carried all the footmen in the Brigandines, and coasting along the shore, came to Apalache. And Calderan with the horsemen, and some crossbow-men on foot went by land; and in some places the Indians set upon him, and wounded foam of his men. As soon as he came to Apalache, presently the Governor sent sawed planks and spikes to the Sea side, wherewith was made a Piragna or Bark, wherein were embarked thirty men well armed, which went out of the Bay to the Sea, looking for the Brigandines. Sometimes they fought with the Indians, which passed along the harbour in their Canoes. Upon Saturday, the twenty nine of November, there came an Indian through the Watch undiscovered, and set the Town on fire, and with the great wind that blew, two parts of it were consumed in a short time. On Sunday the twenty eight of December came john Danusco with the Brigandines. The Governor sent Francisco Maldonado, a Captain of footmen, with fifty men to discover the coast Westward, & to seek some Port, because he had determined to go by land, & discover that part. That day there went out eight horsemen by commandment of the Governor into the field, two leagues about the Town to seek Indians: for they were now so emboldened, that within two crossbow shot of the camp, they came & slew men. They found two men and a woman gathering French Beans: the men, though they might have fled, yet because they would not leave the woman, which was one of their wives, they resolved to die fight: and before they were slain, they wounded three horses, whereof one died within a few days after. Calderan going with his men by the Sea-coast, from a wood that was near the place, the Indians set upon him, and made him forsake his way, and many of them that went with him for sooke some necessary victuals, which they carried with them. Three or four days after the limited time given by the Governor to Maldonado for his going and coming, being already determined and resolved, if within eight days he did not come, to tarry no longer for him, he came, and brought an Indian from a Province, which was called Ochus, sixty leagues Westward Ochus sixty leagues West of Apalache. from Apalache; where he had found a good Port of good depth and defence against weather. And because the Governor hoped to find a good Country forward, he was very well contented. And he sent Maldonado for victuals to Havana, with order, that he would tarry for him at the Port of Ochus, which he had discovered, for he would go seek it by land: and if he should chance to stay, and not come thither that summer, that then he should return to Havana, & should come again the next summer after, and tarry for him at that Port: for he said he would do none other thing but go to seek Ochus. Francisco Maldonado departed, and in his place for Captain of the Chap. 11. footmen remained john de Guzman. Of those Indians which were taken in Napetuca, the treasurer john Gaytan had a young man, which said, that he was not of that Country, but of another far off toward the Sunrising, and that it was long since he had traveled to see Countries; and that his Country was called Yupaha, and that a woman did govern it: and that the Town where she was resident was of a wonderful bigness, and that many Lords round about were tributaries to her: and some gave her clothes, and others Gold in abundance: and he told, how it was taken out of the Mines, and was molten & refined, as if he had seen it done, or the Devil had taught Abundance of Cold. it him. So that all those which knew any thing concerning the same, said that it was impossible to give so good a relation, without having seen it: And all of them, as if they had seen it, by the signs that he gave, believed all that he said to be true. On Wednesday the third of March, of the year 1540 the Governor departed from Anaica Apalache to seek Yupaha. He commanded his men to go provided with Maiz for sixty leagues of desert. The horsemen carried their Maiz on their horses, and the footmen at their sides: because the Indians that were for service, with their miserable life that they lead that winter, Death of Indian slaves. A great River. being naked and in chains, died for the most part. Within four days journey they came to a great River: and they made a piragua or ferry boat, and because of the great current, they made a cable with chains, which they fastened on both sides of the River; and the ferry boat went along by it, and the horses swum over, being drawn with capstans. Having passed the River, in a day and a half they came to a Town called Capachiqui. Upon Friday, the eleventh of March, they found Indians in arms. The next day five Christians went to seek Capach 〈…〉 mortars, which the Indians have to beat their Maiz, and they went to certain houses on the backside of the Camp environed with a wood: and within the wood were many Indians which came to sp●e us; of the which came other five and set upon us. One of the Christians came running away, giving an alarm unto the Campe. Those which were most ready answered the alarm. They found one Christian dead, and three sore wounded. The Indians fled unto a lake adjoining near a very thick wood, where the horses could not enter. The Governor departed from Capachiqui, and passed through a desert. On Wednesday the twenty one of the month he came to a Town called Toalli: And from thence forward there was a difference in the houses. For those which were behind us were thatched with straw, and those of Toalli were covered with reeds, in manner of tiles. These houses are very cleanly. Some of them Toalli. Their houses for winter and summer. had walls daubed with clay, which showed like a mudwall. In all the cold Countries the Indians have every one a house for the winter daubed with clay within & without, and the doors is very little; they shut it by night, and make fire within, so that they are in it as warm as in a stove: and so it continueth all night that they need not clothes: and besides these, they have others for Summer; and their kitchens near them, where they make fire and bake their bread; and they have barbacoas wherein they keep their Maiz; which is an house set up in the air upon four stakes, boarded about like a chamber, and the floor of it is of cane hurdles. The difference which Lords or principal men's houses have from the rest, besides they be greater, is, that they have great galleries in their fronts, & under them seats made of canes in manner of benches: and round about them they have many lots, wherein they lay up that which the Indians do give them for tribute, which is Maiz, Deeres skins, and mantles of the Country, which are like blankets: they A grass like flax. make them of the inner rind of the barks of trees & some of a kind of grass like unto nettles, which being beaten, is like unto flax. The women cover themselves with these Mantles; they put one about them from the waste downward; and another over their shoulder, with their right arm out, like unto the Egyptians. The men wear but one Mantle upon their shoulders after the same manner; and have their secrets hid with a Deeres skin, made like a linen breech, which was wont to be used in Spain. The skins are well corried, and they give them whatcolour they list, so perfect, that if it be red, it seemeth a very fine cloth in grain, and the black is Excellent colours. most fine: and of the same leather they make shoes; and they dye their Mantles in the same colours. The Governor departed from T●alli the four and twentieth of March: he came on Thursday at evening to a small River, where a bridge was made whereon the people passed, and Benit Fernandez a Portugal fell off from it, and was drowned. As soon as the Governor had passed A small River. the River, a little distance thence he found a Town called Achese. The Indians had notice of the Achese. Christians; they leapt into a River: some men and women were taken; among which was one that understood the youth which guided the Governor to Yupaha: whereby that which he had reported was more confirmed. For they had passed through Countries of diverse languages, and some which he understood not. The Governor sent by one of the Indians that were taken to call the Cacique, which was on the other side of the River. He came. The Governor told him that he was the Son of the Sun, and came from those parts where he dwelled, and traveled through that Country, and sought the greatest Lord, and richest Province that was in it. The Cacique S●to preteuds to be the Son of the Sun. told him, that farther forward dwelled a great Lord, and that his dominion was called Ocute. He gave him a guide and an Interpreter for that Province. The Governor commanded his Indians to be set free, and traveled through his Country up a River very well inhabited. He departed A River very well inhabited. Mannerof Spaniards praying. from his Town the first of April; and left a very high cross of Wood set up in the midst of the market place: and because the time gave no more leisure, he declared to him only, that that cross was a memorial of the same, whereon Christ, which was God and man, and created the heavens and the earth, suffered for our salvation: therefore he exhorted them that they should reverence it: and they made show as though they would do so. The fourth of April they passed by a Town called Altamaca, and the tenth of the month he came to Ocute. The Atamac●▪ Ocute. Cacique sent him two thousand Indians with a present, to wit, many Coneys, & Partridges, bread of Maiz, two Hens, and many Dogs: which among the Christians were esteemed as if they had Coneys, Partridges, Hens, Dogs. been fat Weathers, because of the great want of flesh meat and Salt, and hereof in many places, and many times was great need; and they were so scarce, that if a man fell sick, there was nothing to cherish him withal; and with a sickness, that in another place easily might have been remedied, he consumed away till nothing but skin and bones were left: and they died of pure weakness, some of them saying, If I had a slice of meat, or a few corns of Salt, I should not di●. And because they were thus scanted of flesh, when six hundred men that went with Soto, came to any Town, and found thirty or forty Dogs, he that could get one and kill it, thought himself no small man: and he that killed it, and gave not his Captain one quarter, if he knew it, he frowned on him, and made him feel it, in the watches, or in any other matter of labour that was offered, wherein he might do him a displeasure. On Monday, the twelfth of April, the Governor departed from Ocute: The Cacique gave him two hundred Tamenes, to wit, Indians to carry burdens: he passed through a Town, the Lord whereof was named Cofaqui, and came to a Province of an Indian Lord, called Patofa. Cofaqui. Patofa. This Country, from the first peaceable Cacique, unto the Province of Patofa, which were fifty leagues, is a fat Country, Beautiful, and very fruitful, and very well watered, and full An excellent Country for fi●tie leagues. of good Rivers. And from thence to the Port de Spirito Santo, where we first arrived in the land of Florida (which may be 350. leagues, little more or less) is a barren land, and the most of it groves of wild Pinetrees, low and full of lakes, and in some places very high and thick groves, Barren Country. whither the Indians that were in arms fled, so that no man could find them, neither could any horses enter into them. In the Town of Patofa, the youth which the Governor carried with him for an Interpreter and a guide, began to foam at the mouth, and tumble on the ground, as one possessed with the Devil: They said a Gospel over him; and the fit left him. And he said, that four day's journey from thence toward the Sun rising, was the Province that he spoke of. The Indians of Patofa said, that toward that part they knew no habitation; but that toward the Northwest, they knew a Province which was called Coço, a very plentiful Country, which had very great Towns in it. The Cacique told the Governor, that if he would go thither, he would give him guides and Indians for burdens; and if he would go whither the youth spoke of, that he would likewise give him those that he needed: and so with loving words and offers of courtesy, they took their leaves the one of the other. He gave him seven hundred Indians to bear burdens. He took Maiz for four days journey. He traveled six days by a path which grew narrow more and more, till it was lost altogether: He went where the youth did lead him, and pass two Rivers Two swift Rivers. which were waded: each of them was two crossebowshot over: the water came to the stirrups, and had so great a current, that it was needful for the horsemen to stand one before another, that the footmen might pass above them leaning unto them. He came to another River of a greater current and largeness, which was passed with more trouble, because the horses did swim Another greater River. at the coming out about a lances length. Having passed this River, the Governor came to a grove of Pinetrees, and threatened the youth, and made as though he would have cast him to the dogs, because he had told him a lie, saying, it was but four day's journey, and they had traveled Nine days journey, nine, every day seven or eight leagues, and the men by this time were grown weary and weak, and the horses lean through the great scanting of the Maiz. The youth said, that he knew not where he was. It saved him that he was not cast to the dogs, that there was never another whom john Ortiz did understand. The Governor with them two, and with some horsemen and footmen, leaving the Camp in a grove of Pinetrees, traveled that day five or six leagues to seek a way, and returned at night very comfortless, and without finding any sign of way or town. The next day, the Governor sent other four with as many horsemen that could swim, to pass the Ose and Rivers which they should find, and they had choice horses the best that were in the Campe. The Captains were Baltasar de Galleg●s, which went up the River; and john Danusco, down the River: Alfonso Romo, and john Rodriguez Lobillo went into the inward parts of the land. The Governor brought with him into Florida thirteen Sows, The great increase of swin● and had by this time three hundred Swine: He commanded every man should have half a pound of Hog's flesh every day: and this he did three or four days after the Maiz was spent. With this small quantity of flesh, and some sodden herbs, with much trouble the people were sustained. john Danusco came on Sunday late in the evening, and brought news that he had found a little Town twelve or thirteen leagues from thence: he brought a Woman and a Boy that he had taken there. With his coming and with those news, the Governor and all the rest were so glad, that they seemed at that instant to have returned from death to life. Upon Monday, the twenty six of April, the Governor departed to go to the Town, which was called Aymay; and the Christians named it the Town of Relief. He left where the Camp had lain at the foot of a Pinetree a letter buried, and letters carved in the bark of the Pine, the Aymay. contents whereof was this: Dig here at the foot of this Pine, and you shall find a letter. And this he did, because when the Captains came, which were sent to seek some habitation, they might see the letter, and know what was become of the Governor, and which way he was gone. There was no other way to the Town, but the marks that Io●n Danusco left made upon the trees. The Governor with some of them that had the best horses came to it on the Monday: And all the rest enforcing themselves the best they could, some of them lodged within two leagues of the Town, some within three and four, every one as he was able to go, and his strength served him. There was found in the Town a storehouse full of the flower of parched Maiz; and some Maiz, which was distributed by allowance. Here were four Indians taken, and none of them would confess any other thing, but that they knew of none other habitation. The Governor commanded one of them to be burned; and presently another confessed, that two day's An Indian b 〈…〉ned for his falsehood, journey from thence, there was a Province that was called Cutifachiqui. Upon Wednesday came the Captains Baltasar de Gallegos, Alfonso Romo, and john Rodriguez Lobillo: for they had found the letter, and followed the way which the Governor had taken toward the town. As soon as they came, he departed toward Cutifachiqui. In the way three Indians were taken, which said, that the Lady of that Country had notice already of the Christians, and stayed for them in a Town of hers. Within a little while the Lady came out of the Town in a Chair, whereon certain of the principal Indians brought her to the River. She entered into a Barge which had the Stern tilted over, and on the floor her mat ready laid with two custions upon it one upon another, where she sat her down; and with her came her principal Indians in other Barges, which did wait upon her. She went to the place where the Governor was. She presented unto him great store of clothes of the Country, which she brought in other Canoes; to wit, Mantles and Skins; and A great cordon of Pea 〈…〉 took from her own neck a great cordon of Pearls, and cast it about the neck of the Governor, entertaining him with very gracious speeches and courtesy, and commanded Canoes to be brought thither, wherein the Governor & his people passed the River. As soon as he was lodged in the Town, she sent him another present of many Hens. This Country was very pleasant, fat, They pass the River. and hath goodly Meadows by the Rivers. Their woods are thin, & full of Walnut trees & Mulberry trees. They said the Sea was two days journey from thence. Within a league & half about this Walnut trees. Mulberry trees for silk. The Sea two days journey off. Mantles of the barks of trees. Mantles of Feathers. Pearls found in graves. Town were great Towns dispeopled, and overgrown with grass; which showed, that they had been long without inhabitants. The Indians said, that two years before there was a Plague in that Country, and that they removed to other Towns. There was in their storehouses great quantity of Clothes, Mantles of yarn made of the barks of trees, and others made of Feathers, white, green, red, and yellow, very fine after their use, and profitable for winter. There were also many Deeres skins, with many compartments traced in them, and some of them made into hose, stockings, and shoes. And the Lady perceiving that the Christians esteemed the Pearls, advised the Governor to send to search certain graves that were in that Town, and that he should find many: and that if he would send to the dispeopled Towns, he might load all his Horses. They sought the graves of that Town, and there found fourteen rooves of Pearls, and little Babies and Birds made of them. The people were brown, well made, and well proportioned, Three hundred ninety two pounds of Pearls found. and more civil than any others that were seen in all the Country of Florida, and all of them went shod and clothed. The youth told the Governor, that he began now to enter into the land which he spoke of: and some credit was given him that it was so, because he understood the language of the Indians: and he requested that he might be Christened, for he said he desired to become a Christian: He was Christened, and named Peter; and the Governor commanded him to be loosed from a chain, in which until that time he had gone. This Country, as the Indians reported, had been much inhabited, and had the fame of a good Country. And as it seemeth, This Town was but two day's journey from the haven of Santa Helena. In the year 1525. It is in 32. deg. and a half. the youth which was the Governors' guide, had heard of it, and that which he knew by hearsay, he affirmed that he had seen, and augmented at his pleasure. In this Town was found a Dagger and Beads, that had belonged to Christians. The Indians reported, that Christians had been in the haven, which was two days journey from this Town, many years ago. He that came thither was the Governor, the Licenciate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, which went to conquer this Country, and at his coming to the Port he died; and there was a division, quarrels and slaughters between some principal men which went with him, for the principal government: And without knowing any thing of the Country, they returned home to Hispaniola. All the Company thought it good to inhabit that Country, because it was in a temperate climate: And that if it were inhabited, all the Ships of New Spain, of Peru, Santa Martha, and Tierra firm, in their return for Spain, might well touch there: because it was in their way; and because it was a good Country, and sited fit to raise commodity. The Governor, since his intent was to seek another treasure, like that of Atabalipa Lord of Peru, was not contented with a good Country, nor with Pearls, though many of them were worth their weight in Gold. And if the Country had been divided among the Christians, those which the Indians had fished for afterward, would have been of more value: for those which they had, because they burned them in the fire, did lose their colour. The Governor answered them, that urged him to inhabit, That in all the Country, there were not victuals to sustain his men one month; and that it was needful to resort to the Port of Ocus, where Maldanado was to stay for them: and that if no richer Country were found, they might return again to that Chiaha twelve day's journey from Santa Helena: and Coste seven day's journey from Chiaha: at which town of Coste, they had an Ox hide. Chap. 16. whensoever they would; and in the mean time the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians, whether they had notice of any great Lord farther into the land. They told him, that twelve day's journey from thence, there was a Province called Chiaha, subject to the Lord of Coça. Presently the Governor determined to seek that land. And being a stern man, and of few words, though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men, yet after he had delivered his own, he would not be contraried, and always did what liked himself, and so all men did condescend unto his will. §. II. SOTOS further Discoveries in Florida and manifold various Adventures till he came to Tulla. THe Governor departed from Cutifa Chiqui the third day of May. And because the Indians had revolted, and the will of the Lady was perceived, that if she could, she would depart without giving any Guides or men for burdens, for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians: (for there never want some among many of a base sort, that for a little gain do put themselves and others in danger of undoing.) The Governor Baggage of the Campe. commanded her to be kept in safeguard, and carried with him, not with so good usage as she deserved for the good will she showed. And he carried her on foot with his bondwomen to look unto her. In all the Towns where the Governor passed, the Lady commanded the Indians to come and carry the burdens from one Town to another. We passed through her Country an hundred leagues, in which, as we saw, she was much obeyed. For the Indians did all that she commanded them with great efficacy and diligence. In seven days space the Governor came Chalaque seven days journey from Cutifachiqui. to a Province called Chalaque, the poorest Country of Maiz that was seen in Florida. The Indians fed upon Roots and Herbs which they seek in the fields, and upon wild beasts, which they kill with their Bows and Arrows: and it is a very gentle people. All of them go naked, and are very lean. There was a Lord, which for a great Present, brought the Governor two Deeres skins: and there were in that Country many wild Hens. In one Town they made him a Present of seven hundred Hens, and so in other Towns they sent him those which they 700. Hens. had or could get. From this Province to another, which is called Xualla, he spent five days: here he found very little Maiz; and for this cause, though the people were wearied, and the horses very weak, he stayed no more but two days. From Ocute to Cutifachiqui may be Xualla five days off. some hundred and thirty leagues, whereof eighty are Wilderness. From Cutifachiqui to Xualla, two hundred and fifty, and it is an Hilly Country. The Governor departed from Xualla toward Guaxule: he passed very rough and high hills. In that journey, the Lady of Cutifachiqui (whom the Governor carried with him, as is aforesaid, with purpose to carry her to Guaxule, because her Territory reached thither) going on a day with the bondwomen which lead her, Rough and high hills. went out of the way, and entered into a Wood, saying, she went to ease herself, and so she deceived them, and hid herself in the Wood; and though they sought her they could not find her. She carried away with her a little chest made of Canes in manner of a Coffer, which they call Petaca, full of unbored Pearls. Some which could judge of them, said, that they were of great value. An Indian woman that waited on her did carry them. The Governor not to discontent her altogether, left them with her, making account that in Guaxule he would ask them of her, when he give her leave to return: which Coffer she carried away, and went to Xualla with three slaves which fled from the Camp, and one Horseman which remained behind, who falling sick of an Ague went out of the way, and was lost. This man, whose name was Alimamos, dealt with the slaves to change their evil purpose, and return with him to the Christians: which two of them did; and Alimamos and they overtook the Governor fifty leagues from thence in a Province called Chiaha; and reported how the Lady remained in Xualla with a slave of Andrew de Vasconcellos which would not come back with them, and that of a certainty they lived as man and wife together, and meant to go both to Cutifachiqui. Within five days the Governor came to Guaxule. The Indians there gave him a Present of three hundred Dogs, because Guaxule five days off. they saw the Christians esteem them, and sought them to feed on them: for among them they are not eaten. In Guaxule, and all that way, was very little Maiz. The Governor sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Cacique of Chiaha, to desire him to gather some Maiz thither, that he might rest a few days in Chiaha. The Governor departed from Guaxule, and Canasagua two days journey off. Great store of Mulberry trees to make silk. in two days journey came to a Town called Canasagua. There met him on the way twenty Indians every one loaden with a basket full of Mulberries: for there be many, and those very good, from Cutifachiqui thither, and so forward in other Provinces, and also Nuts and Plums. And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them, and are as big and as rank, as though they grew in Gardens digged and watered. From the time that the Governor departed from Canasagua, he journeyed five days through a Desert; and two leagues before he came to Chiaha, there met him fifteen Indians loaden with Maiz, which the Cacique had sent; and they told him on his behalf, that he waited his coming with twenty Barns full of it; and farther, that himself, his Country, and subjects, and all things else were at his service. On the fifth day of june, the Governor entered into Chiaha: The Cacique voided his own houses, in which he lodged, and received him with much joy. There was in this Town much Butter in Gourds melted like Oil: they said it was the fat of Bears. There was found also great store of Oil of Walnuts, which was clear as Butter, The fat of Bears. Oil of Walnuts. Honey of Bees, Chiaha seated in an Island. and of a good taste, and a pot full of Honey of Bees, which neither before nor afterward was seen in all the Country. The Town was in an Island between two arms of a River, and was seated nigh one of them. The River divideth itself into those two branches two Crossbow shot above the Town, and meeteth again a league beneath the same. The plain between both the branches is sometimes one Crossbow shot, sometimes two Crossbow shot over. The branches are very broad, and both of them may be waded over. There were all along them very good Meadows, and many fields sown with Maiz. And because the Indians stayed in their Town, the Governor only lodged in the houses of the Cacique, and his people in the fields; where there was ever a tree, every one took one for himself. Thus the Camp lay separated one from another, and out of order. The Governor winked at it, because the Indians were in peace, and because it was very hot, and the people should have suffered great extremity, if it had not been so. The horses came thither so weak, that for feebleness, they were not able to carry their Masters: because that from Cutifachiqui, they always traveled with very little Provender, and were hunger-starved and tired ever since they came from the Desert of Ocute. And because The Desert of Ocute, chap. 8. the most of them were not in case to use in battle, though need should require, they sent them to feed in the night a quarter of a league from the Campe. The Christians were there in great danger, because that if at this time the Indians had set upon them, they had been in evil Thirty days rest. case to have defended themselves. The Governor rested there thirty days, in which time, because the Country was very fruitful, the horses grew fat. A Cacique of a Province called Coste, came to this Town to visit the Governor. After he had offered himself, and passed with him some words of tendering his service and courtesy; the Governor ask him whether he had notice of any rich Country? he said, yea: to wit, that toward the North, there was a Province named Chisca: and that there was a melting of Copper, and of another metal of the same colour, save that it was finer, and of a far more perfect colour, and far better to the sight; and that they used it not so much, because it was softer. And the self same thing was told the Governor in Cutifachiqui; Mines of Copper and Gold in Chisca toward the North. Hatchets of Copper holding Gold. Chisca is directly North from Cutif●-chiqui, which is with in two days of Santa Helena. Two Christians sent from Chiaha to seek Chisca. Coste seven days from Chiaha, chap. 14. where we saw some little Hatchets of Copper, which were said to have a mixture of Gold. But in that part the Country was not well peopled, and they said there were Mountains, which the horses could not pass: and for that cause, the Governor would not go from Cutifachiqui directly thither: And he made account, that travelling through a peopled Country, when his men and horses should be in better plight, and he were better certified of the truth of the thing, he would return toward it, by Mountains, and a better inhabited Country, whereby he might have better passage. He sent two Christians from Chiaha, with certain Indians which knew the Country of Chisca, and the language thereof to view it, and to make report of that which they should find; where he told them that he would tarry for them. In seven days he came to Coste. The second of july he commanded his Camp to be pitched two Crossbow shot from the Town: and with eight men of his guard he went where he found the Cacique, which to his thinking received him with great love. As he was talking with him, there went from the Camp certain Footmen to the Town to seek some Maiz, and not contented with it, they ransacked and searched the houses, and took what they found. With this despite the Indians began to rise and to take their arms: and some of them with cudgels in their hands, ran upon five or six Christians, which had done them wrong, and beat them at their pleasure. The Governor seeing them all in an uproar, and himself among them with so few Christians, to escape their hands used a stratagem, far against his own disposition, being, as he was, very frank and open: and thought it grieved him very much that any Indian should be so bold, as with reason, or without reason to despise the Christians, he took up a cudgel, and took A wise Stratagem. their parts against his own men; which was a means to quiet them: And presently he sent word by a man very secretly to the Camp, that some armed men should come toward the place where he was; and he took the Cacique by the hand, using very mild words unto him, and with some principal Indians that did accompany him, he drew them out of the Town into a plain way, and unto the sight of the Camp, whither by little and little with good discretion the Christians began to come and to gather about them. Thus the Governor led the Cacique, and his chief men until he entered with them into the Camp: and near unto his Tent, he commanded them to be put in safe custody: and told them, that they should not depart without giving him a guide and Indians for burdens, and till certain sick Christians were come, which he had commanded to come down the River in Canoes from Chiaha; and those also which he had sent to the Province of Chisca: (for they were not returned; and he feared that the Indians had slain the one, and the other.) Within three days after, those which were sent to Chisca returned, Those which were sent to seek Chisca return. High Mountains. A little poor Town. An Ox Hide with hair like wool. cap. 215. saith so. Tali, one day from Coste. Many Towns of Coça. Coça. july 26. Marterns. and made report, that the Indians had carried them through a Country so poor of Maiz, and so rough, and over so high Mountains, that it was impossible for the Army to travel that way; and that seeing the way grew very long, and that they lingered much, they consulted to return from a little poor Town, where they saw nothing that was of any profit, and brought an Ox hide, which the Indians gave them, as thin as a calf's skin, and the hair like a soft wool, between the course and fine wool of sheep. The Cacique gave a guide, and men for burdens, and departed with the Governors' leave. The Governor departed from Coste the ninth of july, and lodged at a Town called Tali. The Cacique commanded provision necessary for two days, while the Governor was there, to be brought thither: and at the time of his departure, he gave him four women and two men, which he had need of to bear burdens. The Governor traveled six days through many Town's subject to the Cacique of Coça: and as he entered into his Country many Indians came unto him every day from the Cacique, and met him on the way with messages, one going, and another coming. He came to Coça upon Friday, the six and twentieth of july. The Cacique came forth to receive him, two Crossbow shot from the Town in a chair, which his principal men carried on their shoulders, sitting upon a cushion, and covered with a garment of Marterns, of the fashion and bigness of a woman's Huke: he had on his head a Diadem of feathers, and round about him many Indians playing upon Flutes, and singing. There was in the Barns, and in the fields great store of Maiz and French Beans: The Country Many great Towns. Many Plum-●●ees of diverse sorts. was greatly inhabited with many great Towns, and many sown fields, which reached from the one to the other. It was pleasant, fat, full of good Meadows upon Rivers. There were in the fields many Plum-trees, as well of such as grow in Spain, as of the Country: and wild tall Vines, that run up the trees; and besides these, there were other low Vines with big and sweet Grapes; but ●or want of digging and dressing, they had great kernels in them. Two sorts of Grapes. Note. The Governor used to set a guard over the Caciques, because they should not absent themselves, and carried them with him, till he came out of their Countries: because that carrying them along with him, he looked to find people in the Towns, and they gave him guides, and men to carry burdens: and before he went out of their Countries, he gave them licence to return to their houses, and to their Porters likewise, as soon as he came to any other Lordship, where they gave him others. The men of Coça seeing their Lord detained, took it in evil part, and revolted, and hid themselves in the Woods, aswell those of the Town of the Cacique, as those of the other Towns of his principal subjects. The Governor sent out four Captains, every one his way to seek them. They took many men and women, which were put into chains: They seeing the hurt which they received, and how little they gained in absenting themselves, came again, promising to do whatsoever they were commanded. The Governor rested in Coça five and twenty days. He departed from thence the twentieth 20. of August. of August to seek a Province called Tascaluca: he carried with him the Cacique of Coça. He passed that day by a great Town called Tallimuchase, the people were fled: he lodged half a Tallimuchase, a great Town. Ytava. A great River. Vllibahali. league farther near a Brook. The next day he came to a Town called Ytava, subject to Coça. He stayed there six days because of a River that passed by it, which at that time was very high; and as soon as the River suffered him to pass, he set forward, and lodged at a Town named Vllibahali. There came to him on the way, on the Caciques' behalf of that Province, ten or twelve principal indians to offer him his service; all of them had their plumes of feathers, and Bows and Arrows. The Governor coming to the Town with twelve Horsemen, and some Footmen of his Guard, leaving his people a Crossbow shot from the Town, entered into it, he found all the Indians with their weapons: and as far as he could guess, they seemed to have some evil meaning. It was known afterward, that they were determined to take the Cacique of Coça from the Governor, if he had requested it. The Governor commanded all his people Vllibahali w●lled about. The fashion of their walls. to enter the Town, which was walled about, and near unto it passed a small River. The wall, aswell of that, as of others, which afterward we saw, was of great posts thrust deep into the ground and very rough, and many long rails as big as one's arms laid across between them, and the wall was about the height of a Lance, and it was daubed within and without with clay, and had loopholes. On the otherside of the River was a Town, where at that present the Cacique was. The Governor sent to call him, and he came presently. After he had passed with the Governor some words of offering his services, he gave him such men for his carriages as he needed, and thirty women for slaves. In that place was a Christian lost, called Mançano, borne in Salamanca, of noble Parentage, which went astray to seek for Grapes, whereof there is great store, and those very good. Great store of good Grapes. The day that the Governor departed from thence, he lodged at a Town subject to the Lord of Vllibahali: and the next day he came to another Town called Toasi. The Indians gave the Toasi. Governor thirty women, and such men for his carriages as he needed. He traveled ordinarily five or six leagues a day when he traveled through peopled Countries: and going through Deserts, He traveled o 〈…〉 a 〈…〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 leagues a day. Tallise a great Town. Septem. 18. A main river▪ he marched as fast as he could, to eschew the want of Maiz. From Toasi, passing through some Town's subject to a Cacique, which was Lord of a Province called Tallise, he traveled five days: He came to Tallise the eighteenth of September: The Town was great, and situated near unto a main River. On the other side of the River were other Towns, and many fields sown with Maiz. On both sides it was a very plentiful Country, and had store of Maiz: they had voided the Town. The Governor commanded to call the Cacique; who came, and between them passed some words of love and offer of his services, and he presented unto him forty Indians. There came to the Governor in this Town a principal Indian in the behalf of the Cacique of Tascaluca. After he had rested there twenty days, he departed thence toward Tascaluca. That day when he went from Talisse, he lodged at a great Town called Casiste. And the next day passed Casiste a great Town. Tascaluca. by another, and came to a small Town of Tascaluca; and the next day he camped in a Wood two leagues from the Town where the Cacique resided, and was at that time. And he sent the Master of the Camp, Lewis de Moscoso, with fifteen Horsemen, to let him know how he was coming. The Cacique was in his Lodgings under a Canopy: and without doors, right against his Lodgings, in an high place, they spread a Mat for him, and two Cushions one upon another, where he sat him down, and his Indians placed themselves round about him, somewhat distant from him, so that they made a place, and a void room where he sat: and his chiefest men were nearest to him, and one with a shadow of Deeres skin, which kept the Sun from him, being round, and of the bigness of a Target, quartered with black and white, having a rundel in the midst: afar off it seemed to be of Taffeta, because the colours were very perfect. It was set on a small staff stretched wide out. This was the device which he carried in his wars. He was a man of a very tall stature, of great limbs, and spare and well proportioned, and was much feared of his neighbours and subjects. He was Lord of many Territories and much people: In his countenance he was grave. After the Master of the Camp had spoken with him, he and those that went with him coursed their Horses, prancing them to and fro, and now and then toward the place where the Cacique was, who with much gravity and dissimulation now and then lifted up his eyes, and beheld them as it were with disdain. At the Governors' coming, he made no offer at all to rise. The Governor took him by the hand, and both of them sat down together on a seat which was under the Cloth of Estate. When he departed from thence, he determined to carry him along with him for some causes, and at two days journey he came to a Town called Piache, by which there passed a great River. Piache. A great River. The Governor demanded Canoas' of the Indians: they said, they had them not, but that they would make Rafts of canes and dry timber, on which he might pass well enough: And they made them with all diligence and speed, and they governed them; and because the water went very slow, the Governor and his people passed very well. From the Port de Spirito Santo to Apalache, which is about an hundred leagues, the Governor, The course of Soros travels, whereby it appeareth that he iourneved not far from Uirginia. went from East to West: and from Apalache to Cutifachiqui, which are four hundred and thirty leagues, from the South-west to the North-east: and from Cutifachiqui to Xualla, which are about two hundred and fifty leagues, from the South to the North: and from Xualla to Tascaluca, which are two hundred and fifty leagues more, an hundred and ninety of them he traveled from East to West, to wit, to the Province of Coça: and the other sixty from Coça to Tascaluca, from the North to the South. Having passed the River of Piache, a Christian went from his company from thence to seek a woman-slave that was run away from him, and the Indians either took him captive, or slew him. The Governor urged the Cacique that he should give account of him, and threatened him, that if he were not found, he would never let him lose. The Cacique sent an Indian from thence to Mavilla, whither they were travelling, which was a Town of a principal Indian and his subject, saying, that he sent him to advise them to make ready victuals, and men for carriages. But (as afterward appeared) he sent him to assemble all the men of war thither, that he had in his Country. The Governor traveled three days; and the third day he passed all day thorough a peopled Country: and he came to Mavilla upon Monday the eighteenth of October. He went before the Camp with fifteen Horsemen, and thirty Footmen. And from the Town Mavilla. 18. of October. came a Christian, whom he had sent to the principal man, three or four days before, because he should not absent himself, and also to learn in what sort the Indians were: who told him, that he thought they were in an evil purpose: for while he was there, there came many people into the Town, and many weapons, and that they made great haste to fortify the wall. Lewis Mavilla walled de Moscoso told the Governor, that it would be good to lodge in the field, seeing the Indians were of such disposition: and he answered, that he would lodge in the Town, for he was weary of lodging in the field. When he came near unto the Town, the Cacique came forth to receive him with many Indians playing upon Flutes and singing: and after he had offered himself, he presented him with three mantles of Marterns. The Governor, with both the Caciques, Three mantles of Marterns. and seven or eight men of his guard, and three or four Horsemen, which alighted to accompany him, entered into the Town, and sat him down under a Cloth of Estate. The Cacique of Tascaluca requested him, that he would let him remain in that Town, and trouble him no more with travelling: and seeing he would not give him leave, in his talk he changed his purpose, and dissemblingly feigned that he would speak with some principal Indians, and rose up from the place where he sat with the Governor, and entered into a house, where many Indians were with their Bows and Arrows. The Governor when he saw he returned not, called him, and he answered, that he would not come out from thence, neither would he go any further than that Town, and that if he would go his way in peace, he should presently depart, and should not seek to carry him perforce out of his Country and Territory. Baltasar de Gallegos, which stood by, took hold of a Gown of Marterns which he had on; A gown of Marterns. and he cast it over his head, and left it in his hands: and because all of them immediately began to stir, Baltasar de Gallegos gave him such a wound with his Coutilas, that he opened him down the back, and presently all the Indians with a great cry came out of the houses shooting their Arrows. The Governor considering, that if he tarried there, he could not escape, and if he commanded his men to come in, which were without the Town, the Indians within the houses might kill their Horses, and do much hurt, ran out of the Town, and before he came out, he fell twice or thrice, and those that were with him did help him up again; and he and those that were with him were sore wounded: and in a moment there were five Christians slain in the Town. The Governor came running out of the Town, crying out, that every man should stand further off, because from the wall they did them much hurt. The Indians seeing that the Christians retired, and some of them, or the most part, more than an ordinary pace, shot with great boldness at them, and struck down such as they could overtake. The Indians which the Christians did lead with them in chains, had laid down their burdens near unto the wall: and assoon as the Governor and his men were retired, the men of Mavilla laid them on the Indians backs again, and took them into the Town, and loosed them presently from their chains, and gave them Bows and Arrows to fight withal. Thus they possessed themselves of all the Clothes and Pearls, and all that the Christians had, which their slaves carried. And All the clothes and Pearls of the Christians were lost. because the Indians had been always peaceable until we came to this place, some of our men had their weapons in their fardels and remained unarmed. And from others that had entered the Town with the Governor they had taken Swords and Holbards, and fought with them. When the Governor was gotten into the field, he called for an Horse, and with some that accompanied him, he returned and slew two or three Indians: All the rest retired themselves to the Town, and shot with their Bows from the wall. And those which presumed of their nimbleness, sallied forth to fight a stones cast from the wall: And when the Christians charged them, they retired themselves at their leisure into the Town. At the time that the broil began, there were in the Town a Fi●er, and a Priest, and a servant of the Governor, with a woman-slave: and they had no time to come out of the Town: and they took an house, and so remained in the Town. The Indians become Masters of the place, they shut the door with a field gate: and among them was one Sword which the Governors' servant had, and with it he s●t himself behind the door, thrusting at the Indians which sought to come into them: and the Friar and the Priest stood on the other side, each of them with a bar in their hands to beat him down that first came in. The Indians seeing they could not get in by the door, began to uncover the house top. By this time, all the Horsemen and Footmen which were behind, were come to Mavilla. As soon as the battle and the rearward were come to Mavilla, the Governor commanded all A consultation of the Indians to send away their Cacique. those that were best armed to alight, and made four squadrons of Footmen. The Indians seeing how he was setting his men in order concluded with the Cacique that he should go his way, saying unto him, as after it was known by certain women that were taken there, that he was but one man, and could fight but for one man, and that they had there among them many principal Indians, very valiant and expert in feats of Arms, that any one of them was able to order the people there. The Governor was informed how there went men out of the Town, and he commanded the Horsemen to beset it, and sent in every squadron of Footmen one Soldier with a firebrand to set fire on the houses, that the Indians might have no defence: all his men being set in order, he commanded an Harquebuse to be shot off. The sign being given, the four squadrons, every one by itself with great fury, gave the onset, and with great hurt on both sides they entered the Town. The Friar and the Priest, and those that were with them in the house were saved, which cost the lives of two men of account, and valiant, which came thither to succour them. The Indians fought with such courage, that many times they drove our men out of the Town. The fight lasted so long, that for weariness and great thirst many of the Christians went to a Pool that was near the wall, to drink, which was all stained with the blood of the dead, and then came again to fight. The Governor seeing this, entered among the Footmen into the Town on horsebake, with certain that accompanied him, and was a mean that the Christians came to set fire on the houses, and broke and overcame the Indians, who running out of the Town from the Footmen, the Horsemen without drove in at the gates again, where being without all hope of life, they fought valiantly, and after the Christians came among them to handy blows, seeing themselves in great distress without any succour, many of them fled into the burning houses, where one upon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire. The whole number of the Indians that died in this Town, were two thousand and five hundred, The death of 2500. Indians. little more or less. Of the Christians there died eighteen; of which one was Don Carlos, brother in law to the Governor, and a Nephew of his, and one john de Gamez, and Men Rodriguez Portugal's, and john Vazquez de Villanoua de Barca Rota, all men of honour, and of much valour: the rest were Footmen. Besides those that were slain, there were an hundred and fifty wounded with seven hundred wounds of their Arrows: and it pleased God that of very dangerous wounds they were quickly healed. Moreover, there were twelve Horses slain, and seventy hurt. All the Clothes which the Christians carried with them to cloth themselves withal, and the ornaments to say Mass, and the Pearls, were all burnt there: and the Christians did set them on fire themselves; because they held for a greater inconvenience, the hurt which the Indians might do them from those houses, where they had gathered all those goods together, than the loss of them. Here the Governor understood, that Francisco Maldonado waited for him at the Port of Ochuse, and that it was six days journey from thence; and he dealt with john Ortiz to keep The Port of Ochuse 6. days journey from Mavilla. it secret, because he had not accomplished that which he determined to do; and because the Pearls were burnt there, which he meant to have sent to Cuba for a show, that the people hearing the news, might be desirous to come to that Country. From the time that the Governor entered into Florida, until his departure from Mavilla, there died an hundred and two Christians, some of sickness, and others which the Indians slew. He stayed in Mavilla, because of the wounded men, eight and twenty days; all which time he lay in the field. It was a well inhabited and a fat Country, there were some great and walled Great and walled Towns. 18 o● November. Towns: and many houses scattered all about the fields, to wit, a Crossbow shot or two, the one from the other. Upon Sunday, the eighteenth of November, when the hurt men were known to be healed, the Governor departed from Mavilla. Every one furnished himself with Maiz for two days, and they traveled five days through a Desert: they came to a Province called Pafallaya, unto a Town, named Taliepatava: and from thence they went to another, called Taliepatava. Cabusto. A great River. Cabusto: near unto it ran a great River. The Indians on the other side cried out, threatening the Christians to kill them, if they sought to pass it. The Governor commanded his men to make a Barge within the Town, because the Indians should not perceive it: it was finished in four days, and being ended, he commanded it to be carried one night upon sleds half a league up the River. In the morning there entered into it thirty men well armed. The Indians perceived what was attempted, and those which were nearest, came to defend the passage. They resisted what they could, till the Christians came near them; and seeing that the Barge came Canavarales. to the shore, they fled away into the Groves of Canes. The Christians mounted on Horseback, and went up the River to make good the passage, whereby the Governor and his company passed the River. There were along the River some Towns well stored with Maiz, and French Some Towns. Be●nes. From thence to Chicaça the Governor traveled five days through a Desert. He came to a River, where on the other side were Indians, to defend the passage. He made another Barge A River. in two days; and when it was finished, the Governor sent an Indian to request the Cacique to accept of his friendship, and peaceably to expect his coming: whom the Indians that were on the other side the River slew before his face, and presently making a great shout went their way. Having passed the River, the next day, being the seventeenth of December, the Governor December 17. Chicaça. came to Chicaça, a small Town of twenty houses. And after they were come to Chicaça, they were much troubled with cold, because it was now Winter, and it snowed, while most of them were lodged in the field, before they had time to make themselves houses. This Country snow and much cold. was very well peopled, and the houses scattered like those of Mavilla, fat and plentiful of Maiz, and the most part of it was fielding: they gathered as much as sufficed to pass the Winter. Some Indians were taken, among which was one whom the Cacique esteemed greatly. The Governor sent an Indian to signify to the Cacique, that he desired to see him and to have his friendship. The Cacique came unto him, to offer him his person, Country and Subjects, and told him, that he would cause two other Caciques to come to him in peace; who within few days after came with him, and with their Indians: The one was called Alimamu, the other Nicala. They Coneys. gave a present unto the Governor of an hundred and fifty Coneys, and of the Country garments, to wit, of Mantles of skins. The Cacique of Chicaça came to visit him many times; and sometimes the Governor sent to call him, and sent him an Horse to go and come. He complained unto him, that a Subject of his was risen against him, and deprived him of tribute, requesting his aid against him, for he meant to seek him in his Country, and to punish him according to his desert. Which was nothing else but a feigned plot. For they determined, as soon An Indian stratagem. as the Governor was gone with him, and the Camp was divided into two parts, the one part of them to set upon the Governor, and the other upon them that remained in Chicaça. He went to the Town where he used to keep his residence, and brought with him two hundred Indians with their Bows and Arrows. The Governor took thirty Horsemen, and eighty Footmen, and they went to Saquec●uma (for so was the Province called of that Chief man, Saquechuma. which he said had rebelled.) They found a walled Town, without any men: and those which A walled Town. went with the Cacique set fire on the houses, to dissemble their treason. But by reason of the great care and heedfulness that was as well in the Governors' people which he carried with him, as of those which remained in Chieaça, they durst not assault them at that time. The Governor invited the Cacique, and certain principal Indians, and gave them Hog's flesh to eat. And though they did not commonly use it, yet they were so greedy of it, that every night there came Indians to certain houses a Crossbow shot from the Camp, where the Hogs lay, and killed, and carried away as many as they could. And three Indians were taken in the manner. Two of them the Governor commanded to be shot to death with Arrows; and to cut off the hands of the other; and he sent him so handled to the Cacique. Who made as though it grieved him that they had offended the Governor, and that he was glad that he had executed that punishment on them. He lay in a plain Country half a league from the place, where the Christians lodged. Four Horsemen went a straggling thither, to wit, Francisco Osorio, and a servant of the marquis of Astorga, called Reynoso, and two servants of the Governor, the one his Page called Ribera, and the other Fuentes his Chamberlain: and these had taken from the Indians some Mantles, wherewith they were offended, and forsook their houses. The Governor knew of it, and commanded them to be apprehended; and condemned to death Francisco Osorio, and the Chamberlain as principals, and all of them to loss of goods. The Friars and Priests and other principal persons were earnest with him to pardon Francisco Osorio his life, and to moderate his sentence, which he would not grant for any of them. While he was ready to command them to be drawn to the Market place to cut off their heads, there came certain Indians from the Cacique, to complain of them. john Ortiz, at the request of Baltasar de Gallegos and other persons, changed their words, and told the Governor, that the Caciquo said, he had notice how his Lordship held those Christians in prison for his sake, and that they were in no fault, neither had they done him any wrong, and that if he would do him any favour, he should set them free. And he told the Indians; that the Governor said, he had them in prison, and that he would punish them in such sort, that they should be an example to others. Hereupon the Governor commanded the prisoners to be loosed. As soon as March was come, he determined to depart from Chicaça, and demanded of the Cacique two hundred men for carriages. He sent him enswere, that he would speak with his principal men. Upon Tuesday the eighth of March, the March, 1541. Governor went to the Town where he was, to ask him for the men: he told him, he would send the next day. As soon as the Governor was come to Chicaç●, he told Lewis de Moscoso the Campmaster, that he misliked the Indians, and that he should keep a strong watch that night, which he remembered but a little. The Indians came at the second watch in four squadrons, every one by itself, and as soon as they were descried, they sounded a Drum, and gave the assault with a great cry, and with so great celerity, that presently they entered with the scouts, that were somewhat distant from the Campe. And when they were perceived of them C 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fi●● 〈◊〉 the Indians. which were in the Town, half the houses were on fire, which they had kindled. That night three Horsemen chanced to be scouts, two of them were of base callings and the worst men in all the Camp, and the other, which was a Nephew of the Governor, which until then was held for a tall man, showed himself there as great a coward, as any of them: for all of them ran away. And the Indians without any resistance came and set the Town on fire; and tarried behind the doors for the Christians, which ran out of the houses, not having any leasore to arm themselves; and as they ran hither and thither amazed with the noise, and blinde● with the smoke and flame of the fire, they knew not which way they went, neither could they light upon their weapons, nor saddle their Horses, neither saw they the Indians that shot a 〈…〉 them. Many of the Horses were burned in the Stables, and those which could break their Ha 〈…〉 got loose. The disorder and flight was such, that every man fled which way he could, without leaving any to resist the Indians. But God (which chastiseth his according to his pleasure, and in the greatest necessities and dangers sustaineth them with his hand) so blinded the Indians, that they saw not what they had done, and thought that the Horses which ran loose, were men on Horseback, that gathered themselves together to set upon them. The Governor only rode on Horseback, and with him a Soldier called Tapia, and set upon the Indians, and striking the first he met with his Lance, the Saddle fell with him, which with haste was evil girded, and so he fell from his Horse. And all the people that were on foot were fled to a Wood out of the Town; and there assembled themselves together. And because it was night, and that the Indians thought the Horses were men on horseback which came to set upon them, as I said before, they fled; and one only remained dead, and that was he whom the Governor slew with his Lance. The Town lay all burnt to ashes. There died in this hurlibu●lie eleven Christians, and fifty Horses; and there remained an hundred Hogs, and four hundred were burned. If any The increase of Hogs. perchance had saved any clothes from the fire of Mavilla, here they were burned, and many were clad in skins, for they had no leisure to take their Coats. They endured much cold in this place, and the chiefest remedy were great fires. They spent all night in turnings without sleep: for if they warmed one side, they freezed on the other. Some invented the weaving of certain Mats of dry ivy, and did wear one beneath, and another above: many laughed at this device, whom afterward necessity enforced to do the like. The Christians were so spoilt, and in such want of Saddles and weapons which were burned, that if the Indians had come the second night, they had overcome them with little labour. They removed thence to the Town where The Town where the Cacique lay. Ash trees. the Cacique was wont to lie, because it was in the champain Country. Within eight days after, there were many Lances and Saddles made. There were Ash-trees in those parts, whereof they made as good Lances as in Biscay. Upon Wednesday the 15. of March, 1541. after the Governor had lodged eight days in a Plain, half a league from the place which he had wintered in, after he had set up a forge, and tempered the Swords which in Chicaça were burned, and made many Targets, Saddles, and Lances, on Tuesday night, at the morning watch, many Indians came to assault the Camp in three squadrons, every one by themselves: Those which watched gave the alarm. The Governor with great speed set his men in order three squadrons, and leaving some to defend the Camp, went out to encounter them. The Indians were overcome and put to flight. The ground was champain and fit for the Christians to take the advantage of them; and it was now break of day. But there happened a disorder, whereby there were not passed thirty or forty Indians shine: and this it was: that a Friar cried out in the Camp without any just occasion, To the Camp, To the Camp: Whereupon the Governor and all the rest repaired thither, and the Indians had time to save themselves. There were some taken, by whom the Governor informed himself of the Country, through which he was to pass. The five and twentieth of April, he departed April 2●. Alimama. from Chicaça, and lodged at a small Town called Alimamu. They had very little Maiz, and they were to pass a Desert of seven days journey. The next day, the Governor sent three Captains every one his way with Horsemen and Footmen to seek provision to pass the Desert. And john Danusco the Auditor went with fifteen Horsemen, and forty Footmen that way that the Governor was to go, and found a strong Fort made, where the Indians stayed for him, and many of them walked on the top of it with their weapons, having their bodies, thighs and arms ochered and died with black, white, yellow and red, striped like unto panes, Black, white, yellow and red colours. so that they showed as though they went in hose and doublets: and some of them had Plumes, and others had horns on their heads, and their faces black, and their eyes done round about with streaks of red, to seem more fierce. john Danusco sent three horsemen to advertise the Governor hereof. He came presently: for his intent was to drive them from thence, saying, that if he did it not, they would be emboldened to charge him another time, when they might do him more harm. He made the horsemen to alight, and set his men in four Squadrons: The sign being given, they set up the Indians, which made resistance till the Christians came near the Fort, and as soon as they saw they could not defend themselves, by a place where a Brook passed near the Fort, they ran away, and from the otherside they shot some Arrows: and because at that instant we knew no ford for the horses to pass, they had time enough to get out of our danger. Three Indians were slain there, and many Christians were hurt, whereof within few days, there died fifteen by the way. The Governor was enforced to depart presently toward Quizquiz. He traveled seven days A Desert of seven days. through a Desert of many Marshes and thick Woods: but it might all be traveled on horseback, except some Lakes which they swam over. He came to a Town of the Province of Quizquiz without being descried, and took all the people in it before they came out of their A Town of Quizquiz. houses. There came to the Camp six principal Indians, and said, they came to see what people they were, and that long ago, they had been informed by their forefathers, That a white people An old Prophecy. should subdue them: and that therefore they would return to their Cacique, and bid him come presently to obey and serve the Governor: and after they had presented him with six or seven skins and Mantles which they brought, they took their leave of him, and returned with the other, which waited for them by the Brooks side. The Cacique never came again nor sent other message. And because in the Town where the Governor lodged, there was small store of Maiz, Another Town. Ri● G●●nde, or 〈◊〉 de Espi●itu Santo. he removed to another half a league from Rio Grande, where they found plenty of Maiz: And he went to see the River, and found, that near unto it was great store of Timber to make Barges, and good situation of ground to encamp in. Presently he removed himself thither. They made houses, and pitched their Camp in a plain field a Crossbow shot from the River. And thither was gathered all the Maiz of the Towns, which they had lately passed. They began presently to cut and hew down Timber, and to saw planks for Barges. The Indians came presently down the River: they leapt on shore, and declared to the Governor, That they were subjects of a great Lord, whose name was Aquixo, who was Lord of many Towns, and Aquix●, a great Lord on the West side of Rio Grande. 200. Canoes. governed many people on the other side of the River, and came to tell him on his behalf, that the next day he with all his men would come to see, what it would please him to command him. The next day with speed, the Cacique came with two hundred Canoes full of Indians with their Bows and Arrows, painted, and with great plumes of white feathers, and many other colours, with shields in their hands, wherewith they defended the Rowers on both sides, and the men of War stood from the head to the stern, with their Bows and Arrows in their hands. The Canoe wherein the Cacique was, had a Tilt over the stern, and he sat under the Tilt; and so w●re other Canoes of the principal Indians. And from under the Tilt where the chief man sat, he governed and commanded the other people. All joined together, and came within a stones cast of the shore. From thence the Cacique said to the Governor, which walked along the River's side with others that waited on him, that he was come thither to visit, to honour, and to obey him; because he knew he was the greatest and mightiest Lord on the Earth: therefore he would see what he would command him to do. The Governor yielded him thanks, and requested him to come on shore, that they might the better communicate together. And without any answer to that point, he sent him three Canoes, wherein was great store of fish and loaves, made of the substance of Prunes like unto Bricks. After he had received all, he thanked him, and prayed him again to come on shore. And because the Caciques' purpose was, to Loaves made of Prunes. see if with dissimulation he might do some hurt, when they saw that the Governor and his men were in readiness, they began to go from the shore: and with a great cry, the Crossebowmen which were ready, shot at them, and slew five or six of them. They retired with great order: none did leave his Oar, though the next to him were slain; and shielding themselves, they went farther off. Afterward they came many times and landed: and when any of us came Goodly great Canoes. toward them, they fled unto their Canoes, which were very pleasant to behold: for they were very great and well made, and had their Tilts, Plumes, Paveses, and Flags, and with the multitude Four Barges made. of people that were in them, they seemed to be a fair Army of Galleys. In thirty days space, while the Governor remained there, they made four Barges. as soon as those that passed first, were on Land on the other side, the Barges returned to the place where the Governor was: and within two hours after Sun rising, all the people were over. The River They pass over Rio Grande. was almost half a league broad. If a man stood still on the other side, it could not be discerned, whether he were a man or no. The River was of great depth, and of a strong current: the water was always muddy: there came down the River continually many trees and timber, which the force of the water and stream brought down. There was great store of fish in it of sundry sorts, and most of it differing from the fresh water fish of Spain, as hereafter shall be showed. Having passed Rio Grande, the Governor traveled a league and an half, and came to a great Town of Aquixo, which was dispeopled before he came thither. They espied thirty Indians coming over a plain, which the Cacique sent to discover the Christians determination: and as soon as they had sight of them, they took themselves to flight. The Horsemen pursued them, and slew ten, and took fifteen. And because the Town, whither the Governor went, was near unto the River, he sent a Captain, with as many men as he thought sufficient to carry the Barges up the River. And because in his travelling by land, many times he went far from the River to compass the creeks that came from it, the Indians took occasion to set upon them of the Barges, and put them in great danger, because that by reason of the great current, they durst not leave the shore, and from the bank they shot at them. as soon as the Governor was come to the Town, he presently sent Crossebowmen down the River, which came to rescue them: and upon the coming of the Barges to the Town, he commanded them to be broken, and to save the Iron for others, when it should be needful. He lay there one night, and the day following, he set forward to seek a Province, called Pacaha: which he was informed to be near unto Chisca, where the Indians told him there was gold. He passed P●caha near unto Chisc●. Great towns. through great Towns of Aquixo, which were all abandoned for fear of the Christians. He understood by certain Indians that were taken, that three days journey from thence dwelled a great Cacique, whose name was Casqui. He came to a small River, where a Bridge was made, by which they passed: that day till Sunset, they went all in water, which in some places came to the waste, and in some to the knees. When they saw themselves on dry land, they were very glad, because they feared they should wander up and down as forlorn men all night in the water. At noon they came to the first Town of Casqui: they found the Indians careless, because The first town of Casqui. they had no knowledge of them. There were many men and women taken, and store of goods, as Mantles and skins, as well in the first Town, as in another, which stood in a field half a league from thence in sight of it; whither the Horsemen ran. This Country is higher, drier, and more champain, than any part bordering near the River, that until then they had seen. There were in the fields many Walnut-trees, bearing soft shelled Walnuts, in fashion Walnut trees with soft she is. like bullets, and in the houses they found many of them, which the Indians had laid up in store. The trees differed in nothing else from those of Spain, nor from those which we had seen before, but only that they have a smaller leaf. There were many Mulberry trees and Plum trees, which bore red Plums like those of Spain, and other grey, somewhat differing, but far better. And Many Mulberry trees and Plum trees. all the trees are all the year so fruitful, as if they were planted in Orchards: and the Woods were very thin. The Governor traveled two days through the Country of Casqui, before he came to the Town where the Cacique was: and the most of the way was always by Champain ground, which was full of great Towns, so that from one Town, you might see two or Many great Towns. three. He sent an Indian to certify the Cacique, that he was coming to the place where he was, with intent to procure his friendship, and to hold him as his brother. Whereunto he answered, That he should be welcome, and that he would receive him with special good will, and accomplish all that his Lordship would command him. He sent him a Present upon the way; to wit, skins, Mantles, and fish: And after these compliments, the Governor found all the Towns as he passed, inhabited with people, which peaceably attended his coming, and offered him skins, Mantles, and fish. The Cacique accompanied with many Indians came out of the Town, and stayed half a league on the way to receive the Governor. Within a while after both of them used words of great offers and courtesy the one to the other, and the Cacique requested him to lodge in his houses. The Governor, to preserve the peace the better, excused himself, saying, that he would lodge in the fields. And because it was very hot, they camped near certain trees a quarter of a league from the Town. The Cacique The ch●e●● Town of th● Cacique of C●squi. went to his Town, and came again with many Indians singing. as soon as they came to the Governor, all of them prostrated themselves upon the ground. Among these came two Indians that were blind. The Cacique made a speech: that seeing the Governor was the Son of the Sun, and a great Lord, he besought him to do him the favour to give sight to those two blind men. The blind men rose up presently, and very earnestly requested the same of the Governor. He answered, That in the high Heavens was he that had power to give them health, and whatsoever they could ask of him; whose servant he was: And that this Lord made the Heavens and Spanish India● Preaching. the Earth, and man after his own likeness, and that he suffered upon the Cross to save Mankind, and rose again the third day, and that he died as he was man, and as touching his Divinity, he was, and is immortal; and that he ascended into Heaven, where he standeth with his arms open to receive all such as turn unto him: and strait way he commanded him to make a very high Cross of wood, which was set up in the highest place of the Town; declaring unto him, that the Christians worshipped the same in resemblance and memory of that whereon Christ suffered. The Governor and his men kneeled down before it, and the Indians did the like. The Governor willed him, that from thenceforth he should worship the same, and should ask whatsoever they stood in need of, of that Lord that he told him was in Heaven. Then he asked him how far it was from thence to Pacaha: He said, one days journey, and that at the end of his Country, there was a Lake like a Brook which falleth into Rio Grande, and that he would send men before to make a Bridge whereby he might pass. The same day that the Governor departed thence, he lodged at a Town belonging to Casqui: and the next day he passed in sight of other Towns, and came to A Town belonging to Casqui. Other towns. the Lake, which was half a Crossbow shot over, of a great depth and current. At the time of his coming, the Indians had made an end of the Bridge, which was made of timber, laid one tree after another: and on one side it had a course of stakes higher than the Bridge, for them that passed to take hold on. The Cacique of Casqui came to the Governor, and brought his people with him. The Governor sent word by an Indian to Caciqui of Pacaha, that though he were enemy to the Cacique of Casqui, and though he were there, yet he would do him no disgrace no● hurt, if he would attend him peaceably, and embrace his friendship; but rather wouldintreate him as a Brother. The Indian, which the Governor sent, came again, and said, that the Cacique made none account of that which he told him, but fled with all his men out at the other side of the Town. Presently the Governor entered, and ran before with the Horsemen, that way, by which the Indians fled; and at another Town distant a quarter of a league from thence, they took many Indians: and as soon as the Horsemen had taken them, they delivered them to the Indians of Casqui, whom, because they were their enemies, with much circumspection and rejoicing, they brought to the Town where the Christians were: and the greatest grief they had, was this, that they could not get leave to kill them. There were found in the Town many Mantles, and Dear skins, Lions skins, and Bears skins, and many Cat's skins. Many came so far poorly apparelled, and there they clothed themselves: of the Mantles, they made them Coats and Cassocks, and some made Gowns, and lined them with Cat's skins; and likewise their Cassocks. Of the Deeres skins, some made them also jerkins, Shirts, Hose and Shoes: and of the Bear skins, they made them very good Cloaks: for no water could pierce them. There were Targets of raw Ox Hides found there; with which Hides they armed Targets of raw Ox hides. Pacaha, a very great Town beset with Towers. their Horses. Upon Wednesday the nineteenth of june, the Governor entered into Pacaha: He lodged in the Town, where the Cacique used to reside, which was very great, walled, and beset with Towers, and many loopholes were in the Towers and Wall. And in the Town was great store of old Maiz, and great quantity of new in the fields. Within a league and half a league were great Towns all walled. Where the Governor was lodged, was a great Lake, that came Great walled Towns. near unto the wall: and it entered into a ditch that went round about the Town, wanting but a little to environ it round. From the Lake to the great River was made a wear by the which the fish came into it; which the Cacique kept for his recreation and sport: with Nets that were Nets found. found in the Town, they took as much as they would: and took they never so much, there was no want perceived. There was also great store of fish in many other Lakes that were thereabout, but it was soft, and not so good as that which came from the River, and the most of it was different from the fresh water fish of Spain. There was a fish which they called Bagres: the The diverse sorts of excellent fish in Rio Grande. third part of it was head, and it had on both sides the gils, and along the sides great pricks like very sharp Awls: those of this kind that were in the Lakes were as big as Pikes: and in the River, there were some of an hundred, and of an hundred and fifty pounds' weight, and many of them were taken with the hook. There was another fish like Barbels; and another like Breames, headed like a delicate fish, called in Spain Besugo, between red and grey. This was thereof most esteem. There was another fish called a Peel fish: it had a snout of a Cubit long, and at the end of the upper lip it was made like a Peele. There was another fish like a Western Shad: And all of them had scales, except the Bagres, and the Peel fish. There was another fish, which sometimes the Indians brought us, of the bigness of an Hog, they call it the Pereo fish: it had rows of teeth beneath and above. From thence he sent thirty Horsemen, and fifty Footmen to the Province of Caluça, to see if from thence he might travel to Chisca, where the Indians said, there was a work of Gold Gold & Copper in Chisca. and Copper. They traveled seven days journey through a Desert, and returned very weary, eating green Plums and stalks of Maiz, which they found in a poor Town of six or seven houses. From thence forward toward the North; the Indians said, That the Country was very A poor town Great store of Oxen toward the North of Pacaha. This is like Quivera. ill inhabited, because it was very cold: And that there were such store of Oxen, that they could keep no Corn for them: and that the Indians lived upon their flesh. The Governor seeing, that toward that part the Country was so poor of Maiz, that in it they could not be sustained, demanded of the Indians, which way it was most inhabited: and they said, they had notice of a great Province, and a very plentiful Country, which was called Quigaute, and it was toward the South. The Governor took his journey toward Quigaute. The fourth day of August, he came to Quigaute. The greatest Town seen in Florida. the Town, where the Cacique used to keep his Residency: on the way he sent him a Present of many Manties and Skins, and not daring to stay for him in the Town, he absented himself. The Town was the greatest that was seen in Florida. They took many men and women. Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for their Rebellion, they came to see what the Governor would command them, and passed to and fro many times, and brought Presents of Cloth and Fish. The Cacique and his two wives were in the lodging of the Governor loose, and the Halberdiers of his Guard did keep them. The Governor Cloth. asked them which way the Country was most inhabited? They said, that toward the South down the River were great Towns and Caciques, which commanded great Countries, and much people: And that toward the Northwest, there was a Province near to certain Coligoa near to certain Mountain's Northwest. Mountains that was called Coligoa. The Governor and all the rest thought good to go first to Coligoa: saying, that peradventure the Mountains would make some difference of soil, and that beyond them there might be some Gold or Silver: As for Quigaute, Casqui, and Pacaha, they were plain Countries, fat grounds, and full of good Meadows on the Rivers, where the Indians sowed large fields of Maiz. From Tascaluca to Rio grande, or the great River, is about three hundred leagues: it is a very low Country, and hath many Lakes. From Paca●a to Quigaute may be an hundred leagues. The Governor left the Cacique of Quiga●te in his own Town: And an Indian, which was his Guide, led him through great Woods without any way seven days journey through a Desert, where at every lodging, they lodged in Lakes and Pools in very should water: there was such store of fish, that they killed them with cudgels; and the A new way to take fish. Indians which they carried in chains, with the mud troubled the waters, and the fish being therewith, as it were, astonished, came to the top of the water, and they took as much as they listed. The Indians of Coligoa had no knowledge of the Christians, and when they came so near the Town, that the Indians saw them, they fled up a River, which passed near the Town, and Coligoa. A River. some leapt into it; but the Christians went on both sides of the River, and took them. There were many men and women taken, and the Cacique with them. And by his commandment within three days came many Indians with a Present of Mantles and Deeres skins, and two Ox hides: And they reported, that five or six leagues from thence toward the North, there Two ox hides Store of oxen toward the North. were many of these Oxen, and that because the Country was cold, it was evil inhabited: That the best Country which they knew, the most plentiful, and most inhabited, was a Province called Cayas, lying toward the South. From Quiguate to Coligoa may be forty leagues. It was a fat soil and so plentiful of Maiz, that they cast out the old, to bring in the new. There was also great plenty of French Beans and Pompions. The French Beans were greater, and better than those of Spain, and likewise the Pompions, and being roasted, they have almost the taste of Chestnuts. The Cacique of Coligoa gave a Guide to Cayas, and stayed behind in his own Town. We traveled five days, and came to the Province of Palisema. The house of the Cacique The Provincs of Palisema. was found covered with Deeres skins of diverse colours and works drawn in them, and with the same in manner of Carpets was the ground of the house covered. The Cacique left it so, that the Governor might lodge in it, in token that he sought peace and his friendship. But he durst not tarry his coming. The Governor, seeing he had absented himself, sent a Captain with Horsemen and Footmen to seek him: He found much people, but by reason of the roughness of the Country, he took none save a few women and children. The Town was little and scattering, and had very little Maiz. For which cause the Governor speedily departed from thence. He came to another Town called Tatalicoy●, he carried with him the Cacique thereof, Tatalicoya. which guided him to Cayas. From Tatalicoya are four days journey to Cayas. When he came to Cayas, and saw the Town scattered; he thought they had told him a lie, and that it was not Cayas'. the Province of Cayas, because they had informed him that it was well inhabited: He threatened the Cacique, charging him to tell him where he was: and he and other Indians which were taken near about that place, affirmed that this was the Town of Cayas, and the best that was in that Country, and that though the houses were distant the one from the other, yet the ground that was inhabited was great, and that there was great store of people, and many fields of Maiz. This Town was called Tanico: he pitched his Camp in the best part of it near unto a River. Tanico. The same day that the Governor came thither, he went a league farther with certain Horsemen, and without finding any, he found many skins in a pathway, which the Cacique had left there, that they might be found, in token of peace. For so is the custom in that Country. The Governor rested a month in the Province of Cayas. In which time the horses fattened and thrined more, then in other places in a longer time, with the great plenty of Maiz and the leaves thereof, which I think was the best that hath been seen, and they drank of a Lake of very hot water, and somewhat brackish, and they drank so much, that it swollen in their bellies A Lake of hot and somewhat brackish ●●ter Store of Salt made at Cay●●▪ when they brought them from the watering. Until that time the Christians wanted Salt, and there they made good store, which they carried along with them. The Indians do carry it to other places to exchange it for Skins and Mantles. They make it along the River, which when it ebbeth, leaveth it upon the upper part of the sand. And because they cannot make it, without much sand mingled with it, they throw it into certain baskets which they have for that purpose, broad at the mouth, and narrow at the bottom, and set it in the Air upon a bar, and throw water into it, and set a small Vessel under it, wherein it falleth: Being strained and set to boil upon the fire, when the water is sodden away, the Salt remaineth in the bottom of the Pan. On both sides of the River the Country was full of sown fields, and there was store of Maiz. Immediately the Governor with certain Horsemen and fifty Footmen, departed toward Tulla, he found the Town abandoned: for the Indians durst not tarry his coming. The Many Ox hides with wool on them, as so●t as 〈◊〉 sheep's wool, Gomara Histor. Ge●●●. cap. 2●5. Many Oxen toward the North. The great eloquence of the Indians. Ca●●que came, and eighty Indians with him. He brought a Present of many Ox hides: which, because the Country was cold, were very profitable, and served for Coverlets, because they were very soft, and wooled like sheep. Not far from thencee toward the North were many Oxen. The Christians saw them not, nor came into the Country where they were, because those parts were evil inhabited, and had small store of Ma●z where they were bred. The Cacique of Tulla made an Oration to the Governor, wherein he excused himself, and offered him his Country, subjects, and person. Aswell this Cacique as the others, and all those which came to the Governor on their behalf, delivered their message or speech in so good order, that no Orator could utter the same more eloquently. §. III. His departure to Autiamque, ORTIZ his death and disasters following: SOTO takes thought and dieth. MOSCOSCO succeedeth. They leave Florida, and arrive at Panuco. THe Governor informed himself of all the Country round about; and understood, that toward the West was a scattered dwelling, and that toward the Southeast were great Towns, especially in a Province called Autiamque, ten day's journey from Tulla; which might be about eighty leagues; and that it was a plentiful Country of Maiz. And because A winter of two or three months. Winter came on, and that they could not travel two or three months in the year for cold, waters, and snow: and fearing, that if they should stay so long in the scattered dwelling, they could not be sustained; and also because the Indians said, that near to Autiamque was a great water, and according to their relation, the Governor thought it was some arm of the Sea: And because he now desired to send news of himself to Cuba, that some supply of men and horses might be sent unto him: (for it was above three years, since Donna Isabel, which was in Havana, or any other person in Christendom had heard of him, and by this time he had lost two hundred and fifty men, and one hundred and fifty horses) he determined to winter in Autiamque, and the next Spring, to go to the Sea Coast, and to make two Brigantines, and send one of them to Cuba, and the other to Nueva Espanna, that that which went in safety, might give news of him: Hoping with the goods which he had in Cuba, to furnish himself again, and to attempt the Discovery and conquest toward the West: for he had not yet come where Cabeca de Uaca had been. Thus having sent away the two Caciques of Cayas and Tulla, he took his journey toward Autiamque: He traveled five days over very rough Mountains, and came to Quipana, five day▪ ●ournie from Tulla. a Town called Quipana, where no Indians could be taken for the roughness of the Country: and the Town being between Hills, there was an ambush laid, wherewith they took two Indians; which told them, that Autiamque was six days journey from thence, and that there was another Province toward the South eight days journey off, plentiful of Maiz, and very well peopled, which was called Guahate. But because Autiamque was nearer, and the most of the Guahate. Indians agreed of it, the Governor made his journey that way. In three days he came to a Town called Anaixi. He sent a Captain before with thirty Horsemen, and fifty Footmen, and Anoixi. took the Indians careless, he took many men and women prisoners. Within two days after the Governor came to another Town called Catamaya, and lodged in the fields of the Catamaya. Town. Two Indians. came with a false message from the Cacique to know his determination. He had them tell their Lord, that he should come and speak with him. The Indians returned and came no more, nor any other message from the Cacique. The next day the Christians went to the Town, which was without people: they took as much Maiz as they needed. That day they lodged in a Wood, and the next day they came to Autiamque. They found much Maiz Autiamque six days journey from Quipana. laid up in store, and French Beans, and Walnuts and Prunes, great store of all sorts. They took some Indians which were gathering together the stuff which their wives had hidden. This was a Champain Country, and well inhabited. The Governor lodged in the best part of the Town, and commanded presently to make a fence of timber round about the Camp distant from the houses, that the Indians might not hurt them without by fire. And measuring the ground by paces, he appointed every one his part to do according to the number of Indians which he had: presently the timber was brought by them; and in three days there was an enclosure made of very high and thick posts thrust into the ground, and many rails laid across. Hard by this Town passed a River, that came out of the Province of Caya●; and above and beneath it was very A River. well peopled. They stayed in Autiamque three months with great plenty of Maiz, French Three months' abode in Atiamque. Beans, Walnuts, Prunes, and Coneys: which until that time they knew not how to catch. And in Autiamque the Indians taught them how to take them: which was; with great springes. which lifted up their feet from the ground: And the share was made with a strong string, whereunto was fastened a knot of a cane, which ran close about the neck of the Conie, because they should not gnaw the string. They took many in the fields of Maiz, especially when it freezed or snowed. The Christians stayed there one whole month so enclosed with snow, that they Frost and sno● went not out of the Town: and when they wanted firewood. the Governor with his Horsemen A month of snow. going and coming many times to the Wood, which was two Crossbow shot from the Town, made a pathway, whereby the Footmen went for wood. In this mean space, some Indians which went loose, killed many Coneys with their Gives, and with their Arrows. These Coneys were of two sorts, some were like those of Spain, and the other of the same colour and Coneys of two sorts. fashion, and as big as great Hares, longer, and having greater loins. Upon Monday the sixth of March, 1542. the Governor departed from Autiamque to seek March 6. 1542. Nilco, which the Indians said was near the Great River, with determination to come to the Sea, and procure some succour of Men and Horses: for he had now but three hundred Men of war, and forty Horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but help to make up the number: and for want of Iron, they had gone above a year unshod: and because they were used to it in the plain Country, it did them no great harm. john Ortiz died in Autiamque; which The death of john Ortiz. and the great miss of him, being their Interpreter. Ayays. A River. grieved the Governor very much: because that without an Interpreter he feared to enter far into the Land, where he might be lost: whereby it often happened, that the way that they went one day, and sometimes two or three days, they turned back, and went astray through the wood here and there. The Governor spent ten days in travelling from Autiamque to a Province called Ayays; and came to a Town that stood near the River that passeth by Cayas and Autiamque. There he commanded a Barge to be made, wherewith he passed the River. When he had passed the River, there fell out such weather, that four days he could not travel for Snow. As soon as it gave over snowing, he went three days journey through a Wilderness, Great snow about the twentieth of March. and a Country so low, and so full of Lakes and evil ways, that he traveled one time a whole day in water, sometimes knee deep, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swam. He came to a Town called Tutelpinco, abandoned, and without Maiz: there passed by it a Lake, Tutelpinco. A great Lake. that entered into the River, which carried a great stream and force of water. The Governor went a whole day along the Lake seeking passage, and could find none, nor any way that did pass to the other side. Coming again at night to the Town he found two peaceable Indians, which showed him the passage, and which way he was to go. There they made of canes, and of the timber of houses thatched with canes, rafts wherewith they passed Rafts wherewith they passed the Lake. the Lake. They traveled three days, and came to a Town of the Territory of Nilco, called Tianto. There they took thirty Indians, and among them two principal men of this Town. The Governor sent a Captain with Horsemen and Footmen before to Nilco, because the Indians, Tianto. 3. or 4. great Towns. might have no time to carry away the provision. They passed through 3. or 4. great Towns; and in the Town where the Cacique was resident, which was two leagues from the place where the Governor remained, they found many Indians with their Bows and Arrows, in manner as though they would have stayed to fight, which did compass the Town; and as soon as they saw the Christians come near them without misdoubting them, they set the Caciques' house on fire, and fled over a Lake that passed near the Town, through which the Horses could not pass. The next day being Wednesday the nine and twentieth of March, the Governor came to March 29. Nilco. Nilco: he lodged with all his men in the Caciques' Town, which stood in a plain field, which was inhabited for the space of a quarter of a league: and with in a league and half a league were other very great Towns, wherein was great store of Maiz, of French Beans, of Walnuts, and Very great Towns. The best Country of Florida. Marterns skins. A cordon of Pearls. Prunes. This was the best inhabited Country, that was seen in Florida, and had most store of Maiz, except Coca, and Apalache. There came to the Camp an Indian accompanied with others, and in the Caciques' name gave the Governor a Mantle of Marterns skins, and a Cordon of Pearls. The Governor gave him a few small Margarites, which are certain Beads much esteemed in Peru, and other things, wherewith he was very well contented. He promised to return within two days, but never came again: but on the contrary the Indians came by night in Canoas', and carried away all the Maiz they could, and made them Cabins on the other side of the River. This River which passed by Nilco, was that which passed by Cayas and Autiamque, and fell A River falling into 〈◊〉 gra●●●. into Rio grande, or the Great River, which passed by Pachaha and Aquixo, near unto the Province of Guachoya. Within few days the Governor determined to go to Guachoya, to learn there whether the Sea were near, or whether there were any habitation near, where he might relieve his company, while the Brigantines were making, which he meant to send to the Land of the Christians. He came to Guachoya upon Sunday the seventeenth of April; he lodged in Guachoya. the Town of the Cacique, which was enclosed about, and seated a Crossbow shot distant from the River. Here the River is called Tamaliseu; and in Nilco, Tapatu; and in Coça, Mico; and in Four names of Rio grande. the Port or Mouth, Ri. The Cacique of Guachoya brought with him many Indians with great store of Fish, Dogs, Deeres skins, and Mantles. He asked him whether he had any notice of the Sea. He answered, no, nor of any Towns down the River on that side. The Governor thought that the Cacique lied unto him, to rid him out of his own Towns, and sent john Danusco with eight Horsemen down the River, to see what habitation there was, and to inform himself, if there were any notice of the Sea. He traveled eight days, and at his return he said, that in all that time he was not able to go above fourteen or fifteen leagues, because of the great creeks that came out of the River, and groves of Canes, and thick Woods that were along the banks of the River, and that he had found no habitation. The Governor fell into great dumps, to see how hard it was to get to the Sea: and worse, because his Men and Horses every day diminished, The Governor falleth sick of thought. being without succour to sustain themselves in the Country: and with that thought he fell sick. But before he took his bed, he sent an Indian to the Cacique of Quigalta, to tell him, that he was the Child of the Sun, and that all the way that he came all men obeyed and served him, that he requested him to accept of his friendship, and come unto him; for he would be very glad to see him: and in sign of love and obedience to bring something with him of that which in his Councrie was most esteemed. The Cacique answered by the same Indian: That whereas he said, that he was the Child of the Sun, if he would dry up the River he would A most witty and stout answer of the Cacique of Quigalta. believe him: and touching the rest, that he was wont to visit none: but rather that all those of whom he had notice did visit him, served, obeyed and paid him tributes willingly or perforce: therefore if he desired to see him, it were best he should come thither: that if he came in peace, he would receive him with special goodwill; and if in war, in like manner he would attend him in the Town where he was, and that for him or any other he would not shrink one foot back. By that time the Indian returned with this answer, the Governor had be taken himself to bed, being evil handled with Fevers, and was much aggrieved, that he was not in case to pass presently the River, and to seek him, to see if he could abate that pride of his, considering the River went now very strongly in those parts; for it was near half a league broad, and 16. fathoms deep, & very furious, and ran with a great current; and on both sides were many Indians, and his power was not now so great, but that he had need to help himself rather by slights then force. The Governor felt in himself that the hour approached, wherein he was to leave this present life, and called for the King's Officers, Captains and principal persons. He named L●ys de Moscoso de Aluarado his Captain general. And presently he was sworn by all that were present, and elected for Governor. The next day, being the one and twentieth of May, 1542. The death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, the 21. of May, 1542. at G●acoya. departed out of this life, the valorous, virtuous, and valiant Captain, Don Fernando de Soto, Governor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida: whom fortune advanced, as it useth to do others, that he might have the higher fall. He departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sickness he had but little comfort: and the danger wherein all his people were of perishing in that Country, which appeared before their eyes, was cause sufficient, why every one of them had need of comfort, and why they did not visit nor accompany him as they ought to have done. Lewis de Moscoso determined to conceal his death from the Indians, because Ferdinando de Soto had made them believe, That the Christians were immortal; and also because they took him to be hardy, wise, and valiant: and if they should know that he was dead, they would be bold to set upon the Christians, though they lived peaceably by them. In regard of their disposition, and because they were nothing constant, and believed all that was told them, the Adelantado made them believe, that he knew some things that passed in secret among themselves, without their knowledge, how, or in what manner he came by them: and that the figure which appeared in a Glass, which he showed them, did tell him whatsoever they practised and went A witty stratagem. about: and therefore neither in word nor deed durst they attempt any thing that might be prejudicial unto him. As soon as he was dead, Lewis de Moscoso commanded to put him secretly in an house, where he remained three days: and removing him from thence, commanded him to be buried in the night at one of the gates of the Town within the wall. And as the Indians had seen him sick, and miss him, so did they suspect what might be. And passing by the place where he was buried, seeing, the earth moved, they looked and spoke one to another. Lewis de Moscoso understanding of it, commanded him to be taken up by night, and to cast a great deal of sand into the Mantles, wherein he was wound up, wherein he was carried in a Canoa, and thrown into the midst of the River. The Cacique of Guachoya inquired of him, demanding what was become of his brother and Lord, the Governor: Lewis de Moscoso told him, that he was gone to Heaven, as many other ti●●● he did: ●●d because he was to stay there certain days, he had left him in his place. The Cacique thought with himself that he was dead; and commanded two young and well proportioned Indians to be brought thither; and said, that the use of that Country was, when any This is also the custom of the old Tartars. Lord died, to kill Indians, to wait upon him, and serve him by the way: and for that purpose by his commandment were those come thither: and prayed Lewis de Moscoso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend and serve his Lord and brother. Lewis de Moscoso told him, that the Governor was not dead, but gone to Heaven, and that of his own Christian Soldiers, he had taken such as he needed to serve him, and prayed him to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to use any such bad custom from thenceforth: straightway he commanded them to be loosed, and to get them home to their houses. And one of them would not go; saying, that he would not serve him, that without desert had judged him to death, but that he would serve him as long as he lived, which had saved his life. All were of opinion, that it was best to go by land toward the West, because Nueva Espanua Their general resolution to travel by land Westward. was that way; holding the Voyage by Sea more dangerous, and of greater hazard, because they could make no ship of any strength to abide a storm, neither had they Master, nor Pilot, Compass, nor Chart, neither knew they how far the Sea was off, nor had any notice of it; nor whether the River did make any great turning into the Land, or had any great fall from the Rocks, where all of them might be cast away. And some which had seen the Sea-chart, did find, that from the place where they were, by the Sea-coast to Nueva Espanna, might be four hundred leagues little more or less; and said, that though they went somewhat about by Land in seeking a peopled Country, if some great Wilderness which they could not pass did not hinder them, by spending that Summer in travel, finding provision to pass the Winter in some peopled Country, that the next Summer after they might come to some Christian Land, and that it might fortune in their travel by Land, to find some rich Country, where they might do themselves good. The Governor, although he desired to get out of Florida in shorter time, seeing the inconveniences they laid before him, in travelling by Sea, determined to follow that which seemed good to them all. On Monday the fifth of june, he departed from Guachoya. The Cacique gave him a Guide to june 〈◊〉. Chaguate, and stayed at home in his own Town. They passed through a Province called Catalte: Catalte. and having passed a Wilderness of six days journey, the twentieth day of the month he came to Chaguate. There he was informed of the habitation that was toward the West. They Chaguate. told him, that three days journey from thence was a Province called Agnacay. The Governor came to this Town on Wednesday, the fourth of july. He found the Town without people, Aguacay. and lodged in it; he stayed there about a day; during which, he made some roads, and took many men and women. There they had knowledge of the South Sea. Knowledge of the South Sea. Pato. Amaye. The next day he came to a small Town called Pato. The fourth day after his departure from Aguacay he came to the first habitation of a Province called Amaye. There an Indian was taken, which said that from thence to Naguatex, was a day and a halves journey; which they traveled, finding all the way inhabited places. Having passed the peopled Country of Amaye, on Saturday the twentieth of july they pitched their Camp at noon between Amaye and Naguatex. july 20. The next day he came to the habitation of Naguatex, which was very scattering. Within Naguatex. The River grown unpassable in August at Naguatex. Conjectures of a Sea to the Northward. four days he departed thence, and coming to the River, he could not pass, because it was grown very big; which seemed to him a thing of admiration, being at that time that it was, and since it had not reigned a month before. The Indians said, that it increased many times after that manner without raining in all the Country. It was supposed, that it might be the tide that came into it. It was learned that the flood came always from above, and that the Indians of all the Country had no knowledge of the Sea. He departed from Naguatex, and within three days journey came to a Town of four or five houses, which belonged to the Cacique of that Province, which is called Nissoone: it was Nissoone evil inhabited, and had little Maiz. Two days journey forward the Guides which guided the Governor, if they were to go Westward, guided him to the East, and sometimes went up and down through very great Woods out of the way. The Governor commanded them to be● hanged upon a tree: and a woman that they took in Nissoone guided him, and went back again to seek the way. In two days he came to another miserable Town, called Lacana: an Lacana. Indian was taken in that place, and said, that the Country of Nondacao was a Country of great Nondacao. habitation, and the houses scattering the one from the other, as they use to be in Mountains, and had great store of Ma●z. The Cacique came with his men weeping, like them of Naguatex: for this is their use, in token of obedience: he made him a present of much fish, and offered to do what he would command him. The Governor departed from Nondacao toward Soacati●a, and in five days journey came to a Province called Aays. That day that the Governor departed from thence, the Indian that Aays. guided him said, that in Nondacao he had heard say, that the Indians of Soacatino had seen other Christians, whereof they were all glad; thinking it might be true, and that they might have entered into those parts by Nueva Espanna; and that if it were so, it was in their own hands to go out of Florida, if they found nothing of profit: for they feared they should lose themselves in some wilderness. This Indian led him two days out of the way. The Governor commanded to torture him. He said, that the Cacique of Nondacao, his Lord, commanded him to guide them so, because they were his enemies, and that he was to do as his Lord commanded him. The Governor commanded him to be cast to the dogs: and another guided him to Soacatino, whither he came the day following. It was a very poor Country: there was great want of Maiz Soacatino. in that place. He asked the Indians whether they knew of any other Christians. They said, that a little from thence toward the South they heard they were. He traveled twenty days through Twenty days travel toward the South. a Country evil inhabited, where they suffered great scarcity and trouble. For that little Maiz which the Indians had, they had hidden and buried in the woods, where the Christians, after they were well wearied with travel, at the end of their journey went to seek by digging what they Guasco: here they found some Turkey stones, & mantles of Cotten wool. should eat. At last, coming to a Province that was called Guasco, they found Maiz, wherewith they loaded their horses, and the Indians that they had. The Indians told them there, that ten day's journey from thence toward the West, was a River called Daycao: whither they went sometimes a hunting and killing of Deer: and that they had seen people on the other side, but knew not what habitation was there. There the Christians took such Maiz as they found and could carry, and going ten day's journey through a wilderness, The River of Dayca●: which seemeth to be Rio del oro. they came to the River which the Indians had told them of. Ten horsemen which the Governor had sent before, passed over the same, and went in a way that led to the River, and lighted upon a company of Indians that dwelled in very little cabins; who, as soon as they saw them, took themselves to flight, leaving that which they had; all which was nothing but misery and poverty. The Country was so poor, that among them all there was not found half a peck of Maiz. The horsemen took too Indians, and returned with them to the River, where the Governor stayed for them. He sought to learn of them what habitation was toward the West. There was none in the Camp that could understand their language. The Governor assembled the Captains and principal persons, to determine with their advice what they should do. And the most part said, that they thought it best to return back to Rio grande, or the great River of Guachoya; because that id Nilco and thereabout was store of Maiz; saying, that they would make Pinnaces that winter, and the next Summer pass down the River to the Seaward in them, and coming to the Sea they would go along the coast to Nuena Espanna. For though it seemed a doubtful thing and difficult, by that which they had already alleged, yet it was the last remedy No travelling by land without an Inter. preter. they had. For by land they could not go for want of an Interpreter. And they held that the Country beyond the River of Dayaco, where they were, was that which Cabeça de Uaca mentioned in his relation that he passed of the Indians, which lived like the Alarbes, having no settled place, and fed upon Tunas and roots of the fields, and wild beasts that they killed. Which if it were so, if they should enter into it and find no victuals to pass the winter, they could not choose but perish. For they were entered already into the beginning of October: and if they stayed any longer, they were not able to return for rain and snows, nor to sustain themselves in so poor a Country. The Governor (that desired long to see himself in a place where he might sleep his full sleep, rather than to conquer and govern a Country where so many troubles presented themselves) presently returned back that same way that he came. When that which was determined was published to the Camp, there were many that were greatly grieved at it: for they held the Sea voyage as doubtful, for the evil means they had, and as great danger as the travelling by land: and they hoped to find some rich Country before they came to the land of the Christians, by that which Cabeça de Vaca had told the Emperor: and that was this; That after he had found clothes made of Cotten wool, he saw Gold and Silver, and stones of great value. And they had not yet come where he had been. For until Gold, Silver and precious stones in Florida. that place he always traveled by the Sea coast: and they traveled far within the land; and that going toward the West, of necessity they should come where he had been. For he said, That in a certain place he traveled many days, and entered into the land toward the North. And in Guasco they had already found some Turkey stones, and Mantles of Cotten wool; which the Turkey stones and Mantles of Cotten wool found in Guasco. 150. leagues between the River of Daycao, and Rio grande. The beginning of December. Rain with Northern wind exceeding cold. Indians signified by signs that they had from the West: and that holding that course they should draw near to the land of the Christians. From Daycao, where now they were, to Rio grando, or the great River, was one hundred and fifty leagues: which unto that place they had gone Westward. They departed from Nilco in the beginning of December; and all that way, and before from Chilano, they endured much trouble; for they passed through many waters, and many times it reigned with a Northern wind, and was exceeding cold, so that they were in open field with water over and underneath them: and when at the end of their day's journey they found dry ground to rest upon, they gave great thanks to God. With this trouble almost all the Indians that served them died. And after they were in Minoya, many Christians also died: and the most part were sick of great and dangerous diseases, which had a spice of the lethargy. As soon as they came to Minoya, the Governor commanded them to gather all the chains together, which every one had to lead Indians in; and to gather all the Iron which they had for their provision, and all the rest that was in the Camp: and to set up a forge to make nails, and commanded them to cut down timber for the Brigandines. And a Portugal of Ceuta, who having been a prisoner in Fez, had learned to saw timber with a long Saw, which for such purposes they had carried with them, did teach others, which helped them to saw timber. And a Enequen is an herb like Hemp. Flax of the Country. The mighty increasing of the River for two months space, to wit, all March and April. The grand conspiracy of the Indians against the Christians. Note well. Thirty Indians of the Cacique of Guacboya have their right hands cut off. The River increaseth but once a year when the snows do melt in March & April. A miraculous accident. They sail down Rio Grandee from Minoya 17. days before they came to the mouth thereof. This Author accounteth but 300. lost, but Ynca. l. 6. reckoneth 700. saying, that he car tied with him from Cuba 1000 He addeth, that juan Ponce de Leon, the first discoverer of Florida, lost himself and 80, men. Lucas Uasques was also slain there with above 220 Pamphila de Naruacz went with 400 Spaniards, of which not above four escaped, etc. Donna Isabel Sotos wife died also with grief. So fatal hath Florida been to Spain, that (I hope) Uirginia may have the greater dowry for her English husband. They sailed 17. days down the River, which is about 252. leagues. Fresh water almost two days sailing in the Sea. A swarm of grievous Moskitoes. Genowis, whom it pleased God to preserve (for without him they had never come out of the Country; for there was never another that could make Ships but he) with four or five other Biscaine Carpenters, which hewed his planks and other timbers, made the Brigandines: And two calkers, the one of Genua, the other of Sardinia did calk them with the tow of an herb like Hemp, whereof before I have made mention, which there is named Enequen. And because there was not enough of it, they calked them with the flax of the Country, and with the Mantles, which they ravelled for that purpose. A Cooper made for every Brigandine two half hogs heads, which the Mariners call quarterers, because four of them hold a Pipe of water. In the month of March, when it had not reigned a month before, the River grew so big, that it came to Nilco, which was nine leagues off: and on the other side, the Indians said, that it reached other nine leagues into the land. In the town where the Christians were, which was somewhat high ground, where they could best go, the water reached to the stirrups. They made certain rafts of timber, and laid many boughs upon them, whereon they set their horses, and in the houses they did the like. But seeing that nothing prevailed, they went up to the lofts: and if they went out of the houses, it was in Canoes, or on horseback in those places where the ground was highest. So they were two months, and could do nothing, during which time the River decreased not. The Indians ceased not to come unto the Brigantines as they were wont, and came in Canoes. At that time the Governor feared they would set upon him. He commanded his men to take an Indian secretly of those that came to the Town, and stay him till the rest were gone: and they took one. The Governor commanded him to be put to torture, to make him confess whether the Indians did practise any treason or no. He confessed that the Caciques of Nilco, Guachoya, and Taguanate, and others, which in all were about twenty Caciques, with a great number of people, determined to come upon him; and that three days before, they would send a great present of fish to colour their great treason and malice, and on the very day they would send some Indians before with another present. And these with those which were our slaves, which were of their conspiracy also, should set the houses on fire, and first of all possess themselves of the lances which stood at the doors of the houses; and the Caciques with all their men should be near the Town in ambush in the wood, and when they saw the fire kindled, should come, and make an end of the conquest. The Governor commanded the Indian to be kept in a chain, and the self same day that he spoke of, there came thirty Indians with fish. He commanded their right hands to be cut off, and sent them so back to the Cacique of Guachaya, whose men they were. He sent him word, that he and the rest should come when they would, for he desired nothing more, and that he should know, that they taught not any thing which he knew not before they thought of it. Hereupon they all were put in a very great fear: And the Caciques of Nilco and Taguanate came to excuse themselves; and a few days after came he of Guachoya. The Brigandines being finished in the month of june, the Indians having told us, That the River increased but once a year, when the Snows did melt, in the time wherein I mentioned, it had already increased, being now in Summer, and having not reigned a long time, it pleased God that the flood came up to the Town to seek the Brigandines, from whence they carried them by water to the River. Which if they had gone by land, had been in danger of breaking and splitting their keels, and to be all undone; because that for want of Iron, the spikes were short, and the planks and timber were very weak. They shipped two and twenty of the best Horses that were in the Camp, the rest they made dried flesh of; and dressed the Hogs which they had in like manner. They departed from Minoya the second day of july 1543. There went from Minoya three hundred twenty and two Spaniards in seven Brigandines, well made, save that the planks were thin, because the nails were short, and were not pitched, nor had any decks to keep the water from coming in. In stead of decks they laid planks, whereon the Mariners might run to trim their sails, and the people might refresh themselves above and below. They sailed down the River seventeen days; which may be two hundred and fifty leagues journey, little more or less: and near unto the Sea the River is divided into two arms; each of them is a league and a half broad. By the way the Indians set on them: slew some, and wounded many. The eighteenth of july, they went forth to Sea with fair and prosperous weather for their voyage. They sailed with a reasonable good wind that day and the night following, and the next day till evening song, always in fresh water, whereat they wondered much; for they were very far from land. But the force of the current of the River is so great, and the coast there is so shallow and gentle, that the fresh water entereth far into the Sea. They endured an intolerable storm first, and after that the torment of an infinite swarm of Moskitoes which fell upon them, which as soon as they had stung the flesh, it so infected it, as though they had been venomous. For the sails which were white seemed black with them. Those which rowed, unless others kept them away, were not able to row. Having passed the fear and danger of the storm, beholding the deformities of their faces, and the blows which they gave themselves to drive them away, one of them laughed at another. They met all together in the creek, where the two Brigandines were, which outwent their fellows. There was Ascum of the Sea like Pitch called Copee. found a scum, which they call Copee, which the Sea casteth up, and it is like Pitch, wherewith in some places, where Pitch is wanting, they pitch their ships: there they pitched their Brigandines. They rested two days, and then eftsoons proceeded on their Voyage. They sailed two days more, and landed in a Bay or arm of the Sea, where they stayed two days. Another deep Bay. From the time that they put out of Rio Grande, to the Sea, at their departure from Florida, until they arrived in the River of Panuco, were two and fifty days. They came into the River They arrived in the River of Pa●nuc●, 1543. Septemb. 10. 311 Christians arrived at Pa● nuco. Port de Spiritu Santo is in 29. degrees and a h●●●e on the West side of Florida. Ocute. Cu●ifachiqui. Xuala. Chiaha, Cozo, and Talise. Tascaluka. Rio Grande. of Panuco the tenth of September, 1543. There arrived there of those that came out of Florida, three hundred and eleven Christians. From the Port de Spiritu Santo, where they landed when they entered into Florida, to the Province of Ocute, which may be four hundred leagues, little more or less, is a very plain Country, and hath many Lakes and thick Woods, and in some places they are of wild Pinetrees; and is a weak soil: There is in it neither Mountain nor Hill. The Country of Ocute is more fat and fruitful; it hath thinner Woods, and very goodly Meadows upon the Rivers. From Ocute to Cutifachiqui may be an hundred and thirty leagues: eighty leagues thereof are Desert, and have many Groves of wild Pinetrees. Through the Wilderness great Rivers do pass. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala, may be two hundred and fifty leagues: it is all an hilly Country. Cutifachiqui and Xuala stand both in plain ground, high, and have goodly Meadows on the Rivers. From thence forward to Chiaha, Coça, and Talise, is plain ground, d●ie and fat, and very plentiful of Maiz. From Xuala to Tascaluça may be two hundred and fifty leagues. From Tascaluça to Rio Grande, or the Great River, may be three hundred leagues: the Country is low, and full of Lakes. From Rio Grande forward, the Country is higher and more champain, and best peopled of all the Land of Florida. And along the River from Aquixo to Pacaha, and Coligoa, are an hundred and fifty leagues: the Country is plain, and the woods thin, Aquixo. Colig●●. and in some places champain, very fruitful and pleasant. From Coligoa to Autiamque are two hundred and fifty leagues of hilly Country. From Autiamque to Aguacay, may be two hundred A●tia●que. Aguacay. and thirty leagues of plain ground. From Aguacay to the River of Daycao an hundred and twenty leagues, all hilly Country. From the Port de Spiritu Santo unto A●alache, they traveled from East to West, and North. west. From Cutifachiqui to Xuala from South to North. From Xuala to Coça from East to West. From Coça to Tascaluça, and to Rio Grande, as far as the Province of Quizquiz and Aquixo from East to West. From Aquixo to Pacaha to the North. From Pacaha to Tulla from East to West: and from Tulla to Autiamque from North to South, to the Province of Guachoya and Daycao, etc. This Relation of the discovery of Florida was printed in the house of Andrew de Burgos, Printer and Gentleman of the house of my Lord Cardinal the Infant. It was finished the tenth of February, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and seven, in the Noble and most loyal City of Euora. CHAP. III. diverse expeditions from Mexico and other parts of New Spain and New Biskay, especially to the more Northerly parts of America, by diverse Spaniards in a hundred years' space. §. I. The Relation of NUNNO di GUSMAN written to CHAREES the fifth Emperor; translated out of RAMUSIOS' third Tome, and abridged. I Writ from Mechuacan to your Majesty (after I had written from Mexico) that I went thence with one hundred and fifty horsemen, and as many footmen well armed, and with twelve small Pieces of artillery, and 7. or 8000. * Antony's de Mendoza writeth to the Emperor, that he had 14000. Indians and 400. horsemen. Mechuacan. Croiles erected. Indians our friends, and all necessaries for the discovery and conquest of the Country from the Terlichichimechi which continue with New Spain. I arrived at the River of the purification of Saint Mary, so called, for passing it on that day. And because that Country was of the enemies, I determined to plant there three great Crosses, which I had carried with me, well wrought and of good proportion, which after Mass said in Procession with Trumpets, the Captains and I carried on our shoulders, and planted one on the River, and the second before a Church of the Purification, then begun to be builded, and the third before the way which I was to pass, * Alle quari, to or at the which. to the which Crosses with all devotion we after made due prayer. This done, the standards of the Cross began to be directed in the land of those infidels, which had not been done since the Christians entered those parts. Incontinently some people met us in peace, yielding themselves and promising service. Mean while the Church was finished and walled about, that fifteen or twenty horsemen might lodge within. There Mass was said, and a Sermon was preached; after which certain ordinances were red for good orders to be kept in the Army. After this, on the seventh of February possession was taken in your Majesty's name of that New Discovery, and on the foureteenth was made the request which is accustomed to be made. In regard of accusations made against Caconci Lord of Mechuacan for rebellion and conspiracy Caconci Lord of Mechuacan burned. to have slain us, I marched against him and found the information true, besides other inormities in sacrificing Indians and Christians, as he had used to do before he was a Christian, whereupon I condemned him to the fire, as may be seen in the process made against him. Having executed this man and pacified the Country, I left a Spaniard in a fortress there built by the Indians, and traveled six days in a Country not inhabited, three of them down the River, leaving at every lodging place a Crosse. On the sixth day we came to the Province Cuinao, full of Cuinao. good Towns and abounding in victuals. The people had at first armed themselves for resistance, but when I sent Barius against them, they were all fled to the Mountains. The light horse took some of the slowest not without making some defence. I sent them word not to be afraid, but to return to their houses and give their obedience, which they refusing, I marched against them with three squadrons, and sent the Overseer on one part, and Captain Ognate on the other, and I was at their backs. The Overseer found none but women and children. Ognate encountered with about one hundred men with their Bows and Arrows wounded slightly two horses and three men, but many of them were slain, others taken with women and children about five hundred, which I caused to be kept together, lest the Indians should sacrifice them after their wont. The Cacique was fled to the next Province, called Cuinaquiro, of another signiory and language. Because he came not at my sending, I Cuinquiro. Wretched hospitality. went to seek him. Entering that Province where were many Towns, and great store of Maiz and Fruits, we found many people dead, sacrificed, which had out of the former Province retired thither for fear of us, with many pieces of flesh which they use to eat. I sent many prisoners to their friends to let them see that I came not to slay them. The language of this people none of ours could understand. The Overseer encountered three hundred armed with Bows and Arrows, which the day before had killed four of our Indians: they set upon ours singing, and killed a Horse, but having lost one hundred of their company, the rest escaped. I found my men cutting the Horse in pieces, that the enemies might see no sign of him, whereby they might know that a Horse could dye. I sent the Camp Master to discover the ford: three Indians set on him, one Courageous Indian. of which had a two hand sword of wood, which gave him two blows, but the Indian was slain. I moved forwards, and discovered many inhabited places. Another skirmish happened with the Indians wherein above one hundred of them were slain. All the Country is full of Maiz, Kidney-beanes, Hens, Parrots, Palmitoes: there grows much Cotten, and some shows appeared of Gold and Silver found with some of the inhabitants. I procured the Cacique to come to me with all his principal men, whom I entertained with much kindness, and made a speech to them, giving them to understand what God was, and the Spanish preaching to convers' Infidels. Pope, and what they ought to do to be saved: and how the King of Castille was the Minister of God in earth, and Lord of all those parts subject to him; and that to me in his royal name they were to yield obedience and service; and that they should abstain from sacrificing & adoration to Idols and Devils, which they had hitherto done, because God alone was to be worshipped, feared and served, and after him they ought to serve and obey on earth the King of Castille. The Cacique answered that till that hour he Indian simplicity. had never known any thing of that which I had spoken, nor had ever heard of any but me that which I declared; but that he now conceived great pleasure to have understood it, and that from henceforth he would hold for God the King of Castille, and would worship him. I answered that he ought not so to do, for the King of Castille was a mortal man as we ourselves are, but that he was Lord and Sovereign over us all, and given to us of God to rule and govern us, and we were to serve and obey him. And God above, which created heaven and earth, and all things visible and invisible, is he which ought to be worshipped, feared, and served above all things, for as much as he giveth us, and of his hands we hold the life and being which we have, and he is able to take it from us at his pleasure. In this manner he stood advised of that which he ought to do, although their wit and capacity be very small, and their will much disagreeing, by reason of their ancient custom of serving the Devil. But seeing all things must have a beginning and labour, and herein especially the grace of God is necessary and the holy Ghost to be infused; it is to be believed and hoped of his infinite gentleness and mercy, that having directed your Majesty to discover this place and conquest, in virtue thereof and good fortune, after that of God, all things shall be done prosperously, and he will suffer to give to this Nation knowledge of the truth. And if it be not so suddenly done, yet the way shall be opened, and the Country conversed in, and inhabited of Christians, which adore and laud his holy Name, where before, the Devil was adored with so many Idolatries; and the Banners of his most holy Cross shall be fixed in all those Countries, that when he shall send his Grace, those Nations may be prepared to receive it. I gave to that Cacique all the people which I had taken, and they began to reinhabite their houses: and after a most sumptuous Cross placed there, and possession of those Provinces taken in your Majesty's name, I departed by the way of another Province called Cuiseo, situate on the other side of a great River Cuiseo. issuing out of a great Lake. After a battle with this People, wherein we prevailed by our Artillery, the Cacique sent a Messenger to me, by whom I sent him word, that we came thither to have them our friends, and to take possession of that Country, in the name of the King of Castille. Having obtained provisions, and passing further, in an Island in the River happened a hard skirmish, in which diverse were hurt, many of theirs slain and taken, and the rest fled. The last which was taken, and which fought most courageously, was a man in habit of a woman, which confessed, that from a child he had gotten his living by that filthiness, for which I caused Sodomite professed. him to be burned. Returning to the Camp, I caused the principal Lords of the Country to come to me, and pacified them, giving them clothes, restoring the prisoners, and bidding them return to their habitations: giving them to understand on behalf of the King of Castille, That he was Lord and the Minister of God in Earth, in which God, the King and all men of the world are to believe, to adore, fear and serve him as God alone, maker and Creator of all things: and on Earth to be vassals, and to obey the commandments of the King of Castille, as his Minister: and to me in his Royal name, and that they should not worship Idols, nor eat man's flesh. They answered me, that so they would do, and their sacrificing to Idols hitherto grew from hence, that they knew not what God was; and because the Devil commanded them to observe those forms, and desired flesh and blood of them, giving them to understand, that he was the Lord of all the world, whereupon for fear they had committed this error, which henceforth they would cease to do. Great are the sins of all men living, seeing God permits so great abominations to be committed against his divine Majesty, and that such a multitude of souls are lost, and remain blind as brute beasts, and worse: for they follow their natural course, which these have lost: although some not Note well this Divinity. only publish the war which is made upon them to be unjust, but also seek to disturb it, being the most worthy and holy work, and of most merit, (with the punishing of that Nation) that nothing can be done in the service of God greater, howsoever it be done by the hands of great sinners, and especially by me who am the greatest of all, since that nothing is hidden from his heat, and as the merciful and giver of Preaching by the Sword a worthy, holy, meritorious, satisfactory work. all good, I hope in his infinite clemency that he will receive my mean desire, and small pain and labour, in diminution of my sins: and will permit by his infinite bounty and grace, and because your Majesty doth all for the service of God which it doth, whose charge it is to guide the enterprise in such manner, that the beginning be with manifesting his Name, where before, that of the Enemy was served wholly, and adored. Be it known to your Majesty, that wheresoever I come, I give all the people to understand what God is, and who your Majesty is. The Town above this place or ford of the River is called Guanzebi, where a Cross was planted. Guanzebi. Departing toward the Province of Tonola, I sent the Overseer to the Province of Cuynaccaro, Tonola a free State. on the other side of the River. The Seniory of that Province (for they had no particular Lord) sent Messengers that they expected me in peace, and would give me what I would howsoever Coiula, Coivila, and Cuynaccaro, the three neighbour Provinces were fools, Cuinaccaro, Coiula, and Coiutla. and resolved upon war, These fought with us so valiantly, that some one Indian would turn his head against a Light-horseman, and taking his Lance with one hand, with the other would lay on him with a club which they use; others would lay hold on the Bridles, and those which have been in New Spain, and other parts, testify that more courageous Indians have not been Valiant Indians. seen. They use Bows, Arrows, Clubs, and two-hand Swords of wood, a Sling, and some Targets. The most of them fear the Horses, holding opinion that they would eat them, and a thousand of them have been afraid of three Horsemen; yet nevertheless some are thus hardy. The Country is temperate, they are great Sacrificers, have Silver, and some Gold: but I made show not to care for it, and said I had no need of Gold, but that they should serve, and not sacrifice as before. In the place of the victory was erected a fair Church called, The victory of the Cross, and a Cross of sixty foot long there erected. Zapatula received me in peace, Aximocuntla Zapatula. Aximocuntla. people fled, yet sent store of victuals, as did also Ixtatlan. Our Indians in our march had slain and sacrificed certain women and children, the signs whereof I found, it being a thing impossible to remedy, notwithstanding all the punishment I Indian Christianity but in name and names. inflicted, howsoever some say, they are good Christians. And let your Majesty believe, that they do at this present time as they did before, but secretly. And for this, and for other just causes which I have written to your Majesty, there ought not so much liberty be given them, nor more than that which is accustomed to their state and living; for to do otherwise, is to give occasion to them to be bad, and especially this People is of such nature, that they must be very much holden under, and made to fear, that they may be good Christians. Christians for fear. Xalpa. B●oudy Idol. From Xalpa three Ambassadors came to me, with offer of peace, subjection, and certain Silver plates, and an Idol made of Cotton, and full of blood, and a Razor of stone in the midst, wherewith they sacrificed, which was burned in their sight, to their great amazement, who thought it would have destroyed all. Against Mandie Thursday a Church was erected of reeds in a day, and devout Procession was then made of more than thircie Disciplinants'. On Easter Tuesday Bloody Procession. Teulinchan. I departed thence to Tespano, thence by Mount Amec to Teulinchano, a strong place, being all of stone cut round, where every Lord of the Province ought to have a house wherein to sacrifice; there had been a great Idol of Gold, destroyed in other wars. The Palaces were of stone engraven, some pieces of eighteen spans, with great Statues of men, with other things like those of Mexico. The Courts of the Palaces were spacious, and fair, with Fountains of good water. Thence I sent Captain Verdugo to Xaltenango, thorough a Valley of six leagues, but the people were fled to the Mountains. A Cross was planted, and Mass said for the service of Xaltenango. God, there where the Devil had so long been served, and had received so many Sacrifices. I divided the Army, one part to go to Mechuacan (another Province, not that of New Mechuacan on the South Sea. Spain) near to the South Sea I marched with the other to Guatatlan, and there planted a Cross on a Hill, and thence to Tetitlan, accompanied with the Caciques of the Country; thence to Xalisco. here the way was so bad that in fifteen days I road not three, and many Xalisco. beasts were lost. I sent to the principal Lords of Xalisco, to whom I made the request accustomed. They were all retired to the Mountains. Finding myself near the Sea, I took possession thereof for your Majesty. At Tepique two of the Lords of Xalisco came to me in peace, and to yield obedience, Tepique a new Province, as three other Towns had done near the Sea, where are said to be Mines of Gold. There I made Officers in your Majesty's name, as being a new Discovery and Conquest separate from New Spain, that there might be some to receive your Majesty's fifths. Two Crosses were erected in Xalisco and two in Tepeque, a place well watered, and very fertile. In marching from thence a great and dangerous battle was given us by the Indians wherein we obtained victory. They wounded fifty Horses, of which only six died (one Horse I assure your Majesty, is worth above four hundred Pesoes) diverse of the principal Commanders were wounded also. The next day I made a Procession with a Te Deum. Thence I passed the great River of the Trinity, to come to Omitlan, the chief of that Province. The Country is very hot, and the River full of Crocodiles, and there are many venomous Scorpions. Here was erected one Church, and two Crosses. Aztatlan is three days journey hence where they prepare to give me battle. From thence ten days further I shall go to find the Amazons, which some say dwell in the Sea, some in Amazo 〈…〉 Dreams. an arm of the Sea, and that they are rich, and accounted of the people for Goddesses, and whiter than other women. They use Bows, Arrows and Targets: have many and great Towns; at a certain time admit them to accompany them, which bring up the males, as these the female issue, etc. From Omitlan a Province of Mecuacan of the greater Spain, on the eighth of july, 1530. I had thought but for prolixity, here to have added Aluarados Conquests the other way from Mexico, Pet. Aluarado● Letters to Co●● tes● which had sent him on this Discovery and Conquest. Two most terrible Vulcan's. two of whose Letters are extant in Ramusio. The later of them is dated from the City of Saint jago, which he founded. He writes that he was well entertained in Guatimala, and passed alongst with diverse fortunes, four hundred leagues from Mexico conquering; and let your Lordship believe me, this Country is better inhabited and peopled then all that which your Lordship hath hitherto governed. In this Province I have found a Vulcan, the most dreadful thing that ever was seen; which casteth forth stones as great as a house, burning in light flames, which falling, break in pieces, and cover all that fiery Mountain. Threescore leagues before we saw another Vulcan, which sends forth a fearful smeake, ascending up to Heaven, and the body of the smoke encompasseth half a league. None drink of the streams which run down from it, for the Brimstone sent. And especially there comes thence one principal River, very fair, but so hot, that certain of my company were not able to pass it, which were to make outroads into certain places; and searching a Ford, found another cold River running into it, and where they met together, the Ford was temperate and passable. I beseech your Lordship to grant me the favour to be Governor of this City, etc. From Saint jago, july 28. 1524. §. II. The Voyages of friar MARCO de Niça, Don FR. VASQVEZ de Coronado, Don ANTONIO de Espeio, and diverse into New Mexico, and the adjoining Coasts and Lands. THere arose some strife betwixt Don Antonio de Mendoza Viceroy of New Spain, and L●p▪ G●m●ra. bist. gen c. 212. Cortes, each striving to exceed the other in New-discoveries, and complaining of each other to the Emperor. Whiles Cortes went to that end into Spain, Mendoza hearing somewhat by Dorantez, one of Naruaez his companions in the former inland Discoveries from Florida, sent both Friar Marco de Niça, with Steph. a Negro of Dorantez, and afterwards Captain Francis Vasquez de Coronado, by Land as likewise Ferdinando Alarchon by Sea. Cortes also sent Francis Vlloa with a Fleet of three ships for discovery of the same Sea, commonly called the South Sea. The Voyages Ramusio hath published at large in Italian, and Master Hakluyt out of him in English. I shall borrow leave to collect out of them and Gomara, and F. juan Gonzales de Mendoza, and others, some brief heads of things agreeing to our purpose for the better knowledge of the Northern America. Francis Vasquez de Coronado Governor of Nueva Galicia, Anno 1539. writes, that he arrived in the Province of Topira, where the Indians were fled into the Mountains for fear of the Topira. Christians. They have houses of stone, store of Gold, Emeralds, and other jewels; have strong armour of Silver fashioned in shapes of beats, worship herbs and birds, and sing songs to them. near thereto is another Province where the people go naked. Their Priests which they call Chichimechas keep in the woods without houses, and eat things given of alms by the people. Both men and women go naked; the men tie their privy member to the knee; they have Temples covered with straw, the windows full of dead men's skulls. They have in a ditch before the Temple the figure of a Serpent of diverse metals, with his tail in his mouth. One every Impious pieties. year is sacrificed by lot, crowned with flowers and laid in that ditch, and fire put to him; which his death he takes patiently, and the year following is worshipped with hymns, and after that his head is set up with the rest. They sacrifice their prisoners burning them in another ditch without such ceremonies. Friar Marco de Niça went from Saint Michael in Culiacan, two hundred leagues from Mexico, F. Marco de Ni●as Voyage to Cebola. with Stephen the Negro, and other Indians, and came to Petatlan, and thence passed a Desert four days, and came to certain Indians, which made much of him, sought to touch his garments, and called him Hayota, that is, A man comen from Heaven. Thence he traveled to Vacupa, forty leagues from the Sea (of California) and thence to Cevola, which in thirty days journey: he learned that the people by the Sea have store of Pearls, and Targets of Kow-hides. By the way he had understanding of the Kingdoms of Totonteac and Acus. They showed him an hide half An unknown kind of Unicorn. Expedition of Don Francisco Vasquez. Ill ways. Cib●la. Sheep as big ●s Horses, with huge horns. Indian embroidery. as big again as the hide of an Ox, and said, it was the skin of a beast which had but one horn upon his forehead, bending toward his breast, and that out of the same goeth a point forward with which he breaks any thing that he runneth against. The colour of the hide was as of a Goat-skinne, the hair a finger thick. He passed thorough two Defarts. The men of Ce●ola sl●e Stephen the Negro. Friar Mark went within sight of it, and saith it is a fair City seated at the foot of a Hill. Upon this news Captain Vasquez aforesaid in April, 1540 traveled with 400. Horsemen, and a great Army of Spaniards and others, many of which died of famine both Indians and Horses. The ways were so rough, that the Sheep and Lambs which they carried for their provision lost their hooves. The six and twentieth of May he arrived in the Valley of Coracones, five days journey from the Western Sea, and thence he went to Chichilcale, and with much scarcity to Cevola, which is the name of a Province in which are seven Cities near * I have a Map made in Mexico, 1585. which placeth Ci●ola in 30. and an half, and describe●● in New Mexico, on Rio deal Norte about 50. Towns with Spanish names, standing near each other, from 32. to 33. and a little more. But the Province of 〈◊〉 he maketh to be another. together: their houses are of stone four or five stories high; they use Ladders in stead of stairs, and have Cellars under the ground made for Winter in manner of Stoves. The seven Cities are but small Towns with in four leagues together. In one were two hundred houses compassed with walls, and some three hundred other unwall. They go for the most part naked, use painted Mantles, seem not witty evough to build such houses; have good quantity of Turquesses, some Emeralds also and Granates; great Guinee Corks; and season (in Summer) as in Mexico; many beasts, as Tigers, Bears, Lions, Porkespicks, and certain Sheep as big as Horses, with very great horns and little tails. I have seen their horns so great that it is a wonder. I have seen the heads of wild Goats, paws of Bears and skins of wild Boars. There is game of Deer, Ounces, and very great Stags, Hares, Coneys. He sent the Viceroy an embroidered garment of Needlework wrought by those Indians, and clothes painted by them with the pictures of the beasts of the Country. It is very cold in Winter, although it be in 37. degrees and a half. The snow continueth seven months, in so much that the people use furred Mantles, and other winter provisions. The Soldiers seeing little here to be had, were offended with the Friars which had commended Sivola, and loath to return empty to Mexico, they proceeded to Acuco, and Cardenas with his troop of Horse went thence to the Sea, Vasquez with the rest to Tiguez, on the bank of a great River. There they had news of Axa and Quivira. They heard of a bearded rich King also called Tatarcax, whom they would visit; they burned a Town, and lost thirty Horses in their way, and spent 45. days in siege of a Town, which drank snow in stead of water and burned their goods to prevent the Spanish spoil, then issuing by force with their wives and children, few escaping: and diverse Spaniards also were slain, and 80. wounded, besides Horses. They burned the Town and marched to Cicuic, horse and men passing over the River upon the Ice being in 37. degrees: and four leagues from thence met with a new kind of Kine wild and fierce, of which they slew 80. the first day for their provision. Strange Kine. From Cicuic they went to Quivira near 300. leagues, thorough woodlesse Plains, making heaps of Oxe-dung for way-markes against their return. All that Plain is as full of bunchbacked Kine as Serena in Spain of Sheep, and no other people but the Herdsmen. It hailed one day stones as big as Oranges. * Melangole. At length they came to Quivira and there found King Tatarrax, Great bail. a hoary man, naked and with a brass jewel at his neck; whereat not a little vexed to see themselves gulled with reports of riches, and the Cross worshipped, and Queen of Heaven, of which they saw no sign, they returned to Mexico, and there arrived in March, 1542. Vasquez fell from his Horse in Tiguez, and withal out of his wits. Quivira is in 40. degrees temperate, well watered, and hath store of fruits. They are apparelled Quivira described out of Gomara. Ships seen. with Ox hides, and Deeres skin. They saw ships on the coast with Alcatrazes of Gold and Silver in their Prowess, which they esteemed to be of China, making signs that they had sauled thirty days. Some Friars returned to Quivira, and were slain. As for those bunchbacked Kine, they are the food of the Natives, which drink the blood hot, and eat the fat, and often ravine the flesh raw. They wander in companies, as the Alarbes (and Tartars) following the pastures according to the seasons. That which they eat not raw, they roast, or warm rather a● a fire of Oxe-dung, and holding the flesh with his teeth, cut it with Razors of stone. These The bunchbacked Oxen described. Oxen are of the bigness of our Bulls, but their horns less, with a great bunch on their fore-shoulders, and more hair on their foreparts then behind, which is like wool; a mane like a Horses on their back bone, and long hair from the knees downward, with store of long hair at the chin and throat, a long flock also at the end of the males tails. The Horses fled from them, of which they slew some, being enraged. They are 〈…〉 eat, drink, shoes, houses, fire, vessels, and their Masters whole substance. Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their Sheep with horns of fifty pounds. Great Dogs, Such the Savages had in Fr●bushers voyage. Ruiz his Voyage to Tigua●. Ant. de Esp●io his New Mexico. five wool called Sheep; one of their horns ordinarily weighed fifty pounds. There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull, able to carry fifty pounds' weight in their hunt and removals. A N 〈…〉 1581. Friar Augustine Ruiz, with two other Friars, and eight Soldiers traveled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas, two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards, where, upon occasion of one of the Friars being slain, the Soldiers returned. The two Friars and a Mestizo stayed. Whereupon the Franciscans careful of their two Brethren, procured Antonio de Espeio, a rich Mexican, with Friar Bernardine Beltran, and others, licenced to follow him to set ●orth on the said Discovery, in November, An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteen Horses, and store of provisions. He passed the Conchos, and the Passaguates, and Tob●sos, and jumanos, (finding many Silver Mines in the way) and then came to people, which for want of Language they could not name, and heard by one of the Conchos, of a great Lake, and Towns near it, with houses of three or four stories, but went not thither. Fifteen days they traveled thorough Woods of Pinetrees, and two thorough Woods of Poplars and Walnuts, still keeping by the River of the North, as they called it, till they came to a Country which they called New Mexico. They came to ten Towns situate on both sides the River, which used them kindly. Their houses are of four stories, well built, with Stoves for Winter: their apparel of Cotton, and Deeres skins; both men and women beware Boots and Shoes with soles of Neat's leather. Neat's leather Shoes. Each house had an Oratory for the Devil, where they set him meat, for whose ease (as they say) they erect Chapels also in the highway. Thence they came to Tiguas in which were sixteen Towns: in Poala they had slain the two Friars, and now therefore fled to the Mountains. Friars slain. They fou●d many Hens in the Country, and many metals. Hearing that there were Henues many. rich Towns Eastwards, they traveled two days, and found eleven Towns, and (as they thought) forty thousand people. There are signs of rich Mines. They heard of a Province Quires, six leagues higher up the River, which they visited, and found five Towns. They saw Quires. Painted V●brelas. Note the neetnesse of Virginia. there a Pie in a Cage, and certain tirasols or shadows, such as they use in China, in which were painted the Sun, Moon and Stars. They found themselves in 37. degrees and a half. Fourteen leagues more to the North, they came to the Cunames, which had five Towns; the greatest was C●a, with eight Market places, the houses plastered and painted with diverse colours, the people many and more civil than any they had seen. They traveled thence Northwestward to a Country which had seven great Towns, and in them thirty thousand souls. Fifteen leagues further Westward they came to Acoma, a Aco●a. Town of six thousand persons, seated on a Rock fifty paces high, without any passage to it but by stairs hewn in the Rock; all their water was kept in Cisterns. They traveled hence four and twenty leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola, where Vasquez had been, and erected Crosses, still standing. Three Indians of his Army were still alive here, which told Espeio, of a great Lake sixty days journey thence, upon the banks whereof were many Towns which had store of Gold. Whereupon, the rest returning, he with nine companions determined to go thither, and came to a populous Province, called Mohotze, and being well entertained, he Mohotze. persuaded the Indians to build a Fort, to secure them from the Horses, which he said would Pretty policy. otherwise eat them; which they did. Here he left some of his company, and went to discover certain rich Mines, whereof he had heard, five and forty leagues Westward, which he found rich of Silver. He had further intelligence also of that great Lake, and having traveled twelve leagues to the Hubates and Tamos, populous Provinces, being so few, they returned in july, 1583. by another way, down a River called, De las Vaccas, or Of Kine, an hundred and twenty leagues, still meeting with store of those cattle, and thence to Conchos, and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholomew in New Biscay. Bartholomew Can● writ from Mexico, in May, 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio, Governor of New Ca●os Letter is in Mast. Hakl. Biscay was sent by the Viceroy with five hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola. NOw for Cortes his three ships, they set forth from Acapulco, the eighth of july, 1539. and Francis de Ull●as Voyage in the South Sea. California. sailed alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo, (as they styled it, and so to the River of Saint Crosses, which coast some thought to be part of the Continent, others to be but broken Lands or Lands: and sailed so far in the same, that I am loath to follow them, the particulars being both in Ramusio, and Master Hakluyt. Fernando Alarchon, Anno 1540 was sent by Mendoza F. Alarchons' Voyage. the Viceroy, with two ships, who saith, he went to the bottom of the Bay (of California) and sailed up the River far into the Country. I remit the desirous Reader to the Authors aforesaid. To me, Ullua the Marquis' General seems to make California nothing but Lands, and to have sailed within a great way, and after out of them: this other emulous Discoverer would seem to find it a Bay, and therefore goeth up the River; later Maps make it an Island, as we have said; a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos, calleth them Lands, and saith, Letter in Master H●kl. they are rich, and that the Viceroy sent to conquer them. But I am Sea-sick, and therefore return to our Land-discoverers. In which we have a jesuit first, to entertain you, and after that, a Letter of later News of Onnates' Discoveries in those Northern parts of America. All which may be of use one day, when our Virginian Plantation (which blusheth to see so little done after eighteen years' continued habitation, with so much cost, and so many lives and livelihoods spent thereon) shall lift up her head with more vive alacrity, and shake her glorious locks, and disparkle her triumphant looks, thorough the inland Countries to the Western Ocean. And indeed for Uirginias' sake we have so long held you in Spanish discourses, of whose Acts this Chapter had been the last, but that the leaven which leaveneth in so great part the Spanish lump may be known, to awaken English vigilance to prevent it in themselves (they had a fair caveat 1588.) and to avoid the like with others, I shall add to these their Discoveries a Spanish Traveller, Friar, Bishop, to discover their Discoverers; which shall cast up the American parcels, the particular relations of which you have had already, and yield you the total sum for a conclusion to our Spanish-Indian Peregrinations. §. III. Extracts out of certain Letters of Father MARTIN PER●Z of the Society of jesus, from the new Mission of the Province of Cinoloa to the Fathers of Mexico, dated in the month of December, 1591. With a Letter added, written 1605. of later Discoveries. SInce my last Letters, dated the sixth of july, among the Tantecoe, on which day we came into this Province of Cinoloa, being guided by the Governor Roderigo del Rio, Tautec●. july 〈◊〉. 1590. we passed and traveled through diverse Castles, Country Villages, Mines of Metal, Shepherd's houses, Towns of Spaniards, and certain Signiories, helping our neighbours by our accustomed duties, so that we were always full of business. We passed over in eight days the rough and hard and painful Mountain Tepesnan, seeing no living creature, save Tepes●an a mighty high Mountain. certain Fowls. The cause whereof is, the force of certain Muskitoes, which trouble Horses, whereof is exceeding abundance in all the Mountain, which were most noisome to our Horses. There met us certain Cuimecht, which are warlike Indians, which offered us bountifully such as Cuimechi warlike Indians. they had, without doing us any harm. There are almost an infinite number of these, which wander dispersed up and down, doing nothing else but hunt and seek their food. And it was told us, that three thousand of them were assembled in a part of the hill, which besought the Governor, that he would cause them to be taught and instructed in the Christian Faith. Their Minister, which was but only one, came to visit us. There met us also a certain Spanish Captain, which had the government of six Castles or Country Villages in a part of the Mountain, who knowing well enough what the society meant by these missions, wrote unto the father Visitor, requesting him to grant him one of the Fathers, by whose travel twenty thousand souls might be instructed, which he would recommend unto him. These and other Villages we passed by not without grief, because it was resolved already among us, that we should stay in no other place, but in this Province. A few days before our coming thither we wrote to six or seven Spaniards, which dwell there without any Priest, and heard Mass only once a year, to wit, when any Priest, dwelling thirty or forty leagues off, came unto them, to confess and absolve them being penitent; who being accompanied with most of the chief Indians, met us with exceeding great joy and gladness, above twenty The town of Saint Philip and jacob on the second River of Ginol●a. It is but 190. leagues indeed from Mexico. leagues distant from their dwellings, and accompanied us unto the second River of this Province, wherein the town of Saint Philip and jacob standeth. This Province is from Mexico above three hundred leagues, and is extended towards the North. On the right hand it hath the Mountains of the Tepesuanes, on the left hand the Mediterrane Sea, or the Gulf of California: on another part it stretcheth even to Cibola and California, which are Provinces toward the West, very great and well inhabited. On one side, which regardeth the North, new Mexico is but two days journey distant from the uttermost River of this Province (as we were informed by the Governor) which is so famous and renowned, and so full of Pagan superstition, whereof Often writing of new Mexico. diverse have often written. They measure and divide the Province of Cinaloa with eight great Rivers which run through the same. The reason of that division is this, because all the Castles and Villages of the inhabitants are settled near the banks and brinks of the Rivers, which are replenished with fish, and which in short space do fall into the Mediterran● Sea, or Gulf of California. The soil is apt for tillage and fruitful, and bringeth forth such things as are sown in it. The air is clear and wholesome. The Peasants and husband men reap twice a year, and among other things, store of Beanes, Gourds, Maiz, and such kind of Pulse, whereof we and they eat so plentifully, that there is no speech of the rising of the price of things, or of Famine; nay rather a great part of the old crop perisheth oftentimes, and they cast away their old Maiz, to make room for the new. They have great store of Cotten Wool, whereof they make excellent clothes, wherewith they are apparelled. Their apparel Cotten wool. is a piece of cloth tied upon their shoulders, wherewith as with a cloak they cover their whole Their apparel, body, after the manner of the Mexicans. True it is, that though they be all workmen, yet for the most part of the year they are not covered, but go naked; yet all of them wear a broad girdle of the said Cotten clothe cunningly and artificially wrought, with figures of diverse colours in the same, which the shells of Cockles and Oysters joined artificially with bones do make. Moreover, they thrust many threads through their ears, whereon they hang earrings; for which purpose they bore the ears of their children as soon as they be borne in many places, and hang earrings, round Stones, and Coral in them, so that each ear is laden with fifty of these Ornaments at least, for which cause they always sleep not lying on their sides, but with their face upward. The women are decently covered from their waste downward, being all the rest naked. The men as well as the women wear long hair; the women have it Their heir, hanging down their shoulders, the men often bound up and tied in diverse knots: they thrust Corals in it, adorned with diverse feathers and cockle shells, which add a certain beauty and ornament to the head. They wear many round Beads of diverse colours about their necks. They are of great stature, and higher than the Spaniards by a handful, Their great Stature. so that as we sat upright upon our horses, without standing on tiptoe, they easily could embrace us. They are valiant and strong, which the wars which they Their yalour. had with the Spaniards do easily show, wherein though they sustained no small damages, yet were they not unrevenged, nor without the blood of their adversaries. When they would fight resolutely for their uttermost liberty, they denounced and appointed the day of battle. Their weapons are Bows and poisoned Arrows, and a kind of club of Their weapon's. hard wood, wherewith they need not to strike twice to brain a man. They use also ●ertaine short javelins made of red wood, so hard and sharp, that they are not inferior to our armed spears. And as fearful and terrible as they be to their enemies, so quiet and peaceable are they among themselves and their neighbours, and you shall seldom find a quarrellour or contentious person. The Spaniards after certain conflicts at length made friendship with them, leaving their Country to them: but those eight Spaniards, whom I mentioned before, live quietly among them: and though they be called Lords, yet are they Eight Spaniard; living in Ci●●loa. contented with such things as the Indians give them, offering no violence nor molestation to any man. Upon our coming into these Countries, the Indians stirred up with the fame of new men, came by flocks unto our lodging, and witnessed their love, with exceeding great signification of good will, with salutation and words, which yet we understood not, staying so long with us till they were friendly dismissed by us: neither neglected they the opportunity offered upon the first occasion, to show how greatly they affected the Christian religion; for as soon as we entered into the first Villages of this Province, the day following there assembled a great number of old Readiness to hear the Gospel. and young folks to be baptised, which was a great comfort unto us; we christened full fourscore boys and girls; we raised the minds of the rest with good hopes, that as soon as they were instructed with necessary doctrine, they should be partakers of the same Sacrament. We Four hundred baptised by Franciscans, (slain there) twelve years before. Difference of language. found four hundred Christians, which having been baptised by the Franciscane Fathers, which came into these parts twelve years past, when at length they were slain by the Inhabitants were left destitute of a teacher; neither can all of them be instructed by us, unless some help be sent us; for besides that the people are many, they also differ in language and tongues, although there be two chief and most general. We learn two tongues with great celerity, which albeit they be not so vulgar and general, yet are they more necessary: and we have profited so much in three months, that we could easily understand the Indians when they spoke. Wherefore we began to instuct in the Catechism, and with godly speeches to exhort the Nation, to keep them within the compass of their duty, and to deliver them of all fear: when they see that they receive of us the service Instruction in the Catechism and forms of praying to God, not in a strange but in their own language; the which together with the Catechism they learn with great care and shortness of time. And now we have And why do you teach Babylon, or to babble in a strange tongue here, instead of praying? Sixteen hundred newly Christened. Concubines. Christened above sixteen hundred, as well those of years as boys; besides those four hundred, which being christened by the aforesaid Fathers, almost in their infancy, and fully twelve years neglected, had scarcely any show of Christendom, but were married with Pagans after their Country fashion. From many of them we took away their Concubines, because such is the custom of this Nation, that they take as many as they are able to keep. Many of them we likewise married. There are also many more which desire to be baptised, but since the people be exceeding many, and the workmen but two only, we are not able to sustain the labour. The last of November I visited the people of this tract or River, and in the space of twelve or thirteen miles, there are four thousand Indians at the least, which use Bows and Arrows, besides women and children. Among these are certain of bad name and fame, which have familiarity and acquaintance with the Devil, with whom they commit abominable and very horrible Familiarity with the Devil sins. Many of them fled into the Mountains, that their children might not be Christened, because the Devil had reported abroad, that all they should die that were Baptised. Not withstanding in seven or eight days we Christened two hundred and forty children. Necessity enforced me to 240. children Christened. leave them, and to go to another place, to help our neighbours: yet I am greatly desirous to return moved with a certain pity, because I see this people so strongly possessed by the Devil being utterly ignorant of the faith. There are now thirteen Churches in these three Rivers, besides those which are erected by little and little, neither have we any more holy Vestments for them, than those which we carry Thirteen Churches in three Rivers. about with us, and one other furniture of an Altar, which belongeth to the Spaniards: we have never a Bell in any of these Churches. We furnished an Altar with one Cross and certain paper Images, which were brought hither from Culhuacan, because we want other furniture, which we look from your Reverencies, and it will be very profitable, since this Nation is so delighted Culhuacan. with outward ornaments. We celebrated the dedication of a Church at Petatlan, on the day of the conception of the Virgin, the Mother of God. In the same I set up a certain small Image consecrated to the conception Petatlan in 25. degrees and a half. The Christianity there taught. of the blessed Virgin: We went on Procession, wherein the Boys sang the Te Deum laudam 〈…〉 in the vulgar language: I added a Prayer, and then red Mass, because the singers are yet ignorant of Song, and can sing nothing else but Amen, with a rude and vntuned voice. Many of the Pagans were present, which were invited to this holy day from other places, and were almost amazed beholding these first beginnings, wishing that the like solemnity might be kept in their Villages. As far as hitherto we are able to gather, the Indians the inhabitants of these and the neighbour Pagan Castles, where there is greater store of people, and less diversity of languages, are quick and prompt, tractable, and of easier conversion, than any that I have hitherto seen or known. I could wish that I might sometime live privately with myself, but such is the concourse of comers, that they love me not thus quiet, and though I be silent, yet they minister diverse speeches, enquiring of our things, and rehearsing their own, and come to us in the night to prayer. They are ingenious and docile, although they have no teacher, by whose instruction this force of nature should be exercised. They live in Castles and Country villages, in houses joined near the one to the other, and builded of chalk and timber, which they adore Their houses with Mats and coverings of reeds. In the marriages which they make, when they take many wives, it seemeth not inconvenient or indecent unto them, to take their sister, mother, or daughter, because they think that this maketh much for domestical peace, and that thereby all emulation may be avoided. And though Their plurality and incests in marriages. they make no account of affinity, yet they have exceeding great regard of consanguinity. They love their children most tenderly for a certain time, and teach them nothing else but such things as they know themselves, and never beat them nor chastise them for any thing, and so The bad education of their children. Form of Marriages. they live like beasts. They marry them at their time; and this is the form of their marriage: The Parents of each party meet together, and after conferences had between them, they dance according to their Country custom, and giving hands return home; if the Bridegroom or Bride be under age, they stay certain months and sometime a year, never seeing one the other: afterward at time convenient the Father of the spouse giveth an house to his daughter and son in law, with furniture thereto belonging. They also make the Bridegroom a Knight, if he be of a worthy family, with diverse rites, Their form of making Knights. whereof these be the chiefest ceremonies: They deliver him a Bow, and instruct him how to use his new weapons; and to show a sign of his industry and ability, he is turned out to some young Lion or wild beast, which when he hath killed, he is advanced to some honour and dignity, whereby he excelleth others which are not Knights. Among the things belonging to policy, this is one which they do observe; that they adopt other men's children for their own; Adoption. but this adoption into another family hath very severe and dangerous ceremonies, for they thrust a stick into their mouths into the bottom of their throats, wherewith they are almost choked; if it fall out well, they vomit up all the meat in their stomach, and so they pass over into the right of another man. Whatsoever time remaineth from labour and travail they Their quietness and kind play. spend in a play, which is like to Dice, but consisteth of diverse signs. They play with exceeding great moderation and patience of mind, being most cunning in this kind of sport, no oath is heard among them, nor any contentions or brabbling word, though they lose their apparel and all that they have, and go home naked, as sometime it falleth out. When they be sick, if the disease be sore and dangerous, they dig a place for their burial, and sometimes it standeth five or six days open, which custom was very profitable to a certain Their burials. woman; for when I came into a certain Village, and saw the ground digged very deeply, knowing what the matter was, I came unto her lying on her Couch and sick, and having instructed her in the Catechism which I had written in the vulgar Tongue, in the principles of Christian Religion, I baptised her, but she recovered. Now the cause why they open the places of their burials is this, That presently they may cover the body or ashes of him that is dead (for sometimes they burn the bodies with all the house and household stuff.) They sprinkle the Sepulchre with a certain dust, whereof they make a drink, and bring meat with them, and after they have wept over the Grave, they make themselves drunk, the Kinsfolk of the dead making a Feast for them that do assist them. And these be their Funerals. The Vicar of the Church of Culiacan, which is forty two leagues from Cinoloa, where the foresaid Fathers live, in his Letters sent to a certain friend writeth after this manner: In Cinaloa the Father's labour painfully in the Lord in converting the Indians unto the Faith so fruitfully and happily, that we all hold it for a Miracle. Neither can it be believed, both with what celerity they have learned and speak the tongue of that Country, and with what facility and contentment. The Inhabitants come to be baptised, and desire to be instructed in the Articles of our faith. Doubtless it is the work of God; wherefore the Divine Majesty doth favour and promote the same. A Letter written from Valladolid by LUDOVICUS TRIBALDUS TOLETUS to Master RICHARD HAKLVYT, translated out of Latin, touching IVAN de ONATE his Discoveries in new Mexico, five hundred leagues to the North from the old Mexico. WHen you shall see the English returned home out of our Spain, and can find no Letters sent unto you from us, perhaps, and that worthily you will accuse us of breach of our friendship, and also as little mindful of our promise. Yet we as free from this fault salute you most willingly. For it is not long since we arrived here, that is to say in this Court, a little after the departure of your Countrymen into England. Yet we made our journey by Sea and by Land indifferent pleasantly and according to our desire. After we had rested ourselves a small while, we desired nothing more than to visit Andrew Garsia Cespedes, a man for many respects linked unto us in most strait bands of friendship. He greatly rejoiced of your good will toward him: And showed me a certain brief yet very perspicuous Their burials. Don juan de Onate his first relation. 5000. ●ent 1599 Relation of things achieved by Don juan de Onate, among the Indians of New Mexico. For therein is written, that he departed from old Mexico in the year 1599 with an Army and carriages of five thousand men, in which number boys, women, young men and Soldiers are included. He carried also great store of victuals with him, flocks of Sheep and Goats, Herds of Oxen, and all things necessary for life, also Horses and Armour, and other things which in these kind of Expeditions ought to be provided. Therefore having traveled through diverse 500 leagues travel. Countries five hundred leagues, he found diverse Nations by the way, noble for their builded Towns and reasonable civil manners. All which he received into the friendship of the King of Spain, and they openly testified the same by public instruments, and giving of their faith. And when with his company he came unto a Town very strong by situation of the place, built upon a most high and mighty Rock, and was freely received by the Inhabitants, giving their right hands to each other, they courteously supplied them with all things necessary for their relief, and promised within a while after that they would furnish them with more, sufficient to make a very long journey. When Onate had waited for this thing, at the day appointed he sent his Nephew by his sister with a few Soldiers, who entering the Town, came into the Market place, where almost all the multitude of the Townsmen were assembled together. Now while he with his company was busy in buying of things, suddenly the Traitors from all parts rushed Treacherous people. upon him and his fellows unawares, and by most wicked treason cut off the Captain's head and six others; the rest being wounded hardly escaped by flight from so great a multitude that assaulted them, yet some of the enemies were slain and thrust through. When speedily the fame hereof came to Onate, taking with him a choice number of Soldiers, in a great fury he came unto the Town, besieged it, and after a long fight by main force he took the same, slew most part, Their Town taken. Acoma is in 32. degrees, and two third parts took the rest, burned the Town and razed it to the ground, that no tokens might remain of so great a wickedness committed against him. The Town's name was Acoma: and none of our men was slain in the siege thereof. After this he easily proceeded forward on his journey as he did before, till he came to a mighty great City: he enforced this City with the villages adjoining to swear obedience to the King of A mighty city. Spain, not altogether unwilling, yet feared by the example and ruin of the town that was destroyed. From hence he came to a greater City, which likewise after he had obtained it by great Another greater City. Cibola is in 33. degrees. The Town of Saint john. Sundry mines of gold and silver newly found. A second Discovery 1602. The most famous River of the North discovered. Antony de Espio uno Rio mas que ocho leguas de ancho. The Lake of Conibas. Auia unalagnuao lago nuy guade. Anten. de Espeio. A fair and goodly City. friendship he sent certain men from thence to search out the oxen of Cibola, long since known by the report of one, (to wit of Vasquez de Coronado) whether they were such indeed or no. Who when they had found a great multitude of these oxen, and would compass them about, and force them into certain enclosures or toils, their enterprise prevailed but a little: they are so wild and so swift. Yet after they had killed many of them, bringing store of them with them, as though they had been Dear, returning to their company and General, to the great admiration of all men, they declared the wildness and innumerable number of these Oxen. Afterward employing of themselves to keep those things which they had gotten, they builded a Town, which they called Saint john's Town, and entering into very great friendship with the people which they had lately discovered, after they had found certain very rich mines of gold and silver, being laden with store of other riches, they determined to live pleasantly and quietly, and to end their travels, with singular profit of the Inhabitants in the Christian Religion, and abjuring of their Idols, which in former time they worshipped most religiously. At length within these two years, leaving his fellows there, Onate undertook a new Disuerie toward that most famous River of the North, which at length he discovered, being everywhere courteously entertained by the Inhabitants. At last he came to the Lake whereof long since, have gone many reports. This is the Lake of Conibas, on the brink whereof he beheld a far off a City seven leagues long, and above two leagues broad. The houses of this City were separated the one from the other, and trimly and artificially builded, adorned with many trees and most goodly Gardens; and often divided with streams running between them. Yet none of the Inhabitants did appear. Therefore being not furnished with a sufficient Army, he kept his Soldiers about him in a strong place, yet he sent certain Horsemen into the Town to view it: who after they had ridden by a certain space through certain exceeding fair streets of the City, and could see none of the Citizens, at length came to an exceeding great Market place, which was filled with an exceeding great company of men, fortified with Rampires and other fortifications in manner of a Fortress. Therefore perceiving themselves to be unequal to so infinite a number, they retired back to their fellows without attempting any thing and so returned home to their own houses under the conduct of Onate, defferring the assaulting of so great a Town until a more convenient time: and now they keep those places diligently, which they have already found, and doing violence to none of the Inhabitants, they live in all happiness Western coast of America discovered near Cape California, which it seems at this time was more perfectly discovered to be an Island, as you see in M. ●rigs his Map. and prosperity. Moreover, other news is brought from New Spain, to wit, that by the commandment of the Viceroy, the Coasts of the South Sea toward Cape Mendoçino are discovered, and that exceeding fair and large Havens are found near the Californias, which hitherto no man knew, and that Castles are there to be builded and fortified, fit to withstand the force of the enemy: which I saw painted with the precise longitudes and latitudes, annexed unto them. There is no news come of the Voyage to the Island lately found out toward Nova Guinea. If any news come, I will carefully advertise you thereof. It remaineth, that I speak somewhat of the instruction which I promised you, and now send unto you: to wit, that the same was sent to the West Indies, and that according to the precepts therein contained, all things are observed very exactly, and written to the Council of the Indies: and that Cespedes our friend having diligently read over these Writings, hath written an excellent Volume; but he hath not obtained leave to publish the same: for they will not have all these things particularly to come to light. And these be the things which I now thought good to write unto you, my Hakluyt, meaning to have written more, if there had been any fresher things to have written of. Neither have 〈◊〉 yet sought out all those that might inform me of these new Discoveries: for I could not yet do it by reason of the shortness of the time. I hope hereafter I shall have leisure: and I know you will commend me for my friendship towards you. Farewell from Ualladolid the Nones of july 1605. TO THE READER. AFter so many other Spanish Discourses and Discoveries, I have added for a Spanish farewell this of B●rtnolomew de las Casas a zealous Dominican Friar, after made Bishop of Chiapa, touching the excesses committed by some Spaniards in the Continent and Lands of America, from their first Discovery till the year 1542. in which this was written; the rather here annexed, as our conclusion of Spanish Relations. The occasion (it seemeth) was his godly zeal of converting souls to jesus Christ from the power of Ethnic darkness, which was hindered by a worse darkness in those which professed themselves children of Light, and had the name and Sacraments of Christians. For it being then the custom, as you have seen in Soto, and others before, to get so much of the American Regions in Partition, Commendam or a Commission from the King (than Charles the fifth Emperor) to discover and pacify, as their stile hath it, that is, as the Pope's Bull prescribeth, to bring into Spanish subjection, and to convert to the Christian Faith, so much as their Commission limited, paying the fifth part of whatsoever they got to the Crown; they abusing the Emperor's lenity, and concealing their outrages, proceeded in converting, as that word is derived from converrere, not from convertere, and in such course as this Author expresseth, if he and other Divines which made complaint thereof to the Emperor be to be credited. Neither is it incredible for the main part of the History (we see their own journals insinnate as much in milder and closer terms) how soever his zeal flings forth fiery terms, and paints out their Acts in the blackest Ink, and most Hyperbolical Phrases. The Issue was the alteration of government in the Indies, by the gentleness of the Kings of Spain, which freed them from slavery, and took better order both for their bodily and spiritual estate, as before we have read in Herera. And if any think that I publish this in disgrace of that Nation; I answer, Every Nation (We see it at home) hath many evillmen, many Devil men. Again, I a●ke whether the Author (himself a Spaniard and Divine) intended not the honour and good of his Country thereby: which also was effected, evil manners producing good Laws. And indeed it is as much honour to this Bishop and the Bishop of Mexico, with other Spaniards that showed their zeal of reformation herein, as also to the Kings of Spain which have effected it; as the doing it is shame to other Spaniards, and the genetalitie here touched. The like abuses of Savages in Brasill, you have seen by Portugals, complained of by Jesuits, sup. l. 7. c. 2. For my part I honour virtue in a Spaniard, in a Friar, in a jesuit: and have in all this volumino 〈…〉 story not been more careful to show the evil acts of Spaniards, Portugals, Dutch in quarrels 'twixt them and us, then to make known whatsoever good in any of them, when occasion was offered. And so far am I from delighting to thrust my singer in sores (which yet I do on necessity, even with the English also) that I have left out many many invectives and bitter Epithets of this Author, abridging him after my wont, and lopping of such superfluities, which rather were the fruit of his zeal, than the flower of his History. I could also have added the names of those which he here calleth Tyrants, the Captains in those Expeditions: but he spared them; as then living, and in Herera before you have them, which yet is angry with Ramusio for that wherein this story doth excuse him, the concealment of their names being best commendation of such men. In these prune and commission of some things (in their own places, before related) above a third part is left out, and yet more then enough left to testify that Man● heart given over to covetousness or other vice, is a bottomless Hell, wicked and deceitful above all; who can search it? The colours which the Spaniards pretended for such executions, were the Man-eatings, Sodomies, Idolatries and other vices of Americans; perhaps made worse in the telling, and certainly with worse vices in this sort punished by uniustest justice in respect of the Spamards, whose unjustice is nevertheless most just in regard of God, which knoweth how to punish sin by sin, by Sinners. This Book is extant in Spanish, Latin, Dutch, and in English also printed 1583. when as peace was yet betwixt England and Spain, which English Copy I have followed. The Prologue of the Bishop friar BARTHOLOMEW de las CASAS or CASAUS, to the most high and mighty Prince, Our Lord Don PHILIP Prince of Spain. MOst high and mighty Lord, as God by his Providence hath for the guiding and commodity of mankind in this World, in Realms and Provinces, appointed Kings to be as Fathers, and as Homer nameth them Shepherds, and so consequently the most noble and principal members of Commonweals: so can we not justly doubt by reason of the good wills that Kings and Princes have to minister justice, but that if there be any things amiss, either any violences or injuries committed, the only cause that they are not redressed, is, for that Princes have no notice of the same. For certainly if they knew of them, they would employ all diligence and endeavour in the remedy thereof. Whereof it seemeth that mention is made in the holy Scripture, in the Proverbs of Solamon, where it is said, Rex qui sedet in solio judicij dissipat omne malum intuitu suo. For it is sufficiently to be presupposed even of the kindly and natural virtue of a King, that the only notice that he taketh of any mischief tormenting his Kingdom, is sufficient to procure him, if it be possible, to root out the same as being a thing that he cannot tolerate even one only moment of time. Considering therefore with myself most mighty Lord the great mischiefs, damages and losses (the like whereof it is not to be thought, were ever committed by Mankind) of so l●rge and great Kingdoms, or to speak more truly, of this so new World of the Indies, which God and holy Church have committed and commended unto the King of Castille, to the end they might govern, convert, and procure their prosperity as well temporally as spiritually. I therefore (I say) being a man of experience, and fifty years of age or more, considering these evils, as having seen them committed, at my being in those Countries: Also that your Highness having information of some notable particularities, might be moved most earnestly to desire his Majesty, not to grant or permit to those Tyrants such conquests as they have found out, and which they do so name, (whereunto if they might be suffered they would return) seeing that of themselves, and being made against this Indian, peaceable, lowly and mild Nation which offendeth none, they be wicked, tyrannous, and by all Laws either Natural, Humane or Divine, utterly condemned, detested and accursed: I thought it best, lest myself might become also guilty, by concealing the loss of an infinite number both of souls & bodies which are so committed, to cause a few of their dealings which of late I had selected from among infinite others, and that might truly be reported to be printed, to the end your Highness might with more ease peruse and read them over. Also whereas your Highness' Master the Archbishop of Toleto, when he was Bishop of Carthagena required them at my hands, and then presented them to your Highness: peradventure by reason of such great Voyages as your Highness took upon you, both by Sea and by Land for matters of Estate wherein you have been busied, it may be you have not perused, either have forgotten them, and in the mean time the rash and disordinate desire of those which think it nothing to do wrong, to shed such abundance of man's blood, to make desolate these so large Countries of their natural Inhabitants and Owners, by slaying infinite persons, either to purloin such incredible treasures, do daily augment, these Tyrants proceeding under all counterfeit titles and colours in their instant and importunate suit, namely, to have the said Conquests permitted and granted unto them: Which in truth cannot be granted without transgressing the Law both of Nature and of God, and so consequently not without incurring mortal sin, worthy most terrible and everlasting torments: I thought it expedient to do your Highness' service in this brief summary of a most large History, that might and ought to be written of such slaughters and spoils as they have made and perpetrated. Which I beseech your Highness to receive and read over, with that Royal clemency and courtesy, wherewith you use to accept and peruse the works of such your servants, as no other desire, but faithfully to employ themselves to the common commodity, and to procure the prosperity of the Royal Estate. This summary being perused, and the vildness of the iniquity committed against these poor innocent people, in that they are slain and hewed in pieces without desert, only through the avarice ambition of those that pretend ●o the doing of such execrable deeds, being considered. It may please your Highness to desire, and effectually to persuade his Majesty to deny any whosoever shall demand or require so hurtful and detestable enterprises: yea, even to bury any such suit or petition in the infernal pit of perpetual silence, thereby showing such terror and dislike as hereafter no man may be so bold, as once to name or speak thereof. And this (most mighty Lord) is very expedient and necessary, to the end God may prosper, preserve and make the estate of the Royal Crown of Castille for ever to flourish both spiritually and temporally. CHAP. four A brief Narration of the destruction of the Indies by the Spaniards: written by a Friar BART. de las CASAS a Spaniard, and Bishop of Chiapa in America. THe Indies were discovered the year 1492. and inhabited by the Spanish the year next after ensuing: so as it is about forty nine years sithence that the Spaniards some of them went into those parts. And the first Land that they entered to inhabit, was the great and most fertile I'll of Hispaniola, which containeth six hundred leagues in compass. There are other great and infinite Isles round about, and in the Confines on all sides: which we have seen the most peopled, and the fullest of their own native people, as any other Country in the World may be. The firm Land lying off from this Island two hundred and fifty leagues, and somewhat over at the most, containeth in length on the Sea Coast more than ten thousand leagues: which are already discovered, and daily be discovered more and more, all full of people, as an Emmote hill of Emmots. Insomuch, as by that which since, unto the year the fortieth and one hath been discovered: It seemeth that God hath bestowed in that same Country, the gulf or the greatest portion of Mankind. God created all these innumerable multitudes in every sort, very simple, without subtlety, or craft, without malice, very obedient, and very faithful to their natural Liege Lords, and to the Spaniards whom they serve, very humble, very patient, very desirous of peace making, and peaceful, without brawls and struggle, without quarrels, without strife, without rancour or hatred, by no means desirous of revengement. They are also people very gentle, and very tender, and of an easy complexion, and which can sustain no travel, and do die very soon of any disease whatsoever, in such sort as the very children of Princes and Noblemen brought up amongst us, in all commodities, ease, and delicateness, are not more soft than those of that Country: yea, although they be the children of Labourers. They are also very poor folk, which possess little, neither yet do so much as desire to have much worldly goods, and therefore neither are they proud, ambitious, nor covetous. Their diet is such (as it seemeth) that of the holy Fathers in the Desert hath not been more scarce, nor more strait, nor less dainty, nor less sumptuous. Their apparelling is commonly to go naked: all save their shamefast parts alone covered. And when they be clothed, at the most, it is but a of a Mantle of Bombacie of an ell and a half, or two else of linen square. Their lodging is upon a Mat, and those which have the best: sleep as it were upon a Net fastened at the four corners, which they call in the Language of the I'll of Hispaniola, Hamasas. They have their understanding very pure and quick, being teachable and capable of all good Learning, very apt to receive our holy Catholic Faith, and to be instructed in good and virtuous manners, having less incumberances and disturbances to the attaining thereunto, than all the folfe of the world besides, and are so inflamed, ardent, and importune to know and understand the matters of the faith after they have but begun once to taste them, as likewise the exercise of the Sacraments of the Church, and the divine Service: that in truth, the religious men have need of a singular patience to support them. And to make an end, I have heard many Spaniards many times hold this as assured, and that which they could not deny, concerning the good nature which they saw in them. Undoubtedly these folks should be the happiest in the World, if only they knew God. Upon these Lambs so meek, so qualified and endued of their Maker and Creator, as hath been said, entered the Spanish incontinent as they knew them, as, Wolves, as Lions, and as Tigers most cruel of long time famished: and have not done in those quarters these forty years past, neither yet do at this present, ought else save tear them in pieces, kill them, martyr them, afflict them, torment them, and destroy them by strange sorts of cruelties never neither seen, nor read, nor heard of the like (of the which some shall be set down hereafter) so far forth that of above three Millions of souls that were in the I'll of Hispaniola, and that we have seen, there are not now two hundred natives of the Country. The I'll of Cuba, the which is in length as far as Three Millions perished in Hispaniola, Ouiedo hath but 1600000. from Vallodolid until Rome, is at this day as it were all waste. Saint john's Isle, and that of jamaica, both of them very great, very fertile, and very fair: are desolate. Likewise the Isles of Lucayos, near to the I'll of Hispaniola, and of the North side unto that of Cuba, in number being above threescore Lands, together with those which they call the Isles of Geante, one with another, great and little, whereof the very worst is fertiler than the King's Garden at Seville, and the Country the healthsomest in the World: there were in these same Isles more than five hundred thousand souls, and at this day there is not one only creature. For they have been all of them 500000 lost in the Lucayos. slain, after that they had drawn them out from thence to labour in their Minerals in the I'll of Hispaniola, where there were no more left of the Natives of that Island. A ship riding for the space of three years betwixt all these Lands, to the end, after the inning of this kind of Vintage, to glean and cull the remainder of these folk (for there was a good Christian moved with pity and compassion, to convert and win unto Christ such as might be found) there were not found but eleven persons which I saw: other Isles more than thirty, near to the I'll of Saint john have likewise been dispeopled and marred. All these Isles contain above two thousand leagues of land, and are all dispeopled and laid waste. As touching the main firm land, we are certain that our Spaniards, by their cruelties and cursed doings have dispeopled and made desolate more than ten Realms greater than all Spain, comprising also therewith Arragon & Portugal, and twice as much or more land than there is from seville to jerusalem, which are above a thousand leagues: which Realms as yet unto this present day remain in a wilderness and utter desolation, having been before time as well peopled as 〈◊〉 possible. We are able to yield a good and certain account, that there is within the space of 〈◊〉 said forty years, by those said tyrannies and devilish doings of the Spaniards, done 〈◊〉 death 〈◊〉 justly and tyrannously more than twelve Million of souls, men, women, and children. And 12. or 15. miles See the end of this discourse. I do verily believe, and think not to mistake therein, that there are dead more than fifteen Millions of souls. The cause why the Spanish have destroyed such an infinite of souls, hath been only, that they have held it for their last scope and mark to get Gold, and to enrich themselves in a short time, and to mount at one leap to very high estates, in no wise agreeable to their persons: or to say in a word, the cause hereof hath been their avarice and ambition. And by this means have died so many Millions without faith and without Sacraments. Of the I'll of Hispaniola. In the I'll Hispaniola, which was the first (as we have said) where the Spaniards arrived, began the great slaughters and spoils of people: the Spaniards ha●ing begun to take their wives and children of the Indies, for to serve their turn and to use them ill, and having begun to eat their victuals, gotten by their sweat and travel; not contenting themselves with that which the Indians gave them of their own good will, every one after their ability, the which is algates very small, forasmuch as they are accustomed to have no more store than they have ordinarily need of, and that such as they get with little travel: And that which might suffice for three households, reckoning ten persons for each household for a month's space, one Spaniard would eat and destroy in a day. Now after sundry other forces, violences, and torments, which they wrought against them: the Indians began to perceive that those were not men descended from heaven. Some of them therefore hid their victuals, others hid their wives and children, some others fled into the Mountains, to separate themselves a far off from a Nation of so hard natured and ghastly conversation. The Spaniards buffeted them with their fists and bastonades: pressing also to lay hands upon the Lords of the Towns. And these cases ended in so great an hazard and desperateness, that a Spanish Captain durst adventure to ravish forcibly the wife of the greatest King and Lord of this I'll. Since which time the Indians began to search means to cast the Spaniards out of their lands, and set themselves in arms: but what kind of arms? very feeble and weak to withstand or resist, and of less defence. The Spaniards with their Horses, their Spears and Lances, began to commit murders, and strange cruelties: they entered into Towns, Borowes, and Ambition. Villages, sparing neither children nor old men, neither women with child, neither them that Cruelty. lay In, but that they ripped their bellies, and cut them in pieces, as if they had been opening of Lambs shut up in their fold. They laid wagers with such as with one thrust of a sword would paunch or bowel a man in the midst, or with one blow of a sword would most readily and most deliverly cut off his head, or that would best pierce his entrails at one stroke. They took the little souls by the heels, ramping them from the mother's dugs, and crushed their heads against the cliffs. Others they cast into the Rivers laughing and mocking, and when they tumbled into the water, they said, now shift for thyself such a ones corpses. They put others, together with their mothers, and all that they met, to the edge of the sword. They made certain Gibbets long and low, in such sort, that the feet of the hanged on, touched in a manner the ground, every one enough for thirteen, in honour and worship of our Saviour and his twelve Apostles (as they used to speak) and setting to fire, burned them all quick that were fastened. Unto all others, whom they used to take and reserve alive, cutting off their two hands as near as might be, and so letting them hang, they said; Get you with these Letters, to carry tidings to those which are fled by the Mountains. They murdered commonly the Lords and Nobility on this fashion: They made certain grates of pearches laid on pickforkes, and made a little fire underneath, to the intent, that by little and little yelling and despairing in these torments, they might give up the Ghost. One time I saw four or five of the principal Lords roasted and broiled upon these gredirons. Tortures. Also I think that there were two or three of these gredirons, garnished with the like furniture, and for that they cried out piteously, which thing troubled the Captain that he could not then sleep: he commanded to strangle them. The Sergeant, which was worse than the Hang man that burned them (I know his name and friends in Sivil) would not have them strangled, but himself putting Bullets in their mouths, to the end that they should not cry, put to Dogs. the fire, until they were softly roasted after his desire. I have seen all the aforesaid things and others infinite. And forasmuch, as all the people which could flee, hid themselves in the Mountains, and mounted on the tops of them, fled from the men so without all manhood, empty of all pity, behaving them as savage beasts, the slaughterer's and deadly enemies of mankind they taught their Hounds, fierce Dogs, to tear them in pieces at the first view, and in the space that one may say a Credo, assailed and devoured an Indian as if it had been a Swine. These Dogs wrought great destructions and slaughters. And forasmuch as sometimes, although seldom, when the Indians put to death some Spaniards upon good right and Law of due justice: they made a Law between them, that for one Spaniard they had to slay an hundred Indians. There were in this Isle Hispaniola, five great principal Realms, and five very mighty Kings, The Realms which were in this I'll of Hispaniola. unto whom almost all other Lords obeyed, which were without number. There were also certain Lords of other several Provinces, which did not acknowledge for sovereign any of these Kings: One Realm was named Magua, which is as much to say, as the Kingdom of the plain. This Plain is one of the most famous and most admirable things of all that is in the world. For it containeth fourscore leagues of ground, from the South Sea unto the North sea, having in breadth five leagues, and eight unto ten. It hath on one side and other exceeding high Mountains. There entereth into it above thirty thousand Rivers and Lakes, of the which twelve are as great as Ebro, and Duero, and Guadalquevir Great Rivers in Spain. 25000. Rivers' rich in Gold. Cibao. And all the Rivers which issue out of a Mountain which is towards the West, in number about five and twenty thousand, are very rich of Gold. In the which Mountain or Mountains, is contained the Province of Cibao, from whence the Mines of Cibao take their names, and from whence cometh the same exquisite Gold and fine of four and twenty Karrets, which is so renowned in these parts. The King & Lord of this Realm was called Guarionex, which had under him his Vassals & Liege's so great and mighty, that every one of them was able to set forth threescore thousand men of arms for the service of the King Guarionex. Of the which Lords I have known some certain. This Guarionex was very obedient and virtuous, naturally desirous of peace, and well affectioned to the devotion of the Kings of Castille, and his people gave by his commandment, every housekeeper a certain kind of Drumfull of Gold: but afterwards being not able to fill the D●um, cut it off by the midst, and gave the half thereof full. For the Indians of that I'll had little or none industry or practice to gather or draw Gold out of the Mines. The Cacique presented unto the King of Castille his service, in causing to be manured all the lands from the Isabel, where the Spanish first sited, unto the Town of Saint Domingo, which are fifty leagues large, on condition that he should exact of them no Gold: for he said (and he said the truth) that his Subjects had not the skill to draw it out. As for the manuring which he said he would procure to be done: I know that he could have done it very easily, and with great readiness, and that it would have been worth unto the King every year more than three Millions of Castillans, besides that it would have caused, that at this hour there had been above fifty Cities greater than Seville. The payment that they made to this good King and Lord, so gracious and so redoubted, was to dishonour him in the person of his wife, an evil Christian, a Captain ravishing her. This King could have attended the time and opportunity to avenge himself in levying some army: but the advised to withdraw himself rather, and only to hide him out of the way, thus being banished from his Realm and state, into a Province of the Cignaios, where there was a great Lord his vassal. After that the Spaniards were ware of his absence, and he could no longer hide himself: they make war against the Lord which had given him entertainment, and make great slaughters through the Country as they go, till in the end they found and took him, thrusting him laden with chains and irons into a Ship, to carry him to Castille: which Ship was lost upon the The greatest piece of Gold which ever was found natural lost. Sea, and there were with him drowned many Spaniards, and a great quantity of Gold, amongst the which also was the great wedge of Gold, like unto a great loaf, weighing three thousand six hundreth Castillans. Thus it pleased God to wreak vengeance of matters so lewd and so enormous. The other Realm was called of Marien, where is at this day the Port at one of the bounds of the plain, towards the North: and it is far greater than the Realm of Portugal, and Marien. much fertiler, worthy to be inhabited, having great Mountains, and Mines of Gold, and Copper very rich. The King was called Guacanagari, which had under him many great Lords, of the which I have known and seen sundry. In this King's Country arrived first the old Admiral, when he discovered the Indies, whom at that time that he discovered the Isle, the said Guacanagari received so graciously, bountifully, and courteously with all the Spaniards who were with him, in giving him all entertainment and succour, for at the very instant was the Ship lost (which the Admiral was carried in) that he could not have been better made off in his own Country of his own Father. This did I understand of the Admiral's own mouth: This King died, in flying the slaughters and cruelties of the Spaniards through the Mountains, being destroyed and deprived of his estate. And all the other Lords his subjects died in the tyranny and servitude that shall be declared hereafter. The third Realm and dominion was Maguana, a Country also admirable, very healthful, and very fertile, where the best Sugar of the I'll at this day is made. Maguana. The King of this Country was named Caenabo, who surpassed all the others in strength and state, in gravity, and in the ceremonies of his service. The Spaniards took this King with great subtlety and malice, even as he was in his own house, doubting of nothing. They conveied him afterwards into a Ship to carry him to Castille; but as there attended them six other Ships in the port, all ready to hoist up sail: behold how God by his just judgement, would declare, that it, with other things, was an exceeding great iniquity and unjust, by sending the same night a tempest, which sunk and drenched that Navy with the Spaniards that were within. There died also with them the said Caonabo, charged with bolts and irons. The Prince had three or four brothers valiant men, and courageous like himself, who considering the imprisonment of their Lord & brother so against all equity, together with the wastes and slaughters which the Spaniards made in other Realms, and specially after that they had heard that the King their brother was dead, they put themselves in arms to encounter the Spaniards, and to avenge the wrong; who on the otherside meeting with them on horseback; so they rage in discomfitures and massacres, that the one moiety of this Realm hath been thereby desolate and displ●pled. The fourth Realm is the same which is named of Xaragua. This Realm was as it were the Xaragua. centre or middle point, or to speak of, as the Court of this Isle, the diamond over all the other Realms in language and polished speech, in policy and good manners, the best composed and ordered. For as much as there were many noble Lords and Gentlemen, the people also being the best made and most beautiful. The King had to name Behechio, which had a sister called Anacaona. These two, the brother and sister, had done great services to the Kings of Castille, and great good turns to the Spaniards, delivering them from sundry dangers of death. After the decease of Behechio, Anacaona remained sole Sovereign of the Realm. At a time came into this Realm the Governor of this I'll with threefcore Horses, and more than three hundreth footmen (the horsemen alone had been enough to spoil and overrun not this I'll alone, but all the firm land withal:) And to him came, being called, more than three hundred Lords under assurance, of whom the chiefest, he fraudulently caused to be conveyed into a house of thatch, and commanded to set to fire. Now on this wise were these Lords burned all alive: all the rest of the Lords, with other folk infinite, were smitten to death with their Spears and Swords. But the Sovereign Lady Anacaona, to do her honour, they hanged. It happened that certain Spaniards, either of pity or of covetousness, having taken and detained certain young striplings to make them their Pages; because they would not have them slain, and setting them behind them on their horse backs; another Spaniard came behind, which stabbed them through with a spear. If so be any child or boy tumbled down to the ground, another Spaniard came and cut off his legs. Some certain of these Indians which could escape this cruelty so unnatural, passed over unto a little I'll near unto the other, within an eight leagues. The Governor condemned all those which had passed the water, to become slaves; because they had fled from their butchery. The fifth Realm was called Higney, over the which reigned an ancient Queen named Hignanama, Higney. whom the Spaniards hanged up. The people were infinite whom I saw burnt alive, and rend in pieces, and tormented diversely and strangely, and whom I saw made slaves, even so many as they took alive. And now for as much as there are so many particularities in these Massacres and destruction of those peoples, that they cannot conveniently be comprised in writing (yea I do verily believe, that of a number of things to be spoken of, there cannot be deciphered of a thousand parts one:) I will only in that which concerneth the wars above mentioned, conclude, aver, and justify in conscience, and as before God, that of all others, which I ouerpasse to speak of, or shall be able to speak of, the Indians never gave no more occasion or cause, than might a convent of good religious persons well ordered, why they should be robbed and slain, and why those that escaped the death, should be retained in a perpetual captivity and bondage. I affirm yet moreover, for aught that I can believe or conjecture, that, during all the time that all this huge number of these Islanders have been murdered and made away utterly, they never committed against the Spaniards any one mortal offence, punishable by the law of man. And concerning offences, of the which the punishment is reserved unto God, as are desire of revengement, hatred and rancour, which these people might bear against enemies so capital as were the Spaniards, that very few persons have been attached with the blemish, and less violent and forcible did I find them, by the good experience I had of them, than children of ten or twelve years of age. And I know for certain and infallible, that the Indians had evermore most just cause of war against the Spaniards; but the Spaniards never had any just cause of war against the Indians, but they were all diabolical and most unrighteous more than can be spoken of any tyrant that is on the whole earth. And I affirm the self same for all their other acts and gests by them done throughout all the Indies. The wars achieved, and all the men done to death thereby, reserved commonly the young folk, women, and children (the which they departed among them, in giving to one thirty, to another forty, and to another an hundreth, or two hundreth, according as every one had the favour of the head tyrant, whom they called the Governor) they gave them to the Spaniards upon that condition and colour, that they would teach them the Catholic faith, they themselves who took upon them this charge of souls, commonly all idiots, or utterly ignorant persons, barbarous men, extremely covetous and vicious. Now the cark and care that these had of them, was to send the men unto the Mines, to make them drain them out Gold, which is an intolerable travel; and the women they bestowed into the Country to their Farms, to manure and till the ground, which is a sore travel, even for the very men, the ablest and mightiest. They gave to eat neither to one nor other, nought save grasses and such like things of no substance; in such sort as the milk of the breasts of the wife's new delivered of their childbirth dried up; and thus dried up in a small season, all the little creatures their young children. Further, by reason of the separation and not cohabiting of the men with their wives, the generation ceased between them. The men died with toil and famine Gens sine generatione perit. in the Minerals: these the women died of the same in the fields. By these means were consumed and brought to their ends so huge a number of the folk of this Island. By the like might be abolished and exterpate all the inhabitants of the world. As touching loding, they laid upon them fourscore or an hundreth pounds weight, which they should carry an hundreth or two hundreth leagues: The Spanish also causing themselves to be carried in Lyters upon men's arms, or beds made by the Indians, in fashion of Nets. For they served their turns with them to transport their carriages and baggage as beasts, whereby they had upon their backs and shoulders, whailes and galls as poor galled beasts. Also as touching whip, bastonading, buffeting, blows with the fist, cursing, and a thousand other kinds of torments, which they practised upon them during the time that they travailed, of a truth, they cannot be recounted in a long season, nor written in a great deal of paper, and they should be even to affright men withal. It is to be noted, that the destruction of these Isles and lands, began after the decease of the most gracious Queen, dame Isabel, which was the year one thousand five hundred and four. For before there were laid waist in this I'll, but certain Provinces by unjust war, and that not wholly altogether, & these for the more part, or in a manner all were concealed from the knowledge of the Queen (unto who it may please God to give his holy glory) forasmuch as she had a great desire, and a zeal admirable, that those people might be saved and prosper, as we do know good examples, the which we have seen with our eyes, and felt with our hands. Further note here, that in what part of the Indies the Spanish have come, they have evermore exercised against the Indians, these innocent peoples, the cruelties aforesaid, and oppressions abominable, and invented day by day new torments, huger and monstrouser, becoming every day more cruel, wherefore God also gave them over to fall headlong down with a more extreme downfall into a reprobate sense. Of the two Isle's Saint john, and jamaica. THe Spanish passed over the I'll of Saint john, and to the end of jamaica which were like Gardens for Bees) 1509. setting before them the same end which they had in the I'll Hispaniola, and committing the robberies and crimes aforesaid, adjoining thereunto many great and notable cruelties, killing, burning, roasting and casting them to the Dogs: furthermore, afterwards oppressing, and vexing them in their Minerals and other travel, unto the rooting out of those poor innocents 600000. or a Million in S. john and jamaica. which were in these two Isles, by supputation six hundred thousand souls; yea I believe that they were more than a Million, although there be not at this day in either I'll two hundred persons, and all perished without faith and without Sacraments. Of the I'll of Cuba. IN the year 1511. they passed to the I'll of Cuba (where were great Provinces, and great multitudes of people) they both began and concluded with them after the fashion afore spoken, yea worse and far more cruelly. There came to pass in this Island matters worth the noting: A Cacique, named Hathuey, which had conveied himself from the I'll Hispaniola to Cuba, with many of his people, to avoid the calamities & practices so unnatural of the Spanish: when as certain Indians had told him tidings that the Spaniards were coming towards Cuba, he assembled his men, and bespoke them: Now you know that the Spaniards are coming on this side, and ye know Dances made to Gold. also by experience, how they have entreated such, and such, and the people of Hayti (meaning thereby Hispaniola) hither they come to do the like here. Wot ye why they do it? they answered, no, unless it be that they are by nature void of humanity. He replied: They do it not only for that; but because they have a God whom they honour, and do demand very much, and to the end to have from us as well as others to honour him withal, they do their uttermost to subdue us. He had then by him a little Chest full of Gold and jewels, and said, Behold here the God of the Spaniards, let us do to him, if it so seem you good, Aretoes (which are windlesses and dances) thus doing, we shall please him, and he will command the Spaniards that they shall do us no harm: They answered all with a loud voice: Well said Sir, well said. Thus than they danced before it, until they were weary, than quoth the Lord Hathney, Take we heed how ever the world go, if we keep him, to the end that he be taken away from us, in the end they will kill us; wherefore let us cast him into the River: whereunto they all agreed, and so they cast it into a great River there. This Lord and Cacique went always flying the Spanish, incontinent as they were arrived at the I'll of Cuba, as he which knew them but too well, and defended himself when he met them. In the end he was taken, and only for because that he fled from a Nati 〈…〉 so unjust and cruel, Hathuey burned. and that he defended himself from such as would kill him, and oppress him even unto the death, with all his folk, he was burned alive. Now as he was fastened to the stake, a religious man of Saint Francis order, a deuou● person, spoke to him somewhat of God and of our Faith, which things this said Lord had never heard of, yet might be sufficient for the time which the butchers gave him, that if he would believe those things which were spoken to him, he should go to heaven, where is glory and rest everlasting, that if he did not believe, he should go to hell, there to be tormented perpetually. The Lord after having a little paused to think of the matter, demanded of the Religious man, whether that the Spaniards went to heaven; who answered, His choice to go to hell, and why. yea; such of them that were good. The Cacique answered again immediately without any further deliberation, that he would not go to heaven, but that he would go to hell, to the end, not to come in the place where such people should be, and to the end not to see a Nation so cruel. Lo here the praises and honour which God and our faith have received of the Spaniards, which have gone to the Indies. One time the Indians came to meet us, and to receive us with victuals, and delicate cheer, and with all entertainment ten leagues of a great City, and being come at the place, they presented us with a great quantity of fish, and of bread, and other meat, together with all that they could do for us to the uttermost. See incontinent the Devil, which put himself into the Spaniards, to put them all to the edge of the sword in my presence, without any cause whatsoever, more than three thousand souls, which were set before us, men, women, and children. I saw there so great cruelties, that never any man living either have or shall see the like. 3000. slain. Another time, but a few days after the premises. I sent messengers unto all the Lords of the Province of Hanana, assuring them, that they should not need to fear (for they had heard of my credit) and that without withdrawing themselves, they should come to receive us, and that there should be done unto them no displeasure: for all the Country was afraid, by reason of the mischiefs and murderings passed, and this did I by the advice of the Captain himself. After that we were come into the Province, one and twenty Lords and Caciques came to receive us, whom the Captain apprehended incontinently, breaking the safe conduct which I had made them, and intending the day next following to burn them alive, saying that it was expedient so to do, for that otherwise those Lords one day, would do us a shrewd turn. I found myself in a great deal of trouble to save them from the fire; howbeit in the end they escaped. After that the Indians of this Island were thus brought into bondage and calamity, like unto those of the I'll of Hispaniola, and that they saw that they died and perished all without remedy: some of them began to fly into the Mountains, others quite desperate hanged themselves, and there hung together husbands with their wives, hanging with them their little children. Out of the frying-pan into the fire. And through the cruelty of one only Spaniard, which was a great tyrant, and one whom I know, there hung themselves more than two hundred Indians: and in this fashion died an infinite of people. There was in this I'll an officer of the Kings, to whom they gave for his share three hundred Indians, of whom at the end of three months there died by him in the travel of the Mines, two hundred and sixty: in such sort, that there remained now but thirty, which was the tenth part. Afterwards they gave him as many more, and more, and those also he made havoc of in like manner, and still as many as they gave him, so many he slew, until he died himself, and that the Devil carried him away. In three or four months (my self being present) there died more than six thousand children, 6000. Infants lost. by reason that they had plucked away from them their fathers and mothers, which they sent into the Mines. I beheld also other things frightful. Shortly after they resolved to climb after those which were in the Mountains, where they wrought also ghastly slaughters, and thus laid waste all this Isle; which we beheld not long after, and it is great pity to see it so dispeopled and desolate as it is. Of Terra Firma, or the firm land. IN the year 1514. there landed in the Main a mischievous Governor. He not only wasted or dispeopled the Sea Coast, but sacked also great Realms and Countries, making havocks by slaying and murdering of peoples, infinite to be numbered, and sending them to Hell. He overrun and harried most of the places in the Land, from Darien upward, unto the Realm and Provinces of Nicaragua within being, which are more than five hundred leagues of the best, and most fertile ground in the whole World, where there were a good number of great Lords, with a number of Towns, Boroughes, and Villages, and store of gold in more abundance than was to be found on the earth until that present. This Governor with his men, found out new sorts of cruelties and torments, to cause them to discover and give him gold. There was a Captain of his, which slew in one walk and course which was made by his commandment, to rob and root out more than forty thousand souls, putting them to the edge of the Sword, burning them, and giving them to the Dogs, and tormenting them diversely: which also a Religious man of the Order of Saint Francis, who went with him, beheld with his eyes, and had to name friar Francis of Saint Roman. The most pernicious blindness, which hath always possessed those who have governed the Indians, in stead of the care which they should have for the conversion and salvation came to that pass, as to command orders to be set down unto the Indians to receive the faith, and render themselves unto the obedience of the King of Castille, or otherwise to bid them battle with fire and Sword, and to slay them or make them slaves: he commanded (or peradventure the thieves, whom he dispatched to do the execution, did it of their heads) when they were purposed to go a roving and robbing of any place, where they knew that there was any gold, the Indians being in their Towns and dwelling houses, without mistrusting any thing, the wicked Spaniards would go after the guise of thieves, unto within half a league near some Town, Borough, or Village, and there by themselves alone, and by night make a reading, publication, or Proclamation of the said Ordinances, saying thus, Oyes, Caciques and Indians of this firm Land of such God and King abused. a place: Be it known unto you, that there is one God, one Pope, one King of Castille, which is Lord of these Lands: make your appearance, all delay set aside, hereto do him homage, etc. Which if you shall not accomplish: Be it known unto you, that we will make war upon you, and we will kill you, and make you slaves. Hereupon at the fourth watch in the morning, the poor Innocents, sleeping yet with their wives and children: these Tyrants set upon the place, casting fire on the houses which commonly were thatched, and so burn up all quick men, women and children, more suddenly than that they could of a great many be perceived. They massacred at the instant those that seemed them good, and those whom they took prisoners, they caused them cruelly to die upon the Rack, to make them to tell in what places there were any more Gold than they found with them: and others which remained alive, they made them slaves, marking them with a hot Iron, so after the fire being out and quenched, they go seek the gold in their houses. This is then the deportment in these affairs of this person, with all the bond of his ungodly Christians, which he trained from the fourteenth year, unto the one and twenty, or two and twentieth year, sending in these Exploits six or more of his Servants or Soldiers, by whom he received as many shares, over and besides his Captain's General's part, which he levied of all the Gold, of all the Pearls, and of all the jewels which they took of those whom they made their slaves. The selfsame did the King's Officers, every one sending forth as many servants as he could. The Bishop also, which was the chief in the Realm, he sent his servants to have his share in the booty: They spoilt more gold within the time, and in this Realm, as far forth as I am able to reckon, than would amount to a Million of Ducats, yea, I believe, that I make my reckoning with the least. Yet will it be found, that of all this great thieving, they never sent to the King ought save three thousand Castillans, having thereabout killed and destroyed above eight hundred thousand souls. The other Tyrant Governors which succeeded after, unto the year 800000. Indians slain. thirty and three, slew or at least wise consented, for all those which remained to slay them in that tyrannical slavery. Amongst an infinite sort of mischiefs, which this Governor did, nor consented unto the doing during the time of his government, this was one: To wit, that a Cacike or Lord giving him, either of his good will, or which is rather to be thought for fear, the weight of nine thousand Ducats: the Spaniards not content withal, took the said Lord, and tied him to a stake, setting him on the earth, his feet stretched up, against the which they set fire to cause him to give them some more gold. The Lord sent to his house, whence there were brought, yet moreover three thousand Castillans. They go afresh to give him new torments. And when the Lord gave them no more, either because he had it not, or because he would give them no more, they bent his feet against the fire, until that the very marrow sprang out, and trilled down the soles of his feet: so as he therewith died. They have oftentimes exercised these kind of torments towards the Lords, to make them give them gold, wherewith they have also slain them. Another time, a certain company of Spaniards, using their thefts and robberies, came to a Mountain, where were assembled and hid a number of people, having shunned those men so pernicious and horrible: whom incontinent entering upon, they took about three or fourscore, as well women as maids, having killed as many as they could kill. The morrow after, there assembled a great company of Indians, to pursue the Spaniards, warring against them for the great desire they had to recover their wives and daughters. The Spaniards perceiving the Indians to approach so near upon them, would not so forgo their prey, but stabbed their Swords thorough the bellies of the wives and wenches, leaving but one alone alive of all the fourscore. The Indians felt their hearts to burst for sorrow and grief which they suffered, yelling out in cries and speaking such words: O wicked men, O ye the cruel Spaniards: do ye kill Las Iras: They term Iras in that Country the women: as if they would say, to kill women, those be acts of abominable men, and cruel as beasts. There was about ten or fifteen leagues from joanama, a great Lord named Paris, which was very rich of gold: The Spaniards went thither, whom this Lord received as if they had been his own brethren, and made a Present unto the Captain of fifty thousand Castillans of his own voluntary accord. It seemed unto the Captain and the other Spaniards, that he which gave such a great sum of his own will, should have a great treasure, which should be the end and easing of their travels. They pretend in words to depart: but they return at the fourth watch of the morning, setting upon the Town which mistrusted nothing set it on fire, whereby was burnt and slain a great number of people, and by this means they brought away in the spoil fifty, or threescore thousand Castillansmoe. The Cacike or Lord escaped without being slain or taken, and levied incontinent as many of his as he could. And at the end of three or four days overtaketh the Spaniards which had taken from him an hundred and thirty, or forty thousand Castillans, and set upon them valiantly, killing fifty Spaniards, and recovering all the gold which they had taken from him. The others saved themselves by running away, being well charged with blows and wounded. Not long after, diverse of the Spanish return against the said Cacike, and discomfit him with an infinite number of his people. Those which were not slain, they put them to the ordinary bondage: in such sort, as that there is not at this day, neither track nor token, that there hath been living there either people, or so much as one man alone borne of woman within thirty leagues of the Land, which was before notably peopled and governed by diverse Lords. There is no reckoning able to be made of the murders which this Caitiff with his company committed in these Realms which he so dispeopled. Of the Province of Nicaragua. THe year 1522. or twenty three, this Tyrant went farther into the Land: to bring under his yoke the most fertile Province of Nicaragua, and so in thither he entered in an evil hour. There is no man which is able worthily and sufficiently to speak of the fertility, healthsomenesse, prosperity, and frequency, of those Nations that there were. He sent fifty Horsemen, and caused to slay all the people of this Province, (which is greater than the County of Rossillon) with the Sword: in such sort, as that he left alive, nor man, nor woman, nor old, nor young, for the least cause in the World: as if they came not incontinent at his command: or if they did not bring him so many load of Maiz, which signifieth in that Country bread Corn: or if they did not bring him so many Indians to serve him and others of his company: for the Country lay level, as was said, and no creature could escape his horses and devilish rage. He sent Spaniards to make out roads, that is to say, to go a thieving into other Provinces: and gave leave to those Rovers, to carry with them as many Indians of this peaceable people as they listed, and that they should serve them, whom they put to the chain, to the end they should not give over the burdens of three or fourscore pounds' weight, wherewith they loaded them, whereof it came to pass oftentimes that of four thousand Indians, there returned not home to their houses six alive: but even fell down stark dead in the high way: and when any were so weary that they could march no farther for the weight of their burdens, or that some of them fell sick, or fainted for hunger or thirst, because it should not need to stand so long as to unlock the chain, and to make the speedier dispatch, he cut off the head from the shoulders, and so the head tumbled down one way, and the body another. Now consider with yourselves, what the other poor souls might think the while. He was the cause that the Indians sowed not their grounds one whole years continuance. So as now, when they wanted bread, the Spaniards took away from the Indians their Maiz, which they had in store for provision, to nourish them and their children: whereby there died of famine more than twenty or thirty thousand souls. And it came to pass, that a woman fall'n mad with Cause and extremity of famine. the famine slew her Son to eat him. They have discomfited and oppressed in this Province a great number of people, and hastened their death in causing them to bear boards and timber unto the Haven thirty leagues distance, to make ships with: and sent them to go seek Honey and Wax amidst the Mountains, where the Tigers devoured them: Yea they have laden women with child, and women new delivered or lying in, with burdens enough for beasts. The greatest plague which hath most dispeopled this Province, hath been the licence which the Governor gave to the Spaniards, to demand or exact of the Cacicks and Lords of the country slaves. They did give them every four or five months, or as oftentimes as every one could obtain licence of the Governor fifty slaves: with threatenings, that if they gave them not, Tribute slaves. they would burn them alive, or cause them to be eaten with Dogs. Now ordinarily the Indians do not keep slaves, and it is much if one Cacike do keep two, three or four: Wherefore to serve this turn, they went to their subjects, and took first all the Orphelins, and afterwards they exacted of him that had two children one, and of him that had three, two: and in this manner was the Cacicke fain to furnish still to the number that the Tyrant imposed, with the great weeping and crying of the people: for they are people that do love (as it seemeth) tenderly their children. And for because that this was done continually, they dispeopled from the year 23. unto the year 33. all this Realm. For there went for six or seven years' space, five or six ships at a time, carrying forth great numbers of those Indians, for to sell them for slaves at joanama and Peru: where they all died not long after. For it is a thing proved and experimented a thousand times, that when the Indians are transported from their natural Country, they soon end their lives: besides that these give them not their sustenance, neither yet diminish they of their toil, as neither do they buy them, for aught else but to toil. They have by this manner of doing drawn out of this Province of the Indies, whom they have made slaves, being as free borne as I am, more than five hundred thousand souls. And by the Devilish wars 500000. Indians transported. 50000. slain. which the Spanish have made on them, and the hideous thraldom that they have laid upon them, they have brought to their deaths, other fifty or threescore thousand persons, and do yet daily make havoc of them at this present. All these slaughters have been accomplished within the space of fourteen years. There may be left at this day in all this Provinces of Nicaragua, the number of about four or five thousand persons, which they also cause to die as yet every day, through bondages and oppressious ordinarily and personal, having been the Country the most peopled in the World, as I have already said. Of New Spain. IN the year 1517. was New Spain discovered: at the Discovery whereof were committed great disorders and slaughters of the Indians, by those which had the doing of that Exploit. The year 1518. there went Spanish Christians (as they term themselves) to rob and slay, notwithstanding In the former discourse of Herera, you may find the names of all these first planters, or as this Author reckoneth, supplanters; which did rather depopulate then people whole Provinces. I could have added their names, but was loath to do more than the Author had donethen, whiles m●ny of them lived: yea his most passionate and bitter invectives I have taken out, only minding the Story, therein also mollifying many things. Four Millions slain. Of New Spain● in particul 〈…〉. that they said they went to people the Country. Sithence that year, 1518. unto this present year 1542. the unjust dealings, the violency, and the Tyrannies which the Spaniards have wrought against the Indians, are mounted to the highest degree of extremity: those selfsame Spaniards, having thoroughly lost the fear of God, and of the King, and forgotten themselves. For the discomfitures, cruelties, slaughters, spoils, the destructions of Cities, pillages, violences, and Tyrannies which they have made in so many Realms, and so great have been such and so horrible, that all the things which we have spoken of, are nothing in comparison of those which have been done and executed from the year 1518. unto the year 1542. and as yet at this time, this month current of September, are in doing and committing the most grievousest, and the most abominablest of all: in such sort that the rule which we set down before is verified: That is, That from the beginning they have always proceeded from evil to worse, and have gone beyond themselves in the most greatest disorders and devilish doings. In such wise, as that since the first entering into New Spain, which was on the eight day of April, in the eighteenth year unto the thirtieth year, which make twelve years complete: the slaughters and the destructions have never ceased, which the bloody and cruel hands of the Spaniards have continually executed in four hundred and fifty leagues of Land or thereabout in compass, round about Mexico, and the Neighbour Regions round about, such as the which might contain four or five great Realms, as great and a great deal far fertiler than is Spain. All this Country was more peopled with Inhabitants, than Toledo, and Seville, and Vallodolid, and Savagoce, with Barcelona. For that there hath not been commonly in those Cities, nor never were such a world of people, when they have been peopled with the most, as there was then in the said Country, which containeth in the whole compass more than 1800. leagues: during the time of the above mentioned twelve years, the Spaniards have slain and done to death in the said 450. leagues of Land what men, what women, what young and little children, more than four Millions of souls, with the dint of the Sword and Spear, and by fire, during (I say) the Conquests (as they call them.) Neither yet do I here comprise those, whom they have slain, and do slay as yet every day, in the aforesaid slavery and oppression ordinary. Amongst other Murders and Massacres they committed this one which I am now to speak of, in a great City more than of a thirty thousand households, which is called Cholula: that is, that coming before them the Lords of the Country and places near adjoining, and first and foremost the Priests with their chief high Priest in procession, to receive the Spaniards with great solemnity and reverence, so conducting them in the midst of them, towards their Lodgings in the City, in the houses and place of the Lord, or other principal Lords of the City: the Spaniards advised with themselves to make a massacre, or a chastise (as they speak) to the end, to raise and plant a dread of their cruelties in every corner of all that Country. Now this hath been always their customary manner of doing, in every the Regions which they have entered into, to execute incontinent upon their first arrival, some notable cruel butchery, to the end, that those poor and innocent Lambs should tremble for fear which they should have of them: in this wise they sent first to summon all the Lords and Noblemen of the City, and of all the places subject unto the same City: who so soon as they came to speak with the Captain of the Spaniards, were incontinent apprehended before that any body might perceive the matter, to be able thereupon to bear tidings thereof unto others. Then were demanded of them five or six thousand Indians, to carry the lodings and carriages of the Spaniards: which Indians came forthwith, and were bestowed into the base Courts of the Houses. It was a pitiful case to see these poor folk, what time they made them ready to bear the carriages of the Spaniard. They come all naked, only their secret parts covered, having every one upon their shoulder a Net with a small deal of victual: they bow themselves every one, and hold their backs cowred down like a sort of ●llie Lambs, presenting themselves to the Swords: and thus being all assembled in the base Court, together with others, one part of the Spanish all armed, bestow themselves at the gates to hem them in, whiles the rest put these poor Sheep to the edge of the Sword and the Spears, in such sort, that there could not escape away one only person, but that he was cruelly put to death; saving that after a two or three days you might have seen come forth sundry all covered with blood which had hid and saved themselves under the dead bodies of their fellows, and now presenting themselves before the Spaniards, ask them mercy and the saving of their lives: they found in them no pity nor compassion any whit at all, but were all hewed in pieces. All the Lords which were above and underneath, were all bound, the Captain commanding them to be brent quick being bound unto stakes pitched into the ground. Howbeit one Lord, which might be peradventure the principal and King of the Country saved himself, and cast himself with thirty or forty other men into a Temple thereby, which was as good unto them as a Fort, which they call in their Language, Qewe: and there he defended himself a good part of the day. But the Spaniards, whose hands nothing can escape specially armed for the war, cast fire on the Temple, and burned all those which were within. From Cholula they went to Mexico. The King Motensuma sent to meet them a thousand of The Mexican cruelties are before related, and therefore here omitted. presents, and Lords, and people, making joy and mirth by the way. After great and abominable tyrannies committed in the City of Mexico, and in other Cities, and the Country, ten, fifteen, and twenty leagues compass of Mexico: this tyranny and pestilence advanced itself forward, to waste also, infect, and lay desolate the Province of Panuco. It was a thing to be wondered at of the world, of people that there were, and the spoils and slaughters there done. Afterward they wasted also after the self manner, all the Province of Tuttepeke, and the Province of Ipelingo, and the Province of Columa: each Province containing more ground than the Realm of Leon and Castille. This Captain tyrant, with this gorgeous and pretended title, dispatched two other Captains, as very tyrants and far more cruel, and less pitiful than himself, into great Realms most flourishing, and most fertile, and full of people, to wit, the Realm of Guatimala, which lieth to the Seaward on the South side, and the same of Naco, and Honduras, otherwise called Guaymura, which coasteth on the Sea on the North side, confronting and confining the one with the other, three hundred leagues distance from Mexico. He sent the one by Land, and the other by Sea: both the one and the other carried with them a many of troops to serve on horseback and a foot. He which went by Sea, committed exceeding pillings, cruelties, and disorders amongst the people on the Sea-coast. The Provinces and Realms of Naco and Honduras, which resembled a Paradise of pleasures: and were more peopled, frequented, and inhabited, than any Country in the world: now of late, we coming along thereby, have seen them so dispeopled and destroyed, that who so should see them, his heart would cleave for sorrow, ware he never so flinty. They have slain within these eleven years, more than two millions of souls, having not left in more than an Two millions slain. hundred leagues of the Country square, but two thousand persons, whom they slay as yet daily in the said ordinary bondage. The great tyrant and Captain, which went to Guatimala (as hath been said, exceeded all) from the Provinces near to Mexico, (according as himself wrote in a Letter to the principal Tyrant which had sent him) distant from the Realm of Guatimala four hundred leagues (keeping the way by him traced) as he went, slew, robbed, burned and destroyed all the Country, wheresoever he became, under the shadow of title above mentioned, saying: that they should submit themselves unto them, in the name of the King of Spain, who was unto them unknown, and of whom they had never heard speak: and which those Nations there esteemed Pretence of rebellion against that Prince to which ●hey never had been subject. more unjust and more cruel than they his men were. And the Tyrants giving them no respite of time to deliberate, they fling upon the poor folk, in a manner as soon as the message was done, putting all to fire and blood. Of the Province and Realm of Guatimala. NO sooner arrived he into this said Realm: but that he began with great slaughter of the Inhabitants. This notwithstanding the chief Lord came to receive him, being carried in a Lighter, with Trumpets and Tabours, rejoicings, and disports, accompanied with a great number of the Lords of the City of Ultlatan, head City of the whole Realm, doing them also service with all they had, but specially in giving them food abundantly, and whatsoever they demanded besides. The Spanish lodged this night without the City, forasmuch as the same seemed unto them strong, and there might be thereby danger. This Captain called to him the next morrow the chief Lord, with other great Lords, who being come as meek sheep, he apprehended them all, and commanded them to give him certain sums of gold. They answering that they had none, forasmuch as the Country yielded none: he commandeth incontinent to burn them alive, without having committed any crime whatsoever, and without any other form of Process or sentence. As the Lords of all these Provinces perceived, that they had burned their sovereign Lords, only because they gave them no Gold, they fled all to the Mountains, commanding their Subjects to go to the Spaniards, and to serve them as their Lords, but that they should not discover them, nor give them intelligence where they were. With this, lo all the people of the Country, presenting them, and protesting to be theirs, and to serve them as their Lords: The Captain made answer that he would not accept of them, but that he would kill them if they told not where were their Lords. The Indians answered, they could not tell aught: but as touching themselves they were content, that they should employ them to their service, with their wives and children: and that they should use their houses, and that there they might kill, or do whatsoever them pleased. It is a wonderful thing, that the Spaniards went to their Villages and Burrowes, and finding there these silly people at their work, with their wives and children, neither misdoubting any thing, they pierced them with their Boar-spears, and hackled them to pieces. They came to one Burrow great and mighty, which held itself more assured than any other, because of their innocency: whom the Spanish laid desolate in a manner all whole, in the space of two hours, putting to the edge of the sword, children, with women, and aged persons, and all those which could not escape by fleeing. The Indians advised between them to dig certain ditches in the midst of the ways, to make their Horses tumble into, and piercing their bellies with Pikes sharpened and brent at one end, there bestowed of purpose, and covered over so orderly with green turf, that it seemed there was no such matter. There fell in Horses once or twice: for the Spaniards afterwards could beware of them. But now to avenge them, they made a Law, that as many Indians as might be taken alive, should be slung into the same pits. Hereupon they cast in women with child, and women new delivered of childbirth, and old folk as many as they could come by, until that the ditches were filled up. It was a lamentable thing to behold the women with their children stabbed with these picks. All besides, they slew with thrust of Spears, and edge of Sword. They cast of them also to flesh fraunching Dogs, which tore them and devoured them. They brent a Lord at a great fire of quick flames: saying, they would herein do him honour. And they persisted in these butcheries so unnatural, about seven years, from the year 24. until the year 31. The Indians which escaped, with all other of the Country seeing all the mischiefs of the Spanish, began to assemble, and put themselves in Arms: whereupon the Spaniards work great discomfitures and slaughters, returning to Guatimala, where they builded a City, the which Guatimala destroyed wi●h Earthquakes. God of a just judgement hath reversed with three overwhelmings falling all three together: the one was with water, the other with earth, and the third with stones, of the bigness of ten or twenty Oxen. By such like means all the Lords, and the men that were able to bear Arms being slain: those which remained, were reduced into the Diabolical servitude aforesaid, being made tributary slaves or villains regardant, but giving for their tribute sons and daughters, for they will have none other kind of bondmen. And so the Spaniards sending whole ships laden with them to Peru, to sell them, with their other slaughters, have destroyed and laid desert an whole Realm, of an hundred leagues square, or above, a Country the most blessefull, and peopled the most that might be in the world. For the Tyrant himself wrote hereof, that it was more peopled than Mexico: and herein he said the truth. He hath done to death, with Four or five millions slain his consorts and confreres, more than four or five millions of souls in fifteen or sixteen years' space, from the year 24. unto the year 40. and yet at this hour they slay and destroy those that remain. This Tyrant had a custom, when as he went to make war upon any City or Province: to carry thither of the Indians already under-yoaked, as many as he could, to make war upon the other Indians: and as he gave unto a ten or twenty thousand men which he led along no sustenance, he allowed them to eat the Indians which they took: And so by this means he had in his Camp an ordinary shambles of man's flesh, where in his presence they killed and roasted Shambles of man's flesh. children. They killed men only to have off from them their hands and their feet, which parts they held to be the daintiest morsels. He was the death of an infinite sort of the Indians in making of ships, the which he transported after this rate great store of Artillery, which he loaded upon the shoulders of these poor folk going naked: whereby I have seeve very many fall down in the high way, by reason of their great burdens. He undid whole households, by taking from the men their wives and daughters: the which afterwards he dispersed in gifts to his Mariners and Soldiers to please them withal, who led them along with them in their Navies. He stuffed all the ships with Indians, where they died for thirst and hunger. He made two Navies, either of a great number of ships, with the which he consumed as with fire and lightning flashing from Heaven all those peoples. Of new Spain, and Panuco, and Xalisco. AFter the exceeding cruelties and slaughters aforesaid, and the others which I have omitted, which have been executed in the Provinces of New Spain and Panuco: there came to Panuco another Tyrant, cruel and unbridled, in the year 1●25. Who in committing very many cruelties, and in branding many for slaves, after the manner aforesaid, which were all free, and in sending very many ships laden to Cuba, and Hispaniola, where they might best make merchandise of them, he achieved the desolation of this Province. And it hath come to pass in his time, that there hath been given for one Mare, eight hundred 800. Indians given for a Mare. Indians souls partakers of reason. And this man from this room was promoted to be Precedent of Mexico, and of all the Province of New Spain, and there were promoted with him other Tyrants, to the offices of Auditorships: in the which dignities they set forward also this Country into so extreme a desolation, that if God had not kept them by means of the resistance of the religious men of Saint Francis Order, and if that there had not been provided with all speed a Court of Audience, and the King's Counsel in those parts friend to all virtue, they had laid waste all New Spain, as they have done the I'll of Nispaniola, There was a man, amongst those of the company of this Captain, who to the end to enclose a Garden of his, with a wall: kept in his works eight thousand Indians, without paying them aught, nor giving them to eat, in manner ●hat they died, falling down suddenly, and he never took the more thought for the matter. After that the chief Captain which I spoke of, had finished the laying waste of Panuco, and that he understood the news of the coming of the King's Court of Audience: he advised with himself to proceed farther into the innermost parts of the Realm, to search where he might tyrannize at his ease, and drew by force out of the Province of Mexico, fifteen or twenty thousand men, to the end, that they should carry the loads and carriages of the Spaniards, which went with him, of whom there never returned again two hundred, the others being dead on the highways. He came at the Province of Mechuacham, which is distant from Mexico forty leagues, a Region as blissful and full of Inhabitants, as is that of Mexico. The King and Lord of the Country went to receive him with an infinite company of people, which did unto them a thousand services and courtesies. He apprehended him by and by, for that he had the bruit to be very rich of Gold and silver: and to the end, that he should give him great treasures, he began to give him the torments, and put him in a pair of stocks by the feet, his body stretched out, and his hands bound to a stake, he maketh a flashing fire against his feet, and there a boy with a basting sprinkle soaked in Oil in his hand, stood and basted them a little and a little, to the end to well roast the skin. There was in one side of him a cruel man, the which with a Crossbow bend, aimed right at his heart, on the other side another which held a Dog snarling, and leaping up as to run upon him, which in less than the time of a Credo, had been able to have torn him in pieces: and thus they tormented him, to the end he should discover the treasures which they desired, until such time as a religious man of Saint Francis Order took him away from them, notwithstanding that he died of the same torments. They tormented and slew of this fashion very many of the Lords and Cacikes in these Provinces: to the end that they should give them Gold and Silver At the same time a certain tyrant found, that certain Indians had hid their Idols, as those which had never been better instructed by the Spaniards of any better God, he apprehended and detained prisoners the Lords, until such time as that they would give them their Idols, supposing all this while they had been of Gold or of Silver: howbeit they were not so, wherefore he chastised them cruelly and unjustly. But to the end he would not remain frustrate of his intent, which was to spoil, he constrained the Cacikes to redeem their said Idols, and they redeemed them for such Gold and Silver as they could find, to the end, to worship them for Gods, as they had been wont to do aforetime. This great Captain passed farther from Mechuacham to the Province of Xalisco the which was all whole most full of people, and most happy. For it is one of the most fertilest and most Xalisco. admirable Country of the Indies, which had Burrowes containing in a manner seven leagues. As he entered this Country, the Lord with the Inhabitants, according as all the Indians are accustomed to do, went to receive him with presents and joyfulness. He began to commit his cruelties and mischievousness, which he had learned, and all the rest had been accustomed to practise, which is to heap up Gold, which is their God. He burned Towns, he took the Cacikes prisoners, and gave them torments. He made slaves all that he took. Whereof there died an infinite number tied in chains. The women new delivered of childbirth, going laden with the stuff of evil Christians, and being not able to bear their own children because of travel and hunger, were fain to cast them from them in the ways, whereof there died an infinite. An evil Christian taking by force a young Damsel to abuse her, the mother withstood him: and as she would have taken her away, the Spaniard drawing his Dagger or Rapier, cut off her hand, and slew the young girl with slashes of his weapon: because she would not consent to his appetite. Amongst many other things, he caused unjustly to be marked for slaves, four thousand and five hundred souls as free as they, men, women, and sucking babes, from of a year and a half old, unto three or four years old: which notwithstanding had gone before them in peace, to receive them with an infinite number of other things that have not been set down in writing. His Stewards slew very many of the Indians, hanging them and burning them alive, and casting some unto the Dogs, cutting off their feet, hands, head and tongue, they being in peace, only to bring them into a fear, to the end they should serve him It is said of him, that he hath destroyed and burned in this Realm of Xalisco, eight hundred 800. Towns destroyed. Burrowes, which was the cause that the Indians being fallen desperate, and seeing those which remained, how they perished thus cruelly: they lift up themselves, and went into the Mountains, slaying certain Spaniards: howbeit by good right. And afterwards because of the wickednesses and outrages of other tyrants now being, which passed by that way to destroy other Provinces (that which they call discovering) many of the Indians assembled, fortifying themselves upon certain Rocks. Upon the which Rocks the Spanish have made, and yet at this present, and afresh do make so many cruelties, that they almost made an end of laying desolate all this great Country, slaying an infinite number of people. Of the Realm of Yucatan. THe year one thousand five hundred twenty and six, was deputed over the Realm of Yucatan another caitiff Governor, and that through the lies and false reports which himself had made unto the King: in like manner as the other tyrants until this present, to the end there might be committed unto them offices and charges, by means whereof they might rob at their pleasures. This Realm of Yucatan was full of inhabitants; for that it was a Country in every respect wholesome, and abounding in plenty of victuals, and of fruits more than Mexico; and singularly exceeded for the abundance of Honey and Wax there to be found, more than in any quarter of the Indies, which hath been seen unto this present. It containeth about three hundred leagues compass. The people of that Country were the most notable of all the Indies, as well in consideration of their policy and prudency, as for the uprightness of their life, verily worthy the training of the knowledge of God: amongst whom there might have been builded great Cities by the Spanish, in which they might have lived as in an earthly Paradise, if so be they had not made themselves unworthy, because of their exceeding covetousness, hard heartedness, and heinous offences: as also unworthy they were of other more blessings a great many, which God had set open in these Indies. This tyrant began with three hundred men to make war upon these poor innocent people, which were in their houses without hurting any body: where he slew and ransacked infinite numbers. And for because the Country yieldeth no Gold, for if it had yielded any, he would have consumed those same Indians, in making them to toil in the Mines; to the end he might make Gold of the bodies and souls of those for whom jesus Christ suffered death, he generally made slaves of all those whom he slew not, and returned the Ships that were come thither, upon the blowing abroad and noise of the selling of slaves, full of people bartered for Wine, Oil, Vinegar, powdered Bacon's flesh, Garments, Horses, and that that every man had need of, according to the Captain's estimate and judgement. He would let choose amongst an hundred or fifty young Damosels, bartering some one of the fairest, and of the best complexion, for a Cask of Wine, Oil, Vinegar, or for Pork powdered. And in like manner he would let choose out a young handsome Stripling amongst two or three hundred for the foresaid Merchandise. And it hath been seen, that a youth seeming to be the Son of some Prince, hath been bartered for a Cheese, and an hundred persons for an Horse. He continued in these doings from the year twenty six, until the year thirty three. As these Spaniards, went with their mad Dogs a foraging by the track, and hunting out the Indian men and women: An Indian woman being sick, and seeing she could not escape their Dogs, that they should not rend her as they did others: she took a cord and hanged herself at a beam, having fastened at her foot a child she had of a were old, and she had no sooner done: behold these Curs, which come and dispatch this infant, howbeit that before it died, a Religious man a Friar baptised it. When the Spanish parted out of this Realm, one amongst others said, to a Son of a Lord of some City or Province, that he should go with him: the Boy answered, and said, he would not forsake his Country, The Spaniard replied: Go with me, or else I will cut off thine ears. The young Indian persisted in his first saying, that he would not forsake his Country. The Spaniard drawing out his Dagger, cut off first one, and then his other ear. The youngman abiding by it still that he would not leave his Country: he mangled off also his Nose, with the uppermost of his lips: making no more scrupulosity of the matter, then if he had given him but a philip. This damnable wretch magnified himself, and vaunted him of his doings villainously unto a reverend Religious person, saying: that he took as much pains as he could, to beget the Indian women in great numbers with child, to the end, he might receive the more money for them in selling them great with child for slaves. In this Realm, or in one of the Provinces of New Spain, a certain Spaniard went one day with his Dogs on hunting of Venison, or else Coneys, and not finding game, he minded his Dogs that they should be hungry, and took a little sweet Baby which he bereaved the mother of, and cutting off from him the arms and the legs, chopped them in small gobbets, giving to every Dog his Livery or part thereof, by and by after these morsels thus dispatched, he cast also the rest of the body or the carcase to all the kennel together. Being now departed the Realm all the Devilish Tyrants, blinded with the covetousness of the riches of Peru, that reverend Father, friar james, with four other Religious of Saint Francis, was moved in spirit to go into this Realm to pacify them, and for to preach to them, and to win unto jesus Christ those which might be remaining of the Butcheries and Tyrannous Murders, which the Spanish had been perpetrating seven continual years. And I believe that these same were those Religious persons, the which in the year thirty four, certain Indians of the Province of Mexico, sending before them Messengers in their behalf, requested them that they would come into their Country, to give them knowledge of that one only God, who is God, and very Lord of all the wo●ld: according in the end to admit them with condition, that they should enter themselves alone, and not the Spaniards with them, that which the Religious promised them. For it was permitted them, yea commanded them so to do, by the Viceroy of New Spain, and that there should be no kind of displeasure be done unto them by the Spaniards. The Religious men preached unto them the Gospel of Christ, as they are accustomed to do, and as had been the holy intention of the Kings of Castille, that should have been done. Howbeit, that the Spaniards in all the seven years' space past, had never given them any such notice of the truth of the Gospel, or so much as that there was any other King saving himself, that so tyrannised over them, and destroyed them. By these means of the Religious, after the end of forty days that they had preached unto them, the Lords of the Country brought unto them, and put into their hands their Idols, to the end that they should burn them. After also they brought unto them their young children, that they should catechise them, whom they love as the Apple of their eye. They made for them also Churches, and Temples, and houses. Moreover, some other Provinces sent, and invited them, to the end that they might come to them also, to preach, and give them the understanding of God, and of him whom they said to be the great King of Castille. And being persuaded and induced by the Religious, and did a thing which never yet before hath been done in the Indies. Twelve or fifteen Lords, which had very many subjects and great dominion, assembling every one for his own part his people, and taking their advice and consent, of their own voluntary motion, yielded themselves to the subjection, and to be under the domination of the Kings of Castille: admitting the Emperor as King of Spain, for their Liege Sovereign. Whereof also they made certain Instruments, by them consigned, which I keep in my charge, together with the Testimonies thereunto of the said Religious. The Indians being thus onward in the way of the faith, with the great joy, and good hope of the Religious Brethren, that they should be able to win unto jesus Christ all the people of the Realm that were the residue, being but a small number of the slaughters, and wicked wars passed: There entered at a certain Coast, eighteen Spaniards Tyrants on horseback, and twelve on foot, driving with them great loads of Idols, which they had taken in the other Provinces of the Indians. The Captain of those thirty Spaniards called unto him a Lord of the Country thereabouts as they were entered, and commandeth him to take those Idols, and to disperse them throughout all his Country, selling every Idol for an Indian man, or an Indian woman, to make slaves of them, with threatening them, that if he did not do it, he would bid them battle. That said Lord being forced by fear, distributed those Idols throughout all the Country, and commanded all his subjects, that they should take them to adore them, and that they should return in exchange of that aware Indies and Indisses tomake slaves of. The Indians being afraid, those which had two chldrens, gave him one, and he that had three gave him two. This was the end of this Sacrilegious Traffic: and thus was this Lord or Cacique, fain to content these Spaniards: I say not Christians. One of these abominable Chafferers, named john Garcia, being sick, and near his death, had under his bed to packs of Idols, and commanded his Indish Maid that served him, to look to it that she made not away his Idols, that there were for Murlimeus, for they were good stuff: and that making vent of them, she should not take less than a slave a piece for one of them with another: and in fine, with this his Testament and last Will thus devised, the Caitiff died. The Indians perceiving that, that which the Religious had promised them, was as good as nothing: namely, that the Spaniards should not enter those Provinces: and seeing the Spaniards which had laded thither Idols from other places, there to make vent of them, they having put all their Idols afore into the hands of the Friars, to the end they should be burned, and to the end the true God should be by them adored, all the Country was in a mutiny, and a rage against the Religious Friars, and the Indians coming unto them, say: Why have you lied unto us, in promising us by deceits that there should not enter any Spaniards into these Countries? And why have you burnt our gods, seeing the Spaniards do bring us other Gods from other Nations? Were not our Gods as good, as the Gods of other Provinces? The Friars pacified them in the best manner that they could, not knowing what to answer them: and went to seek out those thirty Spaniards, to whom they declared the evil which they had done, praying them to get them thence: which the Spaniards would not do, but said to the Indians, that those Religious men had caused them to come thither themselves of their own accord, which was rightly an extreme maliciousness. In the end the Indians deliberated to kill the Religious men: By occasion whereof, the Friars fled away in a night, having advertisement of the case by some of the Indians. Of the Province of Saint Martha. THe Province of Saint Martha, was a Country where the Spaniards gathered Gold in all plenty: the Land being with the Regions adjacent very rich, and the people industrious to draw out the Gold. Wherefore also infinite Tyrants have made thither continually with their ships, overrunning, and ranging along the Country, killing and spoiling those the Inhabitants, and ramping from them that gold that they had, with speedy return ever to their ships, which went and came oftentimes. And so wrought they in those Provinces great wastes and slaughters, and cruelties horrible, and that most commonly on the Sea-coast, and certain leagues within the Country. At what time there went Spanish Tyrants to inhabit there. And for as much as the Country was exceeding rich as hath been said, there ever succeeded Captains one in another's room, every one more cruel than other: in such sort that it seemed that every one enforced himself, for the mastery in doing of evils. The year 1529. there went a great Tyrant, very resolute, with great troops: but without any fear of God, or compassion of the nature of man, who wrought such wastes and slaughters so great, that he exceeded all others that had gone before him, himself robbing for the space of six or seven years that he lived, great Treasures: after being deceased without confession, and fled from the place of his residence: there succeeded him other murdering Tyrants and thieves, which made an end of the rest of the people: that from the year 1529. unto this day, they have reduced into a Wilderness in those same quarters more than 400. leagues of Land, which was no less peopled than the other Countries which we have spoken of. Verily if I had to make a beadroll of the Vngraciousnesses, of the Slaughters, of the Desolations, of the Iniquities, of the Violences, of the Massacres, and other great Insolences which the Spaniards have done, and committed in those Provinces of Saint Martha, against God, the King, and against those innocent Nations: I should write an History very ample. But that may be done if God spare me life, hereafter in his good time: only I will set down a few words of that which was written in a Letter by a Bishop of this Province, to the King our Sovereign: and the Letter beareth date the twentieth of May, 1541. The which Bishop amongst other words speaketh thus: I say, sacred Majesty, that the way to redress this Country, is that his Majesty Bishop of S. Martha's Letter to Charles the fi●th. deliver her out of the power of Stepfathers, and give unto her an husband which may entreat her as is reason, and according as she deserveth: otherwise, I am sure hereafter as the Tyrants which now have the government, do torment and turmoil her, she will soon take an end. etc. And a little below he saith: Whereby, your Majesty shall know clearly, how those which govern in those quarters do deserve to be dismounted, and deposed from their government, to the end, that the Commonweals may be relieved. That if that be not done, in mine advice, they can never be cured of their diseases. His Majesty shall understand moreover, that in those Regions, there are not any Christians but Devils, that there are no Servants of God and the King, but Traitors to the state, and their King. And in truth the greatest encumbrance that I find in reducing the Indians, that are in war, and to set them at peace, and to lead those which are at peace to the knowledge of our faith, is unnatural and cruel entreaty, which they that are in peace receive of the Spanish, being so deeply altered, and lanced, that they have nothing in more hatred and horror, than the name of Christians, the which in all these Countries they call in their Language, Yares, that is to say, Devils. For the acts which they committed here, are neither of Christians, nor of men which have the use of reason: but of Devils. Whereof it cometh to pass, that the Indies which do see these behaviours to be generally so far estranged from all humanity, and without any mercy, aswell in the heads as in the members: they esteem, that the Christians do hold these things for a Law, and that their God, and their King are the Authors thereof. And to endeavour to persuade them otherwise, were to endeavour in vain, and to minister unto them the more ample matter, to deride and scorn jesus Christ and his Law. The Indians that are in war, seeing the entreaty used toward the Indians that are in peace: would choose rather to die once for all, then to endure sundry deaths, being under the command of the Spanish. I know this by experience, most victorious Caesar, etc. He calleth the Indians in war, those which saved themselves by flying into the Mountains from the slaughters of the mischievous Spaniards. And he calleth the Indians in peace, those which after having lost an infinite of their people, by the Massacres, have been thralled into the Tyrannical and horrible servitude aforesaid, and whereof in the end they have been fined out, desolated, and slain, as appeareth by that which hath been said by the Bishop, which notwithstanding speaketh but little, in comparison of that which they have suffered. The Indians in that Country have accustomed to say, if when they are traveled and driven up the Mountains laden, they happen to fall down, and to faint for feebleness, and for pain: for at that time they lay on upon them blows with their feet and with their staffs, and they break their teeth with the pummels of their Swords, to make them rise, and march on without taking of breath, with these words, Out upon thee, what a Villain art thou? they (I say) the Indians, for their parts are wont to say, I can no more: kill me here right. I do desire to die here: and this they say with great sighs, and being scarce able to speak, for having their heart drawn together, declaring a great anguish and dolour. Of the Province of Carthagene. THis Province of Carthagene, is situate under, and a fifty leagues distant from the same of Saint Martha, towards the West, confining with the Province of Ceu, unto the Gulf of Araba: which are a hundred leagues all along the Seaside, and is a great Country within Land towards the South. These Provinces since the year 1498. or ninety nine, until now have been evil entreated, martyred, massacred, desolated like unto that of Saint Martha. Of the Coast of Pearls, and of Paria, and of the I'll of the Trinity. FRom the Coast of Paria, unto the Gulf of Venesuela, without forth, which are two hundred leagues: the Spanish have wrought great and strange destructions, rioting upon that people, and taking alive as many as they could, to the end they might sell them for slaves: and oftentimes making them prisoners against the assurance and the promise of friendship made unto them. It cannot be well told, nor particularly expressed, the sundry kinds and grievous vexations, wrongs, hurts, and spoils, which those people, endured at the Spaniards hands, from the year 1510. until this present. I will only rehearse two or three acts, by the which it may be judged of the rest, innumerable and excessive, and worthy all torments and fire. In the I'll of the Trinity, which is far greater and more fertile than the I'll of Sicily, and joineth with the firm Land of the Coast of Paria, and where the people are the best disposed, and most inclined to virtue in their kind, of all the Indians, as they went, there a Captain Rover in the year, 1510. accompanied with sixty or seventy other petty thieves well appointed: they published among the Indians by Proclamations, and other public Summons, that they should come and dwell and live with them in that I'll. The Indians received them as their own bowels and babes: and as well the Lords as Subjects served them with exceeding readiness, bringing them to eat from day to day, as much as might suffice to feed, as many more people. For this is the liberality of all these Indians of the new World, to bestow on the Spaniards of all that they have in great abundance. The Spanish build a great house of Timber in the which the Indians should dwell altogether: for the Spanish would have it so, that there should be one only house for all, and no more, to compass that, which they had already premeditate to do, and did it. When they laid the Thatch upon the binding staffs or sparres, and had already covered to the height of two men's length, to the end that those that were within might not see those that were without, under colour to hasten forward the work, that it might be the sooner dispatched, they set a great number of people within, the Spaniards dividing themselves, the one part of them being bestowed without, compassing the house round about with their weapons, because of those that might get forth, the other part of them press into the house: Thus laying hands on their Swords, they began to threaten the Indians naked as they were, to kill them if they did stir, and then bound them. And those which fled they hewed them in pieces: Howbeit some of the Indians which fled, both of the hurt and not hurt, with others that had not come within the house, took their Bows and Arrows and assembled themselves in another house, about an hundred or two hundred persons: And as they kept the gate, the Spaniards set fire on the house, and burned them alive. After with their purchase, which might be of an hundred or fourscore persons of them which they had bound: they get them to the I'll of Saint john, where they sold the one moiety, and thence to the I'll of Hispaniola: where they sold the other moiety. As I reprehended the Captain for this notable Treason, at the same time, and at the same I'll of Saint john, he made an answer: Sir, quiet yourself for that matter. So have they commanded me to do, and given me instruction which sent me: that if I could not take them by war, I should take them under countenance and colour of peace. And in truth the Captain told me that in all his life, he never had found Father nor Mother, but in this I'll of Trinity, in respect of the friendly courtesies the Indians had showed him. At another time, the Religious Friars of Saint Dominickes Order, being determined to go preach, they received them as Angels comen from Heaven: and heard with great affection, attention, and willingness such words as the Religious at that time were able to give them to understand, more by signs then otherwise, for they knew not the tongue. It came to pass that there arrived there another ship, after that the ship in which the Religious men came was departed thence, and the Spanish in this Vessel, keeping their Devilish custom, by subtlety without the knowledge of the Religious, carried away the Lord of the Country called Alfonso: were it that Friars had given him this name, or else others. For the Indians love and desire to bear the name of the Christians, desiring incontinent that it may be given them even before they know any thing, that they may be baptised. They induced fraudulently this Don Alfonso to come aboard their ship with the Lady his wife, and other persons, making semblance to go about to feast them. In the end there entered seventeen persons, together with the Lord and his Lady: the Lord trusting that the Religious persons being entered into his Country, would keep the Spaniards from doing any wrong: for otherwise he would never have put himself in the hands of the Spanish. The Indians therefore thus being in the ship, the traitorous Spaniard's hoist sails, and away they went to Hispaniola with them, there selling them for slaves. All the Country seeing that their Lord and Lady were carried away, they run to the Religious men, purposing to kill them. The poor men appeased the Indians in the best manner they could, saying that they would write to them at Hispaniola by the first ship that went, and would take such care and order in the matter, that their Sovereign should be restored them again with those that were in his company. God sent immediately a ship thither, and they wrote to the Spanish Religious men that were in the I'll of Hispaniola. They cry out, and call Heaven and Earth witness against them, both first, and sundry times after: But the judges of the audience, would never give them audience to do them justice, for because themselves had part in the booty of the Indians, which the Tyrants had so against all right and reason taken. The two Religious men, which had promised the Indians of the Country, that their Lord Don Alfonso, with others should come home with the rest within four months, seeing that they came not neither in four nor eight made themselves ready to the death, and to give their life, which they had gauged before they came out of Spain, if need should be, and in that sort the Indians took vengeance on them in killing them justly, notwithstanding that they were innocent: for because that they thought, that the Religious men had been the occasion of this Spanish Frier● killed for others faults. Treason. Another time, by reason of the great Tyrannies and execrable acts of the cursed ones, bearing the name of Christians, the Indians slew other two Religious men of Saint Dominickes Order, and one of Saint Francis. Whereof I can be a good witness for that I escaped at the time miraculously from the same death, of the which it should be a hard matter to entreat, and would be to amaze men, by reason of the grievousness and horribleness of the case. Wherefore I will not lay it abroad (for being too tedious) until his time, and at the day of judgement it shall be more evident, when God shall take vengeance of the Theeveries so horrible and so abominable as are done by those which bear the name of Christians against the Indians. Another time in those Provinces at the Cape of the Codera, (as they call it) there was a Town, the Lord whereof was named Higueroto a name either proper to the person, or it may be common to the Lords of the place. This Lord was so bounteous, and his people so virtuous and serviceable, that as many Spaniards as came thither by ship, they found there good entertainment, meat, lodging, all cheering, and refreshing. This said Lord had also delivered many from death of those which were fled thither out of other Provinces, where they had rioted and tyrannised, and come thither sick, and half dead for hunger, whom they refreshed, and afterward sent them away safe, to the I'll of Pearls, where there were Spaniards, and might have slain them if he had would, without that ever any should have known it. And shortly to say the Spanish did call the Subjects of Higurroto, the House and Harbour of every body. A Caitiff Tyrant advised himself to outrage that people also, when as they thought themselves sure enough: and getting him to a ship, he had there invited a great number of people to come a board her as they were accustomed to do, and to trust the Spaniards. A great number of people being entered into her, men, women, and children, he hoist sails, and went to the I'll of Saint john, where he sold them all for slaves. I came at the same instant to the I'll of Saint john, and I saw the Tyrant, and understood what he had done. He had destroyed all that Township: whereby he did great harm to all other his fellow Tyrants, wont to rob, and rove all along those Coasts, insomuch as they had in abomination this act so hideous, being bereft thereby of their Harbour, and house of retire, as ordinary and familiar unto them as it had been their own home and house. They have singled out at times from all this Coast, the which was very well peopled, unto the Two Millions of stolen Indians. Isles of Saint john and Hispaniola, above two Millions of souls, seized upon by their purchases in thieving and robbing: which also every one of them they have slain not long after, by thrusting them into the Minerals and other tormoiles, besides the great numbers there were there already before time, as we have abovesaid. It is a tried case, that they never convey away their shippings of Indians so robbed and purchased, as I have said, but that they cast the third part into the Sea, besides those which they slay, when they will sort them to themselves for their chaffer. The cause is, that when as they will by all means attain to the end which they have proposed to themselves: they have need of a great number of people, for to draw a great deal of money, according to the quantity of the slaves: and they prepare but a very small deal of sustenance and water, to serve but a few persons: Manner of usage at Sea. to the end that those Tyrants whom they call purveyors of the ships should not spend them much. And there is but even scarce enough, save to serve the Spaniards turn which go a roving and robbing: and there is always wanting for the poor Indians. Wherefore also they die for hunger and thirst: and then there is none other remedy but to cast them over the board into the Sea. And verily a man among them did tell me, that from the I'll of Lucayos, where had been wrought great slaughters in this manner, unto the Isle of Hispaniola, which are sixty or seventy leagues there trended a ship all alongst, without that it had either Compass or Mariner's Card, being guided only by the track of dead Indians carcases floating upon the Seas, of them which had been cast in. And after they be landed in the I'll, whither they bring them to make sale of them Manner of landing and sharing. it is to make a heart to yearn of whosoever, have he never so little compassion to behold them naked and famished, fall down and faint for hunger and thirst, women, and aged men, and children. Afterwards they soon after separate them, as it were Lambs, the fathers from the children, and the wives from the husbands, in making troops of them of ten or twenty persons, and so cast lots on them, to the end, those purveyors should take their share, which are those who do rig and furnish two or three ships for the Navy of those Tyrants, seizing upon all they come by, and pulling the poor men out of their own houses. And look when the lot falleth upon the flock where there were among them any old or sick person, the Tyrant to whom the same escheated would say: The Devil take the old Graybeard, why dost thou give him me, to the end I should go bury him? And this sick Rascal, what have I to do that he should fall out to my lot: to the end, I should be his Physician to cure him? The tyranny which the Spanish exercise over the Indians, to fish for Pearls, is one of the cruelest things that is in the World. There is no hell in this life, nor other desperate state in this World, that may be compared unto it: although that the Trade of Gold finding, be in his kind, Manner of Pearle-fishing. very grievous, and very miserable. They let them into the Sea, three, four, or five fathom forth down right under water, from the morning until Sunset, where they are continually flitting without stint, to pluck Oysters, in the which are engendered the Pearls. They surge up above the waters, with a Net full of Oysters to take breath: where standeth ready a Spanish Tormentor, in a little Cock Boat, or a Brigantine, and if the poor wretches stay never so little while to rest themselves: they all to be buffet them with their fists, and draw them by the hair into the water to return to their fishing. Their sustenance is fish, and the same very fish which containeth the Pearls, and the bread Cacabi, or some Maiz, which are the kinds of bread of that Country: the one of very slender nourishment, the other is not easy to be made into bread, of the which also, they never give them their belly full. The beds that they lodge them in a nights, is to set them by the heels, their bodies recoiling on the cold ground, in a pair of stocks for fear of running away. Sometimes they are drowned in the Sea, and at their fishing and travel picking of Pearls, and never rise up again above the water: because the * Sharks. Bunches and whirlpools do kill them and eat them. It is impossible, that men should be able to live any long season under the water without taking breath, the continual cold piercing them, and so they die commonly, parbraking of blood at the mouth, and of the bloody flux, caused by the cold. Their hairs, which by nature are coal black, alter and become after a branded russet, like to the hairs of the Sea-wolues. The Saltpetre breaketh out of their shoulders, in such sort, that they seem to be a kind of monsters in the shape of men, or else some other kind of men. They dispatched in ridding about this insupportable travel, or rather to speak rightly, this devilish torment, all the Lucayan Indians which were in the Isles, having savoured this gains, and every Indian was worth unto them a fifty, or an hundred Castillans. They made an open Mart of them, notwithstanding it were inhibited them, by the Magistrate otherwise unmerciful: for the Lucayens were good swimmers. They also, about these things have slain a number of the people of other Provinces. Of the River Yuia pari. THere runneth through the Province of Paria, a River named Yuia Pari, more than two hundred leagues within land from the head. There entered the same River, an unlucky tyrant, a great many leagues upward, in the year 1529. with four hundred men, or more: which there wrought great slaughters, burning alive, and putting to the edge of the sword, an infinite sort of Indians, which were in their lands and houses, doing hurt to no creature, and therefore secure, and mistrusting nothing. In the end he died an evil death, and his Navy was disparaged: albeit that other tyrants there were which succeeded him in his mischievousnesses and tyrannies: and yet at this day thither they go, destroying, and slaying, and plunging into Hell the souls for whom the Son of God shed his blood. Of the Realm of Venesuela. THe year 1526. the King our Sovereign, being induced by sinister informations and persuasions damageable to the State, as the Spaniards have always pained themselves to conceal from his Majesty the damages and dishonours which God and the souls of men, and his State doth receive in the Indies: granted and committed a great Realm, greater than all Spain (Venesuela, with the government and entire jurisdiction) unto certain Dutch Merchants, with certain capitulations and conventions accorded between them. These same entering the Country with three hundred men: they found the people very amiable, and meek as Lambs, as they are all in those parts of the Indies, until the Spanish do outrage them. These set upon them without comparison a great deal more cruelly, than any of the other tyrants, of the which we have spoken before: showing themselves more unnatural and fierce, than raging Tigers, or Wolves, or ramping Lions. These have laid desolate and destroyed more than four hundred leagues of most fertile land, and therein of Provinces exceeding and wonderful, fair Valleys to the breadth of forty leagues, and Bournes very great, full of people and of Gold. They have stain, and wholly discomfited great and diverse Nations, so far forth as to abolish the Languages wont to be spoken, not leaving alive that could skill of them: unless some one or other, who had hid themselves in the caves and bowels of the earth, fleeing the dint of the sword, so raging and plaguing. They have slain destroyed, and sent to Hell by diverse and strange manners of cruelties and ungodlinesses, more (I suppose) then four or five millions of souls: and yet at this present they cease not to do the same by infinite Four or five millions slain in Venesuela. outrages, spoils and slaughters, which they have committed, and do commit daily unto this present. They took the Lord Sovereign of all the Province, without all cause, only to bereave him of his Gold, giving him also the torture: which Lord unbound himself, and escaped from them into the Mountains, wherefore also the Subjects rose, and were in a mutiny, hiding themselves upon the Mountains, amongst the hedges and bushes. The Spaniards make after to chase them, and having found them, commit cruel massacres, and as many as they take alive, they sell them in port sale for slaves. In diverse Provinces, yea in all where they became before that they took the Sovereign Lord, the Indians went to receive them with songs, and dances, and with presents of Gold in great quantity. The payment made them, was, to be put to the edge of the sword, and hewn in pieces. One time, as they went to receive the Spanish in the fashion above said: the Dutch Captain tyrant caused to be put in a thatched house a great number of people, and hakled in pieces. And being on high, near the top of the house, certain beams, which diverse had got upon, avoiding the bloody hands and swords of those people (O merciless beasts) the devilish man, sent to put to fire, whereby as many as there were, were burned alive. By this means the Country remained very desert, the people fleeing into the Mountains, where they hoped to save themselves. They came into another great Province, in the confines of the Province and Realm of Saint Martha, where they found the Indians peaceable in their Burroughs, and in their houses, doing their business: they continued a long time with them, eating their store, and the Indians served them, as if they had to receive of them their life and safeguard, supporting their continual oppressions, and usual outragiousnesses, which are intolerable: besides that one Spanish, glutton, eateth more in one day, then would suffice an whole household of more than ten Indians. They gave them at that time, a great quantity of Gold, of their own goodwill, over and besides, other services innumerable, which they did unto them. At the end as these tyrants would depart the place, they advised to pay them for their lodging, in this manner. The Almain tyrant Governor, commanded to take such Indians as they could, with their wives and children, and that they should shut them up within an enclosure, letting them know, that who so would come forth, and be let go free, that he should redeem himself at the pleasure of the unjust Governor: in giving so much Gold for himself, so much for his wife, and so much for every poll of his children. And yet to press them the more, he commanded to give them nothing to eat, until such time as they had performed the quantity of Gold inflicted them for their ransom. Many sent to their houses for Gold, and bought out themselves as they were able, and those same were delivered, and went abroad about their business to get their living. The tyrant sent certain Spanish thiefs and robbers, to go take them again the second time, after they had been redeemed. They are carried to the perclose, and there wrung with hunger and thirst, to the end, that they should yet once again pay for their freedom. And there were many amongst them, which were taken and ransomed two or three sundry times. Others which had not to give, for because they had all they had, he let them within the toil die for hunger. And in this manner hath been destroyed a Province very rich of people and gold, the which hath a Vale or Bourne of forty leagues, where hath been brent a Burrow of the receipt of a thousand households. This Tyrant resolved with himself to pierce farther into the Country, with a great desire to discover on that side, that Hill of Peru. By occasion of which accursed Voyage both he and others carried forth with them, Indians infinite, joden with two or three quintals weight, and being enchained. If any were weak and weary, fainting for hunger, or travelling, they cut incontinent his head off even with the collar of the chain that yoked them: because they should not need to unhamper the others that went with the same collars about their necks, and so tumbled the head on the one side, and the body on the other. And the load of him that had so failed was distributed and bestowed upon others. To tell of the Provinces, which he hath laid desert, and the Towns and places which he hath brent, for all the houses are thatched, and to number the Nations which he hath slain, and the cruelties, and murders particular, which he had committed by the way, it would be a thing scarce credible: howbeit very true and wonderful. In this same very course and steps marched sithence the other tyrants, who came from the said Venesuela, and others of the Province of Saint Martha, with the self same holy intention to discover the same sacred golden Palace of Peru: and found the whole Country in length more than two hundred leagues so burned, dispeopled, and spoilt, having been before most notably peopled, and most fertile, as hath been said, that themselves as very tyrants and savage beasts as they were, wondered and stood astonished to see the tracks of the destructions so lamentable, wheresoever he had passed. All these things have been given in evidence with the depositions of many witnesses by the Attorney of the Council of the Indies, and the evidences are kept amongst the Records of the same Council: and yet have they never burned alive, any of those execrable tyrants. Those Provinces of Venesuela with the others which they have laid waste, and dispeopled more than four hundred leagues forthright, as hath been said, is a region the most blissful, and the richest of Gold, and was the best peopled of any in the world: in such sort, that they have disturned from the King's Coffers, and occasioned the loss in this Realm of above two millions of rent, within seventeen years sithence by past, that these enemies of God and the King have begun to destroy it: neither is there any hope that ever those losses will be repaired. These seventeen years they have sent by Sea a great number of ships joden and stuffed with Indians, to make sale of them as slaves at Saint Martha, at the Isles of Hispaniola, and of jamaica, and at Saint john's Isle, moe than one million: and do send daily, as now this year 1542. the A million of slaves. Court of the Audience Royal notwithstanding established, for, and at Hispaniola, right well seeing all this, and dissimuling to see it, yea, favouring and supporting all the matter: as likewise they have had their eyes blinded at all the other tyrannies and ransackings infinite, which have been done in all this coast of the Firm land which are about four hundred leagues, the which have been and now are under their jurisdiction, like unto Venesuela, and Saint Martha: all which the said Court might very well have impeached and remedied. Of the Provinces of the firm land, or quarter that is called Florida. juan Pon●e de Leon with 80. men were all lost there. After him Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon with 220. Pamphilo de Noruaez with 400. And ●●urthly Ferdinando de Soto with 1000 as some say, and they which say least, 600. entered Florida, whose stories you have before. Of Soto was no news An. 1542. when this was written. See before in Schmidel. INto these Provinces went three tyrants at three diverse times since the year 1510. or 1511. there to put in ure the acts which others, and two of them from among themselves have committed in other quarters of the Indians: to the end to aspire to high degrees, in no respect convenient to their persons, higher than their merits in the Commonwealth could conceive, with the blood and destruction of their neighbours: and they are dead all three of an evil death, and their houses likewise have been destroyed with them, the which they had builded in times past, with the blood of mankind, as I can be a sufficient witness of all three, and their memory is now abolished from of the face of the earth, as if they had never been in this world. The fourth tyrant, that came last in the year 1538. cunningly advised, and being fully furnished: it is three years since there is no tidings concerning him. Sure he is one of the notoriousest and best experimented amongst them that have done the most hurts, mischiefs, and destructions in my Realms with their consorts: wherefore I believe that God hath given him like end unto the others. Of the River of La Plata, that is to say, Of Silver. SIthence the year, one thousand five hundred, and two or three and twenty: certain Captains made three or four Voyages up the River of Plata, where there are great Provinces and Realms, and Nations well ordered and endued with understanding. In general we understood, that they have made there great butcheries and invasions: but like as this Country is far discoasted from the Indies most famous, so we are not able, to quote the notablest points in particular. Of the mighty Realms, and large Provinces of Peru. IN the year 1531. went another great tyrant with certain other consorts, to the Realms of Peru, where entering with the same title and intention, and with the same proceedings as all the rest before gone, forasmuch as he was one of them, which had of long time been exercised in all kinds of cruelties and murders, which had been wrought in the firm land, since the year 1510. he took encouragement to accrue in cruelties, murders, and robberies: being a man without loyalty and truth, laying waste Cities and Countries, bringing them to nought, and utterly undoing them by slaying the Inhabitants, and being the cause of all the evils, which ensued in that Country. He slew and laid waste at his first arrival with a mischief certain boroughes, from whom he pillaged a great quantity of Gold. In an Island near to the same Provinces, named Pagna, well peopled and pleasant, the Lord thereof with his people received them as it had been Angels from heaven: and six months after, when as the Spanish had eaten up all their provision: They discovered also unto them the corn which they kept under ground, for themselves, their wives, and their children, against a dry time and barren: making them offer of all, with trees plentiful to spend and eat at their pleasure. The recompense in the end which they made them, was to put to the edge of the Sword and Lance, a great quantity of those people. And those whom they could take alive, they made sl●ues: with other cruelties great and notable which they committed, dispeopled as it were all that I'll. From thence they make to the Province of Tumbala, which is in the firm land, where they slay and destroy as many as they could come by. And because all the people were fled as affrighted by their horrible acts, they said that they made an insurrection, and rebelled against the King of Spain. This tyrant had this policy, and kept this order of proceeding, that unto all those whom he took, or unto others which presented him with Gold and Silver, or other things which they had: he commanded them to bring more, until such time as he perceived that either they had no more, or that they brought him no more. And then he would say, that he accepted them for the vassals and liege's of the King of Spain, and made much of them: and would cause it to be proclaimed at sound of two Trumpets, that from thenceforth they would take them no more, and that they would do them no manner harm at all: setting it down for good ando lawful, all whatsoever he had robbed from them. A few days after the King and Emperor of those Realms, named Atabaliba, came accompanied with a number of naked people, bearing their ridiculous armour, not knowing neither how Swords did carve, nor Spears did pierce, nor Horses did run, nor who or what were the Spaniards. He cometh to the place where they were, saying: Where are these Spaniards? Let them come, I will not stir a foot, till they satisfy me for my Subjects whom they have slain, and my boroughs which they have dispeopled, and for my wealth, which they have bereaved me. The Spaniards set against him, and slew an infinite sort of his people: they took him also in person, who came carried in a Litter borne upon men's shoulders. They treat with him, to the end that he should ransom himself. The King offereth to perform four millions of Castillans, Fifteen Millions paid for Atabalipas ransom. and performeth fifteen, they promise to release him: notwithstanding in the end, keeping nor faith nor truth (as they never kept any in the judies, unto the Indians) they laid to his charge altogether untruely, that by his commandment the people assembled. The King answered, that in all the Country there moved not a leaf of a tree, without his good will: that if there assembled any people, they were to believe that it was by his commandment, and as touching himself that he was prisoner, and they might slay him. All this notwithstanding, they condemned him to be burnt alive: but at the request of some certain, the Captain caused him to be strangled: and being strangled, he was burned. This King understanding his sentence, said: Wherefore will you burn me? What trespass have I done ye? Did not you promise me to set me at liberty, if I gave you the Gold? And have I not performed more than I promised? Seeing you needs will have it so, send me to your King of Spain: speaking other things, to the great confusion and detestation of the great wrongfulnesse that the Spaniards used, whom in the end they burned. Here let be considered the right and title of this warfare, the imprisonment of this Prince, the sentence, and the execution of his death, and the conscience, whereby they possess great treasures, as indeed they have robbed in those Realms from this King and other several Lords infinite. As touching the innumerable cruelties, and notable, for the mischiefs and enormities withal committed in the rooting out of those peoples by them, who call themselves Christians: I will here rehearse some certain, the which a Friar of Saint Francis order saw at the beginning, and the same certified under his name and sign: sending them into all those quarters, and amongst others in to this Realm of Castille, whereof I retain a Copy in my keeping, in the which it is thus written: I Friar Mark, of the order of Saint Francis, commissary over the other Friors of the same Order in Testimony of Friar Mark touching Pizarro and the Spaniards which first entered Peru. the Provinces of Peru, and who was one of the first religious men, which entered into the said Provinces with the Spaniards: do say, bearing true testimony of certain things, the which I have seen with mine eyes in that Country, namely, concerning the entreaty and conquests made over the natural inhabitants of the Country: first of all I am an eye witness, and have certain knowledge, that those Indians of Peru, are a people the most kind hearted that hath been seen among all the Indians, being courteous in conversation, and friendly unto the Spaniards. And I saw them give to the Spanish in abundance, Gold, Silver, precious stones, and all that was asked them, and that they had, doing them all kind of service lawful. And the Indians never yielded forth to war, but kept them in peace so long time, as they gave them not occasion, by their evil entreating of them and their cruelties, but chose received them with all amity and honour in their boroughes, in giving them to eat, and as many slave's mankind and womankind, as they demanded for their service. Item, I am witness, that without that the Indians gave occasion: the Spanish as soon as they were entered the land, after that the great Cacique Atabalipa, had given to the Spanish more than two millions of Gold, and had put into their power the whole Country without resistance, incontinent they burned the said Atabalipa, which was Lord of the whole Country. And after him they burned his captain general Cochilimaca, who had come to the Governor in peace with other Lords. In the like manner also a few days after they burned a great Lord named Chamba, of the Province of Quito, without any fault at all, and without having given the least occasion that might be. In like manner they burned unjustly Schappera Lord of the Canaries * A people of those parts, good warriors, not of the Ca●●●y Lands. . Also they burned the feet of Aluis a great Lord amongst all those which were in Quito, and caused him to endure sundry other torments, to make him tell where was the Gold of Atabalipa: of the which treasure, as it appeared, he knew nothing. Also they burned in Quito Cosopanga, who was Governor of all the Provinces of Quito, which upon the request to him first made by Sebastian of Bernalcasar, Captain under the Governor, was come to them in peace: and only because he gave them not Gold so much as he demanded of him▪ they burned him with very many other Caciques and principal Lords. And for aught that I can understand, the intent of the Spaniards was, that there should not be left alive one Lord in the whole Country. Item, I certify, that the Spaniards caused to assemble a great number of Indians, and locked them up in three great houses, as many as could be pored in, and setting to fire, they burned them all, without that they had done the least thing that might be, or had given to the Spanish the least occasion thereof whatsoever. And it came to pass, that a Priest, who is named Ocanna, drew a young Boy out of the fire, in the which he burned, which perceiving, another Spaniard took from out of his hands the Boy, and flung him into the midst of the flames, where he was resolved into ashes together with others. The which Spaniard returning the same day to the Camp, fell down dead suddenly, and mine advice was, he should not be buried. Item, I affirm, to have seen with mine own eyes, that the Spanish have cut the hands, the noses, and the ears of the Indians, and of their women, without any other cause or purpose, save only that so it came into their fantasy, and that in so many places and quarters, that it should be too tedious to rehearse. And I have seen, that the Spanish have made their Mastiffs run upon the Indians to rend them in pieces. And moreover, I have seen by them burnt so many houses, and whole boroughes, or townships, that I am not able to tell the number. Also it is true, that they violently plucked the little infants from the Mother's dugs, and taking them by the arms, did throw them from them as far as they could: Together with other enormities and cruelties without any cause, which gave me astonishment to behold them, and would be to long to rehearse them. Item, I saw when they sent for the Caciques and other principal Indians, to come see them in peace, and assurance to them made, promising them safe conduct: and incontinent as they were arrived, they burned them. They burned two whiles I was present, the one in Andon, and the other in Tumbala: and I could never prevail with them to have them delivered from burning, preached I unto them never so much. And in God and my conscience, for aught that ever I could perceive, the Indians of Peru, never lift themselves up, nor never rebelled for any other cause, but for the evil entreating of the other side, as is manifest unto every one, and for just cause: the Spaniards destroying them tyrannously against all reason and justice, with all their Country, working upon them so many outrages, that they were determined to die, rather than to suffer much another time. Item, I say, that by the report of the Indians themselves, there is yet more Gold hidden then is come to light, the which because of the uniustices and cruelties of the Spaniards, they would not discover, neither ever will discover, so long as they shall be so evil entreated, but will choose rather to dye with their fellows. Wherein God our Lord hath been highly trespassed against, and the King's Majesty evil served, having been defrauded in that, that his highness hath ●●st such a Country, as hath been able to yield sustenance to all Castille: for the recovery of which Country, it will be a matter of great difficulty, dispense, and charges. All these hitherto are the formal words of the said religious person: the which are also ratified Bishop of Mexicos testimony. by the Bishop of Mexico, which witnesseth that the reverend Father hath to his knowledge affirmed all the above said. It is here to be considered, that the good Father saith, that he saw those things. For tha●, that he hath been fifty or an hundred leagues up into the Country, for the space of nine or ten years, and at the very beginning, when there were not as yet but very few of the Spaniards: but at the ringing of the Gold, there were quickly gathered and flocked thither four or five thousand, which shed themselves forth over many great Realms and Provinces, more than five hundred or six hundred leagues, the which Country hath been throughly destroyed, they executing still the self same practices, and others more barbarous and cruel. Of a verity, from that day unto this present, there hath been destroyed and brought to desolation more souls than he hath counted: and they have with less reverence of God or the King, and with less pity than before, abolished a great part of the lineage of mankind. They have slain unto this day in these same Realms (and yet daily they do slay them) more than four Four Millions slain in Peru, etc. Millions of souls. Certain days passed, they pricked in shooting with darts of reeds to death a mighty Queen, wife of Eling, who is yet King of that Realm, whom the Spaniards by laying hands upon him compelled to rebel, and in rebellion he persisteth. They took the Queen his wife, and so as hath been said, slew her against all reason and justice, being great with child as she was, as it was said only to vex her husband withal. Of the new Realm of Granado. WIthin the year 1539▪ there took their flight together sundry tyrants, flocking from Venesuela, from Saint Martha, and from Carthagene, to search for the Perous: and there were also others which came down from Peru itself to assay, to make a glade farther into the Country: And they found from beyond Saint Martha's and Carthagene three hundred leagues up into the Country, fertile lands, and admirable Provinces, full of infinite people, kind hearted like the rest, and very rich, as well of Gold as of precious stones, which they call Emeralds. Unto the which Provinces they gave the name of New Granado: for because that the tyrant which came first into this Country, was a Granadan, borne in our Country. A Governor, for as much as he which robbed and slew in the new Realm of Granado, would not admit him for consort with him to rob and slay as did he: he procured an enquiry, and thereby evidence came in against him with sundry witnesses upon the fact of his slaughters, disorders, and murders which he had done, and doth as yet unto this day, the process of which enquiry, together with the evidences was read, and is kept in the Records of the Counsel of the Indies. The witnesses do depose in the same enquiry, that the said whole Realm was in peace, the Indians serving the Spaniards, giving them to eat of their labour, and labouring continually, and manuring the ground, and bringing them much Gold and precious stones, such as are Emeralds, and all that which they could or had: the Towns, and the Lordships, and the people being distributed amongst the Spaniards every one his share: which is all that they study for, for that, that it is their mean way to attain to their last end and scope, to wit, Gold. And all being subdued to their tyranny and accustomed bondage, the tyrant the principal Captain which commanded over that Country, took the Lord and King of the Country, and detained him prisoner six or seven months, exacting of him Gold and Emeralds without cause or reason at all. The said King, who was named Bogata, for fear which they put him in, said that he would give them an house full of Gold: hoping that he should escape out of the hands of him which tormented him. And he sent Indians which should bring him Gold, and by times one after another, they brought in a great quantity of Gold and precious stones. But because the King did not give an whole house full of Gold, the Spaniards bid kill him: sithence that he did not accomplish that which he had promised. The tyrant commanding that this King should be arraigned before himself: They summon King Bugata tentenced, executed. and accuse in this order the greatest King of all that Country, and the tyrant giveth sentence, condemning him to be racked and tormented, if he do not furnish forth the house full of Gold. They give him the torture and the strappado with cords; they fling burning suet upon his naked belly; they lay on bolts upon his feet, which were fastened to one stake, and gird his neck fast unto another stake, two men holding both his hands, and so they set fire unto his feet: and the tyrant coming up and down now and then, willeth him to have his death given him by little and little, if he made not ready the Gold. Thus they dispatched and did to death that Noble Lord in those torments, during the execution whereof, God manifested by a sign, that those cruelties displeased him, in consuming with fire all the town where they were committed. All the Spaniards to the end to follow their good Captain, and having none other thing to do, but to hackle in pieces those poor innocents do the like, tormenting with diverse and savage torments every Indian, both Cacique or Lord of every people or peoples, with all their flocks, that were committed to their charges: those said Lords with all their subjects serving them, and giving them Gold and Emeralds as many as they could, and as much as they had: Tormenting them only to the end they should give them more Gold, and rich Minerals: thus they broiled and dispatched all the Lords of that Country. For the great rear of the notorious cruelties that one of the petty tyrants did unto the Indians, there transported himself unto the Mountains, in flying so great cruelty, a great Lord named Daytama, with many of his people. For this they hold for their last remedy and refuge, if it might have prevailed them aught: and this the Spaniards call insurrection and rebellion. Which the Captain head tyrant having knowledge of, he sendeth supply of Soldiers unto the said cruel man (for whose cruelties sake, the Indians that were peaceable, and had endured great tyrannies and mischiefs, were now gone into the Mountains) to the end he should pursue them. Who, because it sufficeth not to hide them in the entrails of the earth, finding there a great multitude of people, slew and dispatched them, above five hundred souls, what men, what women, for they received none to mercy. Also the witnesses depose, that the said Lord Daytama, before that the Spaniards put him to death, came to the cruel man, and brought him four or five thousand Castillans, the which notwithstanding he was murdered as abovesaid. Another time many Indians being come to serve the Spaniards, and serving them with humility and simplicity, as they are accustomed to do, reputing themselves assured: behold the Captain of the town where they served, who cometh by night, commanding that those Indians should be put to the edge of the sword, when they had supped, and whiles that they were a sleep, taking their rest after the toil which they sustained the day time. And this he did, for that it seemed him necessary to do this massacre, to the end to engrave an awe of himself in the hearts of all the peoples of that Country. Another time the Captain commanded to take an oath of the Spaniards, to wit, how many every one had in his service of the Caciques, and principal Lords, and Indians of the meaner sort; that incontinent they should be brought to the most open place of the City, where he commanded that they should be beheaded: thus were there at that time put to death four or five hundred souls. Moreover these witnesses depose concerning another of the petty tyrants, that he had exercised great cruelties in slaying, and chopping off the hands and noses of many persons, aswell men as women, and destroying very much people. Another time the Captain sent the self same cruel man with certain Spaniards into the Province of Bogata, to be informed by the inhabitants what Lord it was, that was successor unto the chief Lord, whom he had made to die that cruel death in those torments spoken of before: Who running along the Country throughout many places, took as many Indians as he could come by, And for that he could not learn of them, what he was that succeeded that Lord, he mangled off some hands, he bid cast others, men and women unto hungry Mastiffs, who rend them in pieces. And in this manner have been destroyed very many Indians, and Indesses. One time, at the fourth watch of the night, he went to overrun Caciques or Governors of the land, with many of the Indians, which were in peace, and held themselves assured (for he had given them his faith, and assurance that they should receive no harm nor damage) upon credit whereof, they were come forth of their holes in the Mountains, where they had been hid, to people Plaine, in the which stood their City: thus being common without suspicion, and trusting the assurance made, he took a great number, as well men as women, and commanded to hold out their hands stretched against the ground, and himself with a woodknife cut off their hands, telling them that he did on them this chastisement, for that they would not confess where their new Lord was, which had succeeded in the charge of government of the Realm. Another time for that the Indians gave him not a coffer full of Gold, that this cruel Captain required them: he sent men to war upon them: who cut off the hands and noses of men and women without number. They cast others before their dogs being hunger bitten, and used to the fear of feeding on flesh, the which dispatched and devoured. Another time the Indians of that Realm perceiving that the Spaniards had burnt three or four of their principal Lords, they fled for fear up into a Mountain, from whence they might defend themselves against their enemies so estranged from all humanity. There were of them by the testimony of the witnesses four or five Indians. This above said Captain sent a great and notable tyrant, which exceeded far most of those to whom he had given the charge to ransack and waste, together with a certain number of Spaniards, to the end that they should chastise the Indian rebels: as they would seem to make them for that they were fled from a pestilence and slaughter so intolerable. Well, so it is that the Spanish by force prevailed to get up to the Mountain: for the Indians were naked without weapons. And the Spaniards cried peace unto the Indians; assuring them, that they would do them no harm: and that they of their parts should not war any longer. Straight way as the Indians stinted from their own defence, the vile cruel man sent to the Spaniards to take the forts of the Mountain, and when they should get them to enclose within them the Indians. They set then like unto Tigers and Lions, upon these lambs so meek, and put them to the edge of the sword, so long that they were fain to breath and rest themselves. And after having rested a certain season, the Captain commanded that they should kill and cast down from the Mountain, which was very high, the residue that were alive: which was done. And these witnesses say, that they saw as it were a could of Indians cast down from the Mountain, to the number by estimation of seven hundred men together, where they fell battered to pieces. And to achieve all his great cruelty, they searched all the Indians that were hid amongst the bushes: and he commanded to cut off their heads, at blocks ends; and so they slew them and cast them down the Mountains: yet could not he content himself with those said things so cruel, but that he would make himself a little better known, augmenting his horrible sins, when as he commanded that all the Indians men and women, which some private persons had taken alive (for every one in those massaeres is accustomed to cull out some one or other mankind and womankind, to the end to become his servants) should be put into a strawen house, saving and reserving those, which seemed necessary to be employed in their service, and that there should be put to fire: thus were there burned forty or fifty. He caused the rest to be flung to the carrion dogs, which rend them in pieces, and devoured them. Another time the self same tyrant went to a City called Cotta, and took there a number of Indians, and caused to be dismembered by his dogs, a fifteen or twenty Lords of the principal, and cut the hands of a great multitude of men and women: which said hands he hanged one by another on a pole, to the end the other Indians might see that which he had done unto them. There were so hanged one by another threescore and ten pair of hands. He slised off besides from many women and children their noses. No creature living and reasonable, is able to decipher the mischiefs and cruel dealing of this fellow, enemy of God. For they are without number, never otherwise heard of, nor seen: those, I mean, which he hath done in the land of Guatimala, and all about where he hath become. The witnesses say for a surcharge, that the cruel dealings and slaughters which have been committed, and are yet in the said Realm of new Grenado, by the Captains themselves in person, and by their consents given unto all the other tyrants, wasters, and weeders of the nature of man, which were in his company, and the which hath laid all the Country wild and waste, are such and so excessive, that if his Majesty do not take some order therein in some time (albeit that the slaughter and discomfiture of the Indians is done only to bereave them of their Gold, the which they have none of, for they have surrendered all that which they had) they will in a short time make an end of them so in such sort, that there will be no more Indians to inhabit the land, but that it will remain in a wilderness without being manured. There are other great Provinces, which bound upon the said Realm of new Grenado, which they call Popayin and Cali, and three or four others, which contain more than five hundred leagues of ground, which they have destroyed and desolated in the same manner, as they have done others, robbing and slaying with torments, and the enornities afore spoken of. For the land is very fertile, and those that come from thence now daily, do report, that it is a rueful thing to see so many goodly Towns burned and laid desolate, as they might behold passing up and down that way: so as there, where there was wor● to be in one town a thousand or two thousand households, they have not found fifty, and the rest utterly ransacked and dispeopled. And in some quarters they have found two or three hundred leagues of Land dispeopled and burned, and great Cities destroyed. And finally, by that, that sithence into the Realms of Peru, of the Province side of Quito, are entered far into the Country sore and fell tyrants, as far as to the said Realm of Grenado, and of Popayan, and of Cali, by the coast of Carthagene, and Araba, and other accursed tyrants of Carthagene have gone to assault Quito, and moreover, afterwards of the River's side of Saint john, which is on the South side, all the which have met to join hands together in this exploit: they have rooted out and dispeopled above six hundred leagues of land, with the loss of an infinite of souls, doing still the self same to the poor wretches that remain behind, howsoever innocent they appear to be. After the ends of the slaughters and massacres of the wars, they bring the people into the horrible bondage abovesaid, and give them to the commandment of Devils, to one an hundred Indians, to another three hundred. The commander Devil commandeth, that there come before him an hundred Indians, which incontinent present themselves like Lambs. He causing forty or fifty amongst them to have their heads cut off: saith unto the other there present, I will serve you of the same sauce, if you do not me good service, or if so be, that you go out of my sight without my leave. That for the honour of God, all they that have read this piece of work, or shall give it a reading, consider now, whether this act, so hideous, fell and unnatural, do not exceed all cruelty and iniquity, that may be imagined, and whether the Spaniards have any wrong offered them when a man calleth them Devils, and whether were better, to give the Indians to keep to the Devils in Hell, or the Spaniards which are at the Indies. After this I will rehearse another devilish part, the which I cannot tell whether it be less cruel and void of manhood, then are those of savage beasts: that is, that the Spanish which are in the Indies, do keep certain Dogs most raging, taught and trained wholly to the purpose, to kill and rend in pieces the Indians. That let all those that are true Christians, yea, and also those which are not so, behold, if ever there were the like thing in the whole world: that is, to feed those Dogs, they lead about with them wheresoever they go a great number of Indians in chains, as if they were Hogs, and kill them, making a shambles of man's flesh. And the one of them will say to another, Lend me a quarter of a villain, to give my Dogs some meat, until I kill one next, altogether as if one should borrow a quarter of an Hog or Mutton. There be others which go forth a hunting in the morning with their curs, the which being returned to eat, if another ask him: How have ye sped to day? they answer, Very well: for I have killed with my Dogs to day, fifteen or twnety Villacoes. All these diabolical doings, with others like have been proved in the suits of Law, that the tyrants have had one of them against another. Is there any case more ugly or unnatural? I will here now deport me of this discourse, until such time, that there come other news of things, in ungraciousness more notcrious and remarkable (if it so be, that there can be any more grievous) or until such time as we may return thither to behold them ourselves anew, as we behold them for the space of two and forty years continually with mine own eyes: protesting in a good conscience before God, that I do believe, and I hold it for certain, that the damages and losses are so great, with the destructions and overthrows of Cities, massacres and murders, with the cruelties horrible and ugly, with the ravens, iniquities and robberies, all the which things have been executed amongst those people, and are yet daily committed in those quarters: that in all the things, which I have spoken and deciphered, as I was able the nearest to the truth: I have not said one of a thousand, of that which ha●h been done, and is daily a doing at this present, be it that you consider the quality, or be it, that ye consider the quantity. And to the end that all Christians have the greater compassion of those poor innocents, and that they complain with me the more their perdition and destruction, and that they detest the greediness, loftiness, and felnesse of the Spanish: that all do hold it for a most undoubted verity, with all that hath been abovesaid, that since the first Discovery of the Indies until now, What conversions & knowledge of God are in the Indies. the Indians never did harm unto the Spanish in any place wheresoever, until such time, that they first received wrongs and injuries, being robbed and betrayed: but indeed did repute them to be immortal, supposing them to be descended from Heaven, and they received them for such, until such time as that they gave it forth manifestly to be known by their doings, what they were, and whereto they tended. I will adjoin hereunto this, that from the beginning unto this hour, the Spaniards have had no more care to procure that unto those people should be preached the Faith of jesus Christ, then as if they had been Curr●dogs, or other beasts: but in lieu thereof, which is much worse they have forbidden by express means the religious men to do it, for because that that seemed unto them an hindrance likely to be, to the getting of their Gold, and these riches which their avarice foreglutted in. And at the day there is no more knowledge of God throughout the Indies, to wit, whether he be of timber, of the air, or the earth, than there was an hundred years ago, excepting New Spain, whither the religious men have gone, which is but a little corner of the Indies: and so are they perished, and do perish all with Faith, and without Sacraments. I brother Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, religious of the Order of Saint Dominicke, which by the mercy of God am come into this Court of Spain, to sue that the Hell might be withdrawn from the Indies, and that these innumerable souls, redeemed by the blood of jesus Christ, should not perish for evermore without remedy, but they might know their Creator and be saved: also for the care and compassion that I have of my Country, which is Castille, to the end that God destroy it not for the great sins thereof, committed against the Faith and his honour, and against our neighbours: for certain men's sakes notably zealous of the glory of God, touched with compassion of the afflictions and calamities of others, follower's of this Court: howbeit, that I was purposed to do it, but I could not so soon have done it, because of my continual occupations, I achieved this Treatise and summary at Valencia, the eight of December, 1542. the force being mounted to the highest type of extremity, and all the violences, tyrannies, desolations, anguishes, and calamities abovesaid, spread over all the Indies, where there are Spaniards, although they be more cruel in one part than they be in another, and more savage and more abominable. Mexico and her confines are less evil entreated. In truth, there they cannot execute their outrages openly, for that there and not elsewhere, there is some form of justice, as slender as it is. For because that there also they kill them with devilish tributes: I am in good hope, that the Emperor and King of Spain, our liege Sovereign Lord, Don Charles' the fifth of that name, who beginneth to have understanding of the mischiefs and treasons that there have been, and are committed against those poor people, against the will of God, and his own, (for they have always cunningly concealed the truth from him) will root out those evils, and take some order for this new world that God hath given him, as unto one that loveth and doth justice: whose honour and prosperous estate Imperial, God almighty vouchsafe to bless with long life, for the benefit of his whole universal Church, and to the salvation of his own Royal soul. Amen. After having couched in writing the premises, I understood of certain Laws and Ordinances, which his Majesty hath made about this time at Barcellone, Anno 1542. in the month of November, and the year following at Madrill: by the which Ordinances, there is order set down, as the case them seemeth to require: to the end, to cut off the mischiefs and sins which are committed against God and our neighbours, tending to the utter ruin and perdition of this new world. His Majesty hath made these Laws, after having holden many assemblies of persons of authority, of learning and conscience, and after having had disputations & conferences in Valladolid: and finally with the assent and advise of all those others which have given their advice in writing, and have been found nearest approaching unto the Law of jesus Christ, and withal free from the corruption and soil of the treasures robbed from the Indians: the which treasures have soiled the hands, and much more the souls of many, over whom those treasures and avarice have got the mastery, and where hence hath proceeded the blinding, which hath caused so to mar all without remorse. These Laws being published, the creatures of those tyrants, who then were at the Court, drew out sundry copies thereof (for it grieved them at the hearts: for that it seemed them that thereby there was a door shut up unto them against their ravine and extortion afore rehearsed) and dispersed them into diverse quarters of the Indies. Those which had the charge to rob, root out, and consume by their tyrannies, (even as they had never kept any good order but rather disorder, such as Lucifer himself might have held) as they read those copies before the new judges might come to execute their charge, knowing it (as it is said, and that very credible) by those who until this time have suported and maintained their crimes and outrages, to be likely that such execution should be used of those Laws: they ran into a mutiny in such wise, as that when the good judges were come to do their duties, they advised with themselves (as those which had lost the fear and love of God) to cast off also all shame, and obedience which they owe to the King, and so took unto them the name of name of open and arrant traitors, behaving themselves as most cruel and graceless tyrants: and principally in the Realm of Peru, where presently this year 1442. are committed acts so horrible and frightful, as never were the like, neither in the Indies, nor in all the world besides, not only against the Indians, the which all or in a manner all are slain, all those Regions being dispeopled: but also betwixt themselves by a just judgement of God, who hath permitted that they should Civil wars in Peru betwixt the Spaniards. be the Butchers one of an other of them. By means of the support of this rebellion, none of all the other parts of this new World would obey those Laws: But under colour of making supplication to his Majesty to the contrary, they have made an insurrection as well as the others. For that it irketh them to leave their estates and goods which they have usurped, and to unbind the hands of the Indians, whom they detain in a perpetual captivity. And there where they cease to kill with the sword, readily and at the instant, they kill them a little and a little, by personal slaveries, and unjust charges and intolerable. That which the King could not hitherunto let: for because that they all, great and little, rove and rob, some more, some less: some overtly, and some covertly, and under the pretence of serving the King: dishonour God, and rob the King. Part of a Letter written by one which saw things mentioned. He gave licence to put them to the Chain, and in bondage: That which they did: and the Captain led after him three or four droves of these persons enchained: and in this doing, he procured not that the Country should be inhabited and peopled (as had been convenient should have done) but robbing from the Indians all their victuals they had, the inbornes of the Country were reduced to such an extremity, that there were found great numbers dead of famine in the highways. And the Indians coming and going to and fro the coast, laden with the carriage of the Spaniards, he was the death by these means of about ten thousand. For not one that arrived at the very coast escaped death: T●● thousand perish. by reason of the excessive heat of the Country. After this, following the same tract and way, by the which john of Ampudia was gone, he sent the Indians which he had purchased in Quito, a day before him, to the end they should discover the bourges of the Indians, and should pillage them, that when he came with his maynie he might find his booty ready. And those Indians were his own mates: of the which such a one bad two hundred, such a one three hundred, and such a one a hundred; according to the baggage that every one of them had: which Indians came to yield themselves to their Masters with all that they had robbed. After that the said Captain was returned from the coast, he determined to depart from Quito, and to go seek the Captain john de Ampudia, leaving thereto moe than two hundred of Footmen and Horsemen, amongst whom were a great many Inhabitants of the City of Quito. Unto those Inhabitants the Captain gave licence to carry with them the Cacikes, that were escheated them in sharing, with as many Indians as they would. That which they did: and Alfonso Sanches Nuita carried forth with him his Cacike, with more than an hundred Indians besides: and in like manner Peter Cibo, and his Cousin: and they led out more than an hundred and fifty with their wives: and sundry also sped out their children, because that in a manner every one died for hunger. Also Moran Inhabitant of Popayan, carried out more than two hundred persons. And the like did all the rest, Citizens and Soldiers, every one after his ability: the Soldiers craving that they might have licence given them to captive those Indians men and women, which they carried forth: the which was granted them until the death of the said captives, and those deceased, to take as many more. When they departed out of the Province of Quito, they carried out more than six thousand Indians, men and women, and of all those there never returned home into their Country twenty persons. For they died all through the great and excessive travel, which they made them endure in those broiling Countries contrary to their nature. It happened at that time, that one Altonso Sanches, whom the said Captain sent for Chieftain over a certain number of men into a Province there, met with a good company of women, and young boys laden with victuals: who stayed waiting for them without moving from the place to give them of that which they had, and having so done, the Captain commanded that they should be put to the sharp of the sword. It came to pass also, that at the time that the said Captain came into the Province of Lili, to a Town called Palo, near unto the great River, where he found the Captain john de Ampudia, which was gone before to discover, and pacify the Country: the said Ampudia kept a City by him provided of a Garrison, in the name of his Majesty, and of the Marquis Francis of Pizarro: and had set over them for Governors' ordinary, one Petre Solano of Quennoves, and eight Counselors, and all the rest of the Country was in peace, and shared out amongst them. And as he knew that the said Captain was in the said River, he came to see him, with a great number of the Inhabitants of the Country, and peaceful Indians, laden with victuals and fruits. Shortly after also all the neighbour Indians came to see him, bringing him food. There were the Indians of Xamundi, and of Palo, and of Soliman, and of Bolo. Now because that they brought no Mahis which he would have, he sent a great number of Spaniards with their Indians, to go search for Mahis: commanding them to bring some where soever they found any. So went they to Bolo, and to Palo, and found the Indians men and women in their houses in peace: and the said Spaniards with those that were with them, took them, and robbed their Mahis, their Gold, and coverings, and all that they had, and bound many. Wherefore, they seeing that the Captain kept no Faith with them: all the Country arose and revolted from the Spanish, whereof ensued great damage, and God and the King's Majesty offended: and by this means the Country remained dispeopled: for that the Olomas and the Manipos their enemies, which are Mountain people, and warlike, descended daily to take and rob them, when they perceived the City and places of their abode left destitute. And amongst them he who was the stronger, did eat up his fellow, for all died for famine. This done, the Captain came to the City of Ampudia, where Cruel famine. he was received for General. From this place they go to a City called Tukilicui, from whence the Cacike of the place yielded forth incontinent in peace, a number of Indians going before him. The Captain demanded Gold of him and of his Indians. The Cacike told him that he had but a small deal, and that which he had should be given him: and immediately all began to give him all that they had. Whereupon the said Captain gave unto every of them a ticket, with the name of the said Indian, for a testimonial that he had given him Gold: affirming that he which should have never a ticket, should be cast to the Dogs to be devoured, because he gave him no Gold. Whereupon the Indians for fear that they were put in, gave him all the Gold that they were able: and those which had none fled into the Mountains and other Towns, for fear to be slain. By reason whereof perished a great number of the native Inhabitants of the Country. And shortly after, the said Captain commanded the Cacike to send two Indians to another City named Dagna, to will them that they should come in peace, and bring him Gold in abundance. And coming to another City, he sent that night many Spaniards to take the Indians, and namely of Tulilicui. So as they brought the next morrow above an hundred persons: and all those which could bear burdens, they took them for themselves, and for their Soldiers, and put them to the chain, whereof they died all. And the said Captain gave the little children unto the said Cacike Tulilicui, that he should eat them: and in truth, the skins of those children are kept in the house of the said Cacike Tulilicui full of ashes: and so departed he from thence without an Interpreter, and went towards the Provinces of Castille, where he joined himself unto the Captain john de Ampudia, who had sent him to discover another way, doing both of them great outrages, and much mischief unto the Inhabitants of the Country where they became. And the said john de Ampudia came to a City, the Cacike and Lord whereof called Bitacur, had caused to make certain Duchess to defend himself, and there fell into the same two Horses, the one of Antony Rodondos, the other of Marc Marquesses. That of Marcos Marquis died, the other not. For which cause the said Ampudia commanded to take all the Indians men and women that might be: and thereupon took and laid together more than an hundred persons, whom they cast alive into those Ditches and slew them, and brent withal more than an hundred houses in the said City. And in that manner met in a great City, where without summoning (the Indians being at peace, and without any spokesman to go between them) they slew with their Spears a great number of them, making on them mortal war. And as it is said soon after they were met, the said Ampudia told the Captain what he had done in Bitaco, and how he cast so many into the Ditches: and the said Captain answered, that it was well done, and that he for his part had done as much at the River Bamba, when he entered the same, which is in the Province of Quito, and that he had flung into the Ditches moe than two hundred persons; and there they stayed warring on all the Country. Soon after he entered into the Province of Bitu, or Anzerma: in making cruel war with fire and blood till they came as far as unto the Salt-houses. And from thence he sent Francis Garcia before him to pillage, who made cruel war on the natural Inhabitants of the Country as he had done before him. The Indians came unto him two and two, making signs, that they demanded peace on the behalf of the whole Country: alleging that they would afford him, all that he could reasonably demand, were it Gold, or Women, or Uictuals, only that they would not kill them, as indeed it was a troth. For themselves afterwards confessed it to be so. But the said Francis Garcia bid them get them packing: telling them moreover, that they were a sort of drunkards, and that he understood them not, and so returned he to the place where the said Captain was, and they made a complot, to overrun all the Province, making cruel war on all the Country, in spoiling, robbing and slaying all: and with the Soldiers, which he brought with him, drew thence more than two thousand souls, and all those died in the chain. Before departing the place which he had peopled, they slew more than five hundred persons. And so returned to the Province of Calili. And by the way if any Iode or Indesse, were weary, in such sort, that they could not pass any further, they did incontinently head them, paring it off from the shoulders even with the chain, to the end not to take the pains to open the lock thereof: and to the end that others which went the same way should not make wise to be sick, and by this means died they all: and in the highways were left all those people which he made his purchase of out of Quito, and of Pasto, and of Quilla Cangua, and of Paxa, and of Popayan, and of Lili, and of Cali, and of Anzerma, and a great number of people died. Also immediately upon their return to the great City, they entered into it, slaying all that they could: taking in that day moe than three hundred persons, etc. AMong diverse the remedies by Friar De las Casas Bishop of the Royal Town called Chiapa, propounded in the assembly of sundry Prelates named Parsons, by his Majesty's commandment gathered together in the Town of Valladolid, the year of our Lord 1542. for order and reformation to be observed in the Indies: the eighth in order was this ensuing, which consisteth upon twenty reasons and motions. The eight Remedy, is among all other principal and most in force, as without which all the rest are to no purpose, for that they all have relation thereunto, as every motion to his proper end, in whatsoever toucheth or is of any importance unto your Majesty, which no man can express: in as much as thereupon dependeth at the least the whole loss or preservation of the Indies. And the remedy that I speak of is this, that your Majesty do determine, decree, command, and solemnly in your sovereign Courts ordain by pragmatical Sactions and Royal Statutes, that all the Indies as well already subdued, as hereafter to be subdued, may be inserted, reduced, and incorporate into the Royal Crown of Castille and Leon, to be holden in chief of your Majesty as free subjects and vassals, as they are. Likewise that they be not given in commendam unto the Spaniards: but that it stand as an inviolable constitution, determination and Royal Law, that they never, neither at this time, neither hereafter in time to come, may be alienated or taken from the said Royal Crown, neither that they be given, commanded, demised in fee farm, by depost, commandment or alienation, either under any other title or manner whatsoever, and be dismembered from the Royal Crown, for any whatsoever the service or desert of any, either upon any necessity that may happen, or for any cause or colour whatsoever that may be pretended. For the inviolable observation, or establishment of which Law, your Majesty shall formally swear by your Faith, and on your Word and Royal Crown, and by all other sacred things, whereby Christian Princes do usually swear, that at no time neither yourself, neither your successors in these ten Dominions, or in the Indies, so far as in you shall lie, shall revoke the same: and you shall further set down in express words in your Royal Will and Testament, that this decree be ever kept, maintained, and upholden: also that so far as in yourself or in them shall lie, they shall confirm and continue the same. And for proof of the necessity hereof, there be twenty reasons to be alleged: out of which twenty we have drawn and put in writing so many as may seem to serve to our purpose. The Spaniards through their great avarice and covetousness to get, do not permit any religious Extract out of the second reason. persons to enter into their Towns and Holds which they possess, alleging that they receive double loss by them. One and the principal is, that religious persons do keep the Indies occupied when they gather them together to their Sermons, so as in the mean time their work is omitted, while the Indians being idle, labour not: yea, it hath so fallen out, that the Indians being in the Church at the Sermon, the Spaniard coming in, in the face of all the people, hath taken fifty, or an hundred, or so many as he hath needed to carry his baggage and stuff, and such as would not go, he hath laden with stripes, spurning them forth with his feet, thereby, to the great grief both of the Indians, and of the religious persons troubling and molesting all that were present, etc. The Spaniards are charged to instruct the Indians in our holy Catholic Faith: whereupon on Out of the third reason. a time when we examined john Colmenere of Saint Martha, a fantastical, ignorant, and foolish man, who had gotten a great Town in commendam, and had a charge of souls, he could not tell how to bless himself: and ask him what doctrine he taught the Indians committed to his charge, he said, he gave them to the Devil: also that it was enough for him to say, Per signim sanctin Cruces. How can the Spaniards that travel to the Indies, how noble or valiant soever they be, have any care of the souls, when the most of them are ignorant of their Creed and ten Commandments, and know not the matters pertaining to their own salvation, neither do travel to the Indies for any other purpose but to satisfy their own desires and covetous affections, being for the most part vicious, corrupt, unhonest, and disordinate persons: so as he that would weigh them in an equal balance, and compare them with the Indians, should find the Indians without comparison, more virtuous and holy than them. For the Indians what Infidels soever they be, do nevertheless keep them to one and their own wife, as nature and necessity teacheth, and yet we see some Spaniard have fourteen or more, which Gods Commandments do forbid. The Indians devour no man's goods, they do no man wrong: they do not vex, trouble, or slay any, where themselves do see the Spaniards commit all sins, iniquities, and treacheries, that man can commit against all equity and justice. To be brief, the Indians do not believe any thing, but do mock at all that is showed them of God, being in truth fully rooted in this opinion of our God, that he is the worst, and most unjust, and the most wicked of all Gods, because he hath such servants: also concerning your Majesty, they think you the most unjust and cruel of all Kings, because you do both send thither and keep here such evil Subjects, supposing that your Majesty doth feed upon humane flesh and blood. The Spaniards having authority to command, or particular interest in the Indies, cannot by Out of the fourth reason. reason of their great covetousness abstain from afflicting, troubling, disquieting, vexing, or oppressing the Indians, taking away their goods, lands, wives, or children, and using among them many other kinds of iniquity, for the which they can have no redress, sanction, or warrant at your Majesty's chief justice, because the Spaniards do make them afraid: yea sometimes do kill them, lest they should complain. They do night and day mourn after their Gods, thinking them to be better than ours at whom they sustain such harms, while chose of their own they reap there so many commodities: and there is nothing that troubleth them so much as the Christians. We can show to your Majesty, that the Spaniards have within eight and thirty or forty Out of the fifth reason. years slain of just account, above twelve millions of your Subjects: I will not say how mightily this world of people might have multiplied. This Country being the fertilest, whether for cattle, or mankind, that is in the world: the soil being for the most part, more temperate and favourable to humane generation. All these innumerable persons, and all these people have the Spaniards slain, to the end to bear sway, govern, and command over the rest: and when in unjust wars they have slain them, then do they use the rest, who justly have withstood them, in drawing Gold and Silver, yoking them together like beasts, to make them carry their burdens. What plague of pestilence, or mortality could there have fallen from heaven that had been able to consume or make waste above 2500. leagues of flat Country, replenished with people, and would not have left either traveller or inhabitant? The Spaniards only for their temporal commodity, have blemished the Indies with the Out of the sixth reason. greatest infamy, that any man even among the most horrible and villainous persons in the world, could be charged withal, and whereby they have sought to take them out of the degree of mankind: namely that they were all polluted with the abominable sin against nature: which is a wretched and false slander. For in all the great Isles, Hispaniola, Saint john, Cuba, and Lamaica: Also in the sixty Isles of Lucayos, which were inhabited with an infinite number of people, the same was never thought upon; in some other part there is a voice of a few: for whole sakes nevertheless all that world is not to be condemned. We may say as much of the eating of man's flesh, which likewise those places that I have named are free of; although that in other places thy do it indeed. They be also charged with their Idolatry. The Spaniards have purposely and effectually hindered the teaching of the Law of God and jesus Christ: with all other virtues among the Indians, and driven away the Religious persons out of Towns and Fortresses, lest they should see and disclose their tyrannies: yea, they have by their evil example, infected and corrupted the Indies, teaching them many odious behaviours and vices, which before they knew not, as blaspheming the name of jesus Christ, practising of usury, lying, and many other abominations wholly repugnant to their nature. The Spaniards do suck from the Indians the whole substance of their bodies, because they Out of the seaventh reason. have nothing else in their houses. They make them spit blood: They exhibit them to all dangers: They lay upon them sundry and intolerable travails: and more than all this, They load them with torments, beat, and sorrowings: To be brief, they spoil and consume a thousand manner of ways. Besides all that the Indians do endure in serving and pleasing the Spaniards, there is yet a Out of the eight reason. butcher or cruel hangman, to keep them in awe appointed in every Town and place, and is termed Estanciero or Calpisque: who hath authority to lay his claws upon them, and to make them labour, and do what the Lord Commander or chief thief will. So as if in hell there were no other torment, yet were this incomparable. This hangman whippeth them, he ladeth them with stripes, he basteth them with scalding grease, he afflicteth them with continual torments and travels, he forceth and defloureth their daughters and wives, dishonouring and abusing them: he devoureth their Hens, which are their greatest treasure, not because themselves do eat them, but that of them they offer presents and service to their greatest Lord and chief tyrant: he vexeth them with innumerable other torments and griefs: and lest they should complain of so many injuries and miseries, this tyrant putteth them in fear, saying; that he will accuse them, and say that he see them commit Idolatry. To be brief, they must please and content above twenty disordinate and unreasonable persons; so as they have four Lords and Masters. Your Majesty, their Cacique, him that hath them in commendam, and the Estanciero of whom I last spoke, which Estanciero is to them more grievous to bear then a quintal of lead, among which we may also in truth add all the Mochachos and Moors, that do serve the Commander and Master, for they all do molest, oppress, and rob these poor people. It is greatly to be feared, lest God will lay Spain desolate, even for those horrible sins that Out of the tenth reason. this Nation hath committed in the Indies, whereof we do evidently behold the scourge, and all the world doth see and confess that already it hangeth over our heads, wherewith God doth afflict and show that he is highly offended in those parts through the great destruction and waste of those Nations, in that of so great treasures have been transported out of the Indies into Spain (the like quantity of Gold and Silver, neither King Solomon, neither any other worldly Prince ever had, saw, or heard of) there is none left, besides that of that that was here before the Indies Note. were discovered, there is now none to be found, no never a whit. Hereof it cometh that things are thrice dearer than they were, the poor that have want do suffer great miseries: and your Majesty cannot dispatch matters of great importance. So long as Lar bore sway and ruled, that was nine years, there was no more care of teaching Out of the eleventh reason. or bringing the Indians to salvation, neither was there any more labour employed, or once thought of to that purpose, then if they had been Trees, Stones, Dogs, or Cats. He wasted great towns and fortresses, he gave to one Spaniard a hundred Indians, to another fifty, to another more or less, as every man was in liking or favour, and as it pleased him to grant. He gave children, and old men, women with child, and in childbed, men of countenance and commons, the natural Lords of the Towns and Countries, he parted them among those to whom he wished most wealth and commodity, using in his Letters of command this speech following: To you such a man, are given so many Indians with their Cacique, them to use in their Mines and affairs. So as all, great and small, young and old, that could stand on their feet, men, women with child, or in childbed, one or other, travailed and wrought so long as they had any breath in their bodies. He gave leave to take away married men, and to make them draw Gold, ten, twenty, thirty, forty, or eighty leagues, or farther. The women remained in farm houses and granges, in great labours. So that the man and wife should not see one another in eight or ten months or a whole year. And at their meeting they were so worn with labour and hunger, that they had no mind of cohabitation, whereby their generation ceased, and their poor children perished, because the mothers through hunger and travail had no milk wherewith to nourish them: This was a cause that in the I'll of Cuba, one of us being there, there perished in the space of three months for hunger 7000. children, some desperate women strangled and killed their own children, others finding themselves with child, did eat certain herbs thereby to lose their fruit, so that the men died in the Mines, the women perished in the farm houses, their whole generation in a short space decayed, and all the Country lay desolate. The said Governor, to the end without release to keep them in continual labour, still gave them away, and yet besides their great labours he suffered them rigorously, and very austerely to be misused. For the Spaniards that had them in command, appointed certain hangmen over them, some in the Mines, whom they termed Miniero, others in the Farms, that were called Estanciero: unnatural and pitiless persons that beat them with staffs and cords, boxing them, pricking them with needles, and still calling them dogs: neither did they ever show any sign of humanity or clemency, but all their dealings did consist of extreme severity, riot, and bitterness. The Governor had also in the Spanish Towns and Forts, certain of the most honourable and principal persons about him, whom he called Visitors, unto whom also besides their other ordinary portions that he had given them, he gave in respect of their offices one hundred Indians to serve them. These in the Towns were the greatest executioners, as being more cruel than the rest. before whom Athuaziles deal camoo brought all such as had been taken in this chase. The accuser, he that had them in command, was present, and accused them, saying; This Indian, or those Indians are dogs, and will do no service, but do daily run to the Mountains, there to become loiterers and vagabonds: and therefore required that they might be punished. Then the Visitor with his own hands bound them to a Pale, and taking a pitched cord, in the Galleys called an Eel, which is as it were an iron rod, gave them so many stripes, and beat them so cruelly, that the blood running down diverse p●rts of their bodies, they were left for dead. God is witness of the cruelties committed among those lambs. Throughout the year they never knew holiday, neither might be suffered from labour little or much. Besides that during all this toil, they never had sufficient food, no not of Caçabi. Some ther● were that through niggardliness wanting meat to give them, would send them two or three days abroad into the fields and Mountains, to feed where they might satisfy themselves with such fruit as hang on the trees, and then upon the force of that which they brought in their guts, would force them to labour two or three days more without giving them any one morsel to eat. The Governor commanded they should be paid their day wages and expenses for any labour or service that they should do to the Spaniard, and their wages was three blanks every two days, which in the year amounted to half a Castelin. Thus grew they into sickness through long and grievous travails, and that was soon caught among them. When the Spaniards perceived the sickness increase, so as there was no profit or service to be looked for at their hands, than would they send them home to their houses, giving them to spend in some thirty, forty, or eighty leagues travail, some half dozen of Radish or Refortes, that is a kind of navet root, and a little Caçabi, wherewith the poor men travailed not far before they should desperately dye, some went two or three leagues, some ten or twenty, so desirous to get to their own home, there to finish their hellish life that they suffered, that they even fell down dead by the ways; so as many times we found some dead, others at death's door, others groaning and pitifully to their powers pronouncing this word, hunger, hunger. Then the Governor seeing that the Spaniard had in this wise slain half or two third parts of these Indians, whom he had given them in command, he came a fresh to draw new lots, and make a new distribution of Indians: still supplying the number of his first gift, and this did he almost every year. Pedrarias entered into the firm land, as a Wolf that had long been starved doth into a flock of quiet and innocent Sheep and Lambs: and as God's wrath and scourge, committing infinite slaughters, robberies, oppressions and cruelties, together with those Spaniards whom he had levied, and laid waste so many Towns and Villages, which before had been replenished with people, as it were Antony's hills, as the like was never seen, heard of, or written by any that in our days have dealt in Histories. He rob his Majesty & Subjects with those whom he took with him, and the harm that he did amounted to above four, yea six Millions of Gold: he laid above forty leagues of land desert, namely from Darien, where he first arrived, unto the Province of Nicaraga, one of the fruitfullest, richest and best inhabited lands in the world. From this cursed wretch sprang first the pestilence of giving the Indians in command, which afterward hath infected all those Indies where any Spaniards do inhabit, and by whom all these Nations are consumed; so that from him & his commands have proceeded the certain waste and desolation that your Majesty have sustained in these so great lands and dominions, since the year 1504 When we shall say that the Spaniards have wasted your Majesties, and laid you desolate seven Kingdoms bigger than Spain, you must conceive that we have seen them wonderfully peopled, and now there is nobody left, because the Spaniards have slain all the natural inhabitants by means aforesaid, and that of the Towns and Houses there remaineth only the bare walls: even as if Spain were all dispeopled, and that all the people being dead, there remained only the walls of Cities, Towns and Castles. Your Majesty have not out of all the Indies one maruedy of certain perpetual and set rent, Out of the 13. reason. but the whole revenues are as leaves and straw gathered upon the earth, which being once gathered up do grow no more: even so is all the rent that your Majesty hath in the Indies, vain and of as small continuance as a blast of wind, and that proceedeth only of that the Spaniards have had the Indians in their power; and as they do daily slay and roast the inhabitants, so must it necessarily ensue that your Majesty's rights and rents do waste and diminish. The Kingdom of Spain is in great danger to be lost, robbed, oppressed and made desolate by foreign Nations, namely by the Turks and Moors, because that God who is the most just, true, and sovereign King over all the world, is wroth for the great sins and offences that the Spaniards have committed throughout the Indies. But had chosen Spain as his minister and instrument, to illuminate and bring them to his knowledge, and as it had been for a worldly recompense, besides the eternal reward, had granted her so great natural riches, and discovered for her such and so great fruitful and pleasant lands, etc. In as much as our life is short, I do take God to witness with all the Hierarchies and thrones of Angels, all the Saints of the heavenly court, and all the men in the world; yea, even those that shall hereafter be borne, of the certificate that here I do exhibit: also of this the discharge of my conscience, namely that if his Majesty granteth to the Spaniards the aforesaid devilish and tyrannous partition, notwithstanding whatsoever laws or statutes shall be devised, yet will the Indies in short space be laid desert and dispeopled, even as the I'll of Hispaniola is at this present, which otherwise would be most fruitful and fertile; together with other the Isles & lands above 3000. leagues about, besides Hispaniola itself and other lands both far and near. And for those sins, as the holy Scripture doth very well inform, God will horribly chastise, and peradventure wholly subvert and root out all Spain. Anno 1542. The sum of the disputation between Friar BARTHOLOMEW de las CASAS or CASAUS, and Doctor SEPULVEDA. DOctor Sepulueda, the Emperor's chronographer, having information, and being persuaded by certain of those Spaniards, who were most guilty in the slaughters and wastes committed among the Indian people, wrote a Book in Latin, in form of a Dialogue very eloquently, and furnished with all flowers, and precepts of Rhetoric, as indeed the man is very learned and excellent in the said tongue: which Book consisted upon two principal conclusions; the one, That the Spaniards wars against the Indians, were as concerning the cause and equity that moved them thereto, very just: also, that generally the like war may and aught to be continued. His other conclusion, that the Indians are bound to submit themselves to the Spaniards, government, as the foolish to the wise: if they will not yield, then that the Spaniards may (as he affirmeth) war upon them. These are the two causes of the loss and destruction of so infinite numbers of people: also that above 2000 leagues of the main land, are by sundry new kinds of Spanish cruelties and inhuman dealings been left desolate in the Lands: namely by Conquests and Commands as he now nameth those which were wont to be called Partitions. The said Doctor Sepulueda coloureth his Treatise, under the pretence of publishing the title which the Kings of Castille and Leon do challenge in the government and universal sovereignty of this Indian world; so seeking to cloak that doctrine which he endeavoureth to disperse and scatter as well in these lands, as also through the Kingdoms of the Indians. This Book he exhibited to the royal Council of the Indies, very earnestly and importunately lying upon them for licence to print it, which they sundry times denied him in respect of the offence, dangers, and manifest detriment, that it seemed to bring to the Commonwealth. The Doctor seeing that here he could not publish his Book, for that the Counsel of the Indies would not suffer it, he dealt so far with his friends that followed the Emperor's Court, that they got him a Patent, whereby his Majesty directed him to the royal Counsel of Castille, who knew nothing of the Indian affairs: upon the coming of these Letters the Court and Cou●sell being at Aranda in Duero, the year 1547. Friar Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus, Bishop of the royal town of Chiapa, by hap arrived there, coming from the Indians, and having intelligence of Doctor Sepulneda his drifts and devices, had notice also of the Contents of his whole Book: but understanding the Author's pernicious blindness, as also the irrecoverable losses that might ensue upon the printing of this Book, with might and main withstood it, discovering and revealing the poison wherewith it abounded, and whereto it pretended. The Lords of the Royal Counsel of Castille, as wise and just judges, determined therefore to send the said Book to the Universities of Salamanca and Alcala, the matter being for the most part therein Theologically handled, with commandment to examine it, and if it might be printed, to sign it: which Universities after many exact and diligent disputations, concluded, that it might not be printed, as containing corrupt doctrine. The Doctor not so satisfied, but complaining of the Universities aforesaid, determined, notwithstanding so many denials and repulses at both the Royal Counsels, to send his Treatise to his friends at Rome, to the end there to print it, having first transformed it into a certain Apology written to the Bishop of Segovia, because the same Bishop having perused the Treaty and Book aforesaid, had brotherly and charitably as his friend by Letters reproved and counselled him. The Emperor understanding of the Impression of the said Book and Apology, did immediately dispatch his Letters Patents, for the calling in and suppression of the same, commanding likewise to gather in again all Copies thereof throughout Castille. For the said Doctor had published also in the Castilian Language a certain abstract of the said Book, thereby to make it more common to all the Land: and to the end ●●so that the Commons, and such as understood no Latin, might have some use thereof, as being a matter agreeable and toothsome to such as coveted great riches, and sought ways to climb to other estates, then either themselves, or their Predecessors could never attain unto without great cost, labour, and cares, and oftentimes with the loss and destruction of diverse. Which when the Bishop of Chiapa understood, he determined also to write an Apology in the vulgar tongue, against the said Doctors summary in defence of the Indies, therein impugning and undermining his foundations, and answering all reasons, or whatsoever the Doctor could allege for himself, therein displaying and setting before the people's face the dangers, inconveniences and harms in the said doctrine contained. Thus as many things passed on both sides, his Majesty in the year 1550. called to Valadolid, an Assembly of learned men, as well Divines as Lawyers, who being joined with the Royal counsel of the Indies should argue, and among them conclude, whether it were lawful without breach of justice, to levy wars, commonly termed conquests, against the Inhabitants of those Countries, without any new offence by them committed, their infidelity excepted. Doctor Sepulueda was summoned to come and say what he could, and being entered the Counsel Chamber, did at the first Session utter his whole mind. Then was the said Bishop likewise called, who for the space of five days, continually did read his Apology: but being somewhat long, the Divines and Lawyers there assembled, besought the Learned and Reverend Father Dominicke Soto his Majesty's Confessor, and a Dominican Friar, who was there present, to reduce it into a Summary, and to make so many Copies as there were Lords, that is fourteen, to the end they all having studied upon the matter, might afterward in the fear of God say their minds. The said Reverend Father and Master Soto, set down in the said Summary, the Doctor's reasons, with the Bishop's answers to the same. Then had the Doctor at his request a Copy delivered him to answer: out of which summary he gathered twelve against himself, whereto he made twelve answers, against which answers the Bishop framed twelve Replies. Doctor Sepulued a his Prologue to the Lords of the Assembly, began thus. Most worthy and Noble Lords, sith your Lordships and Graces have as judges for the space of five or six days heard the Lord Bishop of Chiapa read that Book, whereinto he hath many years laboured to gather all the reasons that either himself, or others could invent to prove the conquest of the Indies to be unjust, as seeking first to subdue barbarous Nations before we preach the Gospel unto them, which have been the usual course correspondent to the grant made by Pope Alexander the sixth, Note, the Pope's Bull is pretended: which, and our answer to it, see To. 1. l2. c. 1. which all Kings and Nations have hitherto taken and observed: it is meet, and I do so desire you, that I who take upon me to defend the grant and authority of the apostolic Sea, together with the equity and honour of our Kings and Nation, etc. Out of which Replies, here followeth the Abstract of two that stand us instead. The report is untrue that the Indians did yearly sacrifice in New Spain twenty thousand persons: either one hundred or fifty. For had that been so, we could not now have found there so much people: and therefore the Tyrants have invented it, thereby to excuse and justify their Tyrannies: also to detain so many of the Indians as escaped the oppression and desolation of the first Vintage, in bondage and tyranny. But we may more truly say, that the Spaniards during their abode in the Indies, have yearly sacrificed to their so dearly beloved and reverend Goddess Covetousness more people, than the Indians have done in a hundred years. This do the Heavens, the Earth, the Elements, and the Stars both testify and bewail: the Tyrants, yea, the very Ministers of these mischiefs cannot deny it. For it is evident how greatly these Countries at our first entry swarmed with people, as also how we have now laid it waste, and dispeopled the same: we might even blush for shame, that having given over all fear of God, we will yet never the less seek to colour and excuse these our so execrable demeanours: considering that only for getting wealth and riches, we have in forty five or forty eight years, wasted and consumed more Land than all Europe, yea and part of Asia, do in length and breath contain, robbing and usurping upon that with all cruelty, wrong, and tyranny, which we have seen well inhabited with humane Twenty Millions destroyed before he saith 12. or 15. Millions, which is to be understood of some greater part, not of all the Indies. Yea, only in New Spain, Honduras, Guatimala, Venesuela Peru, and the Coast of Paria, he reckoneth above 20. Million: besides three Millions in Hispaniola, half a Million in the Lucayos, 600000 or rather a Million in jamaica, and Saint john's Lands: 800000 in Terra Firma, in Nicaragua, 550000. that I mention not the innumerable multitudes in Cuba, Panuco, Florida, Xal●sco, Yucatan, Saint Martha, Carthagena, New Granado, River of Plata, etc. people, among whom there have been slain and destroyed twenty Millions of souls. In the twelfth and last Reply as followeth, The Spaniards have not entered into India for any desire to exalt God's honour, or for zeal to Christian Religion, either to favour, and procure the salvation of their Neighbours, no, neither for their Prince's service, whereof they do so vainly brag: but Covetousness hath brought them, and Ambition hath alured them to the perpetual dominion over the Indies, which they as Tyrants and Devils, do covet to be parted among them: and to speak plainly and flatly, do seek no other but to expel and drive the Kings of Castille out of all that World, and themselves seizing thereupon, by Trannie to usurp and take upon them all Royal Sovereignty. CHAP. V. Notes of Voyages and Plantations of the French in the Northern America: both in Florida and Canada. OF the French Plantation in that part of Brafill by Uillagaynon, which therefore Friar Thenet called France Antarctike, you have seen already in Lerius. Besides the French have almost from the first beginnings of the Spanish Plantation, with men of war haunted those Coasts, and taken many Spanish prizes. The French As out of Ouiedo, Benzo, etc. is before observed. have also made other Discoveries, and settled some habitation for a time in the Northern parts of the New World. john Uerrazano a Florentine was sent Anno 1524. by King Francis the first, and Madame Regent his Mother, who is said to have discovered from the eight and twentieth to the fiftieth degree; (all which and much more had long before been discovered by Sir Sebastian Cabot for the Sir Sebastian Cabot: King of England, who was the first that set foot on the American Continent in behalf of any Christian Prince Anno 1496. or as othe●rs 1497. and therefore the French reckoning falleth short, some of which Nation upon Verazanos' Discovery challenge I know not what right to all that Coast, and make their New France near as great as all Europe. To leave that, we are to do them Historical right in relating their actions in those parts. The Rites and Customs of Florida are related at large by Ren● Laudonniere, by Master Hakluyt translated, and in his Works published. Laudonniere was sent by that famous Admiral Chastillon with john Ribalt, Anno 1562. who arrived Cap. Ribalt. at Cape François in Florida in thirty degrees, and there erected a Pillar with the French Arms. The River they called the River of May, having entered it on May day. In the Woods they found great store of red and white Mulberry Trees, and on their tops an infinite number of Silk-wormes. Eight other Rivers they discovered to which they gave the names of Seine, Somme, Silkworms store in Florida Port Royal in 32. degrees. Loire, Cherente, Garonne, Gironde, Belle, Grande, and after that Belle a Voire, and Port Royal. In this last they anchored; the River at the mouth is three French leagues broad: he sailed up many leagues, and erected another like Pillar of stone. Ribalt having built a Fort and furnished it with provisions, called it Charles Fort, and left a Golonie there under Captain Albert. These found great kindness with their Indian Neighbours, till dissension happened amongst themselves, the Captain for a small fault hanging a Soldier and exercising severity over the rest, Mutiny Cap. Albert slain. which thereupon in a mutiny slew him, and having chosen a new Captain, they built a Pinnace and furnished it as well as they could to return for France, but surprised in the way with calms, and expense of their provision, they first did ear their shoes and Buff jerkins, and yet continuing famished, they killed one of their fellows called La Cheer, and made cheer of him, and after met with an English Bark which relieved them, and setting some on Land, brought the rest to Queen Elizabeth. The cause of their not relieving according to promise was the Civil wars, which being compounded the Admiral procured the King to send three ships to Florida under the command of the Author Rene Landonniere, which see sail in April 1564. He went on shore at Dommica, in which Island his men killed two Serpents nine foot long, and as big as 〈◊〉 leg. The The second Golonie. two and twentieth of june, they landed in Florida ten leagues above Capo Francois, and after in the River of May, where the Indians very joyfully welcomed them, and the stone Pillar 〈…〉 rected Stone Pillar worshipped. by Ribalt was crowned with bays and baskets of Mill or Moiz set at the foot, and they kissed the same with great reverence. One of Par●coussy (or the King) his Sons presented 〈◊〉 Captain with a wedge of silver. With another Parc●ussy they saw one old Father blind with age, but living, and of his lomes six generations descended, all present, so that the Son of the eldest was supposed two hundred and fifty years old. They planted themselves on this River of May, and there built a Fort which they called Carolina of their King Charles. Landonniere sent Men nigh 300. years old. Outigni his Lieutenant to search out the people called Thimogoa, whence that silver wedge had comen, and there heard of a great King Olata Ouae Utina, to whom forty Kings were vassals. Saturiova The Vassals are petty Wer●●nces, or Lords of Villages. was said to have thirty, and to be enemy to Vtina. A fearful lightning happened which burned five hundred acres of ground, and all the fowls, after which followed such a heat, that as many fish were: dead therewith at the mouth of the River, as would have laden fifty Carts, and of their putrefaction grievous diseases. The Savages had thought the French had done it with their Ordnance. He got some prisoners of Vtinas subjects which Saturiova had taken and sent them to him, some of his men assisting Vtina in his wars against Potanou one of his enemies, and returning with some quantity of Silver and Gold. Whiles things continued in good terms with the Savages Mutinies and Conspiracies fell out amongst the French, some conspiring to kill the Captain, others running away with the Barks, one of which rob by Sea, and after was driven by famine to seek to the Spaniards at Havana: Mutinies. and when two other Barks were a building, a third Conspiracy seized on the Captain, detained him Prisoner, and forced him to subscribe their pass with these two Barks. Away they went and the next division was amongst themselves, one Bark departing from the others. One of them after diverse Piracies came back, and the chief mutinies were executed, Francis jean one of the other Bark was he which after brought the Spaniards thither to destroy them. The Indians use to keep in the Woods januarie, February, and March, and live on what they take in hunting; so that the French neither receiving their expected relief from France, nor from the The Virginians a 〈…〉 such a custom. Savages which had no Corn, having before sold them what they had, suffered grievous famine; they resolved to build a vessel able to carry them into France, the Savages making advantages of their necessities (according to the wont perfidiousness of those wild people) whereupon they took King Vtina Prisoner with his Son to get food for his ransom. The famine was so sharp that it made the bones to grow thorough the skin, and when the Maiz by the end of May Cruel famine. came to some ripeness, food itself overcame their weak stomaches. Some relief they had by Sir john Hawkins who came thither with four ships, guided by a man of Deep which had been there in Ribalts Voyage, who also offered to transport him, and set them all on land in France. This he refused, but made good advantage hereof with the Savages, telling them that this was his brother which brought him great relief and plenty, whereupon all sought his friendship. His men at last generally fearing to continue in that misery, wanting both apparel and victual, and means to return, so wrought with him, that not daring to give the Silver, and such things as he had gotten in the Country (which might bring an English Plantation into those parts) he bought a ship of Sir john Hawkins, who partly sold and partly gave them provisions also of apparel and Sir john Hawk●ns his great kindness. victual for their return; and as Laudonniere acknowledgeth like a charitable man, saved their lives. Whiles thus they were preparing to set sail, Captain Ribalt came into the River with seven Th●rd Floridan Voyage by C. Ribalt. sail four greater and three less (whom the Admiral had sent, hearing that Laudonniere lorded and domineered in tyrannical and insolent manner) and was solemnly welcomed in the end of August 1565. A while after, when as the Indians had filled Captain Ribalt with golden hopes of the mines at Apalatci, some proofs whereof were found to be perfect gold, six great ships Gold Mynes of Apalatci. of Spaniards came into the River on the fourth of September, and made fair show to the French, which trusted them never the more, but let slip their Anchors and fled, being no way matchable but in swiftness of sail, whereby they escaped the pursuit of the Spaniards, and observed their course sending word thereof to Captain Ribalt. The High Admiral Chastillon also had in his last Letters written to Ribalt, that he had intelligence out of Spain, of Don Pedro Melendes Spaniards kill the French and plant in Florida. his Expedition to Florida, just before his coming from France, Captain Ribalt embarkes himself the eight of September, pretending to go seek the Spaniards, which soon after came to seek the French at their Fort, guided by Francis jean, before a Mutineer, now also a Traitor, who showed the Captain to the Spaniards. Notwithstanding their assault, Laudonniere made an escape with some others over the Marshes into the ships, and so returned first into England, and after into France. Captain Ribalt was surprised with a Tempest which wracked him upon the Coast, and all his ships were castaway, himself hardly escaping drowning, but not escaping the more than Rocky Spaniards which massacred him and all his company. Massacre. Revenge by Cap. Dom 〈…〉 Gaurgues. This butchery was revenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France, by Captain Gaurgues, Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships, and entering the River Taca●acourn (which the French called Seine) he made league with eight Savage Kings, which had been much dispighted by the Spaniards, and were grown as despiteful to them. The Spaniards were accounted four hundred strong, and had divided themselves into three Forts upon the River of May, the greatest begun by the French; two smaller nearer the River's mouth to fortify each thereof with twelve hundred Soldiers in them well provided for Munition. Three Forts Spanish. In April 1568. he took these two Forts and slew all the Spaniards, the vindicative Savages giving him vehement and eager assistance, especially Olotocara, Nephew to Saturiova. As they went to the Fort, he said, that he should die there, and therefore desired Gourgues to give that to his wife which he would have given himself, that it might be buried with him for his better Why the Savages have their goods interred with them. welcome to the Village of the Souls departed. This Fort was taken, the Spaniards some slain, others taken, and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung; five of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged, and now acknowledged the Divine justice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged over them, I do not this as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans; Gourgues set up another, I do not this as to Spaniards or Mariners, but as to Traitors, Robbers Just requited all. and Murderers. The Forts he razed, not having men to keep them, and in june following arrived in Rochel. Coming to the King with expectation of reward, the Spanish King had so possessed him, that he was fain to hide himself. This Dominicke de Gourgues had been an old Soldier, once imprisoned, and of a Captain made a Galleyslave by the Spaniards, and grew for his service in reputation with the Queen of England: he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida, for Virginia's sake worthy to be known of the English. Now for their more Northern Voyages and Plantations. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of jaques Cartier, who in April 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships, and in May arrived at Newfoundland. On the one and twentieth jaques Cartier his three Voyages, Island of Birds in 49. deg 〈…〉 s 40. minutes. of May they came to the Island of Birds a league about, so full of Birds as if they were sowed there, and a hundred times as many hover about it, some as big as jays, black and white with beaks like Crows, lying always on the Sea; their wings not bigger than half ones hand, which makes that they cannot fly high. In less than half an hour they filled two Boat, with them. These they named Aporatz; another less Port, which put themselves under the wings of others greater, they called Godetz, a third, bigger and white, biting like Dogs they called Margaulx. Though the Island be fourteen leagues from the Continent, Bears come thither to Margaulx seem to be Pengwins. feed on those Birds. One white one as big as a Kow they killed in her swimming, and found her good meat. Three such Bird Lands they also discovered the five and twentieth of june, which they called the Lands of Margaulx. There also they found Morses, Bears and Wolves. But these Northern Coasts are better known to our Countrymen: then that I should mention his French names, which from Cabots' time almost forty years before had been known to the English. The next year Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Laurence his Bay, and so to the River of Hochelaga. They went to Canada, and to the Town of Hochelaga. They saw the great and swift fall of the River, and were told of three more therein. The Scorbute that Winter killed five and twenty of their men in their Fort: the rest recovered by the use the sap and leaves of a tree called Hameda, which was thought to be Sassafras. These reports of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, caused King Francis to send him again, Anno 1540 purposing also to send john Francis de la Roche, Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, L. of Robewall. and Hochelaga. He went Anno 1542. his chief Pilot was john Alphouso of Xantoigne, whose Notes, as also the Relation of that Voyage with three ships, and two hundred persons, men, women and children, Master Hakluyt hath recorded. He built a Fort and wintered there: and then returned. These were the French beginnings, who have continued their Trading in those parts by yearly Voyages to that Coast to these times, for fishing, and sometimes for Beavers skins and other Commodities. One Savalet is said to have made two and forty Voyages to those parts. Savalets 42. Voyages to Newfoundland. Mark Lescarbot hath published a large Book called Nova Francia, and additions thereto, part of which we have here for better intelligence of those parts, added with Champleins Discoveries. CHAP. VI The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brovage, made unto Canada in the year 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie, etc. High Admiral of France. WE departed from Houfleur, the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put into Their Voyage to Tadousac. Chap. 1. the Road of New Haven, because the wind was contrary. The Sunday following being the sixteenth of the said month, we set sail to proceed on our Voyage. The seventeenth day following, we had sight of jersey and Yarnsey, which are Isles between the Coast of Normandy and England. The eighteenth of the said month, we descried the Coast of Britain. The nineteenth, at seven of the clock at night, we made account that we were thwart of Ushent. The one and twentieth, at seven of clock in the morning, we met with seven ships of Hollanders, which to our judgement came from the Indies. On Easter day, the thirtieth of the said month, we were encountered with a great storm, which seemed rather to be thunder then wind, which lasted the space of seventeen days, but not so great as it was the two first days; and during the said time we rather lost way then gained. The sixteenth day of April the storm began to cease, and the Sea became more calm than before, to the contentment of all the Company; in such sort as continuing our said course until the eighteenth of the said month, we met with a very high Mountain of Ice. The morrow after we descried a bank of Ice, which continued above eight leagues in length, with an infinite number of other smaller pieces of Ice, which hindered our passage. And by the judgement of our A bank of Ice above 8. leagus long, in 45. degrees and two third parts. The Bank in 44. degr. one third part. These coasts subject to fogs. Pilot, the said flakes or Ice were one hundred, or one hundred & twenty leagues from the Country of Canada; and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts; & we found passage in 44. deg. The second of May, at eleven of clock of the day, we came upon The Bank in 44. degrees one third part. The sixth of the said month, we came so near the land that we heard the Sea beat against the shore, but we could not descry the same through the thickness of the fog, whereunto these coasts are subject; which was the cause that we put farther certain leagues into the Sea, until the next day in the morning, when we descried land, the weather being very clear, which was the Cape of Saint Marie. The twelfth day following we were overtaken with a great flaw The Cape of S. Marry. of wind, which lasted two days. The fifteenth of the said month, we descried the Isles of Saint Peter. The seventeenth following we met with a bank of Ice near Cape de Ray, six leagues in length, which caused us to strike sail all the night, to avoid the danger we might incur. The Isles of S. Peter. A bank of Ice 6. leagues long Cape de Ray. Cape de S. Laurence. The next day we set sail, and descried Cape the Ray, and the Isles of Saint Paul, and Cape de Saint Laurence, which is on the South side. And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence unto Cape de Ray, is eighteen leagues, which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulf of Canada. The same day, about ten of the clock in the morning, we met with another Island of Ice, which was above eight leagues long. The twentieth of the said month, we descried an Isle, which containeth some five and twenty or thirty leagues in length, which is called the Isle of An Island of Ice above eight leagues long. The I'll of Assumption. Gachepe. The River Mantanne. The Pike. Tadousac, from Gachepe 100 leg Assumption, which is the entrance of the River of Canada. The next day we descried Gachepe, which is a very high land, and began to enter into the said River of Canuda, ranging the South coast unto the River of Mantanne, which is from the said Gachepe sixty five leagues; from the said River of Mantanne we sailed as far as the Pike, which is twenty leagues, which is on the South side also: from the said Pike we sailed over the River unto the port of Tadousac, which is fifteen leagues. All these Countries are very high, and barren, yielding no commodity. The four and twentieth of the said month we cast anchor before Tadousac, and the six and twentieth we entered into the said Port, which is made like to a creek in the entrance of the River of Saguenay, where there is a very strange currant and tide, for the swiftness and depth thereof, where sometimes strong winds do blow, because of the cold which they bring with them; it is thought The description of the haven of Tadousac The River of Sagenay falls into Camada. That of Sagenay is in Lescarbots Map expressed to enter on the North side of Canada, about 51. or 40. from thence to the Sea shore of Canada is above sixty miles, which entering into the Sea, hath 100 miles, and up to the falls (which Voyage followeth) continueth a marvelous breadth, so that it may be for greatness reputed greater than any other River in our world or in the Northern parts of the New: full also of Lakes and Lands for greater magnificence. that the said River is five and forty or fifty leagues unto the first fall, and it cometh from the North Northwest. The said Port of Tadousac is little, wherein there cannot ride above ten or twelve Ships: but there is water enough toward the East, toward the opening of the said River of Sagenay along by a little hill, which is almost cut off from the main by the Sea: The rest of the Country are very high Mountains, whereon there is little mould, but rocks and sands full of woods of Pines, Cypresses, Fir-trees, Burch, and some other sorts of trees of small price. There is a little Pool near unto the said Port, enclosed with Mountains covered with woods. At the entrance of the said Port there are two points, the one on the West side running a league into the Sea, which is called Saint Matthewes point; and the other on the Southeast side, containing a quarter of a league, which is called the point of all the Devils. The South and South Southeast, and South South-west winds do strike into the said haven. But from Saint Matthewes Point, to the said Point of all the Devils, is very near a league: Both these Points are dry at a low water. THe seven and twentieth day we sought the Savages at the Point of Saint Matthew, which The great Sagamo their feasts & wars. The Irocois. Cap. 2. Two Savages brought out of France. Anadabijon. The Oration of one of the savages which we brought with us. is a league from Tadousac, with the two Savages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him, to make report of that which they had seen in France, and of the good entertainment which the King had given them. As soon as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo, which is called Anadabijou, where we found him with some eighty or a hundred of his companions, which were making Tabagie, that is to say, a Feast. He received us very well, according to the custom of the Country, and made us sit down by him, and all the Savages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabin. One of the Savages which we had brought with us began to make his Oration, of the good entertainment which the King had given them, and of the good usage that they had received in France, and that they might assure themselves that his said Majesty wished them well, and desired to people their Country, and to make peace with their enemies (which are the Irocois) or to send them forces to vanquish them. He also reckoned up the fair Castles, Palaces, Houses, and people which they had seen, and our manner of living. He was heard with so great silence, as more cannot be uttered. Now when The Irocois enemies to Anadabijon. he had ended his Oration, the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon, having heard him attentively began to take Tobacco, and gave to the said Monsieur du Pont Grain of Saint Malo, and to me, and to certain other Sagamos which were by him: after he had taken store of Tobacco, he began to make his Oration to all, speaking distinctly, resting sometimes a little, and then speaking again, saying, that doubtless they ought to be very glad to have his Majesty for their great The Oration of Anadabijon friend: they answered all with one voice, ho, ho, ho, which is to say, yea, yea, yea. He proceeding forward in his speech, said, That he was very well content that his said Majesty should people their Country, and make war against their enemies, and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good, then to the French. In fine, he gave them all to understand what good and prefit they might receive of his said Majesty. When he had ended his speech, we went out of his Cabin, and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast, which A feast of this Savages, Orignac a Beast like an Ox. they make with the flesh of Orignac, which is like an Ox, of Bears, of Seals, and Bevers, which are the most ordinary victuals which they have, & with great store of wild Fowl. They had eight or ten Kettles full of meat in the midst of the said Cabin, and they were set one from another some six paces, and each one upon a several fire. The men sat on both sides the house (as I said before) with his dish made of the bark of a tree: and when the meat is sodden, there is one which deuideth to every man his part in the same dishes, wherein they feed very filthily, for when their hands be fatty, they rub them on their hair, or else on the hair of their dogs, whereof they have store to hunt with, Before their meat was sodden, one of them rose up, and took a dog, & danced about the said Kettles from the one end of the Cabin to the other: when he came before the great Sagamo, he cast his dog perforce upon the ground, and then all of them with one voice, cried, ho, ho, ho, which being done, he went and sat him down in his place; then immediately another rose up and did the like, and so they continued until the meat was sodden. When they had ended their Feast, they began to dance, taking the heads of their enemies in their hands, which hanged upon the wall behind them; and in sign of joy there is one or two which sing, moderating their voice by the measure of their hands, which they beat upon their knees, than they rest sometimes, and cry, ho, ho, ho; and begin again to dance, & blow like a man that is out of breath. They made this triumph for a victory which they had gotten of the Irocois, of whom they had slain some hundred, whose heads they cut off, which they had with them for A victory gotten of the Irocois. Estechemins, Algoumequins, and Mountainers. The River of the Irocois. The Irocois are in great number. the ceremony. They were three Nations when they went to war; the Estechemins, Algoumequins, and Mountainers, to the number of a thousand, when they went to war against the Irocois, whom they encountered at the mouth of the River of the said Irocois, and slew an hundred of them. The war which they make is altogether by surprises, for otherwise they would be out of hart; & they fear the said Irocois very much, which are in greater number than the said Mountainers, Estechemins and Algoumequins. The twenty eight day of the said month, they encamped themselves in the foresaid haven of Tadousac, where our Ship was; at the break of day their said great Sagamo came out of his Cabin, going round about all the other Cabins, and cried with a loud voice that they should dislodge to go to Tadousac, where their good friends were. Immediately every man in a trice took down his cabin, and the said grand Captain, first began to take his canoe, & carried it to the Sea, where he embarked his wife and children, & store of furs; and in like manner did well near two hundred canowes, which go strangely; for though our Shallop was well manned, yet they went more swift than we. There are but two that row, the man and the wife. Their Canowes' Two hundred Canowes'. are some eight or nine pases long, and a pace, or a pace & a half broad in the midst, and grow sharper & sharper toward both the ends. They are very subject to overturning, if one know not how to guide them; for they are made of the bark of a Birch tree, strengthened within with The fashion of their Canowes' little circles of wood well & handsomely framed, and are so light, that one man will carry one of them easily; and every Canowe is able to carry the weight of a Pipe: when they would pass over any land to go to some River where they have business, they carry them with them. Their Cabins are low, made like Tents, covered with the said bark of a tree, and they leave in the roof about a foot spaceuncovered, whereby the light cometh in; and they make many fires right in the midst Their Cabins made like tents and covered with the bark of trees. of their Cabin, where they are sometimes ten households together. They lie upon skins one by another, and their dogs with them. They were about a thousand persons, men, women and children. The place of the point of S. Matthew, where they were first lodged, is very pleasant; they were at the bottom of a little hill, which was full of Fir & Cypress trees: upon this point there is a little levelly plot, which discovereth far off, & upon the top of the said hill, there is a Plain, a league long, Cypress trees and half a league broad, covered with trees; the soil is very sandy, and is good pasture; all the rest is nothing but Mountains of very bad rocks: the Sea beateth round about the said hill, which is dry for a large half league at a low water. The ●●triumphs humours, famine superstitions & rites. Chap. 3. THe ninth day of june the Savages began to make merry together, and to make their feast, as I have said before, and to dance for the aforesaid victory which they had obtained against their enemies. After they had made good cheer, the Algoumequins, one of the three Nations, went out of their Cabins, and retired themselves apart into a public place, and caused all their women and girls to sit down in ranks one by the other, and stood themselves behind, then singing all in one time, as I have said before. And suddenly all the women and maidens began to cast off their Mantles of skins, and stripped themselves stark naked, showing their privities, nevertheless odorned with Matachia, which are paternosters and chains interlaced made of the Matachia or cord 〈…〉 s of the hair of the Porke-pike. hair of the Porkespicke, which they die of diverse colours. After they had made an end of their songs, they cried all with one voice, ho, ho, ho; at the same instant all the women and maidens covered themselves with their Mantles, for they lie at their feet, and rest a short while; and then eftsoons beginning again to sing, they let fall their Mantles as they did before. They go not out of one place when they dance, and make certain gestures and motions of the body, first Their manner of dancing. lifting up one foot and then another, stamping upon the ground. While they were dancing of this dance, the Sagamo of the Algoumequins, whose name was Besovat, sat before the said women and virgins, between two staffs, whereon the heads of their enemies did hang. Sometimes he Besovat the Sagamo of the Algoumequins. rose and made a speech, and said to the Mountainers and Estechemains; ye see how we rejoice for the victory which we have obtained of our enemies, ye must do the like, that we may be contented: then they all together cried, ho, ho, ho. as soon as he was returned to his place, the great Sagamo, and all his companions cast off their Mantles, being stark naked save their privities, which were covered with a little skin, and took each of them what they thought good, as Matachias, Hatchets, Swords, Kettels, Fat, Flesh of the Orignac, Seales, in brief, every one had a present, which they gave the Algoumequins. After all these ceremonies the dance ceased, and the said Algoumequins both men and women carried away their presents to their lodgings. They chose out all ò two men of each Nation of the best disposition, which they caused to run, and he which was the swiftest in running had a present. All these people are of a very cheerful complexion, they laugh for the most part, nevertheless they are somewhat melancholy. They speak very distinctly, as though they would make themselves well understood, and they stay quickly bethinking themselves a great while, and then they begin their speech again: they often use this fashion in the midst of their Orations in counsel, where there are none but the principals, which are the ancients: the women and children are not present. All these people sometimes endure so great extremity, that they are almost constrained to eat one another, through the great colds and snows; for the Beasts and These Savages endure great famine. Fowls whereof they live, retire themselves into more hot climates I think if any would teach them how to live, and to learn to till the ground, and other things, they would learn very well; for I assure you that many of them are of good judgement, and answer very well to the purpose to any thing that a man shall demand of them. They have one naughty quality in them, which is, that they are given to revenge, and great liars, a people to whom you must not give Their had qualities. too much credit, but with reason, and standing on your own guard. They promise much and perform little. They are for the most part a people that have no Law, as far as I could see and inform myself of the said great Sagamo, who told me, that they constantly believe, that there is one God, which hath made all things: And then I said unto him, since they believe in one God only, How is it that he sent them into this world, and from whence came they? he answered The belief of the Savages. me, that after God had made all things, he took a number of Arrows, and stuck them in the ground, from whence men and women grew, which have multiplied in the world until this present, and had their original on this fashion. I replied unto him, that this which he said was false; but that indeed there was one God only, which had created all things in the earth, and in the heavens: seeing all these things so perfect, without any body to govern this world beneath, he took of the slime of the earth, & thereof made Adam, our first Father. As Adam slept, God took a rib of the side of Adam, & thereof made Eve, whom he gave him for his companion; and that this was the truth that they and we had our original after this manner, and not of Arrows as they believed. He said nothing unto me, save, that he believed rather that which I said, then that which he told me. I asked him also, whether he believed not that there was any other but one God only? He told me, that their belief was, That there was one God, one Son, one Mother, and the Sun, which were four; yet that God was above them all: but that the Son They believe one God, one Son, one Mother, and the Sun. was good, and the Sun in the firmament, because of the good that they received of them; but that the Mother was naught, and did eat them, and that the Father was not very good. I showed him his error according to our faith, wherein he gave me some small credit. I demanded of him, whether they had not seen, nor heard say of their ancestors, that God came into the world. He told me, that he had never seen him; but that in old time there were five men which went toward the Sun setting, which met with God, who asked them, Whither go ye? They said, we go to seek our living: God answered them, you shall find it here. They went farther, without regarding what God had said unto them: which took a stone, and touched two of them with it, which were turned into a stone: And he said again unto the other three, Whither go ye? and they answered as at the first: and God said to them again, Go no further, you shall find it here. And seeing that nothing came unto them, they went farther: and God took two staffs, and touched the two first therewith, which were turned into staffs; and the fifth stayed and would go no turther: And God asked him again, whither goest thou? I go to seek my living: stay and thou shalt find it. He stayed without going any further, and God gave him meat, and he did eat thereof; after he had well fed, he returned with other Savages, and told them all the former story. He told them also, That another time there was a man which had store of Tobacco (which is a kind of herb, whereof they take the smoke.) And that God came to this man, and asked him where his Tobacco pipe was? The man took his Tobacco pipe and gave it to God, which took Tobacco a great while: after he had taken store of Tobacco, God broke the said pipe into many pieces: and the man asked him, why hast thou broken my pipe, and seest that I have no more? And God took one which he had, and gave it him, and said unto him; lo here I give thee one, carry it to thy great Sagamo, and charge him to keep it, and if he keep it well he shall never want any thing, nor none of his companions. The said man took the Tobacco pipe, and gave it to his great Sagamo, which as long as he kept, the Savages wnnted nothing in the world. But after that the said Sagamo lost this Tobacco pipe, which was the occasion of great famine, which sometimes they have among Great famine sometimes among the Savages. them. I asked him whither he believed all this? he said yea, and that it was true. This I believe is the cause wherefore they say that God is not very good. But I replied and told him, that God was wholly good; and that without doubt this was the Devil that appeared to these men, and that if they would believe in God as we do, they should not want any thing needful. That the Sun which they beheld, the Moon and the Stars were created by this great God, which hath made heaven and earth, and they have no power but that which God hath given them. That we believe in this great God, who by his goodness hath sent us his dear Son, which being conceived by the holy Ghost, took humane flesh in the Virginal womb of the Virgin Marie, having been thirty three years on the earth, working infinite miracles, raising up the dead, healing the sick, casting out Devils, giving sight to the blind, teaching men the will of God his Father, to serve, honour, and worship him, did shed his blood, and suffered death and passion for us, and for our sins, and redeemed mankind, and being buried, he rose again, he descended into hell, and ascended into heaven, where he sitteth at the right hand of God his Father. That this the belief of all the Christians, which believe in the Father, the Son, and he holy Ghost, which nevertheless are not three Gods, but one only, and one only God, and one Trinity, in the which none is before or after the other, none greater or less than another. That the Virgin Mary the Mother of the Son of God, and all men and women which have lived in this world, doing the commandments of God, and suffering martyrdom for his name sake, and by the permission of God have wrought miracles, and are Saints in heaven in his Paradise, do all pray this great divine Majesty for us, to pardon us our faults and our sins which we do against his Law and his Commandments: and so by the prayers of the Saints in heaven, and by our prayers which we make to his divine Majesty, he giveth that which we have need of, and the Devil hath no power over us, and can do us no harm: That if they had this belief, they should be as we are, and that the Devil should be able to do them no hurt, and should never want any thing necessary. Then the said Sagamo told me, that he approved that which I said. I asked him what ceremony they used in praying to their God? He told me, that they used none other ceremonies, but that every one prayed in his heart as he thought good: This is the cause why I believe they have no law among them, neither do they know how to worship or pray to God, and live for the most part like brute beasts, and I think in short space they would be brought to be good Christians, if their Country were planten, which they desire for the most part. Savages which speak with the Devil. They have among them certain Savages which they call Pilotova, which speak visibly with the Devil, which telleth them what they must do, as well for the war as for other things; and if he should command them to put any enterprise in execution, either to kill a French man, or any other of their Nation, they would immediately obey his commandment. Also they believe that all the dreams which they dream are true: and indeed there are many of them, which say that they have seen and dreamt things which do happen or shall happen. But to speak truly of these things, they are visions of the Devil, which doth deceive and seduce them. Lo this is all their belief that I could learn of them, which is brutish and bestial. All these people are well proportioned of their bodies, without any deformity, they are well set, and the They paint themselves with an Olive colour. women are well shapen, fat and full, of a tawny colour by abundance of a certain painting wherewith they rub themselves, which maketh them to be of an Olive colour. They are apparelled with skins, one part of their bodies is covered, and the other part uncovered; but in the winter they cover all, for they are clad with good Furs, namely with the skins of Orignac, Their apparel of skins. Otters, Bevers, Lea-boores, Stags, and Dear, whereof they have store. In the winter when the Snows are great, they make a kind of racket which is twice or thrice as big as one of A device to go on the snow with a Racket. ours in France, which they fasten to their feet, and so go on the Snow without sinking; for otherwise they could not hunt nor travail in many places. They have also a kind of Marriage, which is, that when a Maid is fourteen or fifteen years old, she shall have many servants The marriage of the Savages. and friends, and she may have carnal company with all those which she liketh, then after five or six years, she may take which of them she will for her husband, and so they shall live together all their life time, except that after they have lived a certain time together and have no children, the man may forsake her and take another wife, saying that his old wife is nothing worth, so that the Maids are more free than the married Women. After they be married they be chaste, and their husbands for the most part are jealous, which give presents to the Father or Parents of the Maid, which they have married: lo this is the ceremony and fashion which they use in their marriages. Touching their burials, when a man or woman dieth, they make a pit, wherein they put all Their burials after the Tartars manner. the goods which they have, as Kettles, Furs, Hatchets, Bows and Arrows, Apparel, and other things, and then they put the corpse into the grave, and cover it with earth, and set store of great pieces of wood over it, and one stake they set up on end, which they paint with red on the top. They believe the immortality of the Soul, and say that when they be dead they go They believe the immortality of the soul. into other Countries to rejoice with their parents and friends. THe eleventh day of june, I went some twelve or fifteen leagues up Saguenay, which is a fair River, and of incredible depth; for I believe, as farr● as I could learn by conference The River of Saguenay, & his original. Chap 4. A violent fall of water. whence it should come, that it is from a very high place, from whence there descendeth a fall of water with great impetuosity: but the water that proceedeth thereof is not able to make such a River as this; which nevertheless holdeth not but from the said course of water (where the first fall is) unto the Port of Tadousac, which is the mouth of the said River of Saguenay, in which space are forty five or fifty leagues, and it is a good league and a half broad at the most, and a quarter of a league where it is narrowest, which causeth a great currant of water. All the Country which I saw, was nothing but Mountains, the most part of rocks covered with woods of Fir-trees, Cypresses, and Birch-trees, the soil very unpleasant, where I found not A Mountainous Country. a league of plain Country, neither on the one side nor on the other. There are certain hills of Sand and Isles in the said River, which are very high above the water. In fine, they are very Deserts void of Beasts and Birds; for I assure you, as I went on hunting through places which seemed most pleasant unto me, I found nothing at all, but small Birds which are like Nightingales, and Swallows, which come thither in the Summer; for at other times I think there are none, because of the excessive cold which is there; this River cometh from the Northwest. They reported unto me, that having passed the first fall, from The report of the beginning of the River of Saguenay. whence the currant of water cometh, they pass eight other sants or falls, and then they travail one days journey without finding any, than they pass ten other sants, and come into a Lake, which they pass in two days (every day they travail at their ease, some twelve or fifteen A Lake two day's journey long. Three other Rivers. Two or three Lakes, where ●n the head of Saguenay beginneth. leagues:) at the end of the Lake there are people lodged: then they enter into three other Rivers, three or four days in each of them; at the end of which Rivers there are two or three kind of Lakes, where the head of Saguenay beginneth: from the which head or spring, unto the said Port of Tadousac, is ten * That is, 120. leagues. People of the North. A salt sea. days journey with their Canowes'. On the side of the said Rivers are many lodginging, whither other Nations come from the North, to truck with the said Mountainers, for skins of Bevers and Marterns, for other Merchandises, which the French Ships bring to the said Mountainers. The said Savages of the North say, that they see a Sea, which is salt. I hold, if this be so, that it is some gulf of this our Sea, which disgorgeth itself by the North part between the lands; and in very deed it can be nothing else. This is that which I have learned of the River of Saguenay. ON Wednesday the eighteenth day of june, we departed from Tadousac, to go to the Sault: we passed by an I'll, which is called the Isle dulieure, or the I'll of the Hare, which may be journey to the fall and to certain Lands, arrival at Quebec. Chap. 5. The Isle of the Hare. The Isle of filberts. some two leagues from the Land on the North side, and some seven leagues from the said Tadousac, and five leagues from the South Coast. From the I'll of the Hare we ranged the North Coast about half a league, unto a point that runneth into the Sea, where a man must keep farther off. The said point is within a league of the I'll, which is called the Isle du Coudre, or the I'll of F●lberds, which may be some two leagues in length: And from the said I'll to the Land on the North side is a league. The said Isle is some what even, and groweth sharp toward both the ends; on the West end there are Meadows and Points of Rocks which stretch somewhat into the River. The said Isle is somewhat pleasant, by reason of the Woods which environ the same. There is store of Slate, and the soil is somewhat gravely: at the end whereof there is a Rock which stretcheth into the Sea about half a league. We passed to the North of the said I'll, which is distant from the I'll of the Hare twelve leagues. 12. leagues. The Thursday following we departed from thence, and anchored at a dangerous nook on the Northside, where there be certain Meadows, and a little River, where the Savages lodge sometimes. The said day we still ranged the Coast on the North, unto a place where we put back by reasons of the winds which were contrary unto us, where there were many Rocks and places very dangeous: here we stayed three days waiting for fair weather. All this Coast is nothing but Mountains as well on the South side as on the North, the most part like the Coast of the River of Saguenay. On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said month we departed to go to the I'll of Orleans, in the way there are many Isles on the South shore, which are low and covered with trees, showing to be very pleasant, containing (as I was able to judge) some two leagues, and one league, and another half a league. About these Isles are nothing but Rocks and Flats, very dangerous to pass, and they are distant some two leagues from the main Land on the South. And from thence we ranged the I'll of Orleans on the Southside: It is a league from the North shore, very pleasant and level, containing eight leagues in length. The Coast on the The I'll of Orleans. South shore is low land, some two leagues into the Country: the said lands begin to below over against the said Isle, which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast: to pass by the North side is very dangerous for the banks of Sand and Rocks, which are between the said Isle and the main Land, which is almost all dry at a low water. At the end of the said Isle I saw a fall of water, which fell from a great Mountain, of the said River of Canada, and on the top of the said Mountain the ground is level and pleasant to behold, although within the said Countries a man may see high Mountains which may be some twenty, or five and twenty leagues within the Lands, which are near the first Sault of Saguenay. We anchored at Quebec, which Quebec▪ is a Straight of the said River of Canada, which is some three hundred pases broad: there is at this Straight on the North side a very high Mountain, which falleth down on both sides: all the rest is a level and goodly Country, where there are good grounds full of Trees, as Okes, Cypresses, Birches, Firre-trees and Asps, and other Trees bearing fruit, and wild Vines: So that in mine opinion, if they were dressed, they would be as good as ours. There are along the Coast of the Diamonds. said Quebec Diamonds in the Rocks of Slate, which are better than those of Alonson. From the said Quebec to the I'll of Coudre, or filberts, are nine and twenty leagues. 29. leagues. ON Monday the three and twentieth of the said month, we departed from Quebec, where the River beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league, than a league and an half or Of the point of S. Croix, of the River of Batiscon, of the Rivers, Rocks, Isles, Lands, Trees, Fruits, Vines, & fair Countries, which are from Quebec unto The 3. Rivers▪ Chap. 6. Saint Croix. 15. leagues. Ground Nuts. The River Batiscan. Another River two leagues at most. The Country groweth still fairer and fairer, and are all low grounds, without Rocks, or very few. The North Coast is full of Rocks and banks of Sand: you must take the South side, about some half league from the shore. There are certain small Rivers which are not navigable, but only for the Canowes' of the Savages, wherein there be many falls. We anchored as high as Saint Croix, which is distant from Quebec fifteen leagues. This is a low point, which riseth up on both sides. The Country is fair and level, and the soils better than in any place that I have seen, with plenty of wood, but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses. There are in these parts great store of Vines, Pears, small Nuts, Cherries, Gooseberries, red and green, and certain small Roots of the bigness of a little Not, resembling Mushrooms in taste, which are very good roasted and sod. All this soil is black, without any Rocks, save that there is great store of Slate: The soil is very soft, and if it were well manured it would yield great increase. On the Northside there is a River which is called Batiscan, which goeth far into the Country, whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come down: and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix, in the way from Quebec, which is, that where jacques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discovery which he made hereof, and he passed no farther. The said River is pleasant, and goeth far up into the Countries. All this North Coast is very level and delectable. On Tuesday the four and twentieth of the said month, we departed from the said Saint Croix, where we stayed a tide and an half, that we might pass the next day following by day light, because of the great number of Rocks which are thwart the River (a strange thing to behold) which is in a manner dry at a low water: But at half flood, a man may begin to pass safely; yet you must take good heed, with the Lead always in hand. The tide floweth here A goodly Country. almost three fathoms and an half: the farther we went, the fairer was the Country. We went some five leagues and an half, and anchored on the North side. The Wednesday following we departed from the said place, which is a flatter Country then that which we passed before, full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix. We passed hard by a little I'll, which was full of Vines, and came to an Anchor on the South side near a little Hill: but being on the top thereof a I'll full of Vines. all is even ground. There is at other little Isle three leagues from Saint Croix, joining near the South shore. We departed from the said Hill the Thursday following, and passed by a little I'll, which is near the North shore, where I saw six small Rivers, whereof two are able to bear Boats far up, and Six small Rivers. another is three hundred pases broad: there are certain Lands in the mouth of it; it goeth far up into the Country; it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold, the soil being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees, and have the same smell: but I saw no Fruit, which maketh me doubt: the Savages told me that they bear Fruit like ours. The Isle S. Eloy. In passing further we met an Isle, which is called Saint Eloy, and another little Isle, which is hard by the North shore: we passed between the said Isle and the North shore, where between the one and the other are some hundred and fifty paces. From the said Isle we passed a league and an half, on the South side near unto a River, whereon Canowes' might go. All this Coast on the North side is very good, one may pass freely there, yet with the Lead in the hand, to avoid Another small River. certain points. All this Coast which we ranged is moving Sand; but after you be entered a little into the Woods, the soil is good. The Friday following we departed from this I'll, coasting still the North side hard by the shore, which is low and full of good Trees, and in great number as far as the three Rivers, where it beginneth to have another temperature of the season, somewhat differing from that of Saint Croix: because the Trees are there more forward then in any A better tempera●ute. 15. leagues. place that hitherto I had seen. From the three Rivers to Saint Croix are fifteen leagues. In this River are six Lands, three of which are very small, and the others some five or six hundred paces long, very pleasant and fertile, for the little quantity of ground that they contain. There ●n Island 〈◊〉 to be planted. is one Island in the midst of the said River, which looketh directly upon the passage of the River of Canada, and commandeth the other Lands which lie further from the shore, aswell on the one side as on the other, of four or five hundred paces: it riseth on the South side, and falleth somewhat on the North side. This in my judgement would be a very fit place to inhabit; and it might be quickly fortified: for the situation is strong of itself, and near unto a great Lake, which is above four leagues distant, which is almost joined to the River of Saguenay, by the report A great Lake. The head of Saguenay 106. leagues off. of the Savages, which travel almost an hundred leagues Northward, and pass many Saults, and then go by Land some five or six leagues, and enter into a Lake, whence the said River of Saguenay receiveth the best part of his Spring, and the said Savages come from the said Lake to Tadousac. Moreover, the planting of The three Rivers would be a benefit for the liberty of certain Nations, which dare not come that way for fear of the said Irocois their enemies, which border upon all the said River of Canada. But this place being inhabited, we might make the Irocois and the other Savages friends, or at least wise under the favour of the said Plantation, the said Savages might pass freely without fear or danger: because the said place of The three Rivers is a passage. All the soil which I saw on the North shore is sandy. We went up above a league into the said River, and could pass no further, by reason of the great current of water. We took A great course of water. a Boat to search up further, but we went not passed a league, but we met a very Straight full of water, of some twelve paces, which caused us that we could not pass no further. All the ground which I saw on the banks of the said River riseth more and more, and is full of Firre-trees and Cypress Trees, and hath very few other Trees. ON the Saturday following, we departed from The three Rivers, and anchored at a Lake, Great Lake described and River of the Irocois. Chap. 7. The Lake of Argolesme. 15. leagues. which is four leagues distant. All this Country from The three Rivers to the entrance of the said Lake is low ground, even with the water on the North side; and on the South side it is somewhat higher. The said Country is exceeding good, and the most pleasant that hitherto we had seen: the Woods are very thin, so that a man may travel easily through them. The next day being the nine and twentieth of june, we entered into the Lake, which is some fifteen leagues in length, and some seven or eight leagues broad: At the entrance thereof on the Southside within a league there is a River which is very great, and entereth into the Country some sixty A great River. Another small River. or eighty leagues, and continuing along the same Coast, there is another little River, which pierceth about two leagues into the Land, and cometh out of another small Lake, which may contain some three or four leagues. On the North side where the Land showeth very high, a man may see some twenty leagues off; but by little and little the Mountains begin to fall toward the West, as it were into a flat Country. The Savages say, that the greatest part of these Mountains are bad soil. The said Lake hath some three fathoms water whereas we passed, which was almost in the midst: the length lieth East and West, and the breadth from North to the South. I think it hath good fish in it, of such kinds as we have in our own Country. We passed it the very same day, and anchored about two leagues within the great River which goeth up to the Sault: In the mouth whereof are thirty small Lands, as far as I could discern; some of them are of two leagues, others a Two leagues. 30. ma● Lands. league and an half, & some less, which are full of Walnut-trees, which are not much different from ours; and I think their Walnuts are good when they be ripe: I saw many of them under the Trees, which were of two sorts, the one small, and the others as long as a man's Thumb, Wal nuts of two sorts. Store of Vines. Good Countries. but they were rotten. There are also store of Vines upon the banks of the said Lands. But when the waters be great, the most part of them is covered with water. And this Country is yet better than any other which I had seen before. The last day of june we departed from thence, and passed by the mouth of the River The River of the Irocois. Their manner of fortification with stakes. of the Irocois; where the Savages which came to make war against them, were lodged and fortified. Their Fortress was made with a number of posts set very close one to another, which joined on the one side on the bank of the great River of Canada, and the other on the bank of the River of the Irocois: and their Boats were ranged the one by the other near the shore, that they might fly away with speed, if by chance they should be surprised by the Irocois. For their Fort is covered with the bark of Okes, and serveth them for nothing else, but to have time to embark themselves. We went up the River of the Irocois some five or six leagues, and could pass no farther with our Pinnace, by reason of the great course of water which descendeth, and also because we cannot go on Land, and draw the Pinnace for the multitude of Trees which are upon the banks. Seeing we could not pass any further, we took our Skiffe, to see whether the current were more gentle, but going up some two leagues, it was yet stronger, and we could go no higher. Being able to do no more we returned to our Pinnace. All this River is some three hundred or four hundred paces broad, and very wholesome. We saw five Lands in it, distant one from the other a quarter or half a league, or a league at the most: one of which is a league long, which is the nearest to the mouth, and the others are very small. All these Countries are covered with Five Lands. Trees and low Lands, like those which I had seen before; but here are more Firres and Cypresses then in other places. Nevertheless, the soil is good, although it be somewhat sandy. This River runneth in a manner South-west. The Savages say, that some fifteen leagues from the place where we were up the River, there is a Sault which falleth down from a very steep place, This River runneth almost South-west. A Lake some forty or fifty leagues long in the Country of the Irocois. The goodness and short winter of the Country of the Irocois. where they carry their Canowes' to pass the same some quarter of a league, and come into a Lake; at the mouth whereof, are three Lands, and being within the same they meet with more Isles: This Lake may contain some forty or fifty leagues in 〈…〉 gth, and some five and twenty leagues in breadth, into which many River's fall, to the number of ten, which carry Canowes' very far up. When they are come to the end of this Lake, there is another fall, and they enter again into another Lake, which is as great as the former, at the head whereof the Irocois are lodged. They say moreover, that there is a River, which runneth unto the Coast of Florida, whether it is from the said last Lake some hundred, or an hundred and forty leagues. All the Country of the Irocois is somewhat Mountainous, yet notwithstanding exceeding good, temperate, without much Winter, which is very short there. AFter our departure from the River of the Irocois, we anchored three leagues beyond the same, on the North side. All this Country is a low Land, replenished with all sorts of Their arrival at the Sault or Fall of the River of Canada, the description thereof. Cham 8. Fruitful Trees of many sorts. trees, which I have spoken of before. The first day of july we coasted the North side, where the wood is very thin, and more thin than we had seen in any place before, and all good land for tillage. I went in a Canoa to the South shore, where I saw a number of Isles, which have many fruitful trees, as Vines, Wal-nuts, Hasel-nuts, and a kind of fruit like Chest-nuts, Cherries, Oskes, Asp, Hops, Ashe, Beech, Cypresses, very few Pines and Firre-trees. There are also other trees which I knew not, which are very pleasant. We found there store of Strawberries, Rasp-berries Goosberries red, green, and blue, with many small fruits, which grow there among great abundance of grass. There are also many wild beasts, as Orignas, Stags, Orignas are before said to be like oxen, perhaps Buffs. L●s●arbot, that Orignacs are Ellans. Wild beasts. A pleasant I'll. Many Lands. Does, Bucks, Bears, Porkepickes, Coneys, Foxes, Beavers, Otters, Muskerats, and certain other kinds of beasts which I do not know, which are good to eat, and whereof the Savages live. We passed by an I'll, which is very pleasant, and containeth some four leagues in length, and half a league in breadth. I saw toward the South two high Mountains, which showed some twenty leagues within the Land. The Savages told me, that here began the first fall of the foresaid River of the Irocois. The Wednesday following we departed from this place, and sailed some five or six leagues. We saw many Lands: the Land is there very low, and these Isles are covered with trees, as those of the River of the Irocais were. The day following, being the third of july, we ran certain leagues, and passed likewise by july 3. Many more Lands. many other Lands, which are excellent good and pleasant, through the great store of Meadows which are thereabout, as well on the shore of the main Land, as of the other Lands: and all the Woods are of very small growth, in comparison of those which we had passed. At length we came this very day to the entrance of the Sault or Fall of the great River of Canada, with The entrance of the Sault or Fall. Anlle. favourable wind; and we met with an I'll, which is almost in the midst of the said entrance, which is a quarter of a league long, and passed on the South side of the said I'll, where there was not passed three, four or five foot water, and sometimes a fathom or two, and strait on the sudden we found again not past three or four foot. There are many Rocks, and small Lands, whereon there is no wood, and they are even with the water. From the beginning of the foresaid I'll, which is in the midst of the said entrance, the water beginneth to run with a great force. Although we had the wind very good, yet we could not with all our might make any A great current of water. great way: nevertheless we passed the said Isle which is at the entrance of the Sault or Fall. When we perceived that we could go no further, we came to an anchor on the North shore over against a small Island, which aboundeth for the most part with those kind of fruits which I have spoken of before. Without all delay we made ready our skiff, which we had made of purpose to pass the said Sault: whereinto the said Monsieur de Pont and myself entered, with certain Savages, which we had brought with us to show us the way. Departing from our Pinnace, Mon●●eur du Pont ●nd Monsicur du Champlaine search the San●●. we were scarce gone three hundred paces, but we were forced to come out, and cause certain Mariners to go into the water to free our Skiffe. The Canoa of the Savages passed easily. We met with an infinite number of small Rocks, which were even with the water, on which we touched oftentimes. There he two great Lands, one on the North side, which containeth some fifteen leagues in length, and almost as much in breadth, beginning some twelve leagues up within the River of Two great Lands. Canada, going toward the River of the Irocois, and endeth beyond the Sault. The Island which is on the South side is some four leagues long, and some half league broad. There is also another Island, which is near to that on the North side, which may be some half league long, and some quarter broad: and another small Island which is between that on the North side, and another nearer to the South shore, whereby we passed the entrance of the Sault. This entrance being passed, there is a kind of Lake, wherein all these Lands are, some five leagues long and A kind of Lake some 5. leagues long. almost as broad, wherein are many small Lands which are Rocks. There is a Mountain near the said Sault which discovereth far into the Country, and a little River which falleth from the said Mountain into the Lake. On the South side are some three or four Mountains, which 3. or 4. Mountains on the South side. Two Rivers. seem to be about fifteen or sixteen leagues within the Land. There are also two Rivers; one, which goeth to the first Lake of the River of the Irocois, by which sometimes the Algoumequins invade them: and another which is near unto the Sault, which runneth not far into the Country. At our coming near to the said Sault with our Skiffe and Canoa, I assure you, I never saw any stream of water to fall down with such force as this doth; although it be not very high, The furie of the fall of water. being not in some places past one or two fathoms, and at the most three: it falleth as it were step by step: and in every place where it hath some small height, it maketh a strong boiling with the force and strength of the running of the water. In the breadth of the said Sault, The Salt a league broad. which may contain some league, there are many broad Rocks, and almost in the midst, there are very narrow and long Lands, where there is a Fall as well on the side of the said Isles which are toward the South, as on the North side: where it is so dangerous, that it is not possible for any man to pass with any Boat, how small soever it be. We went on land through the Woods, to see the end of this Sault: where, after we had traveled a league, we saw no more Rocks nor Falls but the water runneth there so swiftly as it is possible: and this current lasteth The swift current of the water above the Fall. Ten Saults m●r●. Temperate air, and good soil. The Sault is in 45. degrees and certain minutes. A draught of the Savages. The first report of the Savages touching the Head of the River. A River running 60. leagues into the Country of the Algeumequins. A Lake of 15. leagues. Another Lake of 4. leagues. Five other Saults. A Lake of 80. leagues long. Brackish water for three or four leagues: so that it is in vain to imagine, that a man is able to pass the said Saults with any Boats. But he that would pass them, must fit himself with the Canoas' of the Savages, which one man may easily carry. For to carry Boats is a thing which cannot be done in to short time as it should be to be able to return into France, unless a man would winter there. And beside this first Sault, there are ten Saults more, the most part hard to pass. So that it would be a matter of great pains and travel to be able to see and do that by Boat which a man might promise himself, without great cost and charge, and also to be in danger to travel in vain. But with the Canoas' of the Savages a man may travel freely and readily into all Countries, as well in the small as in the great Rivers: So that directing himself by the means of the said Savages and their Canoas', a man may see all that is to be seen, good and bad, within the space of a year or two. That little way which we traveled by Land on the side of the said Sault, is a very thin Wood, through which men with their Arms may march easily, without any trouble; the air is there more gentle and temperate, and the soil better than in any place that I had seen, where is store of such wood and fruits, as are in all other places before mentioned: and it is in the latitude of 45. degrees and certain minutes. When we saw that we could do no more, we returned to our Pinnace; where we examined the Savages which we had with us, of the end of the River, which I caused them to draw with their hand, and from what part the Head thereof came. They told us, that beyond the first Sault that we had seen, they traveled some ten or fifteen leagues with their Canoas' in the River, where there is a River which runneth to the dwelling of the Algoumequins, which are some sixty leagues distant from the great River; and then they passed five Saults, which may contain from the first to the last eight leagues, whereof there are two where they carry their Canoas' to pass them: every Sault may contain half a quarter or a quarter of a league at the most. And then they come into a Lake, which may be fifteen or sixteen leagues long. From thence they enter again into a River which may be a league broad, and travel some two leagues in the same; and then they enter into another Lake some four or five leagues long: coming to the end thereof, they pass five other Saults, distant from the first to the last some five and twenty or thirty leagues; whereof there are three where they carry their Canoas' to pass them, and thorough the other two they do but draw them in the water, because the current is not there so strong, nor so bad, as in the others. None of all these Saults is so hard to pass, as that which we saw. Then they come into a Lake, which may contain some eighty leagues in length, in which are many Lands, and at the end of the same the water is brackish, and * It seemeth hereby to trend southward. The last Sault. Another Lake 60. leagues long, very brackish. A Strait of 2. leagues broad. Another mighty Lake. the Winter gentle. At the end of the said Lake they pass a Sault which is somewhat high, where little water descendeth: there they carry their Canoas' by land about a quarter of a league to pass this Sault. From thence they enter into another Lake, which may be some sixty leagues long, and that the water thereof is very brackish: at the end thereof they come unto a Straight which is two leagues broad, and it goeth far into the Country. They told us, that they themselves had passed no farther; and that they had not seen the end of a Lake, which is within fifteen or sixteen leagues of the farthest place where themselves had been, nor that they which told them of it, had known any man that had seen the end thereof, because it is so great that they would not hazard themselves to sail far into the same, for fear lest some storm or gust of wind should surprise them. They say that in the Summer the Sun doth set to the North of the said Lake, The southern situation of a great Lake. The water as salt as sea. water. and in the Winter it setteth as it were in the midst thereof: That the water is there exceesalt, to wit, as salt as the Sea water. I asked them whether from the last Lake which they had seen, the water descended always down the Riter coming to Gaschepay? They told me, no: but said, that from the third Lake only it descended to Gaschepay: But that from the last Sault, which is somewhat high, as I have said, the water was almost still; and that the said Lake might take his course by other Rivers, which pass within the Lands, either to the South, or to Many Rivers running south and north. Hudsons' River may be one of these. An exceediug great River. The south Sea. the North, whereof there are many that run there, the end whereof they see not. Now, in my judgement, if so many Rivers fall into this Lake, having so small a course at the said Sault, it must needs of necessity fall out, that it must have his issue forth by some exceeding great River. But that which maketh me believe that there is no River by which this Lake doth issue forth (considering the number of so many Rivers as fall into it) is this, that the Savages have not seen any River, that runneth through the Countries, save in the place where they were. Which maketh me believe that this is the South Sea, being salt as they say: Nevertheless we may not give so much credit thereunto, but that it must be done with apparent reasons, although there be some small show thereof. And this assuredly is all that hitherto I have seen and heard of the Savages, touching that which we demanded of them. We departed from the said Sault on Friday the fourth day of july, and returned the Of Canada, and of the number of the Falls and Lakes which it passeth by. Chap. 9 july 4. The River of the Irocois. Another report of the Algoumequin Savages. same day to the River of the Irocois. On Sunday the sixth of july we departed from thence, and anchored in the Lake. The Monday following we anchored at the three Rivers. This day we sailed some four leagues beyond the said three Rivers. The Tuesday following we came to Quebec; and the next day we were at the end of this I'll of Orleans, where the Savages came to us, which were lodged in the main Land on the North side. We examined two or three Algoumequins, to see whether they would agree with those that we had examined touching the end and the beginning of the said River of Canada. They said, as they had drawn out the shape thereof, that having passed the Sault, which we had seen, some two or three leagues, there goeth a River into their dwelling, which is on the North side. So going on forward in the said great River, they pass a Sault, where they carry their Canoas', and they come to pass five other Saults, which may contain from the first to the last some nine or ten leagues, and that the said Saults are not hard to pass, and they do but draw their Canoas' in the most part of the said Saults or Falls, saving at two, where they carry them: from thence they enter into a River, which is as it were a kind of Lake, which may contain some six or seven leagues: A River or Lake 6. or 7. leagues long. and then they pass five other Falls, where they draw their Canoas' as in the first mentioned, saving in two, where they carry them as in the former: and that from the first to the last there are some twenty or five and twenty leagues. Then they come into a Lake containing some A Lake 150. leagues long. A River on the North side going toward the Algoumequins. A River on the south side. Another exceeding great Lake. A Sea, the end whereof the Savages never saw. It seemeth to lie southward. hundred and fifty leagues in length: and four or five leagues within the entrance of that Lake there is a River which goeth to the Algoumequins toward the North; and another River which goeth to the Irocois, whereby the said Algoumequins and Irocois make war the one against the other. Then coming to the end of the said Lake, they meet with another Fall, where they carry their Canoas'. From thence they enter into another exceeding great Lake, which may contain as much as the former: They have been but a very little way in this last Lake, and have heard say, that at the end of the said Lake there is a Sea, the end whereof they have not seen, neither have heard that any have seen it. But that where they have been, the water is not salt, because they have not entered far into it; and that the course of the water cometh from the Sunsetting toward the East; and they know not, whether beyond the Lake that they have seen, there be any other course of water that goeth Westward. That the Sun setteth on the right hand of this Lake: which is, according to my judgement, at the Northwest, little more or less; and that in the first great Lake the water freezeth not (which maketh me judge that the climate is there temperate) and that all the Territories of the Algoumequins are low grounds, furnished with small store of wood: And that the coast of the Irocois is Mountainous, nevertheless they are excellent good and fertile soils, and better than they have seen any where else: That the said Irocois reside some fifty or sixty leagues from the said great Lake. And this assuredly is all which they have told me that they have seen: which differeth very little from the report of the first Savages. This day we came within some three leagues of the I'll of Coudres or filberts. The I'll Coudres On Thursday the tenth of the said month, we came within a league and an half of the The Isle Du Lieure, or Of the Hare. The third report made by a great Traveller. I'll Du Lieure, or Of the Hare, on the North side, where other Savages came into our Pinnace, among whom there was a young man, an Algoumequin, which had traveled much in the said great Lake. We examined him very particularly, as we had done the other Savages. He told us, that having passed the said Fall which we had seen, within two or three leagues there is a River, which goeth to the said Algoumequins, where they be lodged; and that passing up the great River of Canada, there are five Falls, which may contain from the first to the last some eight or nine leagues, whereof there be three where they carry their Canoas', and two others wherein they draw them: that each of the said Falls may be a quarter of a league long: then they come into a Lake, which may contain some fifteen leagues. Then they pass five other Falls, which A Lake 15. leagues long. may contain from the the first to the last some twenty or five and twenty leagues; where there are not past two of the said Falls which they pass with their Canoas', in the other three they do but draw them. From thence they enter into an exceeding great Lake, which may contain An exceeding great Lake 300 luagues long. A very great Island. Br●ckish water. More brackish water. Whole salt water. A great and main Sea. A River which goeth to the Algoumequins. some three hundred leagues in length: when they are passed some hundred leagues into the said Lake, they meet with an Island, which is very great; and beyond the said Island the water is brackish: But when they have passed some hundred leagues farther, the water is yet falter: and coming to the end of the said Lake, the water is wholly salt. Farther he said, that there is a Fall that is a league broad, from whence an exceeding current of water descendeth into the said Lake. That after a man is passed this Fall, no more land can be seen neither on the one side nor on the other, but so great a Sea, that they never have seen the end thereof, nor have heard tell, that any other have seen the same. That the Sun setteth on the right hand of the said Lake: and that at the entrance thereof there is a River which goeth to the Algoumequins, and another River to the Irocois, whereby they war the one against the other. That the Country of the Irocois is somewhat mountainous, yet very fertile, where there is store of Indian Wheat, and other fruits, which they have not in their Country: That the Country of the Algoumequins is low and fruitful. I enquired of them, whether they had any knowledge of any Mines? They told us, that there is a Nation which are called, the good Irocois, which come to exchange for merchandises, which the French ships do give to the Algoumequins, which say, that there is toward the North a Mine of fine Copper, whereof they showed us certain Bracelets, which A Mine of fine Copper. they had received of the said Good Irocois: and that if any of us would go thither, they would bring them to the place, which should be appointed for that business. And this is all which I could learn of the one and the other, differing but very little; save that the second which were examined, said, that they had not tasted of the salt water: for they had not been so far within the said Lake, as the others: and they differ some small deal in the length of the way, the one sort making it more short, and the other more long. So that, according to their report, from Some 400. leagues from the first Sault to the South-sea. the Sault or Fall where we were, is the space of some four hundred leagues unto the Salt Sea, which may be the South Sea, the Sun setting where they say it doth. On Friday the tenth of the said month we returned to Tadousac, where our ship lay. as soon as we were come to Tadousac, we embarked ourselves again to go to Gachepay, Their Voyage from Tadousac to the I'll percee: of many Rivers, Lakes and C●u●●ries, wherein are found sundry sorts of Mines. Chap. 10. 100 leagues from Gachepay to ●adousac. Armouchides Saga●o. The description of the Port of Cachepay. The Bay of Cod. The I'll Percee. The I'll de Bonaduenture. which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues. The thirteenth day of the said month we met with a company of Savages, which were lodged on the South side, almost in the midway between Tadousac and Gachepay. Their Sagamo or Captain which led them is called Armouchides, which is held to be one of the wisest and most hardy among all the Savages: He was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrows, and the flesh of Orignars, which they have for Beavers and Marterns of the other Savages, the Mountainers, Estechema●ns, and Algoumequins. The fifteenth day of the said month we came to Gachepay, which is in a Bay, about a league and a half on the North side. The said Bay containeth some seven or eight leagues in length, and at the mouth thereof four leagues in breadth. There is a River which runneth some thirty leagues up into the Country: Then we saw another Bay, which is called the Bay des Mollues, or the Bay of Cod, which may be some three leagues long, and as much in breadth at the mouth. From thence we come to the I'll Percee, which is like a Rock, very steep rising on both sides, wherein there is a hole, through which Shalops and Boats may pass at an high water: and at a low water one may go from the main Land to the said Isle, which is not past four or five hundred paces off. Moreover, there is another Island in a manner Southeast from the I'll Percee about a league, which is called the Isle de Bonne-aduenture, and it may be some half a league long. All these places of Gachepay, the Bay of Cod, and the I'll Percee, are places where they make dry and green Fish. When you are passed the I'll Percee, there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heat, which runneth as it were West South-west, some four and twenty leagues into the land, containing some fifteen leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof. The Savages of The Bay of Heat. Canada say, that up the great River of Canada, about some sixty leagues, ranging the South coast, there is a small River called Mautanne, which runneth some eighteen leagues up into the The River of Mautanne. Tr●gate and Misamichy. The River Sour●ua. A Mine of Copper. Country's and being at the head thereof, they carry their Canowes' about a league by land, and they come into the said Bay of Heat, by which they go sometimes to the Isle Percee. Also they go from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy. Running along the said coast we pass by many Rivers, and come to a place where there is a River which is called Souricova, where Monsieur Preuert was to discover a Mine of Copper. They go with their Conowes up this River three or four days, than they pass three or four leagues by land, to the said Mine, which is hard upon the Sea shore on the South side. At the mouth of the said River, there is an Island lying a league into the Sea; from the said Island unto the Isle Perçee, is some sixty or seventy An Island. A Strait between the Isles of Cape Bre●o● and the main Land. Souricois. A great River on the South-west coast, whereby th' 〈…〉 e savages invade the 〈◊〉. leagues. Still following the said coast, which trendeth toward the East, you meet with a Straight, which is two leagues broad, and five and twenty leagues long. On the East side is an Isle, which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence, where Cape Breton is; and in this place a Nation of Savages, called the Souricois, do winter. Passing the Straight of the Isles of Saint Laurence, and ranging the South-west Coast, you come to a Bay which joineth hard upon the Mine of Copper. Passing farther there is a River, which runneth threescore or fourscore leagues into the Country; which reacheth near to the Lake of the Irocois, whereby the said Savages of the South-west Coast make war upon them. I would be an exceeding great benefit, if there might be found a passage on the Co●●● of Florida near to the said great Lake, where the winter is salt; aswell for the Navigation of ships, which should not be subject to so many per●ls as they are in Canada, as for the shortening of the way about three hundred leagues. And at is most certain, that there are Rivers on the Goa●● of Florida, which Great Rivers and go 〈…〉 〈…〉 ns on the c●●st● 〈◊〉 ●●●rid● or Virgini●. are not yet discovered, which ●●erce up into the Countries, where the soil is exceeding good and fertile, and very good Havens. The Country and Coast of Florida may have another temperature of the season, and may be 〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruits and other things, then that which I have seen: But it cannot have more even not better sails, than those which we have seen. The Savages say, that in the foresaid great Bay of heat there is a River, which runneth up A River. A Lake twenty leagues in compass. A metal like Silver. A Mine of Copper. up some twenty leagues into the Country, at the head whereof there is a Lake, which may be about twenty leagues in compass, wherein is little store of water, and the Summer it is dried up, wherein they find, about a foot or a foot and an half under the ground a kind of Metal like to ●●luer, which I showed them; and that in another place near the said Lake there is a Mine of Copper. And this is that which I learned of the foresand Savages. WE departed from the I'll 〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said month to return to Tadous●c. Our return from the I'll Percee to Tadousac, with the description of the I'll Grecks, Ports, Rivers, 〈◊〉, R 〈…〉, Bays, 〈◊〉 Shoalds which are a●ong the North coast. Chap 11. The North shore. The River of Sa●●● ●●●g●ret A sandy coast. Very b 〈…〉, Countries. When we w●●e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque, or the Bishop's Cape, we were encountered with a storm which lasted two days; which forced us to put roomer with a great creak, and to stay for fair weather. The day following we departed, and were encountered with another storm: Being loath to p●● room, and thinking to gain way we touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of july 〈◊〉 creek which is very bad, because of the edges of Rocks which lie there. This creek is in 〈◊〉. degrees and certain minutes. The next day we anchored near a River, which is called Saint Margarites River, where at a full Sea is some three fathoms water, and a fathom and an half at a low water: this River goeth far up into the Land. As far as I could see within the Land on ●he East shore, there is a fall of water which entereth into the said River, and falleth some fifty or sixty fathoms down, from whence cometh the greatest part of the water which descendeth down. At the mouth thereof there is a bank of Sand, whereon at the ebb is but half a fathom water. All the Coast toward the East is moving Sand there is a point some half league from the said River, which stretcheth half a league into the Sea: and toward the West there is a small Island: this place is in fifty degrees. All these Countries are exceeding bad, full of Firre-trees. The Land here is somewhat high, but not so high as that on the Southside. Some three leagues beyond we passed near unto another River, which seemed to be very great, yet barred for the most part with Rocks: some eight leagues farther there is a Point which runneth a league and an half into the Sea, A point that sunneth into the sea. where there is not past a fathom and an half of water. When you are passed this Point, there is another about four leagues off, where is water enough. All this Coast is low and sandy. Four leagues beyond this there is a creek where a River entereth: many ships may pass here on the A good Creek, where many ships may ride. West side: this is a low point, which runneth about a league into the Sea; you must run along the Eastern shore some three hundred paces to enter into the same. This is the best Haven which is all along the North shore; but it is very dangerous in going thither, because of the flats and sholds of sand, which lie for the most part all along the shore, almost two leagues into the Sea. About six leagues from thence, there is a Bay where there is an Isle of sand; all this Bay is A Bay. very shallow except on the East side, where it hath about four fathoms water: within the channel which entereth into the said Bay, some four leagues up, there is a fair creek where a River A Creek. entereth. All this coast is low and sandy, there descendeth a fall of water which is great. About five leagues farther is a Point which stretcheth about half a league into the Sea, where there is a creek, and from the one point to the other are three leagues, but all are should, where is little water. About two leagues off, there is a strand where there is a good haven, and a small River, wherein are three Islands, and where Ships may harbour themselves from the weather. Three leagues beyond this, is a sandy point which runneth out about a league, at the end whereof there is a small Islet. Going forward to Lesquevim, you meet with two little low Islands, and a little Two little low Lands. Lesquevim a very bad Port, rock near the shore: these said Lands are about half a league from Lesquevim, which is a very bad Port, compassed with rocks, and dry at a low water, and you must fetch about a little point of a rock to enter in, where one Ship only can pass at a time. A little higher there is a River, which runneth a little way into the land. This is the place where the Basks kill the The River where the Basks kill the whales. Our arrival at Tadousac the 3. of August. Whales; to say the truth, the haven is stark naught. We came from thence to the foresaid haven of Tadousac, the third day of August. All these Countries before mentioned are low toward the shore, and within the land very high. They are neither so pleasant nor fruitful as those on the South, although they be lower. And this for a certainty is all which I have seen of this Northern coast. AT our coming to Tadousac, we found the Savages which we met in the River of the Ir●cois, Of the A●mouch●cois Savages and of their monstrous shape. The discourse of Monsteur de Pre●●re of Saint Malo, touching the discoucrie of the South-west Coast. C●. 12. The Ceremonies which they use before they go to the wars. who met with three Canowes' of the Irocois in the first Lake, which fought against ten others of the mountaineers; and they brought the heads of the Irocois to Tadousac, and there was but one Mountayner wounded in the arm with the shot of an Arrow, who dreaming of something, all the other ten must seek to content him, thinking also that his wound thereby would mend if this Savage die, his Parents will revenge his death, either upon their Nation or upon others, or at least wise the Captains must give Presents to the Parents of the dead, to content them; otherwise as I have said, they would be revenged: which is a great fault among them. Before the said mountaineers set forth to the War, they assembled all, with their richest apparel of Furs, Beavers, and other Skins adorned with Pater-nosters and Chains of diverse colours, and assembled in a great public place, where there was before them a Sagave whose name was Beg●●rat, which led them to the War, and they marched one behind another, with their Bows and Arrows, Mases and Targets, wherewith they furnish themselves to fight: and they went leaping one after another, in making many gestures of their bodies, they made many turnings like a Snail: afterward they began to dance after their accustomed manner, as I have said before: then they made their Peast, and after they had ended it, the women stripped themselves stark naked, being decked with their fairest cordon's, and went into their Canowes' thus naked and there danced, and then they went into the water, and struck at one another with their Oars, and beat water one upon another: yet they did no hurt, for they warded the blows which they struck one at the other. After they had ended all these Ceremonies, they retired themselves into their Cabins, and the Savages went to war against the Irocois. The sixth day of August we departed from Tadousac, and the eighteenth of the said month we arrived at the I'll Perçee, where we found Mon 〈…〉 r Preuert of Saint Malo; which came from Their departure from Tadousac Armo●●hic●i● deformed Savages. the Mine, where he had been with much trouble, for the fear which the Savages had to meet with their enemies, which are the Are 〈…〉 cois, which are Savages very monstrous, for the shape that they have. For their head is little, and their body short, their arms small like a bone, and their thigh like; their legs great and long, which are all of one proportion, and when they sit upon their heels, their knees are higher by half a foot then their head, which is a strange thing, and they seem to be out of the course of Nature. Nevertheless, they be very valiant and resolute, and are planted in the best Countries of all the South Coast: And the Souricois do greatly fear them. But by the encouragement which the said Mon 〈…〉 r de Preuert gave them, he The Souricois. brought them to the said Mine, to which the Savages guided him. It is a very high Mountain, The Relation of the Copper Mine on the South Coast. rising somewhat over the Sea, which glistereth very much against the Sun, and there is great store of Verdegrease issuing out of the said Mine of Copper. He saith, that at the foot of the said Mountain, at a low water there were many morsels of Copper, as was otherwise declared unto us, which fall down from the top of the Mountain. Passing three or four leagues further Another Mine toward the South, there is another Mine, and a small River which runneth a little way up into the Land, running toward the South, where there is a Mountain, which is of a black painting, wherewith the Savages paint themselves: Some six leagues beyond the second Mine, toward Black painting. a I'll wherein another kind of Metal is found, which is white being cut. the Sea, about a league from the South Coast, there is an I'll, wherein is found another kind of Metal, which is like a dark brown: if you cut it, it is white, which they used in old time for their Arrows and Knives, and did beat it with stones. Which maketh me believe that it is not Tin, nor Led, being so hard as it is; and having showed them silver, they said that the Mine of that I'll was like unto it, which they found in the earth, about a foot or two deep. The said Monsieur Preuert gave the Savages Wedges and Cizers, and other things necessary to draw out the said Mine; which they have promised to do, and to bring the same the next year, and give it the said Monsieur Preuert. They say also that within some hundred or one hundred and twenty leagues there are other mines, but that they dare not go thither unless they have Frenchmen with them to make war upon their enemies, which have the said mines in their possession. The said place where the Mine is, standeth in 44. degrees and some few minutes, near the South Coast within five or six leagues: it is a kind of Bay, which is certain leagues broad at the mouth thereof, and somewhat more in length, where are three Rivers, which fall Other mines. The description of the place where the said Mine is. into the great Bay near unto the I'll of Saint john, which is thirty or five and thirty leagues long, and is six leagues distant from the South shore. There is also another little River, which falleth almost in the mid way of that whereby Monsieur Preuert returned, and there are as it were two kind of Lakes in the said River. Furthermore, there is yet another small River which goeth toward the Mountain of the painting. All these River's fall into the said Bay on the Southeast part, near about the said Isle which the Savages say there is of this white Metal. On A good Haven at the Copper Mynes. the North side of the said Bay are the mines of Copper, where there is a good Haven for ships, and a small Island at the mouth of the Haven; the ground is Oze and Sand, where a man may run his ship on shore. From the said Mine to the beginning of the mouth of the said Rivers is some sixty or eighty leagues by Land. But by the Sea Coast, according to my judgement, from the passage of the I'll of Sain Lawrence and the Firm Land, it cannot be past fifty or sixty leagues to the said Mine. All this Country is exceeding fair and flat, wherein are all sorts of trees, which we saw as we went to the first Salt up the great River of Canada, very small store of Firre-trees and Cypresses. And this of a truth is as much as I learned and heard of the said Monsieur Preuert. BEfore we departed from Tadousac, to return into France, one of the Sagamoz of the mountaineers Their return. Chap. 13. named Bechourat, gave his Son to Monsieur du Pont to carry him into France, and he was much recommended unto him by the Great Sagamo Anadabijou, praying him to use him well, and to let him see that, which the other two Savages had seen which we had brought back again. We prayed them to give us a woman of the Irocois, whom they would have eaten: whom they gave unto us, and we brought her home with the foresaid Savage. Monsieur de Preuert in like manner brought home four Savages, one man which is of the South Coast, one woman and two children of the Canadians. The four and twentieth of August, we departed from Gachepay, the ship of the said Monsieur Preuert and ours. The second of September, we counted that we were as far as Cape Raze. The fifth day of the said month we entered upon the Bank, whereon they use to fi●●. The C●pe Raze. The Bank. The sounding, Vshant. sixteenth, we were come into the Sounding, which may be some fittie leagues distant from the Ushant. The twentieth of the said month we arrived in New Haven by the grace of God to all our contentments, with a continual favourable wind. CHAP. VII. The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de MONTS for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia Canada, and other places in New France. HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Navarre. To our dear and well beloved the Lord of Monts, one of the ordinary Gentlemen of our Chamber, greeting. As our greatest care and labour is, and hath always been, since our coming to this Crown, maintain and conserve it in the ancient dignity, greatness and splendour thereof, to extend and amplify, as much as lawfully may be done, the bounds and limits of the same. We being, of a long time, informed of the situation and condition of the laud's and Territories of La Cadia, moved above all things, with a singular zeal, and devout and constant resolution, which we have taken, with the help and assistance of God, Author, Distributour, and Protector of all Kingdoms and Estates, to cause the people, which do inhabit the Country, men (at this present time) Barbarous, Atheists, without Faith, or Religion, to be converted to Christianity, and to the Belief and Profession of our Faith and Religion: and to draw them from the ignorance and unbelief wherein they are. Having also of a long time known by the Relation of the Sea Captains, Pilots, Merchants and others, who of long time have haunted, frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places, how fruitful, commodious and profitable may be unto us, to our Estates and Subjects, the Dwelling, Possession, and Habitation of those Countries, for the great and apparent profit which may be drawn by the greater frequentation and habitude which may be had with the people that are found there, and the Traffic and Commerce which may be, by that means safely treated and negotiated. We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdom, and in the knowledge and experience that rou have of the quality, condition and situation of the said Country of La Cadia: for diverse and sundry Navigations, Voyages and Frequentations that you have made into those parts, and others near and bordering upon it: Assuring ourselves that this our resolution and intention, being committed unto you, you will attentively, diligently, and no less courageously and valorously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire: Have expressly appointed and established you, and by these Presents, signed with our own hands, do commit ordain, make, constitute and establish you, our Lieutenant General, for to represent our person, in the Countries, Territories, Coasts and Co▪ fines of La Cadia To begin from the 40. degree unto the 46. And in the same distance, or part of it, as far as may be done, to establish, extend and make to be known our Name, Might and Authority. And under the same to subject, submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said Land and the Borderers thereof: And by the means thereof, and all lawful ways, to call, make, instruct, provoke and incite them to the knowledge of God, and to the light of the Faith and Christian Religion, to establish it there: And in the exercise and profession of the same, keep and conser●● the said people, and all other Inhabitants in the said places, and there to command in peace, rest and tranquillity, as well by Sea as by Land: to ordain, decide, and cause to be executed all that which you shall judge fit and necessary to be done, for to maintain, keep and conserve the said places under our Power and Authority, by the forms, ways and means prescribed by our Laws. And for to have there a care of the same with you, to appoint, establish, and constitute all Officers, as well in the affairs of War, as for justice and Policy, for the first time, and from thence forward to name and present them unto us: for to be disposed by us, and to give Letters, Titles, and such provisoes as shall be necessary, etc. Given at Fountain-Bleau the eight day of November: in the year our Lord 1603. And of our Reign the fifteenth. Signed Henry: and underneath by the King, Potier; And sealed upon single label with yellow Wax. The Voyage of Monsieur de MONTS into New France, written by MARK LESCARBOT. MOnsieur de Monts having made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said, to be proclaimed thorough the Realm of France, and especially thorough the Ports and The rest of thy P●rentis here for brevity omitted: with the provisoes, etc. And let not Englishmen fear want of room for French Plantations or Savage habitations; these being very thin, the other scarce worthy the name of being, or plantation, having so many interruptions, and more frequented by the French in way of Trade with Savages then otherwise. I have omitted many digressions and discourses of the Author; only for knowledge of those parts, presenting the brief sum of his most ample Worke. His Map but for cost, I would have here added. I have diverse by me which I take more exact, I am sure with many many particulars wanting in his. And both his Map and Discourse show that the French discovered not so near Virginia, as Hudsons' River; and that the French Plantations have been more Noreherly farre, than our Northern Virginia, and to the Southern, not a shadow in compa 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 and numbers. maritine Towns thereof, caused two ships to be rigged and furnished, the one under the conduct of Captain Timothy of New-haven, the other of Captain morel of Honfleur. In the first, he shipped himself, with good number of men of account, as well Gentlemen as others. And for as much as Monsieur de Poutrincourt was, and had been of a long time, desirous to see those Countries of New France, and there to find out and choose some fit place to retire himself into, with his Family, Wife and Children, not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glory of so fair and generous an enterprise, would needs go thither, and shipped himself with the said Monsieur de Monts, carrying with him some quantity of Armours and Munitions of War; and so weighed Anchors from New-haven the seventh day of March 1604. But being departed some what too soon, before the Winter had yet left off her frozen Weed, they found store of Icy banks, against the which they were in danger to strike, and so to be cast away. The Voyage was long by reason of contrary winds, which seldom happeneth to them that set out in March for the Newfound lands, which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northern wind, fit to go to those Lands. And having taken their course to the South of the I'll of Sand or Sablon, or Sand, for to shun the said Ices, they almost fell from Charybdis into Scylla, going to strike towards the said Isle, during the thick mists that are frequent in that Sea. In the end, the sixth of May they came to a certain Port, where they found Captain Rossignol of New-haven, who did truck for skins with the Savages, contrary to the King's Inhibitions, which was the cause that his ship was confilcated. This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol, having (in this his hard fortune) this only good, that a good and fit harbour or Port, in those Coasts be ar his name. From thence coasting and discovering the Lands, they arrived at another Port, very fair, which they named Le Port de Moutton, by reason that a Mutton or Weather having leapt overboard and drowned himself came aboard again, and was taken and eaten as good prize. near the said Moutton Port there is a place so replenished with Rabbits and Coneys, that they almost did eat nothing else. During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shallop to seek farther off a fitter place to retire themselves, at which Exploit he carried so long, that deliberating upon the return, they thought to leave him behind: for there was no more victuals: and they served themselves with that, that was found in the said Rossignols' ship, without which they had been forced to return into France, and so to break a fair enterprise at the very birth and beginning thereof; or to starve, having ended the hunting of Coneys, which could not still continue. All New France in the end being contained in two ships, they weighed Anchors from Port du Moutton, for to employ their time, and to discover Lands as much as might before Winter. We came to Cape de Sable, or the Sandie Cape; and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie, where our men lay at Anchor fifteen days, whilst the Lands and passages as well by Sea as by River might be descried and known. This Bay is a very fair place to inhabit, because that one is readily carried thither without doubling. There are mines of Iron and Silver; but in no great abundance, according to the trial made thereof in France. A Priest losing his way in the Woods was missing sixteen days. Whereupon a Protestant was charged to have killed him because they quarrelled sometimes for matters of Religion. Finally, they sounded a Trumpet thorough the Forest, they shot off the Canon diverse times, but in vain: for the roaring of the Sea, stronger than all that, did expel back the sound of the said Canons and Trumpets. Two, three and four days passed he appeareth not. In the meanwhile the time hastens to depart, so having tarried so long that he was then held for dead, they weighed Anchors to go further, and to see the depth of a Bay that hath some forty leagues length, and fourteen (yea eighteen) of breadth, which was named Lafoy Bay Francoise, or the French Bay. Lay Bay Francoise. In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port, whereinto our men entered, and made some abode, during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Elian, or Stag, that crossed a great Lake of the Sea, which maketh this Port, and did swim but easily. This Port is environed with Mountains on the North side: Towards the South be small Hills, which (with the said Mountains) do power out a thousand Brooks, which make that place pleasanter than any other place in the World: there are very fair falls of waters, fit to make Milles of all sorts. At the East is a River between the said Mountains and Hills, in the ships may sail fifteen leagues and more, and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the River but fair Meadows, which River was named L' Equille, because that the first fish taken therein was an Equille. But the said Port, for the beauty thereof was called Port Royal. Monsieur The River of L' Equille. Port Royal. de Poutrincourt having found this place to be to his ●●king demanded it, with the Lands thereunto adjoining, of Monsieur de Monts: to whom the King had by Commission, before inserted, granted the distribution of the Lands of New France from the fortieth degree to the six and fortieth. Which place was granted to the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, who since hath had Letters of confirmation for the same of his Majesty, intending to retire himself thither with his Family, and there to establish the Christian and French Name, as much as his power shall stretch, and God grant him the means to accomplish it. The Port containeth eight leagues of circuit, besides the River of L' Equille. There is within it two Isles very fair and pleasant: the one at the mouth of the said River, which I deem to be of the greatness of the City of Beauvais: The other at the side of the mouth of another River, as broad as the River of Oise, or Marne, entering within the said Port: The said Isle being almost of the greatness of the other: and they both are woody. In this Port, and right over against the former I'll, we dwelled three years after this Voyage. We will speak thereof more at large hereafter. From Port Royal they sailed to the Copper Mine, whereof we have spoken before elsewhere. A Copper Mine. In the 28. and 29. Chap. of the second Book of the whole Volume untranslated. Things first to be provided in new plantation. It is a high Rock between two Bays of the Sea, wherein the Copper is conjoined with the stone, very fair and very pure, such as is that which is called Rozette Copper. Many Goldsmiths have seen of it in France, which do say that under the Copper Mine there might be a Golden Mine: which is very probable. For if those excrements that Nature expelleth forth be so pure, namely, small pieces that are found upon the gravel at the foot of the Rock, when it is low water, there is no doubt that the Metal which is in the bowels of the earth is much more perect, but this is a Work that requireth time. The first myning and working is to have Bread, Wine and Cattle, as we have said elsewhere. Our felicity consisteth not in Mynes, specially of Gold and Silver, the which serve for nothing in the tillage of the ground, nor to Handicrafts use. chose, the abundance of them is but a charge and burden, that keepeth man in perpetual unquiet, and the more he hath thereof, the less rest enjoyeth he, and his life lesser assured unto him. Before the Voyages of Perou great riches might have been set up in a small place, in stead Note. This French Author was a Romish Catholic, which yet speaks thus freely of the Spaniards. that in this our age by the abundance of Gold and silver the same is come at no value nor esteem. One hath need of huge Chests and Coffers to put in that, which a small Budget might have contained. One might have traveled with a Purse in ones sleeve, and now a Cloak-bag and a Horse must expressly be had for that purpose. We may justly curse the hour that greedy Avarice did carry the Spaniard into the West, for the woeful events that have ensued thereof. For when I consider that by his greediness he hath kindled and maintained the War thorough all Christendom, and his only study hath been how to destroy his Neighbours (and not the Turk) I cannot think that any other but the Devil hath been the Author of their Voyages. And let not the pretence of Religion be alleged unto me: for (as we have said elsewhere) they have killed all the offspring of the Country with the most inhuman torments that the Devil hath been able to excogitate. And by their cruelties have rendered the Name of God odious, and a name of offence to those poor people, and have continually and daily blasphemed him in the midst of the Gentiles as the Prophet reproacheth to the people Esay 52. verse. 〈◊〉. of Israel. W●●nesse him that had rather be damned, then go to the Paradise of the Sp●niards, &c. Hat●●●y. see sup. Cas●s. Diamonds. Among these Copper Rocks there is found sometimes small Rocks covered with Diamonds fixed to them. I will not aflure them for fine, but that is very pleasing to the sight. There are also certain shining blue stones, which are of no less value or worth than Turkey Stones. Turkey stones. Monsieur de Champdore our guide for the Navigations in those Countries, having cut within a Rock one of those stones, at his return from New France he broke it in two, and gave one part of it to Monsieur de Monts, the other to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which they made tobe put in Gold, and were found worthy to be presented the one to the King by the said Poutrincourt, the other to the Queen by the said de Monts, and were very well accepted, I remember that a Goldsmith did offer fifteen Crowns to Monsieur de Poutrincourt for that he presented to his Majesty. This River is one of the fairest that may be seen, having store of Lands, and swarming with S. john's River. fishes. This last year 1608. thy said Monsieur de Champdore, with one of the said Monsieur de 1608. Monts his men, hath been some fifty leagues up the said River: and do witness that there is great quantity of Vines along the shore, but the Grapes are not so big as they be in the Country Vines. of the Armouchiquois: There are also Onions, and many other sorts of good herbs. As for the Trees they are the fairest that may be seen. When we were there we saw great number Great Crapes among the Armouchiquois Abundance of fishes. The commodity of Voyaging by the River. of Cedar Trees. Concerning fishes the said Champdore hath related unto us, that putting the Kettle over fire, they had taken fish sufficient for their Dinner before that the water was hot. Moreover this River, stretching itself far within the Lands of the Savages doth marvellously shorten the long travels by means thereof. For in six days they go to Gashepe, coming to the Bay of Gulf of Chaleur, or heat, when they are at the end of it, in carrying their Canowes' some few leagues. And by the same River in eight days they go to Tadoussac by a branch of the same which cometh from the Northwest. In such sort that in Port Royal one may have within fifteen or eighteen days news from the Frenchmen, dwelling in the great River of Canada, by these ways: which could not be done in one month by Sea, nor without danger. Leaving Saint john's River, they came following the Coast twenty leagues from that place, to The I'll of S. Croix tw●ntie leagues from S. john's River. a great River (which is properly Sea) where they fortified themselves in a little Island seated in the midst of this River, which the said Champleine had been to discover and view. And seeing it strong by nature, and of easy defence and keeping, besides that the season began to slide away, and therefore it was behooveful to provide of lodging, without running any farther, they resolved to make their abode there. As they began to visit and search the Island, Monsieur de Champdore (of whom we shall henceforth make mention, by reason he dwelled four year in those parts, conducting the Voyages made there) was sent back to the Bay of Saint Mary, with a Mine-finder, that had been carried thither for to get some mines of silver and Iron, which they did. And as they had crossed Return to the Bay of S. Mary, where the lost man was found again. The Long I'll. Cherries. the French Bay, they entered into the said Bay of Saint Marie, by a narrow Straight or passage, which is between the Land of Port Royal, and an Island called the Long I'll: where after some abode they going a fishing, Monsieur Aubri (the Priest before lost) perceived them, and began with a feeble voice to call as loud as he could; and put his Handkerchief, and his Hat on a staff's end, which made him better to be known. During these sixteen days he fed himself but by (I know not what) small fruits, like unto Cherries, without kernel (yet not so delicate) which are scarcely found in those Woods. They gave him food by measure, and brought him back again to the company at the Island of Saint Croix, whereof every one received an incredible joy and consolation. Before we speak of the ships return into France, it is meet to tell you how hard the I'll of The description of the I'll of Saint Croix. Saint Croix is to be found out, to them that were never there. For there are so many Isles and great Bays to go by, before one be at it, that I wonder how ever one might pierce so far for to find it. There are three or four Mountains, imminent above the others, on the sides: But on the North side, from whence the River runneth down, there is but a sharp pointed one, above two leagues distant. The Woods of the main Land are fair and admirable high and well grown, as in like manner is the grass. There is right over against the Island fresh water brooks, very pleasant and agreeable, where diverse of Monsieur de Monts, his men did their business, and The fruitfulness of the soil. builded there certain Cabanes. As for the nature of the ground it is most excellent and most abundantly fruitful. For the said Monsieur de Monts, having caused there some piece of ground to be tilled, and the same sowed with Rye (for I have seen there no Wheat) he was not able to tarry for the maturity thereof to reap it: and notwithstanding, the grain, fallen, hath grown and increased so wonderfully that two years after we reaped and did gather of it as fair, big and weighty, as in France, which the soil had brought forth without any tillage: and yet at this present it doth continue still to multiply every year. The said Island containeth some half The Island half a league in compass. a league of circuit, and at the end of it on the Sea side, there is a Mount or small Hill, which is (as it were) a little Isle severed from the other, where Monsieur de Monts his Canon was placed: There is also a little Chapel built after the Savage fashion. At the foot of which Chapel there is such store of Muscles as is wonderful, which may be gathered at low water, but they Store of Muscles. are small. Now let us prepare and hoist up sails. Monsieur de Poutrincourt made the Voyage into these parts with some men of good sort, not to winter there, but as it were to seek out his seat, and find out a Land that might like him. Which he having done, ●ad no need to sojourn there any longer. So then the ships being ready for the return, he shipped himself, and those of his company, in one of them. The return of Monsieur du Poutrincourt into France, The building at the I'll of S. Croix. During the foresaid Navigation, Monsieur du Monts his people did work about the Fort; which he seated at the end of the Island, opposite to the place where he had lodged his Cannon. Which was wisely considered, to the end to command the River up and down. But there was an inconvenience, the said Fort did lie towards the North, and without any shelter, but of the trees that were on the I'll shore, which all about he commanded to be kept, and not cut down. The most urgent things being done, and hoary snowy Father being come, that is to say, Winter, Three discommodities in wintering at S. Croix. than they were forced to keep within doors, and to live every one at his own home: during which time, our men had three special discommodities in this Island, videlicet, want of wood, (for that which was in the said I'll was spent in buildings) lack of fresh water, and the continual watch made by night, fearing some surprise from the Savages, that had lodged themselves at the foot of the said Island, or some other enemy. For the malediction and rage of many Wickedness of many Christians. Christians is such, that one must take heed of them much more than of Infidels. A thing which grieveth me to speak: would to God I were a liar in this respect, and that I had no cause to speak it! When they had need of water or wood, they were constrained to cross over the River, which is thrice as broad of every side, as the River of Seine. It was a thing painful The River of Rouen. and tedious, in such sort, that it was needful to keep the Boat the whole day, before one might get those necessaries. In the mean while the cold and snows came upon them, and the Ice so strong, that the Cider was frozen in the vessels, and every one his measure was given him Unknown sicknesses, viz. the Scorbute or Scurvy, the greatest plague of Navigations and new Plantations, Fortifications and Garrisons besieged, where want of fresh diet and of bodily labour, or too much labour and watching, with gross airs in the Countries overgrown with wood, or with marshes, bogs and unwholesome waters are chief breedersthereof. The Author hath made a long discourse of this disease, the chief points whereof are here expressed for the benefit of our English Colonies in America in which I doubt not many hundr●ds have hereby perished. The number of the dead and sick. Dangerous m●neths. The opening of a dead body. What food causeth the land disease. Bad waters. out by weight. As for Wine it was distributed but at certain days of the week. Many idle sluggish companions drank snow-water, not willing to take the pains to cross the River. Briefly, the unknown sicknesses like to those described unto us by james Quartier, in his Relation, assailed us. For remedies there was none to be found. In the mean while the poor sick creatures did janguish, pining away by little and little, for want of sweet meats, as Milk or spoon-meate for to sustain their stomaches which could not receive the hard meats, by reason of let, proceeding from a rotten flesh which grew and over-abounded within their mouths: and when one thought to root it out, it did grow again in one night's space more abundantly than before. As for the tree called Annedda, mentioned by the said Quartier, the Savages of these Lands know it not. So that it was most pitiful to behold every one, very few excepted, in this misery, and the miserable sick folks to die, as it were full of life, without any possibility to be succoured. There died of this sickness thirty six, and thirty six or forty more that were stricken with it, recovered themselves by the help of the Spring, as soon as the comfortable season appeared. But the deadly season for that sickness is in the end of january, the months of February and March, wherein most commonly the sick do die, every one at his turn, according to the time they have begun to be sick: in such sort, that he which began to be ill in February and March, may escape, but he that shall over-haste himself, and betake him to his bed in December and january, he is in danger to die in February, March, or the beginning of April. Monsieur de Poutrincourt made a Negro to be opened, that died of that sickness in our Voyage, who was found to have the inward parts very sound, except the stomach, that had wrinkles, as though they were ulcered. As for the food, this sickness is caused by cold meats, without juice, gross and corrupted. One must then take heed of salt meats, smoky, musty, raw, and of an evil sent, likewise of dried fishes, as newfoundland fish, and stinking Rays: Briefly, from all melancholy meats, which are of hard digesting, are easily corrupted, and breed a gross and melancholy blood. I would not (for all that) be so scrupulous as the Physicians, which do put in number of gross and melancholy meats, Beefs flesh, Bears, wild Boars and Hog's flesh (they might as well add unto them Beavers flesh, which notwithstanding we have found very good) as they do amongst fishes the Tons, Dolphins, and all those that carry Lard: among the birds, the Hernes, Ducks, and all other water birds: for in being an overcurious obseruator of these things, one might fall into the danger of starving, and to die for hunger. They place yet among the meats that are to be shunned Biscuit, Beans and Pulse, the often using of Milk, Cheese: the gross and harsh Wine, and that which is too small, white Wine, and the use of Vinegar: Beer which is not well sodden, nor well scummed, and that hath not Hops enough. Also waters that run thorough rotten wood, and those of Lakes and Bogges, still and corrupted waters, such as is much in Holland and Frizeland, where is observed that they of Amsterdam are more subject to Palsies and stifning of sinews, than they of Rotterdam, for the abovesaid cause of still and sleepy waters: which besides do engender Dropsies, Dysenteries, Fluxes, quartan Agues, and burning Fevers, swellings, ulcers of the Lights, shortness of breath, ruptures of children, swelling in the veins, sores in the legs: finally, they wholly belong to the disease whereof we speak, being drawn by the Spleen, where they leave all their corruption. Sometimes this sickness doth also come by a vice which is even in waters of running Fountains, as if they be among, or near Bogges, or if they issue from a muddy ground, or from a place that hath not the Sun's aspect. So Pliny reciteth that in the Voyage which the Prince Caesar Germanicus made into Germany, having given order to his Army to pass the River of Plin. li. 25. c. 3. Rhine, to the end to get still forward in the Country, he did set his camp on the Sea shore, upon the coast of Frizeland, in a place where was but one only Fountain of fresh water to be found, which notwithstanding was so pernicious, that all they that drank of it lost their teeth in less than two years' space, and had their knees so weak and disjointed, that they could not bear themselves. Which is verily the sickness whereof we speak, which the Physicians do call Stomaccacè, that is to say, Mouths sore; and Scelotyrbè, which is as much to say, as the shaking Stomaccacè. Scelotyrbè. of thighs and legs. And it was not possible to find any remedy, but by the means of an herb called Britannica, or Scurvy grass, which besides is very good for the sinews, against Britannica, or Scurvy grass, an herb. the sores and accidents in the mouth: against the Squinancy, and against the biting of Serpents. It hath long leaves, drawing in colour a dark green, and produceth a black root, from which liquor is drawn, as well as from the leaf. Strabo saith, that the like case happened Strabo. to the Army that Aelius Gallus brought into Arabia, by the commission of Augustus the Emperor. And the l●ke also chanced to King Saint Lewes his Army in Egypt, as the Lord Monsieur de Io●nuille. de Io●nuille reporteth Other effects of bad waters are seen near unto us, to wit, in Savoy, where the women (more than men, because they are of a colder constitution) have commonly swellings in their throats, as big as Bottles. The Govitres of Savore. What air is against health. Next to waters, the air is also one of the Fathers and Ingenderers of this sickness, in boggy and waterish places, and opposite to the South, which is most often rainy. But there is yet in New France another bad quality of the air, by reason of Lakes that be thick there, and of the great rottenness in the Woods, whose odour the bodies having drawn up, during the reins of Autumn and Winter, easily are engendered the corruptions of the mouth, and swelling in the legs before spoken, and a cold entereth unsensibly into it, which benumbeth the limbs, stifneth the sinews, constraineth to creep with crutches, and in the end, to keep the bed. And for as much Winds. as the winds do participate with the air, yea are an air running with a more vehement force than ordinary, and in this quality have great power over the health and sicknesses of men. This noisome quality of wind proceedeth (in my judgement) from the nature of the Country thorough which it passeth, which (as we have said) is full of Lakes, and those very great, which be (as it were) standing and still waters. Whereto I add the exhalation of the rottenness of woods, that this wind bringeth, and that in so much greater quantity, as the Northwest part is great, large and spacious. The seasons are also to be marked in this disease, which I have not seen nor heard of, that it Seasons. begins to work, neither in the Spring time, Summer nor Autumn, unless it be at the end of it, but it Winter. And the cause thereof is, that as the growing heat of the Spring maketh the humours closed up in the Winter to disperse themselves to the extremities of the body, and so cleareth it from melancholy, and from the noisome humours that have been gathered in Winter: so the Autumn, as the Winter approacheth, draweth them inward, and doth nourish this melancholy and black humour, which doth abound specially in this season, and the Winter being come showeth forth his effects at the costs and grief of the poor patients. I would add willingly to all the aforesaid causes the bad food of the Sea, which in a long Voyage Bad food and di commodities of the Sea. Advice for the sicknesses of New France. brings much corruption in man's body. This sickness proceeding from an indigestion of rude, gross, cold and melancholy meats, which offend the stomach, I think it good (submitting myself to better judgement and advice) to accompany them with good sauces, be it of Butter, Oil, or Fat, all well spiced, to correct as well the quality of the meat, as of the body inwardly waxen cold. Let this be said for rude and gross meats, as Beans, Pease, and fish: for he that shall eat good Capons, good Partridges, good Ducks, and good Rabbits, may be assured of his health, or else his body is of a bad constitution. We have had some sick, that have (as it were) raised up ●rom death to life: for having eaten twice or thrice of a coolice made of a Cock, good Wine Good Wine. taken according to the necessity of nature, is a sovereign preservative for all sicknesses, and particularly for this. The young buds of herbs in the Spring time be also very sovereign. Herbs in the Spring time. And as for that which concerneth the exterior parts of the body, we have found great good in wearing wooden Pantaphles, or Patins with our shoes, for to avoid the moistness. The houses need no opening nor windows on the Northwest side, being a wind very dangerous: but rather on the East side, or the South. It is very good to have good bedding (and it was good for me to have carried things necessary co this purpose) and above all to keep himself neat. I would like well the use of Stoves, such as they have in Germany, by means whereof they feel no Winter, being at home, but as much as they please. Yea, they have of Stoves. Stoves in Gardens. Such I have seen at Beddington in Surrie. at Sir Nicolas carew's. The sweatings of the Savages them in many places, in their Gardens, which do so temper the coldness of Winter, that in this rough and sharp season there one may see Orange-trees, Lymmon-trees, Figtrees, Pomgranat-trees, and all such sorts of trees, bring forth fruit as good as in Provence. The Savages use sweatings often, as it were every month, and by this means they preserve themselves, driving out by sweat all the cold and evil humours they might have gathered. But one singular preservative against this perfidious sickness, which cometh so stealingly, and which having once lodged itself within us, will not be put out, is to follow the counsel of him that is wife amongst the wise, who having considered all the afflictions that man give to A merry heart a principal preservative against the Scurvy. Eccles. 3. 12, 22. Means of mirth. himself during his life, hath found nothing better than to rejoice himself, and do good, 〈◊〉 take pleasure in his own works. They that have done so, in our company, have found themse 〈…〉 s well by it: chose some always grudging, repining, never content, idle, have been found out by the same disease. True it is, that for to enjoy mirth it is good to have the sweetness of fresh meats, Flesh's, Fishes, Milk, Butter, Oils, Fruits, and such like, which we had not at will (I mean the common sort: for always some one, or other of the company did furnish Monsieur de Poutrincourt, his Table with Wildfowl, Venison or fresh Fish) And if we had half a dozen Kine, I believe that no body had died there. It resteth a preservative, necessary for the accomplishment of mirth, and to the end one may take pleasure on the work of his hands is every one to have the honest company of his lawful Necessity of having women into the Country. wife: for without that, the cheer is never perfect; ones mind is always upon that which one loves and desireth; there is still some sorrow, the body becomes full of ill humours, and so the sickness doth breed. And for the last and sovereign remedy, I send back the Patient to the tree of life (for so one may well qualify it) which james Quartier doth call Anneda, yet unknown Tree of life. Sassafras. Monsieur Champlain is now this present year 1609. in Canada. in the coast of Port Royal, unless it be, peradventure the Sassafras, whereof there is quantity in certain places. And it is an assured thing, that the said tree is very excellent. But Monsieur Champlain, who is now in the great River of Canada, passing his Winter, in the same part, where the said Quartier did winter, hath charge to find it out, and to make provision thereof. THe rough season being passed, Monsieur de Monts, wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix, determined to seek out another Port in a warmer Country, and more to the South: The discoveric of new Lands by Monsieur de Monts: fabulous tales and reports of the River and feigned Town of Norombega. Kinibeki s●xty leagues from S. Croix. And to that end made a Pinnace to be armed and furnished with victuals, to follow the coast, and discovering new Countries, to seek out some happier Port in a more temperate air. He made in this Voyage but about an hundred and twenty leagues, as we will tell you now. From Saint Croix to sixty leagues forward, the coast lieth East and West: at the end of which sixty leagues is a River, called by the Savages Kinibeki. From which place to Malebarre it lieth North and South, and there is yet from one to the other sixty leagues, in right line, not following the Bays. So far stretcheth Monsieur de Monts his Voyage, wherein he had for Pilot in his Vessel, Monsieur de Champdore. In all this Coast so far as Kinibeki, there are many places where ships may be harboured amongst the Lands, but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that: And there is no remarkable thing (at least that may be seen in the outside of the Lands) but a River, whereof many have written fables one after another. I will recite that which is in the last Book, entitled, The universal History of the West Indies, Printed at Dovay the last year 1607. in the place where he speaketh of Norombega: For in reporting this, I shall have also said that which the first have written, from whom they have had it. Moreover, towards the North (saith the Author, after he had spoken of Virginia) is Norombega, Fabulous ●ales of the River Norombega. which is known well enough, by reason of a fair Town, and a great River, though it is not found from whence it hath his name: for the Barbarians do call it Aguncia: At the mouth of this River there is an Island very fit for fishing. The Region that goeth along the Sea, doth abound in fish, and towards New France there is great number of wild beasts, and is very commodious for hunting; the Inhabitants do live in the same manner as they of New France. If this beautiful Town hath ever been in nature, I would fain know who hath pulled it down: For there is but Cabins here and there made with pearkes, and covered with barks of trees, or with skins, and both the River and the place inhabited is called Pemptegoet, Pemptegoet. and not Agguncia. The River (saving the tide) is scarce as the River on that coast, because there are not Lands sufficient to produce them, by reason of the great River of Canada, which runneth like this coast, and is not fourscore leagues distant from that place in crossing the Lands, which from elsewhere received many Rivers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega: At the entry whereof, it is so far from having but one Island, that rather the number thereof is almost infinite, for as much as this River enlarging itself like the Greek Lambda 〈◊〉, the mouth whereof is all full of Isles, whereof there is one of them lying very far off (and the foremost) in the Sea, which is high and markable above the others. But some will say that I equivocate in the situation of Norombega, and that it is not placed where I take it. To this I answer, that the Author, whose words I have a little before alleged, is in Objection. Answer. this my sufficient warrant, who in his Geographical Map, hath placed in the mouth of this River in the 44. degree, and his supposed Town in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree, which is a small matter. For the River that I mean is in the 45. degree, and as for any Town, there is none. Now of necessity it must be this river, because that the same being passed, and that of Kinibeki, (which is in the same higth) there is no other River forward, whereof account should be made, till one come to Virginia. I say furthermore, that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega do live as they of new France, and have abundance of hunting, it must be, that their Province be sea 〈…〉 our new France; for fifty leagues farther to the South-west there is no great game, bec 〈…〉 e the woods are thinner there, and the Inhabitants settled, and in greater number than in Norombega. The River of Norombega being passed, Monsieur de Monts went still coasting, until he came Kinibeki. to Kinibeki, where a River is that may shorten the way to go to the great River of Canada. There is a number of Savages Cabined there, and the land beginneth there to be better peopled. From Kinibeki going farther, one findeth the Bay of Marching, named by the Captain his name that The Bay of Marching. 1607. Ch 〈…〉 koet. The ground manured. Vines. commandeth therein. This Marching was killed the year that we parted from New France 1607. Farther is another Bay called Chovakoet, where (in regard of the former Countries) is a great number of people: for there they till the ground, and the region beginneth to be more temperate, and for proof of this, there is in this land store of Vines. Yea, even there be Lands full of it (which be more subject to the injuries of the wind and cold) as we shall say hereafter. There is between Chovakoet and Malebarre many Bays and Isles, and the Coast is sandy, with shallow ground, drawing near to the said Malebarre, so that scarce one may land there Malebarre. with Barks. The people that be from Saint john's River to Kinibeki (wherein are comprised the Rivers of Etechemins. Saint Croix and Norombega) are called Etechemins. And from Kinibeki as far as Malebarre, and farther, they are called Armouchiquois. They be traitors and thieves, and one had need to take The Armouchiquois traitors and thieves. Th● swiftness of the Armouchiquois. heed of them. One of them from a man of Saint Malos took a Kettell, and ran away speedily with his booty. The Malovin running after, was killed by this wicked people: and although the same had not happened, it was in vain to pursue after this thief; for all these Armouchiquois are as swift in running as Grayhounds; as we will yet further say in speaking of the voyage that Monsieur de Poutrincourt made in the same Country, in the year 1606. The Spring season being passed in the Voyage of the Armouchiquois, Mounsieur du Pont, surnamed The arrival of Monsieur du Point. 1605. Grave, dwelling at Honfleur, did arrive with a company of some forty men, for to ease the said Monsieur de Monts and his troop, which was to the great joy of all, as one may well imagine: and Canon shots were free and plentiful at the coming, according to custom, and the sound of Trumpets. The said Monsieur du Pont, not knowing yet the state of our French men, did think to find there an assured dwelling, and his lodgings ready: but considering the accidents of the strange sickness, whereof we have spoken, he took advice to change place. Monsieur de Monts was very desirous that the new habitation had been about 40. degrees, that is to say 4. degrees farther than Saint Croix: but having viewed the Coast as far as Malebarre, and with much pain, not finding what he desired, it was deliberated to go and make their dwelling in Port Royal, until means were had to make an ampler discovery. So every one began to pack Transmigration from S. Croix to Port Royal. up his things: That which was built with infinite labour was pulled down, except the Storehouse, which was too great and painful to be transported, and in executing of this, many voyages are made. All being come to Port Royal they found out new labours: the abiding place is chosen right over against the Island, that is at the coming in of the River L'Esquilie, in a place New buildings where all is covered over, and full of woods as thick as possibly may be. The Month of September did already begin to come, and care was to be taken for the unlading of Monsieur du Pont his Ship, to make room for them that should return back into France. Finally, there is work enough for all. When the Ship was in a readiness to put to sails, Monsieur de Monts having seen the beginning of the new habitation, shipped himself for his return with them that would follow him. Notwithstanding many of good courage (forgetting the griefs and labours passed) did tarry behind, amongst whom were Monsieur Champlaine and Monsieur Champdore, the one for Geography, and the other for the conducting and guiding of the voyages that should be necessary to be made by Sea. The Winter being come, the Savages of the Country did assemble themselves, from far to Traffic with the Savages. Bevers Otters, and Stags. Tabaguia is a savage term, signifying banquet. Port Royal, for to truck with the Frenchmen, for such things as they had, some bringing Beavers skins, and Otters (which are those whereof most account may be made in that place) and also Ellans or Stags, whereof good buff be made: Others bringing flesh newly killed, wherewith they made many good Tabagies, or feasts, living merrily as long as they had wherewithal. They never wanted any Bread, but Wine did not continue with them till the season was ended. For when we came thither the year following, they had been above three Months without any Wine, and were very glad of our coming, for that made them to take again the taste of it. The greatest pain they had, was to grind the Corn to have Bread, which is very painful with hand-mils, where all the strength of the body is requisite. This labour is so great, that the Hand Mils. Savages (although they be very poor) cannot bear it, and had rather to be without bread, then to take so much pains, as hath been tried, offering them half of the grinding they should do, but they choosed rather to have no corn. And I might well believe that the same, with other things, hath been great means to breed the sickness spoken of, in some of Monsieur du Pont his men: for there died some half a dozen of them that winter. True it is, that I find a The number of the dead. Fault in their buildings. defect in the buildings of our Frenchmen, which is, they had no ditches about them, whereby the waters of the ground next to them did run under their lower-most rooms, which was a great hindrance to their health. I add besides the bad waters which they used, that did not run from a quick spring, but from the nearest brook. The winter being passed, and the Sea navigable, Monsieur du Pont would needs achieve the The furniture of Monsieur du Pont to go to the discovery of new lands. enterprise begun the year before by Monsieur de Monts, and to go seek out a Port more Southerly, where the air might be more temperate, according as he had in charge of the said Monsieur de Monts. He furnished then the Bark which remained with him to that effect. But being set out of the Port, and full ready, hoist up sails for Malebarre, he was forced by contrary wind twice to put back again, and at the third time the said Bark strake against the rocks The wrack of their Bark. at the entry of the said Port. In this disgrace of Neptune, the men were saved with the better part of provision and merchandise; but as for the Bark it was rend in pieces. And by this mishap the Voyage was broken, and that which was so desired intermitted. For the habitation of Port Royal was not judged good. And notwithstanding it is, on the North and Northwest sides, well sheltered with Mountains, distant some one league, some half a league from the Port and Causes of delay in establishing the dwelling place of the Frenchmen. the River L'Esquelle. So we see how that enterprises take not effect according to the desires of men, and are accompanied with many perils. So that one must not wonder if the time be long in establishing of Colonies, specially in lands so remote, whose nature, and temperature of air is not known, and where one must fallen and cut down Forests, and be constrained to take heed, not from the people we call Savages, but from them that term themselves Christians, and yet have but the name of it, cursed and abominable people, worse than Wolves, enemies to God and humane nature. This attempt then being broken, Monsieur du Pont knew not what to do, but to attend the succour and supply that Monsieur de Monts promised parting from Port Royal, at his return into France, to send him the year following. Yet for all events he built another Bark and a Shallop for to seek French Ships in the places where they use to dry fish, such as Campsean Port, English Port, Misamichis Port: the Bay of Chaleur (or Heat) the Bay of Morues or Cod, and others in great number, according as Monsieur de Monts had done the former year, to the end to Ship himself in them, and to return into France, in case that no Ship should come to succour him. ABout the time of the before mentioned Shipwreck, Monsieur de Monts being in France, The third voyage made by Monsieur de Poutrincourt. knowing Monsieur de Poutrincourt his desire, he wrote unto him, and sent a man of purpose to give him notice of the Voyage that was in hand. Which the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt accepted of. He was no sooner come to Paris, but that he was forced to depart, not having scarce time to provide for things necessary. And I having had that good hap to be acquainted with him some years before, he asked me if I would take part in that business? Being come to Rochel, we found there Monsieur de Monts, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, that were come in Post, and our Ship called the jonas, of the burden of one hundred and fifty tuns, ready to pass out of the chains of the Town, to tarry for wind and tide. The tide I say, because Rochel. that a great Ship laden, cannot come to sea from Rochel, but in spring tides, upon the new and full Moon, by reason that in the Town road there is no sufficient depth. I believe, that after so many trials, none would have ventured to go plant Colonies in those parts, that Country being so ill spoken of, that every one did pity us, considering the accidents happened to The courage of Monsieur de Monts and his associates. them that had been there before. Notwithstanding Monsieur de Monts and his associates, did bear manfully this loss. The Saturday, Whitsun eve, the thirteenth of May, we wey our anckers, and sailed in open Sea, so that by little and little we lost the sight of the great Towers and Town of Rochel, 13. of May 1606. then of the Isles of Rez and Oleron, bidding France farewell. It was a thing fearful for them that were not used to such a dance, to see them carried upon so movable an element, and to be at every monent (as it were) within two fingers breadth to death. We had not long sailed, but Meetings of Ships. that many did their endeavour to yield up the tribute to Neptune. In the mean while we went still forward, for there was no more going back, the plank being once taken up. The sixteenth of May we met with thirteen hollanders, going for Spain, which did inquire of our voyage, and so held their course. About the eighteenth day of june, we found the Sea-water, during three days space, very warm, and by the same warmth, our Wine also was warm in the bottom of our Ship, yet the air was not hotter than before. And the one and twentieth of the said Month, quite contrary, Great cold. we were two or three days so much compassed with Mists and Colds, that we thought ourselves to be in the month of january, and the water of the Sea was extreme cold. Which The reason of this Antiperist●s●, and the cause o● the Ices of Newsound land. continued with us until we came upon the said Bank, by reason of the said Mists, which outwardly did procure this cold unto us. When I seek out the cause of this Antiperistase, I attribute it to the Ices of the North, which come floating down upon the Coast and Sea adjoining to New-sound-Land, and Labrador, which we have said elsewhere, is brought thither with the Sea, by her natural motion, which is greater there, then elsewhere, because of the great space it hath to run, as in a gulf, in the depth of America, where the natuee and situation of the universal earth doth bear it easily. Now these Ices (which sometimes are seen in banks of ten leagues length, and as high as Mountains and hills, and thrice as deep in the waters) holding, as it were, an Empire in this Sea, drive out far from them, that which is contrary to their coldness, and consequently do bind and close on this side, that small quantity of mild temperature that the Summer may bring to that part, where they come to seat and place themselves. Before we come to the Bank, which is the great Bank where the fishing of green Cod-fish Warnings neerethe great Bank. Birds called by Frenchmen, Gods, Fouquets, Hapfoys is made (so are they called when they are not dry, for one must goealand for the drying of them) the Sea-faring-men, besides the computation they make of their course, have warnings when they come near to it, by Birds, which are known: even as one doth them of these our parts, returning back into France, when one is within one hundred or one hundred and twenty leagues near it. The most frequent of these Birds, towards the said Banks, be Gods, Fouquets, and other called Happe-foyes. The Bank whereof we speak, are Mountains grounded in the depth of the waters, which are raised up to thirty, six and thirty, and forty fathams, near to the upper face of the Sea. This Bank is holden to be of two hundred leagues in length, and is eighteen, twenty, and twenty four leagues broad, which being passed, there is no more bottom found out, then in these parts, until one come to the land. The Ships being there arrived, the sails are rolled up, and there fishing is made for the greene-fish. There is farther off, other Banks, as I have marked in the said Map, upon the which good fishing may be made: and many go thither that know the places. When that we parted from Rochel, there was (as it were) a Forest of Ships lying at Chef de Bois (whereof that place hath taken his name) which went all in a company to that Country, preventing us (in their going) but only of two days. Having seen and noted the Bank, we hoist up sails and bare all night, keeping still our The fishing of Cod. Coast to the West. But the dawn of day being come, which was Saint john Baptists Eve ', in God's name we pulled down the sails, passing that day a fishing of Codfish, with a thousand mirths and contentments, by reason of fresh meats, whereof we had as much as we would, having long before wished for them. Monsieur de Poutrincourt, and a young man of Retel named Le Fleure, who by reason of the sea-sickness were not come out from their beds nor Cabins, from the beginning of the Navigation, came upon the hatches that day, and had the pleasure Hap-foyes, why so called. not only of fishing of Cod, but also of those Birds, that be called by the French Mariners Hap-foyes, that is to say, Liver-catchers, because of their greediness to devour to livers of the Cod-fish that are cast into the Sea, after their bellies be opened, whereof they are so covetous, that though they see a great paul over their heads, ready to strike them down, yet they adventure themselves to come near to the Ship, to catch some of them, at what price soever. And they which were not occupied in fishing, did pass their time in that sport. And so did they, by their diligence, that we took some thirty of them. In this fishing, we sometimes did take Seadogs, whose skins our joiners did keep carefully to smooth their work withal. Item, fishes called by Frenchmen Merlus, which be better than Sea dogs skins Cod, and sometimes another kind of fish, called Bars: which diversity did augment our delight. They which were not busy in taking neither Fishes nor Birds, did pass their time in gathering the hearts, guts, and other inward parts (most delicate) of the Codfish, which they did Excellent sausages made with the inwards of Cod. mince with lard and spices, and with those things did make as good Bolonia Sausiges, as any can be made in Paris, and we did eat of them with a very good stomach. From the eighteenth of june until we did arrive at Port Royal, we have found the weather quite otherwise to that we had before. For (as we have already said) we had cold mists or fogs, The weather in those Se●s contrary than in ours. before our coming to the Bank (where we came in fair sunshine) but the next day, we fell to the fogs again, which (a far off) we might perceive to come and wrap us about, holding us continually prisoners three whole days, for two days of fair weather that they permitted us: which was always accompanied with cold, by reason of the Summer's absence. Yea even diverse The causes of Mists on the West Seas. we have seen ourselves a whole seven-night, continually in thick fogs, twice without any show of Sun, but very little, as I will recite hereafter. And I will bring forth a reason for such effects which seemeth unto me probable. As we see the fire to draw the moistness of a wet cloth, opposite unto it; likewise the Sun draweth moistness and vapours both from the Sea and from the land. But for the dissolving of them, there is here one virtue, and beyond those parts another, according to the accidents and circumstances that are found. In these our Countries it raiseth up vapours only from the ground, and from our Rivers: which earthly vapours, gross and weighty, and participating less of the moist ellement, do cause us a hot air, and the earth discharged of those vapours, becomes thereby more hot and parching. From thence it cometh, that the said vapours, having the earth on the one p●rt, and the Sun on the other, which heateth them, they are easily dissolved, not remaining long in the air, unless it be in winter. when the earth is waxen cold, and the Sun beyond the Equinoctial line. far off from v● From the same reason proceedeth the cause why Mists and Fogs be not so frequent, nor so long in the French Seas, as the newfoundland, because that the Sun, passing from his rising, above the grounds, this Sea, at the coming thereof, receiveth almost but earthly vapours, and by a long space retaineth this virtue to dissolve very soon the exhalation it draweth to itself. But when it cometh to the midst of the Ocean, and to the said newfoundland, having elevated and assumed in so long a course a great abundance of vapours, from this moist wide Ocean, it doth not so easily dissolve them, as well because those vapours be cold of themselves, and of their nature, as because the element which is nearest under them, doth sympathize with them, and preserveth them, and the Sun beams being not holpen in the dissolving of them, as they are upon the earth. Which is even seen in the land of that Country, which (although it hath but small heat, by reason of the abundance of woods) notwithstanding it helpeth to disperse the Mists and Fogs, which be ordinarily there, in the morning, during Summer, but not as at Sea, for about eight a clock in the morning they begin to vanish away, and serve as a dew to the ground. The eight and twentieth day of june, we found ourselves upon a small bank (other than the great Bank whereof we have spoken) at forty fathams. From that time forward, we began to Land makes. The discovery of S. Peter's Lands. Plain discovery of the Land. descry landmarks (it was newfoundland) by herbs, mosses, flowers, and pieces of wood, that we always met, abounding the more, by so much we drew near to it. The fourth day of july, our sailors, which were appointed for the last quarter watch, descried in the morning, very early, every one being yet in bed, the Isles of Saint Peter. And the Friday the seventh of the said Month, we discovered, on the Larboard, a Coast of land, high raised up. Even our Dogs did thrust their noses out of the Ship, better to draw and smell the sweet air of the land, not being able to contain themselves from witnessing, by their gestures, the joy they had of it. We dre 〈…〉 within a league near unto it, and (the sails being let down) we fell a fishing of Cod, the fi 〈…〉 g of the Bank beginning to fail, They which had before us made voyages in those parts, did ●udge us to be at Cape Breton. The night drawing on, we stood off to the Seaward: the Cap. Breton. The Bay of Campseau. Eight days. next day following, being the eight of the said month of july, as we drew near to the Bay of Campseau, came, about the evening, mists, which did continue eight whole days, during the which we kept us at Sea, hulling still, not being able to go forward, being resisted by West and South-west winds. During these eight days, which were from one Saturday to another, God (who hath always guided these voyages, in the which not one man hath been lost by Sea) showed God's favour in danger. us; his special favour, in sending unto us, among the thick fogs, a clearing of the Sun, which continued but half an hour: And then had we sight of the firm land, and knew that we were ready to be cast away upon the rocks, if we had not speedily stood off to Seaward. Finally, upon Saturday, the fifteenth of july, about two a clock in the afterdoone, the sky began to salute us, as it were, with Cannon shots, shedding tears, as being sorry to have kept us Calm weather. so long in pain. So that fair weather being come again, we saw coming strait to us (we being four leagues off from the land) two Shallops with open sails, in a Sea yet wrathed. This Morueilous odours coming from the land. thing gave us much consent. But whilst we followed on our course, there came from the land odours uncomparable for sweetness, brought with a warm wind, so abundantly, that all the Orient parts could not procure greater abundance. We did stretch out our hands, as it were to take them, so palpable were they, which I have admired a thousand times since. Then the two Shallops did approach, the one manned with Savages, who had a Stag painted at their sails, The boarding of two Shallops the other with Frenchmen of Saint Maloes, which made their fishing at the Port of Camseau, but the Savages were more diligent, for they arrived first. Having never seen any before, I did admire, at the first sight, their fair shape, and form of visage. One of them did excuse himself, for The Savages goodly men. that he had not brought his fair beaver gown, because the weather had been foul. He had but one red piece of Freeze upon his back, and Matachiaz about his neck, at his wrists, above the Matachiaz be carcanets, neklaces bracelets and wrought girdles. During the mists at Sea, it is fair wether on land. elbow, and at his girdle. We made them to eat and drink. During that time they told us all that had passed, a year before, at Port Royal whither we were bound. In the mean while they of Saint Maloe came, and told us as much as the Savages had. Adding that the wednesday, when that we did shun the rocks, they had seen us, and would have come to us with the said Savages, but that they left off, by reason we put to the Sea: and more over that it had been always fair weather on the land: which made us much to marvel: but the cause thereof hath been showed before. These Frenchmen of Saint Maloe were men that did deal for the associates of Monsieur de Monts, and did complain that the Baskes, or men of Saint john de Lussurioso (against the King his Inhibitions) had trucked with the Savages, and carried away above six thousand Beavers skins. They gave us sundry sorts of their fishes, as Bars, Marle 〈…〉 s, and great Fletans. At the parting, some number of ours went aland at the Port of Campseau, as well to fetch us The departing of some of our company, going al●nd. The Savages do traveli much way in small time. some wood and fresh water, whereof we had need, as for to follow the Coast from that place to Port Royal in a Shallop, for we did fear lest Monsieur de Pont should be at our coming thither already gone from thence. The Savages made ●ff●r to go to him thorough the woods, with promise to be there within six days, to advertise him of our coming, to the end to cause his stay, for as much as word was left with him to depart, unless he were succoured within the sixteenth day of that month, which he failed not to do: notwithstanding our men desirous to see the Land nearer, did hinder the same which promised us to bring unto us the next day the said wood and water, if we would approach near the Land, which we did not, but followed on our course. Tuesday the seventeenth of july, we were according to our accustomed manner, surprised Mists. Calms. with mists and contrary wind. But the Thursday we had calm weather, so that whether it were missed or fair weather we went nothing forward. After this calm we had two days of Port●u ●u Rossignoll. Port au Mouton. fogs. The Sunday the three and twentieth of the said month, we had knowledge of the Port Du Rossignoll, and the same day in the afternoon, the Sun shining fair, we cast Anchor at the mouth of Port du Mouton, and we were in danger to fall upon a should, being come to two fathoms and a half depth. We went aland seventeen of us in number, to fetch the wood and ●hat grows 〈◊〉 the Land at Port ●u Mouton. water, whereof we had need. There we found the Cabins and Lodgings, yet whole and unbroken, that Monsieur de Monts made two years before, who had sojourned there by the space of one month, as we have said in his place. We saw there, being a sandy Land, store of Okes, bearing Acorns, Cypresse-trees, Firre-trees, Bay-trees, Musk-roses, Goose-berries, Purslen, Raspies, Fernes, Lysimachia, (a kind of Sammonee) Calamus odoratus, Angelica, and other Simples, in the space of two hours that we tarried there. We brought back in our ship wild Pease, which we found good. We had not the leisure to hunt after Rabbits that be there in great number, not far from the Port, but we returned aboard as soon as we had laden ourselves with water and wood: and so hoist up sails. Tuesday the five and twentieth day we were about the Cap de Sable, in fair weather, and made a good journey, for about the evening we came to sight of Long I'll, and the Bay of Saint Le Cap de Sable. Long Island. The Bay S. Mary. The arriving to Port Royal. Marie, but because of the night we put back to the Seaward. And the next day we cast Anchor at the mouth of Port Royal, where we could not enter by reason it was ebbing water, but we gave two Canon shot from our ship to salute the said Port, and to advertise the Frenchmen that we were there. Thursday the seven and twentieth of july, we came in with the flood, which was not without much difficulty, for that we had the wind contrary, and gusts of wind from the Mountains, Difficulties in coming in. which made us almost to strike upon the Rocks. And in these troubles our ship bore still contrary, the Poop before, and sometimes turned round, not being able to do any other thing else. Finally, being in the Port, it was unto us a thing marvelous to see the fair distance and largeness The beauty of the Port. of it, and the Mountains and Hills that environed it, and I wondered how so fair a place did remain desert, being all filled with Woods, seeing that so many pine away in the World, which might make good of this Land, if only they had a chief Governor to conduct them thither. We knew not yet, if Monsieur du Pont was gone or no, and therefore we did expect that he should send some men to meet us; but it was in vain: for he was gone from thence twelve days before. And whilst we did hull in the midst of the Port Membertou, the greatest Sagamos of the Souriquois (so are the people called with whom we were) came to the French Sagamos signifieth Captain Fort, to them that were left there, being only two, crying as a mad man, saying in his Language; What! You stand here a dining (for it was about noon) and do not see a great ship that cometh here; and we know not what men they are: Suddenly these two men ran upon the Bulwark, and with diligence made ready the Canons, which they furnished with Pellets and touch Powder. Membertou, without delay, came in a Canow made of barks of trees, with a Daughter of his, to view us: And having found but friendship, and knowing us to be Frenchmen, made no alarm. Notwithstanding one of the two Frenchmen left there, called La Taille, came to the shore of the Port, his match on the cock, to know what we were (though he knew it well enough, for we had the white Banner displayed at the top of the Mast) and on the sudden four volley of Canons were shot off, which made innumerable echoes: And from our part, the Fort was saluted with three Canon shots, and many Musket shots, at which time our Trumpeter was not slack of his duty. Then we landed, viewed the house, and we passed that day in giving God thanks, in seeing the Savages Cabins, and walking thorough the Meadows. But I cannot but praise the gentle courage of these two men, one of them I have already named, the other Praises of the two Frenchmen le●t alone in Fort of Port Royal. is called Miquelet: which deserve well to be mentioned here, for having so freely exposed their lives in the conservation of the welfare of New France. For Monsieur du Pont hau●ng but one Bark and a Shallop, to seek out towards newfoundland, for French ships, could not charge himself with so much furniture, Corn, Meat, and Merchandises as were there; which he had been forced to cast into the Sea (and which had been greatly to our prejudice, and we did fear it very much) if these two men had not adventured themselves to tarry there, for the preserving of those things, which they did with a willing and joyful mind. The Friday, next day after our arrival, Monsieur de Poutrincourt affected to this Enterprise, The tilling of the ground. as for himself, put part of his people to work in the tillage and manuring of the ground, whilst the others were employed in making clean of the Chambers, and every one to make ready that which belonged to his Trade. In the mean time those people of ours that had left The meeting with Monsieur du Pont. us at Campseau, to come along the Coast, met (as it were miraculously) with Monsieur du Pont, among Lands, that be in great number in those parts. The said Monsieur du Po●t, at this happy and fortunate meeting, returned back to see us in the Port Royal, and to ship himself in the jonae, to return into France. As this chance was beneficial unto him, so was it unto us, by the means of his ships that he left with us. For without that, we had been in such extremity that we had not been able to go nor come any where, our ship being once returned into France. He arrived there, on Monday the last of july, and tarried yet in Port Royal, until the eight and twenty of August. All this month we made merry. At the very beginning, we were desirous to see the Country up the River, where we found Meadows, almost continual above twelve leagues of ground, among which, brooks do run without number, which come from the Hills and Mountains adjoining. The Woods very thick on the water shores, and so thick, that sometimes, one cannot go thorough them. In the passage to come forth from the same Fort, for to go to Sea, there is a Brook, which falleth from the high Rocks down, and in falling disperseth itself into a small rain, which is very delightful in Summer, because that at the foot of the Rock there are Caves, wherein one is covered, whilst that this rain falleth so pleasantly: And in the Cave (wherein the rain of this Brook falleth) is made, as it were, a Rainbow, when the Sun shineth: which hath The form of a Rainbow under a Cave. given me great cause of admiration. Within fifteen leagues of our dwelling, the Country, thorough which the River L'Equille passeth, is all plain and even. I have seen in those parts many Countries, where the land is all even, and the fairest of the world. But the perfection thereof is, that it is well watered. And for witness whereof, not only in Port Royal, but also in all New France, the great River of Canada is proof thereof, which at the end of four hundred leagues is as broad as the greatest Greatness of Canada 400. leagues from the mouth. It springs from a Lake. Rivers of the world, replenished with Isles and Rocks innumerable: taking her beginning from one of the Lakes which do meet at the stream of her course (and so I think) so that it hath two courses, the one from the East towards France: the other from the West towards the South Sea: which is admirable, but not without the like example found in our Europe. For the River which cometh down to Trent, and to Verone proceedeth from a Lake which produceth another River, whose course is bend opposite to the River of Lins, which falleth into the River Dan●be. So the Nile issueth from a Lake that bringeth forth other Rivers, which discharge themselves into the great Ocean. Let us return to our tillage: for to that must we apply ourselves: it is the first mine that Which is the first mine. must be sought for, which is more worth than the treasures of Atabalipa: And he that hath Corn, Wine, Cattell, Woollen and Linen, Leather, Iron, and afterward Codfish, he needeth no other treasures, for the necessaries of life. Now all this is (or may be) in the Land by us described: upon which Monsieur de Pontrincourt having caused a second tillage to be made, in fifteen Sowing of Corne. days after his arrival thither, he sowed it with our French Corn, as well Wheat and Rye, as with Hemp, Flax, Turnip seed, Radice, Cabbages, and other seeds: And the eight day following, he saw that his labour had not been in vain, but rather a fair hope, by the production that the ground had already made of the seeds which she had received. Which being showed to Monsieur du Pont, was unto him a fair subject to make his relation in France, as a thing altogether new there. The twentieth day of August was already come, when these fair shows August 20. were made, and the time did admonish them that were to go in the Voyage, to make ready. Whereunto they began to give order, so that the five and twentieth day of the same month, after many peals of Ordnance, they weighed anchor to come to the mouth of the Port, which is commonly the first day's journey. Monsieur de Monts being desirous to reach as far into the South as he could, and seek out a Cause of the Voyage made into the country of the Armouchiquois. place very fit to inhabit, beyond Malebarre, had requested Monsieur de Poutrincourt to pass farther than yet he had done, and to seek a convenient Port in good temperature of air, making no greater account of Port Royal than of Saint Croix, in that which concerneth health. Whereunto the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt being willing to condescend, would not tarry for the Spring time, knowing he should have other employments to exercise himself withal. But seeing his sowings ended, and his field green, resolved himself to make this Voyage and Discovery before Winter. So then he disposed all things to that end, and with his Bark anchored near to the jonas, to the end to get out in company. The eight and twentieth day of the said month each of us took his course, one one way, Parting from Port Royal. and the other another, diversely to Gods keeping. As for Monsieur du Pont he purposed by the way to set upon a Merchant of Rouen, named Boyer, who (contrary to the King's inhibitions) was in those parts to truck with the Savages, notwithstanding he had been delivered out of prison in Rochel, by the consent of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, under promise he should not go thither; but the said Boyer was already gone. And as for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, he took his course for the I'll of Saint Croix, the Frenchmens first abode, having Monsieur de Champdore for Master and Guide of his Bark: but being hindered by the wind, and because his Bark did leak, he was forced twice to put back again. In the end he quite passed the Fair Rye found at S. Croix. Bay Françoise, and viewed the said I'll, where he found ripe Corn, of that which two years before was sowed by Monsieur de Monts, which was fair, big, weighty, and well filled. He sent unto us some of that Corn to Port Royal, where I was requested to stay, to look to the house, and to keep the rest of the company there, in concord. Whereunto I did agree (though it was referred to my will) for the assurance that we had among ourselves, that the year following we should make our habitation in a warmer Country beyond Malebarre, and Their meaning is to plant beyond Malebarre to the southward. A ditch profitably made. What store of workmen and lab 〈…〉 rers in N 〈…〉 France. Their exercise and manner of life. Mussels, Lobsters, Crabs. that we should all go in company with them that should be sent to us out of France. In the mean while I employed myself in dressing the ground, to make enclosures and partitions of Gardens, for to sow Corn and Kitchen herbs. We caused also a Ditch to be made all about the Fort, which was very needful to receive the waters and moistness, that before did run underneath among the roots of trees, that had been fallen down: which peradventure did make the place unhealthful. I will not stand in describing here, what each of our other workmen and labourers did particularly make. It sufficeth, that we had store of joiners, Carpenters, Masons, Stone-caruers, Lock-smithes, Tailors, Boord-sawyers, Mariners, etc. who did exercise their Trades, which (in doing their duties) were very kindly used, for they were at their own liberty for three hours' labour a day. The overplus of the time they bestowed it, in going to gather Mussels, which are at low water in great quantity before the Fort, or Lobsters, or Crabs, which are in Port Royal, under the Rocks in great abundance, or Cockles, which are in every part in the oze, about the shores of the said Port: All that kind of fish is taken without Net or Boat. Some there were that sometimes took wildfowl, but not being Good provision of wild fowl. skilful, they spoiled the game. And as for us, our Table was furnished by one of Monfieur de Monts men, who provided for us in such sort that we wanted no fowl, bringing unto us, sometimes half a dozen of birds, called by Frenchmen, Outards (a kind of wild Geese) sometimes as many Mallards', or wild Geese, white and grey, very often two or three dozen of Larks, and other kinds of birds. As for Bread, no body felt want thereof, and every one had three quarts of pure and good Wine a day. Which hath continued with us as long What quantity of Bread and Wine. as we have been there, saving that, when they, who came to fetch us, in stead of bringing commodities unto us, helped us to spend our own. For our allowance, we had Pease, Beanes, Rice, Prunes, Raisins, dry Cod, and salt Flesh, besides Oil and Butter. But whensoever the Savages, dwelling near us, had taken any quantity of Sturgeons, Salmon, or small fishes; Item, any Bevers, * A kind of Stag, or red Deer. The liberal nature of the Savages. What earth is in the Meadows. Ellans, Carabous (or fallow Deer) they brought unto us half of it: and that which remained they exposed it sometimes to sale publicly, and they that would have any thereof did truck Bread for it. Wherein is to be noted a thing that now I remember. It is, that being necessary to cut turfs to cover the Piles of wood, heaped to make the said Coals, there was found in the Meadows three foot deep of earth, not earth, but grass or herbs mingled with mud, which have heaped themselves yearly one upon another from the beginning of the world, not having been moved. Nevertheless the green thereof serveth for pasture to the Ellans, which we have many times seen in our Meadows of those parts, in herds of three or four, great and small, suffering themselves sometimes to be approached, than they r●nne to the Woods: But I may say moreover, that I have seen, in crossing two leagues of our said Meadows, the same to be all trodden with tracks of Ellans, for I know not there any other clovenfooted beasts. There Ellans in the Meadows. was killed one of those beasts, not far off from our Fort at a place where Monsieur de Monts having caused the grass to be mowed two years before, it was grown again the fairest of the world. Some might marvel how those Meadows are made, seeing that all the ground in those places is covered with Woods. For satisfaction whereof, let the curious Reader know, that in high Spring tides, specially in March and September, the flood covereth those shores, which hindereth the trees there to take root. But every where, where the water overfloweth not, if there be any ground, there are Woods. LEt us return to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, whom we have left in the I'll Saint Croix. Having made there a review, and cherished the Savages that were there, he went in the space of Poutrincourts' discovery. Pemptegoet the true name of the fabulous Norombega. Kinibeki. four days to Pemptegoet, which is that place so famous under the name of Norombega. There needeth not so long a time in coming thither, but he tarried on the way to mend his Bark: for to that end he had brought with him a Smith and a Carpenter, and quantity of boards. He crossed the Isles, which be at the mouth of the River, and came to Kinibeki, where his Bark was in danger, by reason of the great streams that the nature of the place procureth there. This was the cause why he made there no stay, but passed further to the Bay of Marching, which is The Bay of Marching. the name of a Captain of the Savages, who at the arrival of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, began to cry out aloud He He: whereunto the like answer was made unto him. He replied, ask in his Language, What are ye? They answered him, Friends: And thereupon Monsieur de Poutrincourt approaching, treated amity with him, and presented him with Knives, Hatchets, and Matachiaz, that is to say, Scarves, Karkenets and Bracelets made of Beads, or Quills made of white and blue Glass; whereof he was very glad, as also for the confederacy that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt made with him, knowing very well that the same would Confederacy. be a great aid and support unto him. He distributed to some men that were about him, among a great number of people, the Presents that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gave him, to whom he brought store of Orignac, or Ellans' flesh (for the Baskes do call a Stag, or Ellan, Orignac or Ellan: Champlein saith they are like Oxen. The River of Olmechin. Port De Chovakoet. An Island of Vines. Orignac) to refresh the company with victuals. That done, they set sails towards Chovakoet, where the River of Captain Olmechin is, and where the year following was made the war of the Souriquois and Etechemins, under the conduct of the Sagamos Membertou, which I have described in Verses, which Verses I have inserted among the Muses of New France. At the entry of the Bay of the said place of Chovakoet there is a great Island, about half a league compass, wherein our men did first discover any Vines (for, although there be some in the Lands nearer to Port Royal, notwithstanding there was yet no knowledge had of them) which they found in great quantity, having the trunk three and four foot high, and as big as one's fist in the lower part, the Grapes fair and great, and some as big as Plums, or lesser: but as black, that they left a stain where their liquor was spilt: Those Grapes, I say, lying over bushes and brambles that grow in the same Island, where the trees are not so thick as in other where, but are six or seven rods distant asunder, which causeth the Grapes to be ripe the sooner; having besides a ground very fit for the same, gravely and sandy. They tarried there but two hours: but they noted, that there were no Vines on the North side, even as in the I'll Saint Croix are no Cedar trees, but on the West side. From this Island they went to the River of Olmechin, a Port of Chavakoet, where Marching The River of Olmechin. and the said Olmechin brought to Monsieur de Poutrincourt a prisoner of the Souriquois (and therefore their enemy) which they gave unto him freely. Two hours after, there arrived two Savages, The galantness of the Savages. Port De la Heue. the one an Eteshemin, named Chko●dun, Captain of the River Saint john, called by the Savages O●goudi: The other a Souriquois, named Messamoet, Captain or Sagamos of the River of the Port De la Heue, where this prisoner was taken. They had great store of Merchandises trucked with Frenchmen, which they were coming to utter, that is to say, great, mean, and small Kettles, Hatchets, Knives, Gowns, short Cloaks, red Waistcoats, Biscuit, and other things: whereupon there arrived twelve or fifteen Boats, full of Savages of Olmechins subjection, The Savages do paint their faces. being in very good order, all their faces painted, according to their wont custom, when they will seem fair, having their Bow and Arrow in hand, and the quiver, which they laid down aboard. At that hour Messamoet began his Oration before the Savages: showing The Oration of Messamoet. them, how that in times past, they often had friendship together: and that they might easily overcome their enemies, if they would have intelligence and serve themselves with the amity of the Frenchmen, whom they saw there present to know their Country, to the end to bring commodities unto them hereafter, and to succour them with their forces, which forces he knew, and he was the better able to make a demonstration thereof unto them, by so much that he which spoke, had before time been in France, and dwelled there with Monsieur de Grandmont, Governor of Bayonne, Finally, his speech continued almost an hour with much vehemency and affection, with a gesture of body and arms, as is requisite in a good Orator. And in the end Messamoets' affection to the Frenchmen. The largesse and liberality of Messamoet. The Savages be liberal. he did cast all his merchandises (which were worth above three hundred crowns, brought into that Country) into Olmechin his Boat, as making him a present of that, in assurance of the love he would witness unto him. That done the night hasted on, and every one retired himself. But Messamoet was not pleased, for that Olmechin made not the like Oration unto him, nor requited his present: For the Savages have that noble quality, that they give liberally, casting at the feet of him whom they will honour, the Present that they give him: But it is in hope to receive some reciprocal kindness, which is a kind of contract, which we call, without name, I give thee, to the end thou shouldest give me. And that is done thorough all the world. Therefore Messamoet from that day had in mind to make war to Olmechin. Notwithstanding, A Corn-countrie, Beanes, Pumpions, and Grapes. the next day in the morning he and his people did return with a Boat laden with that which they had, to wit, Corn, Tobacco, Beanes and Pumpions, which they distributed here and there. Those two Captains Olmechin and Marching have since been killed in the wars. In whose stead was chosen by the Savages, one named Bessabes, which since our return hath Bessabes. Englishmen. been killed by Englishmen: and in stead of him they have made a Captain to come from within the Lands, named Asticou, a grave man, valiant and redoubted, which, in the twinkling of Asticou. an eye, will gather up a thousand Savages together, which thing Olmechin and Marching might also do. For our Barks being there, presently the Sea was seen all covered over with their Boats, laden with nimble and lusty men, holding themselves up strait in them: which we cannot do without danger, those Boats being nothing else but trees hollowed. From thence Canoas'. A very good Port. Monsieur de Poutrincourt following on his course, found a certain Port very delightful, which had not been seen by Monsieur de Monts: And during the Voyage they saw store of smoke, and people on the shore, which invited us to come aland: And seeing that no account was made of it, they followed the Bark along the sand, yea most often they did outgo her, so swift The agility of the Arm 〈…〉 quois. are they, having their Bows in hand, and their Quivers upon their backs, always singing and dancing, not taking care with what they should live by the way. Monsieur de Poutrincourt having landed in this Port, behold among a multitude of Savages a good number of Fifes, which did play with certain long Pipes, made as it were with Canes of Reeds, painted over, but not with such an harmony as our Shepherds might do: Fifes. And to show the excellency of their art, they whisled with their noses in gambolling, according to their fashion. And as this people did run headlong, to come to the Bark, there was a Savage which hurt himself grievously in the heel against the edge of a Rock, whereby he was enforced to remain A Savage wounded. in the place. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his Chirurgeon, at that instant would apply to this hurt that which was of his Art, but they would no● permit it, until they had first made their mouths and mops about the wounded man. They then laid him down on the ground, Their mouths and mops about him that was hurt. one of them holding his head on his lap, and made many bawl and sing, whereunto the wounded man answered but with a Ho, with a complaining voice, which having done they yielded him to the cure of the said Chirurgeon, and went their way, and the Patient also after he had been dressed: but two hours after he came again, the most jocund in the world, having 〈◊〉 put about his head, the binding cloth, wherewith his heel was wrapped, for to seem the more gallant. The day following, our people entered farther into the Port, where being gone to see the Cabins The Presents of a Savage woman. Hemp very fair. Beanes. Quantity of Grapes. The simplicity and ignorance of people. of the Savages, an old woman of an hundred or sixscore years of age, came to cast at the feet of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a loaf of bread, made with the Wheat called Mahis, then very fair Hemp of a long growth; Item, Beanes, and Grapes newly gathered, because they had seen Frenchmen eat of them at Chavakoet. Which the other Savages seeing, that knew it not, they brought more of them than one would, emulating one another; and for recompense of this their kindness, there was set on their foreheads a Fillet or Band, of paper, wet with spittle, of which they were very proud. It was showed them, in pressing the Grape into a Glass, that of that we did make the Wine which we did drink. We would have made them to eat of th● Grape, but having taken it into their mouths, they spitted it out, so ignorant is this people of the best thing that God hath given to Man, next to Bread. Yet notwithstanding they have no want of wit, and might be brought to do some good things, if they were civilised, and had the use of Handicrafts. But they are subtle, thievish, traitorous, and though they be naked, yet one cannot take heed of their fingers, for if one turn never so little his eyes aside, and that they spy ●●e opportunity to steal any Knife, Hatchet, or any thing else, they will not miss nor fail 〈…〉 it; and w●ll put the theft between their buttocks, or will hid● it within the sand with their foot so cum 〈…〉 gly, that one shall not perceive it. Indeed I do not wonder if a people Th● bad natu●eo the Armouchiquois. No●e how the Armouchiquois must be dealt withal This the only way to civilize Savages. Trust them and hang them, nay trust them and they will cut your throat, as in the Virginian massacre appears. Suspicion for the coming of Olmechin. poor and naked be t 〈…〉 vish; but when the heart is malicious, it is unexcusable. This people is such, that they must be handled with terror: for if through love and gentleness one give them too free access, they will practise some surprise, as it hath been known in diverse occasions heretofore, and will yet hereafter be seen. And without deferring any longer, the second day after our coming thither as they saw our people busy awashing Linen, they came some fitty, one following another, with Bows, Arrows and Quivers, intending to play some bad part, as it was conjectured upon thei● man●er of proceeding; but they were prevented, some of our men going to meet them, with their Muskets and Matches at the cock, which made some of them run away, and the others being compassed in, having put down their weapons, came to a Peninsule, or small head of an Island, where our men were, and making a friendly show, demanded to truck the Tobacco they had for our merchandises. The next day the Captain of the said place and Port, came into Monsieur de Pontrincourts Bark to see him: we did marvel to see him accompanied with Olmechin, seeing the way was marvelous long to come thither by Land, and much shorter by Sea. That gave cause of bad suspicion, albeit he had promised his love to the Frenchmen. Notwithstanding they were gently received. And Monsieur de Poutrincourt gave to the said Olmechin a complete garment, wherewith being clothed, he viewed himself in a Glass, and did laugh to see himself in that order. But a little while after, feeling that the same hindered him, although it was in October, when The trouble of garments. he was returned unto his Cabins, he distributed it to sundry of his men, to the end that one alone should not be overpestered with it. Now during the time of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt was there, being in doubt whether Monsieur de Monts would come to make an habitation on that Coast, as he wished it, he made there a piece of ground to be tilled, for to sow Corn Corn sowed, and Vines planted. and to plant Vines. As they were a deliberating to pass farther, Olmechin came to the Bark to see Monsieur de Poutrincourt, where having carried certain hours, either in talking or eating, he said, that the next day an hundred Boats should come, containing every one six men: but the coming of 100 Boats of Savages. such a number of men, being but troublesome, Monsieur de Poutrincourt would not tarry for them; but went away the same day to Malebarre, not without much difficulty, by reason of the great streams and shoalds that are there. So that the Bark having touched at three foot of Malebarre. Peril of sholds water only, we thought to be cast away, and we began to unlade her, and put victuals into the Shalop, which was behind, for to save us on Land: but being no full Sea, the Bark came afloat within an hour. All this Sea is a Land overflowed, as that of Mount Saint michael's, a sanday ground, in which, all that resteth is a plain flat Country as far as the Mountains, which are seen fifteen leagues off from that place. And I am of opinion, that as far as Virginia, Note. Great antiquity of Grapes. it is all alike. Moreover, there is here great quantity of Grapes, as before, and a Country very full of people. Mousieur de Monts being come to Malebarre in an other season of the year, gathered only green Grapes; which he made to be preserved, and brought some to the King. But it was our good hap to come thither in October, for to see the maturity thereof. I have here Hereupon chap. 7. before showed the difficulty that is found in entering into Malebarre. This is the cause why Monsieur de Poutrincourt came not in with his Bark, but went thither with a Shallop only, which thirty or forty Savages did help to draw in: and when it was full tide (but the tide doth not mount here but two fathams high, which is seldom seen) he went out, and retired himself Two fathames tie only. into his said Bark, to pass further in the morning, as soon as he should ordain it. THe night beginning to give place to the dawning of the day, the sails are hoist up, but it was but a very perilous navigation. For with this small Vessel they were forced to coast Danger. the land, where they found no depth: going back to Sea it was yet worse; in such wise that they did strike twice or thrice, being raised up again only by the waves, and the rudder was broken, which was a dreadful thing. In this extremity they were constrained to cast anchor in the Sea, at two fathams deep, and three leagues off from the land. Which being done, Daniel Hay (a man which taketh pleasure in showing forth his virtue in the perils of the Sea) was sent towards the Coast to view it, and see if there were any Port. And as he was near land he saw a Savage, which did dance, singing, yo, yo, yo, he called to him to come nearer, and by signs asked Oigoudi, or S. john's River. Savages of sundry Nation● understand not one another. him if there were any place to retire Ships in, and where any fresh water was. The Savage having made sign there was, he took him into his Shallop, and brought him to the Bark, wherein was Chkoudun Captain of the River of Oigoudi, otherwise Saint john's River: who being brought before this Savage, he understood him no more than did our own people: true it is, that by signs he comprehended better than they what he would say. This Savage showed the places where no depth was, and where was any, and did so well indenting and winding here and there, always the led in hand, that in the end they came to the Port showed by him, where small depth is; wherein the Bark being arrived, diligence was used to make a forge A forge and an oven 〈…〉 de. for to mend her with her rudder, and an Oven to bake Bread, because there was no more Biscuit left. Fifteen days were employed in this work, during the which Monsieur de Poutrincourt, according A cro●e set up to the laudable custom of Christians, made a Cross to be framed and set up upon a green Bank, as Monsieur de Mont: had done, two years before at Kinibeki and Malebarre. Now among these painful exercises they gave not over making good cheer, with that which both the Sea and Land might furnish in that part. For in this Port is plenty of Fowl, in taking of which many of our men applied themselves: specially the Sea Larks are there in so great flights that Monsieur de Poutrincourt killed eight and twenty of them with one Caliver shot. Abundance of Larks & fishes As for fishes, there be such abundance of Porpeses, and another kind of fish, called by Frenchmen Soufleurs, that is to say, Blowers, that the Sea seems to be all covered over with them. But they had not the things necessary for this kind of fishing, they contented themselves then with shellfish, as of Oysters, Skalops, Periwinkles, whereof there was enough. The Savages of the Shellfish. other side did Bring fish, and Grapes within baskets made of rushes, for exchange with some of Grapes. Rush-baskets. our wares. After certain days, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, seeing there great assembly of Savages, came ashore, and to give them some terror, made to march before him one of his men, flourishing The trial of Trench weapons before the Savages. with two naked swords. Whereat they much wondered, but yet much more when they saw that our Muskets did pierce thick pieces of wood, where their Arrows could not so much as scratch. And therefore they never assailed our men, as long as they kept watch. And it had been good to sound the Trumpet at every hour's end, as Captain james Quartier did. For (as Monsieur de Poucrincourt doth often say) One must never lay bait for thieves; meaning, that one must Good instruction. never give cause to any enemy to think that he may surprise you: But one must always show that he is mistrusted, and that you are not asleep, chiefly when one hath to do with Savages, which will never set upon him that resolutely expects them; for soon after they killed four of our men which were careless. They named this Port, Port Fortune. Port Fortune. Counsel being taken, it was resolved to return into Port Royal: Monsieur de Poutrincourt besides all this, being yet in care for them whom he had left there, so they came again for the Resolution for the return. third time into Port Fortune, where no Savage was seen. Upon the first wnde, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt weighed anchor for the return, and being mindful of the dangers passed he sailed in open Sea: which shortened his course, but not without a great mischief of the rudder, Their return. Peril. which was again broken; in such sort, that being at the mercy of the waves, they arrived in the end, as well as they could amongst the Lands of Norombega, where they mended it. Monsieur de Poutrincourt arrived in Port Royal the foureteenth day of November, where we received him The arrival of Monsieur de Poutrincourt. joy fully. The public rejoicing being finished, Monsieur de Poutrincourt had a care to see his corn, the greatest part whereof he had sowed two leagues off from our Port, by the River L'Esquelle; and the other part about our said Port: and found that which was first sown very forward, but not The state of Corne. How they spent their winter. Coals. The use of the Compass in land voyages. the last, that had been sowed the sixth and tenth days of November, which notwithstanding did grow under the Snow, during Winter, as I have noted it in my sowings. It would be a tedious thing to particularise all that was done amongst us during Winter: as to tell how the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt caused many times coals to be made, the forge-coale being spent: That he caused ways to be made thorough the woods: That he went thorough the Forests by the guide of the Compass, and other things of such nature. But I will relate that, for to keep us merry and cleanly concerning victuals, there was an order established at the Table of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which was named L'ordre de bon temps, the order of good time (or the order of The institution of the Order Bon temps mirth) at first invented by Monsieur Champlein, wherein they (who were of the same table) were every one at his turn and day (which was in fifteen days once) Steward and Cater. Now his care was that we should have good and worshipful fare, which was so well observed, that (although the Belly-gods of these parts do often reproach unto us that we had not La Rue aux Ours of Paris with us) we have ordinarily had there, as good cheer as we could have at La Rue aux Ours, and at far lesser charges. For there was none, but (two days before his turn came) La Rue aux Ours or Bear street is as Pie-corner, or such a Cook place in London. was careful to go a hunting or fishing, and brought some dainty thing, besides that which was of our ordinary allowance. So well, that at breakfast we never wanted some modicom or other, of fish or flesh: and at the repast of dinners or suppers, yet less; for it was the great banquet, where the Governor of the feast, or Steward (whom the Savages do call Atoctegi) having made the Cook to make all things ready, did march with his Napkin on his shoulder, and his staff of office in his hand, with the colour of the order about his neck, which was worth above four crowns, and all of them of the order following him, bearing every one a dish. The like also was at the bringing in of the Fruit, but not with so great a train. And at night after grace was said, he resigned the Collar of the Order, with a cup of wine, to his successor in that charge, and they drank one to another. I have heretofore said that we had abundance of Fowl, as Mallards', Outards, Geese grey and white, Partridges and other Birds: Item, of Ellans or Stagflesh, of Caribous or Dear, Bevers, Otters, Bears, Rabbits, Wilde-cats or Leopards, Nibaches, and such like, which the Savages did take, wherewith we made as good dishes of meat, as in the Cook's shops that be in La rue aux Ours, Bear street, and greater store; for of all meats none is so tender as Ellans' flesh (whereof we made good pasties) nor so delicate as the Beavers-taile. Yea, we have had sometimes half a dozen Sturgeons at one clap, which the Savages did bring to us, part whereof we did take, paying for it, and the rest was permitted them to sell publicly, Store of Sturgeons. Before in chap. 113. and to truck it for Bread, whereof our people had abundantly. And as for the ordinary meat brought out of France, that was distributed equally, as much to the least as to the biggest. And the like with Wine, as we have said. In such actions we had always twenty or thirty Savages, men, women, girls and Boys, who beheld us doing our effices. Bread was given them grati●, as The usage of the Savages. we do here to the poor. But as for the Sagamos Membertou, and other Sagamos (when they came to us) they sat at table eating and drinking as we did: and we took pleasure in seeing them, as chose their absence was irksome unto us; as it came to pass three or four times that all went away to the places where they knew that game and Venison was, and brought one of our men with them, who lived some six weeks as they did without Salt, without Bread and without Wine, lying on the ground upon skins, and that in snowy weather. Moreover they had greater care of him (as also of others that have often gone with them) than of themselves, The Savages have care of the Frenchmen. saying, that if they should chance to dye, it would be laid to their charges to have killed them. Such government as we have spoken of, did serve us for preservatives against the Country disease. And yet four of ours died in February and March, of them who were of a fretful condition Preseruative against Scurvy sluggish. And I remember I observed that all had their lodgings on the West side, and looking towards the wide open Port, which is almost four, leagues long, shaped ovale-wise, besides they Bad wind. had all of them ill bedding. We had fair weather almost during all the Winter: for neither reins nor fogs are so frequent there as here, whether it be at Sea or on the land: The reason is, because the Sunbeams, The state of Win●er weather. Why Rains and Mists be scarce in winter by the long distance, have not the force to raise up vapours from the ground here, chiefly in a Country all woody. But in Summer it doth, both from the Sea and the Land, when as their force is augmented, and those vapours are dissolved suddenly or slowly, according as one approacheth to the Equinoctial line. Rains being in those parts rare, in that season, the Sun likewise shineth there very fair, after the fall of Snowes, which we have had seven or eight times, but it is easily melted in open places, and the longest abiding have been in February. Howsoever it be, the Snow is very profitable for the fruits of the earth, to preserve them against the frost, Snow is profitable. and to serve them as a fur-gowne. And as the sky is seldom covered with clouds towards New-found-lands in Winter time, so are there morning frosts, which do increase in the end of january, February, and in the beginning Frosts when they are. of March, for until the very time of january, we kept us still in our doublets: And I remember that on a Sunday, the foureteenth day of that month, in the afternoon, we sported The state of january. ourselves singing in Music upon the River L'Esquelle, and in the same month we went to see Corn two leagues off from our Fort, and did dine merrily in the Sunshine: I would not for all that say that all other years were like unto this. For as that winter was as mild in these parts, Conformity of weather in East and West Fra●ce. The great Frost 1607. these last Winters of the years 1607. 1608. have been the hardest that ever was seen; it hath also been alike in those Countries, in such sort, that many Savages died through the rigour of the weather, as in these our parts many poor people and travellers have been killed through the same hardness of Winter weather. But I will say, that the year before we were in New France, the Winter had not been so hard, as they which dwelled there before us have testified unto me. Let this suffice for that which concerneth the winter season. But I am not yet fully satisfied in searching the cause, why in one and the self same parallel the season is in those parts of New France more slow by a month than in these parts, and the leaves appear not upon the trees but Wherefore is the season late towards the end of the month of May: unless we say that the thickness of the wood and greatness of Forests do hinder the Sun from warming of the ground: Item, that the Country where we were is joining to the Sea, and thereby more subject to cold. And besides that, this land having never been tilled is the more dampish, the trees and plants not being able easily to draw sap from their mother the earth. In recompense whereof the Winter there is also more slow, as we have heretofore spoken. The cold being passed, about the end of March the best disposed amongst us strived who should Dressing of Gardens. best till the ground, and make Gardens, to sow in them, and gather fruits thereof. Which was to very good purpose, for we found great discommodity in the Winter for want of Garden herbs. When every one had done his sowing, it was a marvelous pleasure in seeing them daily Good crop from the ground. grow and spring up, and yet greater contentment to use thereof so abundantly as we did: so that this beginning of good hope made us almost to forget our native Country, and especially when the fish began to haunt freshwater, and came abundantly into our brooks, in such innumerable Abundance of fishes. quantity that we knew not what to do with it. Whilst some laboured on the ground, Monsieur de Poutrincourt made some buildings to be The care of Monsieur de Povirincourt in providing for them that should come after him The building of a watermil, Abundance of Herrings. Pilchers. prepared, for to lodge them which he hoped should succeed us. And considering how troublesome the Hand-mill was, he caused a Water-mill to be made, which caused the Savages to admire much at it. For indeed it is an invention which came not into the spirit of men from the first ages. After that, our workmen had much rest, for the most part of them did almost nothing. But I may say that this Mill, by the diligence of our Millers, did furnish us with three times more Herrings than was needful unto us for our sustenance. Monsieur de Pontrincourt made two Hogsheads full of them to be salted, and one hogshead of Sardines, or Pilchers to bring into France for a show, which were left in our return at Saint Maloes, to some Merchants. Among all these things the said Monsieur de Pontrincourt did not neglect to think on his return. Which was the part of a wise man, for one must never put so much trust in men's promises, but one must consider that very often many disasters do happen to them in a small moment Preparation for the return. of time. And therefore, even in the Month of April, he made two Barks to be prepared, a great one and a small one, to come to seek out French-ships towards Campseau, or newfoundland, if it should happen that no supply should come unto us. But the Carpentry-worke being finished, one only inconvenience might hinder us, that is, we had no Pitch to calk our Vessels. This (which was the chiefest thing) was forgotten at our departure from Rochel. In Great oversight. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his invention. this important necessity, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt advised himself to gather in the woods quantity of the gum issuing from Firre-trees. Which he did with much labour, going thither himself, most often with a Boy or two: so that in the end he got some hundred pounds' weight of it. Now after these labours, it was not yet all, for it was needful to melt and purify the same, which was a necessary point and unknown to our shipmaster Monsieur de Champdore, and to his Mariners, for as much as that the Pitch we have, cometh from Norwege, Brick made in New France. Suedland, and Danzick. Nevertheless the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt found the means to draw out the quintessence of these Gums and Fir-tree barks: and caused quantity of Bricks to be made, with the which he made an open furnace, wherein he put a limbeck made with many kettles, joined one in the other, which he filled with those gums and barks: Then being well covered, fire was put round about it, by whose violence the gum enclosed within the limbeck melted, and dropped down into a basin: but it was needful to be very watchful at it, by reason that if the fire had taken hold of the Gum, all had been lost. That was admirable, especially in a man that never saw any made. Whereof the Savages being astonished, did say in words borrowed from the Basques, Endia haue Normandia, that is to say, that Why the Savages call all French men No●mands. the Normans know many things. Now they call all Frenchmen Normands, except the Basques, because the most part of fishermen that go afishing there, be of that Nation. This remedy came very fitly unto us, for those which came to seek us were fallen into the same want that we were. THe Sun did but begin to cheer the earth, and to behold his Mistress with an amorous aspect, when the Sagamos Membertou (after our Prayers solemnly made to God, and the News out of France, and their return. breakfast distributed to the people, according to the custom) came to give us advertisement that he had seen a sail upon the Lake, which came towards our Fort. At this joyful newes every one went out to see, but yet none was found that had so good a●sight as he, though he be above a 100 years old; nevertheless we spied very soon what it was. It was only a small Bark under the charge of a young man of Saint Maloes, named Chevalier, who being arrived at the Fort, delivered his Letters to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, which were read publicly. They did The contents of the Letters written to Monsieur de Poutrincourt. The society of Monsieur de Monts broken, and why. rincourt●is ●is resolution. The English Nation going to Virginia with a zealous intent to plant true religion & so to increase Christ's blessed flock, no doubt he will be their leader. write unto him, that for to help to save the charges of the Voyage, the ship (being yet the jonas) should stay at Campseau Port, there to fish for Cod, by reason that the Merchant's associate with Monsieur de Monts, knew not that there was any fishing farther than that place: Notwithstanding if it were necessary he should cause the ship to come to Port Royal. Moreover, that the society was broken, because that contrary to the King his Edict, the Hollanders, conducted by a traitorous Frenchman, called La jeunesse, had the year before taken up the Bevers and other Furs, of the great River of Canada. Notwithstanding, after that Monsieur de Poutrincourt, had a long while mused hereupon, he said, that although he should have no body to come with him, but only his family, he would not forsake the enterprise. It was great grief unto us to abandon (without hope of return) a Land that had produced unto us so fair Corn, and so many fair adorned Gardens. All that could be done until that time, was to find out a place, fit to make a settled dwelling, and a Land of good fertility. And that being done, it was great want of courage to give over the enterprise, for another year being passed, the necessity of maintaining an habitation there, should be taken away, for the Land was sufficient to yield things necessary for life. This was the cause of that grief which pierced the hearts of them which were desirous to see the Christian Religion established in that Country. But on the contrary, Monsieur de Monts, and his associates, reaping no benefit, but loss, and having no help from the King, it was a thing which they could not do, but with much difficulty to maintain an habitation in those parts. Now this envy for the Trade of Beavers with the Savages, found not only place in the Hollanders Monsieur de Monts is envied. hearts, but also in French Merchants, in such sort that the privilege which had been given to the said Monsieur de Monts for ten years was revoked. The unsatiable avarice of men is a strange thing, which have no regard to that which is honest, so that they may rifle and catch by what means soever. And thereupon I will say moreover, that there have been some of them Robbing from the dead. that came to that Country to fetch us home, that wickedly have presumed so much as to strip the dead, and steal away the Beavers, which those poor people do put, for their last benefit, upon them whom they bury, as we will declare more at large in the Book following. A thing that maketh the French name to be odious, and worthy disdain among them, which have no such sordid quality at all. Fifteen days after, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent a Bark to Campseau, with part of our Workmen, for to begin to pull down the house. In the beginning of june the Savages, about four hundred in number, went away from the dwelling that the Sagamos Membertou had The Savages go to the wars. newly made, in form of a Town, compassed about with high pales, for to go to wars against the Armouchiquois, which was at Chovakoet some eighty leagues distant from Port Royal; from whence they returned victorious. Monsieur de Poutrincourt being not willing to depart thence, until he had seen the issue of his expectation, that is to say, the ripeness of his Corn, he deliberated, after that the Savages were gone to wars, to make Voyages along the Coast. And because Chavalier was desirous to Voyages upon the Coast of the French Bay. gather some Bevers, he sent him in a small Bark to the River of Saint john, called by the Savages, Ouigoudi, and to the I'll Saint Croix: And he, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, went in a shallop to the Copper Mine. I was of the said Chevalier his Voyage: we crossed the French Bay to go to the said River, where, as soon as we arrived, half a dozen Salmon newly taken, Salmon. were brought to us: we sojourned there four days, during which, we went into the Cabins of Sagamos Chkoudun, where we saw some eighty, or a hundred Savages, all naked except their Assembly of Savages a feasting. Filthy trading. privy members, which were a making Tabagy (that is to say, a banqueting) with the meal that the said Chevalier had trucked with them for their old skins full of Lice. The Town of Ouigoudi (so I call the dwelling of the said Chkoudun) was a great enclosure upon an Hill, compassed about with high and small Trees, tied one against another, and within it many Cabins, great and small, one of which was as great as a Market Hall, wherein many households retired themselves: And as for the same where they made their Tabagie, it was somewhat less. A good part of the said Savages were of Gachepe, which is the beginning of the great River of Canada; and they told us, that they came from their dwelling thither in six days, which made me much to marvel, seeing the distance that there is by Sea, but they shorten very much their ways, and make great Voyages by the means of Lakes and Rivers, at the end of which being come, in carrying their Canowes' three or four leagues, they get to other Rivers that have a contrary course. All these Savages were come thither to go to the wars with Membertou against the Armouchiquois. When we returned to our Bark, which was at the coming in of the Port, half a league off from thence, sheltered by a causey that the Sea hath made there, our men, and specially Captain Champdore, that conducted us, were in doubt, lest some mischance should happen unto us, and having seen the Savages in arms, thought it had been to do us some mischief, which had been very easy, for we were but two, and therefore they were very glad of our return. After The subtlety of an Autmoi● or Savage Soothsayer. which, the next day came the Wizard or Soothsayer of that quarter, crying as a mad man towards our Bark. Not knowing what he meant, he was sent for in a Cockboat, and came to parley with us, telling us that the Armouchiquois were within the Woods, which came to assail them, and that they had killed some of their folks that were a hunting: And therefore that we should come aland to assist them. Having heard this discourse, which according to our judgement, tended to no good, we told him that our journeys were limited, and our victuals also, and that it was behooveful for us to be gone. Seeing himself denied, he said that before two years were come about, they would either kill all the Normans, or that the Normans should kill them. We mocked him and told him that we would bring our Bark before their Fort to ransack them all; but we did it not, for we went away that day: And having the wind contrary, we sheltered ourselves under a small Island, where we were two days: during which, some went a shooting at Mallard for provision; others attended on the Cookery: And Captain Champdore and myself, went along the Rocks with Hammers and Chissels, seeking if there were any mines. In doing A Mine of Steel. whereof we found quantity of Steel among the Rocks, which was since molten by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, who made wedges of it, and it was found very fine Steel, whereof he caused a Knife to be made, that did cut as a Razor, which at our return he showed to the King. From thence we went in three days to the I'll Saint Croix, being often contraried with the winds. And because we had a bad conjecture of the Savages, which we did see in great number, at the River of Saint john, and that the troop that was departed from Port Royal was yet at Menane, (an I'll between the said Port Royal and Saint Croix) which we would not trust, we Menane. Good watch. Seals voices. kept good watch in the night time: At which time we did often hear Seals voices, which were very like to the voice of Owls: A thing contrary to the opinion of them that have said and written that fishes have no voice. Being arrived at the I'll Saint Croix, we found there the buildings, left there all whole, saving The arrival in the I'll of Saint Croix. The state of the same. Turtles. that the Storehouse was uncovered of one side. We found there yet Sack in the bottom of a Pipe, whereof we drank, and it was not much the worse. As for Gardens, we found there Coale-worts, Sorrell, Lettuces, which we used for the Kitchin. We made there also good Pasties of Turtle Doves, which are very plentiful in the Woods, but the grass is there so high that one could not find them when they were killed and fallen in the ground. The Court was there, full of whole Casks, which some ill disposed Mariners did burn for their pleasures, which thing when I saw, I did abhor, and I did judge, better than before, that the Savages were (being less civilised) more humane and honester men, than many that bear the Name of Christians, having The Savages of better nature than many Christians, A number of Iles. during three years, spared that place, wherein they had not taken so much as a piece of Wood, nor Salt, which was there in great quantity, as hard as a Rock. Going from thence, we cast Anchor among a great number of confused Isles, where we heard some Savages, and we did call to make them come to us. They answered us with the like call. Whereunto one of ours replied, Oven Kirau? that is to say, What are ye? they would not discover themselves. But the next day Oagimont, the Sagamos of this River, came to us, and we knew it was he whom we heard. He did prepare to follow Membertou and his troop to the wars, where he was grievously wounded, as I have said in my Verses upon this matter. This Oagimont hath a Daughter about eleven years old, who is very comely, which Monsieur de Poutrincourt desired to have, and hath oftentimes demanded her of him to give her to the Queen, promising him that he should never want Corn, nor any thing else, but he would never condescend The love of the Savages towards their children. Arrival into Po●t Royal. thereto. Being entered into our Bark he accompanied us, until we came to the broad Sea, where he put himself in his shallop to return back; and for us we bent our course for Port Royal, where we arrived before day, but we were before our Fort, just at the very point that fair Aurora began to show her ready cheeks upon the top of our woody Hills; every body was yet asleep, and there was but one that rose up, by the continual barking of Dogs; but we made the rest soon to awake, by Peals of Musket-shots and Trumpets sound. Monsieur de Poutrincourt was but the day before, arrived from his Voyage to the mines, whither we have said that he was to go, and the day before that, was the Bark arrived that had carried part of our Workmen to Campseau. So that all being assembled, there rested nothing more than to prepare things necessary for our shipping. And in this business our Water-Mill did us very good service, for otherwise there had been no means to prepare Meal enough for the Voyage, but in the end we Use of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m●ll. had more than we had need of, which was given to the Savages, to the end to have us in remembrance. Upon the point that we should take our lean of Port Royal, Monsieur de Poutrincourt sent his The de 〈…〉 on of the 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. men, one after another, to find out the ship at Campseau, which is a Port being between se●en or eight Lands where ships may be sheltered from winds: and there is a Bay of above fifteen leagues depth, and six or seven leagues broad. The said place being distant from Port Royal above one hundred and fifty leagues. For victuals, we wanted for no fish, for in half an hours fishing we might take Cod enough for to feed us a fortnight, and of the fairest and fattest that ever Abundance of fair Cod. I saw, being of the colour of Carp; which I have never known nor noted, but in this part of the said Cap de Sable; which after we had passed, the tide (which is swift in this place) brought us in short time as far as to the Port De La Heue, thinking that we were no further than the Port dela Heue Port de Mouton. There we tarried two days, and in the very same Port we saw the Cod bite at the Hook. We found there store of red Gooseberries, and a Marcassite of Copper Mine: we also made there some trucking with the Savages for skins. From thence forward we had wind at will, and during that time it happened once, that being upon the hatches, I cried out to our Pilot Monsieur de Champdore, that we were ready to strike, thinking I had seen the bottom of the Sea; but I was deceived by the Rainbow which did The Rainbow appearing in the water. appear with all his colours in the water, procured by the shadow, that our Boare-spright sail did make over the same, being opposite to the Sun, which assembling his beams, within the hollowness of the same sail, as it doth within the Clouds, those beams were forced to make a reverberation in the water, and to show forth this wonder. In the end we arrived within four leagues of Campseau, at a Port, where a good old man of Saint john de Lussurioso, called Captain Savalet, received us with all the kindness in the World. And for as much as this Port (which is little, but very fair) hath no name, I have qualified it in my Geographical Map, with the name of Savalet. This good honest man told us that the same Voyage was the two and fortieth Voyage that he had made into those parts, and nevertheless the New-found-land-men do make Port Savalet. 42. Voyages made in newfoundland. Good fishing. but one in a year. He was marvellously pleased with his fishing; and told us moreover that he took every day fifty Crowns worth of fish, and that his Voyage would be worth one thousand pounds. He paid wages to sixteen men, and his vessel was of eighty tuns, which could carry 100000. dry fishes. We were four days there, by reason of the contrary wind. Then came we to Campseau, where we tarried for the other Bark, which came two days after us. And as for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, as soon as he saw that the Corn might be reaped, he pulled up some Rye, root and all, for to show here the beauty, goodness and unmeasurable height of the same. He also made gleans of the other sorts of Seeds, as Wheat, Barley, Oates, Hemp, and others for the same purpose. Exceeding fair Corne. Fair Wheat. Delighting myself in this exercise, God hath blessed my poor labour, and I have had in my Garden as fair Wheat as any can be in France, whereof the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gave unto me a glean, when he came ●o the said Port de Campseau. He was ready to depart from Port Royal, when Membertou and his company arr●ued, victorious over the Armouchiquois. At the instant request of the said Membertou he tarried yet one day. But it was piteous to see at his departing, those poor people weep, who had been always kept in hope that some of ours The Savages return from the wars. The Savages tears at the going away of the Frenchmen. Meal left behind. Monsieur de Poutrincourt his going away. should always tarry with them. In the end promise was made unto them, that the year following households and families should be sent thither, wholly to inhabit their Land, and teach them Trades for to make them live as we do, which promise did somewhat comfort them. There was left remaining ten Hogsheads of Meal, which were given to them, with the Corn that we had sowed, and the possession of the Manor if they would use it, which they have not done. For they cannot be constant in one place, and live as they do. The eleventh of August the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt departed, with eight in his company, from the said Port Royal, in a shallop to come to Campseau: A thing marvellously dangerous to cross so many Bays and Seas in so small a vessel, laden with nine persons, with victuals necessary for the Voyage, and reasonable great quantity of other stuff. Being arrived at the Port of Captain Savalet, he received them all as kindly as it was possible for him: And from thence they came to us, to the said Port of Campseau, where we tarried yet eight days. The third day of September, we weighed Anchors, and with much ado came we from among the Rocks, The departing from New France. that be about the said Campseau. Which our Mariners did with two shallops that did carry their Anchors very far into the Sea, for to uphold our ship, to the end she should not strike against the Rocks. Finally, being at Sea, one of the said shallops was let go, and the other was taken into the jonas, which besides our lading, did carry 100000. of fish, as well dry as green. We had reasonable good wind until we came near to the Lands of Europe: But we were not over-cloyed with good cheer, because that they who came to fetch us, presuming we were dead did cram themselves with our refreshing commodities. Our Workmen drank no more Wine, after we had left Port Royal: And we had but small portion thereof, because that which did over abound with us; was drunk merrily in the company of them that brought us news from France. The six and twentieth of September we had sight of the Sorlingues, which be at the Lands end of Cornwall in England, and the eight and twentieth thinking to come to Saint The sight of the Sorlingues. Harvest of New France, showed to the King. Maloes. Being at Paris, the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt presented to the King with the fruits of the Land from whence he came, and especially the Corn, Wheat, Rye, Barley and Oates, as being the most precious thing that may be brought from what Country soever. The said Monsieur de Poutrincourt had bred ten Outards, taken from the shell, which he thought to bring all into France, but five of them were lost, and the other five he gave to the King, who delighted much in them; and they are at Fountain Belleau. Upon the fair show of the fruits of the said Country, Outards, or wild Geese presented to the King. Privilege of Bevers confirmed to Monsieur de Monts. Three ships sent 1608. News from New France since our coming from thence. It is very dangerous to teach the Savages the use of Guns. Eagles. the King did confirm to Monsieur de Monts the privilege for the Trade of Bevers with the Savages, to the end to give him means to establish his Colonies in New France. And by this occasion he sent thither in March last, Families, there to begin Christian and French Commonwealths, which God vouchsafe to bless and increase. The said ships being returned, we have had report by Monsieur de Champdore, and others, of the state of the Country which we had left, and of the wonderful beauty of the Come that 〈◊〉 said Monsieur de Poutrincourt had sowed before his departure, together of the gr 〈…〉 es that ●ee fallen in the Gardens, which have so increased that it is an incredible thing. Me 〈…〉 did ●●ther six or seven barrels of the Corn that we had sowed: and had yet one left, which he reserved for the Frenchmen, whom he looked for, who arriving he saluted with three Musket shots and Bonfires. When it was laid to his charge that he had eaten our Pigeons, which we left there, he fell a weeping, and embracing him that told it him, said, that it was the Macharoa, that is to say, the great Birds which are Eagles, which did eat many of them, while we were there. Moreover, all great and small, did inquire how we did, naming every one by his own name, which is a witness of great love. From Port Royal, the said Champdore went as far as Chovakovet, the beginning of the Armouchiquois Land, where he pacified that Nation with the Etechemins, which was not done without solemnity. For as he had begun to speak of it, the Captain, who is now instead of Olmechin, named Astikou, a grave man and of a goodly presence, how savage soever he be, demanded that some one of the said Etechemins should be sent to him, and that he would treat with him, Oagimont, Sagamos of the River Saint Croix, was appointed for that purpose, and he would The Savages wisdom. not trust them, but under the assurance of the Frenchmen, he went thither. Some Presents were made to Astikou, who, upon the speech of peace, began to exhort his people and to show them the causes that ought to induce them to hearken unto it. Whereunto they condescended, making an exclamation at every Article that he propounded to them. Some five years ago Monsieur de Monts had likewise pacified those Nations, and had declared unto them, that he would be enemy to the first of them that should begin the War, and would pursue him. But after his return into France, they could not contain themselves in peace. And the Armouchiquois did kill a Souriquois Savage, called Panoniac, who went to them for to truck Merchandise, which he took at the Storehouse of the said Monsieur de Monts. The War above mentioned happened by reason of this said murder, under the conduct of Sagamos Memb●●iou: the said War was made in the very same place, where I now make mention, that Monsieur de Champdore did treat Monsieur Champlein is now in the River of Canada. cattle. Fruit trees. Vines. Hemp. the peace this year. Monsieur Champlein is in another place, to wit, in the great River of Canada, near the place where Captain james Quartier did winter, where he hath fortified himself, having brought thither households, with Cattle and diverse sorts of fruit-trees. There is store of Vines, and excellent Hemp, in the same place where he is, which the earth bringeth forth of itself. He is not a man to be idle, and we expect shortly news of the whole Discovery of this great and uncomparable River, and of the Countries which it washeth on both sides, by the diligence of the said Champlein. As for Monsieur de Poutrincourt, his desire is immutable, in this resolution to inhabit and adorn Monsieur de Poutrincourt his resolution, 1609. his Province, to bring thither his family, and all sorts of Trades necessary for the life of man. Which, with Gods help he will continue to effect all this present year 1609. And, as long as he hath vigour and strength, will prosecute the same, to live there under the King's obeisance. The Author hath written another large Book of the Rites of the Savages of those parts, which I have omitted, partly because Champlein in the former Chapter hath given us large instructions of the same, and because in our Virginian, and New England, and newfoundland, our men will relate the like; and because I seek to be short, howsoever my Subject causeth me to be voluminous. CHAP. VIII. Collections out of a French Book, called Additions to Nova Francia; containing the Accidents there, from the year 1607. to 1611. MOnsieur de Monts having his privilege prorogued for one year, with some associates, sent unto his Government three Ships, furnished with men and victuals. Monsi. de Mont his sending of Ships. And forasmuch as Monsieur de Poutrincourt hath taken his part on the main Sea, and for the desire that Monsieur de Monts hath to pierce through the Land to the Western Sea coast, to the end he should not be an hindrance unto him, and to Note the intention of the French. be able thereby to reach one day, to China, he determined to fortify himself in a place of the Riue● of Canada, which the Savages call Kebec, some forty leagues above the River of Saguenay. There it is narrower, being no broader than a Canon will carry: and so, by that Kebec 40. leag. above Saguenay reason, the place is commodious to command, through all that great River. Monsieur Champlein, the King's Geographer, very skilful in Sea matters, and who delighteth marvelously in Champlein. these enterprises, took upon him the charge of conducting, and governing this first Colony, sent to Kebec. Where being arrived, it was needful to make houses for him, and his company; wherein there was no toil wanting, such as we may imagine, as was the labour of Captaide jacques Quartier, at his arrival in the place of the said River, where he wintered: and so Monsieur de Monts, in the I'll of Saint Croix; whereby did issue unknown sicknesses, which took away many men: for there was not found any Timber ready to be put in work, not any buildings to lodge the workmen in: they were driven to fallen down the wood by the root, to clear the ground, and to lay the first foundations of a work, which (with the help of God) shall be the subject of many wonders. But as our Frenchmen have oftentimes been found mutinous in such actions, so there were some among these, which did conspire against the said Champlein their Captain, having deliberated A conspiracy. to put him to death, first by poison, afterwards by a train of Gunpowder: and after, having pilfered all, to come to Tadoussac, where Baskes and Rochel Ships were, to make their return in them to these parts. But the Apothecary, of whom the poison was demanded, disclosed the matter. Whereupon, Information being made, one of them was hanged, and some others condemned to the Galleys, which were brought back into France, in the Ship, wherein Monsieur du Pont of Honfleur was Commander. Exemplary punishment. The people being lodged, some store of Corn was sowed, and a number of Gardens were made, where the ground did restore plentifully, the seeds received. This Land bringeth forth, naturally, Grapes in great quantity: the Walnut-trres are there in abundance, and Chestnut-trees The natural fruit of the land. also, whose fruit is in the form of an half moon; but the Walnuts are with many corners or edges, which be not divided. There is also great store of Pumpions, and very excellent Hemp, wherewith the Savages make fishing lines. The River there doth abound with as much fish, as any other River in the world. It is thought, that Bevers, are not here so good, as upon the coast of the Etechemins and Souriquois; yet notwithstanding, I may say very well, that I have seen skins from thence of black Foxes, which seem to exceed Sables, or Marterns. Black Foxes. The winter being come, many of our Frenchmen, were found greatly afflicted with the sickness, which is called the Scurvy, whereof I have spoken elsewhere, Some of them died thereof, for want of present remedy. As for the tree called Annedda, so much renowned by jacques Scurvy. Quartier, it is not now to be found. The said Champlein made diligent search for the same, and could have no news thereof: and notwithstanding his dwelling is at Kebec, neighbouring on the place, where the said Quartier did winter. Whereupon, I can think nothing else, but that the people of that time, have been exterminated by the Iroquois, or other their enemies. The Spring time being come, Champlein having had a long time a mind to make new discoveries, was to choose, either to make his way to the Iroquois, or to go beyond the fall of the great River, to discover the great Lake, whereof mention hath been made heretofore. Notwithstanding, because the Southerly Countries are more pleasant, for their mild temperature; he Lib. 3. cap. 22. resolved himself, the first year, to visit the Iroquois. But the difficulty consisted in the going thither; for we are not able of ourselves to make those Voyages, without the assistance of the Champleins counsel. Savages. These Countries are not the Plains of Champagne, nor of Vatan, nor the ingrateful wood of Limosin. All is there covered with woods, that seem to threaten the clouds. And at that time his company of men was but weak, as well by reason of the former mortality, as of the infirmities of sicknesses, which were yet continuing. Notwithstanding, being a man, who is astonished with nothing, and of a gentle conversation, knowing wisely how to acquaint, and accommodate himself with those people, after having promised them, that when the land of the Iroquois, and other Countries should be discovered, the great French Sagamos (meaning our King) would give them great rewards: he invited them to go to war against the said Iroquois, promising (for himself) that he would take part with them. They (in whom the desire of revenge dieth not, and who delight in nothing more than in war) pass their word unto him, and arm themselves about one hundred men, for that effect, with whom the said Champlein ventures himself, accompanied with one man, and one of Monsieur de Monts his footmen. So they began their voyage in the Savages Barks, and Canoes, alongst the great River, as far as the Their Voyage to the Iroquois. entering into the River of the Iroquois: wherein being entered, within certain days, they went up unto the Lake of the said Iroquois. But one may demand with what did so many people live, in a Country where no Inns are? I wonder as much at that as others do; for with them there is not any means of living, but by hunting; and in that, they do exercise themselves through the woods in their travails. Champlein and his men, were forced to live after their manner. For although they had made provision of Bread, Wine, and Meat, out of the storehouse, the same Their arrival at the Lake, which is sixty leagues long. Fair Lands in the Lake. The Iroquois, and their exercise. Houses of four stories. could not have served them, to make account of. Finally, being come into the said Lake, they were many days a crossing of it (for it is about sixty leagues of length) without giving knowledge of their being there, and so the said Champlein had time to view their Tillage, and the fair Lands, that serve for an ornament to their great extension of water. These people are much like to the Armouchiquois, in their fashion of living. They sow Indian Maiz and Beanes, and have quantity of fair Grapes, whereof they make no use: and very good roots. Every Family have their ground round about their dwellings; Forts also, yet no Towns, made with buildings of three or four stories high, such as they have in new Mexico (a Country situated much farther within the lands.) In the end, our men being discovered, the alarm was given among the Iroquois, who assembled The alarm among the Iroquois. themselves. And as the Iroquois did approach, Champlein, who was armed with a Musket, charged with two bullets, would have set himself forward to aim, to make at one of the forwardest of the Iroquois, who did brave it, challenging his enemies to the combat. But the Savages of Kebec told him in their language, no, do not so, for if they once discover you, not being The Prudence of the Savages. accustomed to see such folks, they will forthwith run away, and make no stand; so shall we lose the glory which we expect of this charge; withdraw yourself therefore behind our foremost rank, and when we shall be near, you shall advance yourself, and shoot at those two feathered fellows, whom you see the foremost, in the midst of the troop; which was found good, and executed by the said Champlein, who with one shot laid them both to the ground, as he hath related unto us. He, who assisted him, did also his duty. But on a sudden, all was in Flight. disorder, astonished at such a noise, and death so unexpected. Upon this fear, the men of Kebec losing no occasion, followed earnestly their enemies, and killed about fifty of them, whose Fifty of the Iroquois slain. heads they brought back, to make therewith merry feasts, and dances, at their return, according to their custom. These things so passed, Champlein took again his course towards ancient France, where he arrived in October 1609. having left the government of New France to a good reverend old man 1609. called Captain Pierre. And for as much as the accidents of the former sickness, were feared to Capt. Pierre. Capt. du Pont. come; the winter following, Captain du Pont of Honfleure (a man very well worthy to hold rank among the Heroes of the said Province, for having been the first that came to the Falls of the great River, after jacques Quartier, having also wintered in Port Royal, and almost every year, made voyages to those parts, for the relief of them that were there) gave advise, that wood should be ready cut down, for those that should tarry there all the winter, and thereby to free them from painful toils. That help hath been of such force, that besides this, having their buildings made, they have left no infirmity nor mortality. So he returned, and with him the said None died, no● were sick. Champlein, and those that would return. In the mean while, preparations were made for another voyage, against the return of the 1610. said Champlein, to the end to prosecute his discoveries, and consequently, to relieve the said Captain Pierre. He took again for the second time the Lieutenancy of the said Monsieur de Monts, Champlein his new Voyage. for the government of Kebec, and setting out in the beginning of March, was forced diverse times to turn back, by reason of contrary winds; which made him to arrive late, as did also Monsieur de Poutrincourt, of his part. And nevertheless, in that small time, which he had in those A Lake of an hundred leag. in length discovered. parts, he exploited a great piece of work, having gone this year, as far as a great Lake, of an hundred leagues in length, which is beyond the Falls of the great River of Canada eighty leagues. Having then reviewed the state of all things at Kebec, and learned what occurrences had passed Agreement to go to war, towards the great Lake. there, since his departure; he made an agreement with the Captains of the said place, and with them of Tadoussac, to go on warfare above the Fall of the said River, promising them to procure an hundred Frenchmen, to assist them in the extirping of all their enemies: and that they should have as many of their own men, of their side, which they liked very well. But the day appointed being come, and the Frenchmen not come, he excused the matter upon the weather, which had been boisterous for Sailors: and for want of whom, he told them, that himself would go with them, and follow their fortunes. They seeing they could do no better, accepted of his offer, and went together with some other Frenchmen more, along the same fair River: the Savages still hunting for provision for the kitchen. And they travailed so far, that after having passed the Fals, they crossed some Lakes, and in the space of eighty leagues, came to that other Lake, which we have said to be of an hundred leagues in length: where (as the said Champlein A Battle. hath recited unto me) they were presently set upon by the Savages of the Country, and it was behooveful unto them, to stand in good order, & well to de●end themselves, after the said Champlein had received a blow on the chine bone, whereof he is not yet fully healed. Since, he made a confederacy with other Nations of those parts, farther distant from the mouth of the Lake, who promised him, that the next year following (which is this year 1611.) they would conduct 1611. him with all assurance, as far as the farthest end of the said Lake. He, for his part, promised them fair, and showed them as well as he could, the greatness of our King, and of his Kingdom; and for to make them certain thereof, he took with him a young man, son of a Captain of those parts, called Savignon, a man of a good shape, strong, vigorous, and of great courage, whom he hath 〈◊〉 brought into France to make report, upon his return, of that which he hath seen. This Country (by the report of the said Champlein) is one of the fairest Countries of the world, much tilled, abounding with chase Dear, and Fish, Vines, Hemp, good Roots, Walnut-trees, Chestnut-trees, A fair Country. Plumtrees, and others. There are store of Bevers along this Lake, but the Inhabitants do burn them, as here we burn Hogs: and so by that means, that hair and wool, which we go so far of, and with so Bevers burnt. many perils to seek for, is lost. There are Beasts great and small, differing from ours, and Horses, as the said Savignon hath showed us, by the neighing. But I dare not give for currant that Horses. which Monsieur de Monts hath recited unto me, that these Nations have tame Bears, which they teach, to carry them upon trees for want of ladders. They have Forts, such as they of Virnia Marvellous industry. Forts & towns have, which are great enclosures with trees, joined together in form like a Pale, and within those enclosures are houses made, two or three stories high. The lower and higher parts do serve for the men when they must defend themselves from the assalts of their enemies. For in the Houses with stories. Strong bows. lower parts there are big Bows, for the bending of which, the strength of six men is required, and they have Arrows, that knock down men. Above, they have murdering holes, or battlements, from whence to fling or cast stones, and also to shoot with Bows, when they will hit their enemies a far off. In the middle rooms are the women, which fail not in doing that help which their sex may afford. And in this middle story, they lay up their Corn and other provisions. Champlein promiseth us never to give over until he have pierced as far as to the Western Sea, Hope for the passage to China. Some great River running Westward into the Western Sea. The Northern Sea. or that of the North, to open the way of China; in vain by so many thought for. As for the Western Sea, I believe that at the farther end of the greatest Lake, which is very far beyond that whereof we spoke of in this Chapter, there will be found some great River, which will fall into the same, or issue from it (as doth that of Canada) and never into the said Western Sea. And as for the Northern Sea, there is hope to come near to it by the River of Saguenay, there being but small distance from the head of the said River, to the said Sea. It is now fit to speak of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a Gentleman of long time resolute in these actions, who having made his preparation at deep, set sail the 25. of February 1610. with a number of honest men, and Artificers. This Navigation hath been very tedious and troublesome; 1610. A tedious Navigation. for from the beginning they were driven within sight of the Azores, and from thence, almost continually beaten with contrary winds, by the space of two months: during which time (as idle people do commonly occupy their spirits in evil) some, by secret practices, durst conspire against their Captain, whom notwithstanding, the said Poutrincourt, according to his accustomed clemency, A conspiracy. did pardon. Having made a review of that coast, he came into Port Royal, where he brought much consolation to the Savages of that place. As for the buildings, they were found all whole, except the Their arrival at Port Royal. Buildings and householdstuff preserved. Pillage of the ground. covering, and every parcel of household stuff, in the same place where they were left. The first care that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt ha●, was for the tillage of the ground, and to dispose it to receive the seed of corn, for the year following; which being finished, he would not neglect that which belonged to the spiritualty, and whereunto the chiefest arm of his travails did tend, which was, to procure the salvation of those poor savage and barbabarous people. After necessary instruction given, they were baptised upon Saint john Baptist his day, The first Christen made in New France. the four and twentieth of june, 1610. to the number of one and twenty persons; to every one of which was given the name of some great or notable person of these parts. 1. Membertou great Sagamos, being above an hundred years of age, was baptised by Sir Sagamos doth signify a Prince, Ruler, or Captain. The King was th●n slaire which they knew not. jesse Fleche Priest, and named by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, Henry, after the King's name. 2. Actaudinech, third Son of the said Henry Membertou, was by the said Poutrincourt, named Paul, a●ter the name of Pope Paul. 3. The wife of the said Henry, was named by the said Poutrincourt, after the Q●eenes name, that is to say, Marry. 4. Mombertocoichis, alias judas, elder son to Membertou, being above sixety years old, was al●o baptised, and by Monsieur de Biencour, named Lewes, after the name of my Lord the Dauphin, etc. Membertou, chief Sagamos of these Countries, moved with a religious zeal (but without knowledge) saith, that he will denounce open wars against all them that will refuse to become Christians. Shortly after these spiritual regenerations, Monsieur de Poutrincourt his son was sent back A return into France. into France to take a new charge: In doing whereof, he certified the Queen, what had been done in those Christen; whereby she received a marvelous contentment. But this one things is to be noted, that though the Navigation were tedious in going, yet in the return it was very short; for being come to the fishing bank, which is fifty leagues on this side newfoundland, he was brought in a fortnight into France, in which time they commonly make their return. Upon the Bank they hear the news of our good King's death, whose soul resteth with God, and whose posterity we pray God to bless. The Author reports another Voyage 1611. by the Lord of Sant Just; but I have haste to the English Plantation, for whose sake these are published: there being no great matter of history of those parts therein. As for the Articles of a Society concluded, and the names of those which entered therein, till we have greater effect thereof, I shall not trouble you with the recital thereof. CHAP. IX. The first plantation of English Colonies in Virginia briefly mentioned. SIr Walter Raleigh, a man more famous than happy, had obtained of Queen Elizabeth, of glorious memory, a Patent for discovering and peopling of unknown The first Voyage to Virginia and possession taken. parts not actually possessed by any Christian Prince, dated March 25. A. Reg. 26. The 27. of April 1584. he set forth two Barks under the command of Master Philip Amadas, and Master Arthur Barlow, which arrived on that part of America, which that Virgin Queen styled Virginia, and thereof in her Majesty's Virginia named so by Q. Elizabeth. name took possession july 13. and having taken view and liking of the Country, and had conference and trade with the Savages, observing above fourteen several sweet smelling timber trees, and many other commodities; they returned with two of the Savages, Wanchese and Manteo, and arrived in England in September. April 9 1585. Sir Richard Greenevile was sent by Sir Walter Raleigh with a fleet of seven sail, which landed in the I'll of Saint john Port Ricco, May 12. and there fortified themselves, Second Voyage. Sir R. Greenuile. and built a Pinnace. The Spaniard promised to furnish them with victuals, but did not, whereupon they took two Frigates. In Hispaniola they had friendly greetings and trade. june 26. they anchored at Wocokon, where by the unskilfulness of Fernando the Master, their Admiral struck on ground and sunk. In the 25. of july, the General returned for England, and took a Spanish Ship of three hundred ton richly jaden by the way, boarding her with a Boat made of the boards of Chests, Spanish Prise. which as soon as he had boarded her fell in sunder and sunk at the Ships side. In the Country was a Colony, left under the government of Master Ralph Lane, viz, Master Philip Amadas, First Colony. Master Hariot, Master Acton, Master Edward Stafford, Master Prideox, Captain Vaughan, and above a hundred others. Master Lane writ from his new Fort in Virginia, that if Uirginia had Kine and Horses in reasonable proportion, no Country in Christendom were comparable to it. They discovered from Roanoak to the Chesepians, above one hundred and thirty miles, to Chawanock North-West as far. The Savages conspired against the English, the principal was Pemisapan, who lost his head in the quarrel, in the beginning of june 1586. and Sir Francis Drake coming thither from the sack of diverse Spanish Towns, to visit the Colony, on the nineteenth, took the Colony with him in his victorious Fleet, and brought them into Engla●d. Sir F. Drake. The same year had Sir Walter Raleigh prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraught with provision Third Voyage. for the Colony, which setting forth late, arrived at Hartoraske immediately after the departure of the Colony, which having sought in vain, she returned with her provisions for England. About a fortnight after her departure, Sir Richard Greenevile, General of Virginia, accompanied with Fourth Voyage. three Ships arrived there, and neither hearing of the Ship, nor of the Colony which he had left there the year before; after long and vain search, he left fifteen men to hold possession of the Second Colony. Country, in the I'll of Roanoak, furnished for two years, and returned, by the way making spoil on the Towns of the Azores, and there taking diverse Spaniards. Master Thomas Hariot Master Thomas Hariot. writ a large History of the Men, Beasts, Fishes, Fowls, Plants, and Commodities of Virginia, subscribed also by Master Ralph Lane, extant in Master Hackluit his third Tome. In the year 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh, continuing his purpose of Plantation, sent another Colony Fifth Voyage and third Colony. of one hundred and fifty persons, under the government of Master john White; to him he appointed twelve Assistants, unto whom he gave a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the City of Raleigh in Virginia. These arrived on july 22. at Hatoraske, where they went on shore to seek the fifteen men left there the year before, with intent after to plant at the Bay of Chesepiok, according to Sir Walter Raleigh his directions, there to Bay of Chesepiok. make their feat and Fort. By Manteo they learned how the Savages had secretly assaulted the fifteen English, and slain some, the other being forced to flee, it was not known whither. Manteo was Christened, and by Sir Walter Raleighs direction, made Lord of Roanoak. Mistress Dare the Governors' daughter was delivered of a daughter, which was baptised by the name En●lish borne there. of Uirginia. The Company were very important with the Governor, to return for England, to supply their defects; to which, with much unwillingness he yielded, Aug. 27. and Octob. 16. arrived in Ireland, and after in England. Anno 1590. the said Master john White put to Sea with Ships, and two Pinnaces, with purpose for Virginia, where they anchored at Hatorask in 36. 20. Aug. 15. They found some of the goods Si 〈…〉 Voyage. (such as the Savages could not make use of) and tokens as if they were at Croatoan; but the winds violence permitted no further search, and they returned to the Azores, and after to England, arriving at Plymouth, Octob. 24. Master BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLDS Letter to his Father, touching his first Voyage to Virginia, 1602. MY duty remembered, etc. Sir, I was in good hope that my occasions would have allowed me so much liberty, as to have come unto you before this time; otherwise I would have written more at large concerning the Country from whence we lately came, than I did: but not well remembering what I have already written (though I am assured that there is nothing set down disagreeing with the truth) I thought it fittest not to go about to add any thing in writing, but rather to leave the report of the rest till I come myself; which now I hope shall be shortly, and so soon as with conveniency I may. In the mean time, notwithstanding whereas you seem not to be satisfied by that which I have already written, concerning some especial matters. I have here briefly (and as well as I can) added these few lines for your further satisfaction: and first as touching that place where we were most resident, it is in the Latitude of 41. degrees, and one third part; which albeit it be so much to the Southward, yet is it more cold than those parts of Europe, which are situated under the same parallel: but one thing is worth the noting, that notwithstanding the place is not so much subject to cold as England is, yet did we find the Spring to be later there, than it is with us here, by almost a month: this whether it happened accidentally this last Spring to be so, or whether it be so of course, I am not very certain; the latter seems most likely, whereof also there may be given some sufficient reason, which now I omit: as for the Acorns we saw gathered on heaps, they were of the last year, but doubtless their Summer continues longer than ours. We cannot gather by any thing we could observe in the people, or by any trial we had thereof ourselves; but that it is as healthful a Climate as any can be. The Inhabitants there, as I wrote before, being of tall stature, comely proportion, strong, active, and some of good years, and as it should seem very healthful, are sufficient proof of the healthfulness of the place. First, for ourselves (thanks be to God) we had not a man sick two days together in all our Voyage; whereas others that went out with us, or about that time on other Voyages (especially such as went upon repr●sall) were most of them infected with sickness, whereof they lost some of the●r men, and brought home a many sick, returning notwithstanding long before us. But Verazzano, and others (as I take it, you may read in the Book of Discoveries) do more particularly entreat of the Age of the people in that coast. The Sassafras which we brought we had upon the Lands; where though we bade little disturbance, and reasonable plenty: yet for that the greatest part of our people were employed about the fitting of our house, and such like affairs, and a few (and those but easy labourers) undertook this work, the rather because we were informed before our going forth, that a ton was sufficient to cloy England) and further, for that we had resolved upon our return, and taken view of our victual, we judged it then needful to use expedition; which afterward we had more certain proof of; for when we came to an anchor before Portsmouth, which was some four days after we made the land, we had not one Cake of Bread, nor any drink, but a little Vinegar, left: f●r these and other reasons, we returned no otherwise laden then you have heard. And thus much I hope shall suffice till I can myself come to give you further notice, which though it be not so soon as I could have wished, yet I hope it shall be in convenient time. In the mean time craving your pardon, for which the urgent occasions of my stay will plead, I humbly take my leave. 7. Septemb. 1602. Your dutiful Son, BARTH. GOSNOLD. CHAP. XI. The Relation of Captain GOSNOLS' Voyage to the North part of Virginia, begun the six and twentieth of March, Anno 42. ELIZABETHAE Reginae 1602. and delivered by GABRIEL ARCHER, a Gentleman in the said Voyage. THe said Captain did set sail from Falmouth, the day and year above written accompanied with thirty two persons, whereof eight Mariners and Sailors, twelve purposing upon the Discovery to return with the ship for England, the rest remain there for population. The fourteenth of April following, we had sight of Saint mary's an Island of the Assoris. The three and twentieth of the same, being two hundred leagues Westwards from the said Island in the latitude of 37. degrees. The water in the main Ocean appeared yellow, Ocean seeming yellow. the space of two leagues North and South, where sounding with thirty fathom Line, we found no ground, and taking up some of the said water in a bucket, it altered not either in colour or taste from the Sea Azure. The seventh of May following, we first saw many Birds in bigness of cliff Pigeons, and after diverse other as Pettrels, Cootes, Hagbuts, Pengwins, Murres, Gannets, Cormorants, Gulls, with many else in our English Tongue of no name. The eight of the same the water changed to a yellowish green, where at seventy fathom we had ground. The ninth, we had two and twenty fathom in fair sandy ground, having upon our Lead many glittering Stones, somewhat heavy, which might promise some Mineral matter in the bottom, we held ourselves by computation, well near the latitude of 43. degrees. The tenth we sonnded in 27. 30. 37. 43. fathom, and then came to 108. some thought it to be the sounding of the Westermost end of Saint john's Island, upon this bank we saw skulls of fish in great numbers. The twelfth we hoist out half of our shallop, and sounding had then eighty fathom without any current perceived by William Strete the Master, one hundred leagues Westward from Saint Maries till we came to the foresaid soundings continually passed fleeting by us Sea-oare, which seemed to have their movable course towards the North-east, a matter to set some subtle invention on work, for comprehending the true cause thereof. The thirteenth, we Sea-oare. sounded in seventy fathom, and observed great beds of weeds, much wood and diverse things else floating by us, when as we had smelling of the shore, such as from the Southern Cape and Andulazia in Spain. Smell of the shore. The fourteenth, about six in the morning we descried Land that lay North, etc. the Northerly part we called the North Land, which to another Rock upon the same lying twelve leagues West, that we called Savage Rock, because the Savages first showed themselves there, five leagues towards the said Rock is an out Point of woody ground, the Trees thereof very high Savage Rock. and strait, from the Rock East North-east. From the said Rock, came towards us a Biscay shallop with sail and Oars, having eight persons in it, whom we supposed at first to be Christians distressed. But approaching us near, we perceived them to be Savages. These coming within call hailed us, and we answered. Then after signs of peace, and a long speech by one Savages. of them made, they came boldly aboard us being all naked, saving about their shoulders certain loose Deere-skinnes, and near their wastes Seale-skinnes tied fast like to Irish Dimmie Trousers. One that seemed to be their Commander wore a Wastecoate of black work, a pair of Breeches, cloth Stockings, Shoes, Hat, and Band, one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians, these with a piece of Chalk described the Coast thereabouts, and could Their behaviour. name Placentia of the newfoundland, they spoke diverse Christian words, and seemed to understand much more than we, for want of Language could comprehend. These people are in colour swart, their hair long up tied with a knot in the part of behind the head. They paint their bodies, which are strong and well proportioned. These much desired our longer stay, but finding ourselves short of our purposed place, we set sail Westwards, leaving them and their Coast. About sixteen leagues South-west from thence, we perceived in that course two small Lands, the one lying Eastward from Savage Rock, the other to the Southwards of it, the Coast we left was full of goodly Woods, fair Plains, with little green round Hills above the Cliffs appearing unto us, which are indifferently raised, but all Rocky, and of shining stones, which might have persuaded us a longer stay there. The fifteenth day we ●ad again sight of the Land, which made a head being as we thought an Island, by reason of a large sound that appeared Westward between it and the Main, for coming ●o the Well end thereof, we did perceive a large opening, we called it Shole-hope: Near this Cape we came to Anchor in fifteen fathom, where we took great store of Codfish, for Shole-hope. which we alt●red the name, and called it Cape Cod. Here we saw skulls of Herrings, Mackerel and other small 〈◊〉 in great abundance. This is a low sandy shore, but without danger, also we Cape Cod. came to Anchor again in sixteen fathom, fair by the Land in the latitude of 42. degrees. This Cape is well near a mile broad, and lieth North-east by East. The Captain went here ashore and found the ground to be full of Pease, Strawberries, Hurtberies, etc. as then unripe., the sand also by the shore somewhat deep, the firewood there by us taken in was of Cypress, Birch, Wich-hazell and Beech. A young Indian came here to the Captain, armed with his Bow and Arrows, and had certain plates of Copper hanging at his Ears, he showed a willingness to help us in our occasions. The sixteenth, we trended the Coast Southerly, which was all champain and full of grass, but the Lands somewhat woody. Twelve leagues from Cape Cod, we descried a point, with some breach a good distance off, and keeping our loss to double it, we came on the sudden into shoal water, yet well quitted ourselves thereof. This breach we called Tuckers Terror, upon his expressed fear. The Point we named Point Care, having passed it we bore up again with Tuck 〈…〉 Terror. Poin● Care. the Land, and in the night came with it anchoring in eight fathom, the ground good. The seventeenth, appeared many breaches round about us, so as we continued that day without remooue. The eighteenth, being fair we sent forth the Boat, to sound over a Breach, that in our course lay of another Point, by us called Gilberts Point; who returned us four, five, six and seven fathom Gilberts Point. diverse Lands. over. Also a Discovery of diverse Lands which after proved to be Hills and Hummocks, distinct within the Land. This day there came unto the ships side diverse Canoas'; the Indians apparelled Savages. as aforesaid, with Tobacco and Pipes steeled with Copper, Skins, artificial strings and other trifles to barter, one had hanging about his neck a plate of ●●ch Copper in length a foot, in breadth half a foot for a breastplate, the Ears of all the rest had Pendants of Copper. Also one of them had his face over painted, and his head stuck with feathers in manner of a Turkey Cocks train: These are more timorous than those of the Savage Rock, yet very thievish. The nineteenth, we passed over the breach of Gilberts Point in four or five fathom, and anchored a league or somewhat more beyond it; between the last two Points are two leagues, the interim, along shoal water, the latitude here is 41. degrees two third parts. The twentieth, by the ships side we there killed Pengwins, and saw many skulls of fish. The Coast from Gilberts Point to the supposed Isles lieth East and by South. Here also we discovered Pengwins. two Inlets which might promise fresh water, inwardly whereof we perceived much smoke, as though some population had there been: This Coast is very full of people, for that as we trended the same Savages still run along the shore, as men much admiring at us. The one and twentieth, we went coasting from Gilberts Point to the supposed Isles, in ten, nine, eight, seven, and six fathom close aboard the shore, and that depth lieth a league off. A little from the supposed Isles appeared unto us an opening, with which we stood judging it to be the end of that which Captain Gosnoll describeth from Cape Cod, and as he thought to extend some thirty or more miles in length, and finding there but three fathom a league off, we omitted to make further discovery of the same, call it Shole-hope. From this opening the Main lieth South-west, which coasting along we saw a disinhabited Island which so afterwards appeared unto us: we bore with it, and named it Marthaes' Vineyard, from Shole-hope it is eight leagues in circuit, the Island is five miles, and hath 41. degrees and one Marthaes' Vineyard. quarter of latitude: the place most pleasant; for the two and twentieth, we went a shore, and found it full of Wood, Vines, Gooseberie bushes, Hurtberies, Raspices, Eglantine, etc. here we had Cranes, Hearnes, Shoulers Geese, and diverse other Birds which there at that time upon the Cliffs being sandy with some Rocky stones, did breed and had young. In this place we saw Dear, here we road in eight fathom near the shore, where we took great store of Cod, as before at Cape Cod, but much better. The three and twentieth we weighed, and towards night came to Anchor at the Northwest part of this Island, where the next morning offered unto us fast running thirteen Savages apparelled as aforesaid, and armed with Bows and Arrows without any fear. They brought jobacco, Dear skins and some sodden fish. These offered themselves unto us in great familiarity, who seemed to be well conditioned. They came more rich in Copper then any before. This Island is sound, and hath no danger about it. The four and twentieth, we set sail and doubled the Cape of another Island next unto it, which we called Dover cliff, and then came into a fair Sound, where we road all night, the next morning we sent off our Boat to discover another Cape, that lay between us and the Dover-cliffesound. Main, from which were a ledge of Rocks a mile into the Sea, but all above water, and without danger, we went about them, and came to Anchor in eight fathom, a quarter of a mile from the shore, in one of the stateliest Sounds that ever I was in. This called we Gosnolls Hope; the North bank whereof is the Main, which stretcheth East and West. This Island Captain Gosnoll Gosnolls Hope. called Elizabeth's Isle, where we determined our abode: the distance between every of these Elizabeth's Isle. Lands is, viz. from Marthaes' Vineyard to Dover cliff, half a league over the Sound, thence to Elizabeth's Isle one league distant. From Elizabeth's Isle unto the Main is four leagues. On the North side near adjoining unto the Island Elizabeth, is an Eyelet in compass half a mile full of Cedars, by me called Hills Hap, to the Northward, of which in the mouth of an opening on Hills Hap. Haps Hill. the Main appeareth another the like, that I called Haps Hill, for that I hope much hap may be expected from it. The five and twentieth, it was that we came from Gosnolls Hope. The six and twentieth, we trimmed and fitted up our Shallop. The seven and twentieth, there came unto us an Indian and two women; the one we supposed to be his Wife, the other his Daughter, both clean and straight bodied, with countenance sweet and pleasant. To these the Indian gave heedful attendance for that they showed them in much familiarity with our men, although they would not admit of any immodest touch. The eight and twentieth we entered counsel about our abode and plantation, which was concluded to be in the West part of Elizabeth's Island. The North-east thereof running from out our ken. The South and North standeth in an equal Parallel. This Island in the Wester●de admitteth some Increekes, or sandy Coves, so girded, as the water in some places of each side meeteth, to which the Indians from the Main do oftentimes resort for fishing of Crabs. There is eight fathom very near the shore, and the latitude here is 41. degrees 10. minutes, the breadth from Sound to Sound in the Wester part is not passing a mile at most, altogether unpeopled and disinhabited. Elizabeth's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉 10. minute's 〈◊〉. It is overgrown with Wood and Rubbish, viz. Okes, Ashes, Beech, Wal-nut, Weech-halse, Sassafrage, and Cedars, with diverse other of unknown names. The R 〈…〉sh is wild Pease, young Sassafrage, Cherie trees, Vines, Eglantine, Gooseberie bushes, Haw●●orne, Honisuckles, with others of like quality. The herbs and Roots are Strawberries Raspis, Ground Nuts, Alexander, Surrin, tansy, etc. without count. Touching the fertility of the soil by our own experience made, we found it to be excellent for sowing some English pulse it sprowted out in one fortnight almost half a foot. In this Island is a stage or Pond of fresh water, in circuit two miles, on the one side not distant from the Sea thirty yards, in the Centre whereof is a Rocky Islet, containing near an Acre of ground full of wood, on which we began our Fort and Fort began. place of abode, disposing itself so fit for the same. These Indians call Gold Wassador, which argueth there is thereof in the Country. The nine and twentieth, we laboured in getting of Sassafrage, rubbishing our little Fort or Islet, new keeling our shallop; and making a Punt or Flat bottom Boat to pass to and fro our Fort over the fresh water, the powder of Sassafrage in twelve hours cured one of our Company that had taken a great Surfeit by eating the bellies of Dogfish, a very delicious meat. The thirtieth, Captain Gosnoll with diverse of his company went upon pleasure in the shallop towards Hills Hap to view it, and the Sandie Cove, and returning brought with him a Canoa that four Indians had there left being fled away for fear of our English which we brought into England. The one and thirtieth, Captain Gosnoll desirous to see the Main, because of the distance, he set sail over; where coming to anchor, went ashore with certain of his company, and immediately there presented unto him men women and children, who with all courteous kindness entertained him, giving him certain skins of wild beasts, which may be rich Furs, Tobacco, Turtles, Hemp, artificial Strings coloured, Chains, and such like things as at the in●●ant The p●. they had about them. These are a fair conditioned people: On all the Sea coast along we found Mussel shells that in colour did represent Mother-of-pearle, but not having means to dredge, could not apprehend further knowledge thereof. This Main is the goodliest Continent that ever we saw, promising more by far than we any way did expect: for it is replenished with Goodly Country. fair fields, and in them fragrant Flowers, also Meadows, and hedged in with stately Groves, being furnished also with pleasant Brooks, and beautified with two main Rivers that (as we judge) may haply become good Harbours, and conduct us to the hopes men so greedily do thirst after. In the mouth of one of these Inlets or Rivers lieth that little I'll before mentioned, called Haps Hill, from which unto the Westermost end of the Main, appearing where the other Inlet is, I account some five leagues, and the Coast between bendeth like a Bow, and lieth East and by North. Beyond these two Inlets we might perceive the Main to bear up South-west, and more Southerly. Thus with this taste of Discovery, we now contented ourselves, and the same day made return unto our Fort, time not permitting more sparing delay. The first of june, we employed ourselves in getting Sassafrage, and the building of our Fort. The second, third and fourth, we wrought hard to make ready our house for the provision to be had ashore to sustain us till our ships return. This day from the Main came to our ships side a Canoa, with their Lord or chief Commander, for that they made little stay only pointing to the Sun, as in sign that the next day he would come and visit us, which he did accordingly. The fifth, we continued our labour, when there came unto us ashore from the Main fifty Savages, stout and lusty men with their Bows and Arrows, amongst them there seemed to be one of authority, because the rest made an inclining respect unto him. The ship was at their coming a league off, and Captain Gosnoll aboard, and so likewise Captain Gilbert, who almost never went ashore, the company with me only eight persons. These Indians in hasty manner came towards us, so as we thought fit to make a stand at an angle between the Sea and a fresh water, I moved myself towards him seven or eight steps, and clapped my hands first on the sides of mine head, then on my breast, and after presented my Musket with a threatening countenance, thereby to signify unto them, either a choice of Peace or War, whereupon he using me with mine own signs of Peace, I stepped forth and embraced him, his company then all sat down in manner like Greyhounds upon their heels, with whom my company fell a bartering. By this time Captain Gosnoll was come with twelve men more from aboard, and to show the Savage Signior that he was our Captain, we received him in a guard, which he passing thorough, saluted the Signior with ceremonies of our salutations, whereat he nothing moved or altered himself. Our Captain gave him a straw Hat and a pair of Knives, the Hat awhiles he wore, but the Knives he beheld with great marvelling, being very bright and sharp, this our courtesy made them all in love with us. in The sixth being rain, we spent idly aboard. The seventh, the Signior came again with all his troop as before, and continued with us the most part of the day, we going to dinner about noon, they sat with us and did eat of our Bacaleure and Mustard, drank of our Beer, but the Mustard nipping them in their noses they could not endure: it was a sport to behold their faces made being bitten therewith. In time of Dinner the Savages had stolen a Target wherewith acquainting the Signior, with fear and great trembling they restored it again, thinking perhaps we would have been revenged for it, but seeing our familiarity to continue, they fell a fresh to roasting of Crabs, Red Herrings, which were exceeding great, ground Nuts, etc. as before. Our Dinner ended, the Signior first took leave and departed, next all the rest saving four that stayed and went into the Wood to help us dig Sassafrage, whom we desired to go aboard us, which they refused and so departed. The eighth we divided the victuals, viz. the ships store for England, and that of the Planters, which by Captain Gilbert: allowance could be but six weeks for six months, whereby there fell out a controversy, the rather, for that some seemed secretly to understand of a purpose Captain Gilbert had not to return with supply of the issue, those goods should make by him to be carried home. Besides, there wanted not ambitious conceits in the minds of some wrangling Their purpose of stay broken off. and ill disposed persons that overthrew the stay there at that time, which upon consultation thereof had, about five days after was fully resolved all for England again. There came in this interim aboard unto us, that stayed all night, an Indian, whom we used kindly, and the next day sent ashore he showed himself the most sober of all the rest, we held him sent as a Spy. In the morning he filched away our Pothooks, thinking he had not done any ill therein; being ashore we bid him strike fire, which with an Emerald stone (such as the Glasiers use, to cut Glass) he did. I take it to be the very same that in Latin is called Smiris, for striking therewith upon Touchwood that of purpose he had, by mean of a mineral stone used therein, sparkles proceeded and forth with kindled with making of flame. The ninth, we continued working on our Storehouse for as yet remained in us a desired resolution of making stay. The tenth, Captain Gosnoll fell down with the ship to the little Eyelet of Cedars, called Hills hap, to take in Cedar wood, leaving me and nine more in the Fort, only with three meal's meat, upon promise to return the next day. The eleventh, he came not, neither sent, whereupon I commanded four of my company to seek out for Crabs, Lobsters, Turtles, etc. for sustaining us till the ships return, which was gone clean out of sight, and had the wind chopped up at South-west, with much difficulty would she have been able in short time to have made return. These four Purveyors, whom I counselled to keep together for their better safety divided themselves, two going one ways and two another, in search as aforesaid. One of these petty companies was assaulted by four Indians, who with Arrows did shoot and hurt one of the two in his side, the other a lusty and Savage assault nimble fellow, leapt in and cut their Bowstrings whereupon they fled. Being late in the evening, they were driven to lie all night in the Woods, not knowing the way home thorough the thick rubbish, as also the weather somewhat stormy. The want of these sorrowed us much, as not able to conjecture any thing of them unless very evil. The twelfth, those two came unto us again, whereat our joy was increased, yet the want of our Captain, that promised to return, as aforesaid, struck us in a dumpish terror, for that he performed not the same in the space of almost three days. In the mean we sustained ourselves with Alexander and Sorrell pottage, Ground-nuts and Tobacco, which gave nature a reasonable content. We heard at last, our Captain to jewre unto us, which made such music as sweeter never came unto poor men. The thirteenth, began some of our company that before vowed to stay, to make revolt: whereupon the planters diminishing, all was given over. The fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth we spent in getting Sasafrage and firewood of Cedar, leaving House and little Fort by ten men in nineteen days sufficient made to harbour twenty persons at least with their necessary provision. The seventeenth, we set sail, doubling the Rocks of Elizabeth's Island, and passing by Dover cliff, came to anchor at Marthaes' Vineyard being five leagues distant from our Fort, where we went ashore, and had young Cranes, Herneshowes, and Geese, which now were grown to pretty bigness. The eighteenth, we set sail and boar for England, cutting off our Shalop, that was well able Return. to land five and twenty men, or more, a Boat very necessary for the like occasions. The winds do reign most commonly upon this coast in the Summer time, Westerly. In our homeward course we observed the foresaid fleeting weeds to continue till we came within two hundred leagues of Europe. The three and twentieth of july we came to anchor before Exmouth. CHAP. XI. Notes of the same Voyage taken out of a Tractate written by JAMES ROSIER to Sir WALTER RALEIGH, and of MACES Voyage to Virginia. Elizabeths' Island is full of high timbered Oaks, their leaves thrice so broad as ours; Cedars, Oakes. Cedars, Beech. Elm. Holly. Walnut trees. Cherry trees. strait and tall; Beech, Elm, Holly, Wal-nut trees in abundance, the fruit as big as ours, as appeared by those we found under the trees, which had lain all the year ungathered; Hasle-nut trees, Cherry trees, the leaf, bark and bigness not differing from ours in England, but the stalk beareth the blossoms or fruit at the end thereof, like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fifty in a bunch; Sassafras trees great plenty Sassafras trees. diverse other trees. all the Island over, a tree of high price and profit; also diverse other fruit-trees, some of them with strange barks, of an Orange colour, in feeling soft and smooth like Velvet: in the thickest parts of these Woods, you may see a furlong or more round about. On the Northwest side of this Island, near to the Seaside, is a standing Lake of fresh water, almost three English miles in compass, in the miast whereof stands a woody ground, an acre in quantity, or not A Lake three miles about: Small Tortoises above: this Lake is full of small Tortoises, and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowls before rehearsed, which breed, some low on the banks, and others on low trees about this Lake in great abundance, whose young ones of all sorts we took and eat at our pleasure: but all these fowls are much Abundance of fowls, much bigger than ours in England. Ground-nuts. Shell fish. bigger than ours in England. Also, in every Island, and almost every part of every Island, are great store of Ground-nuts forty together on a string, some of them as big as Hen's eggs; they grow not two inches under ground: the which Nuts we found to be as good as Potatoes. Also, diverse sorts of shellfish, as Scalops, Mussels, Cockles, Lobsters, Crabs, Oysters, and Wilkes, exceeding good and very great. But not to cloy you with particular rehearsal of such things as God and Nature hath bestowed on these places, in comparison whereof, the most fertile part of all England is (of itself) but barren; we went in our Light-horsman from this Island to the Main, right against this Island some two miles off, where coming ashore, we stood a while like men ranished at the beauty and delicacy of this sweet The exceeding beauty of the main Land. Great Lakes. Large Meadows soil; for besides diverse clear Lakes of fresh water (whereof we saw no end) Meadows very large, and full of green grass; even the most woody places (I speak only of such as I saw) do grow so distinct and apart, one tree from another, upon green grassy ground, somewhat higher than the Plains, as if Nature would show herself above her power, artificial. Hard by, we espied seven Indians, and coming up to them, at first they expressed some fear; but being emboldened by our courteous usage, Seven Indians. and some trifles which we gave them, they followed us to a neck of Land, which we imagined had been severed from the Main; but finding it otherwise, we perceived abroad Harbour or Rivers mouth, A broad River. which came up into the Main: and because the day was far spent, we were forced to return to the Island from whence we came, leaving the Discovery of this Harbour, for a time of better leisure. Of A good Harbour. the goadnesse of which Harbour, as also of many others thereabouts, there is small doubt, considering that all the Lands, as also the Main (where we were) is all Rocky Grounds and broken Lands. Now the next day, we determined to fortify ourselves in a little plot of ground in the midst of the Lake above mentioned, where we built an house, and covered it with sedge, which grew about this The English House. Lake in great abundance; in building whereof, we spent three weeks and more: but the second day after our coming from the Main, we espied eleven Canoas' or Boats, with fifty Indians in them, 11. Canoas' with ●0. Indians in them. coming toward us from this part of the Main, where we two days before landed: and being loath they should discover our fortification, we went out into the Sea side to meet them; and coming somewhat near them, they all sat down upon the stones, call aloud to us (as we rightly guessed) to do the like, a little distance from them: having sat a while in this order, Captain Gosnold willed me to go unto them; to see what countenance they would make; but as soon as I came up unto them, one of them, to whom I had given a Knife two days before in the Main, knew me (whom I also very well remembered) and smiling upon me, spoke somewhat unto their Lord or Captain, which sat in the midst Their Captain. of them, who presently rose up and took a large Beaver skin from one that stood about him, and gave it unto me, which I requited for that time the best I could: but I, pointing towards captain Gosnold, made signs unto him, that he was our Captain, and desirous to be his friend, and enter league with him, which (as I perceived) he understood, and made signs of joy: whereupon Captain Gosnold, with the rest of his company, being twenty in all, came up unto them; and after many signs of gratulations (Captain Gosnold presenting their Lord with certain trifles which they wondered at, and highly esteemed) we became very great friends, and sent for meat aboard our Shalop, and gave them such meats as we had then ready dressed, whereof they misliked nothing but our Mustard, whereat they made many a sour face. While we were thus merry, one of them had conveyed a Target of ours into one of their Canoas', which we suffered, only to try whether they were in subjection to this Lord, to whom we made signs (by showing him another of the same likeness, and pointing to the Canoa) what one of his company had done: who suddenly expressed some fear, and speaking angrily to one about him (as we perceived Several sorts & Furs. by his countenance) caused it presently to be brought back again. So the rest of the day we spent in trading with them for Furs, which are Beavers, Luzernes, Marterns, Otters, Wilde-cat skins, very large and deep Fur, black Foxes, Conie skins, of the colour of our Hares, but somewhat less, Dear skins very large, Seal skins, and other beasts skins, to us unknown. They have also great store of Copper, some very red, and some of a paler colour; none of them but Red Copper in abundance. have Chains, Earrings, or Collars of this metal: they head some of their Arrows herewith much like our broad Arrow heads, very workmanly made. Their Chains are many hollow pieces semented Chains. together, each piece of the bigness of one of our reeds, a finger in length, ten or twelve of them together on a string, which they wear about their necks: their Collars they wear about their bodies like Collars. Bandelieres a handful broad, all hollow pieces, like the other, but somewhat shorter, four hundred pieces in a Collar, very fine and evenly set together. Besides these, they have large drinking Cups made like Drinking cups of Copper. Sculls, and other thin plates of Copper, made much like our Boar-spear blades, all which they so little esteem, as they offered their fairest Collars and Chains for a Knife, or such like triste, but we seemed little to regard it; yet I was desirous to understand where they had such store of this mettle, and made signs to one of them (with whom I was very familiar) who taking a piece of copper in his hand, made a hole Mines of Copper. with his finger in the ground, and withal pointed to the Main from whence they came. They strike fire in this manner; every one carrieth about him in a Purse oftewd Leather, a Mineral stone (which I take Mineral stones to be their Copper) and with a flat Emerie stone (wherewith Glasiers cut glass, and Cutlers glass blades) tied fast to the end of alittle stick, gently he striketh upon the Mineral stone, and within a stroke or Emerie stones. two, a spark falleth upon a piece of Touchwood (much like our Sponge in England) and with the least spark he maketh a fire presently. We had also of their Flax, wherewith they make many strings and Flax. cords, but it is not so bright of colour as ours in England: I am persuaded they have store growing upon the Main, as also Mines, and many other rich commodities, which we, wanting both time and means could not possibly discover. Thus they continued with us three days, every night retiring themselves to the furthermost part of our Island two or three miles from our Fort: but the fourth day they returned to the Main, pointing five or six times to the Sun, and once to the Main, which we understood, that within five or six days they would come from the Main to us again: but being in their Canoas' a little from the shore, they made huge cries and shouts of joy unto us; and we with our Trumpet and Cornet, and casting up our caps into the air, made them the best farewell we could: yet six or seven of them remained with us behind, bearing us company every day in the Woods, and helped us to cut and carry our Sassafras, and some of them lay aboard our ship. Indians apt for service. Saffafras. A goodly people, and of good conditions. These people as they are exceeding courteous, gentle of disposition, and well conditioned, excelling all others that we have seen; so for shape of body and lovely favour, I think they excel all the people of America; of stature much higher than we; of complexion or colour, much like a dark Olive; their eyebrows and hair black, which they wear long, tied up behind in knots, whereon they prick feathers of fowls, in fashion of a Crownet: some of them are black thin bearded; they make beards of the hair of beasts: and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of our Sailors, for his that grew on his face, which because it was of a red colour, they judged to be none of his own. They are quick eyed, and steadfast in their looks, fearless of others harms, as intending none themselves; some of the meaner sort given to filching, which the very name of Savages (not weighing their ignorance in good or Their apparel. evil) may easily excuse: their garments are of Dear skins, and some of them wear Furs round and close about their necks. They pronounce our Language with great facility; for one of them one day sitting by me, upon occasion I spoke smiling to him these words: How now, sirrah, are you so saucy with my Tobacco? which words (without any further repetition) he suddenly spoke so plain and distinctly, as if he had been a long Scholar in the Language. Many other such trials we had, which are here needless to repeat. Their women (such as we saw) which were but three in all, were Their women. but low of stature, their eyebrows, hair, apparel, and manner of wearing, like to the men, fat, and very wellfavoured, and much delighted in our company; the men are very dutiful towards them. And truly, the wholesomeness and temperature of this Climate, doth not only argue this people to be answerable to this description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active strong, healthful, and very witty, as the sundry toys of theirs cunningly wrought, may easily witness. The goodness of the Climate. For the agreeing of this Climate with us (I speak of myself, and so I may justly do for the rest of our company) that we found our health and strength all the while we remained there, so to renew and increase, as notwithstanding our diet and lodging was none of the best, yet not one of our company (God be thanked) felt the least grudging or inclination to any disease or sickness, but were much fatter, and in better health than when we went out of England: but after our Bark had taken in so much Sassafras, Cedar, Furs, Skins, and other commodities, as were thought convenient; some of our company that had promised Captain Gosnold to stay, having nothing but a saving voyage in their minds, made our company of Inhabitants (which was small enough before) much smaller; so as Captain Gosnold seeing his whole strength to consist but of twelve men, and they but meanly provided, determined to return for England, leaving this Island (which he called Elizabeth's Island) with Their return. as many true sorrowful eyes, as were before desirous to see it. So the eighteenth of june, being Friday, we weighed and with indifferent fair wind and weather came to anchor the three and twentieth of july, being also Friday (in all, bore five weeks) before Exmouth. Your Lordships to command. JOHN BRERETON. A brief Note of such commodities as we saw in the Country, notwithstanding our small time of stay. TRees. Sassafras trees, the roots whereof at three shillings the pound are three hundred thirty six pound the ton. Cedars tall and strait, in great abundance; Cypress trees, Oaks, Wal-nut trees great store, Elmes, Beech, Holly, Hasle-nut trees, Cherry trees, Cotton trees, and other fruit-trees to us unknown. The finder of our Sassafras in these parts, was one Master Robert Meriton. Fowls. Eagles, Hernshawes. Cranes, Bitters, Mallards', Teals, Geese, Pengwins, Ospreis and Hawks, Crows, Ravens, Mews, Doves, Sea-pies, Blackbirds with carnation wings. Beasts. Dear in great store, very great and large; Bears, Luzernes, black Foxes, Beavers, Otters, Wilde-cats very large and great, Dogs like Foxes, black and sharp nosed; Coneys. Fruits, Plants, and Herbs. Tobacco, excellent sweet and strong; Vines more plenty than in France, Ground-nuts, good meat and also medicinable; Strawberries, Rasp-berries, Gooseberries, Hurtleberries, Pease growing naturally, Flax, Iris Florentina, whereof Apothecaries make sweet balls; Sorrell, and many other herbs where with they made Salads. Fishes. Whales, Tortoises, both on Land and Sea; Seals Cod, Mackerel, Breames, Herrings, Thornbacke, Hakes, Rock-fish, Dogfish, Lobsters, Crabs, Mussels, Wilkes, Cockles, Scallops, Oysters. Snakes four foot in length, and six inches about, which the Indians eat for dainty meat, the skins whereof they use for girdles. Colours to die with, red, white, and black. Metals, and Stones. Copper in great abundance, Emerie stones, for Glasiers and Cutlers, Alabaster very white, Stones glittering and shining like Mineral stones; Stones of a blue mettalline colour, which we take to be Steel oar; Stones of all sorts for buildings; Clay, red and white, which may prove good Terra Sigillata. A brief Note of the sending another Bark this present year 1602. by Sir WALTER RALEIGH, for the searching out of his Colony in Virginia. SAmuel Mace of Weimouth, a very sufficient Mariner, an honest sober man, who had been at Uirginia twice before, was employed thither by Sir Walter Raleigh, to find those people which were left there in the year 1587. To whose succour he hath sent five several times at his own charges. The parties by him set forth, performed nothing; some of them following their own profit elsewhere; others returning with frivolous allegations. At this last time, to avoid all excuse, he bought a Bark, and hired all the company for wages by the month: who departing from Weimouth in March last, 1602. fell forty leagues to the Southwestward of Hataraske, in 34. degrees or thereabout; and having there spent a month; when they came along the coast to seek the people, they did it not, pretending that the extremity of weather, and loss of some principal ground-tackle, forced and feared them from searching the Port of Hataraske, to which they were sent. From that place where they abode, they brought Sassafras, Radix Chinae, or the China Root, Benjamin, Cassia lignea and a rind of a tree more strong than any Spice as yet unknown, with diverse other commodities, which hereafter in a larger discourse may come to light. CHAP. XII. A Voyage set out from the City of Bristol at the charge of the chiefest Merchants and Inhabitants of the said City with a small Ship and a Bark for the discovery of the North part of Virginia, in the year 1603. under the command of me MARTIN PRINGE. Upon many probable and reasonable inducements, used unto sundry of the chiefest Merchants of Bristol, by Master Richard Hakluyt Prebendary of Saint Augustine's the Cathedral Church of the said City, after diverse meetings and due consultation they resolved to set forth a Voyage for the farther Discovery of the North part of Uirginia. And first they sent the said Master Hakluyt accompanied with one Master john Angel, and Master Robert Saltern (which had been M. Salterne yet liveth neither is his zeal dead to this action. He is now a Minister and hath both by word and writing to me testified his affection to Virginia. M. Pring whose Voyage to the East Indies are in the former Tome. in the said Discovery the year before with Captain Bar tholomew Gosnold) to obtain permission of Sir Walter Raleigh (which had a most ample Patent of all those parts from Queen Elizabeth) to intermeddle and deal in that action. Leave being obtained of him under his hand and Seal, they speedily prepared a small ship called the Speedwell in burden about fifty tons, manning the same with some thirty men and Boys, wherein went for Master and chief Commander in the Voyage one Martin Pring, a man very sufficient for his place, and Edmund jones his Mate, and Robert Salterne above mentioned, as their chief Agent, with a Bark called the Discoverer, of six and twenty tons or thereabout, wherein went for Master William Browne, and Samuel Kirkland his Mate, both good and skilful Mariners, being thirteen men and a Boy in all in that Bark. The aforesaid ship and Bark were plentifully victualied for eight months, and furnished with slight Merchandizes thought fit to trade with the people of the Country, as Hats of diverse colours, green, blue and yellow, apparel of corpse Kersie and Canvas ready made, Stockings and Shoes, Saws, Pick-axes, Spades and Shovels, Axes, Hatchets, Hooks, Knives, Sizzers, Hammers, Nails, Chissels, Fishhooks, Bells, Beads, Bugles, Looking-glasses, Thimbles, Pins, Needles, Thread, and such like. They set sail from Kingrode the twentieth day of March. We set sail from Milford Haven (where the winds had stayed us a fortnight, in which space April 10. 1603. we heard of Queen Elizabeth's death) the tenth of April 1603. In our course we passed by the Isles of the Açores, had first sight of the Pike, and afterward of the Island of Cueruo and Flores, and after we had run some five hundred leagues, we fell with a multitude of small Lands on the North Coast of Virginia, in the latitude of 43. degrees, the 〈◊〉 of june, which Lands we found very pleasant to behold, adorned with goodly grass and sundry sorts of Trees, as Cedars, They discover many Lands. Good fishing place. Spruce, Pines, and Firre-trees. here we found an excellent fishing for Cod, which are better than those of newfoundland, and withal we saw good and Rocky ground fit to dry them upon: also we see no reason to the contrary, but that Salt may be made in these parts, a matter of no small importance. We sailed to the South-west end of these Lands, and there road with our ships under one of the greatest. One of them we named Fox Island, because we found those kind Fox Island. of beasts thereon. So passing through the rest with our Boats to the main Land, which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west, we found very safe riding among them, in six, seven, eight, ten and twelve fathoms. At length coming to the Main in the latitude of 43. degrees and an half, we ranged the same to the South-west. In which course we found four Inlets, the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth, but having passed over the bar, we ran up into it five miles, and for a certain space found very good depth, and coming out again, as we sailed Southwestward, we lighted upon two other Inlets, which upon our search we found to pierce not far into the Land, the fourth and most Westerly was the best, which we rowed up ten or twelve miles. In all these places we found no people, but signs of fires where they had been. Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groves and Woods replenished with tall Okes, Beeches, Pinetrees, Firre-trees, Hasels, Wich-hasels and Maples. We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts, as Stags, Dear, Bears, Wolves, Foxes, Lusernes, and Dogs with sharp noses. But meeting with no Sassafras, we left these places with all the foresaid Lands, shaping our course for Savage Rock, Savage Rock. People. discovered the year before by Captain Gosnold, where going upon the Main we found people, with whom we had no long conversation, because here also we could find no Sassfras. Departing hence we bore into that great Gulf which Captain Gosnold over-shot the year before, coasting Great Gulf. and finding people on the North side thereof. Not yet satisfied in our expectation, we left them and sailed over, and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odd minutes: where we went on Land in a certain Bay, which we called Whitsun Bay, by the name of the Worshipful Master john Whitsun then Mayor of the City of Bristol, and one of the chief Adventurers, and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adjoining, we called it Mount Aldworth, Whitsun Bay. M. Aldworth. for Master Robert Aldworths' sake a chief furtherer of the Voyage, aswell with his Purse as with his travel. Here we had sufficient quantity of Sassafras. At our going on shore, upon view of the people and sight of the place, we thought it convenient to make a small baricado to keep diligent watch and ward in, for the advertizement and succour of our men, while they should work in the Woods. During our abode on shore, the The people visit them. people of the Country came to our men sometimes ten, twenty, forty or threescore, and at one time one hundred and twenty at once. We used them kindly, and gave them diverse sorts of our meanest Merchandise. They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men. Their own victuals were most of fish. We had a youth in our company that could play upon a Gittern, in whose homely Music they took great delight, and would give him many things, as Tobacco, Tobacco-pipes, Snakes The Savages take great delight in muss 〈…〉. skins of six foot long, which they use for Girdles, Fawns skins, and such like, and danced twenty in a Ring, and the Gittern in the midst of them, using many Savage gestures, singing Io, ja, Io, ja, ja, Io: him that first broke the ring, the rest would knock and cry out upon. Dances. Some few of them had plates of Brass a foot long, and half a foot broad before their breasts. Their weapons are Bows of five or six foot long of Wich-hasell, painted black and yellow, Weapons. the strings of three twists of sinews, bigger than our Bowstrings. Their Arrows are of a yard and an handful long not made of Reeds, but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deep black feathers of some Eagle, Vulture, or Kite, as closely fastened with some binding matter, as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on. Their Quivers are full a yard long, made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad above, and one handful beneath with pretty works and compartments, Diamant wise of red and other colours. We carried with us from Bristol two excellent Mastiffs, of whom the Indians were more afraid, The great use of Mastiffs. then of twenty of our men. One of these Mastiffs would carry a half Pike in his mouth. And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs, and passed six miles alone in the Country having lost his fellows, and returned safely. And when we would be rid of the Savages company we would let loose the Mastiffs, and saddenly with outcries they would flee away. These people in colour are inclined to a swart, tawny, or Chestnut colour, not by nature but accidentally, and do wear their hair braided in four parts, and trussed up about their heads with a small knot behind: in which hair of theirs they stick many feathers and toys for bravery and pleasure. They cover their Ornaments. privities only with a piece of leather drawn betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before: whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco. They seem to be somewhat jealous of their women, for we saw not passed two of them, who wear Aprons of Leather skins before them down to the knees, and a Bear's skin like an Irish Mantle over one shoulder. The men are of stature somewhat taller than our ordinary people, strong, swift, well proportioned, and given to treachery, as in the end we perceived. Their Boats, whereof we brought one to Bristol, were in proportion like a Wherrie of the River The fashion of their Boats. of Thames, seventeen foot long and four foot broad, made of the Bark of a Birch-tree, far exceeding in bigness those of England: it was sowed together with strong and tough Oziers' or twigs, and the seams covered over with resin or Turpentine little inferior in sweetness to Excellent sweet resin and Turpentine. Frankincense, as we made trial by burning a little thereof on the coals at sundry times after our coming home: it was also open like a Wherrie, and sharp at both ends, saving that the beak was a little bending roundly upward. And though it carried nine men standing upright, yet it weighed not at the most above sixty pounds in weight, a thing almost incredible in regard of the largeness and capacity thereof. Their Oars were flat at the end like an Oven peel, made of Ash or Maple very light and strong, about two yards long, wherewith they row very swiftly: Passing up a River we saw certain Cottages together, abandoned by the Savages, and not far off we beheld their Gardens and one among the rest of an Acre of ground, and in the same was sown Tobacco, Pompions, Cucumbers and such like; and some of the people Their Garden● Corn and plants. had Maiz or Indian Wheat among them. In the fields we found wild Pease, Strawberries very fair and big, Goose-berries, Raspices, Hurts, and other wild fruits. Having spent three Weeks upon the Coast before we came to this place where we meant to stay & take in our lading, according to our instructions given us in charge before our setting forth, we pared and digged up the Earth with shovels, and sowed Wheat, Barley, Oates, Pease, and sundry sorts of Garden Seeds, which for the time of our abode there, being about seven Weeks, although they were late sown, came up very well, giving certain testimony of the goodness of the Climate and of the Soil. And it seemeth that Oade, Hemp, Flax, Rape-seed and such like which require a rich and fat ground, would prosper excellently in these parts. For in diverse places here we found grass above knee deep. As for Trees the Country yieldeth Sassafras a plant of sovereign virtue for the French Pox, and as some of late have learnedly written good against the Plague and many other Maladies; Vines, Cedars, Okes, Ashes, Beeches, Birch trees, Cherie trees bearing fruit whereof we did eat, Hasels, Wich-hasels, the best wood of all other to make Soap-ashes withal, Walnut-trees, Maples, holy to make Birdlime with, and a kind of tree bearing a fruit like a small red Peare-plum with a crown or knop on the top (a plant whereof carefully wrapped up in earth, Master Robert Salterne brought to Bristol.) We found also low trees bearing fair Cherries. There were likewise a white kind of Plums which were not grown to their perfect ripeness. With diverse other sorts of trees to us unknown. The Beasts here are Stags, fallow Deer in abundance, Bears, Wolves, Foxes, Lusernes, and (some say) Tigers, Porcupines, and Dogs with sharp and long noses, with many other sorts of wild beasts, whose Cases and Furs being hereafter purchased by exchange may yield no small gain to us. Since as we are certainly informed, the Frenchmen brought from Canada the value of thirty thousand Crowns in the year 1604. almost in Bevers and Otters skins only. The most usual Fowls are Eagles, Vultures, Hawks, Cranes, Herons, Crows, Gulls, and great store of other River and Sea-fowles. And as the Land is full of Gods good blessings, so is the Sea replenished with great abundance of excellent fish, as Cod's sufficient to lad many ships, which we found upon the Coast in the month of june, Seals to make Oil withal, Mullets, Turbots, Mackerel, Herrings, Crabs, Lobsters, Crevices, and Muscles with ragged Pearls in them. By the end of july we had laded our small Bark called the Discoverer, with as much Sassafras as we thought sufficient, and sent her home into England before, to give some speedy contentment to the Adventurers: who arrived safely in Kingrode above a fortnight before us. After Bark sent home. their departure we so bestirred ourselves, that our ship also had gotten in her lading, during which time there fell out this accident. On a day about noon tide while our men which used to cut down Sassafras in the Woods were asleep, as they used to do for two hours in the heat of the day, there came down about seven score Savages armed with their Bows and Arrows, Danger of the Savages. and environed our House or Barricado, wherein were four of our men alone with their Muskets to keep Sentinel, whom they sought to have come down unto them, which they utterly refused, and stood upon their guard. Our Master likewise being very careful and circumspect having not passed two with him in the ship put the same in the best defence he could, lest they should have invaded the same, and caused a piece of great Ordnance to be shot off, to give terror to the Indians, and warning to our men which were fast asleep in the Woods: at the noise of which Piece they were a little awaked, and began a little to call for Fool and Gallant, their great and fearful Mastiffs, and full quietly laid themselves down again, but being quickened up eftsoons again with a second shot they roused up themselves, betook them to their weapons and with their Mastiffs, great Fool with an half Pike in his mouth drew down to their ship: whom when the Indians beheld afar off, with the Mastiff which they most feared, in dissembling manner they turned all to a jest and sport, and departed away in friendly manner: yet not long after, even the day before our departure, they set fire on the Woods where we wrought, which we did behold to burn for a mile space, and the very same day that we weighed Anchor, they came down to the shore in greater number, to wit, very near two hundred by our estimation, and some of them came in their Boats to our ship, and would have had us come in again: but we sent them back, and would none of their entertainment. About the eighth or ninth of August, we left this excellent Haven at the entrance whereof we found twenty fathoms water, and road at our ease in seven fathoms being Land-locked, the Haven winding in compass like the shell of a Snail, and it is in latitude of one and forty degrees and five and twenty minutes. This by the way is not to be forgotten, that our Captain fell so much to the Northward because he would find high grounds, where commonly the best Havens are: which also fell out to his expectation. We also observed that we could find no Sassafras but in sandy ground. In our return we brought ourselves into the latitude of eight and thirty degrees about the Açores for certain causes, and within five week's space came from our Port of Uirginia, into the Soundings of England, but there being long encountered with Easterly winds, we came at length into Kingrode, the second of October 1603. The Discoverer was out five months and an half. The Speedwell was out six months upon the Voyage. A Relation of the Voyage made to Virginia, in the Elizabeth of London, a Bark of fifty tons by Captain BARTHOLOMEW GILBERT, in the year 1603. Written by Master THOMAS CANNER a Gentleman of Bernard's Inn his companion in the same Voyage. Upon Wednesday in Easter week, the seventeenth of April after, I had taken my leave of some few of my loving and dear friends in Bernard's Inn, I road toward Southampton, there to be speak Biscuit and some other provision for our Bark, wherein Master Bartholomew Gilbert went as Captain, which had been in Virginia the year before with Captain Bartholomew Gosnold. After our business was dispatched here, we came into Plymouth, from whence we put forth the tenth of May. And the six and twentieth of the same, we were in the latitude of 32. degrees, hoping to have had sight of the I'll of Madera, whereof we miss, in which course we met with two or three English men of war. The first of june, we were in the latitude of 27. degrees, and haled over toward the Lands, of the West Indies, and the fifteenth of this month toward night we saw Land. Master Gilbert and the Master Henry Suit dwelling within the Iron Gate of the Tower of London, took it to be the Bermudas: being very near the shore they sounded many times and had no ground, at the last they found good ground in fourteen or fifteen fathoms. There we cast Anchor. In the morning we weighed, and sounded still as we trended by the shore: but after we were past a Cables length from our Road, we had no Land again in forty or fifty fathoms: we kept still by the shore not yet being certain what Island it was. The sixteenth in the morning, we spied the people coming from the shore, who when they came near, cried out for barter or trade: when they came close aboard, they made signs and cried out to see our colours, which we presently put forth in the main top, and told them we were Ingleses, Amigos, and Hermanos, that is, Englishmen, their friends and brothers. as soon as they understood we were Englishmen, they were bolder to come near: we threw them a Rope, and one came aboard us: we traded with them for some Tobacco, Pine-apples, Piantanes, Pompions and such things as they had: we gave them Bugles, Knives, Whistles, and such toys. Here we kept close by the shore. When this Canoa had traded with us, and uttered all they had and drunk of our Beer, being kindly used they departed: and then presently after diverse Canoas' came, we traded and used them as the first. One of them told us that Island was Santa Lucia. We bestowed all that forenoon shaking in the They trade a● Santa Lucia. wind (for we had no ground to Anchor) near the shore to trade with them. Then we set our course for Saint Vincent, but finding a current against us and the wind very scant, we doubted we should not fetch it, and that if we did, peradventure we might be put to the leeward of Dominica, and so consequently of Mevis or Nieves; for which Island we were specially bound for to out Lignum vitae, in the same. Therefore Master Gilbert thought good to let Saint Vincent alone, although in it is the best Tobacco of all the Lands, yet in the end he put roomer for Dominica, Dominica. whereof we had sight the seventeenth of june, and came close to the shore; and presently one Canoa came aboard, as at Santa Lucia, being sent with two men belike to discover us, and to see what entertainment they should have, we used them kindly and so dismissed them. There came more full of men, with diverse of their commodities. The nineteenth in the morning being Sunday, we anchored in a good Road at Mevis, and after Mevis. went on shore to seek Lignum vitae, Master Gilbert, with the Master and diverse of the company sought far into the Woods, but found none but one little Tree, and here and there where one had been cut: so we were in doubt to find enough here to load our ship, a just plague unto us for profaning the Sabbath in travelling about our worldly business, when there was no necessity. This day in the Evening some went out with the Boat unto the shore, and brought on board a Tortoise so big that four men could not get her into the Boat but tied her fast by one Great Tortoise. leg unto the Boat, and so towed her to the ship, when they had her by the ship, it was no easy matter to get her on board. The next day we went on shore again to search another part of the wood for Lignum vitae: Lignum vitae. and then God be thanked we found enough. This day at night we opened our Tortoise, which had in her about 500 Eggs, excellent sweet meat, and so is all the whole fish. Upon Tuesday in the morning we went all on shore saving the Carpenter and Thomas, and Master Gilberts man to fell wood, and this day we felled good store. All the rest of this month and three days more we continued here every day labouring sore, first in sawing down the great trees, and sawing them again into logs, portable out of the thick wood to the Sea-shoare, so in the Boats, and so to the ship: where M. Gilbert his pains profited double as well in example as in work, for he was never idle, but either searching out more trees, or fetching drink for the Labourers, or doing one thing or other: so that in this just fortnight that we stayed here, we had gotten on board some twenty tuns. Within a few days after the Tortoise was eaten God sent us another. One of these fishes were sufficient meat for twenty men for three or four days if it could be preserved, but in that Climate no salting can preserve it above two days, hardly so long. Now the wood growing thin, and hardly to be found on this Island, he thought it best to stay no longer here, but to go for Uirginia, to search for better store. And so upon Sunday the third of july in the afternoon we weighed Anchor, and sailed Northwest and by North, and that night passed by Saint Christopher, and another little Island. Monday the fourth in the morning we had sight of S. Christopher. the Island, we went into the Woods to search for Lignum vitae, but found none but one tree, which he cut and went on board, we fought also for fresh water, but found none: At Evening went on Abundance of Tortoises. shore into the bottom of the Bay to dray the Net; and there we got good store of fine fresh fish, and much more, enough to have laden our Boat we should have gotten, if at every draught we had not had in the Net a Tortoise, which still brak through and so carried away the fish with them. At one draught among the rest we had two in the Net, a young one and an old on: the Net held the young one. We weighed and went through between the two Lands into the main Ocean, toward our They disem. book. long desired Country Uirginia, distant three hundred and fifty leagues from us. We sailed North Northwest. The seventh, we ran still Northwest and North and by West. The eight, we kept the same course. The ninth, we kept still the same course. The wind began to vere some thing to the Southward, which had been constant still, from the Lands of the Canaries, unto the Lands of the West Indies. And now began the wind to draw towards the West, and then is it as constant The Western winds begin. there. The reason I defer to longer consideration. The current setteth out of the Gulf of Mexico, and from the main shore. Sunday the tenth, we kept still the same course, and had now but a small gale almost becalmed. The eleventh, we continued the same course with the same small gale we went North. Tuesday the twelfth we kept the same course, if any at all, for, for the most part we were becalmed. Wednesday the thirteenth, the calm continued, the Sun being extremely hot in the calm. Thursday the fourteenth, the calm continued as hot as before. These days we ayred our Newland, fish called Poor john. which proved ill done. For after it was ayred, it rotten the sooner, Poor john. being burnt in the same. On Friday the fifteenth, God sent us a reasonable gale. The sixteenth and seventeenth, the calm came again. Monday, we had a good gale, and went North and by West, and North Northwest. The nineteenth, twentieth, and one and twentieth, we had an excellent gale, and ran North Northwest. Then we cast out the Lead and looked out for land, but found no ground nor saw no land, and therefore we much doubted that the current had set us very far to the leeward of the place which we were bound for, being the Chesepian Bay; but that could not be known till it pleased God to bring us to land. In the afternoon about six of the clock we cast out the Lead again, and had ground in thirty fathoms, whereof we were Ground in 30. fathoms. glad and thanked God, knowing we could not be far from land. Saturday the three and twentieth in the morning, about eight of the clock we saw land in the height of 40. degrees and odd minutes, very fine low land, appearing far off to be full of tall Trees, and a fine sandy shore, but a great siege: we saw no Harbour, and therefore coasted along to seek one to the Northward, the wind being at West. Sunday the four and twentieth, the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land, where we thought we saw an Harbour: but when we came up with it, we perceived An Headland. it was none, and all our labour lost. And therefore the wind being now more full in our teeth at the North-east, we considered it were better to put room, so that if the wind should stand, than we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian, which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after, to seek out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left near those parts in the year 1587. if not, perhaps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water: for now we had none aboard. On Monday the five and twentieth of july at night we came near the mouth of the Bay: The mouth of the Chesepian Bay. but the wind blew so sore, and the Sea was so high, that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea: and so continued next day. On Wednesday the seven and twentieth, at night the wind came fair again, and we bore again for it all night, and the wind presently turned again. Thursday the eight and twentieth, considering our extremity for water and wood, victuals and beer likewise consuming very fast, we could no longer beat for it, and therefore ran roomer, determining for this time to seek it They departed Eastward from the mouth of the Chesepioc Bay. A show of entrance of a River. no more. Friday the nine and twentieth, being not far from the shore, which appeared unto us exceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees, and with some show of the entrance of a River, our Captain Baxtholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Bernard's Inn, Richard Harison the Master's Mate, Henry Kenton our Chirurgeon, and one Derrick a Dutchman, went on shore in the Boat from the ship which lay above a mile from the land, and with their weapons marched up into the Country, leaving two youths to keep the Boat: but shortly after the Indians set upon them, and one or two of them fell down wounded in sight of Captain Gilbert and four more slain by the Indians. our young men that kept the Boat, which had much a do to save themselves and it. For some of the Indians roaming down to them, would have haled it on shore, which notwithstanding they saved, and with heavy hearts got unto the ship with the loss of their Captain and four of their principal men. Thus being but eleven men and Boys in all in the ship, though our want of water and wood were great, yet we durst not adventure the loss of any more of our small company in this place; Therefore our Master Henry Suit took his course home for England by the I●es of the Açores, and fell first with the Pike, and afterward entering into our Channel, had first sight of Portland, and thence came up the River of Thames unto Rateliffe, about the end of September 1603. finding the City most grievously infected with a terrible plague. CHAP. XIII. Extracts of a Virginian Voyage made An. 1605. by Captain GEORGE WAYMOUTH, in the Archangel. Set forth by the Right Honourable HENRY Earl of South-hampton, and the Lord TMOMAS ARUNDEL, written by JAMES ROSIER. Upon Easter day, the last of March, the wind coming at North North-east: about March. Easter day we put to See. five of the clock after noon, we weighed anchor and put to Sea from the Downs, [in the Name of God] being very well victualled, and furnished with Munition and all necessaries; our whole company being nine and twenty persons, of whom I dare boldly say, few Voyages have been manned forth with better Seamen generally, in respect of our small number. Monday the thirteenth of May, about eleven of the clock in the forenoon, our Captain judging we were not far from Land, sounded; and we had soft oze in an hundred and sixty fathom: Sounding we found ground. at four of the clock after noon we sounded again, and had the like oze in an hundred fathom. From ten a clock that night till three a clock in the morning, our Captain took in all Sails and lay at hull, being desirous to fall with the Land in the day time, because it was an unknown Coast, which it pleased God in his mercy to grant us, otherwise surely we had run our Ship upon the hidden Rocks, and perished all: for when we set sail, we sounded in an hundred fathom: and by eight a clock, having not made above five or six leagues, our Captain upon a sudden change of water, supposing verily he saw the sand: presently sounded, and had but five May 14. Land descried. fathom: much marvelling because we saw no Land, he sent one to the top, who descried a whitish sandy Clisse, which bare West Northwest about six leagues off: but coming nearer within three or four leagues, we saw many breaches still nearer the Land. At last we espied a great breach ahead us right along the shore, into which, before we entered, our Captain thought best to hoist out his Shipboat and sound it: which if he had not done, we had there ended our Voyage, together with our lives: for he bore up the Ship as near as he could after the Boat, until Master Cam his Mate being in the Boat, weffed and called to him to wind about and stand off, for in this breach he had very should water, two fathom upon Rocks, and sometime they supposed they saw the Rock within three or four foot, whereon the Sea made a very high strong breach, which we might discern (from the top) to run along as we sailed by it, six or seven leagues to the Southward: and we saw no end thereof. Wherefore we were constrained to put back again from the Land; and sounding (the weather being fair) we found ourselves embayed with continual Shoalds and Rocks, in a most uncertain ground; as by judgement A dangerous place of rocks and shoalds. of our Captain and whole company, they had never known the like; from five and six fathom, at the next cast of the Led we should have fifteen and eighteen fathom all hard Rock over many which (by the unspeakable goodness and mercy of God towards us) we passed. For if we had bare in with it but the day before (which was exceeding tempestuous) or in the night, we could by no means have escaped the danger. But God so blessed us, that we had weather and wind as fair as poor men could wish, in this distress, whereby we both perfectly discerned every breach, and with the wind were able to turn, where we saw most hope of safest passage. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not so much before desired: and at the first sight rejoiced: as now we all joyfully praised God, that it had pleased him so miraculously to deliver us from so imminent danger of death before our eyes. Our Captain Latitude 41. degrees and an hal●e. found himself in the latitude of 41. degrees and an half. Here we found great store of fish, and saw many Whales, as we had done two or three days before. We stood off that night and all the next day, being Wednesday: but the wind still continuing for many days between the points of South South-west and West South-west, so as we could not by any possible means make any way to the Southward in regard of our great want of water and Wood (which was now spent) we much desired Land, and therefore sought for it, where the wind would best suffer us to refresh ourselves. Thursday the sixteenth day of May, we stood directly in with the Land: and we much marvelled that we descried it not: wherein we found our Sea Charts very false laying out Land Sea-charts false. where none was, for though we bore in directly with it according to them: yet in almost fifty leagues running we found none. Friday the seventeenth of May, about six a clock at night, we descried Land, which bore from us North North-east: but because it blew a great gale of wind, the Sea very high and near night, not fit to come upon an unknown co●st, our Captain stood off till two of the clock in the morning being Saturday and Whitsun E●e: then standing with it again, we descried Land descried. Saturday we made the land. it by eight a clock in morning, bearing North-east from us. It appeared a mean high Land, as we after found it, being but an Island of no great compass: but I hope the most fortunate that ever men discovered, as shall appear by the sequel. About twelve a clock that day, we came to an anchor on the North side of this Island in forty fathom water, about a league from shore. This Island is woody, grown over with Fir, Birch, and Beech, as far as we saw along the shore, and so likely to be within. On the Verge grow Gosseberries, Strawberries, wild Our Captain named this S. George's Island. Pease, and wild Rose bushes. The fresh water issued down the rocky Cliffs in many places; and much fowl of sundry kinds breed upon the shore and Rocks. While we were at shore, our men aboard with a few hooks got above thirty great Cod and Haddock, which gave us a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward, wheresoever we went upon the coast. Great plenty of fish. FRom hence we might discern many Lands, and the main Land, from the West South-west to the East North-east; and North North-east from us a great way as it then seemed (and as we We descried the M●ine and Mountains. after found it) up into the Main, we might discern very high Mountains, although the Main seemed but low Land, which gave us a hope, that it might please God, to direct us to the Discovery of some good, although we were driven by winds far from that place, whether both by our direction and desire, we ever intended to shape the course of our Voyage. The next day being Whitsunday, because we road too much open to the Sea, and winds, we weighed anchor about twelve a clock, and came along to the other Island more adjoining to the Upon Waitsunday we came into an excellent Harbour. Main, and in the Road directly with the Mountains, about three leagues from the first Island where we anchored. When we came near unto them (sounding all along in a good depth) our Captain manned his Shipboat, and sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates, whom he knew to be of good experience, to search and sound about and between the Lands, for a place safe for our ship to ride in. In the mean while we kept aloof at Sea, having given order to them in the Boat, by a token to weffe in the ship if he found a convenient Harbour, which it pleased God to send us, far beyond our expectation in a most safe birth, defended from all winds in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burdens in six, seven, eight, nine and ten fathom upon a clay oze, very tough, where is good moring, even on the Rocks upon the Cliff side. We all with great admiration praised God, who had from so apparent danger miraculously delivered us, and directed us upon this day (upon which he sent the chief promised Director of all goodness unto his Apostles and Disciples) into such a place, whereof here before we read none to have made either description or relation, and then which neither ourselves could wish, or Nature afford more secure. In remembrance whereof, our Captain named it Pentecost Harbour. Pentecost Harbour. Whitsun Monday the twentieth day of May, by three a clock in the morning, our Captain caused the Shalop to be carried ashore: where while some were busied about her, himself set others to work in digging Wells to receive the water, which we found issuing down out of the Land in many places, and rising amidst the rocky Cliffs. In digging (amongst other things) Clay. we found in some places (and not deep) clay ground, blue, red and white, to make Brick or Tile, fit for building. This day our Pinnace was fitted together and launched; in small time with two Our Pinnace Launched. or three hooks were fished sufficiently for our whole company three days, with great Cod, Hadocke, and some Thornbacke. Towards night we drew with a small Same of 20. fathom just by Variety of fishes. the shore, where we got about 30. very good Lobsters, many Rockfish, some Plaise, and other small fishes very good; and fishes called Lumps, very pleasant to taste. And this we generally observed, that all the fish of what kind soever we took, were well fed, fat, and in taste very sweet. Wednesday the two and twentieth of May, our Captain went ashore with our men, where we felled and cut wood for our ships use, cleansed and scoured our Wells. We likewise digged a small plot of ground, wherein among some Garden seeds (which most the birds destroyed) we set Pease and Barley, which in sixteen days grew eight inches, and so continued every day growing more than half an inch: although this was but the crust of the ground, and far inferior to the mould we after found in the Main. All the next day we laboured hard to make up our wood, because our Captain intended not to spare, or spend any more time in that of our Voyage. This day our Boat fished again as before, We fished. because we still were much refreshed with the fresh fish. Friday the four and twentieth of May, after we had made an end of cutting wood, and carrying some water aboard our ship. Our Captain with fourteen shot and Pike marched about, and thorough part of two of the Lands, one of which we guessed to be four or five miles in compass, and a mile broad. Along the shore, and some space within where the wood hindereth not, grow plentifully, Rashberries, Gooseberries, Strawberries, Corant trees, Rose bushes, wild Vines, Angelica a sovereign The fruits of the Lands. herb, many other fruits we knew not. All within the Lands, grow wood of sundry sorts, some very great, and generally all tall: Beech, Birch, Ash, Maple, Spruce, Cherry tree, Ewe, Oak great and firm, with so fine grain and colour, as our Captain, and men of best experience, had never seen the like. But the Fir trees great and small are most abundant, which Trees. I name last, as not the least of excellent profit: for from it issueth Turpentine in marvelous plenty, and so sweet as our Chirurgeon and others affirmed they never saw so good in England. We Turpentine plentiful, for Tar and Pitch. pulled off much Gum congealed on the outside of the Bark which gave an odour like Frankincense. This would be a very great benefit for making Tar and Pitch. We stayed the longer in this place, not only because of our good Harbour (which is an excellent comfort) but also because every day we found the Island, more and more to discover unto us his pleasant fruitfulness, insomuch, as many of our company wished themselves settled here. Also our men found abundance of great Mussels among the Rocks; and in some of them many Pearl. small Pearls. In one Mussel (which we drew up in our Same) was found fourteen Pearls, whereof one was of pretty bigness and orient, in another above fifty small Pearls; and if one had had a Drag, no doubt we had found some of great value, seeing these did certainly show that here they were bred: the shells within all glistering with mother of Pearl. Thursday the thirtieth of May, the Captain with thirteen departed in the Shallop, leaving the Ship in a good harbour. diverse Canoas' of Savages came to us. The shape of their body is very proportionable, and well countenanced, not very tall, nor big, but in stature like to us; they paint their bodies Their shape of body. with black, their faces some with red, some with black, and some with blue. Their clothing is Beaver skins, and Dear skins, hanging down to their knees before and behind, made Their clothing. fast together upon the shoulder with a leather string; some of them wear sleeves, some buskins of leather tewed very thin and soft. Some wear the hair of their skins outward, some inward; they have besides a piece of skin, which they bind about their waste, and between their legs to cover their privities. They suffer no hair to grow upon their faces, but upon their head very long and very black, which behind they bind up with a string on a long round knot, some of them have hair all curled naturally. They seemed all very civil and very merry, showing tokens Very thankful. of much thankfulness for those things we gave them; which they express in their language Of good capacity and understanding. by these words, oh, ho, often repeated. We found them then (as after) a people of very good invention, quick understanding, and ready capacity. Their Canoas' are made of the bark of Beech, strengthened within with ribs and hoops of wood, in so good fashion and with such excellent ingenious art, as our men that had been often Their Canoa● very artificial. in the Indies, said they far exceeded any that ever they had seen. The chief of them told me by signs, that they would go fetch Furs and Skins, and pointed to be with us again by that time the Sun should come somewhat beyond the midst of the firmament. About ten a clock this day we descried our Pinnace returning towards us. Our Captain had in this small time discovered up a great River, trending all almost into the Main. Until his return Trifles left on shore. our Captain left on shore where they landed, in a path (which seemed to be frequented) a Pipe, a Brooch, and a Knife, thereby to know if the Savages had recourse that way, because they could at that time see none of them, only a Beast a far of, which they thought to be a Deer. The next day being Saturday, and the first of june, we traded with the Savages all the forenoon We traded with the Savages. upon the Shore, where were eight and twenty Savages, and because our Ship road nigh, we were but five or six, where for Knives and other trifles, to the value of four or five shillings, we had forty good Skins, Bevers, Otter, and other which we knew not what to call them. Our trade being ended, many of them came aboard us, and eat by our fire, and would be very merry and bold, in regard of our kind usage of them. Our Captain showed them a strange thing, which they wondered; His Sword and mine having been touched with the Loadstone, took They wondered at the effect of the Loadstone up their Knife and held it fast when they plucked it away; and made their Knife turn being laid on a block: and giving their Knife a touch with his Sword, made that take up a Needle, which they much marvelled at. This we did to cause them to imagine some great power in us, and for that to love and fear us. When we went a Shore to trade with them in one of their Canoas', I saw their Bows and Arrows, which in their sight I took up and drew an Arrow in one of them, which I found Their Bows and Arrows. to be of a reasonable strength, able to carry an Arrow five or six score strongly; and one of them took it and brew as we draw our Bows, not like the Indians. Their Bow is made of Beech in fashion of our Bows, but they want nocks, only a string of leather put through a hole at one end, and made fast with a knot at the other. Their Arrows are of a much greater size than our and longer, feathered with three feathers tied on, and nocked very artificially, headed with a long shank bone of a Deer, made very sharp, and some Iron heads, with two fangs in manner of a harping Iron. They have likewise Darts headed with sharp bone, one of which I darted Darts. among the Stones and it broke not. These they use very cunningly to kill Fish, Fowle, and Beasts. They gave us the best welcome they could, spreading Dear skins for us to sit on the ground by their fire, and gave us of their Tobacco in our Pipes, which was most excellent, and so generally Tobacco excellent the Savages gave us. commended of us all to be as good as any we ever took, being the simple Leaf without any composition, very strong and of a pleasant sweet taste: they gave us some to carry toour Captain, whom they called our Bashabe, neither did they require any thing for it; but we would receive nothing from them without remuneration. Here we saw their women, who stood behind them, as desirous to see us, but not willing to We saw thei● Women. be seen, for before whensoever we came a Shore, they retired into the woods; whether it were it regard of their own natural modesty being naked, or by the commanding jealousy of their husbands, which we rather suspected; for it hath been an inclination noted always generally in Savages, wherefore we would by no means seem to take any special notice of them. They were very well favoured, low of stature, and exceeding fat; they had two little children very fat, and of good countenance, which they love tenderly, all naked, except their legs, which were covered with thin leather buskins, fastened with straps to a Girdle about their waste, which they gird very straight, and is decked round about with little round pieces of Copper. To these we gave Chains, Bracelets, and other trifles, which the Savages seemed to accept with great kindness. At our coming away, we would have had those two that supped with us to go aboard and sleep, as they had promised our Captain; but it appeared their company would not suffer them, whereat we might easily perceive they were much grieved: but not long after our departure they came with three more to our Ship, signing to us, if one of our Company would go lie a Shore with them, they would stay with us. Our Captain would command none: but Griffin, one of them we were to leave in the Country, by their agreement with my Lord the Right Honourable Count Arundel (if it should be thought needful or convenient) went with them in We brought them home again. their Canoa; and three of them stayed aboard us. Whom our Captain and whole Company very kindly used, himself saw their lodging provided, and them lodged in an old Sail upon the Orlop, and because they most feared our Dogs, they were tied up whensoever any of them came aboard us. Griffin which lay on Shore, reported unto me their manner, and (as I may term them) the Ceremonies of their Idolatry, which they perform thus. One among them (the eldest of the Ceremonies of the Savages Idolatry. company as he judged) riseth right up, the rest sitting still, and suddenly cried, Bowh, waugh; then the women fall down, and lie upon the ground, and the men altogether answering the same, fall a stamping round about with both feet as hard as they can, making the ground shake, with sundry loud outcries, and change of voice and sound; many take the fire sticks and thrust them into the earth, and then rest silent a while, of a sudden beginning as before, they look round about, as though they expected the coming of something (as he verily supposed) and continue stamping till the younger sort fetch from the Shore Stones, of which every man take one, and first beat upon them with the fire sticks, then with the Stones beat the ground with all their strength: and in this sort (as ●he reported) they continued above two hours. In the time of their Pavose, our watch aboard were singing, and they signed to him to do so, which he did, looking and lifting up his hands to heaven: then they pointed to the Moon, as if they imagined he worshipped that, which when he with signs denied, they pointed to the Sun rising, which he likewise disliked, lifting up his hands again, than they looked about, as though they would see what Star it might be, laughing one to another. After this ended, they which have wives take them a part, and withdraw themselves severally into the wood They lie with their wives secretly. all night. The next morning, as soon as they saw the Sun rise, they pointed to him to come with them to our Ship, and having received their men from us, they came with all their Canoas' and company hover about our Ship, to whom (because it was the Sabbath day, I signed they should depart, and at the next Sun rising we would go along with them to their houses, which they understood (as we thought) and departed: three of their Canoas' coursing about the Island, and the others towards the Main. This day about five a clock afternoon, came three other Canoas' from the Main, of which some had been with us before, and they came directly Their Tobacco Pipe. aboard us, and brought us Tobacco, which we took with them in their Pipe, which was made of earth very strong, but black and short, containing a great quantity. Some Tobacco they gave to our Captain, and some to me, in very civil kind manner: we requited them with Bread and Pease. When we came at Shore, they all most kindly entertained us, taking us by the hands, as they had observed we did to them aboard in token of welcome, and brought us to sit down by their fire, where sat together thirteen of them. They filled their Tobacco Pipe, which was then the short claw of a Lobster, which will hold ten of our Pipes full, and we drank They gave us Tobacco in a Pipe of a Lobsters Claw. of their excellent Tobacco as much as we would with them; but we saw not any great quantity to truck for, and it seemed they had not much left of old, for they spend a great quantity yearly by their continual drinking: they would sign unto us that it was grown yet but a little above ground, but it would be high, with a leaf as broad as both their hands; and often would (by pointing to one part of the Main Eastward) sign unto us that the Bashabe (whom we take to be their King, or some great Commander) had plenty of Furs and much Tobacco. At our departure they made sign, if any of us would stay there a shore, some of them would go lie aboard with us: at which motion Master Booles, servant to the Right Honourable Count Arundel, being desirous to see the manner of the foresaid Ceremonies, stayed with them, and Master Booles lay a shore, and Griffin. had Griffin with him: and three of the Savages lodged with us, in manner as the night before. Early the next morning being Monday, the third of june, when they had brought our men a board, they came about our Ship, earnestly by signs desiring we would go with them along to the Main, for there they had Furs and Tobacco to traffic with us. Wherefore our Captain manned the Shallop, with as many men as he could well, which was but fifteen with the Rowers, and we went along with them: two of their Canoas' they sent away before, and they which were aboard us all night kept company with us to direct us. This we noted as we Their Cànoa out-rowed us. went along, they in the Canoa with three Oars, would at their will go a head of us and about us, when we rowed with eight Oars strong: such was the swiftness by reason of the lightness, and exquisite composition of their Canoa and Oars. When we came near the point, where we saw their fires, where they intended to land, and where they imagined some few of us should come on Shore with our merchandise, as we had accustomed before: when they had often numbered our men very diligently, they scoured away to their company, not doubting we would have followed them. But when we perceived this, and knew not either their intents, or number of Savages on the Shore, our Captain after consultation stood of and weffed them to us, determining that I should go a Shore first to take a view of them, and what they had to traffic, if he whom at our first sight of them seemed to be of most respect, and being then in the Canoa, would stay as a pawn for me. When they came to us (notwithstanding all our former courtesies) he utterly refused, but would leave a young Savage, and for him our Captain sent Griffin in their Canoa, while we lay hulling a little of. He at his return reported, they had there assembled together, as he numbered them, two hundred fourscore and three Savages, every one his Bow and Arrows, with their Dogs, and Wolves which they keep tame at command: and not any thing to exchange at all, but would have 283. Savages assembled in a treachery. drawn us farther up into a little narrow nook of a River, for their Furs as they pretended. We began to alter our opinion of them, and to join them in the rank of all Savages, who have been by all travellers and in all discoveries found very treacherous, never attempting mischief, Disposition of Savages in the Virginian Masacre, & other their dealings found too true. until (by some remissness) fit opportunity affordeth them certain ability to execute the same. Wherefore we humbly gave God thanks, who had given us understanding to prevent this, and thereby warning to foresee and prepare ourselves against the like danger. And after good advice taken, our Captain determined, so soon as we could to Ship some of them, lest (being suspicious we had discovered their plots) they should absent themselves from us, which surely they had done, if we had not laid hold of the next occasion. Tuesday came to the Ship, there were two Canoas', and in either of them three Savages, of whom two were below at the fire, the other stayed about the Ship for victual: and because we could by no means entice them aboard, we gave them a Can of Pease and Bread, which they carried to the shore to eat, but one of them brought back our Can again presently, and stayed aboard with the other two, for he being young of a ready capacity, and one we most desired to bring with us into England, had received exceeding kind usage at our hands, and therefore We caught five Savages, two Canoas', and Bows, Arrows was much delighted in our company: we shipped him, and four others, two Canoas', with all their Bows and Arrows, which is the chief substance they possess. Saturday the eight of june, our Captain being desirous to finish all business about this Harbour, very early in the morning with the Pinnace coasted five or six leagues about the Lands adjoining, Our Captain sounded about the Land's Rocks and mouth of the Harbour. and sounded all along wheresoever he went: he likewise diligently searched and sounded along before the mouth of the Harbour, about the Rocks which show themselves at all times, and are an excellent breach of the water, so as no Sea can come in to offend the Harbour. This he did to instruct himself, and thereby able to direct others that shall happen to come to this place: for every where both near the Rocks and in all sounding about the Lands, we never found less water than four or five fathom, which was very seldom, but seven, eight, nine, and ten fathom, is the continual sounding by the shore, in some places much deeper, upon clay Oaze or soft Sand. This day about one a clock afternoon, came from the Eastward two Canoas' aboard us, wherein was he that refused to stay with us for a Pawn, and with him six other Savages, whom Two Canoas' came aboard us from the Bashabe. we had not seen, who had beautified themselves after their manner very gallantly, though their clothing was not different from the former, yet they had newly painted their faces very deep, some all black, some red, with stripes of blue over their upper lip, nose, and chin. One of them ware a kind of Coronet about his head, made very cunningly of a substance like stiff hair, coloured Their Ornaments of gallantness. red, broad, and more than a handful in depth, which he so much esteemed, as he would not for any truck exchange the same: other wear the white feathered skins of some Fowl round about their head, jewels in their ears, & Bracelets of little white round bone, fastened together upon a leather string. These made not any show that they had notice of the other before taken, but we understood them by their speech & signs, that they came sent from the Bashabe, and that his desire was, we would bring up our Ship (which they call a Quiden) to his house, being as they pointed upon the Main towards the East, from whence they came, and that he would exchange with us for Furs and Tobacco: but because we had no desire to discover any further that way, and now making what speed we could up the River; we let them understand, that if their Bashabe would come to us, he should be very welcome, but we would not remove to him. Tuesday, the eleventh of june, we passed up into the River with our Ship about six and twenty miles; of which (were it not of necessity I must report somewhat) I had much rather not to We went up into the River with our Ship. write, then by my relation to detract from the worthiness thereof, not being sufficient in words to express the abundant utility and sweet pleasantness it yieldeth. For the River besides that it is subject hereafter by Shipping to bring in all traffics of Merchandise. The first and chiefest thing required for a Plantation, is a bold Coast, and fair Land to fall with. The next, a safe Harbour for Ships to ride in. The profits of the River. Saint George's Island the Land fall. The first is a special attribute to this Shore, being most free from Sands or dangerous Rocks, in a continual good depth, with a most excellent Landfall as can be desired; which is the first Island, named Saint George's Island. For the second, by judgement of our Captain, who knoweth most of the Coast of England, and most of other Countries (having been experienced by implyments in discoveries and travails from his childhood) and by opinion of others of good judgement in our Ship. Here are more good Harbours for Ships of all burdens, than all England can afford: And far more secure from all winds and weathers, than any in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Spain, or any other part hitherto discovered, whereof we have received any relation: for (besides without the River in the channel and Sounds about the Lands adjoining to the Mouth thereof, no better riding can be desired for an infinite number of ships) the River itself, as it runneth up into the Main very nigh forty miles towards the great Mountains, beareth in The breadth of the River for almost 40. miles. breadth a mile, sometimes three quarters, and half a mile is the narrowest, where you shall never have under four or five fathom water hard by the Shore, but six, seven, eight, nine, and ten fathom at a low water. And on both sides, every half mile, very gallant Coves, some able to contain almost a hundred Sail, where the ground is excellent soft oaze with a tough clay under The ground is Oaze & Clay. for Anchor hold; and where Ships may lie without either Anchor or Cable only mored to the Shore with a Hazur. It floweth, by their judgement, sixteen or eighteen foot at a high water. What it floweth. Docks to grave and Carine Ships. Here are made by nature most excellent places, as Dockes to grave and Carine Ships of all burdens, secured from all winds, which is such a necessary incomparable benefit, that in few places in England, or in any other parts of Christendom, Art with great charges can make the like. It yieldeth plenty of Salmon, and other fishes of great bigness, and assuredly great probability Salmon and store of fish. of better things therein to be found, seeing about the Lands we had such certain hope of Pearl and Oar. Besides all these commodities innative to this River, the bordering Land is a The Land. most rich neighbour trending all along on both sides, in an equal Plain, neither Mountainous nor Rocky, but verged with a green bordure of grass, doth make tender unto the beholder of her pleasant fertility, if by cleansing away the woods, she were converted into Meadow. The Wood it beareth is no shrubbish, fit only for fuel, but good tall Fir, Spruce, Birds, Beech, The wood. and Oak, which in many places is not so thick, but may with small labour be made feeding ground, being plentiful like the outward Lands with fresh water, which streameth down in many places. As we passed with a gentle wind up with our Ship in this River. Any man may conceive with what admiration we all consented in joy; many who had been travellers in sundry Countries, and in the most famous Rivers, yet affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld. Some that were with Sir Walter Raleigh, in his Voyage to Guiana, in the Discovery of This River preferred before Orienoque. the River Orienoque, which eccoed fame to the world's ears; gave reasons why it was not to be compared with this, which wanteth the dangers of many Shoalds and broken grounds, wherewith that was encumbered. Others preferred it far before that notable River in the West India's, Before the River Rio Grande. called Rio Grande: some before the Rivers of Burduna, Orleans, and Breast in France, nance, and the River of Rhone: which although they be great and goodly Rivers, yet it is no detraction from them to be accounted inferior to this, which not only yieldeth all the aforesaid pleasant profits, but also appeared infallibly to us free from all imagined inconveniences. I will not prefer Nescio qua Natale solum, etc. it before our River of Thames, because it is Natale solum, England's richest treasure, but we all did wish those excellent Harbours, good Deeps, in a continual convenient breadth, and small tide gates, to be as well therein for our Country good, as we found them here (beyond our hopes) in certain for those to whom it shall please God to grant this Land for habitation: which if it had with the other inseparable adherent Commodities here to be found; then I would boldly affirm it to be the most rich, beautiful, large, and secure harbouring River that the world affordeth; for if man should wish, or Art invent, a River subject to all conveniencies, and free from all dangers, here they may take a view in a Platform framed by Nature, who in her perfection far exceedeth all Art's invention. Wednesday the twelfth of june, our Captain manned his Shallop with seventeen men, and We marched up into the land above three miles. ran up to the Cod of the River, where we landed, leaving six to keep the Shallop till our return. Ten of us with our Shot, and some armed, with a Boy to carry Powder and Match, marched up into the Country towards the Mountains, which we descried at our first falling with the Land, and were continually in our view. Unto some of them the River brought us so near, as we judged ourselves when we landed, to have been within a league of them, but we found them not, having marched well nigh four miles up in the Main, and passed three great hills; wherefore because the weather was parching hot, and our men in their Armour not able to travel far and return to our Pinnace that night, we resolved not to pass any further, being all very weary of so tedious and laboursome a travel. In this march we passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit for pasture, having but little wood, and that Oak, like stands left in our Pastures in England, good and great fit Good Pasture. timber for any use; some small Birch, hazel and Brake, which might in small time be cleansed with few men, and made good errable Land; but as it is now will feed cattle of all kinds with Fodder enough for Summer and Winter. The soil is good, bearing sundry Herbs, Grass, and Strawberries, in many places are low thickets, like our Copisses of small Wood: And it doth all resemble a stately Park, wherein appear some old trees with high withered tops, and other flourishing with living green boughs: till we came to the Hills upon which do grow exceeding tall, straight, and excellent great timber of sundry kinds, mast for Ships of four hundred Timber trees upon the Hills. tons, and at the bottom of every hill, a little run of fresh water; but the furthest and last we came unto ran with a great stream able a drive a small Mill. We might see in some places, where Dear and Hares had been; and by the rooting of ground we supposed wild Hogs had Dear. Hares. Hogs. ranged there, but we could descry no Beast, because our noise still chased them from us. We were no sooner come aboard our Pinnace, returning towards our Ship, but we espied a Canoa coming from the further part of the Cod of the River Eastward, which hasted to us; wherein with two others was he whom we accounted chief of his Company: and his coming was very earnestly importuning to have one of our men to go lie with their Bashabe or Captain (as they now termed him) who was there ashore (as they signed) and then the next A plot of the Savages. morning he would come to our Ship with Furs and Tobacco. This we perceived to be only a mere device to get possession of any of our men, to ransom all those we had taken; which their natural policy could not so shadow, but we did easily discover and prevent. These means were by this Savage practised, because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner, as we judged by his most kind usage of him, being aboard us together. Thursday, the thirteenth of june, by two a clock in the morning (because our Captain would take the help and advantage of the Tide) in the Pinnace with our Company well provided and furnished with Armour and Shot both to defend and offend: we went from our Ship up to that We searched the Western part of the River. We set up another Crosse. We saw no sign that ever Christian had been here before. part of the River which trended West into the Main, to search that, and we carried with us a Cross to erect at that point; which, because it was not daylight, we left on shore until our return back, when we set it up in manner as the former. And this we diligently observed, that in no place either about the Lands, or up in the Main, or along the River, we could discern any token or sign that ever any Christian had been before; which either by cutting wood, digging for water, or setting up Crosses (a thing never omitted by any Christian travailours) we should have perceived some mention left. But to return to our River, up into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles. What profit or pleasure is described and truly verified in the former part of the River, is wholly doubled in this; for the breadth and depth is such, that any Ship drawing seventeen or eighteen foot water might have passed as far as we went with our Shallop, and by all our judgements much further, because we left it in so good depth; which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth, by how much it trendeth further up into the Main: for from the place of our Ships riding in the Harbour, at the entrance into the Sound, to the furthest point we were in this River, by our estimation was not much less than threescore miles. From each Bank of this River, are diverse branching streams running into the Main, whereby is afforded an unspeakable Conveniency of transportation. profit, by the conveniency of easy transportation from place to place, which in some Countries is both very chargeable, and not so fit, by Carriages on Wane or Horseback. Here we saw store of Fish, some leaping above water, which we judged to be Salmon, for they were great. All Salmon and great plenty of fish. along is an excellent mould of ground, the wood in most places, especially on the Eastern side, very thin, chiefly Oak and small Birch, bordering low upon the River, all fit for Meadow and pleasant Pasture ground. And in that space we went, we had on both sides the River many plain places of clear Meadow, some of three or four acres, some eight or nine, so as we judged in the whole to be between thirty and forty acres of good grass, and where the Arms run into the Main, there likewise went a space on both sides of the clear grass, how far we knew not. In many places we might see paths Beasts had made to come down to watering. And we all concluded (as I verily think we might rightly) that we should never see the like River in every degree equal, until it pleased God we beheld the same again: for the further we went, the more pleasing it was to every man, alluring us still with expectation of better; so as our men (although they had with great labour rowed long, and eat nothing) for we carried with us no victual but a little Cheese and Bread, yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant beholding We were all loath to forsak this River. thereof, and so loath to forsake it, as some of them affirmed, they would have continued willingly with that only fare and labour two days; but the Tide not suffering us to make any longer stay (because we were to come back with the ebb) and our Captain better knowing what was fit, than we; and better what they in labour were able to endure, being very loath to make any desperate hazard, where so little necessity required, thought it best to make return, because whether we had discovered, was sufficient to conceive that the River ran very far into the Land: for we passed six or seven miles altogether fresh water (whereof we all drank) forced up by the flowing of the Salt, which after a great while ebb where we left it, by breadth and depth of Channel was likely to run by estimation of our whole company an unknown way further. And as our Captain verily thought (although he then concealed it) might possibly make a passage into (or very nigh) the South Sea: which he neither had commission nor time now to search, but hath left that till his next return: if it shall so please God to dispose of him and us. Friday the fourteenth of june early, by four a clock in the morning with the Tide, our two Boats, and a little help of the wind, we warped our ship down to the River's mouth: and there came to an anchor about about eleven a clock. Afterward our Captain in the Pinnace, searched the sounding all about the mouth and coming into the River, for his certain instruction of a perfect description. The next day being Saturday, we weighed anchor, and with a briese from the Land, we sailed The Island where we watered is named Insula Sanc 〈…〉 Crucis, because there we set our first Cross up to our watering place, and there stopped, went ashore, and filled all our empty cask with fresh water. Our Captain upon the Rock in the midst of the Harbour made his certain observation by the Sun, of the height, latitude, and variation exactly upon all his Instruments: 1. Astrolabe. 2. Semisphere. 3. Ring-instrument. 4. Cross staff. 5. And an excellent Compass, made for the variation. The latitude he found to be 43. degrees 20. minutes, North. The variation, 11. degrees 15. minutes, viz. one point of the Compass Westward. And it is so much Our Capcaine made his perfect observation on the Rock. Temperature of climate. in England at Limehouse by London, Eastward. The temperature afforded to us no special alteration from our disposition in England: somewhat hotter up into the Main, because it lieth open to the South, but scarce yielding a sensible difference to any of us. The air so wholesome, as I suppose, not any of us found ourselves at any time more healthful, more able to labour, nor with better stomaches to such good fare, as we partly brought, and partly found. Sunday the sixteenth of june, the wind being fair, and because we had set out of England upon a Sunday, descried the Lands upon a Sunday, and (as we doubted not) by God's appointment, happily fallen into our Harbour upon a Sunday: so now beseeching him with like prosperity to bless our return into England: and from thence (with his goodwill and pleasure) to hasten and fortunate our next arrival here. We set sail and quit the Land upon a Sunday. Tuesday the eighteenth day of june, being not run above five and thirty leagues from Land, and our Captain for his certain knowledge how to fall with the Coast, having sounded every watch, and from fifty fathom had come in good deeping to seventy, and so to an hundred. This day, the weather being fair, after the four a clock watch, when he thought not to have found ground, before sounding in above a hundred fathom, we had ground in four and twenty fathom. Wherefore our Sails being down, one of our men presently cast out a hook, and before he judged it at ground was fished and haled up an exceeding great and well fed Cod: then there were cast out three or four hooks more, the fish was so plentiful and so great, as when our Captain would have set sail, we desired him to suffer them to take fish a while, because we were so delighted to see them catch fish so great, so fast as the hook came down, some playing with the hook they took by the back. And one of the Mates, with two hooks at a Lead, at five draughts together haled up ten fishes all were generally very great, some were measured. This A fishy bank. caused our Captain not to marvel at the shoalding: for he perceived it was a fish-banke, which (for our farewell from the Land) it pleased God in the continuance of his blessings to give us knowledge of. Sunday the fourteenth of july about six a clock at night we were come into sounding in our Channel: but for want of sight of the Sun and Star, to make a true observation: and with contrary winds we were constrained to beat up and down till Tuesday the sixteenth of july, when by five a clock in the morning we made Silly: from whence hindered with calms and small winds. Upon Thursday the eighteenth of july about four a clock we came to anchor safely in Dartmouth, which Haven haply (with God's assistance) we made the last and first Harbour in England, as the Termini of our Voyage. A brief Note of what profits we found the Country yield: in the small time of our stay there. Trees. Oak, of an excellent grain, staight, and great timber; Elm, Beech, Birch, very tall and, great of whose Bark they make their Canoas'; Nut-hasle, Hast, Alder, Cherry tree, Ash, M●ple, Ewe, Spruce, Asp, Fir in great abundance; many other fruit trees which we know not. Fowls. Eagles, Hernshawes, Cranes, Duke's great; Geese, Swans, Penguins, Shark, Crow, Raven, Kite, Soga, Mews, Doves, Turtles, birds of sundry colours; and many other fowls unknown. Beasts. Dear red and fallow, Bear, Wolf, Beaver, Otter, Hare, Conie, Marterns, Sables, Hogs, Porkespines'. Polecats, Cats, wild great, Dogs some like Foxes, some like our other beasts the Savages sign unto us with horns and broad ears; which we take to be Olkes or Loshes. Fishes. Whales, Porpoise, Seals, Cod, very great; Haddock, great; Herring, Plaise, Thornbacke, Rock-fish, Lobster, great; Crabbe, Mussels, Cockles, Wilks, Cunner-fish, Lumpe-fish, Whiteing: the Savages sign unto us that they have Tortoise very great. Plants, Fruits, Herbs. Tobacco, excellent, sweet and strong; Vine, wild; Strawberries, Raspberries, Gooseberries, Hurtleberries, Corant trees, in abundance; Rose bushes; Pease, which the Savages sign to be very great in the Main; Ground-nuts; Angelica, a most sovereign herb; and an herb that spreadeth like Camomile, and smelleth like sweet Marjoram, great plenty. Good Die, which appear by their painting, which they carry with them in bladders. Words which I learned of the Savages, in their Language. Sun or Moon, Kesus. Codfish, Biskeiore. A fish with horns, Manedo. Lobster, Shoggah. Rock-fish, Shagatocke. Cockle-fish, Hesucke. Muskell, Shoorocke. Cunner-fish, Tattaucke. Crabbe, Wussorasha. Porpoise, Muscopeiuck. Plaise, Anego. Tortoise, Romcaneeke. Pease, Ushcomono. Tobacco, Tomoch. A leaf, Mebeere. A weed, Cashterush. A Fir tree, Seteock. A stone, Nabscurr. A Bow, Shoanor. An Arrow, Tobood. Bark of a tree, Mashquere. Water, Shamogoon. Sand, Cheemuck. Crowe, Cagagoose. Hair, Messer or Meris. A beard, Nicowur. A Bear, Rogsoo. Beaver, Paneah. Otter, Nymemano. Rat, Sanuke. Polecat, Pocamka. Cat, Pushuck. Fallow Deer, Coribo. Hogge, Madoso. Red Deer, Moosurr. They tell us of other beasts, which they call, Tasquus, Pisho, Narsim. Teeth, Ibider. A hand and finger, Breecke. A Nail of the hand, Cushe. A leg, Codd. A foot, Musseete. Plum-tree, Epsegan. Strawberry, Pishoa. Gooseberry, Shewanor. Cherry tree, Espegononino. Corant tree, Asheemena. Rashberrie, Kiskeemy. A lip, Metoan. Fire, Squida. The main Land, Bemoquiducke. Sea, Shoubbe. Father, Wado. Son, Usto. Wane of the Sea, Toboogg. Pitch and Tallow, Poco. Wild Rose, Minusheck. Birch, Pasquar. Sword, Edagawancke. Mountain, Machoucke. Wind, Puckchawsen. Blood, Pagâgocun. Red Paint, Woroman. Black Paint. Cogosho. A Dog, Rem●ose. A Ship or Boat, Quiden. An Oar, Wuttohogavor. A Garnepo Fly, Chussuah. Bread, Pawn. Rain, Soogoran. A nose, Peech-ten. An Axe or Hatchet, Tomaheegon. A Knife, Quodogon. Oak, Askabesse. White Bone, whereof they have Chains, Girdles, Bracelets, Speesone. The Cheek, Canoah. A Shirt or Coat, Tenoganuke. The Chin, Queh. An Eye, Sheesuck. Eylid, Momon. Forehead, Scottoquah. An Ear, Fawwucke. A fish-hooke, Makeecon. A Rainbow, Shomogon. The Names of their chief Governors, whom they call Sagomoh. 1. Bashabez. 2. Abatuckquishe. 3. Bdahanedo, one of them we have. 4. Abokeesussick. 5. Shurokinit. 6. Psaheno. 7. Mentoelmet. 8. Ageemohuck. 9 Mawermet. 10. Chanacoboin. 11. Amilquin. 12. Muasacoromoneete. These dwell upon the Main, and wear an ornament of white bone upon their head; and Chains, and Bracelets, and Girdles, and have their skin garments laced with them. The Names of our Virginians. Bdahanedo, Brother to the Bashabes. Amocret, his Brother. Satacomoah. Maneduck. Scikaworrowse. Thus have I given thee the proceedings of Virginia and New England's Discovery: for the original beginning of the Discovery, Sir Sebastian Cabot was the first Discoverer both of it and the rest of the Continent of America. The first Plantation was more Southerly by the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh: as before is showed. The next year New Patents were obtained of his Majesty, for a double Plantation in these parts. I trouble not the Reader with the whole Patent, both because it hath sustained diversified alteration, division and subdivision, and because I more mind things there done, than here; for which cause I have also omitted the Articles and instruction two days after dated, signed, and sealed, with the Privy Seal for the government of the said Plantation, of both which I have the Copies by me; I only here give thee the beginning of the first Patent, April 10. 1606. CHAP. XIIII. The description of the Lands of Açores, or the Flemish Lands, taken out of Linschoten, with certain occurrents, and English acts. THe Isles of Açores, or the Flemish Lands are seven, that is, Tercera, Saint Mary, Saint George, Gratiosa, Pico, and Faiael. There are yet two Lands called Flores Linscot. c. 97. nine Lands. W 〈…〉 y called Açores. and Coruo, which are not contained under the name of Açores: but yet at this day are under the government of the same Lands, so that they are in all, accounted nine Lands. They are called Açores, that is to say, Sparhawk's or Hawks, because that in their first discovery, they found many Sparhawks, in them, whereof they hold the name, although at this day there is not any there to be found. They are also called the Flemish Lands, that is, of the Netherlanders, because the first that inhabited the same, were Netherlanders, whereof till this time there is a great number and offspring remaining, that in manner and behaviour are altogether like Netherlanders, and there is yet in the same Island a running water, that issueth out of a Hill, and so runneth into the Sea, whereas yet those issues or offsprings of Netherlanders inhabit, and is called Arib●ra does Framengos, that is, the Flemish River. The principal Island of them all, is that of Tercera, called Insula de jesus Christus of Tercera. Tercera. It is between fifteen or sixteen miles in compass, and is altogether a great Cliff of Land, whereby in it there is little room: for it is as it were walled round about with Cliffs: but where any strand or sand is, there standeth a Fort. It hath no Havens nor entrance of waters, for the security and safety of the ships, but only before the chief Town called Angra, Angra. where it hath an open Haven, which in form is like a Halfmoon, by the Portugals called Angra, whereof the Town hath her name. It hath on the one side in manner of an elbow sticking forth, two high Hills, called Bresyl, which stretch into the Sea, so that afar off they seem to be divided from the Island. Those Hills are very high, so that being upon them, a man may see at the least ten, or twelve, and sometimes fifteen miles into the Sea, being clear weather. Upon these Hills there stand two small stone Pillars, where there is a Sentinel placed, that continually watcheth to see what ships are at Sea, and so to advertise those of the Island: for that as many ships as he seeth coming out of the West, that is from the Spanish Indies, or Brasilia, Cabo verde, Guinea, and the Portugal Indies, and all other ways lying South or West, for every ship he setteth a Flag upon the Pillar in the West, and when the ships which he describeth, are more than five, than he setteth up a great ancient, betokening a whole Fleet of ships. The like he doth upon the other Pillar, which standeth in the East, for such ships as come from Portugal, or other places out of the East or North parts, these Pillars may be easily seen in all places of the Town, by reason of the highness of the Hills, so that there is not one ship or sail that is at Sea, or maketh towards the Island, but it is presently known throughout all the Town, and over all the whole Island: for the watch is not holden only upon those two Hills jutting into the Sea, but also upon all corners, Hills and Cliffs throughout the Island, and as soon as they perceive any ships, the Governor and Rulers are presently advertised thereof, that they may take such order therein as need requireth. Upon the furthest corner into the Sea standeth a Fort, right against another Fort that answereth it: so that those two Forts do shut and defend the Mouth or open Haven of the Town, where the ships lie in the Road, and so no ship can either go in or come forth, without the licence or permission of those two Forts. This Town of Angra is not only the chief Town of Tercera, but also of all other Towns within the Lands thereabouts. There in is resident, the Bishop, the Governor for the King, and the chief place of judgement, or tribunal Seat of all the Lands of Açores. Three miles from this Town lieth another Town towards the North, called Villa de Praya, (for Praya is as much to say, as Strand) because it lieth hard by a great strand, and for that cause there is little traffic thither, as not having any convenient place for ships to come at it: yet sometimes there cometh some one, that by reason of contrary wind cannot get before the Town of Angra, and so by constraint discharge their goods in that Town, which Angra descried from thence are carried by Land to Angra, and yet some part thereof is spent and used there. It is walled and well housed, but not many people in it, and such as are in it, do get their livings most by husbandry: for there are very fair Corn lands. The Island is likewise very fruitful and pleasant, it hath much Corn and Wine, but the Wine is not very Wines small. good to carry into other Countries thereabouts, because it is small and will not long continue, so that it is used in the Country by the common people: but such as are of wealth, for the most part drink Wines of Madera, and Canaria. It aboundeth in Flesh, Fish, and all other necessaries Commodities. and meats for man's body, wherewith in time of need they might help themselves. Oil there is none, but it cometh out of Portugal. Also Salt, Pots, Pans, and all kind of earthen Vessels, Chalk, and such like are brought thither out of other places, for there they are not to be found: for fruits they have (besides Peaches of diverse kinds, and in so great abundance that is is strange) Cherries, Plums, Walnuts, Haslenuts, Chestnuts, but those not very good: of Apples, Pears, Oranges and Lemons, with all such like fruits there are sufficient. Of all Fruits. sorts of Herbs and Plants, as Coleworts, Radishes, and such like they have at their certain times of the year. They have likewise in that Island a certain fruit that groweth under the earth, like Radishes or other roots, but the Leaves or Plants are Trees like Vines, but different leaves, and groweth longwise upon the ground: it beareth a fruit called Batatas, that is very Batatas. good, and is so great that it weigheth a pound, some more, some less, but little esteemed: and yet it is a great sustenance and food for the common sort of people. It is of good account in Portugal, for thither they use to bring it for a Present, and those of the Island by reason of the great abundance do little esteem it. There is also another kind of stuff that is sowed like ●●●ssas. Corn, and is a fruit: it groweth upon the root of the grass or leaves, and is round and as big as a great Pease, but not so round: in eating it tasteth like Earth-nuts, but harder to bite: it is likewise a good meat, and much esteemed in other places: but by reason of the great quantity thereof, it is most used to fatten their Hogs, and is called junssa. There is also in the Island a certain Plant, which is found in all places thereof in the open fields: it groweth as high as a man, and beareth no fruit, only the root thereof is a substance, of the thickness of A root fit to be woven. a man's two fists, and in show as if it were natural golden hair, and in handling like soft Silk, which is used there to stuff and fill their Beds in stead of Wool and Feathers: and I do certainly believe, if any man of understanding would take it in hand, it would well be woven. The principallest traffic of this Island, is their woad, such as we use for dying (whereof Woad. much is made in that Island, and is fetched from thence by Englishmen, Scots, and Frenchmen, in barter for clothes and other wares, who continually traffic into that Island: and although by reason of the wars, the Englishmen are forbidden to traffic thither, yet under the names of Scots and Frenchmen, they have continual trade there. The Island hath not any wild beasts or fowls, but very few, saving only Canary birds, which are there by thousands, Canary birds. where many Birders take them, and thereof make a daily living, by carrying them into diverse places. It hath also wonderful many Quails, which they call Codornisen: of tame fowls, as Hens, and Gynnie Hens are there likewise great store. Hunting is there little used, but only for Coneys, which are very great: Hares, Hearts, Partridges, Venison, and such like, are not there to be found, because of the little respect and care the Inhabitants have to breed any such things. Fish is very plentiful, and of diverse kinds, and very good: in Summer there is great store taken, for in Winter they can hardly brook the Seas. The chief months of Winter Winter. weather for rain and storms are, januarie, February, March and April, and also the month of September is commonly very stormy: all the other months it is commonly good weather. The Country is very hilly, and in some places woody, full of bushes and trees: it is hard to travel, because their ways for the most part are stony, so that for a mile, or a mile and a half together, men can see no ground, but only stones, which for sharpness and fashion show like Stones. pointed Diamonds, whereby one can hardly tread upon it, lest it should cut through both, shoes and feet: and yet it is all planted with Vines, so full and thick, that in Summer time you can hardly see through it, for that the roots thereof do grow between the stones: so that a man would think it impossible that any thing should grow therein: and which is more, in some places it seemeth impossible for a man to tread upon it, being so wild and desert as it showeth, and nothing but hard stones and Rocks. On good ground their Vines will not grow, but only in the wild and stony places: and for that cause they are much esteemed. The good grounds and plain fields, which in some places are very many, especially by Villa da Praya, are sowed with Corn and woad, and they have so much Corn, that they need not bring any from other places: although that besides their Inhabitants, and natural borne Islanders, they have continually with them fourteen Companies of Spaniards, which are all fed and nourished by the Corn that groweth in the Country, unless there chance to come a hard and unfruitful year, as oftentimes it doth, for than they are forced to help themselves with foreign Corn, and that especially because of the Soldiers that lie in the Island: and yet it is strange, that the Corn, and all other things in the Island continue not above one year, and that which is kept above a year is naught, and nothing worth. And therefore Corn will last but a year. to keep their Corn longer than a year, they are forced to bury it in the earth for the space of four or five months together, to the which end every Townsman hath his Pit at one end of the Town in the common highway, which is appointed for the purpose, and every man setteth his mark upon his Pit-stone: the Corn is but lightly buried in the earth: the holes Corn buried. within are round, and the tops thereof so wide that a man may creep in, whereunto there is a stone purposely made to cover it, which shutteth it up very close. Some of the Pits are so great, as that they may hold two or three lasts of Corn, some greater, and some smaller, as every man hath his provision: and as soon as the Corn is reaped, and fanned (which is in july) every man putteth his Corn into those Pits, laying straw under and round about it, and then they fill it full, or but half full, according as their quantity is, and so stop it up with the stone, which they cover with earth, and so let it stand until Christmas, when every man that will fetch home his Corn: some let it lie longer, and fetch it by little and little, as they use it: but the Corn is as good when they take it out, as it was at the first hour that they put it in: and although that Carts, Horses, and men do commonly pass over it, and also that the rain raineth upon it, yet there entereth not any drop of rain or moisture into it: and if the Corn were not buried in that manner, it would not continue good above four months together, but would be spoiled: and when it hath been thus for a long time buried in the earth, it will continue the whole year through, and then they keep it in Chists, or make a thing of Mats, like a Coop, to preserve it in, not once stirring or moving it, and so it continueth very good. The greatest commodity they have in the Land, and that serveth their turns best, is their Oxen: and I believe they are the greatest and fairest that are to be found in all Christendom, G 〈…〉 O 〈…〉 with unmeasurable great and long horns. Every Ox hath his several name like men, and although there be a thousand of them in a heard, and that one of them be called by his name, he presently cometh forth unto his master that calleth him. The Land is very high, and as it Called by their names. seemeth hollow: for that as they pass over a Hill of stone, the ground soundeth under them as if it were a Seller, so that it seemeth in diverse places to have holes under the earth, whereby it is much subject to Earthquakes, as also all the other Lands are: for there it is a common thing, and all those Lands for the most part have had Mine of Brimstone, for that in many places of Tercera, Brimstone. and Saint Michael, the smoke and savour of Brimstone doth still issue forth of the ground, and the Country round about is all singed and burnt. Also there are places wherein there are Hot Springs. Fountains and Wells, the water whereof is so hot that it will boil an egg, as well as if it hung over a fire. In the Island of Tercera, about three miles from Angra, there is a Fountain in a place called Gualua, which hath a property, that all the wood which falleth into it, by length of time Gualua Spring 〈…〉ing wood into stone. converteth into stone, as I myself by experience have tried. In the same Fountain by the root of a tree, whereof the one half runneth under that water, and is turned into as hard stone as if it were Steel: and the other part of the root (which the water toucheth not) is still wood and root, as it should be. The Island hath great store and excellent kinds of wood, specially Cedar trees, which grow there in so great numbers, that they make Scutes, Carts, and Cedars common. other gross works thereof, and is the commonest wood that they use to burn in those Countries, whereby it is the wood that with them is least esteemed, by reason of the great quantity thereof. There is another kind of wood called Sanguinho, and is very fair of a red colour, and Sanguinbo wood. White and yellow woods. another sort that they call white Wood, being of itself as white as Chalk: other that is perfect yellow, and all natural without any dying: and therefore there are diverse good workmen in Tercera, that are skilful in joiners' Occupation, and make many fine pieces of work, as Desks, Cupboards, Chists, and other such like things, whereof many are carried into Portugal, and much esteemed there, as well for the beauty of the wood, as for the workmanship. And specially the Spanish Fleet, which ordinarily refresh themselves in that Island, do carry much of it from thence; for it is the best and finest that is made in all Spain and Portugal, although it be not comparable to the Desks, and fine workmanship of Nurembergh, and those Countreves: but for Wood it excelleth all other Countries, for that they have in the Spanish Fleet, besides their own kinds of woods, at the least a thousand sorts of wood of all colours that man can imagine or devose, and so fair, that more fairer can not be painted. There is a certain kind of wood in the Island Pico, situate and lying twelve miles from Tercera, called Teixo, a most excellent and princely wood, and therefore it is forbidden to be Teixo a kind of wood as hard as iron. cut, but only for the Kings own use, or for his Officers. The wood is as hard as Iron, and hath a colour within, as if it were wrought, like red Chamlet, with the same water, and the older it is, and the more used, the fairer it is of colour, so that it is worthy to be esteemed, as in truth it is. All those Lands are inhabited by Portugals: but since the troubles in Portugal, there have Inhabitants. been diverse Spanish Soldiers sent thither, and a Spanish Governor, that keep all the Forts and Castles in their possessions, although the Portugals are put to no charges, nor yet hardly used by them, but are rather kept short, so that not one Soldier dareth go out of the Town, with Soldiers. out licence: and therefore men may quietly travel throughout the Island, both day and night, without any trouble. Likewise they will not suffer any stranger to travel to see the Country: and this order was not brought up by the Spaniards, but by the Portugals themselves, Strangers. before their troubles, (for they would never permit it:) and which is more, all strangers that came thither were usually appointed a certain street, wherein they should sell their wares, and might not go out of that street. Now it is not so straightly looked unto, but they may go in all places of the Town, and within the Island, but not about it, to view the Coast: which notwithstanding was granted unto us, by the Governor himself, who lent us his Horses to ride about, and gave us leave to see all the Forts, which at this time is not permitted to the natural borne Islanders, neither are they so much credited. We road twice about the Island, which he granted us leave to do, by means of certain particular friendship we had with him: neither could the Portugals hinder us therein, because we were in the King's service, as Factors for the King's Pepper, and for that, they accounted us as natural borne Portugals: for the Governor would willingly have had me, to have drawn a plot of the whole Island, that he might have sent it to the King: wherein I excused myself: yet I made him the Town with the Haven, coming in, and Forts of Angra, which he sent unto the King, the like whereof you may in this Book behold: for the which the Governor was greatly affected unto me, and showed me much friendship. We had in our Lodging a French Merchant and a Scot, that willingly would have gone with us, to see the Island, but could not be suffered: for the Portugals think that they would take the proportion thereof, and so seek to defeat them of their right. But returning to our matter, the Lands are very good, and wholesome air, and the diseases that are most common in those Countries, though not very plentiful, but only here and there one, are one sickness called O Are, that is, a kind of bad air that taketh them, and maketh them altogether lame, or half lame of their limbs, or of some one limb: and another sickness, The air, a disease. that is called O Sange, that is, a certain blood, that hastily cometh upon a man, as a swelling in the eyes, or other places of the face, or of the body, and is as red as blood, for (as they say) it is nothing else but mere blood: these are two diseases like the plague, and are commonnest sicknesses in those Countries, which grow by reason of the great windiness of the Lands, that are subject to all storms and foul weathers, and are unreasonable morst, which is one of the principal causes of these diseases: for the winds are there so strong and dangerous, that they Strong winds. consume both the Iron and the Steel of their houses, and bring them into powder: for I have seen Iron grates in the King's Custom house, as thick as a man's arm, and the windows of hard free stone, which were so consumed by the wind, that the Iron in some places was become as thin as a straw, and the stone in like sort: and therefore in those Countries they use to make their Roofs and Painthou●es of stones, which they dig in the water, out of sands upon the Sea coast of those Lands, whereon the wind hath not so great a power to consume it: and yet that Customehouse had not been made above six or seven years before, at the most. In this Island besides the two Towns, there are diverse great Villages, as Saint Sebastian's, Saint Barboran, Altars, Gualua, Villa nova, with many other Parishes and Hamlets: so that for the most part it is built and inhabited, saving only the places that are wild and full of Woods, which can hardly be traveled, much less inhabited. Their most traffic is (as I said before) the wood that groweth in those Countries, I mean for such as deal in Merchandise, and the workmen that make it: but the rest wait for the fleets that come and go to and from the Spanish and Portugal Indies, from Brasilia, Cabo, Verde and Guinea: all which Countries do commonly come unto Tercera to refresh themselves, as lying very fitly for that purpose: so that all the inhabitants do thereby richly maintain themselves, and sell all their wares, as well handy works as victuals unto those Ships: and all the Lands round about do as then come unto Tercera with their wares, to sell it there. For the which cause the Englishmen and other strangers keep continually about those Lands, being assured that all Ships for want of refreshing must of force put into those Lands, although at this time many Ships do avoid those Lands, to the great discommodity of the Lands and the Ships. From Tercera Southeast, about seven and twenty or eight and twenty miles, lieth the Island of Saint Michael, which is about twenty miles long, and is likewise full of Towns and Villages S. Michael. inhabited by Portugals, for air and all other things like unto Tercera. The chief Town is called Punta del Gada, where there is great traffic of English, Scots, and Frenchmen, only (as in Tercera) because of the woad, which is more abundant in that Island, then in all the rest of them: for that every year there is made above two hundreth thousand Quintals of wood. It hath likewise great abundance of Corn, so that they help to victual all the Lands that are round about them. It hath neither Havens nor Rivers, but only the broad Sea, and have less safeguard and defence than those which are of Tercera: but there they lie not under the commandment of any Fort: so that many set sail with all the winds, and put to Sea, which in the road of Tercera they may not do: and therefore the stranger's Ships had rather sail to Saint michael's, for there they can not be constrained to do any thing, but what they will themselves to do. There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Town of Punta del Gada, which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same town. From the Island of Saint michael's Southwards twelve miles, lieth the Island Santa Maria, Saint Mary, which is about ten or twelve miles' compass, & hath no traffic but only of pot earth, which the other Lands fetch from thence. It hath no Woad, but is full of all victuals like Tercera, and inhabited by the Portugals. There are no Spaniards in it: because it is a stony Country, like Tercera, and hard to board: whereby the inhabitants themselves are sufficient and able enough to defend it. While I remained in Tercera, the Earl of Cumberland came thither, to take in fresh water, and some other victuals; but the inhabitants would not suffer him to have it, but wounded both himself and diverse of his men, whereby they were forced to depart without having any thing there. From Tercera North Northwest about seven or eight miles, lieth a little Island called Gratiosa, and is but five or six miles in compass, a very pleasant and fine Island, full of all fruits and all Gratiosa. other victuals, so that it not only feedeth itself, but also Tercera, and the other Lands about it, and hath no other kind of Merchandise: it is well built and inhabited by Portugals, and hath no Soldiers in it, because it is not able to bear the charge. The Earl of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera, came unto that Island, where himself in person, with seven or eight in his company Earl of Cumberland. S●● sup. l. 6. c. 1. went on land, ask certain Beasts, Hens, and other Victuals, with Wine and fresh water, which they willingly gave him, and therewith he departed from thence, without doing them any hurt: for the which the inhabitants thanked him, and commended him for his courtesy, and keeping of his promise. From Tercera West Northwest, eight or nine miles, lieth the Island of Saint George. It is about twelve miles long, but not above two or three miles at the furthest in breadth▪ it is woody Saint George. and full of hills: it hath no special traffic, but only some Woad, and yet very little of it. The inhabitants live most by cattle and tilling of the Land, and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera: it hath likewise many Cedar trees, and other kinds of wood, that from thence are brought unto Tercera, and sold unto the joiners, which for that occasion dwell only in Tercera. From Saint George West South-west seven miles, lieth the Island called Fayael, which is seventeen or eighteen miles in compass: it is one of the best Island next unto Tercera, and Saint Fayael. michael's: it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals, both flesh and fish, so that from this Island the most part of victuals and necessaries cometh by whole Carvels unto Tercera: it hath likewise much Woad, so that many English Ships do traffic thither. The principal road and place is the Town called Uitta dorta: there the Ships likewise do lie in the open Sea under the Land, as they do before all the other Lands: by this Town there lieth a fortress, but of small importance: and because the inhabitants of themselves do offer to defend the Island against all enemies, the Soldiers discharged from thence, which before that time lay in the Fort, complaining that they were not able to maintain nor lodge them. The same time that the Earl of Cumberland was in the Island of Gratiosa, he came likewise to Fayael, where at the first time that he came, they began to resist him, but by reason of some controversy among them, they let him Fayael taken taken by Earl Cumberland. land where he razed the Castle to the ground, and sunk all their Ordnance in the Sea, taking with him certain Carvels and Ships that lay in the road, with provision of all things that he wanted: and therewith departed again to Sea. Whereupon the King caused the principal actors therein to be punished, and sent a company of Soldiers thither again, which went out of Tercera, with all kind of warlike munition, and great shot, making the Fortress up again, the better to defend the Island, trusting no more in the Portugals. In that Island are the most part of the Netherlanders offspring, yet they use the Portugals language, by reason they have been so long conversant among them, and those that used the Dutch tongue are all dead: they are greatly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers. From Fayael Southeast three miles, and from Saint George South-west four miles, and from Tercera South-west and by West twelve miles, lieth the Island called Pico, which is more than fifteen miles in length. It is so named of a high Mountain that standeth therein called Pico, Pico. which is so high, that some think it is higher than the Pico of Canaria. When it is clear weather, High Hill. it may as perfectly be seen in Tercera, as if it were not half a mile from thence, and yet it lieth above twenty five miles from it: for it is at the furthest end of the Island towards Fayael. The top of it is seen clear and bright, but the nether part is covered with clouds, and with the Horizon, whereby the Island is much spoken of. It is very fruitful of all kinds of victuals, like Fayael, and hath great store of wood, as Cedars & all other kinds, and also the costly wood Teixo. There they build many Carvels and small Ships: and from thence, by reason of the abundance of wood, they serve the other Lands with wood. It is also inhabited as the rest are, their chief traffic being Cattle & husbandry. It hath much Wine, & the best in all those Lands, and it hath the savorest & pleasantest Oranges that are throughout all Portugal: so that they are brought into Pleasant Oranges. Tercera for a present, as being there very much esteemed, and in my judgement they are the best that ever I tasted in any place. Angra, in the Island of Tercera is the chief Town and Ruler over all the Flemish Lands. From Tercera Westward to the Island named Flores are seventy miles: it is about seven miles' compass, it is also inhabited by Portugals, & hath no special merchandise, but only some wood, C. 98. Flores. it is full of Cattle, and other necessary provisions, and lieth open to all the world, & to whosoever will come thither, as well Englishmen as others: for that the inhabitants have not the power to resist them. A mile from thence Northward, lieth a little Island of two or three miles in compass called DeCoruo. The inhabitants are of the same people that dwell in Flores. Between those Coruo. two Lands and round about them, the Englishmen do commonly stay, to watch the Ships that come out of the West: for those are the first Lands, that the Ships look out for and descry, when they sail unto Tercera, whereby the inhabitants dobut little prosper, because they are at the pleasure & commandment of all that will come unto them, and take their goods from them, as oftentimes it happeneth. Yet for all their poverty, not to lose both lands and goods, they must content themselves, and sail with every wind. The I'll of Tercera lieth under thirty nine degrees, in the same height that Lisbon lieth: and is distant from Lisbon lying right East and West two hundred and fifty Spanish miles. Of certain notable and memorable accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera: in which are related many English fleets, Sea-fights and Prizes. THe second of October Anno 1589. at the Town of Villa da● Praya, in the Island of Tercera, two men being in a field hard without the town were killed with lightning. The ninth of C. 99 the same month there arrived in Tercera 14. Ships, that came from the Spanish Indies, laden with Cochenile, Hides, Gold, Silver, Pearls, and other rich wares. They were fifty in company, when they departed out of the Island of Havana, whereof, in their coming out of the Channel, eleven sunk in the same Channel by foul weather, the rest by a storm were scattered & separated one from the other. The next day there came another Ship of the same company, that sailed close under the Island, so to get into the Road; where she met with an English Ship, that had not above three cast Pieces, & the Spaniard twelve. They sought a long time together, which we being in the Island might stand & behold: whereupon the Governor of Tercera sent two Boats of Musketeers to help the Ship; but before they could come at her, the English Ship had shot her under water, and we saw her sink into the Sea, with all her sails up, and not any thing seen of her about the water. The Englishmen with their Boat saved the Captain and about thirty others with him, but not one penny worth of the goods, & yet in the Ship there was at the least to the value of 200000. Ducats in Gold, Silver, and Pearls, the rest of the men were drowned, which might be about 50. persons, among the which were some Friars and women, which the Englishmen would not save. Those that they had saved they set on land; & then they sailed away. The 27. of the same month, the said 14. Ships having refreshed themselves in the Island, departed from Tercera towards Sivil, and coming upon the coast of Spain, they were taken by the English Ships, that lay there to watch for them, two only excepted which escaped away, & the rest were wholly carried into England. About the same time the Earl of Cumberland, with one of the Queen's Ships, and five or six more, kept about those Lands and came oftentimes so close under the Island, and to the Road of Angra, that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboard, and knew such as walked on the Hatches: they of the Island not once shooting at them, although they might easily have done it, for they were within Musket shot both of the Town and Fort. In these places he continued for the space of two Months, and sailed round about the Lands, and landed in Gratiosa and Fayael, as in the description of those Lands I have already declared. Here he took diverse Ships and Carvels, which he sent into England: so that those of the Island durst not once put forth their heads. At the same time about three or four days after the Earl of Cumberland had been in the Island of Fayael, and was departed from thence, there arrived in the said Island 40. Millions, if the number be true. of Fayael six Indian Ships, whose General was one juan Dory●s: and there they discharged in the Island forty Millions of Gold and Silver. And having with all speed refreshed their Ships, fearing the coming of the Englishmen, they set sail, and arrived safely in Saint Lucas, not meeting with the enemy, to the great good luck of the Spaniards, and hard fortune of the Englishmen; for that within less than two days, after the Gold and Silver was laden again into the Spanish Ships, the Earl of Cumberland sailed again by that Island; so that it appeared that God would not let them have it, for if they had once had fight thereof, without doubt it had been theirs, as the Spaniards themselves confessed. In the month of November, there arrived in Tercera two great Ships, which were the Admiral and Vice-admiral of the Fleet laden with Silver, who with stormy weather were separated from the Fleet, and had been in great torment and distress, and ready to sink; for they were forced to use all their Pumps; so that they wished a thousand times to have met with the Englishmen to whom they would willingly have given their Silver, and all that ever they brought with them, only to save their lives. And although the Earl of Cumberland lay still about those Lands, yet they met not with him, so that after much pain and labour they got into the Road before Angra, where with all speed they unladed, & discharged above 5. Millions of Silver, all in pieces of 8. and 10. pound great: so that the whole Ray lay covered with plates & Chests of Silver, Five Millions. full of Rials of eight, most wonderful to behold: each Million being ten hundred thousand Ducats, besides Pearls, Gold, and other stones, which were not registered. The Admiral & chief commander of those Ships and Fleet called Aluuro Flores de Quiniones was sick of the Neapolitan disease, and was brought to land, whereof not long after he died in Syvilia. He brought with him the King's broad Seal and full authority to be General & chief commander upon the Seas, and of all Fleets or Ships, and of all places & Lands, or Lands wheresoever he came: whereupon the Governor of Tercera did him great honour, and between them it was concluded, perceiving the weakness of their Ships, and the danger of the Englishmen, that they would send the Ships empty with Soldiers to convey them, either to Sivil or Lisbon, where they could first arrive, with advice unto his Majesty of all that had passed, and that he would give order to fetch the Silver, with good and safe convoy. Wherepuon the said Alvaro Flores stayed there, under colour of keeping the Silver, but specially because of his disease, and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen. This Alvaro Flores had alone for his own part above fifty thousand Ducats in Pearls, which he showed unto us, and sought to sell them, or barter them with us for Spices, or bills of exchange. The said two Ships set sail with three or four hundred men, as well Soldiers as others, that came with them and not one man saved. Tke Vide-admiral cut down her Mast, and ran the Ship on ground out of India, and being at Sea had a storm, wherewith the Admiral burst and sunk in th● Sea, hard by Sentwal, where it burst in pieces, some of the men saving themselves by swimming, that brought the news, but the rest were drowned. In the same month, there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies, and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera, they met with an English ship, that after they had fought long together, took them both. About seven or eight months before, there had been an English ship in Tercera, that under the name of a Frenchman came to traffic in the Island, there to lad wood, and being discovered was both ship and goods confiscated to the King's use, and all the men kept prisoners: yet went they up and down the streets to get their livings, by labouring like slaves, being in deed as safe in that Island, as if they had been in prison. But in the end upon a Sunday all the Sailors went down behind the Hills called bresil: where they found a Fisherboat, whereinto they got, and rowed into the Sea to the Earl of Cumberlands ship, which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island, and anchored with his ships about half a mile from the Road of Angra, hard by two small Lands, which lie about a Bases shot from the Island, and are full of Goats, Bucks, and Sheep, belonging to the Inhabitants of the Island of Tercera. Those Sailors knew it well, and thereupon they rowed unto them with their Boats, and lying at Anchor that day, they fetched as many Goats and Sheep as they had need of: which those of the Town and of the Island well saw and beheld, yet durst not once go forth, so there remained no more on Land but the Master, and the Merchant, of the said English ship. This Master had a Brother in Law dwelling in England, who having news of his brother's imprisonment in Tercera, got licence of the Queen of England, to set forth a ship, therewith to see if he could recover his losses of the Spaniards, by taking some of them, and so to redeem his brother, that lay prisoner in Tercera, and he it was, that took the two Spanish ships before the Town. The Master of the ship aforesaid, standing on the shore by me, and looking upon them, for he was my great acquaintance, the shipss being taken, that were worth three hundred thousand Ducats, he sent all the men on Land saving only two of the principal Gentlemen, which he kept aboard, thereby to ransom his brother: and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken, with a Letter to the Governor of Tercera: wherein he wrote that he should deliver him his brother, and he would send the two Gentlemen on Land: if not, he would sail with them into England, as indeed he did, because the Governor would not do it, saying that the Gentleman might make that suit to the King of Spain himself. This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with us, and the Englishmen likewise, where he showed us all the manner of their fight, much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fight, as also for their courteous using of him: but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship, without paying any ransom as yet. In the month of january 1590., there arrived one ship alone in Tercera, that came from the Spanish Indies, and brought news, that there was a fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firm Land of the Spanish Indies, and by a storm were driven upon the Coast called Florida, where they were all cast away, she having only escaped, wherein there were great riches, and many men lost, as it may well be thought: so that they made their account that of two hundred and twenty ships, that for certain were known to have put out of Nova Spaigna, Santo Domingo, Havana, Capo verde, Brasilia, Guinea, etc. In the year 1989. to sail for Spain in Portugal, there were not above fourteen or fifteen of them arrived there in safety, all the rest being either drowned, burst or taken. In the same Month of january, there arrived in Tercera fifteen or sixteen ships that came from Sivilia, which were most Flie-boats of the low Countries, and some Britons that were arrested in Spain: these came full of Soldiers, and well appointed with munition, to lad the silver that lay in Tercera, and to fetch Aluares de Flores, by the King's commandment into Spain. And because that time of the year there is always storms about those Lands, therefore they durst not enter into the Road of Tercera, for that as than it blew so great a storm, that some of their ships that had anchored, were forced to cut down their Masts, and were in danger to be lost: and among the rest a ship of Biscay ran against the Land, and was stricken in pieces, but all the men saved themselves. The other ships were forced to keep the Sea, and separate themselves one from the other, where wind and weather would drive them, until the fifteenth of March: for that in all that time they could not have one day of fair weather to anchor in, whereby they endured much misery, cursing both the silver and the Island. This storm being past, they chanced to meet with small English ship of about forty tons in bigness, which by reason of the great wind could not bear all her sails: so they set upon her, and took her, and with the English flag in their Admiral's stern they came as proudly into the Haven, as if they had conquered all the Realm of England: but as the Admiral that bore the English flag upon her stern, was entering into the Road, there came by chance two English ships by the Island, that paid her so well for her pains, that they were forced to cry Misericordia, and without all doubt had taken her, if she had been but a mile further in the Sea: but because she got under the Fortress, which also began to shoot at the Englishmen, they were forced to leave her, and to put further into the Sea, having slain five or six of the Spaniards. The Englishmen that were taken in the small ship were put under hatches, and coupled in bolts, and after they had been Prisoners three or four days, there was a Spanish Ensign-bearer in the ship, that had a brother ●●●ine in the ●●eet that came for England, who as then, minding to revenge his death, and withal to show his manhood to the English Captives, that were in the English ship, which they had taken, as is aforesaid, took a Poniard in his hand, and went down under the Hatches, where finding the poor Englishmen sitting in bolts, with the same Poniard he stabbed six of them to the heart: which two others of them perceiving, clasped each other about the middle, because they would not be murdered by him, threw themselves into the Sea, and there were drowned. This act was of all the Spaniards much disliked and very ill taken, so that they carried the Spaniard prisoner unto Lisbon, where being arrived, the King of Spain willed he should be sent into England, that the Queen of England might use him as she thought good: which sentence his friends by entreaty got to be reversed, notwithstanding he commanded he should without all favour be beheaded: but upon a good Friday, the Cardinal going to Mass, all the Captains and Commanders made so great entreaty for him that in the end they got his pardon. This I thought good to note, that men might understand the bloody and honest minds of the Spaniards, when they have men under their subjection. The same two English ships, which followed the Spanish Admiral, till he had got under the Fort of Tercera, as I said before, put into the Sea, where they met with an other Spanish ship, being of the same fleet, that had likewise been scattered by the storm and was only missing, for the rest lay in the Road: this small ship the Englishmen took, and sent all the men on shore, not hurting any of them: but if they had known, what had been done unto the foresaid English Captives, I believe they would soon have revenged themselves, as afterward many an innocent soul paid for it. This ship thus taken by the Englishmen, was the same that was kept and confiscated in the Island of Tercera, by the Englishmen that got out of the Island in a fisherboat (as I said before) and was sold unto the Spaniards, that as then came from the Indies, wherewith they sailed to Saint Lucas, where it was also arrested by the Duke, and appoined to go in company to fetch the silver in Tercera, because it was a ship that sailed well: but among the Spaniards fleet it was the meanest of the Company. By this means it was taken from the Spaniards, and carried into England, and the Owners had it again, when they least thought of it. The nineteenth of March, the aforesaid ships, being nineteen in number, set sail, having laden the King's silver, and received in Alvaro Flores de Quiniones, with his company, and good provision of necessaries, Munition and Soldiers, that were fully resolved (as they made show) to fight valiantly to the last man, before they would yield or lose their riches: and although they set their course for Saint Lucas, the wind drove them unto Lisbon, which (as it seemed) was willing by his force to help them, and to bring them thither in safety: although Alvaro de Flores, both against the wind and weather would perforce have sailed to Saint Lucas, but being constrained by the wind, and importunity of the Sailors, that protested they would require their losses and damages of him, he was content to sail to Lisbon: from whence the silver was by Land carried into Sivilia. At Cape Saint Vincent, there lay a Fleet of twenty English ships, to watch for the Armada, so that if they had put into Saint Lucas, they had fallen right into their hands, which if the wind had served they had done. And therefore they may say that the wind had lent them a happy Voyage: for if the Englishmen had met with them, they had surely been in great danger, and possibly but few of them had escaped, by reason of the fear wherewith they were possessed, because Fortune or rather God was wholly against them. Which is a sufficient cause to make the Spaniards out of heart, to the contrary to give the Englishmen more courage, and to make them bolder for that they are victorious, stout and valiant: and seeing all their erterprises do take so good effect, that thereby they are become Lords and Masters of the Sea, and need care for no man, as it well appeareth by this brief Discourse. In the month of March 1590. There was a Blazing Star with a tail seen in Tercera, that continued four nights together, stretching the tail towards the South. 〈◊〉. In the month of May, a Carvel of Fayael arrived at Tercera, in the Haven or Road of Angra, laden with Oxen, Sheep, Hens, and all other kinds of victuals, and full of people, which by a storm had broken her Ruther, whereby the Sea cast her about and therewith she sunk, and in her were drowned three children, and a Friar Franciscan, the rest of the men saved themselves by swimming, and by help from the shore, but all the Cattle and Hens came drowned to land: the Friar was buried with a great Procession and Solemnity, esteeming him for a Saint, because he was taken up dead with his Book between his arms: for the which cause every man came to look on him as a Miracle, giving great Offerings to say Masses for his soul. The first of August the Governor of Tercera, received advise out of Portugal and Spain, that two years before the date of his Letters, there were sailed out of England twelve great ships well appointed, with full resolution to take their journey, seven of them into the Portugal Indies, and the other five to Malacca: of the which five, two were cast away in passing the Straits of Magellanes, and three sailed to Malacca: but what they had done there, was as than not known. The other seven passed the Cape de bona Speranza, and arrived in India, where they put into the Coast of Malabares, but let them go again: and two Turkish Galleys, that came out of the Straits of Mecca or the Red Sea, to whom likewise they did no hurt. And there they laded their ships wis Spices, and returned back again on their way: but where or in what place they had laden, it was not certainly known, saving only that thus much was written by the Governor of India, and sent over Land to Venice, and from thence to Madrill. The seventh of August, a Navy of English ships was seen before Tercera, being twenty in Sir M. Frobisher. number, and five of them the Queen's ships: their General was one Martin Frobisher, as we after had intelligence. They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish Indies, and for the Indian ships, and the ships of the Countries in the West: which put the Islanders in great fear, specially those of Fayael, for that the Englishmen sent a Trumpet to the Governor to ask certain wine, flesh, and other victuals for their money, and good friendship. They of Fayael did not only refuse to give ear unto them, but with a shot killed their Messenger or Trumpeter: which the Englishmen took in evil part, sending them word that they were best to look to themselves, and stand upon their guard, for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Governor made them answer, that he was there, in the behalf of his Majesty of Spain and that he would do his best, to keep them out, as he was bound: but no thing was done, although they of Fayael were in no little fear, sending to Tercera for aid, from whence they had certain Barks with Powder and Munition for war, with some Biscuit and other necessary provision. The thirtieth of August, we received very certain news out of Portugal, that there were eighty ships put out of the Carunho, laden with Victuals, Munition, Money, and Soldiers, to go for Britain to aid the Catholics and Leaguers of France, against the King of Navarre. At the same time, two netherlands Hulks, coming out of Portugal to Tercera, being half the Seas over, met with four of the Queen's ships, their General being Sir john Hawkins, that stayed them, but let them go again, without doing them any harm. The Netherlanders reported, that each of the Queen's ships had eighty Pieces of Ordnance, and that Captain Drake lay with forty ships in the English Channel, watching for the Army of Carunho: and likewise that there lay at the Cape Saint Vincent ten other English ships, that if any ships escaped from the Lands, they might take them. Those tidings put the Islanders in great fear, lest if they failed of the Spanish fleet, and got nothing by them, that then they would fall upon the Lands, because they would not return empty home, whereupon they held strait watch, sending advice unto the King what news they heard. The first of September, there came to the Island of Saint Michael a Portugal ship, out of the Haven of Pernanbuco, in Brasilia, which brought news that the Admiral of the Portugal fleet, that came from India, having miss the Island of Saint Helena, was of necessity constrained to put in at Pernanbuco, although the King had expressly under a great penalty forbidden him so to do, because of the Worms that there do spoil the ships. The same ship wherein Bernaldine Rybero, was Admiral, the year before 1589. sailed out of Lisbon into the Indies, with five ships in her company, whereof but four got into India, the fifth was never heard of, so that it 1589. was thought to be cast away: The other four returned safe again into Portugal, though the Admiral was much spoiled, because he met with two English ships, that fought long with him, and slew many of his men, but yet he escaped from them. The fifth of the same month, there arrived in Tercera, a Carvel of the Island of Coruo, and brought with her fifty men that had been spoilt by the Englishmen, who had set them on shore in the Island of Coruo, being taken out of a ship that came from the Spanish Indies, they brought tidings that the Englishmen had taken four more of the Indian ships, and a Carvel with the King of Spain's Letters of advice for the ships coming out of the Portugal Indies, and that with those which they had taken, they were at the least forty English ships together, so that not one Bark escaped them, but fell into their hands, and that therefore the Portugal ships coming out of India, durst not put into the Lands, but took their course under forty and forty two degrees, and from thence sailed to Lisbon, shunning likewise the Cape Saint Vincent, otherwise they could not have had a prosperous journey of it, for that as then the Sea was full of English ships. Whereupon the King advised the fleet, lying in Havana, in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spain, that they should stay there all that year till the next year, because of the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen, which was no small charge and hindrance to the fleet, for that the ships that lie there do consume themselves, and in a manner eat up one another, by reason of the great number of people, together with the scarcity of all things, so that many ships chose rather, one by one to adventure themselves alone, to get home, then to stay there: all which fell into the Englishmens hands, whereof diverse of the men were brought into Tercera, for that a whole day we could see nothing else, but spoilt men set on shore, some out Note. of one ship some out of another, that pity it was to see, all of them cursing the Englishmen, and their own fortunes, with those that had been the causes to provoke the Englishmen to fight, and complaining of the small remedy and order taken therein by the King of Spain's Officers. The nineteenth of the same month, there came to Tercera a carvel of Lisbon, with one of the King's Officers, to cause the goods that were saved out of the ship, which came from Malacca, (for the which we stayed there) to be laden, and sent to Lisbon. And at the same time there put out of the Carunha one Don Alonso de Bassan, with forty great ships of war to come unto the Lands, there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish and Portugal Indies, and the goods of the Malacca ship being laden, they were to convoy them all together into the River of Lisbon: but being certain days at Sea, always having a contrary wind they could not get unto the Lands: only two of them that were scattered from the fleet, they presently returned back to seek them: in the mean time the King changed his mind, and caused the fleet to stay in India, as I said before: and therefore he sent word unto Don Alonso de Bassan, that he should return again to the Carunha, which he presently did (without doing any thing, nor once approaching near the Lands, saving only the two foresaid ships, for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Island of Coruo, but he would not visit them: and so he returned to the Haven of Carunha, whereby our goods that came from Malacca, were yet to ship, and crussed up again, forced to stay a more fortunate time, with patience perforce. The three and twentieth of October, there arrived in Tercera a Carvel, with advice out of 1590. Portugal, that of five ships, which in the year 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies, four of them were turned again to Portugal, after they had been four months abroad, and that the Admiral, wherein the Viceroy called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed, had only gotten to India, as afterward news thereof was brought over Land, having been at the least eleven months at Sea, and never saw Land, and came in great misery to Malacca. In this ship there died by the 280. men die in one ship, in one Voyage, by one man's vanity. way two hundred and eighty men, according to a note by himself made, and sent to the Cardinal at Lisbon, with the names and surnames of every man, together with a description of his Voyage, and the misery they had endured: which was only done, because he would not lose the government of India: and for that cause he had sworn either to lose his life, or to arrive in India, as indeed he did afterwards, but to the great danger, loss and hindrance of his company, that were forced to buy it with their lives, and only for want of provision, as it may well be thought: for he knew full well that if he had returned back again into Portugal, as the other ships did, he should have been cashiered from his Indian Regiment, because the people began already to murmurre at him, for his proud and lofty mind. And among other things that showed his pride the more, behind above the Gallery of his ship, he caused Fortune to be painted, and his own Picture with a staff standing by her, as it were threatening Fortune, with this Poesy, Quero que vencas, that is, I will have thee to overcome: which being read by the Cardinal and other Gentlemen (that to honour him aboard his ship) it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly. But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls, for they above all others must of force Let the Fool peep out of their sleeves, specially when they are in authority: for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India, being a Soldier and a Captain, where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them, and much honoured, and beloved of all men, as behaving himself courteously to every man: whereby they all desired that he might be Viceroy. But when he once had received his Patent with full power and authority from the King to be Viceroy, he changed so much from his former behaviour, that by reason of his pride, they all began to fear and curse him, and that before he departed out of Lisbon, as it is often seen in many men that are advanced unto state and dignity. The twentieth of january, Anno 1591. there was news brought out of Portugal into Tercera, that the Englishmen had taken a ship, that the King had sent into the Portugal Indies, with 1591. advice to the Viceroy, for the returning again of the four ships that should have gone to India, and because the ships were come back again, that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be, having likewise in ready money five hundred thousand Ducats in Rials of eight, besides other wares. It departed from Lisbon in the month of November 1590. and met with the Englishmen, with whom for a time it fought: but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all, yet when they came there the men were set at liberty, and returned into Lishone, where the Captain was committed Prisoner: but he excused himself, and was released, with whom I spoke myself, and he made this report unto me. At the same time also they took a ship that came from the Mine laden with Gold, and two ships laden with Pepper, and Spices that were to sail into Italy, the Pepper only that was in them, being worth 170000. Ducats: all these ships were carried into England, and made good prize. In the month of july, An. 1591. there happened an Earthquake in the Island of S. Michael, which continued from the six and twentieth of july to the twelfth of August: in which time Earthquake most terrible. no man durst stay within his house, but fled into the fields, fasting and praying, with great sorrow for that many of their houses fell down, and a Town called Villa Franca, was almost clean razed to the ground all the Cloisters and houses shaken to the earth, and therein some people slain. The Land in some places rose up, and the Cliffs removed from on place to another, and some Hills were defaced and made even with the ground. The Earthquake was so strong, Prodigies. that the ships which lay in the Road, and on the Sea, shaked as if the World would ha●e turned round: there sprang also a Fountain out of the earth, from whence for the space of four days, there flowed a most clear water, and after that it ceased. At the same time they heard such thunder and noise under the earth, as if all the Devils in hell had been assembled together in that place, wherewith many died for fear. The Island of Tercera shook four times together, so that it seemed to turn about, but there happened no misfortune unto it. Earthquakes are common in those Lands, for about twenty years passed there happened another earthquake, where in a high Hill that lieth by the same town of Villa Franca, fell half down, and covered all the town with earth and killed many men. The five and twentieth of August, the King's Armada, coming out of Farol arrived in Tercera, being in all thirty Ships, Biskates, Portugals, and Spaniards: and ten Dutch flye-boates, that were arrested in Lisbon to serve the King, besides other small Ships Pataxos, that came to serve as messengers from place to place, and to discover the Seas. This Navy came to stay for, and convoy the S●●ps that should come from the Spanish Indies, and the flye-boates were appointed in their return home, to take in the goods that were saved in the lost Ship that came from Malacca, and to convoy it to Lisbon. The thirteenth of September the said Armado arrived at the Island of Coruo, where the Englishmen with about sixteen Ships, as then lay, staying for the Spanish Fleet: whereof some or the most part were come, and there the English were in good hope to have taken them. But when they perceived the King's Army to be strong, the Admiral being the Lord Thomas Howard, commanded his Fleet not to fall upon them, nor any of them once to separate their Ships Sir Richard Greenuile. See Ha●. Tom. 2. This Story penned by Sir Walter Raleigh. There were but six of these Ships the Queens: and Sir Richard Greenuile stayed to recover his men on shore; 93. of his men were sick. He scorned to fly as the Master counceled (which had been better) and thought to made way thorough their squadrons, and made some spring loose till the greatness of the S. Philip of 1500 tuns being in the wind of him, becalmed his sails; so that the Revenge could not feel her sails nor helm, and was boarded by the S. Philip and four others. These were beaten off, and fifteen several Armadas assailed her. All her Powder was spent to the last barrel; nor had first above 100 sound men to sustain to the brunt. Yet she endured fifteen hours' fight, fifteen Armadas by turn, 800. shot, many entries, 53. sails of men of war, and 10000 men to do this. After all this, Sir R. Greenfield now wounded, commanded to 〈◊〉 up the Ship, but the Captain entreating to the contrary, the Master was sent, unknown to Sir R Greenfield, to treat a composition with ●●zan the General, who yielded their lives to be saved, and to be sent for England, the better so●t to pay ransom, but free mean time fromprison and Galley. Almost 1000 of the enemies were slain in this sight. Thus have I given you the brief of Sir Welter's report also, to make this story complete. from him, unless he gave commission so to do: notwithstanding the Vice-admiral, Sir Richard Greenfield, being in the Ship called the Revenge, went into the Spanish Fleet, and shot among them, doing them great hurt, and thinking the rest of the company would have followed: which they did not, but left him there, and sailed away; the cause why they could not know: which the Spaniards perceiving, with seven or eight Ships they boarded her, but she withstood them all, fight with them at the least twelve hours together, and sunk two of them, one being a new double Flyboat of twelve thousand tons, and Admiral of the Flie-boates, the other a Biscaine: But in the end, by reason of the number that came upon her, she was taken, but to their great loss; for they had lost in fight, and by drowning above four hundred men; and of the English were slain about a hundred, Sir Richard Greenfield himself being wounded in his brain, whereof afterwards he died. He was borne into the S●ip called the Saint Paul, wherein was the Admiral of the Fleet Don Alonso de Barsan: there his wounds were dressed by the Spanish Surgeons, but Don Alonso himself would neither see him, nor speak with him: all the rest of the Captains and Gentlemen went to visit him, and to comfort him in his hard fortune, wondering at his courage and stout heart, for that he showed not any sign of faintness nor changing of colour. But feeling the hour of death to approach, he spoke these words in Spanish, and said; Here die I Richard Greenfield, with a joyful and quiet mind, for that I have ended my life as a true Soldier ought to do, that hath fought for his Country, Queen, Religion, and honour, whereby my Soul most joyful departeth out of this body, and shall always leave behind it an everlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier, that hath done his duty, as he was bound to do. When he had finished these or such other like words, he gave up the Ghost with great and stout courage, and no man could perceive any true sign of heaviness in him. This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England, and had great yearly revenues of his own inheritance: but he was a man very unquiet in his mind, and greatly affected to war; in so much as of his own private motion he offered his service to the Queen. He had performed many valiant acts, and was greatly feared in these Lands, and known of every man; but of nature very severe, so that his own people hated him for his fierceness, and spoke very hardly of him: for when they first entered into the Fleet or Armado, they had their great sail in a readiness, and might possibly enough have sailed away; for it was one of the best Ships for sail in England; and the Master perceiving that the other Ships had left them, and followed not after, commanded the great sail to be cut, that they might make away: but Sir Richard Greenfield threatened both him, and all the rest that were in the Ship, that if any man laid hand upon it, he would cause him to be hanged, and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight, and in the end were taken. He was of so hard a complexion, that as he continued among the Spanish Captains while they were at dinner or supper with him, he would carouse three or four Glasses of Wine, and in a bravery take the Glasses between his teeth, and crash them in pieces, and swallow them down, so that often times the blood ran out of his mouth without any harm at all unto him: and this was told me by diverse credible persons that many times stood and beheld him. The Englishmen that were left in the Ship, as the Captain of the Soldiers, the Master and others were dispersed into diverse of the Spanish Ships that had taken them, where there had almost a new fight arisen between the Biscayne's and the Portugals; while each of them would have the honour to have first boarded her, so that there grew a great noise and quarrel among them, one taking the chief Ancient, and the other the Flag, and the Captain and every one held his own. The ships that had boarded her were altogether out of order and broken, and many of their men hurt, whereby they were compelled to come into the Island of Tercera, there to repair themselves: where being arrived, I and my chamber-fellow, to hear some news went aboard one of the Ships being a great Biscaine, and one of the twelve Apostles, whose Captain was called Bertandono, that had been General of the Biscayne's in the fleet that went for England. He seeing us, called us up into the Gallery, where with great courtesy he received us, being as then set at dinner with the English Captain that sat by him, and had on a suit of black Velvet; but he could not tell us any thing, for that he could speak no other language but English and Latin, which Bartandono also could a little speak. The English Captain that he might come on land with his weapon by his side, and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Island, being of that ship whereof the sailors got away, as I said before. The Governor of Tercera bade him to dinner, and showed him great courtesy. The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land, and was in our lodging, and had at the least ten or twelve wounds, as well in his head, as on his body, whereof after that being at Sea, between Lisbon and the Lands he died. The Captain wrote a Letter, wherein he declared all the manner of the fight, and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging, to send it to the Lord Admiral of England. The English Captain coming to Lisbon, was there well received, and not any hurt done unto him, but with good convoy sent to Sentwal, and from thence sailed into England, with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prisoner's. The Spanish Army stayed at the Island of Corus till the last of September, to assemble the rest of the Fleet together: which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sail of Ships, partly coming from India, and partly of the Army, and being altogether ready unto sail to Tercera in good company, there suddenly rose so hard and cruel a storm, that those of the Great storm. Island did affirm, that in man's memory there was never any such seen or heard of before: for it seemed the Sea would have swallowed up the Lands, the water mounting higher than the Cliffs, which are so high that it amasseth a man to behold them: but the Sea reached above them, and living fishes were thrown upon the land. This storm continued not only a day or two with one wind, but seven or eight days continually, the wind turning round about, in all places of the compass, at the least twice or thrice during that time, and all alike, with a continual storm and tempest most terrible to behold, even to us that were on shore, much more Great hurts. than to such as were at Sea: so that only on the Coasts and Cliffs of the Island of Tercera, there were above twelve Ships cast away, and not only upon the one side, but round about it in every corner: whereby nothing else was heard but complaining, crying, lamenting, and telling here is a ship broken in pieces against the Cliffs, and there another, and all the men drowned: so that for the space of twenty days after the storm, they did nothing else but fish for dead men, that Revenge revenged with the loss of above 100 other ships of the Spaniards attending her fates: as great a blow as 88 continually came driding on the shore. Among the rest was the English ship called the Revenge, that was cast away upon a Cliff near to the Island of Tercera, where it broke in a hundred pieces, and sunk to the ground, having in her seventy men Gallegos, Biscayne's, and others, with some of the captive Englishmen, whereof but one was saved that got up upon the Cliffs alive, and had his body and head all wounded, and he being on shore brought us the news, desiring to be shriven, and thereupon presently died. The Revenge had in her diverse fair Brass Pieces, that were all sunk in the Sea, which they of the Island were in good hope to weigh up again the next Summer following. Among these Ships that were cast away about Tercera, was likewise a Flyboat, one of those that had been arrested in Portugal to serve the King, called the White Dove. The Master of her, was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland, and there were in her one hundred Soldiers, as in every one of the rest there was. He being over ruled by the Captain, that he could not be Master of his own, sailing here and there at the mercy of God, as the storm drove him, in the end came within the sight of Tercera: which the Spaniards perceiving, thought all their safety only to consist in putting into the Road, compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Island, although the Master refused to do it, saying, that they were most sure there to be cast away, and utterly spoiled: but the Captain called him drunkard, & Heretic, and striking him with a staff, commanded him to do as he would have him. The Master seeing this, and being compelled to do it, said: well than my Masters, seeing it is the desire of you all to be cast away, I can but lose one life; and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shore, and was on that side of the Island, where there was nothing else but hard stones and Rocks, as high as Mountains, most terrible to behold, where some of the Inhabitants stood with long ropes and cork bound at the end thereof, to throw them down unto the men, that they might lay hold upon them and save their lives; but few of them got so near, most of them being cast away, and smitten in pieces before they could get to the wall. The Ship sailed in this manner (as I said before) towards the Island, and approaching to the shore, the Master being an old man, and full of years, called his Son that was in the ship with him, and having embraced one another, and taken their last farewell, the good old father willed his Son not to take care for him, but seek to save himself: for (said he) son, thou art young, and may have some hope to save thy life, but as for me it is no great matter (I am old) what become of me, and therewith each of these shedding many tears, as every loving father and kind child may well consider; the ship fell upon the Cliffs and brake in pieces, the Father on the one side, the son on the other side falling into the sea, each laying hold upon that which came next to hand, but to no purpose; for the sea was so high and furious, that they were all drowned, and only fourteen or fifteen saved themselves by swimming, with their legs and arms half broken and out of joint; among the which was the Master's son, and four other Dutch Boys: the rest of the Spaniards and sailors, with the Captain and Master were drowned: whose heart would not melt with tears to behold so grievous a sight, specially considering with himself that the greatest cause thereof was the beastliness and insolency of the Spaniards, as in this only example may well be seen: whereby may be considered how the other ships sped, as we ourselves did in part behold, and by the men that were saved did hear more at large, as also some others of our Countrymen that as then were in the like danger can well witness. On the other Lands the loss was no less than in Tercera; for on the Island of Saint George there were two Ships cast away: on the Island of Pico two Ships: on the Island of Gratiosa three ships, & besides those there came everywhere round about diverse pieces of broken ships, & other things fleeting towards the Lands, wherewith the Sea was all covered most pitiful to behold. On the Island of Saint Michael, there were four Ships cast away, and between Tercera and Saint michael's; three more were sunk, which were seen and heard to cry out, whereof not one man was saved. The rest put into the Sea without Masts, all torn and rend: so that of the whole Fleet and Armado, being one hundred and forty ships in all, there were but thirty two or thirty three arrived in Spain and Portugal, yea and those few with so great misery, pain and labour, that not two of them arrived there together, but this day one, and to morrow another, next day the third, & so one after the other to the number aforesaid. All the rest were cast away upon the Lands, and overwhelmed in the sea: whereby may be considered what great loss and hindrance they received at that time: for by many men's judgements it was esteemed to be much more than was leftby their Army that came for England, and it may well be thought, and presumed, that it was no other but a just plague purposely sent by God upon the Spaniards, and that it might Note. truly be said, the taking of the Revenge was justly revenged upon them, and not by the might or force of man, but by the power of God, as some of them openly said in the Isle of Tercera, that they believed verily God would consume them, and that he took part with Lutherans and Heretics: Caiaphas prophesieth. God taketh part wi●h Lutherans. saying further, that so soon as they had thrown the dead body of the Vice-admiral Sir Richard Greenfield overboard, they verily thought that as he had a devilish Faith and Relion, and therefore the Devils loved him, so he presently sunk into the bottom of the Sea, and down into Hell, where he raised up all the Devils to the revenge of his death: and that they brought so great storms and torments upon the Spaniards, because they only maintained the So then the gates of hell prevaileth against their faith. Catholic and Romish Religion: such and the like blasphemies against God, they ceased not openly to utter, without that any man reproved them therein, nor for their false opinions, but the most part of them rather said and affirmed, that of truth it must needs be so. As one of those Indian Fleets put out of Nova Spaigna, there were five and thirty of them by storm and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea, being fifty in all, so that but fifteen escaped. Of the Fleet that came from Santo Domingo, there were fourteen cast away, coming out of the Channel of Havana, whereof the Admiral and Vice-admiral were two of them: and from Terra Firma in India, there came two ships laden with Gold and Silver, that were taken Two Ships of treasure taken by the English, and 20. others of the Indian Fleet. by the Englishmen, and before the Spanish Army came to Coruo, the Englishmen at times had taken at the least twenty ships, that came from Saint Domingo, India, Brasillia, etc. and all sent into England. Whereby it plainly appeareth, that in the end God will assuredly plague the Spaniards, having already blinded them, so that they have not the sense to perceive it, but still to remain in their obstinate opinions: but it is lost labour to strive against God, and to trust in man, as being foundations erected upon the sands, which with the wind are blown down and overthrown, as we daily see before our eyes, and now not long since in many places have evidently observed: and therefore let every man but look into his own actions, and take our Low-Countries for an example, wherein we can but blame our own sins and wickednesses, which doth so blind us, that we wholly forget and reject the benefits of God, continuing the servants and yoke-slaves of Satan. God of his mercy open our eyes and hearts, that we may know our only health and Saviour jesus Christ, who only can help, govern, and preserve us, and give us a happy end in all our affairs. By this destruction of the Spaniards, and their evil success, the lading and shipping of the goods that were saved out of the ship that came from Malacca to Tercera, was again put off; and therefore we must have patience till it please God to send a fitter time, and that we receive further advice and order from his Majesty of Spain. All this being thus past, the Farmers of Pepper and other Merchants that had their goods in Tercera, which were taken out of the lost ship that came from Malacca, seeing that the hope of any Armada, or any ships in the King's behalf to be sent to fetch it, was all in vain: they made request unto his Majesty, that he would grant them licence every man particularly to ship his goods in what ship he would at his own adventure, which in the end, after long suit, was granted, upon condition that every man should put in sureties, to deliver the goods in the Customhouse at Lisbon, to the end the King might be paid his custom, as also that the goods that should be delivered unto them in Tercera, should all be registered: whereupon the Farmers of Pepper, with other Merchants, agreed with a Flushinger, to fetch all the Cloves, Nutmegs, Mace, and other spices and goods that belonged unto them, the Pepper only excepted, which as then the King would not grant to lad. The same Ship arrived in Tercera about the last of November, and because it was somewhat dangerous, being the latter end of the year, we laded her with all the speed we could, for as then the coast was clear of Englishmen. To be short, this Flushinger being laden with most part of the goods, saving the Pepper that was left behind, we set sail for Lisbon, passing some small storms, not once meeting with any ship, but only upon the coast where we saw ten Hollanders, that sailed with Corn towards Leghorn, and other places in Italy, and so by God's help upon the second of january, Anno 1592. 1592., we arrived in the River of Lisbon, being nine years after my departure from thence, and there I stayed till the month of july, to dispatch, such things as I had to do, and upon the seventeenth of the same month, I went to Sentwal, where certain Hollanders lay, with whom I went for Holland. The end of the eight Book. ENGLISH PLANTATIONS, DISCOVERIES, ACTS, AND OCCURRENTS, IN VIRGINIA AND SUMMER LANDS SINCE THE YEAR 1606. TILL 1624. THE NINTH BOOK. CHAP. I. Part of the first Patent granted by his Majesty for the Plantation of Virginia, April the tenth 1606. JAMES by the grace of God, etc. Whereas our loving and well disposed Subjects, Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summers' Knights; Richard Hakluyt Clerk, Prebendary of Westminster, Edward Maria Wingfield, Thomas Hannam, Raleigh Gilbert Esquires, William Parker, George Popham, and di●ers others of our loving Subjects have been humble Suitors unto us that we would vouch safe unto them our Licence to make Habitation, Plantation, and to deduce a Colony of sundry of our people into that part of America; commonly called Virginia; and other parts and Territories in America, either appertaining unto us, or which now are not actually possessed by any Christian Prince or people, situate lying and being all along the Sea Coast between thirty four degrees of Northerly latitude from the Equinoctial Line, and forty five degrees of the same latitude, and in the main Land between the same thirty four and forty five degrees, and the Lands thereunto adjacent within one hundred miles of the Coast thereof. And to that end, and for the more speedy accomplishment of the said intended Plantation and Habitation there, are desirous to divide themselves into two several Colonies and Companies, the one consisting of certain Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, and other Adventurers of our City of London and elsewhere, which are and from time to time shall be joined unto them, which do desire to begin their Plantations and Habitations, in some fit and convenient place between thirty four and forty one degrees of the said latitude, all alongst the Sea Coast of Virginia, and Coast of America aforesaid. And the other consisting of sundry Knights, Gentlemen, Merchant's, and other Adventurers of our Cities, of Bristol and Exeter, and of our Town of Plymmouth and other places which do join themselves unto that Colony, which desire to begin their Plantations and Habitations in some fit and convenient place between thirty eight and forty five degrees of the said latitude: all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America, as that Coast lieth. We greatly commending and graciously accepting of their desires to the furtherance of so Noble a work, which may by the providence of Almighty God hereafter tend to the glory of his Divine Majesty, in propagating of Christian Religion, to such people as yet live in darkness, miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of God, and may in time bring the Infidels and Savages (living in those parts) to humane civility and to a settled and quiet government, do by these our Letters Patents graciously accept of, and agree to their humble and well intended desires, And do therefore for us our Heirs and Successors grant and agree that the said Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summer, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria Wingfield, Adventurers of our City of London, and all such others as are or shall The first Colony to be planted betwixt 34. & 41. degrees of North latitude. They to have all the Lands, etc. for the space of fifty miles' West South-west from the place of their first plantings, and all mines, &c, The like East North-east with all Lands for 100 miles in the Sea over against them. 100 〈…〉 hin the Land, etc. None to inhabit on the backside without their special licence in writing, etc. be joined unto them of that Colony shall be called the first Colony, and they shall and may begin their said first Plantation and Seat, of their first abode and Habitation at any place upon the said Coast of Virginia or America, where they shall think fit and convenient, between the said thirty four and forty one degrees of the said latitude. And that they shall have all the Lands, Woods, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mynes, Minerals, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments whatsoever, from the said first seat of their Plantation, and Habitation by the space of fifty miles of English Statute measure all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America, towards the West and South-west as the Coast lieth, withal the Lands within one hundred miles directly over against the same Sea Coast: And also all the Lands, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mynes, Minerals, Woods, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments, whatsoever from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fifty like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia, and America, towards the East and North-east as the Coast lieth, together with all the Lands within one hundred miles directly over against the same Sea-coast. And also all the Lands, Woods, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mynes, Minerals, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments, whatsoever from the same, fifty miles every way on the Sea Coast directly into the main Land by the space of one hundred like English miles. And shall and may inhabit and remain there, and shall and may also build and fortify within any the same for their better safeguard and defence, according to their best discretions, and the direction of the Council of that Colony. And that no other of our Subjects shall be permitted or suffered to plant, or inhabit behind or on the backside of them towards the main Land, without the express licence or consent of the Council of that Colony, thereunto in writing first had or obtained. And we do likewise for us our Heirs and Successors, by these presents, grant and agree that the said Thomas Hanham, Raleigh Gilbert, William Parker, and George Popham, and all others of the Town of Plymouth in the County of Devon, or elsewhere, which are or shall be joined unto them of that Colony shall be called the second Colony, and that they shall and may begin their said first Plantation and Seat, of their first abode and Habitation at any place upon the said Coast of Virginia and America; where they shall think fit and convenient between thirty eight and forty five degrees of the same latitude, and that they shall have all the Lands, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mynes, Minerals, Woods, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments, whatsoever from the first Seat of their Plantation and Habitation, by the space of fifty like English miles, as is aforesaid, all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the West and South-west, and towards the South as the Coast lieth: And all the Lands within one hundred miles directly o●er against the same Sea Coast. And also all the Lands, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mynes, Minerals, Woods, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities, and Hereditaments whatsoever from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fifty like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America, towards the East and North-east, and towards the North as the Coast lieth, and all the Lands within one hundred miles directly over against the same Coast, and also all the Lands, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Woods, Mynes, Minerals▪ Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoever, from the same fifty miles e●ery way on the Sea Coast directly into the main Land, by the space of one hundred like English miles; and shall and may inhabit there, and shall and may also build and fortify within any the same, for their better safeguard according to their best discretions, and the direction of the Council of that Colony, and that none of our Subjects shall be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind, or on the back of them towards the main Land, without the express licence or consent of the Council of that Colony in writing thereunto first had and obtained. Provided always, etc. It followeth that neither Colony shall plant within one hundred miles of each other; also that each Colony shall have a Council of thirteen persons to rule and be ruled according to Articles set down and confirmed under the Privy Seal (which I have, but for brevity omit, as also the rest of this Patent) the Seals of each Colony appointed, the digging of mines granted in the same, and on the backside of their Colonies within the main Land, paying the fifth of Gold and Silver, and the fifteenth of Copper to the King; liberty to carry all Subjects (not restrained) which will go with them. Of coining for the Colonies use there, of repelling enemies, of staying ships which trade there without leave, were too long to rehearse, seeing this Patent hath been often altered and renewed. CHAP. II. Observations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southern Colony in Virginia by the English, 1606. Written by that Honourable Gentleman Master GEORGE PERCY. ON Saturday the twentieth of December in the year 1606. the fleet fell from London, and the fifth of january we anchored in the Downs: but the winds continued contrary so long, that we were forced to stay there some time, where we suffered great storms, but by the skilfulness of the Captain we suffered no great loss or danger. The twelfth day of February at night we saw a blazing Star, and presently a The next day Cap. Smith was suspected for a supposed Mutiny, though never no such matter. Trade at Dominica. storm. The three and twentieth day we fell with the Island of Mattanenio in the West Indies. The four and twentieth day we anchored at Dominico, within fourteen degrees of the Line, a very fair Island, the Trees full of sweet and good smells inhabited by many Savage Indians, they were at first very scrupulous to come aboard us. We learned of them afterwards that the Spaniards had given them a great overthrow on this I'll, but when they knew what we were, there came many to our ships with their Canoas', bringing us many kinds of sundry fruits, as Pines, Potatoes, Plantons, Tobacco, and other fruits, and Roan Cloth abundance, which they had gotten out of certain Spanish ships that were cast away upon that Island. We gave them Knives, Hatchets for exchange which they esteem much, we also gave them Beads, Copper jewels which they hang through their nostrils, ears, and lips, very strange to behold, their bodies are all painted red to keep away the biting of Muscetoes, they go all naked without covering: the hair of their head is a yard long, all of a length pleated in three plaits hanging down to their wastes, they suffer no hair to grow on their faces, they cut their skins in diverse works, they are continually in wars, and will eat their enemies when they kill them, or any stranger if they take them. They will lap up man's spittle, whilst one spits in their mouths in a barbarous Brutishness of the Dominicans. fashion like Dogs. These people and the rest of the Lands in the West Indies, and Brasill, are called by the names of Cannibals, that will eat man's flesh, these people do poison their Arrow heads, which are made of a fishes bone: they worship the Devil for their God, and have no other belief. Whilst we remained at this Island we saw a Whale chased by a Thresher and Fight betwixt a Whale, the Thresher and Swordfish. Margalanta. Guadalupa. Bath very hot. a Swordfish: they fought for the space of two hours, we might see the Thresher with his flail layon the monstrous blows which was strange to behold: in the end these two fishes brought the Whale to her end. The six and twentieth day, we had sight of Mar●galanta, and the next day we sailed with a slack sail alongst the I'll of Guadalupa, where we went ashore, and found a Bath which was so hot, that no man was able to stand long by it, our Admiral Captain Newport caused a piece of Pork to be put in it: which boiled it so in the space of half an hour, as no fire could mend it. Then we went aboard and sailed by many Lands, as Mounserot and an Island called Saint Christopher, both habited about; about two a clock in the afternoon we anchored at the I'll of Mevis. There the Captain landed all his men being well fitted with Muskets and other convenient Arms, marched a mile into the Woods; being commanded to stand upon their guard, Mevis. fearing the treachery of the Indians, which is an ordinary use amongst them and all other Savages on this I'll, we came to a Bath standing in a Valley betwixt two Hills; where we bathed our Bath at Mevis. selves and found it to be of the nature of the Baths in England, some places hot and some colder: and men may refresh themselves as they please, finding this place to be so convenient for our men to avoid diseases, which will breed in so long a Voyage, we encamped ourselves on this Isle six days, and spent none of our ships victual, by reason our men some went a hunting, some a fouling, and some a fishing, where we got great store of Coneys, sundry kinds of fowls, and great Commodities there. plenty of fish. We kept Sentinels and Courts the guard at every Captain's quarter, fearing we should be assaulted by the Indians, that were on the other side of the Island: we saw none nor were molested by any: but some few we saw as we were a hunting on the Island. They would not come to us by any means, but ran swiftly through the Woods to the Mountain tops; so we lost the sight of them: whereupon we made all the haste we could to our quarter, thinking there had been a great ambush of Indians there abouts. We passed into the thickest of the Woods where we had almost lost ourselves, we had not gone above half a mile amongst the thick, but we came into a most pleasant Garden, being a hundred paces square on every side, having many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance of cotton-wool, and many Guiacum trees: we saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thick about the Garden, as though they had been set by Art, which made us marvel very much to see it. The third day, we set sail from Mevis: the fourth day we sailed along by Castutia and by April. Saba: This day we anchored at the I'll of Virgins, in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred Ships: if this Bay stood in England, it would be a great profit and commodity to the Land. On this Island we caught great store of Fresh-fish, and abundance of Sea Tortoises, which served all our Tortoises. Fleet three days, which were in number eight score persons. We also killed great store of wild Fowl, we cut the Barks of certain Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon, and very hot in the mouth. This Island in some places hath very good g●●●nd, strait and tall Timber. But the greatest discommodity that we have seen on this Isand is that it hath no Freshwater, which makes the place void of any Inhabitants. Upon the sixth day, we set sail and passed by Became, and by Saint john deportorico. The seventh day, we arrived at Mona: where we watered, which we stood in great need of, seeing that our Mevis water unwholesome. water did smell so vildly that none of our men was able to endure it. Whilst some of the Sailors were a filling the Casks with water, the Captain, and the rest of the Gentlemen, and other Soldiers marched up in the I'll six miles, thinking to find some other provision to maintain our victualling; as we marched we killed two wild Boars, and saw a huge wild Bull, his horns was an ell between the two tops. We also killed Guanas, in fashion of a Serpent, and speckled like a Toad under the belly. These ways that we went, being so trouble some and vild going upon the sharp Rocks, that many of our men fainted in the march, but by good fortune we lost none but one Edward Brooks Gentleman, whose fat melted within him by the great heat and Ed. Brooks faint with thirst. drought of the Country: we were not able to relieve him nor ourselves, so he died in that great extremity. The ninth day in the afternoon, we went off with our Boat to the I'll of Moneta, some three leagues from Mona, where we had a terrible landing, and a troublesome getting up to the top Moneta. of the Mountain or I'll, being a high firm Rock step, with many terrible sharp stones: After we got to the top of the I'll, we found it to be a fertile and a plain ground, full of goodly grass, and abundance of Fowls of all kinds, they flew over our heads as thick as drops of Hale; besides they made such a noise, that we were not able to hear one another speak. Furthermore, Store of fowls we were not able to set our feet on the ground, but either on Fowls or Eggs which lay so thick in the grass: We laded two Boats full in the space of three hours, to our great refreshing. The tenth day we set sail, and disimboged out of the West Indies, and bore our course Northerly. The fourteenth day we passed the Tropic of Cancer. The one and twentieth day, about five a clock at night there began a vehement tempest, which lasted all the night, with winds, rain, and thunders in a terrible manner. We were forced to lie at Hull that night, because we thought we had been nearer land than we were. The next morning, being the two and twentieth day we sounded; and the three and twentieth and four and twenteth day, but we could find no ground. The five and twentieth day we sounded, and had no ground at an hundred fathom. The six and twentieth day of April, about four a clock in the morning, we We were driven to try that night, and by the storm were forced near the shore, not knowing where we were. They land in Virginia. descried the Land of Virginia: the same day we entered into the Bay of Chesupioc directly, without any let or hindrance; there we landed and discovered a little way, but we could find nothing worth the speaking of, but fair meadows and goodly tall Trees, with such Fresh-waters running through the woods, as I was almost ravished at the first sight thereof. At night, when we were going aboard, there came the Savages creeping upon all four, from the Hills like Bears, with their Bows in their mouths, charged us very desperately in the faces, hurt Captain Gabrill Archer in both his hands, and a sailor in two places of the body very dangerous. After they had spent their Arrows, and felt the sharpness of our shot, they retired into the Woods with a great noise, and so left us. The seven and twentieth day we began to build up our Shallop: the Gentlemen and Soldiers marched eight miles up into the Land, we could not see a Savage in all that march, we came to a place where they had made a great fire, and had been newly a roasting Oysters: when they perceived our coming, they fled away to the Mountains, and left many of the Oysters in the fire: we eat some of the Oysters, which were very large and delicate in taste. The eighteenth day we launched our Shallop, the Captain and some Gentlemen went in her, and discovered up the Bay, we found a River on the Southside running into the Main; we entered it and found it very should water, not for any Boats to swim: We went further into the Bay, and saw a plain plot of ground where we went on Land, and found the place five mile in compass, without either Bush or Tree, we saw nothing there but a Cannow, which was made out of the whole tree, which was five and forty foot long by the Rule. Upon this plot of ground we got good store of Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as thick as stones: we opened some, and found in many of them Pearls. We marched some three or four miles further into the Woods, where we saw great smokes of fire. We marched to those smokes and found that the Savages had been there burning down the grass, as we thought either to make their plantation there, or else to give signs to bring their forces together, and so to give us battle. We passed through excellent ground full of Flowers of diverse kinds and colours, and as goodly trees as I have seen, as Cedar, Cypress, and other kinds: going a little further we came into a little plat of ground full of fine and beautiful Strawberries, four times bigger and better than ours in England. Strawberries. All this march we could neither see Savage nor Town. When it grew to be towards night we stood back to our Ships, we sounded and found it shallow water for a great way, which put us out of all hopes for getting any higher with our Ships, which road at the mouth of the River. We rowed over to a point of Land, where we found a channel, and sounded six, eight, ten, or twelve fathom: which put us in good comfort. Therefore we named that point of Land, Cape Point Comfort. Comfort. The nine and twentieth day we set up a Cross at Chesupioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry. Thirtieth day, we came with our ships to Cape Comfort; where we saw five Savages running on the shore; presently the Captain caused the shallop to be manned, so rowing to the shore, the Captain called to them in sign of friendship, but they were at first very timersome, until they saw the Captain lay his hand on his heart: upon that they laid down their Bows and Arrows, and came very boldly to us, making signs to come a shore to their Town, which is called by the Savages Kecoughtan. We coasted to their Town, rowing over a River running Kecoughtan. into the Main, where these Savages swum over with their Bows and Arrows in their more 〈…〉. When we came over to the other side, there was a many of other Savages which directed us to their Town, where we were entertained by them very kindly. When we came first a Land they made a doleful noise, laying their faces to the ground, scratching the earth with their nails. We did think that they had been at their Idolatry. When they had ended their Ceremonies, they went into their houses and brought out mats and laid upon the ground, the chiefest of them sat all in a rank: the meanest sort brought us such dainties as they had, & of their bread which they make of their Maiz or Gennea wheat, they would not suffer us to eat unless we sat down, which we did on a Mat right against them. After we were well satisfied they gave us of their Tobacco, Tobacco. which they took in a pipe made artificially of earth as ours are, but far bigger, with the bowl fashioned together with a piece of fine copper. After they had feasted us, they showed us, in welcome, their manner of dancing, which was in this fashion: one of the Savages standing in the midst singing, beating one hand against another, all the rest dancing about him, shouting, howling, and stamping against the ground, with many Antic tricks and faces, making noise like so Singing and Dancing. many Wolves or Devils. One thing of them I observed; when they were in their dance they kept stroke with their feet just one with another, but with their hands, heads, faces, and bodies, every one of them had a several gesture: so they continued for the space of half an hour. When they had ended their dance, the Captain gave them Beads and other trifling jewels. They hang through their ears Fowls legs: they shave the right side of their heads with a shell, the left side they wear of an ell long tied up with an artificial knot, with a many of Foules feathers sticking in it. They go altogether naked, but their privities are covered with Beasts skins beset commonly with little bones, or beasts teeth: some paint their bodies black, some red, with artificial knots of sundry lively colours, very beautiful and pleasing to the eye, in a braver fashion than they in the West Indies. The fourth day of May, we came to the King or Werowance of Paspihe: where they entertained us with much welcome; an old Savage made a long Oration, making a foul noise, uttering A long oration his speech with a vehement action, but we knew little what they meant. Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes, the Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the River in his Cannoa: he seemed to take displeasure of our being with the Paspihes: he would fain have had us come to his Town, the Captain was unwilling; seeing that the day was so far spent he returned back to his ships for that night. The next day, being the fifth of May, the Werowance of Rapahanna sent a Messenger to have us come to him. We entertained the said Messenger, and gave him trifles which pleased him: We manned our shallop with Muskets and Targatiers sufficiently: this said Messenger guided us where our determination was to go. When we landed, the Werowance of Rapahanna came down to the water side with all his train, as goodly men as any I have seen of Savages or Christians: the Werowance coming before them playing on a Flute made of a Reed, with a Crown A Flute made of a Reed. of Deer hair coloured red, in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of hair, and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head, with two long Feathers in fashion of a pair of Horns placed in the midst of his Crown. His body was painted all with Crimson, with a Chain of Beads about his neck, his face painted blue, besprinkled with silver over as we thought, his ears all behung with Bracelets of Pearl, and in either ear a Birds Claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold, he entertained us in so modest a proud fashion, as though he had been a Prince of civil government, holding his countenance without laughter or any such ill behaviour; he caused his Mat to be spread on the ground, where he sat down with a great Majesty, taking a pipe of Tobacco: the rest of his company standing about him. After he had rested a while he rose, and made signs to us to come to his Town: He went foremost, and all the rest of his people and ourselves followed him up a steep Hill where his Palace was settled. We passed through the Woods in fine paths, having most pleasant Springs which issued from the Mountains: We also went through the goodliest Corn fields that ever was seen in any Country. When we came to Rapahannos Town, he entertained us in good humanity. The eight day of May we discovered up the River. We landed in the Country of Apamatica, at our landing, there came many stout and able Savages to resist us with their Bows and Arrows, in a most warlike manner, with the swords at their backs beset with sharp stones, and pieces of iron able to cleave a man in sunder. Amongst the rest one of the chiefest standing before them crosslegged, with his Arrow ready in his Bow in one hand, and taking a Pipe of Tobacco in the other, with a bold uttering of his speech, demanded of us our being there, willing us to be gone. We made signs of peace, which they perceived in the end, and let us land in quietness. The twelfth day we went back to our ships, and discovered a point of Land, called Archers Archers Hope. Hope, which was sufficient with a little labour to defend ourselves against any Enemy. The soil was good and fruitful, with excellent good Timber. There are also great store of Vines in bigness of a man's thigh, running up to the tops of the Trees in great abundance. We also did see many Squirrels, Coneys, Black Birds with crimson wings, and diverse other Fowls and Birds of diverse and sundry colours of crimson, Watchet, Yellow, Green, Murry, and of diverse other hues naturally without any art using. We found store of Turkey nests and many Eggs, if it had not been disliked, because the ship could not ride near the shore, we had settled there to all the Colonies contentment. The thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in Paspihas Country, some eight miles from the point of Land, which I made mention before: where our ships do lie so near the shore that they are moored to the Trees in six fathom water. The fourteenth day we landed all our men which were set to work about the fortification, and others some to watch and ward as it was convenient. The first night of our landing, about Their Plantation at james Town. midnight, there came some Savages sailing close to our quarter: presently there was an alarm given; upon that the Savages ran away, and we not troubled any more by them that night. Not long after there came two Savages that seemed to be Commanders, bravely dressed, with Crowns of coloured hair upon their heads, which came as Messengers from the Werowance of Paspihae; telling us that their Werowance was coming and would be merry with us with a fat Dear. The eighteenth day, the Werowance of Paspihae came himself to our quarter, with one hundred Savages armed, which guarded him in a very warlike manner with Bows and Arrows, thinking at that time to execute their villainy. Paspihae made great signs to us to lay our Arms away. But we would not trust him so far: he seeing he could not have convenient time to work his will, at length made signs that he would give us as much land as we would desire to take. As the Savages were in a throng in the Fort, one of them stole a Hatcket from one of our company, which Land given. spied him doing the deed: whereupon he took it from him by force, and also struck him over These Savages are naturally great ●hetues. the arm: presently another Savage seeing that, came fiercely at our man with a wooden sword, thinking to beat out his brains. The Werowance of Paspiha saw us take to our Arms, wet suddenly away with all his company in great anger. The nineteenth day, myself and three or four more walking into the Woods by chance we espied a pathway like to an Irish pace: we were desirous to know whither it would bring us; we traced along some four miles, all the way as we went, having the pleasantest Suckles, the ground all flowing over with fair flowers of sundry colours and kinds, as though it had been in any Garden or Orchard in England. There be many Strawberries, and other fruits unknown: we saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypress trees, with other trees, which issues out sweet Gums like to Balsam: we kept on our way in this Paradise, at length we came to a Savage Town, where we found but few people, they told us the rest were gone a hunting with the Werowance of Paspiha: we stayed there a while, and had of them Strawberries, and other things; in the mean time one of the Savages came running out of his house with a Bow and Arrows and ran mainly through the Woods: then I began to mistrust some villainy, that he went to call some company, and so betray us, we made all the haste away we could one of the Savages brought us on the way to the Wood side, where there was a Garden of Tobacco, and other fruits and herbs, he gathered Tobacco, and distributed to every one of us, so we departed. The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent forty of his men with a Deer, to our quarter: but they came more in villainy than any love they bore us: they fain would have laid in our Fort all night, but we would not suffer them for fear of their treachery. One of our Gentlemen having a Target which he trusted in, thinking it would bear out a slight shot, he set it up against a tree, willing one of the Savages to shoot; who took from his back an Arrow of an elle long, drew it strongly in his Bow, shoots the Target a foot thorough, or better: which was strange, being that a Pistol could not pierce it. We seeing the force of his Bow, afterwards set him up a steel Target; he shot again, and burst his arrow all to pieces, he presently pulled out another Arrow, and bit it in his teeth, and seemed to be in a great rage, so he went away in great anger. Their Bows are made of tough Hasell, their strings of Leather, their Arrows of Canes or Hasell, headed with very sharp stones, and are made artificially like Their arrows a broad Arrow: other some of their Arrows are headed with the ends of Deeres horns, and are feathered very artificially. Pasphia was as good as his word; for he sent Venison, but the sauce came within few days after. At Port Cottage in our Voyage up the River, we saw a Savage Boy about the age of ten years, Yellow haired Virginian. which had a head of hair of a perfect yellow and a reasonable white skin, which is a Miracle amongst all Savages. This River which we have discovered is one of the famousest Rivers that ever was found by River of Pohatan. any Christian, it ebbs and flows a hundred and threescore miles where ships of great burden may harbour in safety. Wheresoever we landed upon this River, we saw the goodliest Woods as Beech, Oak, Cedar, Cypress, Wal-nuts, Sassafras and Vines in great abundance, which hang in great clusters on many Trees, and other Trees unknown, and all the grounds bespread with many sweet and delicate flowers of diverse colours and kinds. There are also many fruits as Strawberries, Mulberries, Raspberries and Fruits unknown, there are many branches of this River, which run flowing through the Woods with great plenty of fish of all kinds, as for Sturgeon all the World cannot be compared to it. In this Country I have seen many great and large Meadows * Low Marshes. having excellent good pasture for any Cattle. There is also great store of Dear both Red and Fallow. There are Bears, Foxes, Otters, Bevers, Muskats, and wild beasts unknown. The four and twentieth day we set up a Cross at the head of this River, naming it King's River, where we proclaimed james King of England to have the most right unto it. When we had finished and set up our Cross, we shipped our men and made for james Fort. By the way we We came down the River. came to Pohatans' Tower where the Captain went on shore suffering none to go with him, he presented the Commander of this place with a Hatchet which he took joyfully, and was well pleased. But yet the Savages murmured at our planting in the Country, whereupon this Werowance made answer again very wisely of a Savage, Why should you be offended with them as long as they hurt you not, nor take any thing away by force, they take but a little waste ground, which doth you not any of us any good. I saw Bread made by their women which do all their drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and their wars, which they are in continually one Kingdom against another. The manner of baking of bread is thus, after they pound their wheat into flower with hot water, Bread how made. they make it into paste, and work it into round balls and Cakes, than they put it into a pot of seething water, when it is sod throughly, they lay it on a smooth stone, there they harden it as well as in an Oven. There is notice to be taken to know married women from Maids, the Maids you shall always Distinct habit of Maids and Wives. see the fore part of their head and sides shaved close, the hinder part very long, which they tie in a pleat hanging down to their hips. The married women wears their hair all of a length, and is tied of that fashion that the Maids are. The women kind in this Country doth pounce and race their bodies, legs, thighs, arms and faces with a sharp Iron, which makes a stamp in curious knots, and draws the proportion of Fowls, Fish, or Beasts, then with paintings of sundry lively colours, they rub it into the stamp which will never be taken away, because it is dried into the flesh where it is sere. The Savages bear their years well, for when we were at Pamonkies, we saw a Savage by Savage 160. years old. Bearded. their report was above eight score years of age. His eyes were sunk into his head, having never a tooth in his mouth, his hair all grey with a reasonable big beard, which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle to see a Savage have any hair on their faces, I never saw, read, nor heard, any have the like before. This Savage was as lusty and went as fast as any of us, which was strange to behold. The fifteenth day of june, we had built and finished our Fort which was triangle wise, having three Bulwarks at every corner like a half Moon, and four or five pieces of Artillery mounted in them, we had made ourselves sufficiently strong for these Savages, we had also sown most of our Corn on two Mountains, it sprang a man's height from the ground, this Country is a fruitful soil, bearing many goodly and fruitful Trees, as Mulberries, Cherries, Walnuts, Ceders, Cypress, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance. Monday the two and twentie●h of june, in the morning Captain Newport in the Admiral Cap. Newports departure. departed from james Port for England. Captain Newport being gone for England, leaving us (one hundred and four persons) very bare and scanty of victuals, furthermore in wars and in danger of the Savages. We hoped after a supply which Captain Newport promised within twenty weeks. But if the beginners of this action do carefully further us, the Country being so fruitful, it would be as great a profit to the Realm of England, as the Indies to the King of Spain, if this River which we have found had been discovered in the time of war with Spain, it would have been a commodity to our Realm, and a great annoyance to our enemies. The seven and twentieth of july the King of Rapahanna, demanded a Canoa which was restored, lifted up his hand to the Sun, which they worship as their God, besides he laid his hand on his heart, that he would be our special friend. It is a general rule of these people when they swear by their God which is the Sun, no Christian will keep their Oath better upon this promise. These people have a great reverence to The Savages use to sacrifice to the Sun. the Sun above all other things at the rising and setting of the same, they sit down lifting up their hands and eyes to the Sun making a round Circle on the ground with dried Tobacco, than they began to pray making many Devilish gestures with a Hellish noise foaming at the mouth, staring with their eyes, wagging their heads and hands in such a fashion and deformity as it was monstrous to behold. The sixth of August there died john Asbie of the bloody Flix. The ninth day died George Flower of the swelling. The tenth day died William Bruster Gentleman, of a wound given by the Savages, and was buried the eleventh day. The fourteenth day, Jerome Alikock Ancient, died of a wound, the same day Francis Midwinter, Edward Moris' Corporall died suddenly. The fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and Stephen Galthrope. The sixteenth day, their died Thomas Gower Gentleman. The seventeenth day, their died Thomas Mounslic. The eighteenth day, there died Robert Penniugton, and john Martin Gentleman. The nineteenth day, died Drue Piggase Gentleman. The two and twentieth day of August, there died Captain Bartholomew Gosnold one of our Council, he was honourably buried, having all the Ordnance in Death of Cap. Bart. Gosnold. the Fort shot off with many volleys of small shot. After Captain Gosnols' death, the Council could hardly agree by the dissension of Captain Kendal, which afterward was committed about heinous matters which was proved against him. The four and twentieth day, died Edward Harington and George Walker, and were buried the same day. The six and twentieth day, died Kenelm Throgmortine. The seven and twentieth day died William Roods. The eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie, Cape Merchant. The fourth day of September died Thomas jacob Sergeant. The fifth day, there died Benjamin Beast. Our men were destroyed with cruel diseases as Swellings, Flixes, Burning Fevers, and by wars, and some departed suddenly, but for the most part they died of mere famine. There were never Englishmen left in a foreign Country in such misery as we were in this new discovered Miserable famine. Virginia. We watched every three nights lying on the bare cold ground what weather soever came warded all the next day, which brought our men to be most feeble wretches, our food was but a small Can of Barley sod in water to five men a day, our drink cold water taken out of the River, which was at a flood very salt, at a low tide full of slime and filth, which was the destruction of many of our men. Thus we lived for the space of five months in this miserable distress, not having five able men to man our Bulwarks upon any occasion. If it had not pleased God to have put a terror in the Savages hearts, we had all perished by those vild and cruel Pagans, being in that weak estate as we were; our men night and day groaning in every corner of the Fort most pitiful to hear, if there were any conscience in men, it would make their hearts to bleed to hear the pitiful murmurings & out-cries of our sick men without relief every night and day for the space of six weeks, some departing out of the World, many times three or four in a night, in the morning their bodies trailed out of their Cabins like Dogs to be buried: God's goodness. in this sort did I see the mortality of diverse of our people. It pleased God, after a while, to send those people which were our mortal enemies to relieve us with victuals, as Bread, Corn, Fish, and Flesh in great plenty, which was the setting up of our feeble men, otherwise we had all perished. Also we were frequented by diverse Kings in the Country, bringing us store of provision to our great comfort. The eleventh day, there was certain Articles laid against Master Wing fiield which was then Precedent, thereupon he was not only displaced out of his Precedent ship, but also from being of the Council. Afterwards Captain john Ratcliff was chosen Precedent. The eighteenth day, died one Ellis Kinistone which was starved to death with cold. The same day at night, died one Richard Simmons. The nineteenth day, there died one Thomas Mouton. William White (having lived with the Natives) reported to us of their customs in the morning He was a made man. by break of day, before they eat or drink both men, women and children, that be above ten years of age runs into the water, there washes themselves a good while till the Sun riseth, then offer Sacrifice to it, strewing Tobacco on the water or Land, honouring the Sun as their God, likewise they do at the setting of the * The rest is omitted, being more fully set down in Gap. Smith's Relations. Sun. CHAP. III. The description of Virginia by Captain JOHN SMITH, enlarged out of his written Notes. VIrginia is a Country in America, that lieth between the degrees of 34. * By later Patents this is extended further to the ●0. degrees, etc. and 44. The Latitude of the North Latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean. On the South lieth Florida: on the North Nova Francia. As for the West thereof, the limits are unknown. Of all this Country we purpose not to speak, but only of that part which was planted by the Englishmen in the year of our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39 The temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sick; yet did they recover by very small means and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not only to have made them sick, but even to end their days, etc. The Summer is hot as in Spain; the Winter cold as in France or England. The heat of Summer is in june, july, and August, but commonly the cool Breeses assuage the vehemency of the The temperature. heat. The chief of Winter is half December, january, February, and half March. The cold is extreme sharp, but here the Proverb is true, That no extreme continueth long. In the year 1607. was an extraordinary Frost in most of Europe, and this Frost was found as extreme in Uirginia. But the next year for eight or ten days of ill weather, other fourteen days would be as Summer. The winds here are variable, but the like Thunder and Lightning to purify the Air, I have The wind. seldom either seen or heard in Europe. From the South-west came the greatest gusts with Thunder and heat. The Northwest wind is commonly cool, and bringeth fair weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the Barmadas, fogs and reins. Sometimes there are great droughts other times much rain, yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not, but that all the variety of needful Fruits in Europe may be there in great plenty by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there planted. There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, the wideness whereof is near eighteen or twen●ie miles. The Cape on the South The entrances side is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most Noble Prince. The show of the Land there is a white Hilly Sand like unto the Downs, and along the shores great plenty of Pines and Firres. Cape Henr●. Cape C●ar●es. Cap. Smi●h. The North Cape, is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of York. Thelles before it are named Smiths Isles, because he first of ours set foot on them. Within is a Country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, Heaven and Earth never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation being of our constitutions, were it fully mannured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are Mountains, Hills, Plains, Valleys, Rivers and Brooks, all running most pleasantly The Country. into a fair Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitful & delightsome Land. In the Bay and Rivers are many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plain, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North an South, in which the water floweth near two hundred miles, and hath a Channel for one hundred and forty miles, of depth betwixt seven and fifteen The Bay. fathom, holding in breadth for the most part ten or fourteen miles. From the head of the Bay at the North, the Land is mountainous, and so in a manner from thence by a South-west Line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those Mountains. From which fall certain Brooks which after come to five principal Navigable Rivers. These run from the Northwest in to the Southeast, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within twenty or fifteen miles one of another. The Mountains are of diverse natures, for at the head of the Bay the Rocks are of a composition The Mountains. like Millstones. Some of Marble, etc. And many pieces of Crystal we found as thrown down by water from the Mountains. For in Winter these Mountains are covered with much Snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in the narrow Valleys, which yet is scarce perceived being once in the Rivers. These waters wash from the Rocks such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as gilded, The so●●e. where both the Rocks and the Earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements than ours might have been p 〈…〉 swaded, they contained more than probabilities. The vesture of the Earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of the soil to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the Earth we found in diverse places, resembleth Bole Armoniac, terra sigillata ad lemnia, Full●rs Earth, Marle, and diverse other su●h appearances. But generally for the most part the Earth is a black sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravel. But the best best ground is known by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatness of Trees or abundance of Weeds, etc. The Country is not mountainous nor yet low, but such pleasant plain Hills and fertile Valleys, The Valleys. one prettily crossing another, and watered so conveniently with their sweet Brooks and crystal Springs, as if Art itself had devised them. By the Rivers are many plain Marshes containing some twenty, some one hundred, some two hundred Acres, some more, some less. Other Plains there are few, but only where the Savages inhabit: but all overgrown with Plains. Trees and Weeds, being a plain Wilderness as God first made it. On the West side of the Bay, we said were five fair and delightful navigable Rivers, of which we will now proceed to report. The first of those Rivers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this River they call Powhatan The River Powhatan. according to the name of a principal Country that lieth upon it. The mouth of this River is near three miles in breadth, yet do the shoals force the Channel so near the Land that a Sacre will over-shoot it at Point blank. This River is navigable one hundred and fifty miles as the Channel goeth; the shoals and soundings are here needless to be expressed. It falleth from Rocks far West in a Country inhabited by a Nation that they call Monacan. But where it cometh into our Discovery Fals, it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are Falls, Rocks, Shoales, etc. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downward, the River is enriched with many goodly Brooks, which are maintained by an infinite number of small Rundles and pleasant Springs that disperse themselves for best service, as do the The branches. veins of a man's body. From the South there falls into this River; First; the pleasant River of Apamatuck: next more to the East are the two Rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth three or four pretty Brooks and Creeks that half entrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac: then the River of Nandsamund, and lastly, the Brook of Chisaptack. From the North side is the River of Chickahamania, the back River of james Towns; another by the Cedar I'll, where we lived ten weeks upon Oysters, than a convenient Harbour for fisherboats or small Boats at Kecoughtan, that so conveniently turneth itself into Bays and Creeks that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their Corn fields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes'. The most of these Rivers are inhabited by several Nations, or rather Families, of the name of the Rivers. They have also in every of those places some Governor, as their King, which they call Werowances. In a Peninsula on the North side of this River are the English planted in a place by them called james Town, in honour of the Kings most excellent Majesty, upon james Town. which side are also many places under the Werowances. The first and next the River's mouth are the Cecoughtans, who besides their women and children, have not past twenty fight men. The Paspaheges on whose Land is seated the English The several Inhabitants. Colony, some forty miles from the Bay have not past forty. The River called Chickahamania near two hundred. The Weanocks one hundred. The Arrowhatocks thirty. The place called Powhatan, some forty. On the South side this River the Appamatucks have sixty fight men. The Quiyougcohanocks, five and twenty. The Warraskoyacks forty. The Nandsamunds' two hundred. The Chesapeacks are able to make one hundred. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a several Commander, which they call Werowance except the Chickhamanians, Free State. who are governed by the Priests and their Assistants of their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In Summer no place affordeth more plenty of Sturgeon, nor in Winter more abundance of Fowl, especially in the time of Frost. There was once taken fifty two Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught sixty eight. From the latter end of May till the end of june are taken, but young Sturgeons of two foot or a yard long: From thence till the midst of September, of two or three yards long and few others. And in four or five hours with one Net were ordinarily taken seven or eight: often more, seldom less. In the small Rivers all the year there is-good plenty of small fish, so that with Hooks those that would take pains had sufficient. Fourteen miles Northward from the River Powhatan; is the Kiver Pamaunke, which is navigable R. Pamaunke. sixty miles, but with Catches and small Barks, twenty or thirty miles farther. At the ordinary flowing of salt water, it divideth itself into two gallant branches. On the South inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have about sixty men for wars. On the North branch Mattapament, The Inhabitants. who have thirty men. Where this River is divided, the Country is called Panamaunke, and nourisheth near three hundred able men. About five and twenty miles lower on the North K. Pohatan. side of this River is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when Captain Smith was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past forty able men. But now he hath abandoned that, and liveth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the Wilderness; ten or twelve miles lower; on the South side of this River is Chiskiack, which hath some forty or fifty men. These, as also Apamatuck Irrohatocke, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chief Alliance and inhabitant. The rest (as they report) his Conquests. Before we come to the third River that falleth from the Mountains, there is another River Payankatank R. (some thirty miles navigable) that cometh from the Inland, the River is called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about some forty serviceable men. The third navigable River is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some one hundred and thirty miles.) At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoackes amongst the Mountains, Toppahanock R. but they are above the place we describe. Upon this River on the North side are seated a people The Inhabitants. called Cuttatowomen, with thirty fight men. Higher on the River are the Moraughtacunds, with eighty able men. Beyond them Toppahanocke with one hundred men. far above is another Cuttatawomen with twenty men. On the South, far within the River is Nautaughtacund having one hundred and fifty men. This River also as the two former, is replenished with fish and fowl. The fourth River is called Patawomeke, and is six or seven miles in breadth. It is navigable Patawomeke R. one hundred and forty miles, and fed as the rest with many sweet Rivers and Springs, which fall from the bordering Hills. These Hills many of them are planted, and yield no less plenty and variety of fruit then the River exceedeth with abundance of fish. This River is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco, and hath some one hundred and thirty men, beyond them Sekacawone with thirty. The Onawmanient with one hundred. Then Patawomeke with one hundred and sixty able men. Here doth the River divide itself in to three or four convenient Rivers. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trendeth Northwest, but the River itself turneth North-east, and is still a navigable stream. On the Western side of this bought is Tauxenent, with forty men. On the North of this River is Secowocomoco with forty men. Some what further Potapaco with twenty. In the East part of the bought of the River, is Pamacacack with sixty men; After Moyowances with one hundred. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with eighty able men. The River ten miles above this place maketh his passage down a low pleasant Valley over-shadowed in many places with high Rocky Mountains; from whence distil innumerable sweet and pleasant Springs. The fifth River is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a less proportion than the rest; but the channel Pawtuxunt R is sixteen or eighteen fathom deep in some places. Here are infinite skulls of diverse kinds of fish more than elsewhere. Upon this River dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt and Mattapaxient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other were found the most civil to give entertainment. Thirty leagues Northward is a River not inhabited, yet navigable; for the red Earth or Day Bolus R. The head of the Bay. resembling Bole Armoniac, the English called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is six or seven miles in breadth, there fall into it four small Rivers, three of them issuing from diverse bogs environed with high Mountains. There is one that cometh due North three or four days journey from the head of the Bay, and falls from Rocks and Mountains, upon this River inhabit a people called Sasquesahanocke. They are seated two days higher than was passage for the Discoverers Barge, which was hardly two tons, and had in it but twelve men to perform Sasquesahanock. this Discovery, wherein they lay above the space of twelve weeks upon those great waters in those unknown Countries, having nothing but a little Meal or Oatmeal and water to feed them; and scarce half sufficient of that for half that time, but that by the Savages, and by the plenty of fish they found in all places, they made themselves provision as opportunity served; yet had they not a Mariner or any that had skill to trim their Sails, use their Oars, or any business belonging to the Barge, but two or three. The rest being Gentlemen, or as ignorant in such toil and labour, yet necessity in a short time by their Captain's diligence and example, taught them to become so perfect, that what they did by such small means, I leave to the censure of the Reader to judge by this Discourse and the annexed Map. But to proceed, sixty of those Sasquesahanocks, came to the Discoverers with Skins, Bows, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords and Tobacco-pipes for Presents. Such great and well proportioned men, are seldom seen, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea, and to the Neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much ado restrained from adoring the Discoverers Giantly people. as Gods. Those are the most strange people of all those Countries, both in Language and Attire; for their Language it may well beseem their proportions, founding from them, as it were a great voice in a Vault, or Cave, as an Echo. Their Attire is the Skins of Bears, and Wolves, some have Cassocks made of Bear's heads and Skins that a man's neck goes The description of a Sasquesahanough. See the Map. through the Skins neck, and the Ears of the Bear fastened to his shoulders behind, the Nose and Teeth hanging down his breast, and at the end of the Nose hung a Bear's Paw, the half sleeves coming to the elbows were the necks of the Bears and the arms through the mouth with paws hanging at their Noses. One had the head of a Wolf hanging in a Chain Long Spoon to eat with the Devil. for a jewel his Tobacco-pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved with a Bird, a Bear, a Dear, or some such device at the great end, sufficient to beat out the brains of a man, with Bows, and Arrows, and Clubs suitable to their greatness and conditions. These are scarce known to Powhatan. They can make near six hundred able and mighty men, and are pallisadoed in their Towns to defend them from the Massawomckes their mortal enemies. Five of their chief Werowanccs came aboard the Discoverers, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The Picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Map. The calf of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about, and all the rest of his limbs so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man that ever we beheld. His hair, the one side was long, the other shorn close with a ridge over his crown like a Cock's Comb. His Arrows were five quarters long, headed with flints or spinters of stones, in form like a Heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a half or more long. These he wore in a Wolves Skin at his back for his Quiver, his Bow in the one hand and his Club in the other, as is described. On the East side the Bay, is the River of Tockwhogh, and upon it a people that can make one Tockwhogh R. hundred men, seated some seven miles within the River: where they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with the Bark of Trees. Next to them is Ozinies with sixty men. More to the South of tha East side of the Bay, the River of Rapahanock, near unto which is Rapahanock R. Kusk 〈…〉 awaock R. 〈…〉 ghcocomoco R. Accomack R. the River of Ruskarawaock. Upon which is seated a people with two hundred men. After that is the River of Tants Wighcocomoco, and on it a people with one hundred men. The people of those Rivers are of little stature of another Language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the River of Acohanock with forty men, and they of Accomack eighty men do equalise any of the Territories of Powh●tan and speak his Language, who over all those doth rule as King. Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for the men Chawonock. there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those parts to the Town of Chisapeack have formerly been discovered by Master Hariots and Sir Ralph Lane. Amongst those people are thus many several Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans' Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans', the Sasquesahanocks, The several Languages. the A●quanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. Of all those not any one understandeth another but by Interpreters. Their several Habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Map, which will present to the eye, the way of the Mountains and current of the Rivers, with their several Turnings, Bays, Shoales, Iles, Inlets, and Creeks, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places and such like. In which Map observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on Rivers, Mountains, or other places have been discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set down, according to their instructions. Of such things which are natural in Virginia, and how they use them. Virginia doth afford many excellent vegetables and living creatures, yet grass there is little Why there is little grass. or none, but what groweth in low Marshes: for all the Country is overgrown with Trees, whose droppings continually turn their grass to weeds, by reason of the rankness of the ground which would soon be amended by good husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oak and Walnut; many of their Oaks are so tall and strait, that they will bear two foot Woods with their fruits. and a half square of good Timber for twenty yards long; Of this wood there is two or three several kinds. The Acorns of one kind, whose bark is more white than the other, are somewhat sweetish, which being boiled half a day in several waters, at last afford a sweet Oil, which they keep in Goards to anoint their heads & joints. The fruit they eat made in bread or otherwise. There is also some Elm, some black Wal-nut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elm Elm. they make Soap-ashes. If the trees be very great, the ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. Of Walnuts there is two Walnuts. Supposed Cypress. or three kinds; there is a kind of wood we called Cypress, because both the wood, the fruit, and leaf did most resemble it, and of those trees there are some near three fathom about the Root very strait, and fifty, sixty, or eighty foot without a branch. By the dwelling of the Savages are some great Mulberry trees, and in some parts of the Country, they are found growing naturally in pretty Groves. There was an assay made to make silk, and surely the Worms prospered Mulberries. excellent well, till the Master workman fell sick. During which time they were eaten with Rats. In some parts were found some Chestnuts whose wild fruit equalise the best in France, Spain, Chestnuts. Germany, or Italy, to their tastes that had tasted them all. Plums there are of three sorts. The red and white are like our hedg● Plums, but the other which they call Putchamins, grow Plums. as high as Palmeta: the fruit is like a Meddler; it is first green then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe it will draw a man's mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricock. They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. Of Vines great abundance Cherries. Crabs. Vines. in many parts climb the tops of the highest trees in some places; but these bear but few Grapes. But by the Rivers and Savage habitations where they are not cuershadowed from the Sun, they are covered with fruit, though never pruned nor manured. Of those hedge Grapes we made near twenty gallons of Wine, which was near as good as your French British Wine: but certainly they would prove good, were they well manured. There is another sort of Grape, near as great as a Cherry, this they call Messaminnes, they be sat, and the mice thick. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in Wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chestnut, but the fruit most like a very small acorn: this they call Chechinquamins, which they esteem a great dainty. They have a berry much like Chechinquamins' our Gooseberrie, in greatness, colour, and taste; those they call Rawcomenes, and do eat them Rawcomenes. raw or boiled. Of these natural fruits they live a great part of the year, which they use in this manner. The Walnuts, Chestnuts, Acorns, and Chechinquamins, are dried to keep. When How they use their fruits. they need them they break them between two stones; yet some part of the Walnut shells will cleave to the fruit. Then do they dry them again upon a Mat over a Hurdle. After they put it in a Mortar of wood, and beat it very small: that done they mix it with water, that the shells may sink to the bottom. This water will be coloured as milk, which they call Pawco●iscora, Walnut milk. and keep it for their use. The fruit like Meddlers they call Putchamins, they cast upon Hurdles on a Mat, and preserve them as Prunes. Of their Chestnuts and Chechinquamins' boiled four hours, they make both Broth and Bread for their chief men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a white Popular, and another tree like unto it, that yieldeth a very clear and an odoriferous Gum like Turpentine, which some called Balsam. There are also Cedars and Saxafras tree. They also yield Gums in a small proportion of themselves. Gums. Cedars. Saxafras trees. We tried conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more than our arts. In the watery Valleys groweth a Berric, which they call Ocoughtanannis, very much like Berrics. unto Capers. These they dry in Summer. When they will eat them, they boil them near half a day; for otherwise they differ not much from poison. Mattoume groweth at our Bends Mattoume. do in meadows: the seed is not much unlike to Rye, though much smaller: this they use for a dainty Bread buttered with Deeres Suet. During Summer there are either Strawberries which do ripen in April; or Mulberries which Strawberries, and other berries. Herbs. ripen in May and june: Raspises, Hurtes, or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks, which is a pleasant wholesome fruit, much like a Limond. Many Herbs in the Spring time there are commonly dispersed throughout the Woods, good for Broths and Salads, as Violets, Purflane, Sorrell, etc. Besides many we used whose names we know not. The chief root they have for food is called Tockawhoughe, It groweth like a Flag in low muddy Freshes. In one day a Savage will gather sufficient for a week. These roots are much of the greatness and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with Oak Leaves and Ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of a Coalpit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire twenty four hours before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better than poison, and being roasted, except it be tender and the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the Sun, mixed with Sorrell and Meal, or such like, it will prickle and torment the throat extremely, and yet in Summer they use this ordinarily for bread. They have another root which they call Wighsacan: as th'other feedeth the body, so this cureth Wighsacan a medicinable root. Pocones' a small root. Musquaspenne a root. their hurts and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones, is a small root that groweth in the Mountains, which being dried and beat in powder turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches, anointing their joints, painting their heads and garments. They account it very precious, and of much worth. Musquaspenne is a root of the bigness of a finger, and as red as blood. In drying it will wither almost to nothing. This they use to paint their Mats, Targets, and such like. There is also Pellitory of Spain, Sasafrage, and diverse parietary. Sassafras. Onions. See ins●. c. 14. of certain Oxen found by Cap. Aryoll. Their chief beasts are Decree. Aroughcun. Squirrels. Assapanick a Squirrel flying others Simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be good and medicinable. In the low marshes grow plots of Onions containing an acre of ground or more in many places; but they are small, not past the bigness of the top of ones thumb. Of beasts the chief are Dear, nothing differing from ours. In the Deserts towards the heads of the Rivers, there are many, but amongst the Rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a Badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels do. Their Squirrels, some are near as great as our smallest sort of wild Rabbits, some blackish or black and white, but the most are grey. A small beast they have, they call Assapanick, but we call them flying Squirrels, because spreading their legs, and so stretching the largeness of their skins, that they have been seen to fly thirty or forty yards. An Opassam hath a head like a Swine, and a tail like a Rat, and is of the bigness of a Cat. Under her belly she hath a bag, wherein she lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. Mussascus, is a beast of the form and nature of our water Rats, but many of them Opassom. smell exceeding strongly of Musk. Their Hares are no bigger than our Coneys, and few of them to be found. Their Bears are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartary. The Beaver is Mussascus. Be res. The Beaver. as big as an ordinary great Dog, but his legs exceeding short. His fore feet like a Dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. His tail somewhat like the form of a Racket bare without hair, which to eat the Savages esteem a great delicate. They have many Otters, which as the Beavers they Otters. take with snares, and esteem the skins great ornaments, and of all those beasts they use to feed when they catch them. There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes', in the form of a wild Cat, their Foxes are like Vetcunquoyes. Foxes. our silver haired-Conies of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogs of that Country are like their Wolves, and cannot bark but howl; and their Wolves not much bigger than our English Foxes. Martin's, Powlecats, Weessels and Minx we know they Do●s. Martin's. Polecats. Weasels, and M●●kes. Note. have, because we have seen many of their akins, though very seldom any of them alive. But one thing is strange, that we could never perceive their vermin destroy our Hens, Eggs, nor Chickens, nor do any hurt, nor their Flies nor Serpents any way pernicious, where in the South parts of America they are always dangerous and often deadly. Of Birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawks there be of diverse sorts as our Falconers Birds. called them. Sparrowhawkes', Lanarets, Goshawkes', Falcons, and O●peraies, but they all prey most upon Fish. Partridges there are little bigger than our Quails, wild Turkey's a●● as big as Fish hawks. our tame. There are Woosels or Blackbirds with red shoulders. Thrushes and diverse sorts of small Birds, some red, some Blue, scarce so big as a Wren, but few in Summer. In Winter there are great plenty of Swans, Cranes, grey and white with black wings, Herons, Geese, Brants, Duck, Widgeon, Dotterell, Oxeys, Parrots and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and some other strange kinds to us unknown by name. But in Summer not any or a very few to be seen. O Fish, we are best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, Porpus, Seales, Stingrays, whose tails are very dangerous. Bretts, Mullets, white Salmonds, Trout, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Coney fish, ●●sh. Rockfish, E●les, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, Perch of three sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Creu●fes, Oysters, Cocles and Muscles. But the most strange Fish is a small one, so like the picture of Saint Strange form George his Dragon, as possible can be, except his legs and wings, and the Todefish, which will sw●ll till it be like to burst, when it cometh into the air. Concerning the entrailes of the earth, little can be said for certainty. There wanted good Refiners, for those that took upon them to have skill this way, took up the washings from the The Rocks. mountains, and some moskered shining stones and spangles which the waters brought down, flattering themselves in their own vain conceit to have supposed what they were not, by the means of that Ore, if it proved as their Arts and judgements expected. Only this is certain, that many Regions lying in the same Latitude, afford Mines very rich of diverse natures. The crust also of these Rocks would easily persuade a man to believe there are other Mines than Iron and Steel, if there were but means and men of experience that knew the Mine from spare. Of their Planted fruits in Virginia, and how they use them. They divide the year into five seasons. Their Winter some call Papanow, the Spring Catapeuk, How they divide the year. the Summer Cohattayough, the ear-ring of their Corn N●pinough, the Harvest and fall of leaf Taqui●ock. From September, until the midst of November are the chief Feasts and Sacrifice. Then have they plenty of fruits, as well planted as natural, as Corn, green and ripe, Fish, Fowle, and wild beasts exceeding fat. The greatest labour they take, is in planting their Corn, for the Country is naturally overgrown with wood. To prepare the ground they bruise the bark of the trees near the root, How they prepare the ground. then do they scorch the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next year with a crooked piece of Wood, they beat up the Woods by the roots, and in those moulds they plant their Corne. Their manner is this. They make a hole in the earth with a stick, and into it they put four grains of Wheat, and two of Beanes. These holes they make four foot one from another; Their women and children do continually keep it with weeding, and when it is grown middle high, they hill it about like a Hop-yard. In April they begin to plant but their chief plantation is in May, and so they continue till the midst of june. What they plant in April, they reap in August; for May, in September; for june, How they plant. in October. Every stalk of their Corn commonly beareth two ears, some three, seldom any four, many but one, and some none. Every ear ordinarily hath betwixt two hundred and five hundred grains. The stalk being green hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a Sugar Cane, which is the cause that when they gather their Corn green, they suck the stalks for as we gather green Pease, so do they their Corn being green, which excelleth their old. They plant also Pease, which they call Ass 〈…〉, which are the same they call in Italy, Fagioli. Their Beans are the same the Turks call Gar 〈…〉 s, but these they much esteem for dainties. Their Corn they roast in the ear gr●ene, and bruised it in a Mortar of Wood with a Polt, lap How they use their Corne. it in rolls in the leaves of their Corn, and so boil it for a dainty. They also reserve the Corn late planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying it. In Winter they esteem it, being boiled with Beanes, for a rare dish, they call Paus 〈…〉. Their old Wheat they first steep a night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a Mortar. They use a small basket for their Thameses, than pound again the great, and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receive the flower in a platter made of Wood, scraped to that form with burning and shells. Tempering this flower in water, they make it either in cakes covering with ashes till they be baked, and then washing them in fair water they dry presently with their own heat: or else boil them in water, eating the broth with the bread, which they call Po●ap. The grouts and pieces of the corns remaining, by fanning in a platter, or in the wind, away, the bran they boil three or four hours with water, which is an ordinary food they call Vstataham●n. But some more thrifty than cleanly, do burn the core of the ear to powder, which they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meal, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. There fish and flesh they boil either very tenderly, or bro●le it so long on hurdles over the fire, or else after How they use their fish and flesh. the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turn first the one side, than the other, till it be as dry as their jerkin beef in the West Indies, that they may keep it a month or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eat as commonly as the meat. In May also amongst their Corn they plant Pumpeons, and a fruit like unto a Muake Millen, Planted fruits. but less and worse, which they call Macocks. These increase exceedingly, and ripen in the beginning of july, and continue until September. They plant also Maracocks, a wild fruit like a Lemon, which also increase infinitely. They begin to ripe in September, and continue till the end of October. When all their fruits be gathered, little else they plant, and this is done by their women and children: neither doth this long suffice them, for near three parts of the year they only observe times and seasons, and live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, etc. The mildness of the air, the fertility of the soil, and the situation of the Rivers, are so propitious The commodities in Virginia, or that may be had by industry. A proof, cattle will live well. to the nature and use of man, as no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and man's sustenance. Under that Latitude or Climate, here will live any beasts, as Horses, Goats, Sheep, Asses, Hens, etc. as appeared by them that were carried thither. The waters, Isles, and shoals, are full of safe harbours for ships of War or Merchandise, for boats of all sorts, for transportation or fishing, etc. The Bay and Rivers have much merchandable fish, and places fit for Salt coats, building of Ships, making of Iron, etc. Muscovia and Polonia do yearly receive many thousands, for Pitch, Tar, Soap, ashes, Rosen, The Commodities. Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, Masts, Yards, Wainscot, Firres, Glass, and such like: also Swethland for Iron and Copper. France in like manner for Wine, Canvas, and Salt; Spain as much for Iron, Steele, Figs, Reasons, and Sacks. Italy with Silks and Velvets consume our chief commodities. Holland maintains itself by Fishing and Trading at our own doors. All these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertain as Peace or Wars. Besides the charge, travel, and danger in transporting them, by seas, lands, storms, and Pirates. Then how much hath Virginia the prerogative of all those flourishing Kingdoms, for the benefit of our Land, when as within one hundred miles all those that are to be had, either ready provided by nature, or else to be prepared, were there but industrious men to labour. Only Copper (we may doubt) is wanting; but there is good probability that both Copper, and better murals are there to be had for their labour. Other Countries have it. So then here is a place, a nurse for Soldiers, a practice for Mariners, a trade for the Merchants, a reward for the good, and that which is most of all, a business (most acceptable to God) to bring such poor Infidels to the true knowledge of God, and his holy Gospel. Of the natural Inhabitants of Virginia, and their customs. The land is not populous, for the men be few; their far greater number is of women and children. Within sixty miles of james Town there are about some 7000. people, but of able men fit for their wars scarce 2000 To nourish so many together they have yet no means, because The numbers. they make so small a benefit of their Land, be it never so fertile: seven or eight hundred 700. men were the most seen together, when they thought to have surprised Captain Smith. A description of the people. (●hough by their own report they were above a thousand) have been the most which hath been seen together, when they gathered themselves to have surprised Captain Smith at Pamav●ke, having but fifteen to withstand the worst of their fury. As small as the proportion of ground that hath yet been discovered, is in comparison of that yet unknown, the people differ very much in stature, especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great, as the Sesquesahamocks; others very little, as the Wighcocomococs; but generally tall and strait, of a comely proportion, and of a colour brown when they are of any age, but they are borne white. Their hair is generally black, but few have any beards. The men wear half their The Barbara▪ heads shaved, the other half long; for Barbers they use their women, who with two shells will grate away the hair, of any fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their years, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very strong, of an able body and The constitu●on▪ full of agility, able to endure to lie in the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the weeds and grass, in Ambuscado in the Summer. They are inconstant in every The disposition. thing, but what fear constraineth them to keep. Crafty, timorous, quick of apprehension, and very ingenious. Some are of disposition fearful, some bold, most cautelous, all Savage: Generally covetous of Copper, Beads, and such like trash. They are soon moved to anger, and so malicious, that they seldom forget an injury: they seldom steal one from another, lest their Conjurers should reveal it, and so they be pursued and punished. That they are thus feared i● certain, but that any can reveal their offences by conjuration I am doubtful. Their women are careful not to be suspected of dishonesty without the leave of their husbands. Each household knoweth their own lands and gardens, and most live of their own labours. For their apparel, they are sometime covered with the skins of wild Beasts, which in winter are dressed with the The possessions. Their attire. hair, but in summer without. The better sort use large mantles of Dear skins, not much differing in fashion from the Irish Mantles: some embroidered with white Beads, some with Copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort have scarce to cover their nakedness but with grass, the leaves of trees, or such like. We have seen some use mantles made of Turkie-feathers, so prettily wrought and woven with threads, that nothing could be discerned Feather Mantles. but the feathers. That was exceeding warm and very handsome. But the women are always covered about their middles with a skin, and very shamefaced to be seen bare. They adorn themselves most with Copper Beads and paintings. Their women, some have their legs, Their ornaments. hands, breasts and face cunningly embroidered with diverse works, as Beasts, Serpents, artificially wrought into their flesh with black spots. In each ear commonly they have three great holes, whereat the hang Chains, Bracelets or Copper. Some of their men wear in those holes, a small green and yellow coloured Snake, near half a yard in length, which crawling and lapping herself about his neck oftentimes familiarly would kiss his lips. Others wear a dead Rat tied by the tail. Some on their heads wear the wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rattle. Those Rattles are somewhat like the chape of a Rapier but less, which they take from the tail of a Snake. Many have the whole skin of a Hawk or some strange fowl, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad piece of Copper, and some the hand of their enemy dried. Their head and shoulders are painted red with the root Pocone brayed to powder mixed with Oil, this they hold in summer to preserve them from the heat, and in winter from the cold. Many other forms of paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to behold. Their Buildings and habitations are for the most part by the Rivers, or not far distant from Their buildings. some fresh Spring. Their Houses are built like our Arbours, of small young sprigs bowed and tied, and so close covered with mats, or the barks of trees very hand somely, that notwithstanding either wind, rain or weather, they are so warm as stoves, but very smoky, yet at the top of the house there is a hole made for the smoke to go into right over the fire. Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds covered with a mat borne from the ground Their lodgings. a foot and more by a Hurdle of wood. On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by tother against the fire, some covered with Mats, some with Skins, and some stark naked, lie on the ground, from six to twenty in a house. Their Houses are in the midst of their Fields or Gardens, which are small plots of grounds; some twenty, some forty, some a hundred, Their gardens. some two hundred, some more, some less, sometimes from two to a hundred of those houses together, or but a little separated by groves of trees. Near their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any way, but where the creeks or Rivers shall hinder. Men, Women, and Children have their several names, according to the several humour of their Parents. Their women (they say) are easily delivered of child, yet do they love children How they use their children. very dear. To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the Rivers, and by painting and ointments so tan their skins, that after a year or two, no weather will hurt them. The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, wars, and such manlike exercises, scorning to be seen in any womanlike exercise, which is the cause that the women be very painful, and The industry of their women. the men often idle. The women and children do the rest of the work. They make Mats, Baskets▪ Pots, Mortars, pound their corn, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corn, gather their corn, bear all kind of burdens, and such like. Their fire they kindle presently by chase a dry pointed stick in a hole of a little square piece of wood, that firing itself, will so fire moss, leaves, or any such like dry thing, that will quickly How they strike fire. Their order of diet. burn. In March and April▪ they live much upon their fishing wares, and feed on fish, Turkeys, and Squirrels. In May and june they plant their fields, and live most of Acorns, Walnuts, and fish. But to mend their diet, some disperse themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, Beasts, Crabs, Oysters, land Tortoises, Strawberries, Mulberries, and such like. In june, july, and August, they feed upon the roots of Tocknough Berries, Fish, and green Wheat. It is strange to see how their bodies alter with their diet, even as the Dear and wild Beasts, they seem fat and lean, strong and weak. Powhatan their great King, and some others that are provident, roast their fish and flesh upon hurdles, as before▪ is expressed, and keep it till scarce times. For fishing, and hunting, and wars, they use much their Bow and Arrows. They bring their Bows to the form of ours: by the scraping of a shell. Their Arrows are made some of How they make their Bows and Arrows. strait young sprigs, which they head with bone, some two or three inches long. These they use to shoot at Squirrels on trees. Another sort of Arrows they use, made of reeds: these are peeced with wood, headed with splinters of Crystal, or some sharp stone; the spurs of a Turkey, or the bill of some Bird. For his Knife, he hath the splinter of a reed to cut his feathers in form. With this Knife also, he will joint a Deer or any Beast, shape his shoes, buskins, Mantles, Their Knife▪ etc. To make the noch of his Arrow, he hath the tooth of a Beaver, set in a stick, wherewith he grateth it by degrees. His Arrow head he quickly maketh with a little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracer, of any splint of a stone or glass, in the form of a hart; and these they glue to the end of their Arrows. With the sinews of Deer, and the tops of Deeres horns boiled to a jelly, they make a glue that will not dissolve in cold water. For their wars also they use Targets that are round and made of the barks of trees, and a Their Targets and sword's. sword of wood at their backs, but oftentimes they use for swords the horn of a Deer put through a piece of wood, in form of a Pickaxe: some a long stone sharpened at both ends, used in the same manner. This they were wont to use also for Hatchets, but now by trucking, they have plenty of the same form of Iron. And those are their chief instruments and arms. Their fishing is much in Boates. These they make of one tree by burning and scratching away the coals with stones and shells, till they have made it in form of a Trough. Some of them Their Boats. are an elle deep, and forty or fifty foot in length, and some will bear forty men, but the most ordinary are smaller, and will bear ten, twenty, or thirty, according to their bigness. Instead of Oars, they use paddles and sticks, with which they will row faster than our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighs, their women use to spin; the Barks of trees, Dear sinews, or How they spirit. a kind of grass they call Pemmenaw, of these they make a thread very even and readily. This thread serveth for many uses, about their housing, apparel, as also they make nets for fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their hooks are either a bone grated, as they nock their Arrows, in the form of a crooked pin or fish hook, Their Fishoo 〈…〉 or of the splinter of a bone tied to the cleft of a little stick, and with the end of the line, they tie on the bait. They use also long Arrows tied in a line, wherewith they shoot at fish in the River. But they of Accawmack use staffs, like unto javelins, headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming in the water. They have also many artificial wares, in which they get abundance of fish. In their hunting & fishing they take extreme pains; yet it being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteemed it a pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their Hunting labours. continual ranging, and travel, they know all the advantages and places most frequented with Deer, Beasts, Fish, Fowle, Rootes, and Berries. At their hunt they leave their habitations, and reduce themselves into companies, as the Tartars do, and go to the most desert places with How they hunt their families, where they spend their time in hunting and fowling up towards the Mountains, by the heads of their Rivers, where there is plenty of game. For betwixt the Rivers, the grounds are so narrow, that little cometh there which they devour not. It is a mar●ell they can so directly pass these deserts, some three or four day's journey without habitation. Their hunting Hunting houses. houses are like unto Arbours covered with ma●s. These their women bear after them, with Corn, Acorns, Mortars, and all bag and baggage they use. When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to show his dexterity, for by their excelling in those qualities, they get their wives. Forty yards will they shoot level, or very near the mark, and one hundred and twenty is their best at random. At their hunting in the deserts they are commonly two or three hundred together. Having found the Deer, they environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place themselves. And some take their stands in the midst. The Dear being thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chase them so long within that circle, that many times they kill six, eight, ten, or fifteen at a hunting. They use also to drive them into some narrow point of land, when they find that advantage, and so force them into the River, where with their Boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they have shot a Dear by land they follow him like Bloodhounds, by the blood and strain, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, Partridges, Turkeys, or Eggs, fat or lean, young or old, they devour all they can catch in their power. In one of these hunt they found Captain Smith, in the discovery of the head of the River of Chickahamania, where they slew his men, and took him prisoner in a Bogmire, where he saw those exercises, and gathered these observations. One Savage hunting alone, used the skin of a Dear slit on the one side, and so put on his arm, through the neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the horns, One Savage hunting alone. head, eyes, ears, and every part as artificially counterfeited as they can devose. Thus shrouding his body in the skin, by stalking he approacheth the Deer, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the Dear chance to find fault, or stand at gaze, he turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to seem like a Deer, also gazing and licking himself. So watching his best advantage to approach, having shot him, he chaseth him by his blood and strain till he get him. When they intent any Wars, the Werowances usually have the advice of their Priests and Conjurers, and their allies and ancient friends, but chiefly the Priests determine their resolution. Their consultations. Every Werowance, or some lusty fellow, they appoint Captain over every Nation. They seldom make War for lands or goods, but for women and children, and principally for revenge. They have many enemies, namely all their Westernely Countries beyond the Mountains, and Their enem 〈◊〉, the heads of the Rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans' are the Monacans, whose chief habitation is at Russawmeake, unto whom the Moubemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the Manahassanuggs, and other Nations pay tributes. Upon the head of the River of Toppahanocke is a people called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, the Outponcas, the Tegoneaes, the Whonkentyaes', the Stegarakes, the Hassi●nungas, and diverse others, all confederates with the Monacans though many differ in language, and be very barbarous, huing for most part of wild Beasts and fruies. Beyond the Mountains, from whence is the head of the River Patawomeke, the Savages report inhabit their most mortal enemies, the Massawomckes Massawomekes. upon a great salt water, which by all likelihood is either some part of Commada, some great Lake, or some inlet of some Sea that falleth into the South Sea. These Massawomekes are a great Nation and very populous. For the heads of all those Rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the Pautuxuntes, the Sasquesahanoks, the Tockwoughes are continually tormented by them: of whose cruelty, they generally complained, and very importunate they were with Captain Smith and his company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose they offered food, Their offer of subjection. conduct, assistance, and continual subjection; which he concluded to effect. But the council then present, emulating his success, would not think it fit to spare him forty men to be hazarded in those unknown Regions, having passed (as before was spoken of) but with twelve, and so was lost that opportunity. Seven Boats full of these Massawomekes the discoverers encountered at the head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bows and Arrows, and every thing showed, they much exceeded them of our parts, and their dexterity in their small Boats made of the barks of trees sowed with bark and well luted with gum, argueth that they are seated upon some great water. Against all these enemies the Powhatans' are constrained sometimes to fight. Their chief attempts are by Stratagems, treacheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances women and children they put not to death, but keep them Captives. They have a method in war, and for our pleasures they showed it us, and it was in this manner performed at Mattapanient. Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner they could devose. They divided themselves into two Companies, near a hundred in a Company. The one company called Their manner of battle. Monacans, the other Powhatans'. Either army had their Captain. These as enemies took their stands a Musket shot one from another; ranked themselves fifteen a breast, and each rank from another four or five yards, not in file, but in the opening betwixt their files. So as the Rear could shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields: from either part went a Messenger with these conditions, that whosoever were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in two days after shall live, but their wives and children should he prise for the conquerors. The Messengers were no sooner returned, but they approached in their orders: On each flank a Sergeant, and in the Rear an officer for Lieutenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed tune which they use only in wars. Upon the first flight of Arrows they gave such horrible shouts and screeches, as so many infernal hellhounds could not have made them more terrible. When they had spent their Arrows, they joined together prettily, charging and retiring, every rank seconding other. As they got advantage, they catched their enemies by the hair of the head, & down he came that was taken: his enemy with his wooden Sword seemed to beat out his brains, and still they crept to the Rear to maintain the skirmish. The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans' charged them in the form of a half Moon; they unwilling to be enclosed, fled all in a troop to their Ambuscadoes, on whom they led them very cunningly. The Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon the Powhatans' retired with all speed to their seconds; which the Monacans seeing, took that advantage to retire again to their own battle, and so each returned to their own quarter. All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging and retiring, were so strained to the height of their quality and nature, that the strangeness thereof made it seem very delightful. For their music they use a thick Cane, on which they pipe as on a Recorder. For their wars they have a great deep platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at Their Music each corner they tie a Walnut, which meeting on the backside near to the bottom, with a small rope they twitch them together till it be so tough and stiff, that they may beat upon it as upon a Drum. But their chief instruments are Rattles made of small gourds or Pumpions shells. Of these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meare and Trible. These mingled with their voices, sometimes twenty or thirty together, make such a terrible noise, as would rather affright then delight any man. If any great Commander arrive at the habitation of a Werowance, Their entertainment. they spread a Mat, as the Turks do a Carpet, for him to sit upon. Upon another right opposite they sit themselves. Then do all with a tuneable voice of shouting ●●d him welcome. After this do two or more of their chiefest men make an Oration, testifying their love: which they do with such vehemency, and so great passions, that they sweat till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speak: so that a man would take them to be ex 〈…〉 ding angry, or stark mad. Such victual as they have, they spend freely, and at night where h●s lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with Pocones and Oil, to be his bedfellow. Their manner of trading is for Copper, Beads, and such like, for which they give such commodities as they have, as Skins, Fowl, Fish, Flesh, and their Country Corne. But their victual Their trade. is their chiefest riches. Every spring they make themselves sick with drinking the juice of a root they call Wighsacan, Their physic. and water, whereof they pour so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very violent manner; so that in three or four days after they scarce recover their former health. Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and such like diseases; for cure whereof Their chirurgery. they build a stone, in the form of a Dovehouse, with mats, so close that a few coals therein covered with a pot, will make the patient sweat extremely. For swellings also they use small pieces of touchwood, in the form of cloves, which pricking on the grief they burn close to the flesh, and from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root Wighsacan they ordinarily heal green wounds. But to scarify a swelling or make incision, their best instruments are some splinted stone. Old ulcers or putrified hurts are seldom seen cured amongst them. They have many professed Physicians, who with their charms and Rattles with an infernal Their charms to cure. rout of words and actions will seem to suck their inward grief from their navels or their grieved places; but of our Chirurgeons they were so conceited, that they believed any Plaster would heal any hurt. Of their Religion. There is yet in Uirginia no place discovered to be so Savage in which the Savages have not a Religion, Deer, and Bow, and Arrows. All things that were able to do them hurt beyond their prevention, they adore with their kind of divine worship; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our ordnance, pieces, horses, etc. But their chief God they worship is the Devil; him they call Oak, and serve him more of fear then love. They say they have conference with him Their God. and fashion themselves as near to his shape as they can imagine. In their Temples they have his image evilfavouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with Chains, Copper, and Beads; and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulchre of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried upon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their joints and neck they hang How they bury their Kings. Bracelets or Chains of Copper, Pearl, and such like, as they use to wear, their inwards they stuff with Copper Beads and covered with a Skin, Hatchets, and such trash. Then lap they them very carefully in white Skins, and so roll them in mats for their winding-sheets. And in the Tomb, which is an arch made of Mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kind of wealth, their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are kept by their Priests. For their ordinary burials, they dig a deep hole in the earth with sharp stakes, and the corpses being lapped in Skins and Mats with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks in the ground, and Their ordinary burials. so cover them with earth. The burial ended, the women being painted all their faces with black coal and oil, do sit four and twenty hours in the houses mourning and lamenting by turns, with such yelling and howling as may express their great passions. In every Territory of a Werowance is a Temple and a Priest, two, or three, or more. Their principal Temple or place of superstition is at Vitamussack at Pamavuke, near unto which is a house Their Temples temple or place of Powhatans'. Upon the top of certain red sandy hills in the woods, there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings, and Devils, & Tombs of their Predecessors. Those houses are near sixty foot in length, built arbot-wise after their building. This place they count so holy as that none but the Priests and Kings dare come into them; nor the Savages dare not go up the River in Boats by it, but that they solemnly cast some piece of Popper, white Beads or Pocones into the River; for fear their Oak should be offended and revenged of them. In this place commonly are resident seven Priests. The chief differed from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Their ornaments for their Priests. Priests could hardly be known from the common people, but that they had not so many holes in their ears to hang their jewels at. The ornament of the chief Priest were certain attires for his head made thus: They took a dozen, or sixteen, or more Snake skins, and stuffed them with moss, & of Weasels, and other vermin skin's a good many. All these they tie by their tails, so as all their tails meet in the top of their head, like a great Tassel. Round about this Tassel is as it were a cown of feathers, the skins hang round about his head, neck, and shoulders, and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are painted as ugly as they can devose, in their hands they had every one his Rattle, some base, some smaller. Their devotion was most in Songs, which the chief Priest beginneth, and the rest followed him, sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groan. It could not be perceived that they keep any day as more holy than other; but only in some Their times of solemn 〈…〉. great distress of want, fear of enemies, times of triumph and gathering together their fruits, the whole Country of men, women, and children come together to solemnities. The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great fire in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with Rattles and shouts together four or five hours. Sometime they set a man in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while clapping his hands if he would keep time, and after their songs and dance ended they go to their Feasts. They have also diverse conjurations; one they made when Captain Smith was their prisoner Their Conjurations. (as they reported) to know if any more of his Countrymen would arrive there, and what he there intended. The manner of it followeth in his story. They have also certain Altar stones, they call Pawcorances, but these stand from their Temples, some by there houses; others in the Woods and Wildernesses: Where they have had any extraordinary Their Altars. C. Smith. accident or encounter. As you travel by them they will tell you the cause of their erection, wherein they instruct their children; so that they are in stead of Records and memorials of their Antiquities. Upon this they offer blood, Dear suet, and Tobacco. These they do when they return from the wars, from hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another Sacrifices to the water. superstition that they use in storms, when the waters are rough in the Rivers and Sea Coasts. Their Conjurers run to the water sides, or passing in their Boats, after many hellish outcries and invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, or such trash into the water, to pacify that God whom they think to be very angry in those storms. Before their dinners and suppers, the better sort will take the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are known to use. Every Nation in seven or ten years useth a kind of solemnity. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohanock, Their solemn making of blackberries, some ten miles from james Town and thus performed. Fifteen of the properest young Boys, between ten and fifteen years of age they painted white. Having brought them forth, the people spent the forenoon in dancing and singing about them with Rattles. In the afternoon they put those children to the root of the tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, every one having a Bastinado in his hand, made of Reeds bound together. This made a lane between them all along, through which there were appointed five young men to fetch these children: so every one of the five went through the guard to fetch a child each after other by turns, the guard fearlessly beating them with the Bastinadoes, and they patiently enduring and receiving all, defending the children with their naked bodies from the unmerciful blows, that pay them sound, though the children escape. All this while the women weep and cry out very passionately, providing Mats, Skins, Moss, and dry Wood, as things fitting their children's Funerals. After the children were thus passed, the guard tore down the trees, branches, and boughs, with such violence that they rend the body, and made wreathes for their heads, or bedecked their hair with leaves. What else was done with the children, was not seen, but they were all cast on a heap, in a Valley as dead, where they made a great feast for all the company. The Werowance being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered, That the children were not C. Smith. all dead, but the next day they were to drink Wighsakon, which would make them mad; and they were to be kept by the last made Black boys in the wilderness, where their Oak did suck the blood of those which fell to his lot. The truth is, as I think, that many die with the misery which they endure. For they lie in all weathers in a little hovel naked, and they seldom speak or keep company with any but their Keepers; whom they obey so, that if they be bidden sit on the frozen snow, they will not rise till they be called. And if they bid them go take Fish, Flesh, or Corn from their mothers, or else they are Old me, this word is so terrible that they will tear their mother's throat, but they will have it; yea it nakes them do whatsoever they are commanded: and much mischief they often do to such as they find straggling. Yet hurt they not each other. They continue thus nine months. Then are diverse platters of broth set, of which some are poisoned; and he whose divination finds out the poisoned, is much esteemed and made a Quiyoughcosuck. These are the degrees to become Priests or Conjurers. This sacrifice they held to be so necessary, that if they should omit it, their Oak or Devil, and all their other Quiyoughcosughes which are there other Gods, would let them have no Dear, Turkeys, Corn, nor Fish, and yet besides, be would make a great slaughter amongst them. They think that their Werowances and Priests, which they also esteem Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, go beyond the Mountains towards the setting of the Sun, and ever remain there in form of their Oak, with their heads painted with Oil and Pocones, finely trimmed with Feathers, and shall have Beads, Hatchets, Copper, and Tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live after death. To divert them from this blind Idolatry, many used there best endeavours, chiefly with the Their resurrection. Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock, whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded any in those Countries, whom though we could not as yet prevail withal to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did believe, that our God as much exceeded theirs, as our Guns did their Bows and Arrows, and many times did send to the Precedent, at james Town, men with Presents, entreating them to pray to his God for Rain, for his Gods would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance, do these poor soul's sacrifice themselves to the Devil, not knowing their Creator. Of the manner of the Virginians Government. Although the Country people be very barbarous, yet have they amongst them such government, as that their Magistrates for good commanding, and their people for due subjection, and obeying, excel many places that would be counted very civil. The form of their Commonwealth is a monarchial government, one as Emperor ruleth over many Kings or Governors. Their chief Ruler is called Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principal place of dwelling, called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some Countries he hath which have been his Ancestors, and came unto him by Inheritance, as the Country called Powhatan, Arrohateck, Appamatuke, Pamavuke, Youghtanud, and Mattapanient. All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report have been his several conquests. In all his ancient Inheritances, he hath houses built after their manner like arbours, some thirty, some forty yards long, and at every house provision for his entertainment according to the time. At Werowcomoco, he was seated upon the Northside of the River Pamavuke, some fourteen miles from james Town, where for the most part, he was resident, but he took so little pleasure in our near neighbourhood, that were able to visit him against his will in six or seven hours, that he retired himself to a place in the Deserts at the top of the River Chickahamania, between Toughtanund and Powhatan. A description of Powhatan. His habitation is called Orapacks, where he ordinarily now resideth. He is of parsonage a tall well proportioned man, with a sour look, his head somewhat grey, his beard so thin that it seemeth none at all, his age near sixty; of a very able and hardy body to endure any labour. His attendance & watch About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of forty or fifty of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night upon the four quarters of his house are four Sentinels each standing from other a flight shoot, and at every half hour one from the Corpse due guard doth hollow, unto whom every Sentinel doth answer round from his stand; if any fail, they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extremely. A mile from Orapakes, in a thicket of Wood, he hath a house in which he keepeth his kind of His treasury. Treasure, as Skins, Copper, Pearl, and Beads, which he storeth up against the time of his death and burial. Here also is store of Red paint for ointment, and Bows and Arrows. This house is fifty or sixty yards in length, frequented only by Priests. At the four corners of this house stand four Images as Sentinels, one of a Dragon, another a Bear, the third like a Leopard, and the fourth like a Giantlike man, all made euill-fauor'dly, according to their best workmanship. He hath as many women as he will, whereof when he lieth on his bed, one sitteth at his head, His Wives. and another at his feet, but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand & another on his left. As he is weary of his women, he bestoweth them on those that best deserve them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women before and after meat, bringeth him water in a wooden Platter to wash his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of Feathers to wipe them instead of a Towel, and the Feathers when he hath wiped are dried again. His Kingdom descendeth not to his sons nor children, but first to his brethren, whereof he hath three, namely, Opitchapan, His Successors The title of succession. Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to the rest, and after them to the heir male and female of the eldest sister, but never to the heirs of the males. He, nor any of his people understand any letters whereby to write or read, only the Laws whereby he ruleth is Custom. Yet when he listeth his will is a law, and must be obeyed: not only as a King, but as half a God they esteem him. His inferior Kings, whom they call Their authority. Werowances are tied to rule by customs, and have power of life and death, as their command in that nature. But this word Werowance, which we call and construe for a King, is a common word whereby they call all Commanders: for they have but few words in their language, and but few occasions to use any officers more than one Commander, which commonly they call Werowances. They all know their several lands, and habitations, and limits, to fish, fowl, or hunt in, but they The tonor of their lands. hold all of their great Werowance Powhatan, unto whom they pay tribute of Skins, Beads, Copper, Pearl, Dear, Turkeys, wild Beasts, and Corne. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great fear & adoration all these people do obey this Powhatan. For at his feet they present whatsoever he commandeth, at the least frown of his brow, their greatest spirits will tremble with fear: and no marvel, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as offend him. For example, he caused certain malefactors to be His manner of punishments, bound hand and foot, then having many fires, gathering great store of burning coals, they rake these coals round in the form of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid upon the altar or sacrificing stone, and one with clubs beat out their brains. When he would punish any notorious enemy or malefactor, he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and with Muscle shells, or Reeds, the executioner cutteth off his joints one after another, ever casting what they cut off into the fire; then doth he proceed with S 〈…〉 else and Reeds to case the skin from his head and face; then do they rip his belly, and so burn him with the tree and all. Thus themselves reported they executed George Cassen. Their ordinary correction is to beat them with cudgels. We have seen a man kneeling on his knees, and at Powhatans' command, two men have beat him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senseless in a sound, and yet never cry nor complained. In the year 1608, he surprised the people of Payankatank, his near neighbours and subjects. The occasion was to us unknown, but the manner was thus. First, he sent diverse of his men to lodge amongst them that night, than the Ambusacodes environed all their houses, and at the hour appointed, they all fell to the spoil, twenty four men they slew, the long hair of their one side of their heads, with the skin cased off with shells or reeds, they brought away. They surprised also the women, the children, and the Werowance. All these they present to Powhatan. The Werowance, women and children became his prisoners, and do him service. The locks of hair with their skins he hanged on a line unto two trees. And thus he made ostentation of as great a triumph at Werowocomoco, showing them to the English men that then came unto him at his appoitment, they expecting provision, he to betray them, supposed to half conquer them by this spectacle of his terrible cruelty. And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthy of note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfy my friends of the true worth and quality of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not stick to slander the Country, that will slovenly spit at all things, especially in company where they can find none to contradict them. Who though they were scarce ever ten miles from james Town, or at the most but at the Falls; yet holding it a great disgrace that amongst so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaim of all things, though they never adventured to know any thing; nor ever did any thing but devour the fruits of other men's labours. Being for Vanity of Effeminate Planters. most part of such tender educations and small experience in martial accidents, because they found not English Cities, nor such fair houses, nor at their own wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with Featherbeds, and Down-pillowes, Taverns and Alehouses in every breathing place, neither such plenty of Gold and Silver and dissolute liberty as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure their means to return for England. For the Country was to them a misery, a ruin, a death, a hell, their reports here, and their own actions were there according. Some other there were that had yearly stipends to pass to and again for transportation: Vanity of selfseeking gloriosoes. who to keep the mystery of the business in themselves, though they had neither time nor means to know much of themselves; yet all men's actions or relations they so formally tuned to the temporising times simplicity, as they could make their ignorances seem much more, than all the true actors could by their experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises, as abused the business much worse than the rest. For the business being builded upon the foundation of their feigned experience, the planters, the Money, Tin, and means have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the Planters so far absent, who could contradict their excuses? which still to maintain their vainglory and estimation, from time to time they have used such diligence as made them pass for truths, though nothing more false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man wonder; for the wisest living is soon abused by him that hath a fair tongue and a dissembling heart. There were many in Virginia merely projecting, verbal and idle contemplators, and those so devoted to pure idleness, that though they had lived two or three years in Virginia, lordly, necessity Misery of base idleness itself could not compel them to pass the Pninsula, or Pallisadoes of james Town, & those witty spirits, what would they not affirm in the behalf of our transporters to get victual from their ships, or obtain their good words in England to their passes. Thus the clamours and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those disasters that sprung in Virginia, and our ingenious Verbalists were no less plague to us in Virginia, than the Locusts to the Egyptians. For the labour of thirty of the best only, preserved in Christianity by their industry the idle livers of near two hundred of the rest: who living near ten months of such natural means, as the Country naturally of itself afforded, notwithstanding all this, and the worst fury of the Savages, the extremity of sickness, mutinies, faction, ignorances, and want of victual: in all that time I lost but seven or eight men, yet subjected the Savages to our desired obedience, and received contribution from five and thirty of their Kings, to protect and assist them against any that should assault them; in which order they continued true and faithful, and as subjects to his Majesty, so long after as I did govern there, until I left the Country: since, how they have revolted, the Country lost, and again replanted, and the businesses have succeeded from time to time, I refer you to the relations of them returned from Virginia, that have been more diligent in such observations, gathered out of the Writings of diverse of that Plantation, by Doctor William Simons. CHAP. four The proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia, taken faithfully out of the writings of THOMAS STUDLY Cape-Merchant, ANAS TODKILL, Doctor RUSSELL, NATHANIEL POWELL, WILLIAM PHETIPLACE, and RICHARD POT, * I have many written Treatises lying by me, written by Capt. Smith and others, some there, some here after there return: but because these have already seen the light, and contain a full relation of Virginian affairs, I was loath to weary the Reader with others of this time. The first mover of the action. Orders for government. Susan Constant Admiral with 71. God speed Vide-admiral with 52. Commanded by Cap Gosnol. Discovery rear-admiral, with 21. Godly zeal of M. Hunt. RICHARD WIFFIN, THO. abbey, THO. HOPE; and since enlarged out of the Writings of Capt. JOHN SMITH, principal Agent and Patient in these Virginian Occurrents, from the beginning of the Plantation 1606. till Ann. 1610. somewhat abridged. Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, the first mover of this Plantation, having many years solicited many of his friends, but found small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as M. Edward-Maria Wingfield, Captain john Smith, and diverse others, who depended a year upon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till by their great charge and industry it came to be apprehended by certain of the Nobility, Gentry, and Merchants, so that his Majesty by his Letters Patents, gave Commission for establishing Counsels, to direct here, and to govern, and to execute there; to effect this, was spent another year, and by that time three Ships were provided, one of one hundred Tuns, another of forty, and a Pinnace of twenty. The transportation of the Company was committed to Captain Christopher Newport, a Mariner well practised for the Western parts of America. But their orders for government were put in a Box, not to be opened, nor the Governors known until they arrived in Virginia. On the ninteenth of December, 1606. we set sail, but by unprosperous winds, were kept six weeks in the sight of England; all which time, M. Hunt our Preacher, was so weak and sick, that few expected his recovery. Yet although he were but ten or twelve miles from his habitation (the time we were in the Downs) and notwithstanding the stormy weather, nor the scandalous imputation (of some few, little better than Atheists, of the greatest rank amongst us) suggested against him, all this could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave the business, but preferred the Service of God, in so good a Voyage, before any affection to contest with his godless foes, whose disastrous designs (could they have prevailed) had even then overthrown the business, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but briefly by his true devouted examples) quenched those flames of envy and dissension. We watered at the Canaries, we traded with the Savages at Dominica; three weeks we spent in refreshing ourselves amongst these West India Isles; in Gwardalupa we found a Bath so hot, as in it we boiled Porck as well as over the fire. And at a little I'll, called Monica, we took from the Bushes with our hands, near two Hogsheads of Birds in three or four hours. In Mevis, * Monica an unfrequented I●e full of birds Mona, and the Virgin Iles, we spent some time, wherewith a loathsome beast like a Crocadil, called a Gwayn, Tortoses, Pelican's, Parrots, and Fishes, we daily feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the Company was not a little discomforted, seeing the Mariners had three days passed their reckoning and found no Land, so that Captain Ratcliff (Captain of the Pinnace) rather desired to bear up the Helm to return for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all good actions, forcing them by an extreme storm to Hull all night, did drive them by his providence to their desired Port, beyond all their expectations, for never any of them had seen that Coast. The first Land they made, they called Cape Henry; where anchoring, Their first landing. M. Wingfield, Gosnoll, and Newport, with thirty others, recreating themselves on shore, Were assaulted by five Savages, who hurt two of the English very dangerously. That night was the Box opened, and the orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfield, Christopher Newport, john Smith, john Ratliffe, john Martin, and George Kendal, were named to be the Council, and to choose a Precedent amongst them for a year, who with the Council should govern. Matters of Matters of government. moment were to be examined by a jury, but determined by the Mayor part of the Council, in which the Precedent had two voices. Until the thirteenth of May they sought a place to plant in, than the Council was sworn, M. Wingfield was chosen Precedent, and an Oration made, why Captain Smith was not admitted to the Council as the rest. Now falleth every man to work, the Council contrive the Fort, the rest cut down Trees to make place to pitch their Tents; some provide Clap-board to relade the Ships, some make Gardens, some Nets, etc. The Savages often visited us kindly. The Precedents overweening jealousy would admit no exercise at Arms, or Fortification, but the Boughs of Trees cast together in the form of a half Moon, by the extraordinary pain and diligence of Captain Kendal, Newport, The discou●rie o● the F●●s and Pow●●an. with Smith, and twenty others, were sent to discover the head of the River: by diverse small habitations they passed, in six days they arrived at a Town called Powhatan, consisting of some twelve houses pleasantly seated on a Hill; before it three fertile Isles, about it many of their Cornfields, the place is very pleasant, and strong by nature, of this place the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans', to this place the River is Navigable, but higher within a mile, by reason of the Rocks and Isles, there is not passage for a small Boat, this they call the Falls, the people in all parts kindly entreated them, till being returned within twenty miles of james Town, they gave just cause of jealousy, but had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then The Fort assaulted by the Savages. I have also M. wingfield's notes of these affairs: but ●ould not trouble the Reader here with things more than troublesome there. those at the Fort, there had then been an end of that Plantation; for at the Fort, where they arrived the next day, they found seventeen men hurt, and a boy slain by the Savages, and had it not chanced a cross Bar shot from the Ships struck down a Bough from a Tree amongst them, that caused them to retire, our men had all been slain, being securely all at work, and their Arms in Dry-fats. Hereupon the Precedent was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed, the Ordnance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for many were the assaults, and Ambuscadoes of the Savages, and our men by their disorderly straggling were often hurt, when the Savages by the nimbleness of their heels well escaped. What toil we had, with so small a power to guard our workmen adays, watch all night, resist our enemies, and effect our business, to relade the Ships, cut down Trees, and prepare the ground to plant our Corn, etc. I refer to the Readers consideration. Six weeks being spent in this manner; Captain Newport (who was hired only for our transportation) was to return with the Ships. Now Captain Smith (who all this time from their departure from the Canaries) was restrained as a prisoner upon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chief (envying his repute) who feigned he intended to usurp the government, murder the Council, and make himself King that his confederates were dispersed in all the three Ships, and that diverse of his confederates that revealed it, would affirm it; for this he was committed, thirteen weeks he remained thus suspected, and by that time the Ships should return, they pretended, out of their commisserations, to refer him to the Council in England to receive a check, rather than by particulating his designs make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life, or utterly overthrow his reputation; but he much scorned their charity, and publicly defied the uttermost of their cruelty, he wisely prevented their policies, though he could not suppress their envies, yet so well he demeaned himself in this business, as all the Company did see his innocence, and his adversary's malice, and those which had been subborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation; many untruths were alleged against him; but being so apparently disproved, begat a general hatred in the hearts of the Company against such unjust Commanders; many were the mischiefs that daily sprung from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher Master Hunt reconciled them, and caused Captain Smith to be admitted of the Council: the next day all received the Communion, the day following the Savages voluntarily desired peace, and Captain Newport returned for England with news; leaving in Virginia one hundred, the fifteenth of june 1607. The names of them that were the first planters, were these following. Master Edward-Maria Wingfield, Captain Bartholomew Gosnoll, Capt. john Smith, Capt. john Ratcliff, Cap. john Martin, Capt. George Kendal, Councillors. M. George Piercy, M. Robert Hunt Preacher, Anthony Gosnoll, Capt. Gabrill Archer, Rob. Ford, William Brustar, Dru Pickhouse, john Brookes, Thomas Sands, john Robinson, Vstis Clonill, Kellam Throgmorton, Nathaniel powel, Robert Behethland, jeremy Alicock, Thomas Studley, Richard Crofts, Nicholas Houlgrave, Thomas Webbe, john Waler, William Tankard, Francis Snarsbrough, Edward Brookes, Richard Dixon, john Martin, George Martin, Anthony Gosnold, Thomas Wotton, Seirg. Thomas Gore, Francis Midwinter, Gentlemen. William Laxon, Edward Pising, Tho. Emry, Rob. Small, Carpenters. Anas Todkill, john Capper. james Read, Blacksmith, jonas Profit, Sailer. Tho. Couper, Barber. john Herd, Bricklayer. William Garret, Bricklayer. Edward Brinto, Mason. William Love, Taylor. Nic. Skot, Drum. john Laydon, William Cassen, George Cassen, Tho. Cassen, William Rods, William White, Old Edward, Henry Tavin, George Golding, john Dods, Will. johnson, Will. unger, Labourers. Will. Wilkinson. Surgeon. Samuel Collier, Nat. Peacock, james Brumfield, Rich. Mutton, with diverse others to the number of one hundred and five. Capt. Newports return for England. BEing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within ten days, scarce ten amongst us could either go, or well stand, such extreme weakness and sickness oppressed us. And thereat What happened till the first supply. Chap. 2. The occasion of sickness. The Sailor's ●buses. none need marvel, if they consider the cause and reason, which was this; whilst the ships stayed, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a daily proportion of biscuit which the Sailors would pilfer to sell, give or exchange with us, for money, saxefras, furs, or love. But when they departed, there remained neither Tavern, Beerhouse, nor place of relief but the common kettle. Had we been as free from all sins as gluttony, and drunkenness, we might have been canonised for Saints: But our Precedent would never have been admitted, for engrossing to his private, Otemeale, Sack, Oil, Aquavitae, Beef, Eggs, or what not, but the kettle; that indeed he allowed equally to be distributed, and that was half a pint of Wheat, and as much Barley boiled with water for a man a day, and this having fried some six and twenty weeks in the ships hold, contained as many worms as grains; so that we might truly call it rather so much Bran than Corn, our drink was water, our lodgings castles in air, with this lodging and diet, our extreme toil in bearing and planting Pallisadoes, so strained and bruised us, and our continual labour in the extremity of heat had so weakened us, as were cause sufficient to have made us as miserable in our native Country, or any other place in the world. From May to September, those A bad Precedent. that escaped lived upon Sturgeon, and Sea-Crabs; fifty in this time we buried: The rest seeing the Precedents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnace by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sickness) so moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established Ratcliff in his place, (Gosnoll being dead) Kendal deposed, Smith newly recovered, Martin and Ratliffe was by his care preserved and relieved, but now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all helps abandoned, each hour expecting the fury of the Savages; when God, the Patron of all good endeavours in that desperate extremity, so changed the hearts of the Savages, that they Plenty unexpected. brought such plenty of their fruits and provision, as no man wanted. The new Precedent, and Martin, being little beloved; of weak judgement in dangers, and less industry in peace, committed the managing of all things abroad to Captain Smith: who by his own example, good words, and fair promises, set some to mow, others to bind thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himself always bearing the greatest task for his own The building of james town. share, so that in short time he provided most of them lodgings, neglecting any for himself. This done, seeing the Savages superfluity begin to decrease (with some of his workmen) he shipped himself in the shallop to search the Country for trade, the want of the language, knowledge to manage his Boat without Sailors, the want of sufficient power (knowing the multitude of the Savages) apparel for his men, and other necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement. Being but six or seven in company, he went down the River to Kecoughtan, where at first they scorned him, as a starved man; and would in derision offer him a handful of Corn, or a piece of Bread for their Swords and Muskets, and such like proportions also for their apparel. But seeing C. Smith. by trade there was nothing to be had, necessity forced him to exceed his Commission, and to use his Muskets to another kind of trading, which made these deriders fly to the Woods. He hasted to their houses, and found store of Corn, from which the hungry Soldiers were hardly detained, in bastier spoil to have betrayed themselves to the returning Savages assault. This sixty or seventy did presently, with hideous noise to the ear, and manifold colours painted to the eye, singing and dancing with their Okee (which was an Idol made with skins, stuffed with moss, all painted and hanged with Chains and Copper, borne before them) and being well armed with Clubs, Targets, Bows and Arrows, they charged the English, who so kindly received them with their Muskets loaden with Pistol shot, that down fell their God, and diverse of his worshippers lay sprawling on the ground, the rest flying to the Woods. Soon after they sent one of their Quiyoughcasucks to offer peace, and redeem their Okee. Smith agreed that if only six would come unarmed and load his Boat with Corn, he would be their friend, restore their Okee, and give them also Beads, Copper, Hatchets; which on beth sides was performed to mutual content, and they brought him (singing and dancing) Venison, Turkeys, wild Fowl, Bread, etc. In his return he discovered and kindly traded with the Weraskoyks, in the mean time those at the Fort so glutted the Savages The beginning of trade abroad. with their commodities as they became not regarded. Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late misery) not any regarded but from hand to mouth (the company being well recovered) caused the Pinnace to be provided with things fitting to get provision for the year following; but in the interim he made three or four iournyes and discovered the people of Chickahamine, yet what he carefully provided the rest carelessly spent. Wingfield and Kendal living in disgrace, seeing all things at random in the absence of Smith. The Companies dislike of their Precedents weakness, and their small love to Martin's never-mending The discovery of Chickahamine. sickness, strengthened themselves with the Sailors, and other confederates to regain their former credit and authority, or at least such means aboard the Pinnace (being fitted to sail as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course and to go for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot discovered unto him, much trouble he had to prevent it, till with store of Fauken and Musket shot he forced them to stay or sink in the River, which action cost the life of Captain Kendal. The Precedent and Captain Archer not long after intended also to have abandoned the Country, which project also was kerbed and suppressed Another project ●o abandon the Country. Winter Fowls by Smith. And now the Winter approaching, the Rivers became so covered with Swans, Geese, Ducks, and Cranes, that we daily feasted with good Bread, Virginia Pease, Pumpions, and Putchamins, Fish, Fowle, and diverse sorts of wild Beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none of our Tuftaffatie humorists desired to go for England. But our Comaedies never endured long without a Tragedy; some idle exceptions being muttered against Captain Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamine river, & taxed by the Council, to be too slow in so worthy an attempt. The next voyage he proceeded so far, that with much labour by cutting off Trees in sunder he made his passage, but when his Barge could pass no farther, he left her in a broad Bay out of danger of shot, commanding none should go ashore till his return: himself with two English and two Savages went up higher in a Canowe, but he was not long absent, but his men went ashore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and opportunity to the Savages to surprise one George Casson, and much failed not to have cut off the Boat and all the rest. The Savages having drawn from George Casson, whither Captain Smith was gone, followed him with three hundred Bowmen, conducted by Opechankanough the King of Pamaunke; who searching the divisions of the River, found Robinson and Emery by the fire side, whom they shot full of Arrows and slew. Smith being assaulted. slew three of them, and so galled the rest that they would not come near: Cap. Smith assaulted and taken. he used the Savage his guide as a shield, having bound him to his arm with his garters; and thinking to have recovered his Boat, having more eye to them in his march then to his way, he slipped up to the middle in an ozie creek, and his Savage with him; yet durst they not come to him till he threw away his arms, being near dead with cold. Then according to composition they drew him forth, and led him to the fire, where his men were slain. Diligently they chafed his benumbed limbs; and he gave Opechankanough a round ivory double compassed Dial. They much marvelled at the playing of the fly Dial admired of Savages. which they could see and not touch, by reason of the Glass cover; but when he had read a Cosmographical lecture to them of the Skies, Earth, Day, and night, with the variety of Nations, and such like, they were all amazed: notwithstanding which sudden wonder, they tied him to a tree within an hour after, as many as could stand about him prepared their fatal Arrows to his death, which were all laid down when Opechankanough held up the said Dial: and they led him in a kind of triumph to Oropaxe. Their order was this: drawing themselves all in file, the King in the midst had all their Pieces and Swords borne before him: Captain Smith was led after him by three great lubbers, holding him Savage triumph, discipline and gallantry. fast; on each side went six in file, with their Arrows nocked. When they arrived at the Town (which was of thirty or forty hunting houses made of Mats, removed at pleasure, as Tents with us) the women and children came to stare on him; the Soldiers in file had their Sergeants to keep them in order. A good while they thus continued, and then cast themselves into a ring, dancing in several postures, and singing hellish notes, strangely painted, each having his Quiver of Arrows, and at his back a Club; on his arm a Foxes or Otters Skin for his vantbrace, their heads and shoulders painted red with Oil and Pocones mingled together, his Bow in his hand, and the Skin of a Bird, with her wings abroad, dried, tied on his head, with a piece of Copper, a white Shell, a long Feather, and a small Rattle growing at the tail of their Snakes, or some such toy fastened thereto. All this while Smith stood with the King guarded in the midst, till three dances being done, they departed. Then did they conduct Smith to along house, where thirty or forty men guarded him, and soon after was brought more Bread and Venison than would have served twenty: what he left they put in Baskets and tied over his head, which about midnight they again set before Their feastingcheere. him, none of them eating aught with him, till having brought as much more the next morning, they did eat the old, and reserved the new in like manner. He thought they intended to fat and eat him. One Maocassater, in requital of Beads which he had given him, brought him his Gown to defend him from the cold. Another was possessed with a contrary humour, and would have slain him for the death of his son, had not the guard prevented; to him, yet breathing his last, they brought him to recover him. Smith told them that at james Town he had a water that would do it, if they would let him fetch it. But they prepared to assault james Town, promising him liberty, and women, if he would assist them. In part of a Table Book he writ his mind to those which were at the Fort; that they should send such things mentioned. They went in bitter weather for Frost and Snow, and seeing men sally out, as he had before told them, they fled; but coming again in the night to the place which he had appointed, for an answer, they found things ready, and speedily returned, as if either he had divined, or the paper Savage simplicity. had spoken. After this, they led him to the Youghtanunds, the Matapanients, the Payankatiks, the Nantaughtacunds, the Onanmanients, upon the Rivers of Rapahanocke, and Patanomecke, and back again by diverse other Nations, to the King's habitation at Pamaunk, where they entertained Rites of Conjuration. him with strange conjurations. Early in a morning a great fire was made in a long house, a Mat spread on each side; on one of which he was set, the guard went out, and in came a great grim fellow skipping, all painted with coal mingled with Oil, many Snakes and Weasels skins stuffed with Moss, their tails tied together, and meeting on the crown of his head; round about the tassel was a coronet of Feathers; the skins hung round about his head, shoulders, back and face: With a hellish voice, strange gestures and passions, with a Rattle in his hand, he began his invocation, and environed the fire with a circle of Meal. After this, three such other devils rushed in with like tricks, painted half black, half red, all their eyes painted white, with some red strokes along their cheeks. These having danced a pretty while, three more came in as ugly as the rest, with red eyes and white strokes over their black faces. At last they all sat down right against him, the chief Priest in the midst, and three on each hand. All then with their Rattles began a song; which ended, the chief Priest laid down five Wheat corns: and straining his arms and hand with such violence, that he sweat, and his veins swelled: he began a short Oration; at the conclusion whereof they gave a short groan, and then laid down three graives more. Now they began their Song again, and then another Oration, ever laying down so many corns as before, till they had twice encircled the fire. That done, they take a bunch of little sticks, prepared for that purpose, and at the end of every Song and Oration laid down a stick betwixt the divisions of the Corne. Till night, neither he nor they did eat or drink, and then they feasted merrily with their best provisions. Three days they used this Ceremony, thereby to know (as they said) whether he intended them well or no. The circle of meal signified their Country, the two circles of Corn the Sea-bounds; and the sticks his Country. They imagined the World to be flat and round like a trencher, and themselves in the midst. After this, they brought him a big of Powder, which they carefully preserved till Savage Geography. Gunpowder swoon. the next spring, to plant as they did their Corn, because they would be acquainted with the nature of that s●ede. Opitchapam the King's brother, invited him to his house, where he welcomed him with as many Platters of Bread, Fowle and wild Beasts, as did encompass him: but not any would eat with him, reserving the remainders in Baskets. At his return to Opechankanoughs, all the King's women and their children flocked about him, as for their customary due, to be merry with such fragments. At last they brought him to Werowocomoco to Pohatan, where above two hundred of his Courtiers He is brought to Pohatan. stood wondering on him, till Pohatan and his train had put themselves in their greatest bravery. Before a fire he sat on a seat like a bedstead, covered with a great robe made of Rarowcun Skins, all the tails hanging by: on each hand did sit a young wench of sixteen or eighteen years of age; along on each side the house two rows of men, and behind them as many women, with all their heads and shoulders painted red, many of their heads bedecked with the white down of Birds, every one adorned with some thing; a great chain also of white Beads about their necks. At his entrance before the King Wild royalty, all the people gave a great shout. The Queen of Appanatucke was appointed to bring water to wash his hands, another brought him a bunch of Feathers instead of a Towel to dry them. Having feasted him in their best manner, the held a consultation, in conclusion whereof, two great stones were brought before Pohatan, and as many as could lay hold on him dragged him to them, and thereon laid his head, being ready with their clubs to beat out his brains. Pocahuntas the King's dearest Daughter, when no entreaty would prevail, got his head into her arms, and laid her Pocahuntas s●ueth his life. own upon his to save him from death: whereupon the Emperor was contented he should live to make him Hatchets, and Beads, Bells, and Copper for her. For they thought him like themselves, of all occupations, the King himself making his own Robes, Shoes, Bows, Arrows, Pots, Planting also, Hunting, All men of all occupations. and doing Offices, no less than the rest. Two days after, Pohatan having disguised himself in the dreadfullest manner, caused Captain Smith to be brought forth to a great house in the woods, and there upon a Mat by the fire to be left alone. Not long after from behind a Mat which divided the house, was made the dolefullest noise that ever he had heard. After this Pohatan with twenty more as black as himself came unto him, and told him that they were now friends, and presently he should go to james Town to send him two great Guns and a Grindstone, for which he would give him the Country of Capahowolick, and for ever esteem hi● as his Son Nantaquaus. He sent him thither with twelve guides. When they came to the Fort, Smith used the Savages kindly, and showed Rawhunt, Pohatans' trusty servant two Demiculuerius and a Millstone to carry to Pohatan; somewhat too heavy for their carriage. But when they saw him discharge them laden with stones, on the boughs of a great tree hanging full of isickles, the Ice and boughs coming down with such fury, the Savages were half dead with fear; and at last returning contented with toys and presents for Pohatan, his women and childred. This his returning safe to the Port, once more stayed the Pinnace her The third project to abandon the Fort. flight for England, which till his return, could not set sail, so extreme was the weather, and so great the Frost. His relation of the plenty he had seen, especially at Werowocomoco, where inhabited Powhatan (that till that time was unknown) so revived again their dead spirits, as all men's fear was abandoned, Powhatan having sent with this Captain diverse of his men loaded with provision, he had conditioned, and so appointed his trusty Messengers to bring but two or three of our great Ordnances; but the Messengers being satisfied with the sight of one of them discharged, ran away amazed with fear, till means were used with gifts to assure them our loves. ALL this time our cares were not so much to abandon the Country, but the Treasurer and The arrival of the first upply with their proceedings and return. Chap. 3. The Phoenix from Cape Henry forced to the West Indies, Counsel in England, were as diligent and careful to supply us. Two tall Ships they sent us, with near one hundred men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessary, both for them and us. The one commanded by Captain Newport: the other by Captain Nelson, an honest man and an expert Mariner, but such was the leewardnesse of his Ship (that though he were within sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrary winds, was forced so far to Sea, as the West Indies was the next land for the repair of his Masts, and relief of wood and water. But Captain Newport got in, and arrived at james Town, not long after the redemption of Captain Smith, to whom the Savages every other day brought such plenty of Bread, Fish, Turkeys, Squirrels, Dear, and other wild Beasts, part they gave him as presents from the King; the rest, he as their market Clarke set the price how they should fallen. So he had enchanted those poor souls (being their Prisoner) in demonstrating unto them the roundness of the World, the course of the Moon and Stars, the cause of the day and night, the largeness of the Seas, the qualities of our ships, shot and powder: The division of the World, with the diversity of people, their complexions, customs and conditions. All which How C. Smith got his liberty. he feigned to be under the command of Captain Newport, whom he termed to them his Father; of whose arrival, it chanced he so directly prophesied, as they esteemed him an Oracle; by these fictions he not only saved his own life, and obtained his liberty; but had them at that command, he might command them what he listed. That God that created all these things; they knew he adored for his God, whom they would also term in their Discourses, the God of Their opinion 〈◊〉 God. Captain Smith. The Precedent and Council so much envied his estimation amongst the Savages (though we all in general equally participated with him of the good thereof) that they wrought it into their understandings, by their great bounty in giving four times more for their Commodities then he appointed, that their greatness and authority, as much exceeded his, as their bounty and liberality; Folly in undervaluing our Commodities to the Savages by gifts or small prizes. Another folly in Mariners trade both which supplanted the good of the plantation. Now the arrival of his first supply, so over-ioyed us, that we could not devose too much to please the Mariners. We gave them liberty to truck or trade at their pleasures. But in a short time, it followed, that that could not be had for a pound of Copper, which before was sold for an ounce, Thus Ambition and Sufferance, cut the throat of our Trade, but confirmed their opinion of Newports greatness where with Smith had possessed Powhatan) especially by the great Presents Newport often sent him, before he could prepare the Pinnace to go and visit him; so that this Savage also desired to see him. A great brute there was to set him forward: when he went he was accompanied, with Captain Smith, and Master Scrivener a very wise understanding Gentleman newly arrived, and admitted of the Council, and thirty or forty chosen men for that guard. Arriving at Werowocomo, Newports conceit of this great Savage bred many doubts and suspicions of Treacheries; which Smith, to make appear was needless, with twenty men Smith's revisiting Powhatan. well appointed, undertook to encounter (with that number) the worst that could happen. These being kindly received ashore, with two or three hundred Savages were conducted to their Town; Powhatan strained himself to the uttermost of his greatness to entertain us, P●whatans first entertainment of our men. I have by me a large Journal of this journey: but content my sel●e with this briefer to avoid prolixity with great shouts of joy, Orations of protestations, and the most plenty of victual he could provide to feast us. Sitting upon his Bed of Mats, his Pillow of Leather embroidered (after their rude manner) with Pearl and white Beads, his Attire affair Robe of skins as large as an Irish Mantle, at his head and feet a handsome young woman; on each side his house sat twenty of his Concubines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chain of white Beads about their necks, before those sat his chiefest men in like order in his Arbor-like house. With many pretty Discourses to renew their old acquaintance; the great King and our Captain spent the time till the ebb left our Barge aground, then renewing their Feasts and mirth, we quartered that night with Powhatan: the next day Newport came ashore, and received as much content as those people could give him, a Boy named Tho. Savage was then given unto Powhatan, whom Newport The exchange of a Christian for a Savage. called his Son, for whom Powhatan gave him Namontacke his trusty Servant, and one of a shrewd subtle capacity. Three or four days were spent in feasting, dancing and trading, wherein Powhatan carried himself so proudly, yet discreetly (in his Savage manner) as made us all admire his natural gifts considering his education, as scorning to trade as his subjects did, he bespoke Newport in this manner. Captain Newport it is not agreeable with my greatness in this peddling Powhatans' speech. manner to trade for trifles, and I esteem you a great Weroans, Therefore lay me down all your Commodities together, what I like, I will take, and in recompense give you that I think fitting their value. Captain Smith being our Interpreter, regarding Newport as his Father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan told us his intent was but to cheat us; yet Captain Newport thinking to outbrave this Savage in ostentation of greatness, and so to bewitch him with his bounty, as to have what he listed; but so it chanced; Powhatan having his desire, valued his Corn at such a rate, as I think it better cheap in Spain, for we had not four bushels for that we expected twenty Hogsheads. This bred some unkindness between our two Captains, Newport seeking to please the humour of the unsatiable Savage; Smith to cause the Savage to please him, but smothering his distaste (to avoid the Savages suspicion) glanced in the eyes of Powhatan many Trifles who fixed Difference of opinions. his humour upon a few blue Beads; A long time he importunately desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to affect them, so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blue Beads he brought over my King for two or three hundred bushels of Corn, yet parted good friends. The like entertainment we found of Opechantynough King of Pamaunke whom also he in like manner fitted, (at the like rates) with blue Beads: and so we returned to the Fort. Where this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidentally fired the quarters, and so the Town, which being but thatched with Reeds, the fire was so fierce as it burned their Pallizadoes (though ten or twelve james Town burnt. yards distant) with their Arms, Bedding, Apparel, and much private provision. Good Master Hunt our Preacher lost all his Library, and all that he had (but the clothes on his back) yet none ever saw him repine at his loss, Upon any alarm he would be as ready for defence as any, and Master Hunts offe●. till he could speak; he never ceased to his utmost to animate us constanily to persist: whose soul questionless is with God. This happened in the Winter, in that extreme Frost 1607. Now though we had victual sufficient, I mean, only of Oatmeal, Meal, and Corn, yet the ship staying there fourteen weeks, when she might as well have been gone in fourteen days, spent the Beef, Pork, Oil, Aquavitae, Fish, Butter, and Cheese, Beer and such like; as was provided A ship idly loitring fou 〈…〉 n weeks, and shamefully abusing the company here and Colony there for private lucre. to be landed us. When they departed, what their discretion could spare us, to make a Feast or two with Biscuit, Pork, Beef, Fish, and Oil, to relish our mouths, of each somewhat they left us, yet I must confess, those that had either Money, spare Clothes, credit to give Bills of payment, Gold Rings, Furs, or any such Commodities were ever welcome to this removing Tavern; such was our patience to obey such vile Commanders, and buy our own provision at fifteen times the value, suffering them to feast (we bearing the charge) yet must not repine, but fast; and then leakage, ship-rats, and other casualties occasioned the lost, but the vessel and remnants (for totals) we were glad to receive with all our hearts to make up the account, highly commending their Providence for preserving that. For all this plenty our ordinary was but meal and water, so that this great charge little relieved our wants, whereby with the extremity of the bitter cold Air more than half of us died, and took our deaths, in that piercing Winter. I cannot deny, but both Scrivener and Smith did their best to amend what was a miss, but with the Precedent went the mayor part, that their horns were too short. But the worst mischief was, our gilded Refiners with their golden promises, made all men their slaves in hope of recompense; there was no talk, no hope, no work, but dig Gold, wash Gold, refine Gold, The effect of mere Verbalists. A needless charge. load Gold, such a brute of Gold, as one mad fellow desired to be buried in the Sands, lest they should by their Art make Gold of his bones: Little need there was and less reason, the ship should stay, their wages run on, our victual consume fourteen weeks, that the Mariners might say, they built such a golden Church, that we can say, the rain washed near to nothing in fourteen days. Captain Smith would not applaud all those Golden inventions, never any thing did more torment him, then to see all necessary business neglected, to fraught such a drunken ship with so much gilded * Certain shining yellow sand which was sent over (I saw it) with great promises of gold, like the promisers yielding sandy performance. The arrival of the Ph 〈…〉 ix, her return, and other accidents, Chap. 4. The repairing of james town Nelsons honesty & fidelity. dirt; till than we never accounted Captain Newport a Refiner; who being fit to set sail for England, and we not having any use of Parliaments, Plays, Petitions, Admirals, Recorders, Interpreters, Chronologers, Courts of Plea, nor justices of Peace, sent Master Wingfield and Captain Archer with him for England, to seek some place of better employment. THe authority now consisting in refining Captain Martin, and the still sickly Precedent, the sale of the stores Commodities maintained their estates as inheritable Revenues. The Spring approaching, and the ship departed, Master Scrivener and Captain Smith divided betwixt them, the rebuilding our Town, the repairing our Pallisadoes, the cutting down Trees, preparing our fields, planting our Corn, and to rebuild our Church, and recover our Storehouse; all men thus busy at their several labours, Master Nelson arrived with his lost Phoenix, (lost I say, for that all men deemed him lost) landing safely his men, so well he had managed his ill hap, causing the Indian Isles to feed his company that his victual (to that was left us before) was sufficient for half a year, he had nothing but he freely imparted it; which honest dealing (in a Mariner) caused us admire him, we would not have wished so much as he did for us. Now to relade this ship with some good tidings. The Precedent (yet not standing with his dignity to leave the Fort) gave order to Captain Smith and Master Scrivener to discover and search the Commodities Si 〈…〉 tie appointed to discover Monacan. of Monacans Country beyond the Falls, sixty able men were allotted, the which within six days exercise, Smith had so well trained to their Arms and Orders, that they little feared with whom they should encounter. Yet so unseasonable was the time, and so opposite was Captain Martin to every thing, but only to fraught his ship also with his fantastical Gold, as Cap - Smith rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present dispatch; then either with dirt, or the reports of an uncertain Discovery. Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this happened. Powhatan to express his love to Newport, when he departed, presented him with twenty Turkeyes, conditionally to return him twenty Swords, which immediately were sent him; Now after An ill example to sell swords to Savages. Powhat●ns treachery. his departure he presented Captain Smith with the like luggage, but not finding his humour obeyed in sending him Weapons, he caused his people with twenty devices to obtain them; at last by Ambuscadoes at our very Ports they would take them perforce, surprise us at work, or any way, which was so long permitted that they became so insolent, there was no Rule, the command from England was so strait not to offend them, as our authority Bearers (keeping their houses) would rather be any thing than Peace-breakers: this uncharitable charity prevailed, till well it chanced that they meddled with Captain Smith, who without farther deliberation gave The Governors' weakness. Smith's attempt to suppress the Savages insol 〈…〉. them such an encounter, as some he so hunted up and down the I'll, some he so terrified with whipping, beating and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of his foraging disorderly Soldiers, and having assembled their forces, boldly threatened at our Ports to force Smith to redeliver seven Savages, which for their villainies he detained Prisoners. But to try their furies, in less than half an hour he so hampered their insolences, that they brought the two prisoners desiring peace without any farther composition for their Prisoners, who being threatened and examined their intents and plotters of their villainies, confessed they were directed only by Powhatan, to obtain him our own weapons to cut our own throats, with the manner how, where, and when, which we plainly found most true and apparent. Yet he sent his Messengers and his dearest Daughter Pocahuntas to excuse him, of the injuries done by his Subjects, desiring Powhatans' exercises. their liberties, with the assurance of his love. After Smith had given the Prisoners what correction he thought fit, used them well a day or two after, he then delivered them to Pocahuntas, for whose sake only he feigned to save their lives and grant them liberty. The patient counsel, that nothing would move to war with the Savages, would gladly have wrangled with Captain Smith for his cruelty, yet none was slain to any man's knowledge, but it brought them in such fear and obedience, as his very name would sufficiently affright them. The fraught of this ship being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and Captain Smith, she was quickly reladed; Master Scrivener was neither idle nor slow to follow all things at the Fort, the A ship fraught with Cedar. ship falling to the Cedar I'll, Captain Martin having made shift to be sick near a year, and now, neither Pepper, Sugar, Cloves, Mace, nor Nutmegs, Ginger, nor Sweet meats in the Country (to enjoy the credit of his supposed Art) at his earnest request, was most willingly admitted to return for England, yet having been there but a year, and not past half a year since the ague left him (that he might say some what he had seen) he went twice by water to Paspahegh a place near seven miles from james Town, but lest the dew should distemper him, was ever forced to return before night. Thus much I thought fit to express, he expressly commanding The adventures of Cap. Martin. me to record his journeys, I being his man, and he sometimes my Master. One hundred and twenty were landed in the last supply. Thomas Studly. Anas Todkill. THe prodigality of the Precedents state went so deep in the store that Smith and Scrivener The accidents which happened in the discovery of the Bay. Chap 5. I have a Diary of this and the following Discovery of the Bay, containing things more particulalrly & largely but I was loath to be tedious, & find the substance in this. Cape Charles. Acawmacke. A strange mortality of Savages. had a while tied both Martin and him to the Rules of Proportion, but now Smith being to depart, the Precedents authority so overswayed Master Scriveners discretion as our store, our time, our strength and labours were idly consumed to fulfil his fantasies. The second of june 1608. Smith left the Fort to perform his Discovery; with this company. Walter Russell Doctor of Physic. Ralph Morton. Thomas Momford. William Cantrill. Richard Fetherstone. james Bourne. Michael Sicklemore. Anas Todkill. Robert Small. james Watkins. john powel. james Read black Smith. Richard Keale Fishmonger. jonas Profit fisher. These being in an open Barge of two tons burden leaving the Phoenix at Cape Henry, we crossed the Bay to the Eastern shore, and fell with the Isles called Smiths Isles: the first people we saw there were two grim and stout Savages upon Cape Charles, with long Poles like javelins, headed with bone, they boldly demanded what we were, and what we would, but after many circumstances, they in time seemed very kind, and directed us to Acawmacke, the habitation of the Weroans where we were kindly entreated; this King was the comeliest proper civil Savage we encountered: his Country is a pleasant fertile clay soil. He told us of a strange accident lately happened him, and it was? Two dead children by the extreme passions of their Parents, or some dreaming Visions, Phantasie, or affection moved them again to revisit their dead carcases, whose benumbed bodies reflected to the eyes of the beholders such pleasant delightful countenances, as though they had regained their vital spirits. This is a Miracle drew many to behold them, all which, (being a great part of his people) not long after died, and not any one escaped. They spoke the Language of Powhatan, wherein they made such descriptions of the Bay, Iles, and Rivers that often did us exceeding pleasure. Passing alongst the Coast, searching every Inlet, and Bay fit for Harbours and Habitations, seeing many Isles in the midst of the Bay, we bore up for them, but ere we could attain them, such an extreme gust of Wind, Raine, Thunder, and Lightning happened, that with great danger we escaped the unmerciful raging of that Ocean-like water. An extreme gust. russel's Iles. The next day searching those inhabitable Isles (which we called russel's Isles) to provide fresh water, the defect whereof forced us to follow the next Eastern Channel, which brought us to the River Wighcocomoco, the people at first with great fury seemed to assault us, yet at last with Songs, Dances, and much m●rth, became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water, Wighcocomoco. An extreme want of fresh water. we could fill but three, and that such puddle, that never till then, we knew the want of good water. We digged and searched many places, but ere the end of two days we would have refused two Barricoes of Gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco. Being past these Isles, falling with a high Land upon the Main, we found a great pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot, that we supposed it some Bath: that place we called Point-ployer, in honour of that Honourable House of Mousaye, that in an extreme extremity once robbed our Captain: Being thus refreshed in crossing over from the Main to other Isles, the wind and waters so much increased with Thunder, Lightning, and Rain, that our foremast blue overboard, and such mighty The Barge near sunk in a gust. waves overwrought us in that small Barge, that with great labour, we kept her from sinking by freeing out the water: two days we were enforced to inhabit these uninhabited Isles, which (for the extremity of Gusts, Thunder, Rain, Stormes, and ill weather) we called Limbo. Repairing Limbo Iles. our foresail with our shirts, we set sail for the Main, and fell with a fair River on the East called Kuskaranaocke. The people ran as amazed in troops, from place to place, and diverse got into the tops of Trees, they Cap. Smith. were not sparing of their Arrows, nor the greatest passion they could express of anger, long they shot we still riding at an Anchor out of their reach, making all the signs of friendship we could. The next day they came unarmed, with every one a Biscuit, dancing in a ring to draw us on shore, but seeing there was nothing in them but villainy, we discharged a volley of Muskets charged with Pestoll shot, whereat they all lay tumbling on the ground, creeping some on way, some another into a great cluster of Reeds hard by, where there companions lay in Ambuscado. Towards the Evening we weighed and approached the shore, discharging five or six shot amongst the Reeds we landed, where they laid a many of baskets, but saw not a Savage, a smoke appearing on the other side the River we went thither, where we found two or three little Houses in each a fire, there we left some pieces of Copper, Beads, Bells, and Looking-glasses, and then went into the Bay. When it was dark we came to an Anchor again. Early in the morning, four Savages came to us in their Canoa, whom we used with such courtesy, nor knew what we were, nor had done, having been in the Bay a fishing, ●ad us stay, and ere long they would return, which they did, and some twenty more with them, with whom after a little conference, two or three hundred men, women, and children came clustering about us, every one presenting us somewhat, which a little Bead would so well requite, we became such friends, they would contend who should fetch us water, stay with us for hostage, conduct our men any whether, and give us the best content. By it inhabit the people of Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, and Nautaquake, that much extolled a The first notice of the Massawomekes, great Nation called Massawomekes, in search of whom we returned by Limbo, but finding this Eastern shore shallow broken Isles, and the Main for most part without fresh water, we passed by the Straits of Limbo, for the Western shore. So broad is the Bay here, that we could scarce perceive the great high Cliffs on the other side; by them we anchored that night, and called them Richard's Cliffs. Thirty leagues we sailed more Northwards, not finding any Inhabitants, yet the Coast well watered, the Mountains very barren, the Valleys very fertile, but the Woods extreme thick, full of Wolves, Bears, Dear, and other wild Beasts. The first Inlet we found, we called Bolus, for that the clay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoniacke: Bolus River. when we first set sail, some of our Gallants doubted nothing, but that our Captain would make too much hast home; but having lien not above twelve days in this small Barge, oft tired at their Oars, their Bread spoilt with wet, so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their stomaches that they could digest it) did it with continual complaints so importune him now to return, as caused him be speak them in this manner. Gentlemen, if you would remember the memorable History of Sir Ralph Lane, how his company importuned Smith's spe 〈…〉, to his ●ou. c 〈…〉 him to proceed in the Discovery of Morattico, alleging, they had yet a Dog, that being boiled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feed them in their returns; what a shame would it be for you (that have been so suspicious of my tenderness) to force me return with a month's provision, scarce able to say where we have been, nor yet heard of that we were sent to seek; you cannot say but I have shared with you of the worst is past; and for what is to come of lodging, diet, or whatsoever, I am contented you allot the worst part to myself; as for your fears that I would lose myself in these unknown large waters, or be swallowedup in some stormy gust, abandon those childish fears, for worse than is passed cannot happen, and there is as much danger to return, as to proceed forward. Regain therefore your old spirits; for return I will not, (if God assist me) till I have seen the Massawomekes, found Patawomeck, or the head of this great water, you conceit to be endless. Three or four days we expected wind and weather, whose adverse extremities added such discouragements to our discontents as three or four fell extreme sick, whose pitiful complaints caused us to return, leaving the Bay some ten miles broad at nine or ten fathom water. The sixteenth of june we fell with the River of Patawomeck: fear being gone, and our men recovered, The discovery of Patawomeck. we were all contented to take some pains to know the name of this nine miles broad River, we could see no Inhabitants for thirty miles' sail; then we were conducted by two Savages up a little bayed Creek toward Onawmament, where all the Woods were laid with Ambuscadoes Ambuscadoes of Savages. to the number of three or four hundred Savages, but so strangely painted, grimed, and disguized, shouting, yelling, and crying, as we rather supposed them so many Devils, they made many bravadoes, but to appease their fury, our Captain prepared with as seeming willingness (as they) to encounter them, the grazing of the bullets upon the River, with the Echo of the woods so amazed them, as down went their Bows and Arrows; (and exchanging hostage) james Watkins was sent six miles up the Woods to their King's Habitation: we were kindly used by these Savages, of whom we understood, they were commanded to betray us, by Pow●atans direction, and he so directed from the discontents of james Town. The like encounters we found at Patawomecke, Cecocawne, and diverse other places, but at Moyaones Nacothtant and Taux, the A treacherous project. people did their best to content us. The cause of this Discovery, was to search a gilistering Mettle, the Savages told us they had from Patawomeck, (the which Newport assured that he had tried to hold half silver) also to search what Furs, Metals, Rivers, Rocks, Nations, Woods, Fishings, Fruits, Victuals and other Commodities the Land afforded, and whether the Bay were endless, how far it extended. The Mine we found nine or ten miles up in the Country from the River, but it proved of no value; to which he marched, leading his hinds in Chains, Antimony. which they were to have for their pains, and so returning loaded with that Ore they had. Some Otters, Bevers, martin's, Lizards, and Sabels' we found, and in diverse places that abundance of fish lying so thick with their heads above the water, as for want of nets (our Barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with a Frying-pan, but we found it a bad instrument An abundant plenty of fish. to catch fish with. Neither better fish, more plenty, or variety, had any of us ever seen, in any place swimming in the water, then in the Bay of Chesabeack, but there not to be caught with Frying-pans, To express all our quarrels, treacheries, and encounters amongst those Savages, I should be too tedious; but in brief, at all times we so encountered them and kerbed their insolences, as they concluded with presents to purchase peace, yet we lost not a man. At our first meeting, our How to deal with the Savages. Captain ever observed this order, to demand their Bows and Arrows, Sword, Mantles or Furs, with some child for hostage; whereby he could quickly perceive when they intended any villainy. Having finished this discovery (though our victual was near spent) he intended to have seen his imprisonments, acquaintance upon the River of Toppahannocke. But our Boat (by reason of the ebb) chansing to ground upon a many shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many fishes lurking amongst the weeds on the Sands, our Captain sporting himself to catch them by nailing them to the ground with his Sword, set us all a fishing in that manner; by this device, A Stingray very hurtful, one in foulness was so swollen with the sting of a R●y thorough his thi●ke fish ermans-boots, that he thereof died, ●n. 1613. and was so swollen that they could not bring his coffin out of the door but broke the wall (as they told me) for that purpose. The Savages affrighted with their own suspicion. we took more in an hour, than we all could eat: but it chanced, the Captain taking a fish from his Sword (not knowing her condition) being much of the fashion of a Thornebacke with a longer tail, whereon is a most poisoned sting of two or three inches long, which she struck an inch and half into the wrist of his arm the which in four hours had so extremely swollen his hand, arm, shoulder, and part of his body, as we all with much sorrow concluded his funeral, and prepared his grave in an I'll hard by (as himself appointed) which then we called Stingeray I'll, after the name of the fish. Yet by the help of a precious Oil which Doctor russel's applied, ere night his tormenting pain was so well assuaged that he eat the fish to his supper, which gave no less joy and content to us, than ease to himself. Having neither Surgeon nor Surgery but that preservative Oil, we presently set sail for james Town; passing the mouth of Pyankatanck, and Pamaunke Rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecoughtan. The simple Savages, seeing our Captain hurt, and another bloody (which came by breaking his shin) our number of Bows, Arrows, Swords, Targets, Mantles and Furs; would needs imagine we had been at wars, the truth of these accidents would not satisfy them, but impatiently they importuned us to know with whom we fought, finding their aptness to believe, we failed not (as a great secret) to tell them any thing that might affright them, what spoil we had got and made of the Masawomeckes, this rumour went faster up the River than our Barge; that arrived at Weraskoyack the twentieth of july, where trimming her with painted streamers, and such devices, we made the Fort jealous of a Spanish Frigate; where we all safely arrived the twenty one of july. There we found the last supply, all sick, the rest, some lame, some bruised, all unable to do any thing, but complain of the pride and unreasonable needless cruelty of their silly Precedent, A needless misery. that had riotously consumed the store, and to fulfil his follies about building him an unnecessary Palace in the Woods, had brought them all to that misery: That had not we arrived, they had as strangely tormented him with revenge. But the good news of our discovery, and the good hope we had (by the Savages relation) our Bay had stretched to the South Sea, appeased their fury; but conditionally that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that Captain Smith would take upon him the government: their request being effected, he Substituted Master Scrivener his dear friend in the presidency, equally distributing those private provisions that the other had engrossed; appointing more honest officers to assist Scrivener (who then lay extremely tormented with a calenture) and in regard of the weakness of the company, and heat of the year, they being unable to work; he left them to live at ease, but embarked himself to finish his discovery. Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill. The Company left to live at ease. THe twentieth of july Captain Smith set forward to finish the discovery with twelve men their names were Nathaniel powel, Thomas Momford, Richard Fetherstone, Michael Sicklemore, What happened the second voyage to discover the Bay. Chap. 6. james Bourne, Anas Todkill, Edward Pysing, Richard Keale, Anthony Bagnall, james Watkins, William Ward, jonas Profit. The wind being contrary caused our stay two or three days at Kecoughtan, the Werowans feasting us with much mirth, his people were persuaded we went purposely to be revenged of the Massawomeckes, in the evening we firing two or three rackets, The Savages admire fireworks. so terrified the poor Saluages, they supposed nothing impossible we attempted, and desired to assist us. The first night we ancored at Stingeray I'll, the next day crossed Patawomecks River, and hasted for the River Bolus, we went not much farther before we might perceive the Bay to divide in two heads, and arriving there we found it divided in four, all which we searched so The head of the B 〈…〉. far as we could sail them; two of them we found uninhabited, but in crossing the Bay to the other, we encountered seven or eight Canoaes' full of Massawomeckes, we seeing them prepare An encounter with the Massawomecks. to assault us, left our Oars and made way with our sail to encounter them, yet were we but five (with our Captain) that could stand: for within two days after we left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of the last supply) were sick almost to death (until they were seasoned to the Country) having shut them under our tarpawling, we put their hats upon sticks by the Barge Good policy. side to make us seem many, and on each side a man a loaded Musket; and so we think the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled withal possible speed to the shore, and there stayed, staring at the sailing of our Barge, till we anchored right against them. Long it was ere we could draw them to come unto us, at last they sent two of their company unarmed in a Canoa, the rest all followed to second them if need required: These two being but each presented with a Bell, brought aboard all their fellows, presenting the Captain with Venison, Bears flesh, Bows, Arrows, Clubs, Targets, and Beare-skins, we understood them nothing at all but by signs, whereby they signified unto us that they had been at wars with the Tockwoghs, the which they confirmed by showing their green wounds; but the night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to meet, but after that we never saw them. Entering the River of Tockwogh the Savages all armed in a fleet of Boats round environed us; An encounter with the Tockwoghs. it chanced one of them could speak the language of Powhatan, who persuaded the rest to a friendly parley: but when they saw us furnished with the Massawomeckes weapons, and we feigned the invention of Kecoughtan to have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their palliz●doed Town, mantelled with the Barks of trees, with Scaffolds like Mounts, breasted about with Barks very formally, their men, women, and children, with Dances, Songs, Fruits, Fish, Furs, and what they had kindly entertained us, spreading Mats for us to sit on, stretching their best abilities to express their loves. Many Hatchets, Knives, and pieces of Iron, and Brass, we saw, which they reported to have Hatchets from Sasquesahanock. from the Sasquesahanockes a mighty people, and mortal enemies with the Massawomeckes: The Sasquesahanocks, inhabit upon the chief Spring of these four, two days journey higher than our Barge could pass for Rocks. Yet we prevailed with the interpreter to take with him another interpreter to persuade the Sasquesahanocks to come to visit us, for their language is different: three or four days we expected their return, and then sixty of these Giantlike people came down with presents of Venison, Tobacco-pipes, Baskets, Targets, Bows and Arrows, five of their Werowances came boldly aboard us, to cross the Bay for Tockwogh, leaving their men and Canoaes, the wind being so violent that they durst not pass. Our order was daily to have prayer, with a Psalm; at which solemnity, the poor Savages much wondered: our prayers being done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contrived their business; then they began in most passionate manner to hold up their hands to the sun with a most fearful song, then embracing the Captain, they began to adore him The Sasquesahanocks offer ●o the English. in like manner, though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded till their Song was finished, which done with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice began an Oration of their loves: that ended, with a great painted Bears skin they covered our Captain, than one ready with a chain of white Beads (weighing at least six or seven pound) hung it about his neck, the others had eighteen mantles made of diverse sorts of Skins sowed together, all these with many other toys, they laid at his feet, stroking their ceremonious hands about his neck for his creation to be their Governor, promising their aides, victuals, or what they had to be his, if he would stay with them to defend and revenge them of the Massawomeckes: But we left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing for our departure, yet we promised the next year again to visit them; many descriptions and discourses they made us of Atquanahucke, Massawomecke, and other people, signifying they inhabited the River of Cannida, and from the French to have Cannida. their Hatchets, and such like tools by trade, these know no more of the territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them. Thus having sought all the Inlets and Rivers worth noting, we returned to discover the River Pawtuxunt. R. of Pawtuxunt; these people we found very tractable, and more civil than any, we promised them, as also the Patawomeckes, thenext year to revenge them of the Massawomeckes. In the discovery of this River, which some call Rapahanocke, others Tapahanocke; we were kindly The exceeding love of the Savage Moscow. entertained by the people of Moraughtacun: here we encountered our old friend Mosko, a lusty Savage of Wighcocomoco, upon the River of Patawomecke, we supposed him some Frenchman's Son, because he had a thick, black, bush Beard, and the Savages seldom have any at all, of which he was not a little proud to see so many of his Country men: wood, and water he would fetch us, guide us any whether, nay cause diverse of his Country men to help us too, against wind or tide, from place to place, till we came to Patawomeke. There he rested, till we returned from the head of the River, and then occasioned us conduct to the Mine, which we supposed Antimony. Now in this place he failed not to Mine of Antimony. do us all the good he could, persuading us in any case not to go to the Rapahanocks, for they would kill us, for being friends with the Moraughlacuds, that but lately had stolen three of the King's women. This we did think was but that his friends might only have our trade, & so crossed the River to the Rapahanocks: there some twelve or sixteen standing on the shore, directed us to a little narrow crick, where was good landing, and commodities for us, in three or four Canoaes' which we saw there. But according to our custom, we demanded to exchange a man, in sign of love, which after they had a little consulted, Our fight with the Tapahonecks four or five came to the middles to fetch our man, and leave us one of them, showing we need not fear them, for they had neither Clubs, Bowes, nor Arrows: notwithstanding Anas Todkill being sent on shore to see if he could discover any ambuscadoes; desired to go over the plain to fetch some wood, but they were unwilling, except we would come into the creek, where the Boat might come close a shore. Todkill by degrees having gotten some two stones throws up the plain, perceived two or three hundred men as he thought behind the trees, so that offering to return to the Boat, the Savages assayed to carry him away perforce; he called to us, we were betrayed, and by th●t he had spoken the word, our hostage was overboard, but Watkins his keeper slew him in the water, immediately we let fly amongst them so that they fled, & Todkill escaped, yet they shot so fast that he fell flat on the ground ere he could recover the Boat: here the Massawomecks Targets stood us in good stead, for upon Moscos' words we had set them about the forepart of our Boat like a forecastle, from whence we securely beat the Savages from off the plain without any hurt, yet they shot more than 1000 Arrows, and then fled into the woods, arming ourselves with those light Targets (which are made of little small sticks, woven betwixt strings of their hemp and silk grass, as is our cloth, but so firmly, that no Arrow can possibly pierce them) we rescued Todkill, who was bloodied by some of them that were shot, but as it pleased God, he had no hurt, and followed them up to the woods, we found some wounded some slain, & in diverse places much blood: it seems all their Arrows were spent, for we heard no more of them: their Canoas' we took the Arrows which we found we broke, except those we kept for Moscow, to whom we gave the Canoaes for his kindness, that entertained us in the best triumphing manner and warlike order in arms he could procure of the Moroughtacunds. The rest of the day we spent in accommodating our Boat, instead of tholes we made sticks like bedstanes, The Savages disguised 〈…〉ke bushes, fight. to which we fastened so many of our Massawomecke Targets, that environed her as wastcloathes: the next morning we went up the River, and our friend Moscow followed us along the shore, but at last desired to go with us in our Boate. But as we passed by Pilacacke, Machopeake and Wecuppom, three Towns situated upon high white clay Cliffs, the other side all a low plain marish, and the River there but narrow, thirty or forty of the Rapahanockes had so prepared themselves with branches, as we took them for little Bushes growing amongst the Sedge: seeing their Arrows strike the Targets and drop in the River, Moscow fell flat on his face, crying the Rapahanocks; which presently we espied to be the Bushes, which at our first Volley fell down in the Sedge; when we were gone near half a mile, they showed themselves, dancing and singing very merrily. The Kings of Piss●ssacke, Naudtaughtacund and Cuttatawomen, used us kindly, and all the people neglected not any thing to Moscow to bring us to them. Betwixt Secobecke and Massatecke is a small Isle or two, which causeth the River to be brother than ordinary: there it pleased God to take one of our company, called M. Richard Fetherstone, that all the time he had been in the Country had behaved himself very honestly, valiantly, & industriously, where in a little Bay, called here upon Fetherstone's Bay, we buried him with a volley of shot, the rest notwithstanding their ill diet and bad lodging crowded in so small a Barge, in so many dangers never resting, but always tossed to & again, Fetherstone's Bay. had all well recovered their healths. The next day we sailed so high as our Boat would float, there setting up Crosses. Then we discovered the River of Payankatank so high as it was Navigable, but the people were For fear of tediousness I have left out the most. most a hunting, but a few old men, women and children, that were tending their Corn; of which, they promised us part when we would fetch it, as had done all the other Nations where ever we had yet been. In a fair calm, rowing towards Point Comfort, we anchored in Gusnolds Bay; but such a sudden gust surprised us in the night, with thunder and rain, that we never thought more to have seen james Town; yet running before the wind, we sometimes see the Land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light only we kept from the splitting shore, until it pleased God in that black darkness to preserve us by that light to find Point Comfort: there refreshing ourselves, because we had only but heard of the Chisapearckes and Nandsamunds', we thought it as fit to know all our Neighbours near home, as so many Nations abroad. This we did (the particulars are omitted) and arrived safe the seventh of September, 1608. where we found Their proceedings at james Town. Master Skrivener, and diverse others well recovered, many dead, some sick: The late Precedent prisoner for mutiny; by the honest diligence of Master Skrivener the harvest gathered, but the stores provision much spoiled with rain. Thus was that year (when nothing wanted) consumed and spent, and nothing done (such was the government of Captain Ratcliff) but only this Discovery, wherein to express all the dangers, accidents, and encounters this small number passed in that small Barge, with such watery diet in these great waters and barbarous Countries (till then to any Christian utterly unknown) I rather refer their merit to the censure of the courteous and experienced Reader, than I would be tedious, or partial, being a party. By Nathaniel powel, and Anas Todkill. The Presidency surrendered to Cap. Smith, the arrival and return of the second supply: and wh●t happened. Chap. 7. THe tenth of September 1608. by the election of the Council, and request of the Company, Captain Smith received the Letters Patents, and took upon him the place of Precedent, which till then by no means he would accept, though he were often importuned thereunto. Now the building of Ratcliffes' Palace was stayed as a thing needless. The Church was repaired, the Storehouse recovered; building prepared for the supply we expected. The Fort reduced to the for me of this figure, the order of watch renewed, the squadrons (each setting of The figure is left out. the watch) trained: The whole Company every Saturday exercised in a field prepared for that purpose; the Boats trimmed for trade, which in their journey encountered the second supply, that brought them back to discover the Country of Monacan. How, or why, Captain Newport obtained such a private Commission as not to return without a lump of Gold, a certainty of the South-Sea or one of the lost Company of Sir Walter Rawley I know not, nor why he brought such a fi●e pieced Barge, not to bear us to that South-Sea, till we had borne her over the Mountains: which how far they extend is yet unknown) as for the Coronation Civility is not the way to win Savages, nor magnificence and bounty to reclaim Barbarians. Children are pleased with toys and awed with rods; and this course o● toys & ●ea●es ha●h alwaybest prospered with wild Indians either to do them, or to make them good to us or themselves. This vanity of ours made Pow hatan overualue himself, his Corn, etc. No way but one to overthrow the business. of Powhatan, and his Presents of Basin, Ewer, Bed, clothes, and such costly novelties, they had been much better well spared, then so ill spent. For we had his favour much better, only for a poor piece of Copper, till this stately kind of soliciting made him so much overualue himself, that he respected us as much as nothing at all; as for the hiring of the Poles and Dutch to make Pitch and Tar, Glass, Mils, and Soap-ashes, was most necessary and well. But to send them and seventy more without victual to work, was not so well considered; yet this could not have hurt us, had they been two hundred (though then we were one hundred and thirty that wanted for ourselves.) For we had the Savages in that order (their harvest being newly gathered) that we feared not to get victual sufficient, had we been five hundred. Now was there no way to make us miserable, but to neglect that time to make our Provision, whilst it was to be had; the which was done to perform this strange Discovery, but more strange Coronation; to lose that time, spend that victual we had, tyre and starve our men, having no means to carry victual, munition, the hurt or sick, but their own backs, how or by whom they were invented, I know not; But Captain Newport we only accounted the author, who to effect these projects had so gilded all our hopes, with great promises, that both Company and Council concluded his resolution. I confess we little understood then our estates, to conclude his conclusion, against all the inconveniences the foreseeing Precedent alleged. There was added to the Counsel one Captain Waldo, and Captain Winne, two ancient Soldiers and valiant Gentlemen, but ignorant of the business (being newly arrived) Ratcliff was also permitted to have his voice, and Master Scrivener desirous to see strange Countries, so that although Smith was Precedent, yet the Counsel had the authority, and ruled it as they listed; as for clearing Smiths objections, how Pitch, and Tar, Wainscot, Clapboord, Glass, and Soap-ashes, could be provided to relade the Ship; or provision got to line with all, when none was in the Country, and that which we had, spent before the Ships departed: The answer was, Captain Newport undertook to fraught the Pinnace with Corn, in going and returning in his Discovery, and to refraught her again from Werowocomoco; also promising a great proportion of victual from his Ship, inferring that Smith's propositions were only devices to hinder his journey, to effect it himself; and that the cruelty Smith had used to the Savages, in his absence, might occasion them to hinder his designs: For which, all works were left, and one hundred and twenty chosen men were appointed for his guard; and Smith, to make clear these seeming suspicions, that the Savages were not so desperate, as was pretended by Captain Newport, and how willing he was to further them to effect their projects (because the Coronation would consume much time) undertook their message to Powhatan, to entreat him to come to Captain Smith with four goeth to Powhatan. james Town to receive his Presents, accompanied only with Captain Waldo, Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier; with these four he went over land, against Werawocomoco; there passed the River of Pamaunke in the Savages Canoaes, Powhatan being thirty miles off, who, presently was sent for, in the mean time his women entertained Smith in this manner. In a fair plain field they made a fire, before which he sitting upon a Mat; suddenly amongst The women's entertainment at Werawocomoco. the woods was heard such a hideous noise and shrieking, that they be taken them to their arms, supposing Powhatan with all his power came to surprise them; but the beholders which were many, men, women, and children, satisfied the Captain there was no such matter, being presently presented with this antic, thirty young women came naked out of the woods (only covered behind & before with a few green leaves) their bodies all painted, some white, some red, some black, some party colour, but every one different, their leader had a fair pair of Stag's horns on her head, and another Skin at her girdle, another at her arm, a quiver of Arrows at her back, and Bows and Arrows in her hand, the next in her hand a Sword, another A wild Diana A 〈…〉 n in one person. a Club, another a Potstick, all horned alike, the rest every one with their several devices. These Fiends with most hellish cries and shouts rushing from amongst the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dancing with excellent ill variety, oft falling into their infernal passions, and then solemnly again to sing and dance. Having spent near an hour in this Maskarado, as they entered, in like manner they departed. Having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnly invited Smith to their lodging, but no sooner was he within the house, but all these Nymphs more tormented him then ever, with crowding, and pressing, and hanging upon him, most tediously crying, Love you not me? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of Fruit in Baskets, Fish and Flesh in wooden Platters, Beans and Pease there wanted not (for twenty Hogs) nor any Savage dainty which their invention could devose; some attending, others singing and dancing about them: this mirth and banquet being ended, with Firebrands (instead of Torches) they conducted him to his lodging. The next day came Powhatan; Smith delivered his Message of the Presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontacke, desiring him to come to his Father Newport to accept those Presents, Captain Smith's message. and conclude their revenge against the Monacans: whereupon, the subtle Savage thus replied: If your King have sent me presents, I also am a King, and this my land; eight days I will stay to receive them; your Father is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your Fort, neither will I bite Powhatans' answer. at such a bait: as for the Monacans, I can revenge my own in 〈…〉 ies, and as for Aaquanuchocke, where you say your Brother was slain, it is a contrary way from those parts you suppose it. But for any salt water beyong the Mountains, the relations you have had from my people are false; whereupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to his discourse) of all those Regions: many other discourses they had (yet both desirous to give each other content in Complemental courtesies) and so Captain Smith returned with this answer. Powhatans' Coronation. So much was done to buy repentance with more cost than worship. If we seek Savages we lose them, if we force them to seek us, we shall find these shadows of men close at our feet. I have read more stories of them then perhaps any man, and find that a cruel mercy in awing Savages to fear us is better than that merciful cruelty, which by too much kindness hath made us fear them, or else by too much confidence to lose ourselves Smith & Newport may by their examples teach the just course to be také with such: the one breeding awe and dread, without Spanish or Pan●●e terror, the other disgraced in seeking to grace with offices of humanity, those which are graceless, Neither doth it become us to use Savages with savageness, nor yet with too humane usage, but in a middle path (medio tutissimus ibis) to go and do so that they may admire and fear us, as those whom God, Religion, Civility, and Art, have made so far superior; yet to abuse them (vnprouoked) as hostile slaves, or as mere beasts, with cruel and beastly freity, whom nature hath equally made men. This breeds desperate depopulations, as in the Spanish Indies hath been seen; that gentleness and unequal equity makes them proud and treacherous, as woeful experience hath taught in the late massacre. Our temperance and justice should be qualified with prudence and fortitude. Neither must we make them beasts, not yet value them as Christians, till we have made them such; and the way to make them Christian men, is first to make them civil men. to file off the rust of their humanity, which as children (the like in taming wild Beasts) must be done with severe gentleness, and gentle severity, which may breed in them a loving awe, or awful love, atleast a just dread toward us, that fear may make them know us, and then the fault is ours if they see no cause to love us. Upon this Captain Newport sent his presents by water, which is near one hundred miles, with fifty of the best shot, himself went by land, which is but twelve miles, where he met with our three Barges to transport him over. All things being fit for the day of his Coronation, the presents were brought, his Basin, Ewer, Bed and Furniture set up, his Scarlet Cloak and Apparel (with much ado) put on him, being persuaded by Namontacke, they would do him no hurt. But a foul trouble there was to make him kneel to receive his Crown, he neither knowing the Majesty nor meaning of a Crown, nor bending of the knee, endured so many persuasions, examples, and instructions, as tired them all: At last, by leaning hard on his shoulders, he a little stooped, so they put the Crown on his head: When by the warning of a Pistol, the Boats were prepared with such a Volley of shot, that the King start up in a horrible fear, till he see all was well, then remembering himself, to congratulate their kindness, he gave his old Shoes and his Mantle to Captain Newport. But perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, he laboured to divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men or guides, more than Namontacke, and so (after some complemental kindness on both sides) in requital of his presents, he presented Newport with a heap of Wheat ears, that might contain some seven or eight bushels, and as much more we bought ready dressed in the Town, wherewith we returned to the Fort. The Ship having disburdened herself of seventy persons, with the first Gentlewoman, and woman servant that arrived in our Colony; Captain Newport with all the Counsel, and one hundred and twenty chosen men, set forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the Precedent at the Fort with eighty (such as they were) to relade the Ship. Arriving at the falls, we marched by land some forty miles in two days and a half, and so returned down to the same path we went. Two Towns we discovered of the Monacans, the people neither using us well nor ill, yet for our security we took one of their petty Werowances, and led him bound, to conduct us the way. And in our return searched many places we supposed Mines, about which we spent some time in refining, having one William Calicut a refiner, fitted for that purpose, from that crust of earth which we digged, h● persuaded us to believe he extracted some small quantity of Silver (and not unlikely some better stuff might be had for the digging) with this poor trial being contented to leave this fair, fertile, well watered Country. Coming to the Falls, the Savages feigned there were diverse Ships come into the Bay to kill them at james Town. Trade they would not, and find their Corn we could not, for they had hid it in the woods, and being thus deluded we arrived at james Town, half sick, all complaining, and tired with toil, famine, and discontent, to have only but discovered our gilded hopes, and fruitless certainties, as the Precedent foretold us. No sooner were we landed, but the Precedent dispersed as many as were able, some for Glass, others for Pitch, Tar and Soap-ashes, leaving them (with the Fort) to the Counsels oversight. But thirty of us he conducted five miles from the Fort to learn to make clap-boord, cut down Trees, and lie in Woods; amongst the rest he had chosen Gabriel Beadell, and john Russell the only two Gallants of this last supply, and both proper Gentlemen: strange were these pleasures to to their conditions, yet lodging, eating, drinking, working, or playing, they doing but as the Precedent, all these things were carried so pleasantly, as within a week they became Masters, making it their delight to hear the Trees thunder as they fell, but the Axes so oft blistered there tender fingers, that commonly every third blow had a loud Oath to drown the Echo; for remedy of which sin the Precedent devised how to have every man's Oaths numbered, and at night, for every Oath to have a Can of water poured down his sleeve, with which every A prerie punishment for swearing. Offender was so washed (himself and all) that a man should scarce hear an Oath in a Week. By this, let no man think that the Precedent, or these gentlemen's spent their times as common Wood-hackers at felling of Trees, or such like other labours, or that they were pressed to any thing as hirelings or common slaves, for what they did (being but once a little enured) it, seemed, and they conceited it only as a pleasure and a recreation. Yet thirty or forty of such voluntary One Gentleman better than twenty Lubbers. Gentlemen would do more in a day than one hundred of the rest that must be pressed to it by compulsion. Master Scrivener, Captain Waldo, and Captain Win at the Fort, every one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The Precedent returning from amongst the Woods seeing the time consumed, and no provision gotten, (and the ship lay idle, and would do nothing presently embarked himself in the Discovery Barge, giving order to the Council, to send Master Percy after him with the next Barge that arrived at the Fort; two Barges, he had himself, and twenty men, but arriving at Chickahamina, that dogged Nation was too well acquainted with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorn and insolency as they could express. The Precedent perceiving it was Powhatans' policy to starve us, told them he came not so much for The Chickahamines forced to contribution. their Corn, as to revenge his imprisonment, and the death of his men murdered by them, and so landing his men, and ready to charge them, they immediately fled; but then they sent their Ambassadors, with corn, fish, fowl, or what they had to make their peace (their corn being that year bad) they complained extremely of their own wants yet fraughted our Boats with one hundred bushels of Corn, and in like manner Master Percies, that not long after us arrived; they having done the best they could to content us, within four or five days we returned to james Town. All this time our old Tavern, made as much of all them that had either Money or Ware as A good tavern in Virginia. could be desired; and by this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I mean Soldiers, Sailors, and Savages) as there was ten times more care, to maintain their damnable and private Trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were necessary, neither was it a small policy in the Mariners, to report in England we had such plenty, and bring us so many men without victual, when they had so many private Factors in the Fort, that within six or seven weeks after the ships return, of two or three hundred Hatchets, Chissels, Mattocks, and Pick-axes scarce twenty could be found, and for Pike-heads, Knives, Shot, Powder, or any thing (they could steal from their fellows) was vendible; They knew as well (and as secretly) how to convey A bad trade of Masters and Sailors. them to trade with the Savages, for Furs, Baskets, Mussaneekes, young beasts or such like Commodities, as to exchange them with the Sailors, for Butter, Cheese, Beef, Pork, Aquavitae, Beer, Biscuit, and Oatmeal; and then fain, that all was sent them from their friends. And though Uirginia afford no Furs for the store, yet one Mariner in one Voyage hath got so many, as he hath confessed to have sold in England for thirty pound. And for all this riot and Newports boasting to leave us for twelve months, though we had eighty nine by his Discovery sick and lame, which by one man for a pound of Copper might much better have been done, and having but a pint of Corn a day for a man, we were constrained to give him three Hogsheads of that Corn to victual his ship homeward. Those are the Saint-seeming Worthies of Uirginia, that have notwithstanding all this, meat, drink, and pay, but now they begin to grow weary, their Trade being both perceived and prevented; none hath been in Uirginia (that hath observed any thing) which knows not this to be true, and yet the scorn, and shame was the poor Soldiers, Gentlemen and careless Governors, who were all thus bought and sold, the Adventurers cozened, and the action overthrown by their false excuses, informations, and directions by this let all the World judge, how this business could prosper, being thus abused by such pilfering occasions. The proceedings and accidents, with the second supply. Master Scrivener was sent with the Barges and Pinnace to Werawocomoco, where he found the Scrivener's voyage to Werawocomoco. Savages more ready to fight then trade, but his vigilancy was such, as prevented their projects, and by the means of Namontack got three or four Hogsheads of Corn, and as much red paint which (then) was esteemed an excellent die. Captain Newport being dispatched with the trials of Pitch, Tar, Glass, Frankincense, and Soap-ashes, with that Clapboord and Wainscot which could be provided, met with Master Scrivener at Point Comfort, and so returned for England, leaving us in all two hundred, with those he brought us, Those poor conclusions so affrighted us all with famine; that the Precedent provided for Nansamund, took with him Captain Winne and Master Scrivener, (then returning from Captain Nonsamund forced to contribution. Newport) these people also long denied him Trade (excusing themselves to be so commanded by Powhatan) till we were constrained to begin with them perforce, and then they would rather sell us some, than we should take all; so loading our Boats, with one hundred bushels we parted friends, and came to james Town, at which time, there was a Marriage between john Laydon and Anna Burrowes, being the first Marriage we had in Virginia. First marriage. Long he stayed not, but fitting himself and Captain Waldo with two Barges, from Chawopo, Weanocke and all parts there, was found neither Corn nor Savage, but all fled (being jealous of our intents) till we discovered the River and people of Appametuck, where we found little: Appamatucke ●●couered. that which they had, we equally divided, betwixt the Savages and us (but gave them Copper in consideration) Master Percy, and Master Scrivener went also abroad but could find nothing. The Precedent seeing this procrastinating of time, was no course to live, resolved with Captain Waldo (whom he knew to be sure in time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and all his provision, but Captain Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some private respects) did their best to hinder their project: But the Precedent whom no persuasions could persuade to starve, being invited by Powhatan to come unto him, and if he would send him but men to build him a house, bring him a Grindstone, fifty Swords, some Pieces, a Cock and a Hen, with Copper and Beads, he would load his ship with Corn, the Precedent not ignorant of his devices, yet unwilling to neglect any opportunity, presently sent three Dutchmen and two English (having no victuals to employ them, all for want thereof being idle) knowing there needed no better Castle, than that house to surprise Powhatan, to effect this project he took order with Captain Waldo to second him if need required; Scrivener he left his Substitute; and set forth with the Pinnace two Barges, and six and forty men which only were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his journey the which) by reason of Master Scriveners ill success) was censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not return empty howsoever, caused many of those that he had appointed, to find excuses to stay behind. THe nine and twentieth of December he set forward for Werawocomoco. In the Pinnace. Master George Percy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland. Master Francis West, brother Cap Smith's iou 〈…〉 e to Pamaunke. Ch. 8. to the Lord De-la-Ware. William Phetiplace Captain of the Pinnace. Iona● Profit Master. Robert Ford Clerk of the Council. Michael Phetiplace. Geoff●ry Abbot Sergeant. William Tankard. George Yarington. james Bourne. George Burton. Thomas Coe. Gentlemen. john Dods. Edward Brinton. Nathaniel Peacocke. Henry powel. David Ellis. Thomas Gipson. john Prat. George Acrigge. james Reade. Nicholas Hancocke. james Watkins. Anthony Baggly Sergeant. Thomas Lambert. Edward Pising Sergeant. Soldiers. Four Dutchmen and Richard Savage were sent by Land, to build the house for Powhatan against our arrival. This company being victualled but for three or four days lodged the first night at Wera●koyack, where the Precedent took sufficient provision; This kind Savage did his best to divert him from seeing Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevail, he advised in this manner; Captain Smith, you shall find Powhatan to use you kindly, but trust him not, and be sure he have no opportunity The good counsel of Weraskoyake. to seize on your arms, for he hath sent for you only to cut your throats; the Captain thanked him for his good counsel, yet the better to try his love, desired Guides to Chowa●oke, for he would send a present to that King to bind him his friend. To perform this journey, was sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest valiant, and painful Soldier, with him two Guides, and directions how to search for the lost company of Sir Walter Raleigh, and Silk Grasse: then we departed thence, the Precedent assuring the King his perpetual love, and left with him Samuel Collier his Page to learn the Language. The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan six or seven days, the extreme wind, rain, frost, and snow, caused us to keep Christmas amongst the Savages, where we were never more merry, nor fed on more plenty of good Oysters, Fish, Flesh, Wildfowl, and good Bread, nor never Plenty of victual. 148 Fowls kissed at three shoots. had better fires in England then in the dry warm smoky houses of Kecoughtan. But departing thence, when we found no houses, we were not curious in any weather, to lie three or four nights together upon any shore under the Trees by a good fire. The Precedent Anthony Bagly, and Edward Pising, did kill one hundred forty and eight Fowls at three shoots. At Kiskiack the Frost forced us three or four days also to suppress the insolency of those proud Savages; to quarter in their houses, and guard our Barge, and cause them give us what we wanted, yet were we but twelve with the Precedent, and yet we never wanted Harbour where we found any houses. The twelfth of january we arrived at Werawocomo, where the River was frozen near half a mile from the shore; but to neglect no time, the Precedent with his Barge, so far had approached by breaking the Ice as the ebb left him amongst those Ozie shoals, yet rather than to lie there frozen to death, by his own example he taught them to march middle deep, more than a flight shot through this muddy frozen Oze; when the Barge floated he appointed two or three An ill march. Powhatans' subtlety. to return her aboard the Pinnace, where for want of water in melting the Salt Ice they made fresh water, but in this march Master Russell (whom none could persuade to stay behind) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heavy, so over-toyled himself, as the rest had much ado (ere he got ashore) to regain life, into his dead benumbed spirits, quartering in the next Houses we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plenty of Bread, Turkeyes, and Venison. The next day having feasted us after his ordinary manner, he began to ask, when we would be gone, feigning he sent not for us, neither had he any Corn, and his people much less, yet for forty Swords he would procure us forty bushels. The Precedent showing him the men there present, that brought him the message and conditions, asked him how it chanced he became so forgetful, thereat the King concluded the matter with a merry laughter, ask for our Commodities, but none he liked without Guns and Swords, valuing a basket of Corn more precious than a Basket of Copper, saying, he could eat his Corn▪ but not his Copper. Captain Smith seeing the intent of this subtle Savage; began to deal with him after this Cap. Smith's discourse to Powha●●n. manner, Powhatan, Though I had many courses to have made my provision, yet believing your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all, to satisfy your desire, and to testify my love, I sent you my men for your building, neglecting my own: what your people had you have engrossed, forbidding them our Trade, and now you think by consuming the time, we shall consume for want, not having to fulfil your strange demands, as for Swords and Guns, I told you long ago, I had none to spare. And you shall know, those I have, can keep me from want, yet steal, or wrong you I will not nor dissolve that friendwe have mutually promised, except you constrain me by your bad usage. The King having attentively listened to this Discourse; promised, that both he and his Country Powhatans' reply and flattery would spare him what they could, the which within two days, they should receive, yet Captain Smith (saith the King) some doubt I have of your coming hither, that makes me not so kindly seek to relieve you as I would; for many do inform me, your coming is not for Trade, but to invade my people and possess my Country, who dare not come to bring you corn, seeing you thus armed with your men. To clear us of this fear, leave aboard your weapons, for here they are needless we being all friends and for ever Powhatans'. With many such Discourses they spent the day, quartering that night in the King's houses, the next day he reviewed his building, which he little intended should proceed; for the Dutchmen finding his plenty, and knowing our want, and perceiving his preparation to surprise us, little Wickedness of their Dutchmen. thinking we could escape, both him and famine (to obtain his favour) revealed to him as much as they knew of our estates projects, and how to prevent them; one of them being of so good a judgement, spirit, and resolution, and a hireling that was certain of wages for his labour, and ever well used, both he and his Countrymen, that the Precedent knew not whom better to trust, and not knowing any fitter for that employment, had sent him as a spy to discover Powhatans' intent, then little doubting his honesty, nor could ever be certain of his villainy, till near half a year after. Whilst we expected the coming in of the Country, we wrangled out of the King ten quarters of Corn for a Copper Kettle, the which the Precedent perceiving him much to effect, valued it at a much greater rate, but (in regard of his scarcity) he would accept of as much more the next year, or else the Country of Monacan; the King exceeding liberal of that he had not yielded him Monacan. Wherewith each seeming well contented; Powhatan began to expostulate the difference betwixt Peace and War, after this manner. Captain Smith you may understand, that I, having seen the death of all my people thrice, and not Powhatans' discourse of Peace and War. one living of those three Generations, but myself, I know the difference of Peace and War, better than any in my Country. But now I am old, and ere long I must die, my Brethren, namely Opichapam, Opechankanough, and K●kataugh, my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each others successors, I wish their experiences no less than mine, and your love to them, no less than mine to you: but this brute from Nansamund that you are come to destroy my Country; so much affrighteth all my people, as they dare not visit you; what will it avail you, to take that perforce you may quietly have with love, or to destroy them that provide you food? what can you get by war, when we can hide our provision and fly to the woods, whereby you must famish by wronging us your friends; and why are you thus jealous of our lives, seeing us unarmed, and both do, and are willing still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our labours? think you I am so simple not to know, it is better to eat good meat, lie well, and sleep quietly with my women and children, laugh & be merry with you, have Copper, Hatchets, or what I want, being your friend▪ then be forced to fly from all, to lie cold in the woods, feed upon Acorns, roots and such trash, and be so hunted by you, that I can neither rest, eat, nor sleep; but my tired men must watch, and if a twig but break, every one cry there comes Captain Smith, then must I fly I know not whether, and thus with miserable fear end my miserable life; leaving my pleasures to such youths as you, which through your rash unadvisedness, may quickly as miserably end, for want of that you never know how to find? Let this therefore assure you of our loves, and every year our friendly Trade shall furnish you with Corn, and now also if you would come in friendly manner to see us, and not thus with your Guns and Swords, as to invade your foes. To this subtle discourse the Precedent thus replied. Seeing you will not rightly conceive of our words, we strive to make you know our thoughts by our C. Smith's reply. deeds. The vow I made you of my love, both myself and my men have kept, as for your promise I find it every day violated, by some of your subjects, yet we finding your love and kindness (our custom is so far from being ungrateful) that for your sake only, we have kerbed our thirsting desire of revenge, else had they known as well the cruelty we use to our enemies, as our true love and courtesy to our friends. And I think your judgement sufficient to conceive as well by the adventures we have undertaken, as by the advantage we have by our Arms of yours: that had we intended you any hurt, long ere this we could have effected it; your people coming to me at james Town, are entertained with their Bows and Arrows without exception; we esteeming it with you, as it is with us, to wear our Arms as our apparel. As for the dangers of our enemies, in such wars consist our chiefest pleasure, for your riches we have no use, as for the hiding your provision, or by your flying to the Woods, we shall so unadvisedly starve as you conclude▪ your friendly care in that behalf is needless; for we have a rule to find beyond your knowledge. Many other discourses they had, till at last they began to trade, but the King seeing his will would not be admitted as a law, our guard dispersed, nor our men disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his mind once more in this manner. Captain Smith, I never used any Werowances so kindly as yourself; yet from you I receive the least kindness of any. Captain Newport gave me swords, Copper, Clothes, a Bed, Tools, or what I desired, Powha●ans importunity for to have them unarmed, ●o betray them. ever taking what I offered him, and would send away his Guns when I entreated him: none doth deny to lay at my feet (or do) what I desire, but only you, of whom I can have nothing, but what you regard not, and yet you will have whatsoever you demand. Captain Newport you call father, and so you call me, but I see for all us both, you will do what you li●t, and we must both seek to content you: But if you intent so friendly as you say, send hence your Arms that I might believe you, for you see the love I bear you, doth cause me thus naked to forget myself. Smith seeing this Savage but trifled the time to cut his throat: procured the Savages to break the Ice (that his Boat might come to fetch both him and his Corn) and gave order for his men to come ashore, to have surprised the King, with whom also he but trifled the time till his men landed, and to keep him from suspicion, entertained the time with this reply. Powhatan, you must know as I have but one God, I honour but one King; and I live not here as your C. Smith's discourse to delay time, that he might surprise Powhatan. subject, but as your friend, to pleasure you with what I can: by the gifts you bestow on me, you gain more than by trade, yet would you visit me as I do you, you should know it is not our customs to sell our courtesy as a vendible commodity. Bring all your Country with you for your guard, I will not dislike of it as being over jealous. But to content you, to morrow I will leave my Arms, and trust to your pr●mise. I call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will love you, but the small care you had of such a child, caused my men to persuade me to shift for myself. By this time Powhatan having knowledge, his men were ready: whilst the Ice was breaking, Powhatans' plot to have murdered Smith. his luggage, women, and children fled, and to avoid suspicion, left two or three of his women talking with the Captain, whilst he secretly fled, and his men as secretly beset the house, which being at the instant discovered to Captain Smith, with his Pistol, Sword, and Target, he made such a passage amongst those naked Devils, that they fled before him, some one way, some another, so that without hurt he obtained the Corpse du-guard: when they perceived him so well escaped, and with his eight men (for he had no more with him) to the uttermost of their skill, they sought by excuses to dissemble the matter, and Powhatan to excuse his flight, and the sudden A Chain of Pearl for a Present. coming of this multitude, sent our Captain a great Bracelet, and a Chain of Pearl, by an ancient Orator that bespoke us to this purpose (perceiving then from our Pinnace, a Barge, and men departing and coming unto us.) Captain Smith, our Werowance is fled, fearing your Guns, and knowing when the Ice was broken there would come more men, sent those of his to guard his Corn His excuse. from the pilfry, that might happen without your knowledge: now though some be hurt by your misprision, yet he is your friend, and so will continue: and since the Ice is open he would have you send away your Corn; and if you would have his company send also your Arms, which so affrighteth this people, that they dare not come to you, as he hath promised they should: Now having provided Baskets for our men to carry the Corn, they kindly offered their service to guard our Arms, that none should steal them. A great many they were, of goodly well appointed fellows as grim as Devils: yet the very sight of cocking our matches against them, and a few words caused them to leave their Pretending to kill our men loaded with baskets, we forced the Savages to carry them. Bows and Arrows to our guard, and bear down our Corn on their own backs; we needed not importune them to make quick dispatch. But our own Barge being left by the ebb, caused us to stay till the midnight tied carried us safe aboard, having spent that half night with such mirth, as though we never had suspected or intended any thing, we left the Dutchmen to build, Brinton to kill Fowl for Powhatan (as by his Messengers he importunately desired) and left directions with our men to give Powhatan all the content they could, that we might inion his company at our return from Pamaunke. WE had no sooner set sail, but Powhatan returned, and sent Adam and Francis (two How we escaped surprising at Pamaunke. Chap. 9 The Dutchmen deceive C. Smith. Perfidious wretche● stout Dutch men) to the Fort, who feigning to Captain Winne that all things were well, and that Captain Smith had use for their Arms, wherefore they requested new (the which were given them) they told him their coming was, for some extraordinary tools and shift of apparel, by this colourable excuse, they obtained six or seven more to their confederacy, such expert thieves that presently furnished them with a great many of Swords, Pike-heads, Pieces, Shot, Powder, and such like; they have Savages at hand ready to carry it away. The next day they returned unsuspected, leaving their confederates to follow, and in the interim, to convey them a competency of all things they could, for which service they should live with Powhatan as his chief affected: free from those miseries that would happen the Colony. Samuel their other consort, Powhatan kept for their pledge, whose diligence had provided them three hundred of their kind of Hatchets, the rest fifty Swords, eight Pieces, and eight Pikes: Briton, and Richard Savage seeing the Dutchmen so strangely diligent to accommodate the Savages, these weapons attempted to have got to james Town, but they were apprehended. Within two or three days we arrived at Pamaunke, the King as many days entertained us with feasting and much mirth: and the day he appointed to begin our trade, the Precedent, with M. Persie, M. West, M. Russell, M. Beheathland, M. powel, M. Crashaw, M. Ford, and some others to the number of fifteen went up to Opechancanoughs abandoned. Opechancanoughs house (near a quarter of a mile from the River) where we found nothing, but a lame fellow and a boy, and all the houses about, of all things abandoned; not long we stayed ere the King arrived, and after him came diverse of his people loaded with Bows and Arrows, but such pinching commodities, and those esteemed at such a value, as our Captain began with him in this manner. Opechancanough, the great love you profess with your tongue, seems mere deceit by your actions; Smith's speech to Opechancanough. last year you kindly fraughted our ship, but now you have invited me to starve with hunger. You know my want, and I your plenty, of which by some means I must have a part, remember it is fit for Kings to keep their promise, here are my commodities, whereof take your choice; the rest I will proportion fit bargains for your people. The King seemed kindly to accept his offer; and the better to colour his project, sold us what they had to our own content; promising the next day more company, better provided (the Barges and Pinnace being committed to the charge of M. Phetiplace) the Precedent, with his old fifteen marched up to the King's house, where we found four or five men newly come with great Baskets. Not long after came the King, who with a strained cheerfulness held us with discourse, what pains he had taken to keep his promise, till M. Russell brought us in news that we were all betrayed: for at least six or seven hundred of well appointed Indians had environed the 700. Savages beset the English●eing ●eing out sixteen. house and beset the fields. The King conjecturing what Russell related, we could well perceive how the extremity of his fear bewrayed his intent: whereat some of our company seeming dismayed with the thought of such a multitude; the Captain encouraged us after th●s manner. Worthy Countrymen were the mischiefs of my seeming friends, no more than the danger of these enemies, Smith's speech to his Company. I little cared, were they as many more; if you dare do, but as I. But this is my torment, that if I escape them, our malicious Council, with their open mouthed Minions, will make me such a peace-breaker (in their opinions) in England, as will break my neck: I could wish those here, that make these seem Saints, and me an Oppressor. But this is the worst of all, wherein, I pray aid me with your opinions, should we begin with them and surprise this King, we cannot keep him, and defend well ourselves, if we should each kill our man, and so proceed withal in this house; the rest will all fly, then shall we get no more, than the bodies that are slain, and then starve for victual: as for their fury it is the least danger, for well you know (being alone assaulted with two or three hundred of them) I made them compound to save my life, and we are now sixteen, and they but seven hundred at the most, and assure yourselves GOD will so assist us, that if you dare but to stand to discharge your Pieces, the very smoke will be sufficient to affright them: yet howsoever (if there be occasion) let us fight like men, and not die like sheep: but first I will deal with them, to bring it to pass, we may fight for some thing, and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion, promise me you'll be valiant. The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute whatsoever he attempted, or die; whereupon the Captain approaching the King, bespoke him in this manner. I see Opechancanough your plot is to murder me, but I fear it not; as yet your men and mine, have Smith's offer to Opechancanough. done no harm, but by our directions. Take therefore your Arms; you see mine: my body shall be as naked as yours; the I'll in your River is a fit place, if you be contented: and the conqueror (of us two) shall be Lord and Master over all our men: otherways draw all your men into the field; if you have not enough, take time to fetch more, and bring what number you will, so every one bring a basket of Corn, against all which I will stake the value in Copper; you see I have but fifteen men, and our game shall be, The conqueror take all. The King, being guarded with fifty or sixty of the chief men, seemed kindly to appease Opechancanoughs device to betray Smith. Smith's suspicion of unkindness, by a great present at the door, they entreated him to receive. This was to draw him without the door where the present was guarded with (at the least two hundred men, and thirty lying under a great tree (that lay thwart as a Barricado) each his Arrow nocked ready to shoot; some the Precedent commanded to go & see what kind of deceit this was, and to receive the Present but they refused to do it) yet diverse offered whom he would not Opechancanough taken prisoner amids his men. If this course had been taken by others, Virginia by this had 〈◊〉 out of her 〈…〉 e, & able ●o go alone, yea to trade or ●ight. But names of peace have bred worse than wars, and our confidence hatched the miserable massacre by this perfidious Savage. And would God a Dale or Smith, or some such spirit were yet there to take this, that is the only right course wi●h those which know not to do right, further for fear of suffering it enforceth. Smith's discourse to the Pamaunkies. The Savages dissemble their intent. See their use of English Arms. Their excuse and reconcilement. The loss of M. Skrivener and others with a Skiffe. M. Wiffin his journey to the Precedent. permit: but commanding M. Persie, and M. West to make good thehouse, to M. powel, and M. Beheathland to guard the door, and in such a rage snatched the King by his long lock of hair in the midst of his men, with his Pistol ready bend against his breast, he instantly yielded his Bow and Arrows, and sued for his life: Thus he led the King (near dead with fear) amongst all his people, who delivering the Captain his Bow and arrows, all his men were easily entreated to cast down their Arms, little dreaming any durst in that manner have used their King: who then to escape himself, bestowed his Presents in good sadness. And having caused all his multitude to approach disarmed; the Precedent argued with them to this effect. I see you Pamaunkies, the great desire you have to cut my throat; and my long suffering your injuries, have inboldned you to his presumption. The cause I have forborn your insolences, is the promise I made you (before the God I serve) to be your friend, till you give me just cause to be your enemy. If I keep this vow, my God will keep me, you cannot hurt me; if I break it, he will destroy me. But if you shoot but one Arrow, to shed one drop of blood of any of my men, or steal the least of these Beads, or Copper (I spurn before me with my foot) you shall see, I will not cease revenge (if once I begin) so long as I can hear where to find one of your Nation that will not deny the name of Pamaunke: I am not now at Rasseneac (half drowned with mire) where you took me prisoner, yet then for keeping promise, and your good usage, and saving my life, I so affect you, that your denials of your treachery, doth half persuade me to mistake myself. But if I be the mark you aim at, here I stand, shoot he that dare. You promised to fraught my ship ere I departed, and so you shall, or I mean to load her with your dead carcases; yet if as friends you will come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion. Upon this away went your Bows and Arrows, and men, women, and children brought in their commodities, but two or three hours they so thronged about the Precedent, and so overwearied him, as he retired himself to rest, leaving M. Beheathland, and M. Powel to accept their Presents: but some Savages perceiving them fast asleep, and the guard carelessly dispersed, forty or fifty of their choice men each with an English Sword in his hand, began to enter the house, with two or three hundred others that pressed to second them. The noise and hast they made in, did so shake the house, as they awoke him from his sleep, and being half amazed with this sudden sight, betook him strait to his Sword and Target, M. Crashaw and some other charging in like manner, they thronged faster back, then before forward. The house thus cleansed, the King and his Ancients, with a long Oration came to excuse this intrusion. The rest of the day was spent with much kindness, the company again renewing their Presents of their best provision. And whatsoever we gave them, they seemed well contented with it. Now in the mean while since our departure, this happened at the Port; M. Scrivener willing to cross the surprising of Powhatan; nine days after the Precedents departure, would needs visit the I'll of Hogs, and took with him Captain Waldo (though the Precedent had appointed him to be ready to second his occasions) with M. Anthony Gosnoll, and eight others; but so violent was the wind (that extreme frozen time) that the Boat sunk, but where or how, none doth know for they were all drowned; only this was known, that the Skiffe was much overladed, and would scarce have lived in that extreme tempest, had she been empty; but by no persuasion he could be diverted, though both Waldo and a hundred others doubted as it happened. The Savages were the first that found their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect their projects. To advertise the Precedent of this heavy news, none could be found would undertake it, but the journey was often refused of all in the Fort, until M. Wiffin undertook alone the performance thereof; wherein he was encountered with many dangers and difficulties, and in all parts as he passed (as also that night he lodged with Powhatan) he perceived such preparation for war, that assured him, some mischief was intended, but with extraordinary bribes, and much trouble, in three day's travel at length he found us in the midst of these turmoils. This unhappy news, the Precedent swore him to conceal from the rest, and so dissembling his sorrow, with the best countenance he could, when the night approached, went safely aboard with all his company. Now so extremely Powhatan had threatened the death of his men, if they did not by some means kill Captain Smith, that the next day they appointed the Country should come to trade Powhatan constraineth his men to be treacherous. unarmed: yet unwilling to be treacherous, but that they were constrained, hating fight, almost as ill as hanging, such fear they had of bad success. The next morning the Sun had not long appeared, but the fields appeared covered with people, and baskets to tempt us ashore. The Precedent determined to keep aboard, but nothing was to be had without his presence, nor they would not endure the sight of a Gun: then the Precedent seeing many depart, and being unwilling The third attempt to berray us. to lose such a booty, so well contrived the Pinnace, and his Barges with Ambuscadoes, as only with M. Persie, M. West, and M. Russell armed, he went ashore, others unarmed he appointed to receive what was brought; the Savages flocked before him in heaps, and (the bank serving as a trench for retreat) he drew them fair open to his Ambuscadoes, for he not being to be persuaded to go to visit their King, the King came to visit him with two or three hundred men, in the form of two half Moons, with some twenty men, and many women loaded with great painted baskets; but when they approached somewhat near us, their women and children fled; for when they had environed and beset the fields in this manner, they thought their purpose sure; yet so trembled with fear, as they were scarce able to knock their Arrows: Smith standing with his three men ready bend beholding them, till they were within danger of our Ambuscado, who, upon the word discovered themselves, and he retiring to the bank: which the Savages no sooner perceived, but away they fled, esteeming their heels for their best advantage. That night we sent to the Fort M. Crashaw, and M. Ford, who (in the midway between Werawocomoco and the fort) met four or five of the Dutchman's confederates going to Powhatan, the which (to excuse those gentlemen's suspicion of their running to the Savages returned to the Fort and there continued. The Savages hearing our Barge depart in the night were so terribly afraid, that we sent for more men (we having so much threatened their ruin, and the rasing of their Houses, Boats, and Canowes') that the next day the King, sent our Captain a Chain of Pearl to alter his purpose, A Chain of Pearl sent to obtain peace. and stay his men, promising (though they wanted themselves) to fraught our ship, and bring it aboard to avoid suspicion, so that five or six days after, from all parts of the Country within ten or twelve miles, in the extreme cold Frost, and Snow, they brought us provision on their naked b●ckes. Yet notwithstanding this kindness and trade, had their art and poison been sufficient, the The Precedent poisoned. The offender punished. Precedent with Master West and some others had been poisoned: it made them sick, but expelled itself. Wecuttanow a stout young fellow, knowing he was suspected for bringing this present of poison, with forty or fifty of his choice companions (seeing the Precedent but with a few men at Potauncat—) so proudly braved it, as though he expected to encounter a revenge: which the Precedent perceiving, in the midst of his company did not only beat, but spurned him like a dog, as scorning to do him any worse mischief: whereupon all of them fled into the Woods, thinking they had done a great matter, to have so well escaped: and the Townsmen remaining, presently fraughted our Barge, to be rid of our companies, framing many excuses to excuse Wecuttanow (being son to their chief King, but Powhatan) and told us, if we would show them him that brought the poison, they would deliver him to us to punish as we pleased. Men may think it strange there should be this stir for a little Corn, but had it been Gold with more ease we might have got it: and had it wanted, the whole Colony had starved. We may be thought very patient, to endure all those injuries; yet only with fearing them, we got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by their loss we should have lost ourselves. We searched all the Countries of Youghtanund and Mattapamient, The Savage want and poverty. where the people imparted that little they had, with such complaints and tears from women and children; as he had been too cruel to be a Christian that would not have been satisfied, and moved with compassion. But this happened in October, November, and December, when that unhappy discovery of Monacan was made, we might have fraughted a Ship of forty Tons, and twice as much might have been had from the Rivers of Toppahannock, Patawomeck, and Pawtuxunt. The main occasion of our temporising with the Savages was to part friends (as we did) to give the less cause of suspicion to Powhatan, to fly: The Dutchmen did much hurt. by whom we now returned, with a purpose to have surprised him and his provision: for effecting whereof (when we came against the Town) the Precedent sent Master Wissin and Master Coe, a shore to discover and make way for his intended project. But they found that those damned Dutchmen had caused Powhatan to abandon his new house, and Werawocomoco, and to carry away all his Corn and provision; and the people they found by their means so ill affected, that had they not stood well upon their guard, they had hardly escaped with their lives. So the Precedent finding his intention thus frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore an unfit time to revenge their abuses, held on the course for james Town; we having in this journey (for five and twenty pound of Copper, fifty pound of Iron and Beads) kept forty men six weeks, and daily feasted with Bread, Corn, Flesh, Fish, and Fowl, every man having for his reward (and in consideration of his commodities) a month's provision (no trade being allowed but for the store) and we delivered at james Town to the Cape-Merchant two hundred seventy nine bushels of Corne. When the ships departed, all the provision of store (but that the Precedent had gotten) How the Savages became subject to the English. Chap. 10. was so rotten with the last Summer's Rain, and eaten with Rats and Worms, as the Hogs would scarcely eat it, yet it was the Soldier's Diet, till our returns: so that we found nothing done, but victual spent, and the most part of our Tools, and a good part of our Arms conveyed to the Savages. But now, casting up the store, and finding sufficient till the next Harvest, the fear of starving was abandoned; and the Company divided into ten, fifteen, or as the business required four hours each day was spent in work, the rest in pastimes and merry exercise. The Dutchman's Consorts so closely still conuaid Powder, Shot, Swords, and Tools, that though we could find the defect, we could not find by whom it was occasioned, till it was too late. All this time the Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan, received them, instructing the Savages The Dutchman's plot to murder Cap. Smith. their use. But their Consorts not following them as they expected (to know the cause, they sent Francis their companion (a stout young fellow) diguised Savage like) to the Glass-house (a place in the Woods near a mile from james Town) where was the randevoze for all their unsuspected villainy; forty men they procured of Powhatan to lie in Ambuscadoe for Captain Smith, who no sooner heard of this Dutchman, but he sent to apprehend him, who found he was gone, yet to cross his return to Powhatan, Captain Smith presently dispatched twenty shot after him, and then returning but from the Glass-house alone, he encountered the King of Paspaheigh, a most strong stout Savage, whose persuasions not being able to persuade him to his ambush, seeing him only armed but with a Falchion, attempted to have shot him; but the Precedent prevented his shot by grappling with him, and the Savage as well prevented him for drawing his Falchion, and perforce bore him into the River to have drowned him; long they struggled in the water, from whence the King perceiving two of the Poles upon the sands would have fled; but the Precedent held him by the hair and throat till the Poles came in; then seeing how pitifully the poor savage begged his life, they conducted him prisoner to the Fort. The Dutchman ere long was also brought in, whose Villainy, though all this time it was suspected, yet he feigned such Smith taketh the King of Paspaheigh prisoner. a formal excuse, that for want of Language, Winne had not rightly understood them, and for their dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were constrained to accommodate his arms, of whom he extremely complained to have detained them perforce; and that he made this escape with the hazard of his life, and meant not to have returned, but only walked in the woods to gather Walnuts: yet for all this fair Tale (there was so small appearance of truth) he went by the heels; the King also he put fetters; purposing to regain the Dutchmen, by the saving his life; the poor Savage did his best, by his daily Messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would not return, neither did Powhatan stay them, and to bring them fifty miles on their backs they were not able. Daily this King's Wives, children, and people, came to visit him with Presents, which he liberally bestowed to make his peace, much trust they had in the Precedents promise, but the King finding his Guard negligent (though fettered) yet escaped; Captain Winne thinking to pursue him, found such troops of Savages to hinder his passages, as they exchanged many volies of shot for flight of Arrows. Captain Smith hearing of this, in returning to the Fort took two Savages Prisoners, the one called Kemp's, the other Kinsock, the two most exact Villains in the Country; with those, Captain Winne and fifty chosen men attempted that night to have regained the King, and revenged his injury (and so had dove if he had followed his directions, or been advised by those two Villains, that would have betrayed both their King and Kindred for a piece of Copper) but he trifling away the night, the Savages the next morning by the rising of the Sun, braved him to come ashore to fight, a good time both sides let fly at other, but we heard of no hurt, only they took two Canoaes, burned the King's House and so returned. The Precedent fearing those bravadoes, would but encourage the Savages, begun himself to The Savages desire peace. try his conclusions; whereby six or seven Savages were slain, as many made Prisoners; burnt their Houses, took their Boats with all their fishing wears, and planted them at james Town for his own use; and now resolved not to cease till he had revenged himself upon all that had injured him, but in his journey passing by Paspaheigh towards Chickahamina, the Savages did their best to draw him to their Ambuscadoes; but seeing him regardlessly pass their Country, all showed themselves in their bravest manner, to try their valours; he could not but fly, and ere he could land, the Savages no sooner knew him, but they threw down their Arms and desired Peace; their Orator was a stout young man called Ocanindge, whose worthy Discourse deserveth Ocanindge his Oration. to be remembered; and this it was. Captain Smith, my Master is here present in this company thinking it Captain Winne, and not you; and of him he intended to have been revenged, having never offended him: if he have offended you in escaping your imprisonment; the Fishes swim, the Fowls fly, and the very Beasts strive to escape the snare and live; then blame not him being a man; he would entreat you remember, your being a prisoner, what pains he took to save your life; if since he hath injured you, he was compelled to it; but howsoever, you have revenged it with our too great loss; we perceive and well know you intent to destroy us, that are here to entreat and desire your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of whose fruit you shall participate, otherwise you will have the worst by our absence, for we can plant any where, though with more labour, and we know you cannot live if you want our Harvest, and that relief we bring you; if you promise us peace we will believe you, if you proceed in revenge, we will abandon the Country. Upon these terms the Precedent promised them peace, till they did us injury, upon condition they should bring in provision, so all departed good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Country. A Savage smothered at james Town, and was recovered. Arriving at james Town, complaint was made to the Precedent that the Chickahaminos, who all this while continued Trade, and seemed our friends by colour thereof were the only thieves, and amongst other things, a Pistol being stolen, and the Thief fled, there was apprehended two proper young fellows that were brothers, known to be his confederates. Now to regain this Pistol, the one we imprisoned, the other was sent to return again within twelve hours, or his brother to be hanged, yet the Precedent pitying the poor naked Savage in the dungeon, sent him victual and some Charcoal for fire; ere midnight his brother returned with the Pistol, but the Charcolesmoke an usual murderer by oversight, where no vent is le●t to it. Savage in the dungeon was so smothered with the smoke he had made, and so piteously burnt, that he found him dead, the other most lamentably bewailed his death, and broke forth in such bitter agonies, that the Precedent (to quiet him) told him that if hereafter they would not steal, he would make him alive again, but little thought he could be recovered, yet (we doing our best with Aquavitae and Vinegar) it pleased God to restore him again to life, but so drunk and affrighted that he seemed lunatic, not understanding any thing he spoke or heard, the which as much grieved and tormented the other, as before to see him dead; of which malady (upon promise Perhaps the Jesuits wits have (besides mere lies) hatched many of their Indian Miracles from as unlikely eggs as this by conjoining industry and opportunity. Powhatan desireth peace. What was done in three months having victual. The store devoured by rats how we lived three months of such natural fruits as the Country afforded. of their good behaviour afterward) the Precedent promised to recover him, and so caused him to be laid by a fire to sleep, who in the morning (having well slept) had recovered his perfect senses; and then being dressed of his burning, and each a piece of Copper given them, they went away so well contented, that this was spread amongst all the Savages for a Miracle, that Captain Smith could make a man alive that is dead. These and many other such pretty accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan and all his people that from all parts with presents they desired peace, returning many stolen things which we neither demanded nor thought of. And after that, those that were taken stealing (both Powhatan and his people) hath sent them back to james Town to receive their punishment, and all the Country became absolutely as free for us, as for themselves. NOw we so quietly followed our business, that in three months we made three or four last of Pitch and Tar, and Soap-ashes, produced a trial of Glass, made a Well in the Fort of excellent sweet water (which till then was wanting) built some twenty houses, recovered our Church, provided Nets and wares for fishing (and to stop the disorders of our disorderly thieves and the Savages) built a Blockhouse in the neck of our Isle, kept by a garrison to entertain the Savages trade, and none to pass nor repass, Savage, nor Christian, with out the Precedents order; thirty or forty acres of ground we digged, and planted; of three Sows in one year increased sixty and odd Pigs, and near five hundred Chickens brought up themselves (without having any meat given them) but the Hogs were transported to Hog I'll, where also we built a Blockhouse with a Garrison, to give us notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made Clap-boord, Wainscot, and cut down Trees against the ships coming. We built also a Fort for a retreat, near a convenient River upon a high commanding Hill, very hard to be assaulted, and easy to be defended; but ere it was half finished, this defect caused a stay; in searching our Casked Corn, we found it half rotten, the rest so consumed with the many thousand Rats (increased first from the ships) that we knew not how to keep that little we Rat-plague. had. This did drive us all to our wit's end, for there was nothing in the Country but what Nature afforded, until this time Keinps and Tassore, were fettered Prisoners, and daily wrought, and taught us how to order and plant our fields. Whom now (for want of victual) we set at liberty, but so well were they used, that they little desired it; and to express their loves, for sixteen days continuance, the Country brought us (when least) one hundred a day of Squirrels, Turkeyes, Dear, and other wild Beasts; but this want of Corn occasioned the end of all our works, it being work sufficient to provide victual, sixty or eighty with Ensign Laxon, were sent down the River to live upon Oysters, and twenty with Lieutenant Percy to try for fishing at Point Comfort, but in six weeks, they would not agree once to cast out their Net. Master West with as many went up to the Falls, but nothing could be found but a few Berries and Acorns; of that in the store every one had their equal proportion. Till this The pains of 40. fed 150. present (by the hazard and endeavour of some thirty or forty) this whole number had ever been fed. We had more Sturgeon than could be devoured by Dog and Man; of which the industrious, by drying and pownding, mingled with Caviar, Sorrell, and other wholesome herbs, would make Bread and Meat; others would gather as much Tockwough Roots in a day, as would make them Bread a Week, so that of those wild Fruits, Fish, and Berries, these lived very well (in regard of such a Diet) but such was the most strange condition of some Baseness of idleness. one hundred and fifty, that had they not been forced to gather and prepare their victual they would all have starved, and have eaten one another: of those wild fruits the Savages often brought us: and for that the Precedent would not fulfil the unreasonable desire of those distracted lubberly Gluttons to sell, not only our Kettles, Howes, Tools, and Iron, nay Swords, Pieces, and the very Ordnance, and Houses (might they have prevailed but to have been but idle) for those Savage fruits they would have imparted all to the Savages, especially for one basket of Corn they heard of, to be at Powhatans', fifty miles from our Fort, though he brought near half of it to satisfy their humours, yet to have had the other Their de●ire 〈◊〉 destroy themselves. half, they would have sold their souls (though not sufficient to have kept them a Week) thousands were their exclamations, suggestions, and devices, to force him to those base Inventions, to have made it an occasion to abandon the Country. Want perforce constrained him to endure their exclayming follies till he found out the Author, one Dyer, a most crafty Knave, and his ancient maligner, whom he worthily punished, and with the rest he argued the case in this manner. Fellow Soldiers, I did little think any so false to report, or so many so simple to be persuaded, that I either intent to starve you, or that The Precedents Speech to the Drones. Powhatan (at this present) hath Corn for himself, much less for you; or that I would not have it, if I knew where it were to be had. Neither did I think any so malicious as now I see a great many, yet it shall not so much passionate me, but I will do my best for my worst maligner. But dream no longer of this vain hope from Powhatan, nor that I will longer forbear to force you from your idleness, and punish you if you rail, you cannot deny but that by the hazard of my life, many a time I have saved yours, when, might your own wills have prevailed, you would have starved, and will do still whether I will or no. But I protest by that God that made me, since necessity hath not power to force you to gather for yourselves those fruits the Earth doth yield, you shall not only gather for yourselves, but for those that are sick: as yet I never had more from the store then the worst of you; and all my English extraordinary provision that I have, you shall see me divide among the sick. And this Savage trash, you so scornfully repine at, being put in your mouths your stomaches can digest it, and therefore I will take a course you shall provide it. The sick shall not starve, but equally share of all our labours, and every one that gathereth not every day as much I do, the next day shall be set beyond the River, and for ever be banished from the Fort, and live there or starve. This order many murmured, was very cruel, but it caused the most part so well bestir themselves, that of two hundred men (except they were drowned) there died not passed seven or eight. As for Captain Winne, and Master Ley, they died ere this want happened, and the rest But 7 of 200. died in two months. died not for want of such as preserved the rest. Many were billitted among the Savages, whereby we knew all their passages, fields, and habitations, how to gather and use their fruits, as well as themselves. So well those poor Savages used us (that were thus Billeted) as diverse of the Soldiers ran away, to search Kemp's our old prisoner. Glad was this Savage to have such an The Savages return our Fugitives. occasion to testify his love, for instead of entertaining them, and such things as they had stolen with all the great offers and promises they made them, to revenge their injuries upon Captain Smith. First he made himself sport, in showing his Countrymen (by them) how he was used; feeding them with this Law, Who would not work must not eat, till they were near starved, continually threatening to beat them to death, neither could they get from him, till perforce he brought them to our Captain, that so we contented him, and punished them: as many others that intended also to have followed them, were rather contented to labour at home, than adventure to live idle among the Savages (of whom there was more hope to make better Christians and good subjects, than the one half of those that counterfeited themselves both) For so afraid were all those Kings and the better sort of their people, to displease us, that some of the base sort that we have extremely hurt and punished for their villainies, would hire us that we should not tell it to their Kings or Countrymen, who would also repunish them, and yet return them to james Town to content the Precedent, by that testimony of their loves. Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found little hope and less certainty of Search for them sent by Sir W. Rawlew. Powhatan confessed that he had been at the murder of that Colony: and showed to Cap. Smith a Musket barrel and a brass Morter, and certain pieces of Iron wh●ch had been theirs. The Dutchman's trayt●rous projects. them which had been left by Sir Walter Rawley. So that Nathaniel powel and Anas Todkill, were also, by the Quiyough quohanocks, conducted to the Mangoages to search them there. But nothing could we learn but they were all dead. This honest, proper, good promise-keeping King, of all the rest did ever best affect us, and though to his false Gods he was yet very zealous, yet he would confesst, our God as much exceeded his, as our Guns did his Bow and Arrows, often sending our Precedent many Presents to pray to his God for rain, or his corn would perish, for his Gods were angry all this time. To reclaim the Dutchmen, and one Bentley another Fugitive, we employed one William Volda, (a Swisser by birth) with pardons and promises to regain them. Little we then suspected this double villainy of any villainy, who plainly taught us, in the most trust was the greatest Treason. For this wicked Hypocrite, by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd condition of his cursed Countrymen, having this opportunity by his employment to regain them, conveyed them every thing they desired to effect their project to destroy the Colony. With much devotion they expected the Spaniard, to whom they intended to have done good service. But to begin with the first opportunity, they seeing necessity thus enforced us to disperse ourselves; importuned Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not only destroy our Hogs, fire our Town, and betray our Pinnace; but bring to his service and subjection the most part of our companies. With this plot they had acquainted many discontents, and many were agreed to their devilish practice. But one Thomas Doveses and Thomas Mallard (whose Christian hearts much relenting at such an unchristian act) voluntarily revealed it to Captain Smith: who did his best it might be concealed, persuading Doveses and Mallard to proceed in the confederacy: only to bring the irreclamable Dutchmen, and inconstant Savages in such a manner amongst his Ambuscadoes, as he had prepared, as not many of them should ever have returned from out our Peninsula. But this brute coming to the ears of the impatient multitude, they so importuned the Precedent to cut off those Dutchmen, as amongst many that offered to cut their throats before the Two Gentlemen sent to kill them. face of Powhatan, Master Wiffin and jefra Abbot were sent to stab or shoot them; but these Dutchmen made such excuses accusing Uolday whom they supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot would not, yet Wiffin would, perceiving it but deceit. The King understanding of this their employment, sent presently his Messengers to Captain Smith, to signify it was not his fault to detain them, nor hinder his men from executing his command, nor did he nor would he maintain them, or any to occasion his displeasure. But ere this business was brought to a point, God having seen our misery sufficient, sent in Captain Argall to fish for Sturgeon with a ship well furnished with Wine and Biscuit, which though it was not sent us, such were our occasions we took it at a price, but left him sufficient to return for England, still dissembling Valdo his villainy, but certainly he had not escaped had the Precedent continued. Notwithstanding this Valdo coming for England, pretending to the Company what rich mines Cap. S●i. he had found, for which he was very much favoured, rewarded and respected, but returning with the Lord La-ware, he could not perform any thing he promised, and thus also having cozened them all, died both basely and miserably. For the rest of his Consorts upon the arrival of the Lord La-ware, whom they highly recommended to Powhatan, promising what great wonders they would work with his Lordship, would he give them leave to go to him, but when he saw they would be gone, he replied, as you would have betrayed Captain Smith to me, so will you me to this Lord, for you that would be so false to him, cannot be true to me, so caused his men to beat out their brains, as the Savages reported to diverse that came from thence. TO redress those jars and ill proceedings, the Council in England altered the government The arrival of the third upply. Chap. 12. The alteration of the government. The loss of Virginia. and devolved the authority to the Lord De-la-ware. Who for his Deputy, sent Sir Thomas Gales, and Sir George Somers, with nine ships and five hundred persons: they set sail from England in May 1609. a small Catch perished at Sea in a Herycano. The Admiral, with 150. men, with the two Knights, and their new Commission, their Bills of loading with all manner of directions, and the most part of their provision arrived not. With the other seven (as Captains) arrived Ratliffe (whose right name was Sickelmore) Martin, and Archer. Who as they had been troublesome at Sea, began again to mar all ashore. For though, as is said, they were formerly deposed and sent for England: yet now returning again, graced by the title of Captains of the passengers, seeing the Admiral wanting, and great probability of her loss: strengthened themselves with those new Companies, so railing and exclaiming against Captain Smith, that they mortally hated him, ere ever they saw him. Who understanding by his Scowts, the arrival of such a fleet (little dreaming of any such supply) supposing them Spaniards, he so determined and ordered his affairs, as we little feared their arrival, nor the success of our encounter, nor were the Savages any way negligent or unwilling, to aid and assist us with their best power, had it so been, we had been happy. For we would not have trusted them but as our foes, whereas The Savages offer to fight under our colours. Mutiny. receiving those as our Countrymen and friends, they did their best to murder our Precedent, to surprise the store, the Fort, and our Lodgings, to usurp the government, and make us all their servants and slaves to our own merit. To a thousand mischiefs those lewd Captains led this lewd company, wherein were many unruly Gallants packed thither by their friends to escape ill Destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the government, sometimes one, the next day another, to day the old Commission, to morrow the new, the next day by neither. In fine, they would rule all or ruin all; yet in Charity we must endure them thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the World's censure upon us to have been guilty of their bloods. Happy had we been had they never arrived; and we for ever abandoned, and (as we were) left to our fortunes, for on Earth was never more confusion, or misery, than their factions occasioned. The Precedent seeing the desire those Braves had to rule, seeing how his authority was so unexpectedly The planting Nansamund. changed, would willingly have left all and returned for England, but seeing there was small hope this new Commission would arrive, longer he would not suffer those factious spirits to proceed. It would be too tedious, too strange, and almost incredible, should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, plots, and practices, he daily escaped amongst this factious crew, the chief whereof he quickly laid by the heels, till his leisure better served to do them justice; and to take away all occasions of further mischief, Master Percy had his request granted to return for England, and Master West with one hundred and twenty went to plant at the Falls. Martin with near as many to Nansamund, with their due proportions of all provisions, according A plantation of the falls. to their numbers. Now the Precedents year being near expired, he made Martin Precedent, who knowing his own insufficiency, and the Companies scorn and conceit of his unworthiness, within three hours resigned it again to Captain Smith, and at Nansamund thus proceeded. The people being The breach of peace with the Savages. Contributors used him kindly: yet such was his jealous fear, and cowardice in the midst of his mirth, he did surprise this poor naked King, with his Monuments, Houses, and the I'll he inhabited; and there fortified himself, but so apparently distracted with fear, as emboldened the Savages to assault him, kill his men, redeem their King, gather and carry away more than one thousand bushels of Corn, he not once daring to intercept them. But sent to the Precedent then at the Falls for thirty good shot, which from james Town immediately were sent him, but he so well employed them, as they did just nothing, but returned, complaining of his childishness, that with them fled from his company, and so left them to their fortunes. Master West having seated his men at the Falls, presently returned to revisit james Town, the Precedent met him by the way as he followed him to the Falls: where he found this Company inconsiderately seated, in a place not only subject to the River's inundation, but round environed with many intolerable inconveniences. For remedy whereof, he sent presently to Powhatan, to sell him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the Monacans, and these Powhat 〈…〉 sold for Copper. should be his conditions (with his people) to resign him the Fort and Houses, and all that Country for a proportion of Copper: that all stealing offenders should be sent him, there to receive their punishment: that every House as a custom should pay him a bushel of Corn for an inch square of Copper, and a proportion of Po●ones as a yearly Tribute to King james, for their protection as a duty: what else they could spare to barter at their best discretion. But both this excellent place and those good conditions did those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kind care and authority, the worst they could to show their spite, they did. I do more than wonder to think how only with five men, he either durst, or would adventure Mutinies. as he did (knowing how greedy they were of his blood) to land amongst them, and commit to imprisonment the greatest spirits amongst them, till by their multitudes being one hundred and Five suppress 120. twenty, they forced him to retire, yet in that retreat he surprised one of the Boats, wherewith he returned to their ship, wherein was their provisions, which also he took. And well it chanced he found the Mariners so tractable and constant, or there had been small possibility he had ever escaped. Notwithstanding there were many of the best, I mean, of the most worthy in judgement, reason or experience, that from their first landing hearing the general good report of his old Soldiers, and seeing with their eyes his actions so well managed with discretion, as Captain Wood, Captain Web, Captain Moon, Captain Phitz-Iames, Master Partridge, Master White, Master powel, and diverse others: when they perceived the malice and condition of Ratcliff, Martin, and Archer, left their factions; and ever rested his faithful friend: But the worst was, the poor Savages that daily brought in their contribution to the Precedent, that disorderly company so tormented those poor naked souls, by stealing their Corn, robbing their Gardens, beating them, breaking their Houses, and keeping some prisoners; that they daily The breach of peace with the Savages at the F●lls. complained to Captain Smith, he had brought them for Protectors worse enemies than the Monacans themselves, which though till then (for his love) they had endured: they desired pardon, if hereafter they defended themselves, since he would not correct them, as they had long expected he would: so much they importuned him to punish their misdemeanours, as they offered (if he would conduct them) to fight for him against them. But having spent nine days in seeking to reclaim them, showing them how much they did abuse themselves, with their great gilded hopes, of Seas, mines, Commodities, or Victories they so madly conceived. Then (seeing nothing would prevail with them) he set sail for james Town: now no sooner was the ship under sail but the Savages assaulted those one hundred and twenty in their Fort, finding some An assault by the Savages. straggling abroad in the Woods they slew many, and so affrighted the rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they scarce retired, with the Swords and Cloaks, of these they had slain. But ere we had sailed a league our ship grounding, gave us once more liberty to summon them to a parley Where we found them all so strangely amazed with this poor simple assault, as they submitted themselves upon any terms to the Precedents mercy. Who presently put by the heels six or seven of the chief offenders, the rest he seated gallantly at Powhatan, in their Savage Fort they built and prettily fortified with Poles and Barks of Trees sufficient to have defended them from all their Savages in Uirginia, dry Houses for Lodgings three hundred Acres of ground ready to plant, and no place so strong, so pleasant and delightful in Uirginia, for which we called it None-such. The Savages also he presently appeased; redelivering to every one their former losses. The planting of Nonsuch. New peace concluded. Thus all were friends, new Officers appointed to command, and the Precedent again ready to depart. But at that instant arrived Master West, whose good nature with the persuasions and compassion of those mutinous prisoners was so much abused, that to regain their old shops new turmoils arose. For the rest being possessed of all their victual, Munition, and every thing, they grow to that height in their former factions, as there the Precedent left them to their Fortunes, they returning again to the open Air at West Fort, abandoning Nonsuch, and he to james Town with his best Expedition, but this happened him in that journey. Sleeping in his Boat (for the Ship was returned two days before) accidentally, one fired his Powder-bag, which tore his flesh from his body and thighs, nine or ten inches square in a most pitiful manner: but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his clothes, he leapt over 〈…〉 〈…〉 to the deep River, where ere they could recover him he was near drowned. In this estate, without either Chirurgeon, or chirurgery he was to go near one hundred miles. Arriving at james Town, causing all things to be prepared for Peace or Wars to obtain provision, whilst those things were providing, Martin, Ratcliff, and Archer, being to have their trials, their guilty consciences fearing a just reward for their deserts, seeing the Precedent unable to stand, and near bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had plotted to have murdered him in his bed. But his heart did fail him that should have given fire to that merciless Pistol. A bloody intent. So, not finding that course to be the best, they joined together to usurp the government, thereby to escape their punishment, and excuse themselves by accusing him. The Precedent had notice of their projects: the which to withstand, though his old Soldiers importuned him, but to permit them to take off their heads that would resist his command, yet he would not permit them: but sent for the Masters of The government usurped. ships, and took order with them for his return for England. Seeing their was neither Chirurgeon, nor Chirurgery in the Fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to depart the next day, his Commission to be suppressed he knew not why, himself and Soldiers to be rewarded he knew not how, and a new Commission granted they knew not to whom, the which so disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies and factions as they did. Besides, so grievous was his wounds, and so cruel his torment, few expected be could live, nor was he able to follow his business to regain what they had lost, suppress those factions, and range the Countries for provision as he intended, and well he knew those affairs his own actions and presence was as requisite as his experience, and directions, which now could not be, he went presently aboard, resolving there to appoint them governors, and to take order for the mutineers and their confederates. Who seeing him gone, persuaded Master Persie to stay and be their Precedent, and within less than an hour was this mutation begun & concluded. For when the Company understood Smith would leave them, and see the rest in Arms called Precedents and Councillors, diverse began to fawn on The causes why Smith left the Country and his Commission. The state of the Colony when C. Smith left it. provisions 〈◊〉 those new Commanders, that new bent all their wits to get him resign them his Commission, who after many salt and bitter repulses, that their confusion should not be attributed to him, for leaving the Country without government and authority; having taken order to be free from danger of their malice; he was not unwilling they should steal it from him, but never consented to deliver it to any. Leaving us thus, with three Ships, seven Boats, commodities ready to trade, the Harvest newly gathered, ten week's provision in the store, four hundred ninety and odd persons, four and twenty Pieces of Ordnance, three hundred Muskets, Snaphanches, and firelocks, Shot, Powder, and match sufficient, Curates, Pikes, Swords, and Morions more than men: the Savages their language and habitations well known to one hundred well trained and expert Soldiers: Nets for Fishing, Tools of all sorts to work, Apparel to supply our wants, six Mares, and a Horse, five or six hundred Swine, as many Hens and Chickens; some Goats, some Sheep, what was brought or bred there remained: but they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to consume what we had, took care for nothing but to perfect some colourable complaints against Captain Smith, for effecting whereof, three weeks longer they stayed the six Ships till they could produce them. That time and charge might much better have been spent; but it suited well Their complaints and proof against him. with the rest of their discretions. Now all these which Smith had either whipped, punished, or any way disgraced, had free power and liberty to say or swear any thing, and from a whole armful of their examination, this was concluded. The Mutineers at The Falls, complained he caused the Savages to assault them, for that he would not revenge their loss, they being but one hundred and twenty, and he five men and himself, and this they proved by the oath of one he had oft whipped for perjury and pilfering. The Dutchmen that he had appointed to be stabbed for their treacheries, swore he sent to poison them with Ratsbane. The prudent Council, that he would not submit himself to their stolen authority. Coe and Dyer, that should have murdered him, were highly preferred for swearing, they heard one say, he heard Powhatan say, That he heard a man say: if the King would not send that Corn he had, he should not long enjoy his Copper Crown, nor those Robes he had sent him: yet those also swore he might have had Corn for Tools, but would not. The truth was, Smith had no such Engines as the King demanded, nor Powhatan any Corne. Yet this argued he would starve them. Others complained he would not let them rest in the Fort (to starve) but forced them to the Oyster Banks to live or star●e, as he lived himself. For though he had of his own private provisions sent from England, sufficient: yet he gave it all away to the weak and sick, causing the most untoward (by doing as he did) to gather their food from the unknown parts of the Rivers and Woods, that they lived (though hardly) that otherways would have starved, ere they would have left their beds, or at the most the fight of james Town to have got their own victual. Some prophetical spirit calculated he had the Savages in such subjection, he would have made himself a King, by marrying Pocahontas, Powhatans' daughter. It is true, she was the very nonparell of his Kingdom, Pocahonta●, Powhatans' daughter, her kindness to C. Smith. and at most not past thirteen or fourteen years of age. Very oft she came to our Fort, with what she could get for Captain Smith, that ever loved and used all the Country well, but her especially he ever much respected: and she so well requited it, that when her father intended to have surprised him, she by stealth in the dark night came through the wild Woods and told him of it. But her marriage could no way have entitled him by any right to the Kingdom, nor was it ever suspected he had ever such a thought, or more regarded her, or any of them, then in honest reason and discretion he might. If he would be might have married her, or have done what him listed. For there was none that could have hindered his determination. Some that knew not any thing to say, the Council instructed, and advised what to swear. So diligent they were in this business, that what any could remember, he had ever done, or said in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantial oath, it was applied to their fittest use, yet not past eight or nine could say much, and that nothing but circumstances, which all men did know was most false and untrue. Many got their Passes, by promising in England to say much against him. Instead of accusing him, I have never heard any give him a better report, than many of those witnesses themselves that were sent only home to testify against him. Richard Pots, W. P. The day before the Ships departed, C. Davis arrived in a small Pinnace, with some sixteen The planting at Point Comfort. proper men more: to those were added a company from james Town, under the command of Captain Ratcliff, to inhabit Point-Comfort. Martin, and Master West having lost their Boats, and near half their men amongst the Savages, were returned to james Town. For the Savages no sooner understood of Captain Smith's loss, but they all revolted, and did murder and spoil all they could encounter. Now were we all constrained to live only of that which Smith had only for his own company, for the rest had consumed their proportions. And now have we twenty Precedents, with all their appurtenances, for Master Persie was so sick he could not go nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Master West, and Ratliffe, each with a Pinnace, and thirty or forty men well appointed, sought abroad to trade, and upon confidence of Powhatan, Ratliffe 〈…〉 ffe alias Sicklemore ●lain by Powhatan. and his men were slain, only jeffery Shortridge escaped, and Pochahuntas the King's daughter saved a boy, called Henry Spelman, who lived many years after by her means amongst the Patawomekes. Powhatan still as be found means, cut off their Boats and denied them trade. And Master West finding little better success, set sail for England. Now we all found the want of Captain Smith, yea his greatest maligners could then curse his loss. Now for corn, provision, and contribution from the Saveges; we had nothing but mortal wounds with Clubs and Arrows. As for our Hogs, Goats, Sheep, Horse, or what lived, our Commanders and Officers did daily consume them: some small proportions (sometimes) we tasted till all was devoured, than Swords, Arrows, Pieces, or any thing we traded to the Savages, whose bloody fingers were so imbrued in our bloods, that what by their cruelty, our Governors' indiscretion, and the loss of our Ships: Of five hundred within six months, after there remained not any more than sixty most miserable and poor creatures. It were to vild to say what we endured, Life was now preserved by Roots, Herbs, Acorns, Walnuts, Berries, now and then a little Fish, and Starch by such as had any. A Savage slain and buried, is said to have been taken up by the poorer and eaten: which is reported also to have happened to others of their own. A report was that one slew his wife, and had eaten part of her: this is by others denied, the murder acknowledged, and he justly executed for that parricide. The occasion of these miseries was only our own, for want of providence, industry, and government, and not the barrenness and defect of the Country, as is generally supposed, for till then in three years (for the numbers were landed us) we had never landed sufficient provision for six months, such a glutton is the Sea, and such good fellows the Mariners, we as little tasted Wickedness of some Mariners The fruits of improvidences of those great proportions for their provisions, as they of our miseries, that notwithstanding ever swayed and overruled the business: though we did live as is said, three years chiefly of what this good Country naturally affordeth; yet now had we been in Paradise itself (with those Governors) it would not have been much better with us, yet were there some amongst us, who had they had the government, would surely have kept us from those extremities of miseries, that in ten days more would have supplanted us all by death. Thus you see the miserable ends of those usurping Commanders, for all their greatness, Oratory, and long being there, and what is the want of own man in Authority, that is honest and valiant, discreet, and industrious; and how easily that may also be blemished, by ambitious indiscretion, or what did hinder them now in his absence, they had not done much better than he, having all these advantages. But God that would not it should be unplanted, sent Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summer, The arrival of Sir Tho. Gates with 150. james Town abandoned. with one hundred and fifty men, most happily preserved by the Bermudas to preserve us. But when those noble Knights did see our miseries (being strangers in the Country) and could understand no more of the cause but by their conjecture of our clamours and complaints, of accusing or excusing one another, they embarked us with themselves, with the best means they could, and abandoning james Town, set sail for England. But yet God would not so have it, for ere we left the River; we met the Lord de-la-ware, The arrival of the Lord Laware. than governor of the Country, with three Ships exceeding well furnished with all necessaries fitting, who again returned them to the abandoned james Town, the ninth of june, 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Wai●●an, and diverse other Gentlemen of sort. Sir George Summer, and Captain Argall he presently dispatcheth to repair to the Bermudas, to furnish them with provision: Sir Thomas Gates for England to help forward their supplies: himself neglected not the best was in his power for the furtherance of the business, and regaining what was lost. But even in the beginning of his proceedings, his Lordship had such an encounter, that after eight months' sickness, he was forced to save his life, by his return for England. Two ships sent to the Bermudas, In this time Argall, not finding the Bermudas, having lost Sir George S●mers at sea, fell on the coast of Sagadahock, where refreshing himself, he found a convenient fishing for Cod. With a taste whereof he returned to james Town, from whence the Lord De-la-ware sent him to trade in the River of Patawomeck, where finding an English boy those people had preserved from the fury of Powhatan, by his acquaintance had such good usage of those kind Savages, that they fraughted his Ship with Corn, wherewith he returned to james Town, and so for England with the Lord Governor; yet before his return, the adventurers had sent Sir Thomas Dale with three Ships, The arrival of Sir. Tho. Dale. men and cattle, and all other provisions necessary for a year, all which arrived the tenth of May, 1611. Again, to second him with all possible expedition there was prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, six tall Ships with three hundred men, and one hundred Kine, with other cattle, with munition, and all manner of provision could be thought needful, and they arrived about the first of August next after safely at james Town. Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost: but thus it happened, missing the Bermudas, Sir George Somers arrival at the Bermudas, and dicth. he fell also as did Argall with Sagadahock, where being refreshed, would not content himself with that repulse, but returned again in the search, and there safely arrived. But overtoyling himself on a surfeit died. And in this Cedar Ship built by his own directions, and partly with his own hands, that had not in her any Iron, but only one bolt in her Keel, yet well endured thus tossed to and again in this mighty Ocean, till with his dead body she arrived in England, and at Whitchurch in Dorsetshire, his body by his friends was honourably buried, with mane volies His heart and entralls were buried in Summer Lands a name from his to them communicated. of shot, and the rites of a Soldier, etc. But thus much may serve as the argument of the discourses following, and as the Prologue to the Virginian Scene, where we will first produce M. Archer, after whose succinct narration, M. Strachies copious discourse shall feast you with the lively expression of others miseries, and Bermuda happy discovery in Rhetorickes Full sea and spring tide. CHAP. V. A Letter of M. GABRIEL ARCHAR, touching the Voyage of the Fleet of Ships, which arrived at Virginia, without Sir THO. GATES, and Sir GEORGE SUMMERS', 1609. FRom Woolwich the fifteenth of May, 1609, seventh sail weighed anchor, and came to Plymouth the twentieth day, where Sir George Somers, with two small Vessels, consorted with us. Here we took into the Blessing (being the ship wherein I went) fix Mares and two Horses; and the Fleet laid in some necessaries belonging to the action: In which business we spent time till the second of lune. And then we set sail to Sea, but crossed by South-west winds, we put in to Faulemouth, and there staying till the eight of june, we then gate out. Our Course was commanded to leave the Canaries one hundred leagues to the The appointed Course. Eastward at least, and to steer away directly for Virginia, without touching at the West Indies, except the Fleet should chance to be separated, than they were to repair to the Bermuda, there to stay seven days in expectation of the Admiral; and if they found him not, then to take their course to Virginia. Now thus it happened; about six days after we lost the sight of England, one of Sir George Somers The Ships, and chief men in the Fleet. Pinnasses left our company, and (as I take it) bore up for England; the rest of the ships, viz. The Sea Adventure Admiral, wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Summer, and Captain Newport: The Diamond Vide-admiral, wherein was Captain Ratcliff, and Captain King. The Falcon Rear-admiral, in which was Captain Martin, and Master Nellson: The Blessing, wherein I and Captain adam's went: The Unity, wherein Captain Wood, and Master Pett were. The Lion, wherein Captain Webb remained: And the Swallow of Sir George Somers, in which Captain Moon, and Master Summer went. In the Catch went one Matthew Fitch Master: and in the Boat of Sir George Somers, called the Virginia, which was built in the North Colony, went one Captain Davies, and one Master Davies. These were the Captatines and Masters of our Fleet. We ran a Southerly course fro● the Tropic of Cancer, where having the Sun within six or seven degrees right over our head in july, we bore away West; so that by the fervent heat and looms breezes, Sickness and mortality at Sea. many of our men fell sick of the Calenture, and out of two ships was thrown overboard thirty two persons. The Vice-admiral was said to have the plague in her; but in the Blessing we had not any sick, albeit we had twenty women and children. Upon Saint james day, being about one hundred and fifty leagues distant from the West Indies, in crossing the Gulf of Bahoma, there happened a most terrible and vehement storm, which was a tail of the Terrible tempest. West Indian Horacano; this tempest separated all our Fleet one from another, and it was so violent that men could scarce stand upon the Decks, neither could any man hear another speak, being thus divided, every man steered his own course, and as it fell out about five or six days after the storm ceased (which endure forty four hours in extremity.) The Lion first, and after the Falcon and the Unity, got sight of our Ship, and so we lay a way directly for Virginia, finding neither current nor wind opposite, as some have reported, to the great charge of our Counsel and Adventurers. The Unity was sore distressed Note. False rumours chargeable. when she came up with us, for of seventy land men, she had not ten sound, and all her Sea men were down, but only the Master and his Boy, with one poor sailer, but we relieved them, and we four consorting, fell into the King's River haply the eleventh of August. In the Unity were borne two children at Sea, but both died, being both Boys. Arrival in Virginia. When we came to james Town, we found a Ship which had been there in the River a month before we came; this was sent out of England by our Counsels leave and authority, to fish for Sturgeon, and to go the ready way, without tracing through the Torrid Zoan, and she performed it: her Commander was Captain argol (a good Mariner, and a very civil Gentleman) and her Master one Robert tindal. Captain Argall The people of our Colony were found all in health (for the most part) howbeit when Captain argol came in, they were in such distress, for many were dispersed in the Savages towns, living upon their alms State of the Colony. for an ounce of Copper a day, and fourscore lived twenty miles from the Fort, and fed upon nothing but Oysters eight week's space, having no other allowance at all, neither were the people of the Country able to relieve them if they would. Whereupon Captain Newport and others have been much to blame to inform Idleness and other vices to blame also. the Counsel of such plenty of victual in this Country, by which means they have been slack in this supply to give convenient content. Upon this, you that be adventurers, must pardon us, if you find not return of Commodity so ample as you may expect, because the law of nature bids us seek sustenance first, and then to labour to content you afterwards. But upon this point I shall be more large in my next Letter. After our four Ships had been in harbour a few days, came in the Vice-admiral, having cut her maine Most over board, and had many of her men very sick and weak, but she could tell no news of our Governor, Some things partly, false rumours, partly factions, suggestions, are here left out. and some three or four days after her, came in the Swallow, with her main Mast overboard also, and had a shrewd leak, neither did she see our Admiral. Now did we all lament much the absence of our Governor, for contentions began to grow, and factions, and partake, etc. Insomuch as the Precedent, to strengthen his authority, accorded with the Mariners, and gave not any due respect to many worthy Gentlemen, that came in our Ships: whereupon They choose a new Governor they generally (having also my consent) chose Master West, my Lord de la Wars brother, to be their Governor, or precedent de bene esse, in the absence of Sir Thomas Gates, or if he miscarried by Sea, then Hinc illae ●●●●rymae. Henee from the malcontents which had been in Virginia before enemies to the Precedent, raising now ill reports at their coming of him arose these stirs and the following miseries in which this Author with almost the whole Colony perished. to continue till we heard news from our Counsel in England. This choice of him they made not to disturb the old Precedent during his time, but as his authority expired, then to take upon him the sole govenment, with such assistants of the Captains, as discreetest persons as the Colony afforded. Perhaps you shall have it blazoned a mutiny by such as retain old malice; but Master West, Master Percy, and all the respected Gentlemen of worth in Virginia, can and will testify otherwise upon their oaths. For the King's Patent we ratified, but refused to be governed by the Precedent that now is, after his time was expired, and only subjected ourselves to Master West, whom we labour to have next Precedent. I cannot certify you of much more as yet, until we grow to some certain stay in this our state, but by the other Ships you shall know more. So with my hearty commendations I cease. From james Town this last of Angust 1609. CHAP. VI A true reportory of the wrack, and redemption of Sir THOMAS GATES Knight; upon, and from the Lands of the Bermudas: his coming to Virginia, and the estate of that Colony then, and after, under the government of the Lord LA WAR, july 15. 1610. written by WILLIAM STRACHY, Esquire. §. I. A most dreadful Tempest (the manifold deaths whereof are here to the life described) their wrack on Bermuda, and the description of those Lands. EXcellent Lady, know that upon Friday late in the evening, we broke ground out of the Sound of Plymouth, our whole Fleet then consisting of seven good Ships, 2. june. 1609. and two Pinnaces, all which from the said second of june, unto the twenty three of july, kept in friendly consort together not a whole watch at any time, losing the sight each of other. Our course when we came about the height of between 26. and 27. degrees, we declined to the Northward, and according to Sea-course alcered. our Governors' instructions altered the trade and ordinary way used heretofore by Dominico, and Mevis, in the West Indies, and found the wind to this course indeed as friendly, as in the judgement of all Seamen, it is upon a more direct line, and by Sir George Summer our Admiral Sir G Summer a good mariner and tried Soldier. had been likewise in former time sailed, being a Gentleman of approved assuredness, and ready knowledge in Seafaring actions, having often carried command, and chief charge in many Ships Royal of her Majesties, and in sundry Voyages made many defeats and attempts in the time of the Spaniards quarrelling with us, upon the Lands and Indies, etc. We had followed this course so long, as now we were within seven or eight days at the most, by Cap, Newports reckoning of making Cape Henry upon the coast of Virginia: When on S. james his day, july 24. being Monday (preparing for no less all the black night before) the clouds gathering thick upon A terrible storm expressed in a pathetical and retoricall description. Black-darknes. us, and the winds singing, and whistling most unusually, which made us to cast off our Pinnace towing the same until then asterne, a dreadful storm and hideous began to blow from out the North-east, which swelling, and roaring as it were by ●●ts, some hours with more violence than others, at length did beat all light from heaven; which like an hell of darkness turned black upon us, so much the more fuller of horror, as in such cases horror and fear use to overrun the troubled, and overmastered senses of all, which (taken up with amazement) the ears lay so sensible to the terrible cries, and murmurs of the winds, and distraction of our Company, Fear of death at Sea more featefull. as who was most armed, and best prepared, was not a little shaken. For surely (Noble Lady) as death comes not so sudden nor apparent, so he comes not so elvish and painful (to men especially even then in health and perfect habitudes of body) as at Sea; who comes at no time so welcome, but our frailty (so weak is the hold of hope in miserable demonstrations of danger) it makes guilty of many contrary changes, and conflicts: For indeed death is accompanied at no time, nor place with circumstances every way so uncapable of particularities of goodness and inward comforts, as at Sea. For it is most true, there ariseth commonly no such unmerciful tempest, compound of so many contrary and diverse Nations, but that it worketh upon the whole frame of the body, and most loathsomely affecteth all the powers thereof: and the manner of the sickness it lays upon the body, being so unsufferable, gives not the mind any free and quiet time, to use her judgement and Empire: which made the Poet say: Hostium uxores, puerique caecos Sentiant motus orientis Haedi, & Aequoris nigri fremitum, & trementes Uerbere ripas. For four and twenty hours the storm in a restless tumult, had blown so exceedingly, as Continence and increase. we could not apprehend in our imaginations any possibility of greater violence, yet did we still find it, not only more terrible, but more constant, fury added to fury, and one storm urging a second more outrageous than the former; whether it so wrought upon our fears, or indeed met with new forces: Sometimes strikes in our Ship amongst women, and passengers, not used to such hurly and discomforts, made us look one upon the other with troubled hearts, and panting bosoms: our clamours drowned in the winds, and the winds in thunder. Prayers might well be in the heart and lips, but drowned in the outcries of the Officers: nothing heard that could give comfort, nothing seen that might encourage hope. It is impossible for me, had I the voice of Stentor, and expression of as many tongues, as his throat of voices, to express the outcries and miseries, not languishing, but wasting his spirits, and art constant to his own principles, but not prevailing. Our sails wound up lay without their use, and if at any time we bore but a Hollocke, or half forecourse, to guide her before the Sea, six and sometimes eight men were not enough to hold the whipstaffe in the steerage, and the tiler below in the Gunner room, by which may be imagined the strength of the storm: In which, the Sea swelled above Swelling Sea set forth in a swelling stile. the Clouds, and gave battle unto Heaven. It could not be said to rain, the waters like whole Rivers did flood in the air. And this I did still observe, that whereas upon the Land, when a storm hath poured itself forth once in drifts of rain, the wind as beaten down, and vanquished therewith, not long after endureth: here the glut of water (as if throatling the wind ere while) was no sooner a little emptied and qualified, but instantly the winds (as having gotten their mouths now free, and at liberty) spoke more loud, and grew more tumultuous, and Compared with the Author's former experiments. malignant. What shall I say? Winds and Seas were as mad, as fury and rage could make them; for mine own part, I had been in some storms before, as well upon the coast of Barbary and Algeere, in the Levant, and once more distressful in the Adriatic gulf, in a bottom of Candy, so as I may well say. Ego quid sit after Adriae novi sinus, & quid albus Peccet japex. Yet all that I had ever suffered gathered together, might not hold comparison with this: there was not a moment in which the sudden splitting, or instant over-setting of the Ship was not expected. Howbeit this was not all; It pleased God to bring a greater affliction yet upon us; for in the Leake added to the storms t●riour. beginning of the storm we had received likewise a mighty leak. And the Ship in every joint almost, having spewed out her Okam, before we were aware (a casualty more desperate than any other that a Voyage by Sea draweth with it) was grown five foot suddenly deep with water above her ballast, and we almost drowned within, whilst we sat looking when to perish from above. This imparting no less terror than danger, ran through the whole Ship with much fright and amazement, startled and turned the blood, and took down the braves of the most hardy Mariner of them all, insomuch as he that before happily felt not the sorrow of others, now began to sorrow for himself, when he saw such a pond of water so suddenly broken in, and which he knew could not (without present avoiding) but instantly sink him. So as joining (only for his own sake, not yet worth the saving) in the public safety; there might be seen Master, Master's Mate, Boatswain, Quarter Master. Cooper's, Carpenters, and who not, with candles in their hands, creeping along the ribs viewing the sides, searching every, corner, and listening in every place, if they could hear the water run, Many a weeping leak was this way found, and hastily stopped, and at length one in the Gunner room made up with I know not how many pieces of Beef: but all was to no purpose, the Leak (if it were but one) which drunk in our greatest Seas, and took in our destruction fastest, could not then be found, nor ever was, by any labour, counsel, or search. The waters still increasing, and the Pumps going, which at Leake cannot be found, which cannot but be found. length choked with bringing up whole and continual Biscuit (and indeed all we had, ten thousand weight) it was conceived, as most likely, that the Leak might be sprung in the Bread-roome, whereupon the Carpenter went down, and ripped up all the room, but could not find it so. I am not able to give unto your Ladyship every man's thought in this perplexity, to which we were now brought; but to me, this Leakage appeared as a wound given to men that were before dead. The Lord knoweth, I had as little hope, as desire of life in the storm, & in this, it went beyond my will; because beyond my reason, why we should labour to preserve life; yet we did, either because so dear are a few lingering hours of life in all mankind, or that our Christian knowledges taught us, how much we owed to the rites of Nature, as bound, not to be false to ourselves, or to neglect the means of our own preservation; the most despairful things amongst men, being matters of no wonder nor moment with him, who is the rich Fountain and admirable Essence of all mercy. Our Governor, upon the tuesday morning (at what time, by such who had been below in the hold, the Leak was first discovered) had caused the whole Company, about one hundred and Their labour for life three days and ●o●re nights. forty, besides women, to be equally divided into three parts, and opening the Ship in three places (under the forecastle, in the waste, and hard by the Bitacke) appointed each man where to attend; and thereunto every man came duly upon his watch, took the Bucket, or Pump for one hour, and rested another. Then men might be seen to labour, I may well say, for life, and the better sort, even our Governor, and Admiral themselves, not refusing their turn, and to spell each the other, to give example to other. The common sort stripped naked, as men in Galleys, the easier both to hold out, and to shrink from under the salt water, which continually leapt in among them, kept their eyes waking, and their thoughts and hands working, with tired bodies, and wasted spirits, three days and four nights destitute of outward comfort, and desperate of any deliverance, testifying how mutually willing they were, yet by labour to keep each other from drowning, albeit each one drowned whilst he laboured. Once, so huge a Sea broke upon the poop and quarter, upon us, as it covered our Ship Sea breaks in. from stern to stem, like a garment or a vast cloud, it filled her brim full for a while within, from the hatches up to the sparre deck. This source or confluence of water was so violent, as it rushed and carried the Helm-man from the Helm, and wrested the Whip-staffe out of his hand, which so flew from side to side, that when he would have ceased the same again, it so tossed him from Starboard to Larboard, as it was God's mercy it had not split him: It so beat him from his hold, and so bruised him, as a fresh man hazarding in by chance fell fair with it, and by main strength bearing somewhat up, made good his place, and with much clamour encouraged and called upon others; who gave her now up, rend in pieces and absolutely lost. Our Governor was at this time below at the Capstone, both by his speech and authority heartening every man unto his labour. It struck him from the place where he sat, and groveled The Governors' care. him, and all us about him on our faces, beating together with our breaths all thoughts from our bosoms, e●●e, then that we were now sinking. For my part, I thought her already in the bottom of the Sea; and I have heard him say, wading out of the flood thereof, all his ambition was but to climb up above hatches to dye in Aperto coelo and in the company of his old friends. It so stun'd the ship in her full pace, that she stirred no more, then if she had been caught in a Remero is fabled to be a small fish able to withstand a Ship in her course. God in ableth whom he will save to save themselves. net, or then, as if the fabulous Remora had stuck to her forecastle. Yet without bearing one inch of sail, even than she was making her way nine or ten leagues in a watch. One thing, it is not without his wonder (whether it were the fear of death in so great a storm, or that it pleased God to be gracious unto us) there was not a passenger, gentleman, or other, after he began to stir and labour, but was able to relieve his fellow, and make good his course: And it is most true, such as in all their life times had never done hours work before (their minds now helping their bodies) were able twice forty eight hours together to toil with the best. During all this time, the heavens looked so black upon us, that it was not possible the elevauation of the Pole might be observed: nor a Star by night, not Sun beam by day was to be seen. Only upon the thursday night Sir George Summer being upon the watch, had an apparition Utter darkness. of a little round light, like a saint Star, trembling, and streaming along with a sparkling blaze, half the height upon the Main Mast, and shooting sometimes from Shroud to Shroud, tempting to settle as it were upon any of the four Shrouds: and for three or four hours together, or rather more, half the night it kept with us, running sometimes along the Mainyard Light on the Shrouds. to the very end, and then returning. At which, Sir George Summer called diverse about him, and showed them the same, who observed it with much wonder, and carefulness: but upon a sudden, towards the morning watch, they lost the sight of it, and knew not what way it made. The superstitious Seamen make many constructions of this Sea-fire, which nevertheless is usual in storms: the same (it may be) which the Grecians were wont in the Mediterranean to call Castor and Pollux, of which, if one only appeared without the other, they took it for an evil sign of great tempest. The Italians, and such, who lie open to the Adriatic and Tyrrene Sea, call it (a sacred Body) Corpo sancto: the Spaniards call it Saint Elmo, and have an authentic See Tom. 1. l. 9 c. 12. §. 1. and miraculous Legend for it. Be it what it will, we laid other foundations of safety or ruin, then in the rising or falling of it, could it have served us now miraculously to have taken our height by, it might have strucken amazement, and a reverence in our devotions, according to the due of a miracle. But it did not light us any whit the more to our known way, who ran now (as do hood winked men) at all adventures, sometimes North, and North-east, than North and by West, and in an instant again varying two or three points, and sometimes half the Compass. East and by South we steered away as much as we could to bear upright, which was no small carefulness nor pain to do, albeit we much unrigged our Ship, threw overboard much luggage, many a Trunk and Chest (in which I suffered no mean loss) and staved many a Butt of Beer, Hogsheads of Oil, Cider, Wine, and Vinegar, and heaved away all our Ordnance on the Starboard side, and had now purposed to have cut down the Main Mast, the more to lighten her, for we were much spent, and our men so weary, as their stengths together failed them, with their hearts, having travailed now from Tuesday till Friday morning, day and night, without No sleep or food from tuesday till friday. either sleep or food; for the leakeage taking up all the hold, we could neither come by Beer nor fresh water; fire we could keep none in the Cookeroome to dress any meat, and carefulness, grief, and our turn at the Pump or Bucket, were sufficient to hold sleep from our eyes. And surely Madam, it is most true, there was not any hour (a matter of admiration) all these days, in which we freed not twelve hundred Barricos of water, the least whereof contained six 1200. Barricos an hour, besides 3. Pumps, acquitting 100 tuns of water every 4. hours gallons, and some eight, besides three deep Pumps continually going, two beneath at the Capstone, and the other above in the half Deck, and at each Pump four thousand strokes at the least in a watch; so as I may well say, every four hours, we quitted one hundred tons of water: and from tuesday noon till friday noon, we bailed and pumped two thousand ton, and yet do what we could, when our Ship held least in her, after tuesday night second watch) she bore ten foot deep, at which stay our extreme working kept her one eight glasses, forbearance whereof had instantly sunk us, and it being now Friday, the fourth morning, it wanted little, but that there had been a general determination, to have shut up hatches, and commending our sinful souls to God, committed the Ship to the mercy of the Sea: surely, that night we must have done it, and that night had we then perished: but see the goodness and sweet introduction of better hope, by our merciful God given unto us. Sir George Summer, when no man dreamt of such happiness, had discovered, and cried Land. Indeed the morning now three quarters Summer Lands descried by Sir George Summer spent, had won a little clearness from the days before, and it being better surveyed, the very trees were seen to move with the wind upon the shore side: whereupon our Governor commanded the Helme-man to bear up, the Boatswain sounding at the first, found it thirteen fathom, & when we stood a little in seven fathom; and presently heaving his lead the third time, had ground at four fathom, and by this, we had got her within a mile under the Southeast point of the land, where we had somewhat smooth water. But having no hope to save her by coming to an anchor in the same, we were enforced to run her ashore, as near the land as we could, which brought us within three quarters of a mile of shore, and by the mercy of God unto us, making out our Boats, we had ere night brought all our men, women, and children, about They go a land the number of one hundred and fifty, safe into the Island. We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Island, or rather Lands of the Bermuda: whereof let me give your Ladyship a brief description, before I proceed to my narration. And that the Bermuda Lands supposed the Devils, etc. rather, because they be so terrible to all that ever touched on them, and such tempests, thunders, and other fearful objects are seen and heard about them, that they be called commonly, The Devil's Lands, and are feared and avoided of all sea travellers alive, above any other place in the world. Yet it pleased our merciful God, to make even this hideous and hated place, both the place of our safety, and means of our deliverance. And hereby also, I hope to deliver the world from a foul and general error: it being counted of most, that they can be no habitation for Men, but rather given over to Devils and wicked Spirits; whereas indeed we find them now by experience, to be as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation: insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easy as the place itself is contenting, it had long ere this been inhabited, as well as other Lands. Thus shall we make it appear, That Truth is the daughter of Time, and that men ought not to deny every thing which is not subject to their own sense. The Bermudas be broken Lands, five hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus (at Bermuda Lands described. least if you may call them all Lands that lie, how little soever into the Sea, and by themselves) of small compass, some larger yet than other, as time and the Sea hath won from them, and eaten his passage through, and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant, within the circuit of six or seven leagues at the most, albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteen or fourteen leagues; and more in longitude as I have heard. For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay, as by this Map your Ladyship may see, in which Sir George Summer, who coasted in his Boat about them all, took great care to express the same exactly and full, and Sir George Summers' diligent survey: his draught which we have not. M. N 〈…〉 gaic hath since published an exact Map. made his draught perfect for all good occasions, and the benefit of such, who either in distress might be brought upon them, or make sail this way. It should seem by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus, in his Book entitled, The Summary or Abridgement of his general History of the West Indies, written to the Emperor Charles the fifth, that they have been indeed of greater compass (and I easily believe it) than they are now, who thus saith: In the year 1515. when I came first to inform your Majesty of the state of the things in India, and was the year following in Flanders, in the time of your most fortunate success in these your kingdoms of Aragony and Casteel, whereas at that voyage I sailed above the Island Bermudas, otherwise called Gorza, being the farthest of all the Lands that are yet found at this day in the world, and arriving there at the depth of eight yards * Orfadams braccia. In his Gen hist. li. 2 c. 9 he reciteth the same history more particularly he saith it hath two names, Garza, of the ship which first discovered it, being so called, and Bermudez of the Captain of that ship, named john Bermudes. Note that he placeth it more to the North, then that which is by ours inhabited, & say sometime they see it, sometime not as they pass. The Spaniards (as I have heard) which were wracked there in Cap. Butler's time, were of opinion that ours are not the Bermudas: Yea some of ours affirm, they have seen such an Island to the North of ours, and have offered to discover it; sub iudice lis est; veritas temporis fi●a. Halo, the circle seen about the Moon, of great compass. of water, and distant from the Land as far as the shot of a Piece of Ordnance, I determined to send some of the ship to Land, as well to make search of such things as were there, as also to leave in the Island certain Hogs for increase, but the time not serving my purpose, by reason of contrary wind I could bring my Ships no nearer: the Island being twelve leagues in length, and sixteen in breadth, and about thirty in circuit, lying in the thirty three degrees of the North side. Thus far he. True it is, the main Island, or greatest of them now, may be some sixteen miles in length East North-east, and West South-west the longest part of it, standing in thirty two degrees and twenty minutes, in which is a great Bay on the North side, in the Northwest end, and many broken Lands in that Sound or Bay, and a little round Island at the South-west end. As occasions were offered, so we gave titles and names to certain places. These Lands are often afflicted and rend with tempests, great strokes of thunder, lightning and rain in the extremity of violence: which (and it may well be) hath so sundered and torn down the Rocks, and whurried whole quarters of Lands into the main Sea (some six, some seven leagues, and is like in time to swallow them all) so as even in that distance from the shore there is no small danger of them and with them, of the storms continually raging from them, which once in the full and change commonly of every Moon (Winter or Summer) keep their unchangeable round, and rather thunder then blow from every corner about them, sometimes forty eight hours together: especially if the circle, which the Philosophers call Halo were (in our being there) seen about the Moon at any season, which bow indeed appeared there often, and would be of a mighty compass and breadth. I have not observed it any where one quarter so great, especially about the twentieth of March, I saw the greatest when followed upon the eves eve of the Annunciation of our Lady, the mightiest blast of lightning, and most terrible rap of thunder that ever astonished mortal men, I think. In August, September, and until the end of October, we had very hot and pleasant weather only (as I say) thunder, lightning, and many scattering showers of Rain (which would pass swiftly over, and yet fall with such force and darkness for the time as if it would never be clear again) we wanted not any; and of rain more in Summer then in Winter, and in the beginning of December we had great store of hail (the sharp winds blowing Northerly) but it continued not, and to say truth, it is wintry or summer weather there, according as those North and Noth-west winds blow. Much taste of this kind of Winter we had; for those cold winds would suddenly alter the air: but when there was no breath of wind to bring the moist air out of the Seas, from the North and Northwest, we were rather weary of the heat, then pinched with extremity of cold: Yet the three Winter months, December, january, and February, the winds kept in those cold corners, and indeed then it was heavy and melancholy being there, nor were the winds more rough in March, then in the foresaid months, and yet even then would the Birds breed. I think they bred there, most months in the year, in September, and at Christmas I saw young Birds, and in February, at which time the mornings are there (as in May in England) fresh and sharp. Well may the Spaniards, and these Bis●ani Pilots, with all their Traders into the Indies, pass by these Lands as afraid (either bound out or homewards) of their very Meridian, and leave the fishing for the Pearl (which some say, and I believe well is as good there, as in any of their other Indian Lands, and whereof we had some trial) to such as will adventure for them. The Seas about them are so full of breaches, as with those dangers, they may well be said to be the strongest situate in the world. I have often heard Sir George Summer, and Captain Newport say, how they have not been by any chance or discovery upon their like. It is impossible without great and perfect knowledge, and search first made of them to bring in a babble Boat, so much as of ten Tun without apparent ruin, albeit within there are many fair harbours for the greatest English Ship: yea, the Argasies of Venice may ride there with water enough, and safe land-lockt. There is one only side that admits so much as hope of safety by many a league, on which (as before descibed) it pleased God to bring us, we had not come one man of us else a shore, as the weather was: they have been ever therefore left desolate and not inhabited. The soil of the whole Island is one and the same, the mould, dark, red, sandy, dry, and uncapable Experience hath better showed since, as we after see, both for fruits, worms, etc. those that dwell there finding more than these, which took there Inn or lodging. Yet the dawning & Aurora yield a delightsome light, though not all so certain as the Sun: for which cause I have not omitted these first discoveries. Spiders. Beetle very sweet. Hogs. Cedars. Cedar-drinke, American Cedars, are not the same kind with those of Libanus, as by the history of them in our former Tome, pag. 1500, etc. Palmetoes. Many sorts of Palms, the Coco, the Date-Palme, the Wine-Palme, or taddie, etc. besides these Reed-Palmes. Silkworms. I believe of any of our commodities or fruits. Sir George Summer in the beginning of August, squared out a Garden by the quarter (the quarter being set down before a goodly Bay, upon which our Governor did first leap ashore, and therefore called it (as aforesaid) Gates his Bay, which opened into the East, and into which the Sea did ebb and flow, according to their tides, and sowed Musk Melons, Pease, Onions, Radish, Lettuce, and many English seeds, and Kitchen Herbs. All which in some ten days did appear above ground, but whether by the small Birds, of which there be many kinds, or by Flies (Worms I never saw any, nor any venomous thing, as Toad, or Snake, or any creeping beast hurtful, only some Spiders, which as many a 〈…〉 rme are signs of great store of Gold: but they were long and slender leg Spiders, and whether venomous or no I know not, I believe not, since we should still find them amongst our linen in our Chests, and drinking Cans; but we never received any danger from them: A kind of Melontha, or black beetle there was, which bruised, gave a savour like many sweet and strong gums punned together) whether, I say, hindered by these, or by the condition or vice of the soil they came to no proof, nor thrived. It is like enough that the commodities of the other Western Lands would prosper there, as Vines, Lemmons, Oranges, and Sugar Canes: Our Governor made trial of the later, and buried some two or three in the Garden mould, which were reserved in the wrack amongst many which we carried to plant here in Virginia, and they began to grow, but the Hogs breaking in, both rooted them up and eat them: there is not through the whole Lands, either Champion ground, Valleys, or fresh Rivers. They are full of Shawes of goodly Cedar, fairer than ours here of Virginia; the Berries, where of our men seething, straining, and letting stand some three or four days, made a kind of pleasant drink: these Berries are of the same bigness, and colour of corinths, full of little stones, and very restringent or hard building. Peter Martin saith, That at Alexandria in Egypt there is a kind of Cedar, which the jews dwelling there, affirm to be the Cedars of Libanus, which bear old fruit and new all the year, being a kind of Apple which taste like Prunes: but then, neither those there in the Bermudas, nor ours here in Virginia are of that happy kind. Likewise there grow great store of Palm Trees, not the right Indian Palms, such as in Saint john Port-Rico are called Cocos, and are there full of small fruits like Almonds (of the bigness of the grains in Pomegranates) nor of those kind of Palms which bears Dates, but a kind of Simerons or wild Palms in growth, fashion, leaves, and branches, resembling those true Palms: for the Tree is high, and strait, sappy and spongious, unfirme for any use, no branches but in the uppermost part thereof, and in the top grow leaves about the head of it (the most in most part whereof they call Palmeto, and it is the heart and pith of the same Trunk, so white and thin, as it will peel off into pleates as smooth and delicate as white Satin into twenty folds, in which a man may write as in paper) where they spread and fall downward about the Tree like an overblown Rose, or Saffron flower not early gathered; so broad are the leaves, as an Italian Vmbrello, a man may well defend his whole body under one of them, from the greatest storm rain that falls. For they being stiff and smooth, as if so many flags were knit together, the rain easily slideth off. We oftentimes found growing to these leaves, many Silk-wormes involved therein, like those small worms which Acosta writeth of, which grew in the leaves of the tunal Tree, of which being dried, the Indians make their Cochinile so precious and merchantable. With these leaves we thatched our Cabins, and roasting the Palmito or soft top thereof, they had a taste like fried Melons, and being sod they eat like Cabbedges, but not so offensively thankful to the stomach. Many an ancient Burger was therefore heaved at, and fell not for his place, but for his head: for our common people, whose bellies never had ears, made it no breach of Charity in their hot bloods and tall stomaches to murder thousands of them. They bear a kind of Berry, black and round, as big as a Damson, which about December were ripe and l 〈…〉ous: being scalded (whilst they are green) they eat like Bullases. These Trees sh●d their leaves in the Winter months, as withered or burnt with the cold blasts of the North wind, especially those that grow to the Seaward, and in March, there Burgen new in their room fresh and tender. Other kinds of high and sweet smelling Woods there be, and diverse colours, black, yellow, Other Trees. and red, and one which bears a round blue Berry, much eaten by our own people, of a styptic quality and rough taste on the tongue like a Slow to stay or bind the Flux, which the often eating of the luscious Palm berry would bring them into, for the nature of sweet things is to cleanse and dissolve. A kind of Pease of the bigness and shape of a Katherine Pear, we found Prickle-peare. growing upon the Rocks full of many sharp subtle pricks (as a Thistle) which we therefore called, The Prickle Pear, the outside green, but being opened, of a deep murrie, full of juice like a Mulberry, and just of the same substance and taste, we both eat them raw and baked. Sure it is, that there are no Rivers nor running Springs of fresh water to be found upon any Waters. No Springs then found, since Wells have been there digged which ebb and flow with the Sea. etc. of them: when we came first we digged and found certain gushing and soft bubblings, which being either in bottoms, or on the side of hanging ground, were only fed with rain water, which nevertheless soon sinketh into the earth and vanisheth away, or emptieth itself out of sight into the Sea, without any channel above or upon the superficies of the earth: for according as their reins fell, we had our Wells and Pits (which we digged) either half full, or absolute exhausted and dry, howbeit some low bottoms (which the continual descent from the Hills filled full, and in those flats could have no passage away) we found to continue as fishing Ponds, or standing Pools, continually Summer and Winter full of fresh water. The shore and Bays round about, when we landed first afforded great store of fish, and that of diverse kinds, and good, but it should seem that our fires, which we maintained Fish. on the shores side drove them from us, so as we were in some want, until we had made a flat bottom Gundall of Cedar with which we put off farther into the Sea, and then daily hooked great store of many kinds, as excellent Angell-fish, Salmon Peale, Bonetas', Stingray, Cabally, Senappers, Hogge-fish, Sharks, Doggefish, Pilchards, Mullets, and Rock-fish, of which be diverse kinds: and of these our Governor dried and salted, and barrelling them up, brought to sea five hundred, for he had procured Salt to be made with some Brine, which happily was preserved, and once having made a little quantity, he kept three or four pots Salt made there. boiling, and two or three men attending nothing else in an house (some little distance from his Bay) set up on purpose for the same work. Likewise in Furbushers building Bay we had a large Sein, or Tramell Net, which our Governor caused to be made of the Dear Toils, which we were to carry to Virginia, by drawing the Masts more strait and narrow with Rope Yarn, and which reached from one side of the Dock to the other: with which (I may boldly say) we have taken five thousand of small and great fish at one hale. As Pilchards, Breames, Mullets, Rocke-fish, etc. and other 5000. fishes taken at a hale kinds for which we have no names. We have taken also from under the broken Rocks, Crevices oftentimes greater than any of our best English Lobsters; and likewise abundance of Crabs, Oysters, and Wilkes. True it is, for F●sh in every Cove and Creek we found Snaules', and Skulls in that abundance, as (I think) no Island in the world may have greater store or better Fish. For they sucking of the very water, which descendeth from the high Cause of their wholesomeness. Hills mingled with juice and verdor of the Palms, Cedars, and other sweet Woods (which likewise make the Herbs, Roots, and Weeds sweet which grow about the Banks) become thereby both fat and wholesome. As must those Fish needs be gross, slimy, and corrupt the blood, which feed in Fens, Marshes, Ditches, muddy Pools, and near unto places where much filth is daily cast forth. Vnscaled Fishes, such as junius calleth Molles Pisces, as No unscaled fishes. Trenches, Eel, or Lampreys, and such feculent and dangerous Snakes we never saw any, nor may any River be envenomed with them (I pray God) where I come. I forbear to speak what a sort of Whales we have seen hard aboard the shore followed sometime by the Swordfish and the Thresher, the sport where of was not unpleasant. The Swordfish, with Whale and Swordfish. his sharp and needle Finne, pricking him into the belly when he would sink and fall into the Sea; and when he startled upward from his wounds, the Thresher with his large Fins (like Flails) beating him above water. The examples whereof gives us (saith Ouiedus) to understand, Cater-tray bear the bell away. Medio tutissimus ibis. Fowls. that in the self same peril and danger do men live in this mortal life, wherein is no certain security neither in high estate nor low. Fowl there is great store, small Birds, Sparrows fat and plump like a Bunting, bigger than ours, Robbins of diverse colours green and yellow, ordinary and familiar in our Cabins, and other of less sort. White and grey Hernshawes, Bitters, Teal, Snites, Crows, and Hawks, of which in March we found diverse Airs, Goshawkes' and Tassels, Oxen-birds, Cormorants, Bald-Cootes, Moore-Hennes, Owls, and Bats in great store. And upon Newyears day in the morning, our Governor being walked forth with another Gentleman Master Wild Swans. james Swift, each of them with their Pieces killed a wild Swan, in a great Sea-water Bayliff or Pond in our Island. A kind of webbe-footed Fowle there is, of the bigness of an English Webfooted Fowl. They call it of the cry which it maketh a Cohow. green Plover, or Sea-Meawe, which all the Summer we saw not, and in the darkest nights of November and December (for in the night they only feed) they would come forth, but not fly far from home, and hover in the air, and over the Sea, made a strange hollow and harsh howling. Their colour is inclining to Russet, with white bellies, as are likewise the long Feathers of their wings Russet and White) these gather themselves together and breed in those Lands which are high, and so far alone into the Sea, that the Wild Hogs cannot swim over them, and there in the ground they have their Burrowes, like Coneys in a Warren, and so brought in the loose Mould, though not so deep: which Birds with a light bough in a dark night (as in our Lowbelling) we caught. I have been at the taking of three hundred in an hour, and we might have laden our Boates. Our men found a pretty way to take them, which was by standing on the Rocks or Sands by the Sea side, and hollowing, laughing, and making the strangest outcry that possibly they could: with the noise whereof the Birds would come flocking to that place, and settle upon the very arms and head of him that so cried, and still creep nearer and nearer, answering the noise themselves: by which our men would weigh them with their hand, and which weighed heaviest they took for the best and let the others alone, and so our men would take twenty dozen in two hours of the chiefest of them; and they were a good and well relished Fowl, fat and full as a Partridge. In january we had great store of their Eggs, which are as great as an Hen's Egg, and so fashioned and white shelled, and have no difference in yolk nor white from an Hen's Egg. There are thousands of these Birds, and two or three Lands full of their Burrowes, whether at any time (in two hours' warning) we could send our Cockboat, and bring home as many as would serve the whole Company: which Birds for their blindness (for they see weakly in the day) and for their cry and whooting, we called the Sea Owl: they will bite cruelly with their crooked Bills. We had knowledge that there were wild Hogs upon the Island, at first by our own Wild Hogs how first found out and taken, Swine preserved from the wrack and brought to shore: for they straying into the Woods, an huge wild Boar followed down to our quarter, which at night was watched and taken in this sort. One of Sir George Summers' men went and lay among the Swine, when the Boar being come and groveled by the Sows, he put over his hand and rubbed the side gently of the Boar, which then lay still, by which means he fastened a rope with a sliding knot to the hinder leg and so took him, and after him in this sort two or three more. But in the end (a little business over) our people would go a hunting with our Ship Dog, and sometimes bring home thirty, sometimes fifty Boars, Sows, and Pigs in a week alive: for the Dog would fasten on them and hold, whilst the Huntsmen made in: and there be thousands of them in the Lands, and at that time of the year, in August, September, October, and November, they were well fed with Berries that dropped from the Cedars and the Palms, and in our quarter we made sties for them, and gathering of these Berries served them twice aday, by which means we kept them in good plight: and when there was any fret of weather (for upon every increase of wind the billow would be so great, as it was no putting out with our Gundall or Canow) that we could not fi●h nor take Tortoises, than we killed our Hogs. But in February when the Palm Berries began to be scant or dry, and the Cedar Berries failed two months sooner. True it is the Hogs grew poor, and being taken so, we could not raise them to be better, for besides those Berries, we had nothing wherewith to frank them: but even then the Tortoises came in again, of which we daily both turned up great store, finding them on Land, as also sculling after them in our Boat struck them with an Iron goad, and sod, baked, and roasted them. The Tortoise is reasonable Tortoises, toothsome (some say) wholesome meat. I am sure our Company liked the meat of them ver●e well, and one Tortoise would go further amongst them, than three Hogs. One Turtle (for so we called them) feasted well a dozen Messes, appointing six to every Mess. It is such a kind of meat, as a man can neither absolutely call Fish nor Flesh, keeping most what in the water, and feeding upon Sea-grass like a Heifer, in the bottom of the Coves and Bayes, and laying their Eggs (of which we should find five hundred at a time in the opening of a she Turtle) in the Sand by the shore side, and so covering them close leave them to the hatching of the Sun, like the Manatis at Saint Dominique, which made the Spanish Friars (at their first arrival) make some scruple to eat them on a Friday, because in colour and taste the flesh is like to morsels of Veal. Concerning the laying of their Eggs, and hatching of their young, Peter Martyr writeth thus in his Decades of the Ocean: at such time as the heat of Nature moveth them to generation, they came forth of the Sea, and making a deep pit in the sand, they lay three or four hundred Eggs therein: when they have thus emptied their bag of Conception, they put as much of the same again into the Pit as may satisfy to cover the Eggs, and so resort again unto the Sea, nothing careful of their succession. At the day appointed of Nature to the procreation of these creatures, there creepeth out a multitude of Tortoyles, as it were Pismyers out of an Anthill, and this only by the heat of the Sun, without any help of their Parents: their Eggs are as big as Geefe Eggs, and themselves grown to perfection, bigger than great round Targets. §. II. Actions and Occurrents whiles they continued in the Lands: Ravens sent for Virginia; diverse mutinies; PAIN executed: Two Pinnaces built. SO soon as we were a little settled after our landing, with all the conveniency we might, and as the place, and our many wants would give us leave, we made up our long Boat (as your Ladyship hath heard) in fashion of a Pinnace, fitting her with a little Deck, made of the Hatches of our ruin'd ship, so close that no water could go in her, gave her Sails and Oars, and entreating with our Master's Mate Henry Ravens (who was H. Raven's voyage from Bermuda to Virginia. supposed a sufficient Pilot) we found him easily won to make over therewith, as a Bark of Auiso for Virginia, which being in the height of thirty seven degrees, five degrees from the Island which we were, might be some one hundred and forty leagues from us, or thereabouts (〈…〉 koning to every degree that lies North-east, and Westerly twenty eight English leagues) who the twenty eight of August being Monday, with six Sailors, and our Cape Merchant Thomas Whittingham departed from us out of Gates his Bay: but to our much wonder returned again upon the Wednesday night after, having attempted to have got clear of the Island, from the North North-eath to the South-west, but could not as little water as she drew, which might not be above twenty inches for shoals and breaches, so as he was fain to go out from Summer's Creeks, and the same way we came in on the South Southeast of the Lands, and from thence we made to Sea the Friday after the first of September, promising if he lived and arrived safe there, to return unto us the next new Moon with the Pinnace belonging to the Colony there: according unto which instructions were directed unto the new Lieutenant Governor, and Council from our Governor here, for which the Lands were appointed carefully to be watched, and fires prepared as Beacons to have directed and wafted him in, but two Moons were wasted upon the Promontory before mentioned, and gave many a long and wished look round about the Horizon, from the North-east to the South-west, but in vain, discovering nothing all the while, which way soever we turned our eye, but air and sea. You may please, excellent Lady, to know the reason which moved our Governor to dispatch this long Boat, was the care which he took for the estate of the Colony in this his enforced absence: for by a long practised experience, foreseeing and fearing what innovation and tumult might happily arise, amongst the younger and ambitious spirits of the new companies to arrive in Virginia, now coming with him along in this same Fleet, he framed his letters to the Colony, and by a particular Commission confirmed Captain Peter Win his Lieutenant Governor, with an Assistance of six Counselors, writing withal to diverse and such Gentlemen of quality and knowledge of virtue, and to such lovers of goodness in this cause whom he knew, entreating them by giving examples in themselves of duty and obedience, to assist likewise the said Lieutenant Governor, against such as should attempt the innovating of the person (now named by him) or form of government, which in some Articles he did likewise prescribe unto them: and had fair hopes all should go well, if these his letters might arrive there, until such time as either some Ship there (which he fairly believed) might be moved presently to adventure for him: or that it should please the right honourable, the Lords, and the rest of his Majesty's Council in England, to address thither the right honourable the Lord Lawar (one of more eminency Cap. Win. L. Lawarre. Sir George Summer his survey, and other industry. and worthiness) as the project was before his coming forth) whilst by their honourable favours, a charitable consideration in like manner might be taken of our estates to redeem us from hence. For which purpose likewise our Governor directed a particular letter to the Council in England, and sent it to the foresaid Captain Peter Winne (his now to be chosen Lieutenant Governor) by him to be dispatched (which is the first) from thence into England. In his absence Sir George Summer coasted the Lands, and drew the former plat of them, and daily fished, and hunted for our whole company, until the seven and twentieth of November, when then well perceiving that we were not likely to hear from Virginia, and conceiving how the Pinnace which Richard Frubbusher was a building would not be of burden sufficient to transport all our men from thence into Uirginia (especially considering the season of the year, wherein we were likely to put off) he consulted with our Governor, that if he might have two Carpenters (for we had four, such as they were) and twenty men, over with him into the main Island, he would quickly frame up another little Bark, to second ours, for the better fitting and conveyance of our people. Our Governor, with many thanks (as the cause required) cherishing this so careful and religious consideration in him (and whose experience likewise was somewhat in these affairs) granted him all things suitable to his desire, and to the furthering of the work: who therefore had made ready for him all such tools and instruments, as our own use required not: and for him, were drawn forth twenty of the ablest and stoutest of the company, He builds a Pinnace. and the best of our men, to hew and square timber, when himself then, with daily pains and labour, wrought upon a small Vessel, which was soon ready as ours: at which we leave him a while busied, and return to ourselves. In the mean space did one Frubbusher, borne at Graves' end, and at his coming forth now dwelling at Lime House (a painful and well experienced Shipwright, and skilful workman) labour the building of a little Pinnace: for the furtherance R. Frubbusher builds another of which, the Governor dispensed with no travail of his body, nor forbore any care or study of mind, persuading (as much and more, an ill qualified parcel of people, by his own performance, then by authority, thereby to hold them at their work, namely to fallen, carry, and saw Cedar, ●t for the Carpenter's purpose (for what was so mean, whereto he would not himself set his hand, being therefore up early and down late?) yet nevertheless were they hardly drawn to it, as the Tortoise to the enchantment, as the Proverb is, but his own presence and hand being set to every mean labour, and employed so readily to every office, made our people Power of example. at length more diligent, and willing to be called thereunto, where, they should see him before they came. In which, we may observe how much example prevails above precepts, and how readier men are to be led by eyes, than ears. And sure it was happy for us, who had now run this fortune, and were fallen into the bottom of this misery, that we both had our Governor with us, and one so solicitous and careful, whose both example (as I said) and authority, could lay shame, and command upon our people: else, I am persuaded, we had most of us finished our days there, so willing were the ma●or part of the common sort (especially when they found such a plenty of victuals) to settle a foundation of ever inhabiting there; as well appeared by many practices of theirs (and perhaps of some of the better sort) Lo, what are our affections and passions, if not rightly squared? how irreligious, and irregular they express us? not perhaps so ill as we would be, but yet as we are; some Mutinous conceptions. dangerous and secret discontents nourished amongst us, had like to have been the parents of bloody issues and mischiefs; they began first in the Seamen, who in time had fastened unto them (by false baits) many of our land-men likewise, and some of whom (for opinion of their Religion) was carried an extraordinary and good respect. The Angles wherewith chiefly they thus hooked in these disquieted Pools, were, how that in Uirginia, nothing but wretchedness and labour must be expected, with many wants, and a churlish entreaty, there being neither that Fish, Flesh, nor Fowl, which here (without wasting on the one part, or watching on theirs, or any threatening, and are of authority) at ease, and pleasure might be enjoyed: and since both in the one, and the other place, they were (for the time) to lose the fruition both of their friends and Country, as good, and better were it for them, to repose and seat them where they should have the least outward wants the while. This, thus preached, and published each to other, though by such who never had been more onward towards Virginia, than (before this Voyage) a Sculler could happily row him (and what hath a more adamantive power to draw unto it the consent and attraction of the idle, untoward, and wretched number of the many, than liberty, and fullness of sensuality?) begat such a murmur, and such a discontent, and disunion of hearts and hands from this labour, and forwarding the means of redeeming us from hence, as each one wrought with his Mate how to divorce him from the same. And first (and it was the first of September) a conspiracy was discovered, of which six were Conspira 〈…〉 found principals, who had promised each unto the other, not to set their hands to any travail or endeavour which might expedite or forward this Pinnace: and each of these had severally (according to appointment) sought his opportunity to draw the Smith, and one of our Carpenters, Nicholas Bennit, who made much profession of Scripture, a mutinous and dissembling Imposter; the Captain, and one of the chief persuaders of others, who afterwards broke from the society of the Colony, and like outlaws retired into the Woods, to make a settlement and habitation there) on their party, with whom they purposed to leave our Quarter, and possess another Island by themselves: but this happily found out, they were condemned to the same punishment which they would have chosen (but without Smith or Carpenter) and to an Island far by itself, they were carried, and there left. Their names were john Want, the chief of them, a Essex man of Newport by Saffronwalden, both sediticus, and john ●ant, and 〈◊〉. a sectary in points of Religion, in his own prayers much devout and frequent, but har●ly drawn to the public, insomuch as being suspected by our Minister for a Brownist●, he was often compelled to the common Liturgy and form of Prayer. The rest of the confederates were Christopher Carter, Francis Pearepoint, William Brian, William Martin, Richard Knowles: but soon they miss comfort (who were far removed from our store) besides, the society of their acquaintance had wrought in some of them, if not a loathsomeness of their offence, yet a sorrow that their compliment was not more full, and therefore a weariness of their being thus untimely prescribed; insomuch, as many humble petitions were sent unto our Governor, fraught full of their seeming sorrow and repentance, and earnest vows to redeem the former trespass, with example of duties in them all, to the common cause, and general business; upon which our Governor (not easy to admit any accusation, and hard to remit an offence, but at all times sorry in the punishment of him, in whom may appear either shame or contrition) was easily content to reacknowledge them again. Yet could not this be any warning to others, who more subtly began to shake the foundation of our quiet safety, and therein did one Stephen Hopkins commence the first act or overture: Another Mutiny. A fellow who had much knowledge in the Scriptures, and could reason well therein, whom our Minister therefore chose to be his Clerk, to read the Psalms, and Chapters upon Sundays, at the assembly of the Congregation under him: who in january the twenty four, broke with one Samuel Sharp and Humphrey Reed (who presently discovered it to the Governor) and alleged substantial arguments, both civil and divine (the Scripture falsely quoted) that it was no breach of honesty, conscience, nor Religion, to decline from the obedience of the Governor, or refuse to go any further, led by his authority (except it so pleased themselves) since the authority ceased when the wrack was committed, and with it, they were all then freed from the government of any man; and for a matter of Conscience, it was not unknown to the meanest, how much we were therein bound each one to provide for himself, and his own family: for which Conscience greatest enemy to conscience. were two apparent reasons to stay them even in this place; first, abundance by God's providence of all manner of good food: next, some hope in reasonable time, when they might grow weary of the place, to build a small Bark, with the skill and help of the aforesaid Nicholas Bennit, whom they insinuated to them, albeit he was now absent from his quarter, and working in the main Island with Sir George Summer upon his Pinnace, to be of the conspiracy, that so might get clear from hence at their own pleasures: when in Uirginia, the first would be assuredly wanting, and they might well fear to be detained in that Country by the authority of the Commander thereof, and their whole life to serve the turns of the Adventurers, with their travails and labours. This being thus said, and by such a one, who had gotten an opinion (as I before remembered) of Religion; when it was declared by those two accusers, not knowing what further ground it had or complices, it pleased the Governor to let this his factious offence to have a public affront, and contestation by these two witnesses before the whole Company, who at the tolling of a Bell) assemble before a Corpse du guard, where the Prisoner was Stephen Hopkins condemned and pardoned. brought forth in manacles, and both accused, and suffered to make at large, to every particular, his answer; which was only full of sorrow and tears, pleading simplicity, and denial. But he being only found, at this time, both the Captain, and the follower of this Mutiny, and generally held worthy to satisfy the punishment of his offence, with the sacrifice of his life, our Governor passed the sentence of a Martial Court upon him, such as belongs to Mutiny and Rebellion. But so penitent he was, and made so much moan, alleging the ruin of his Wife and Children in this his trespass, as it wrought in the hearts of all the better sort of the Company, who therefore with humble entreaties, and earnest supplications, went unto our Governor, whom they besought (as likewise did Captain Newport, and myself) and never left him until we had got his pardon. In these dangers and devilish disquiets (whilst the almighty God wrought for us, and sent us miraculously delivered from the calamities of the Sea, all blessings upon the shore, to content and bind us to gratefulness) thus enraged amongst ourselves, to the destruction each of other, into what a mischief and misery had we been given up, had we not had a Governor with his authority, to have suppressed the same? Yet was there a worse practice, faction, Third Mutiny. and conjuration a foot, deadly and bloody, in which the life of our Governor, with many others were threatened, and could not but miscarry in his fall. But such is ever the will of God (who in the execution of his judgements, breaketh the firebrands upon the head of him, who first kindleth them) there were, who conceived that our Governor indeed neither durst, nor had authority to put in execution, or pass the act of justice upon any one, how treacherous or impious so ever; their own opinions so much deceiving them for the unlawfulness of any act, which they would execute: daring to justify among themselves, that if they should be apprehended, before the performance, they should happily suffer as Martyrs. They persevered therefore not only to draw unto them such 2 number, and associates as they could work in, to the abandoning of our Governor, and to the inhabiting of this Island. They had now purposed to have made a surprise of the Storehouse, and to have forced from thence, what was therein either of Meal, Cloth, Cables, Arms, Sailes, Oars, or what else it pleased God that we had recovered from the wrack, and was to serve our general necessity and use, either for the relief of us, while we stayed here, or for the carrying of us from this place again, when our Pinnace should have been furnished. But as all giddy and lawless attempts, have always something of imperfection, and that Evil, as it hath a deficient cause, so in and before the effects, defects are found. as well by the porperty of the action, which holdeth of disobedience and rebellion (both full of fear) as through the ignorance of the devisers themselves; so in this (besides those defects) there were some of the association, who not strong enough fortified in their own conceits, broke from the plot itself, and (before the time was ripe for the execution thereof) discovered the whole order, and every Agent, and Actor thereof, who nevertheless were not suddenly apprehended, by reason the confederates were divided and separated in place, some with us, and the chief with Sir Georgs Summer in his Island (and indeed all his whole company) but good watch passed upon them, every man from thenceforth commanded to wear his weapon, without which before, we freely walked from quarter to quarter, and conversed among ourselves, and every man advised to stand upon his guard, his own life not being in safety, whilst his next neighbour was not to be trusted. The Sentinels, and nightwarders doubled, the passages of both the quarters were carefully observed, by which means nothing was further attempted; until a Gentleman amongst them, one Henry Pain, the thirteenth of H. Pain his Mutinus behuiour. March, full of mischief, and every hour preparing something or other, stealing Swords, Adises, Axes, Hatchets, Saws, Augers, Planes, Mallets, etc. to make good his own bad end, his watch night coming about, and being called by the Captain of the same, to be upon the guard, did not only give his said Commander evil language, but struck at him, doubled his blows, and when he was not suffered to close with him, went off the Guard, scoffing at the double diligence and attendance of the Watch, appointed by the Governor for much purpose, as he said: upon which, the Watch telling him, if the Governor should understand of this his insolency, it might turn him to much blame, and happily be as much as his life were worth. The said Pain replied with a settled and bitter violence, and in such unreverent terms, as I should offend the modest ear too much to express it in his own phrase; but the contents were, how that the Governor had no authority of that quality, to justify upon any one (how mean soever in the Colony) an action of that nature, and therefore let the Governor (said he) kiss, etc. Which words, being with the omitted additions, brought the next day unto every common and public discourse, at length they were delivered over to the Governor, who examining well the fact (the transgression so much the more exemplary and odious, as being in a dangerous time, in a Confederate, and the success of the same wishtly listened after, with a doubtful conceit, what might be the issue of so notorious a boldness and impudence) calling the said Pain before him, and the whole Company, where (being soon convinced both by the witness, of the Commander, and many which were upon the watch with him) our Governor, who had now the eyes of the whole Colony fixed upon him, condemned him to be instantly hanged; and the ladder being ready, after he had made many confessions, he earnestly desired, being a Gentleman, that he might be shot to death, and towards the evening His execution, he had his desire, the Sun and his life setting together. But for the other which were with Sir George, upon the Sunday following (the Bark being now in good forwardness) and ready to launch in short time, from that place (as we supposed) to meet ours at a pond of fresh water, where they were both to be mored, until such time as being fully tackled, the wind should serve fair, for our putting to Sea together) being the eighteenth of March, hearing of Pains death, and fearing he had appeached them, and discovered the attempt (who poor Gentleman therein, in so bad a cause, was too secret and constant to his own faith engaged unto them, and as little needed, as urged thereunto, though somewhat was voluntarily delivered by him) by a mutual consent forsook their labour, and Sir George Summer, and like Outlaws betook them to the wild Woods: whether mere rage, and greediness diverse of Sir G Summer comp●ny fl●d into the woods after some little Pearl (as it was thought) wherewith they conceived, they should for ever enrich themselves, and saw how to obtain the same easily in this place, or whether, the desire for ever to inhabit here, or what other secret else moved them▪ thereunto, true it is, they sent an audacious and formal Petition to our Governor, subscribed with all their names and Seals: not only entreating him, that they might stay here, but (with great art) importuned him, that he would perform other conditions with them, and not wave, nor evade from some of his own promises, as namely to furnish each of them with two Suits of Apparel, and contribute Meal rateably for one whole year, so much among them, as they had weekly now, which was one pound and an half a week (for such had been our proportion for nine months.) Our Governor answered this their Petition, writing to Sir George Summer to this effect. That true it was, at their first arrival upon this Island, when it was feared how our means would not Sir T. Gates his letter to Sir G. Summer. extend to the making of a Vessel, capable and large enough, to transport all our Countrymen at once, indeed out of his Christian consideration (mourning for such his Countrymen, who coming under his command, he foresaw that for a while, he was like enough to leave here behind, compelled by tyranny of necessity) his purpose was not yet to forsake them so, as given up like Savages: but to leave them all things fitting to defend them from want and wretchedness, as much at least as lay in his power, to spare from the present use (and perhaps necessity of others, whose fortunes should be to be transported with him) for one whole year or more (if so long by any casualty, the ships which he would send unto them might be stayed before their arrival, so many hazards accompanying the Sea) but withal entreated Sir George to remember unto his Company (if by any means he could learn where they were) how he had vowed unto him, that if either his own means, his authority in Virginia, or love with his friends in England, could dispatch for them sooner, how far it was from him, to let them remain abandoned, and neglected without their redemption so long: and then proceeded, requesting Sir George Summer again, to signify unto them, since now our own Pinnace did arise to that burden, and that it would sufficiently transport them all, beside the necessity of any other Bark: and yet, that since his Bark was now ready too, that those consultations, how soever charitable and most passionate in themselves, might determine, as taken away thereby, and therefore, that he should now be pleased to advise them well, how unanswerable this grant or consent of his should be: first, to his Majesty for so many of his subjects, next to the Adventurers, and lastly, what an imputation and infamy it might be, to both their own proper reputations, and honours, having each of them authority in their places, to compel the adversant and irregular multitude, at any time, to what should be obedient and honest, which if they should not execute, the blame would not lie upon the people (at all times wavering and insolent) but upon themselves so weak and unworthy in their command. And moreover entreated him by any secret practice to apprehend them, since that the obstinate, and precipitate many, were no more in such a condition and state to be favoured, than the murmuring and mutiny of such Rebellious and turbulent Humorists, who had not conscience nor knowledge, to draw in the yoke of goodness, and in the business for which they were sent out of England: for which likewise, at the expense and charge of the Adventurers, they were to him committed, and that the meanest in the whole Fleet stood the Company in no less than twenty pounds, for his own personal Transportation, and things necessary to accompany him. And therefore lovingly conjured Sir George, by the worthiness of his (heretofore) well maintained reputation, and by the powers of his own judgement, and by the virtue of that ancient love and friendship, which had these many years been settled between them, to do his best, to give this revolted Company (if he could send unto them) the consideration of these particulars, and so work with them (if he might) that by fair means (the Mutiny reconciled) they would at length survey their own errors, which he would be as ready, upon their rendering and coming into pardon, as he did now pity them; assuring them in general and particular, that whatsoever they had sinisterly committed, or practised hitherto against the Laws of duty and honesty, should not in any sort be imputed against them. In which good Office Sir George Summer did so nobly work, and heartily labour, as he brought most of them in, and indeed all, but Christopher Carter, and Robert Waters, who (by no Waters and Carter stand out and are left behind. means) would any more come amongst Sir George's men, hearing that Sir George had commanded his men indeed (since they would not be entreated by fair means) to surprise them (if they could) by any device or force. From which time they grew so cautelous and wary, for their own ill, as at our coming away, we were fain to leave them behind. That Waters was a Sailor, who at his first landing upon the Island (as after you shall hear) killed another fellow Sailor of his, the body of the murdered and Murderer so dwelling, as prescribed now together. During our time of abode upon these Lands, we had daily every Sunday two Sermons preached by our Minister, besides every Morning and Evening at the ringing of a Bell, we repaired Religious exercises performed by Master Bucke. all to puplique Prayer, at ●hat time the names of our whole Company were called by Bill, and such as were wanting, we 〈…〉 duly punished. The contents (for th● most part) of all our Preachers Sermons, were especially of Thankfulness and Unity, etc. It pleased God also to give us opportunity, to perform all the other Offices, and Rites of our Christian Profession in this Island: as Marriage, for the six and twentieth of November we The most holy, civil and most natural possession taken of the Bermudas by exercise of Sacraments Marriage, Childbirth, etc. Children named Bermuda and Bermudas. had one of Sir George Summer his men, his Cook, named Thomas powel, who married a Maid Servant of one Mistress Horton, whose name was Elizabeth Persons: and upon Christmas Eve, as also once before, the first of October; our Minister preached a godly Sermon, which being ended, he celebrated a Communion, at the partaking whereof our Governor was, and the greatest part of our Company: and the eleventh of February, we had the child of one john Rofe christened a Daughter, to which Captain Newport and myself were Witnesses, and the aforesaid Mistress Horton and we named it Bermuda, as also the five and twentieth of March, the wife of one Edward Aeson, being delivered the week before of a Boy, had him then christened, to which Captain Newport and myself, and Master james Swift were Godfathers, and we named it Bermudas. Likewise, we buried five of our company, jeffery Briars, Richard Lewis, William Hitchman, and my God-daughter Bermuda Rolfe, and one untimely Edward Samuel a Sailor, being villainously killed by the foresaid Robert Waters, (a Sailor likewise) with a shovel, who strake him therewith under the lift of the Ear, for which he was apprehended, and appointed to be hanged the next day, the fact being done in the twilight) but being bound fast to a Tree all night, with many Ropes, and a Guard of five or six to attend him, his fellow Sailors watching the advantage of the Sentinels sleeping) in despite and disdain that justice should be showed upon a Sailor, and that one of their crew should be an example to others, not taking into consideration, the unmanlinesse Sailor's misorder. of the murder, nor the horror of the sin, they cut his bands, and conveyed him into the Woods, where they fed him nightly, and closely, who afterward by the mediation of Sir George Summer, upon many conditions, had his trial respited by our Governor. We had brought our Pinnace so forward by this time, as the eight and twentieth of August we having laid her Keel. The six and twentieth of February, we now began to calk: old Cables we had preserved unto us, which afforded Ocam enough: and one barrel of Pitch, and another of Tar, we likewise saved, which served our use some little way upon the B●lg. we breamed her otherwise with Lime made of Wilke shells, and an hard white stone which we burned in a Kill, slaked with fresh water, and tempered with Tortoises Oil. The thirtieth of March being Friday, we towed her out in the morning Springtide, from the Wharfe where she was built, boying her with four Cask in her run only: which opened into the Northwest, and into which when the Breeze stood North and by West with any stiff gale, and upon the spring-tidings, the Sea would increase with that violence, especially twice it did so, as at the first time (before our Governor had caused a solid Causey of an hundred load of stone to be brought from the Hills and Neighbour Rocks, and round about her ribs from stem to stem, where it made a pointed Balk, and thereby broke the violence of the Flowe and Billow) it endangered her overthrow and ruin, being green as it were upon the Stocks. With much difficulty, diligence, and labour, we saved her at the first, all her Bases, Shores, and Piles, which under-set her, being almost carried from her, which was the second of january, when her knees were not set to, nor one joint firm: We launched her unrigged, to carry her to a little round Island, lying West Northwest, and close aboard to the back side of our Island, both nearer the Ponds and Wells of some fresh water, as also from thence to make our way to the Sea the better: the Channel being there sufficient and deep enough to lead her forth, when her Masts, Sails, and all her Trim should be about her. She was forty foot by the Keel, and nineteen foot broad at the Beam, six foot floor, her Rake forward was fourteen foot, her Rake aft from the top of her Post (which was twelve foot long) was three foot, she was eight foot deep under her Beam, between her Decks she was four foot and an half, with a rising of half a foot more under her fore Castle, of purpose to scour the Deck with small shot, if at any time we should be boarded by the Enemy. She had a fall of eighteen inches aft, to make her steerage and her great cabin the more large: her steerage was five foot long, and six foot high, with a close Gallery right aft, with a window on each side, and two right aft. The most part of her timber was Cedar, which we found to be bad for shipping, for that it is wondrous false inward, Cedar ill for shipping. and besides i● is so spault or brickle, that it will make no good planks, her Beams were all Oak of our ruin ship, and some planks in her Bow of Oak, and all the rest as is aforesaid. When she began to swim (upon her launching) our Governor called her The Deliverance, and she might be some eighty tons of burden. Before we quitted our old quarter, and dislodged to the fresh water with our Pinnace, our Governor set up in Sir George Summers' Garden a fair Muemosynon in figure of a Cross, made of Cross set up for a memoria. some of the timber of our ruined ship, which was served in with strong and great trunnels to a mighty Cedar, which grew in the midst of the said Garden, and whose top and upper branches he caused to be lopped, that the violence of the wind and weather might have the less power over her. In the midst of the Cross, our Governor fastened the Picture of his Majesty in a piece of His Majesties' Picture. Silver of twelve pence, and on each side of the Cross, he set an Inscription graven in Copper, in the Latin and English to this purpose. In memory of our great Deliverance, both from a mighty storm and leak: we have set up this to the honour of God. It is the spoil of an English ship (of three hundred ton) called the Sea Venture, bound with seven ships more (from which the storm divided us) to Virginia, or Nova Britania, in America. In it were two Knights, Sir Thomas Gates Knight, Governor of the English Forces and Colony there: and Sir George Summers' Knight, Admiral of the Seas. Her Captain was Christopher Newport, Passengers and Mariners she had beside (which came all safe to Land) one hundred and fifty. We were forced to run her ashore (by reason of her leak) under a Point that bore Southeast from the Northern Point of the Island, which we discovered first the eight and twentieth of july 1609. About the last of April, Sir George Summer launched his Pinnace, and brought her from his building Bay, in the Main Island, into the Chanuell where ours did ride, and she was by the Keel nine and twenty foot: at the Beam fifteen foot and an half: at the Loof fourteen, at the Trausam nine, and she was eight foot deep, and drew six foot water, and he called he● the Patience. §. III. Their departure from Bermuda and arrival in Virginia: miseries there, departure and return upon the Lord LA WARS arriving. JAMES Town described. FRom this time we only awaited a favourable Westerly wind to carry us forth, which longer than usual now kept at the East, and Southeast, the way which we were to go. The tenth of May early, Sir George Summer and Captain Newport went off with their long Boats, and with two Canoaes' boyed the Channel, which we were to lead it out in, and which was no broader from Shoales on the one side and Rocks on the other, then about three times the length of our Pinnace. About ten of the clock, that day being Thursday, we set sail an easy gale, the wind at South, and by reason no more wind blue, we were fain to tow her with our long Boat, yet neither with the help of that, were we able to fit our Bowyes, but even when we came just upon them, we struck a Rock on the starboard side, over which the Bowye rid, and had it not been a soft Rock, by which means she bore it before her, and crushed it to pieces, God knows we might have been like enough, to have returned anew, and dwelled there, after ten months of carefulness and great labour a longer time: but God was more merciful unto us. When she struck upon the Rock, the Cock-●wayne one Walsingham being in the Boat with a quick spirit (when we were all amazed, and our hearts failed) and so by God's goodness we led it out at three fathom, and three fathom and an half water. The wind served us easily all that day and the next, when (God be ever praised for it) to the no little joy of us all, we got clear of the Lands. After which holding a Southerly course, for seven days we had the wind sometimes fair, and sometimes scarce and contrary: in wh●ch time we lost Sir George Summer twice, albeit we still spared him our main topsail, and sometimes our fore course too. The seventeenth of May we saw change of water, and had much Rubbish swim by our ship Sign of Land. side, whereby we knew we were not far from Land. The eighteenth ●bout midnight we founded, with the Dipsing Lead, and found thirty seven fathom. The nineteenth in the morning we sounded, and ●ad nineteen and an half fathom, stony, and sandy ground. The twentieth about midnight, we had a marvelous sweet smell from the shore (as from the Coast of Spain, short of the Straits) strong and pleasant, which did not a little glad us. In the morning by day break (so soon as one might well see from the foretop) one of the Sailors descried Land about an hour after, I went up and might discover two Hummockes to the Southward, from which (Northward all along) lay the Land, which we were to Coast to Cape Henry. About seven of the clock we cast forth an Anchor, because the tide (by reason of the Freshet that set into the Bay) make a strong Ebb there, and the wind was but easy, so as not being able to stem the Tide, we purposed to lie at an Anchor until the next flood, but the wind coming South-west a loom gale about eleven, we set sail again, and having got over the Bar, bore in for the Cape. This is the famous Chesipiacke Bay, which we have called (in honour of our young Prince) Chesipiack Bay. Cape Henry over against which within the Bay, lieth another Head-land, which we called in honour of our Princely Duke of York Cape Charles; and these lie North-east and by East, and South-west and by West, and they may be distant each from the other in breadth seven leagues, between which the Sea runs in as broad as between Queeneburrough and Lee. Indeed it is a goodly Bay and a fairer, not easily to be found. The one and twentieth, being Monday in the morning, we came up within two miles of Point Comfort, when the Captain of the Fort discharged a warning Piece at us, whereupon we came to an Anchor, and sent off our long Boat to the Fort, to certify who we were by reason of the shoals which lie on the Southside, this Fort easily commands the mouth of the River, albeit it i● as broad as between Greenwich, and the I'll of Dogs. True it is, such who talked with our men from the shore, delivered how safely all our ships the last year (excepting only the Admiral, and the little Pinnace in which one Michael Philes commanded of some twenty ton, which we towed a stern till the storm blew) arrived, and how our people (well ●ncreased) had therefore builded this Fort; only we could not learn any thing of our long Boat, sent from the Bermudas, but what we gathered by the Indians themselves, especially from Powhatan, who would tell our men of such a Boat landed in one of his Rivers, and would describe the people, and make much scoffing sport thereat: by which we have gathered, that it is most likely, how it arrived upon our Coast, and not meeting with our River The long Boat sent by Ravens c●st away were taken at some time or other, at some advantage by the Savages, and so cut off. When our Skiffe came up again, the good news of our ships, and men's arrival the last veer, did not a little glad our Governor: who went soon ashore, and as soon (contrary to all our fair hopes) had new unexpected, uncomfortable, and heavy news of a worse condition of our people above at james Town. Upon Point Comfort our men did the last year (as you have heard) raise a little Fortification, which since hath been better perfected, and is likely to prove a strong Fort, and is now kept by Captain james Davies with forty men, and hath to name Algernoone Fort, so called by Captain Algernoone Fort M. George Percy. George Percy, whom we found at our arrival Precedent of the Colony, and at this time likewise in the Fort. When we got into the Point, which was the one and twentieth of May, being Monday about noon; where riding before an Indian Town called Kecoughton, a mighty storm of Thunder, Lightning, and Rain, gave us a shrewd and fearful welcome. From hence in two days (only by the help of Tides, no wind stirring) we plied it sadly up the River, and the three and twentieth of May we cast Anchor before james Town, where we landed, and our much grieved Governor first visiting the Church caused the Bell to be rung, Miserable shows of welcome. at which (all such as were able to come forth of their houses) repaired to Church where our Minister Master Bucke made a zealous and sorrowful Prayer, finding all things so contrary to our expectations, so full of misery and misgovernment. After Service our Governor caused me to read his Commission, and Captain Percy (than Precedent) delivered up unto him his Commission, Old Patent yielded up. the old Patent and the Council Seale. Viewing the Fort, we found the Pallisadoes torn down, the Ports open, the Gates from off the hinges, and empty houses (which Owners death had taken from them) rend up and burnt, rather than the dwellers would step into the Woods a stones cast off from them, to fetch other firewood: and it is true, the Indian killed as fast without, if our men stirred but beyond the bounds of their Block-house, as Famine and Pestilence did Their miseries in 〈…〉 ed. Ipsi sibi causa mal●rum. within; with many more particularities of their sufferances (brought upon them by their own disorders the last year) than I have heart to express. In this desolation and misery our Governor found the condition and state of the Colony, and (which added more to his grief) no hope how to amend it or save his own Company, and those yet remaining alive, from falling into the like necessities. For we had brought from the Bermudas no greater store of provision (fearing no such accidents possible to befall the Colony here) then might well serve one hundred and fifty for a Sea Voyage: and 〈◊〉 was not possible, at this time of the year to am●●d it, by any help from the Indian. For b 〈…〉 es that they (at their best) have little more, then from hand to mouth, it was now likewise but ●●eir Seedtime, and all their Corn scarce put into the ground: nor was there at the Fort, as they whom we found related unto us) any means to take fish, neither sufficient Seine, nor other convenient Net, and yet if there had, there was not one eye of Sturgeon yet come into the River. All which considered, it pleased our Governor to make a Speech unto the Company, giving them 〈◊〉 understand, that what provision he had, they should equally share with him, and if he should fi 〈…〉 it not possible, and easy to supply them with some thing from the Country, by the endeavours 〈◊〉 his able men, he would make ready, and transport them all into their Native Country (accommodating them the best that he could) at which there was a general acclamation, and shout of joy on both sides (for even our own men began to be disheartened and faint, when they saw this m●●ry amongst the others, and no less threatened unto themselves. In the mean while, our Governor published certain Orders and Instructions, Orders established which continued for their short stay: the particulars are here omitted. They contained a Preface and 21 Articles for Piety, Loyalty and Polity convenient to the Colony. which he enjoined them strictly to observe, ●●e time that he should stay amongst them, which being written out fair, were set up upon a po● in the Church for every one to take notice of. If I should be examined from whence, and by what occasion, 〈◊〉 these disasters, and afflictions descended upon our people, I can only refer you (honoured ●●die) to the Book, which the Adventurers have sent hither entitled, Advertisements unto the Colony in Uirginia: wherein the ground and causes are favourably abridged, from whence these miserable effects have been produced, not excusing likewise the form of government of some error, which was not powerful enough among so heady a multitude, especially, as those who arrived here in the supply sent the last year with us: with whom the better authority and government now changed into an absolute command, came along, and had been as happily established, had it pleased God, that we with them had reached our wished Harbour. Unto such calamity can sloth, riot, and vanity, bring the most settled and plentiful estate. Indeed (right noble Lady) no story can remember unto us, more woes and anguishs, than these people, thus governed, have both suffered and pulled upon their own heads. And yet true it is, some of them, whose voices and command might not be heard, may easily be absolved from the guilt hereof, as standing untouched, and upright in their innocencies; whilst the privy factionaries shall never find time nor darkness, to wipe away or cover their ignoble and irreligious Men blamed, but not all the Country freed practices, who, it may be, lay all the discredits, and imputations the while upon the Country. But under pardon, let me speak freely to them: let them remember that if riot and sloth should both meet in any one of their best Families, in a Country most stored with abundance and plenty in England, continual wasting, no Husbandry, the old store still spent on, no order for new provisions, what better could befall unto the Inhabitants, Landlords, and Tenants of that corner, then necessarily following cleanness of teeth, famine and death? Is it not the sentence and doom of the Wiseman? Yet a little sleep, a little slumber, and a little folding of the hands to sleep: Prou. 6. so thy poverty cometh, as one that traveleth by the way, and thy necessity like an armed man. And with this Idleness, when some thing was in store, all wasteful courses exercised to the height, and the headless multitude, some neither of quality nor Religion) not employed to the end for which they were sent hither, no not compelled (since in themselves unwilling) to sow Corn for their own bellies, nor to put a Root, Herb, etc. for their own particular good in their Gardens or elsewhere: I say in this neglect and sensual Surfeit, all things suffered to run on, to lie sick and languish; must it be expected, that health, plenty, and all the goodness of a well ordered State, of necessity for all this to flow in this Country? You have a right and noble heart (worthy Lady) be judge of the truth herein. Then suffer it not be concluded unto you, nor believe, I beseech you, that the wants and wretchedness which they have endured, ascend out of the poverty and vileness of the Country, whether be respected the Land or Rivers: the one, and the other, having not only promised, but poured enough in their veins, to convince them in such calumnies, and to quit those common calamities, which (as the shadow accompanies the body) the precedent neglects touched at, if truly followed, and wrought upon. The Courtrey co 〈…〉 ed. What England may boast of, having the fair hand of husbandry to manure and dress it, God, and Nature have favourably bestowed upon this Country, and as it hath given unto it, both by situation, height, and soil, all those (past hopes) assurances which follow our well planted native Country, and others, lying under the same influence: if, as ours, the Country and soil might be improved, and drawn forth: so hath it endowed it, as is most certain, with many more, which England fetcheth far unto her from elsewhere. For first we have experience, and even our eyes witness (how young so ever we are to the Country) that no Country yieldeth goodlier Corn, nor more manifold increase: large Fields we have, as prospects of the same, and not far from our palisado. Besides, we have thousands of goodly Vines in every hedge, and Boske running along the ground, which yield a plentiful Grape in their kind. Let me appeal then to knowledge, if these natural Vines were planted, dressed, and ordered by skilful Vinearoones, whether we might not make a perfect Grape, and fruitful vintage in short time? And we have made trial of our own English seeds, kitchen 〈◊〉 and Roots, and find them to prosper as speedily as in England. Only let me truly acknowledge, they are not an hundre● or two of deboist hands, dropped forth by year after year, with penury, and leisure, ill prou●ed for before they come, and worse Rem acu tetigit. True cause of misery in Virginia. to be governed when they are here, men of such distempered bodies, and infected minds, whom no examples daily before their eyes, either of goodness 〈◊〉 punishment, can deter from their habitual impieties, or terrify from a shameful death, ●hat must be the Carpenters, and workmen in this so glorious a building. Then let no rumour of the poverty of the Country (as if in the womb thereof there lay not those elemental seeds, which could produce 〈◊〉 many fair births of plenty, and increase, and better hopes, than any land under the heaue●, to which the Sun is no nearer a neighbour) I say, let no imposture rumour, nor any fame of ●ome one, or a few more changeable actions, interposing by the way, or at home, wave any ●●ns fair purposes hitherward, or wrest them to a declining and falling off from the business I will acknowledge, dear Lady I have seen much propenseness already towards the unity, and general endeavours: how contentedly do such as labour with us, go forth, when men of rank and quality, assist, an●●et on their labours? I have seen it, and I protest it, I have heard the inferior people, with alacrity of spirit profess, that they should never refuse to do their best in the practice of their sciences and knowledges, when such worthy, and Noble Gentlemen go ●n and out before them, and not only so, but as the occasion shall be Times of labour under Sir T. Gates. offered, no ●●●e help them with their hand, then defend them with their Sword. And it is to be understood, that such as labour, are not yet so taxed, but that easily they perform the same, and e 〈…〉 by ten of the clock have done their Morning's work: at what time, they have the● allowances set out ready for them, and until it be three of the clock again, they take their own pleasure, and afterwards with the Sun set, their day's labour is finished. In all which courses, if the business be continued, I doubt nothing, with God's favour towards us, but to see it in time, a Country, an Haven, and a Staple, fitted for such a trade, as shall advance assureder increase, both to the Adventurers, and free Burghers thereof, than any Trade Note. The hopes of Virginia. in Christendom, or then that (even in her early days, when Michael Cavacco the Greek, did first discover it to our English Factor in Poland) which extenus itself now from Calpe and Abila, to the bottom of Sidon, and so wide as Alexandria, and all the Ports and Havens North and South, through the Arches to Cio, Smyrna, Troy, the Hellespont, and up to Pompey's Pillar, which as a Pharos, or watch Tower, stands upon the wondrous opening into the Euxine Sea. From the three and twentieth of May, unto the seventh of june, our Governor attempted, Sir T. Gates his care. and made trial of all the ways, that both his own judgement could prompe him in, and the advice of Captain George Percy, and those Gentlemen whom he found of the Counsel, when he came in, as of others; whom he caused to deliver their knowledges, concerning the State and Condition of the Country: but after much debating, it could not appear, how possibly they might preserve themselves (reserving that little which we brought from the Bermudas in our Ships, and was upon all occasions to stand good by us) ten days from starving. For besides, that the Indians were of themselves poor, they were forbidden likewise (by their subtle King Powhatan) at all to trade with us; and not only so, but to Pohatans' policy. endanger and assault any Boat upon the River, or straggler out of the Fort by Land, by which (not long before our arrival) our people had a large Boat cut off, and diverse of our men killed, even within command of our Blockhouse; as likewise, they shot two of our people to death, after we had been four and five days come in: and yet would they dare then to enter our Ports, and truck with us (as they counterfeited underhand) when indeed, they came but as Spies to discover our strength, trucking with us upon such hard conditions, that our Savage Spies. Governor might very well see their subtlety, and therefore neither could well endure, nor would continue it. And I may truly say beside, so had our men abased, and to such a contempt, had they brought the value of our Copper, that a piece which would have bought a bushel of Baseness of our people. their Corn in former time, would not now buy a little Cade or Basket of a Pottle. And for this misgovernment, chiefly our Colony is much bound to the Mariners, who never yet in any Voyage hither, but have made a prey of our poor people in want; insomuch, as unless Mischiefs of Mariners. they might advance four or five for one (how assured soever of the payments of their Bills of Exchange) they would not spare them a dust of Corn, nor a pint of Beer, to give unto them the least comfort or relief, although that Beer purloined, and stolen perhaps, either from some particular supply, or from the general store: so uncharitable a parcel of people they be, and ill conditioned. I myself have heard the Master of a Ship say (even upon the arrival of this Fleet, with the Lord Governor and Captain General, when the said Master was treated with for such Commodities as he brought to fallen) that unless he might have an East Indian increase, four for one, all charges cleared, he would not part with a Can of Beer. Besides, to do us more villainy and mischief, they would send of their long Boats still by night, and (well guarded) make out to the neighbour Villages, and Towns, and there (contrary to the Articles of the Fort, which now pronounce death for a trespass of that quali●ie) truck with the Indians, giving for their trifles Otter skins, Bevers, Rokoone Furs, Bears skins, etc. so large a quantity, and measure of Copper, as when the Trucke-Master for the Colony, in the day time offered trade, the Indians would laugh and scorn the same, telling what bargains they met withal by night, from our Mangot Quintons (so calling our great Ships) by which means, the Market with them forestalled thus by these dishonest men, I may boldly say, they have been a consequent cause (this last year) to the death and starving of many a worthy Pursers' fraud. spirit; but I hope to see a true amendment and reformation, as well of those as of diverse other intolerable abuses, thrust upon the Colony by these shameless people, as also for the transportation of such provisions and supplies as are sent hither, and come under the charge of pursers (a parcel, fragment, and odd ends of fellows dependencies to the others) a better course thought upon: of which supplies, never yet came into the Store, or to the Parties, unto whom such supplies were sent, by relation hitherto, a moiety or third part; for the speedy redress of this, being so sovereign a point, I understand how the Lord Governor and Captain General, hath advise) Remedy. unto the Counsel, that there may be no more provisions at all delivered unto Pursers, but hath entreated to have the provision thus ordered. He would have a Commissary General of the Victuals to be appointed, who (receiving the store for the Colony, by Indenture from the Treasurer, and Victuallers in England) may keep a just account, what the gross amounteth unto, and what is transported every Voyage, in several kinds, as of Bread, Meat, Beer, Wine, etc. which said Commissary shall deliver over the same, to the Master of every Ship, and take an Indenture from the said Master, of what he hath in charge, and what he is to deliver to the Treasurer of the store in Virginia: of which, if any be wanting, he the said Master shall make it good, out of his own entertainment, otherwise the Pursers, Stewards, Cooper's, and quarter Masters, will be sure still, not only to give themselves and their friends double allowances, but think it all well gotten that they can purloin and steal away. Besides that the Indian thus evil entreated us, the River (which were wont before this time of the year to be plentiful of Sturgeon) had not now a Fish to be seen in it, and albeit we laboured, and hold our Net twenty times day and night, yet we took not so much as would content half the Fishermen. Our Governor therefore sent away his long Boat to coast the River downward, as far as Point Comfort, and from thence to Cape Henry, and Cape Charles, and all within the Bay: which after a seven night's trial and travail, returned without any fruits of their labours, scarce getting so much Fish as served their own Company. And to take any thing from the Indian by force, we never used, nor willingly ever will: and The Colony when they came within four days of starving. though they had well deserved it, yet it was not now time, for they did (as I said before) but then set their Corn, and at their best, they had but from hand to mouth; so as what now remained? such as we found in the Fort, had we stayed but four days, had doubtless been the most part of them starved, for their best relief was only Mushrums, and some herbs, which sod together, made but a thin and unsavoury broth, and swollen them much. The pity hereof moved our Governor to draw forth such provision as he had brought, proportioning a measure equally to every one a like. But then our Governor began to examine how long this his store would hold out, and found it (husbanded to the best advantage) not possible to serve longer than sixteen days: after which, nothing was to be possibly supposed out of the Country (as before remembered) nor remained there then any means to transport him elsewhere. Whereupon he then entered into the consultation with Sir George Summer, and Captain Newport, calling unto the same the Gentlemen and Counsel of the former Government, entreating both the one and the other to advise with him what was best to be done. The provision which they both had aboard himself and Sir George Summer, was examined, and delivered, how it, being racked to the uttermost, extended not above, as I said, sixteen days, after two Cakes a day. The Gentlemen of the Town, who knew better of the Country, could not give him any hope, or ways, how to improve it from the Indian. It soon then appeared most fit, by a general approbation, that to preserve and save all from starving, there could be no readier course thought on, then to abandon the Country, and accommodating themselves the best that they might, in the present Pinnaces then in the road, namely in the Discovery and the Uirginia, and in the two, brought from, and builded at the Bermudas, the Delinerance, and the Patience, with all speed convenient to make for the New found Land, where (being the fishing time) they might meet with many English Ships Purpose to leave the Country. into which happily they might disperse most of the Company. This Consultation taking effect, our Governor having caused to be carried aboard all the Arms, and all the best things in the store, which might to the Adventurers make some commodity upon the sale thereof at home, and burying our Ordnances before the Fort gate, which looked into the River. The seventh of june having appointed to every Pinnace likewise his compliment and number, also delivered thereunto a proportionable rate of provision, he commanded every man at the beating of the Drum to repair aboard. And because he would preserve the Town (albeit now to be quitted) unburned, which some intemperate and malicious people threatened, The highest pitch & lowest depth of the Colonies miseries scarcely escaping the i●wes of devouring desperation. Hope's morning. L. Lafoy Waarr arrival. his own Company he caused to be last ashore, and was himself the last of them, when about noon giving a farewell, with a peal of small shot, we set sail, and that night, with the tide, fell down to an Island in the River, which our people have called Hogge Island; and the morning tied brought us to another Island, which we have called Mulberry Island; where lying at an anchor, in the afternoon stemming the tide, we discovered a long Boat making towards us, from Point Comfort: much descant we made thereof, about an hour it came up; by which, to our no little joys, we had intelligence of the honourable my Lord La Warr his arrival before Algarnoone Fort the sixth of june, at what time, true it is, his Lordship having understood of our Governors' resolution to depart the Country, with all expedition caused his Skiffe to be manned, and in it dispatched his letters by Captain Edward Bruster (who commandeth his Lordship's Company) to our Governor, which preventing us before the aforesaid Mulberry Island, the eight of june aforesaid) upon the receipt of his honour's letters, our Governor bore up the helm, with the wind coming Easterly, and that night (the wind so favourable) relanded all his men at the Fort again: before which (the tenth of june, being Sunday) his Lordship had likewise brought his Ships, and in the afternoon, came a shore with Sir Ferdinando Weinman, and all his Lordship's followers. Here (worthy Lady) let me have a little your pardon, for having now a better heart, then when I first landed, I will briefly describe unto you, the situation and form of our Fort. When Captain Newport in his first Voyage, did not like to inhabit upon so open a road, as Cape Henry, nor Point Comfort he plied it up to the River, still looking out for the most apt and securest place, as well for his Company to sit down in, as which might give the least cause of offence, or distaste in Description of the seat and site of james Town. his judgement, to the Inhabitants. At length, after much and weary search (with their Barge coasting still before, as Virgil writeth Aeneas did, arriving in the region of Italy called Latium, upon the banks of the River Tiber) in the Country of a Werowance talled Wowinchapuncke (aditionary to Powhatan) within this fair River of Paspiheigh, which we have called the King's River, a Country least inhabited by the Indian, as they all the way observed, and threescore miles & better up the fresh Channel from Cape Henry they had sight of an extended plain & spot of earth, which thrust out into the depth, & midst of the channel, making a kind of Chersonesus or Peninsula, for it was fastened only to the Land with a slender neck, no broader than a man may well quaite a tile shared, & no inhabitants by seven or six miles near it. The Trumpets sounding, the Admiral struck sail, and before the same, the rest of the Fleet came to an anchor, and here (as the best yet offered unto their view, supposed so much the more convenient, by how much with their small Company, they were like enough the better to assure it) to lose no further time, the Colony disimbarked, and every man brought his particular store and furniture, together with the general provision ashore: for the safety of which, as likewise for their own security, ease, and better accommodating, a certain Canton and quantity, of that little half Island of ground, was measured, which they began to fortify, and thereon in the name of God, to raise a Fortress, with the ablest and speediest means they could: which Fort, growing since to more perfection, is now at this present in this manner. A low level of ground about half an Acre, or (so much as Queen Dido might buy of King Hyarbas, which she compassed about with the thongs cut out of one Bull hide, and therein built The Fort, etc. described. her Castle of Byrza) on the North side of the River, is cast almost into the form of a Triangle, and so Pallizadoed. The South side next the River (howbeit extended in a line, or Curtain six score foot more in length, than the other two, by reason the advantage of the ground doth so require) contains one hundred and forty yards: the West and East sides a hundred only. At every Angle or corner, where the lines meet, a Bulwark or Watchtower is raised, and in each Bulwark a piece of Ordnance or two well mounted. To every side, a proportioned distance from the palisado) is a settled street of houses, that runs along, so as each line of the Angle hath his street. In the midst is a market place, a Store house, and a Corpse du guard, as likewise a pretty Chapel, though (at this time when we came in, as ruined and unfrequented: but the Lord Governor, and Captain General, hath given order for the repairing of it, and at this instant, many hands are about it. It is in length threescore foot, in breadth twenty four, and shall have a Chancel in it of Cedar, and a Communion Table of the Blake Walnut, and all the pews of Cedar, with fair broad windows, to shut and open, as the weather shall occasion, of the same wood, a Pulpit of the same, with a Font hewn hollow, like a Canoa, with two Bells at the West end. It is so cast, as it be very light within, and the Lord Governor and Captain General doth cause it to be kept passing sweet, and trimmed up with diverse flowers, with a Sexton belonging to it, and in it every Sunday we have Sermons twice a day, and every Thursday a Sermon, having true preachers, which take their weekly turns, and every morning at the ringing of a Bell, about ten of the clock, each man addressèth himself to prayers, and so at four of the clock before Supper. Every Sunday, when the Lord Governor, and Captain General goeth to Church, he is accompanied with all the Counsellors, Captains, other Officers, and all the Gentlemen, and with a Guard of Holberdiers, in his Lordship's Livery, fair red cloaks, to the number of fifty both on each side, and behind him: and being in the Church, his Lordship hath his seat in the Quire, in a green Velvet Chair, with a Cloth, with a Velvet Cushion spread on a Table before him, on which he kneeleth, and on each side sit the Counsel, Captains, and Officers, each in their place, and when he returneth home again, he is waited on to his house in the same manner. And thus enclosed, as I said, round with a palizado of Planks and strong Posts, four foot deep in the ground, of young Oaks, Walnuts, etc. The Fort is called in honour of his Majesty's name, james Town; the principal Gate from the Town, through the palizado, opens to the River, as at each Bulwark there is a Gate likewise to go forth, and at every Gate a Demiculuerin, and so in the Market Place. The houses first raised, were all burnt, by a casualty of fire, the The Houses. beginning of the second year of their seat, and in the second Voyage of Captain Newport, which since have been better rebuilded, though as yet in no great uniformity, either for the fashion, or beauty of the street. A delicate wrought fine kind of Mat the Indians make, with which (as they can be trucked for, or snatched up) our people do dress their chambers, and inward rooms, which make their houses so much the more handsome. The houses have wide and large Country Chimneys in the which is to be supposed (in such plenty of wood) what fires are maintained; and Bark Roofs. they have found the way to cover their houses: now (as the Indians) with barks of Trees, as durable, and as good proof against storms, and winter weather, as the best Tile defending likewise the piercing Sunbeams of Summer, and keeping the inner lodgings cool enough, which before in sultry weather would be like Stoves, whilst they were, as at first, pargetted and plastered with Bitumen or tough Clay: and thus armed for the injury of changing times, and seasons of the year, we hold ourselves well paid, though wanting Arras Hangings, Tapestry, and guilded Venetian Cordovan, or more spruce household garniture, and wanton City ornaments, remembering the old Epigraph: We dwell not here to build us Bowers, And Hals for pleasure and good cheer: But Hals we build for us and ours, To dwell in them whilst we live here. True it is, I may not excuse this our Fort, or james Town, as yet seated in somewhat an unwholesome Vnhealthfulnesse of james Town. and sickly air, by reason it is in a marish ground, low, flat to the River, and hath no fresh water Springs serving the Town, but what we drew from a Well six or seven fathom deep, fed by the brackish River owzing into it, from whence I verily believe, the chief causes have proceeded of many diseases and sicknesses which have happened to our people, who are indeed strangely afflicted with Fluxes and Agues; and every particular season (by the relation of the old inhabitants) hath his particular infirmity too, all which (if it had been our fortunes, to have seated upon some hill, accommodated with fresh Springs and clear air, as do the Natives of the Country) we might have, I believe, well escaped: and some experience we have to persuade ourselves that it may be so, for of four hundred and odd men, which were seated at the Falls, the last year when the Fleet came in with fresh and young able spirits, under the government of Captain Francis West, and of one hundred to the Seawards (on the South side of our River) in the Country of the Nansamundes, under the charge of Captain john Martin, there did not so much as one man miscarry, and but very few or none fall sick, whereas at james Town, the same time, and the same months, one hundred sickened, & half the number died: howbeit, as we condemn not Kent in England, for a small Town called Plumsted, continually assaulting the dwellers there (especially new comers) with Agues and Fevers; no more let us lay scandal, and imputation upon the Country of Virginia, because the little Quarter wherein we are set dowee (unadvisedly so choosed) appears to be unwholesome, and subject to many ill airs, which accompany the like marish places. §. four The Lord La WARS beginnings and proceedings in james Town. Sir THOMAS GATES sent into England; his and the Companies testimony of Virginia, and cause of the late miseries. Upon his Lordship's landing at the South gate of the palizado (which looks into the River) our Governor caused his Company in arms to stand in order, and make a Guard: It pleased him, that I should bear his Colours for that time: his Lordship landing, fell upon his knees, and before us all, made a long and silent Prayer to himself, and after, marched up into the Town, where at the Gate, I bowed with the Colours, and let them fall at his Lordship's feet, who passed on into the Chapel, where he heard a Sermon by Master Bucke, our Governors' Preacher; and after that, caused a Gentleman, one of his own Commission red. Lord La Wars ti●le. Sir T. Ga●es Lieutenant General. followers, Master Anthony Scot his Ancient, to read his Commission, which entitled him Lord Governor, and Captain General during his life, of the Colony and Plantation in Uirginia (Sir Thomas Gates our Governor hitherto, being now styled therein Lieutenant General.) After the reading of his Lordship's Commission, Sir Thomas Gates rendered up unto his Lordship his own Commission, both Patents, and the Counsel Seal: after which, the Lord Governor, and Captain General, delivered some few words unto the Company, laying many blames His speech. upon them for many vanities, and their Idleness, earnestly wishing, that he might no more find it so, lest he should be compelled to draw the sword of justice, to cut off such delinquents, which he had much rather, he protested, draw in their defence, to protect them from injuries; heartening them with the knowledge of what store of provisions he had brought for them, viz. sufficient to serve four hundred men for one whole year. Provisions brought. Counsel chosen & sworn. The twelfth of june, being Tuesday, the Lord Governor and Captain General, did constitute, and give places of Office, and charge to diverse Captains and Gentlemen, and elected unto him a Counsel, unto whom he did administer an Oath, mixed with the oath of Allegiance, and Supremacy to his Majesty: which oath likewise he caused to be administered the next day after to every particular member of the Colony, of Faith, Assistance, and Secrecy. The Counsel which he elected were. Sir Thomas Gates Knight, Lieutenant General. Sir George Summers' Knight, Admiral. Captain George Percy E●quire, and in the Fort Captain of fifty. Sir Ferdinando Weinman Colonysworn. Knight, Master of the Ordnance. Captain Christopher Newport, Vide-admiral. William Strachei Esquire, Secretary, and Recorder. Officers appointed. As likewise the Lord Governor and Captain General, nominated Captain john Martin, Master of the Battery works for Steel and Iron: and Captain George Webb Sergeant Mayor of the Fort: and especial Captains over Companies, were these appointed; Captain Edward Bruster, who hath the command of his Honours own Company. Captain Thomas Lawson. Captain Thomas Holecroft. Captain Samuel argol. Captain George Yardley, who commandeth the Lieutenant General's Company. diverse other Officers were likewise made, as Master Ralph Hamor, and Master Browne, Clerks of the Counsel, and Master Daniel Tucker, and Master Robert Wild, Clerks of the Store, etc. The first business which the Lord Governor and Captain General (after the settling of these Officers) thought upon, was to advise with his Counsel, for the obtaining of such provisions of victuals for store, and quality, as the Country afforded. It did not appear, that any kind of Flesh, Deer, or what else, of that kind, could be recovered from the Indian, or to be sought in the Country, by the travail or search of his people, and the old dwellers in the Fort (together with the Indians not to friend) who had the last winter, destroyed and killed up all the Hogs, insomuch, as of five or six hundred (as it is supposed) there was not one left alive; nor an Hen, nor Chick in the Fort; and our Horses and Mares, they had eaten with the first, and the provision which the Lord Governor, and Captain General had brought, concerning any kind of flesh, was little or nothing; in respect it was not dreamed of by the Adventurers in England, that the Swine were destroyed. In Counsel therefore the thirteenth of june, it pleased Sir George Summers' Knight, Admiral, to propose a Voyage, which for the better relief, and good of the Colony, he would perform into Sir G. Summer undertaketh to bring provisions from Bermudas. the Bermudas, from whence he would fetch six months provision of Flesh and Fish, and some live Hogs to store our Colony again: and had a Commission given unto him the fifteenth of june, 1610. who in his own Bermuda Pinnace, the Patience, consorted with Captain Samuel argol, in the Discovery (whom the Lord Governor, and Captain General, made of the counsel before his departure) the nineteenth of june, fell with the Tide from before our Town, and the twenty two left the Bay, or Cape Henry a stern. And likewise, because at the Lord Governous, and Captain Generals first coming, there was found in our own River no store of Fish; after many trials, the Lord Governor, and Captain General, dispatched in the Uirginia, with instructions, the seventeenth of june, 1610. Robert Tyndall, Master of the De la War, to fish unto, all along, and between Cape Henry, and Cape Charles, within the Bay; who the last of the said month returned unto us again, but as ill speeding as the former, whom our Governor (now Lieutenant General) had addressed thither before for the same purpose. Nor was the Lord Governor, and Captain General in the mean while idle at the Fort, but every day and night he caused the Nets to be hawled, sometimes a dozen times one after another. But it pleased not God so to bless our labours, that we did at any time take one quarter so much, as would give unto our people one pound at a meal a piece, by which we might have better husbanded our Pease and Oat meal, notwithstanding the great store we now saw daily in our River: but let the blame of this lie where it is, both upon our Nets, and the unskilfulness of our men to lay them. The sixth of july Sir Thomas Gates Lieutenant General, coming down to Point Comfort, the North wind (blowing rough) he found had forced the long Boat belonging to Algernoone Fort, to the other shore upon Nansamund side, somewhat short of Weroscoick: which to recover again, one of the Lieutenant General's men Humphrey Blunt, in an old Canow made over, but the wind driving him upon the Strand, certain Indians (watching the occasion) seized the poor fellow, and led him up into the Woods, and sacrificed him. It did not a little trouble the Lieutenant Governor, who since his first landing in the Country (how justly soever provoked) would not by any means be wrought to a violent proceeding against them, for all the practices of villainy, with which they daily endangered our men, thinking it possible, * Ad Graca● Calendar. Can a Leopard change his spots? Can a Savage remaining a Savage be civil? Were not we ourselves made and not borne civil in our Progenitors days? and were not Caesar's Britaines as brutish as Virginians? The Roman swords were best teachers of civility to this & other Countries near us. Grassesilke. by a more tractable course, to win them to a better condition: but now being startled by this, he well perceived, how little a fair and noble entreaty, works upon a barbarous disposition, and therefore in some measure purposed to be revenged. The ninth of july, he prepared his forces, and early in the morning set upon a Town of theirs, some four miles from Algernoone Fort, called Kecoughtan, and had soon taken it, without loss or hurt of any of his men. The Governor and his women fled (the young King Powhatans' Son not being there) but left his poor baggage, and treasure to the spoil of our Soldiers, which was only a few Baskets of old Wheat, and some other of Pease and Beanes, a little Tobacco, and some few women's Girdles of Silk, of the Grassesilke, not without art, and much neatness finely wrought; of which I have sent diverse into England, (being at the taking of the Town) and would have sent your Ladyship some of them, had they been a Present so worthy. We purposed to set a Frenchman here a work to plant Vines, which grew naturally in great plenty. Some few Corn fields it hath, and the Corn in good forwardness, and we despair not but to be (able if our men stand in health) to make it good against the Indian. The continual practices of the subtle King Powhatan, doth not meanly awaken all the powers and workings of virtue and knowledge, in our Lord Governor and Captain General, how to prevent not only his mischiefs, but to draw him upon some better terms, and acknowledgemen of our forces and spirits, both able and daring to quit him in any valiant and martial course whatsoever, he shall dare to run with us, which he doth yet scarcely believe. For this therefore, since first, and that so lately, he hath set on his people, to attempt us with private Conspiracies and actual violence, into the one drawing his Neighbour Confederates and under Princes, and by the other working the loss and death of diverse of our men, and by such their loss seizing their Arms, Swords, Pieces, etc. of which he hath gathered into his store a great quantity and number by Intelligence above two hundred Swords, besides Axes, and Pole-axes, Chissels, Howes, to pair and cleanse their ground, with an infinite treasure of Copper) our Lord Governor English Arms treasured by Powhatan. Message to Powhatan. and Captain General sent two Gentlemen with an Embassy unto him, letting him to understand of his practices and outrage, hitherto used toward our people, not only abroad but at our Fort also: yet flattering him withal how the Lord Governor and Captain General did not suppose, that these mischiefs were contrived by him, or with his knowledge, but conceived them rather to be the acts of his worst and unruly people, his Lordship therefore now complaining unto him required, that he (being so great and wise a King) would give an universal order to his Subjects, that it might be no more so, lest the Lord Governor and Captain General should be compelled (by defending him and his) to offend him, which he would be loath to do: withal he willed the Messengers to demand of him the said Powhatan, that he would either punish or send unto his Lordship such of his people whom Powhatan knew well not long before, had assaulted our men at the Block-house, and but newly killed four of them, as also to demand of Powhatan, willing him to return unto the English Fort, both such men as he detained of ours, and such Arms as he had of theirs in his possession, and those conditions performed, he willed them to assure unto Powhatan that then their great Werowance, the Lord Governor and Captain General would hold fair quarter, and enter friendship with him, as a friend to King james and his Subjects. But refusing to submit to these demands, the Lord Governor and Captain General gave in charge to the Messengers, so sent to signify unto Powhatan that his Lordship would by all means public and private, seek to recover from him such of the English as he had, being Subjects to his King and Master, unto whom even Powhatan himself had formerly vowed, not only friendship but homage, receiving from his Majesty therefore many gifts, and upon his knees a Crown and Sceptre with other Ornaments, the Symbols of Civil State and Christian Sovereignty, thereby obliging himself to Offices of duty to his Majesty. Unto all which Powhatan Powhatans' homage. returned no other answer, but that either we should depart his Country, or confine ourselves to james Town only, without searching further up into his Land, or Rivers, or otherwise, he would give in command to his people to kill us, and do unto us all the mischief, which they at their pleasure could and we feared: withal forewarning the said Messengers, not to return any more unto him, unless they brought him a Coach and three Horses, for he had understood by the Indians which were in England, how such was the state of great Werowances, and Lords in England, to ride and visit other great men. After this diverse times, and daily he sent sometimes two, sometimes three, unto our Fort to understand our strength, and to observe our Watch & Guard, and how our people stood in health, and what numbers were arrived with this new Weroance: which being soon perceived our Lord Governor and Captain General forewarned such his Spies, upon their own peril, to resort no more unto our Fort. Howbeit, they would daily press into our Block-house, and come up to our palizado gates, supposing the government as well now, as fantastical and negligent in the former times, the whilst some quarter of a mile short of the Block-house, the greatest number of them would make assault, and lie in ambush about our Glass-house, whether, diverse times indeed our men would make out either to gather Strawberries, or to fetch fresh water, any one of which so straggled, if they could with conveniency, they would assault and charge with their Bows and Arrows, in which manner they killed many of our men: two of which being Paspaheans, who were ever our deadliest enemies, and not to be reconciled; at length being apprehended (and one of them a notable villain, who had attempted upon many in our Fort) the Lord Governor caused them to be manacled, and convented before him and his Counsel, where it was determined that he that had done so much mischief should have his right hand struck off, sending him away withal, with a message to Powhatan, that unless he would yet return such Englishmen as he detained, together with all such their Arms (as before spoken of) that not only the other (now Prisoner) should die, but all such of his Savages (as the Lord Governor and Captain General, could by any means surprise) should run the same course: as likewise the Lord Governor and Captain General would fire all his Neighbour Corn Fields, Towns, and Villages, and that suddenly, if Powhatan sent not to contract with him the sooner What this will work with him, we know not as yet, for this was but the day before our ships were now falling to Point Comfort, and so to set sail for England: which ships riding before Weroscoick to take in their freight of Cedar, Clap-boord, Black Wal-nut, and Iron Oare, took Prisoners likewise the chief King of Weroscoick, called Sasenticum, with his Son Kainta, King of Weroscoick taken Prisoner. and one of his chief men. And the fifteenth day of july, in the Blessing Captain adam's brought them to Point Comfort, where at that time (as well to take his leave of the Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Gates, now bound for England, as to dispatch the ships) the Lord Governor Sir T. Gates bound for England. and Captain General had pitched his Tent in Algernoone Fort. The King's Son Kainta the Lord Governor and Captain General, hath sent now into England, until the ships arrive here again the next Spring, dismissing the old Werowance, and the other with all terms of kindness, and friendship, promising further designs to be effected by him, to which he hath bound himself, by diverse Savage Ceremonies, and admirations. And thus (right Noble Lady) once more this famous business, as recreated, and dipped a new into life and spirit, hath raised it (I hope) from infamy, and shall redeem the stains and losses under which she hath suffered, since her first Conception: your Graces still accompany the least appearance of her, and vouchsafe her to be limmed out, with the beauty which we will beg, and borrow from the fair lips: nor fear you, that she will return blushes to your cheeks for praising her, since (more than most excellent Lady) like yourself (were all tongues dumb and envious) she will praise herself in her most silence: may she once be but seen, or but her shadow lively by a skilful Workman set out indeed, which here (hungerly as I am) I have presumed (though defacing it) in these Papers to present unto your Ladyship. After Sir Thomas Gates his arrival, a Book called A true Declaration of Uirginia, was published by the Company, out of which I have here inserted this their public testimony of the causes of the former evils, and Sir Thomas Gates his Report upon Oath of Virginia. THe ground of all those miseries, was the permissive Providence of God, who, in the forementioned violent storm, separated the head from the body, all the vital powers of Regiment being exiled with Sir Thomas Gates in those infortunate (yet fortunate) Lands. The broken remainder of those supplies made a greater shipwreck in the Continent of Virginia, by the tempest of Dissension: every man over-ualning his own worth, would be a Commander: every man under prising another's value, denied to be commanded. The next Fountain of woes was secure negligence, and improvidence, when every man sharked for his present booty, but was altogether careless of succeeding penury. Now, I demand whether Sicilia, or Sardinia (sometimes the Barns of Rome) could hope for increase without manuring? A Colony is therefore denominated, because they should be Coloni, the tilers of the Earth, and Stewards of fertility: our mutinous Loyteyers would not sow with providence, and therefore they reaped the fruits of too dear bought Repentance. An incredible example of their idleness, is the report of Sir Thomas Gates, who affirmeth, that after his first coming thither, be hath seen some of them eat their fish raw, rather than they would go a stones cast to fetch wood and dress it. D j laboribus omnia vendu●●, God sells us all things for our labour, when Adam himself might not live in Paradise without dressing the Garden. Unto idleness, you may join Treasons, wrought by those unhallowed creatures that for sooke the Colony, and exposed their desolate Brethren to extreme misery, You shall know that eight and twenty or thirty of the Company, were appointed (in the ship called the Swallow) to truck for Corn with the Indians, and having obtained a great quantity by trading, the most seditious of them, conspired together, persuaded some, and enforced others, to this barbarous protect, They stole away the ship, they made a league amongst themselves to be professed Pirates, with dreams of Mountains of Gold, and happy Robberies: thus at one instant, they wronged the hopes, and subverted the cares of the Colony, who depending upon their return; forestowed to lookout for further provision: there created the Indians our implacable enemies by some violence they had affered: they carried away the best ship (which should h●ue been a refuge in extremities:) they weakened our forces, by substraction of their arms and succours. These are that scum of men that failing in their piracy, that being pinched with famine and penury, after their wild roving upon the Sea, when all their lawless hopes failed, some remained with other Pirates, they men upon the Sea, the others resolved to return for England, bound themselves by mutual Oath, to agree all in one report to discredit the Land, to deplore the famine, and to protest that this their coming away, proceeded from desperate necessity: These are they, that roared out the Tragical History of the man eating of his dead Wife in Virginia; when the Master of this ship willingly confessed before for tie witnesses, that at their coming away, they left three months victuals, and all the cattle living in the Fort: sometimes they reported that they saw this horrible action, sometimes that Captain Davies said so, sometimes that one Beadle the Lieutenant of Captain Davies did relate it, varying this report into diversity of false colours, which bold no likeness and proportion: But to clear all doubts, Sir Thomas Gates thus relateth the Tragedy. There was one of the Company who mortally hated his Wife, and therefore secretly killed her, then cut her in pieces and hid her in diverse parts of his House: when the woman was missing, the man suspected, his House searched, and parts of her mangled body were discovered, to excuse himself he said that his Wife died, that he hid her to satisfy his hunger, and that he said dady upon her. Upon this, his House was again searched, where they found a good quantity of Meal, Oatmeal, Beans and Pease. He thereupon was arraigned, confessed the Murder, and was burned for his horrible villainy. Now shall the scandalous reports of a viperous generation, preponderate the testimonies of so worthy Leaders? Shall their venomous tongues, blast the reputation of an ancient and worthy Peer, who upon Lord Lawarre. the ocular certainty of future blessings, hath protested in his Letters, that he will sacrifice himself for his Country in this service, if he may be seconded; and if the Company do give it over, he will yet lay all his fortunes upon the prosecution of the Plantation? Unto Treasons, you may join covetousness in the Mariners, who for their private lucre partly imbezeled the provisions; partly prevented our Trade with the Indians making the Matches in the night, and forestall our Market in the day: whereby the Virginians were glutted with our Trifles, and enhanced the prices of their Corn and victual. That Copper which before would have provided a bushel, would not now obtain so much as a Pottle. join unto these another evil: there is great store of Fish in the River, especially of Sturgeon; but our men provided no more of them then for present necessity, not barrelling up any store against that season the Sturgeon returned to the Sea. And not to dissemble their folly, they suffered fourteen nets (which was all they had) to rot and spoil, which by orderly drying and mending might have been preserved: but being lost, all help of fishing perished. The state of the Colony, by these accidents began to find a sensible declining: which Powhatan (as a greedy Vulture) observing, and boiling with desire of revenge, he invited Captain Rateliffe, and about thirty others to trade for Corn, and under the colour of fairest friendship, he brought them within the compass of his ambush, whereby they were cruelly murdered and massacred. For upon confidence of his fidelity, they went one and one into several houses, which caused their several destructions, when if but any fix had remained together, they would have been a Bulwark for the general preservation. After this, Powhatan in the night cut off some of our Boats, he drove away all the Dear into the farther part of the Country, he and his people destroyed our Hogs (to the number of about six hundred) he sent one of his Indians to trade with us, but laid secret ambushes in the Woods, that if one or two dropped out of the Fort alone, they were endangered. Cast up the reckoning together: ward of government, store of idleness, their expectations frustrated by the Traytoes, their market spoilt by the Mariners, our Nets broken, the Dear chased, our Boats lost, our Hogs killed, our trade with the Indians forbidden, some of our men fled, some murdered, and most by drinking of the brackish water of james Fort weakened and endangered, famine and sickness by all these means increased, here at home the monies came in so slowly, that the Lord Laware could not be dispatched till the Colony was worn and spent with difficulties: Above all, having neither Ruler, nor Preacher, they neither feared God, nor man, which provoked the wrath of the Lord of Hosts, and pulled down his judgements upon them. Discite iustitiam moniti. The Council of Virginia (finding the smallness of that return, which they hoped should have defrayed the charge of a new supply) entered into a deep consultation, and propounded amongst themselves, whether it were fit to enter into a new contribution, or in time to send for home the Lord La-ware, and to abandon the action. They resolved to send for Sir Thomas Gates, who being come, they adjured him to deal plainly with them, and to make a true relation of those things which were presently to be had; or hereafter to be hoped for in Virginia. Sir Thomas Gates with a solemn and sacred oath replied, that all things before reported were true: that the Country yielded abundance of Wood, as Oak, Wainscot, Walnut Trees, Bay Trees, Ashe, Sarsafrase, live Oak, green all the year, Cedar and Fir; which are the materials, of Soap ashes, and Pot ashes, of Oils of Walnuts, and Bays, of Pitch and T●r, of Clapboards, Pipe-staves, Masts and excellent boards of forty, fifty, and sixty length, and three foot breadth, when one Fir tree is able to make the main Mast of the greatest Ship in England. He anouched that there are incredible variety of sweet woods, especially of the Balfamum tree, which distilleth a precious Gum; that there are innumerable white Mulberry trees, which in so warm a climate may cherish and feed millions of Silkworms, and return us in a very short time, as great a plenty of Silk as is vented into the whole world from all the parts of Italy: that there are diverse sorts of Minerals, especially of Iron oar lying upon the ground for ten Miles circuit; of which we have made a trial at home, that it maketh as good Iron as any is in Europe:) that a kind of Hemp or Flax, and Silk Grasse do grow there naturally, which will afford stuff for all manner of excellent Cordage: That the River swarmeth with all manner of Sturgeon: the Land aboundeth with Vines; the Woods do harbour exceeding store of Beavers, Foxes, and Squirrels; the Waters do nourish a great increase of Otters, all which are covered with precious Furs: that there are in present discovered Dyes and Drugs of sundry qualities; that the Oranges which have been planted, did prosper in the winter, which is an infallible argument, that Lemons, Sugar Canes, Almonds, Rice, A●niseede, and all other commodities which we have from the straits, may be supplied to us in our own Country, and by our own industry: that the Corn yieldeth a terrible increase more than ours: and lastly, that it is one of the goodliest Countries under the S 〈…〉 e; enterueined with five main Rivers, and promising as rich entrails as any Kingdom of the earth, to w 〈…〉 the Sun is no nearer a neighbour. CHAP. VII. The Voyage of Captain SAMVEL ARGAL, from james Town in Virginia, to seek the I'll of Bermuda, and missing the same, his putting over toward Sagadahoc and Cape Cod, and so back again to james Town, began the nineteenth of june, 1610. SIr George Summer, being bound for the I'll of Bermuda with two Pinnaces, the one called the Patience, wherein he sailed himself, set sail from james Town in Uirginia, the ninteenth of june, 1610. The two and twentieth at noon we came to an anchor at Cape Henry, to take more ballast. The weather proved very wet: so june 19 1610. we road under the Cape till two of the clock, the three and twentieth in the morning. Then we weighed and stood off to Sea, the wind at South-west. And till eight of the clock at night it was all Southerly, and then that shifted to South-west. The Cape then bearing West, about eight leagues off. Then we stirred away Southeast. The four and twentieth, at noon I observed the Sun, and found myself to be in thirty six degrees, forty seven minutes, about twenty leagues off from the Land. From the four and twentieth at noon, to the five and twentieth at noon, six leagues East, the wind Southerly, but for the most part it was calm. From the five and twentieth at noon, to the six and twentieth about six of the clock in the morning, the wind was all Southerly, and but little. And then it began to blow a fresh gale at West South-west. So by noon I had sailed fourteen leagues East, Southeast pricked. From the six and twentieth at noon, to the seven and twentieth at noon, twenty leagues East, Southeast. The wind shifting from the West, South-west Southerly, and so to the East, and the weather fair, but close. From the seven and twentieth at noon, to the eight and twentieth at noon, six and twenty leagues East, Southeast, the wind shifting back again from the East to the West. Then by mine observation I found the ship to be in thirty five degrees fifty four minutes. From the eight and twentieth at noon, to the nine and twentieth at noon, thirty six leagues East by South, the wind at West, Northwest. Then by my observation I found the ship to be in thirty five degrees, thirty minutes pricked. From the nine and twentieth at noon, to the thirtieth at noon, thirty five leagues East, Southeast. The wind shifting between West, Northwest, and West, South-west, blowing a good fresh gale. Then by my observation I found the ship to be in thirty four degrees, forty nine minutes pricked. From the thirtieth of june at noon, to the first of july at noon, thirty leagues Southeast by East, the wind at west, than I found the ship in thirty four degrees pricked. From the first of july at noon, to the second at noon, twenty leagues East, Southeast southerly, the wind West, than I found the ship to be in thirty three degrees, thirty minutes pricked, the weather very fair. From the second at noon, to the third at four of the clock in the afternoon it was calm, than it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at Southeast: so I made account that the ship had driven about six leagues in that time East. The Sea did set all about the West. From that time to the fourth at noon, seventeen leagues East by North, the wind shifting between Southeast and South South-west, than I found the ship to be in thirty three degrees, forty minutes, the weather continued very fair. From the fourth at noon, to the fifth at noon, ten leagues Southeast, the wind and weather as before, than I found the ship to be in thirty three degrees, seventeen minutes pricked. From the fixed at noon, to the sixth at noon, eight leagues South-west, than I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, fifty seven minutes pricked; the wind and weather continued as before, only we had a small shower or two of rain. From the sixth at noon, to the seventh at noon, seventeen leagues East by North, than I found the ship to be in thirty three degrees, the wind and weather as b●fore. From the seventh at noon, to the eight at noon, fourteen leagues North-east, than I found the ship to be in thirty three 23. degrees▪ 21▪ 〈◊〉 degrees, thirty two minutes, the wind and weather continued as before. From the e●ght at noon to the ninth at noon, five leagues Southeast, there I found the ship to be in thirty three degrees, twenty one minutes, the wind at South-west, the weather very fair. From the ninth at noon, 〈◊〉. to the tenth at noon, five leagues South, the wind westerly; but for the most part it was calm, and the weather very fair. From the tenth at noon, to the eleventh at noon it was calm, and so continued until nine of the clock the same night, than it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at Southeast, and continued all that night between Southeast and South, and until the 33. degr 〈…〉 30. minutes twelfth day at noon: by which time I had sailed fifteen leagues West southerly: then I found the ship in thirty three degrees, thirty minutes. From that time to four of the clock the twelfth day in the morning twelve leagues West by North, the wind all southerly, and then it shifted between South and South-west, than we tacked about and stood Southeast, and Southeast by South: so by noon I had sailed five leagues Southeast by East; then I found the ship in thirty three degrees ten minutes. From the thirteenth at noon, to the fourteenth at noon, twenty leagues Southeast by East, the wind shifting between the South-west, and West South-west, than I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, thirty five minutes. From the fourteenth at 32. degrees, noon, to the fifteenth at noon, twenty leagues Southeast, than I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, the wind as before: then we tacked about, and lay Northwest by West. From the fifteenth at noon, to the sixteenth at noon, twelve leagues North by West, the wind shifting between South-west and West, and the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of wind and rain. And about six of the clock in the afternoon, being to windward of our Admiral I bore up He speaks with the Adm 〈…〉 ll. under his lee: who when I hailed him, told me that he would tack it up no longer, because he was not able to keep the sea any longer, for lack of a road and water: but that he would presently steer away North Northwest, to see if he could fetch Cape Cod. Which without delay he put in execution. His directions I followed: so from the sixteenth day at noon, to the seventeenth They fail toward Cape Cod at noon I had sailed thirty eight leagues North Northwest: then I found my ship to be in thirty four degrees, ten minutes. The seventeenth and eighteenth days were very wet and stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the Compass. The nineteenth day, about four of the clock in the morning it began to clear up, and then we had a very stiff gale between East and North-east. From the seventeenth at noon, to the nineteenth at noon, I had sailed fifty five leagues North Northwest, than I found the ship to be thirty six degrees, thirty minutes. From the nineteenth at noon, to the twentieth at noon, thirty five leagues Northwest: then I was in thirty seven degrees, fifty two minutes, the weather now was fairer and the wind all easterly. From the twentieth at noon, to the twenty one at noon, we sailed twenty leagues North by West, the wind between East and Southeast, and the weather very fair. At the sun setting West 〈…〉 atio 〈…〉 gr 〈…〉 I observed, and found thirteen degrees, and an half of westerly variation, and until midnight we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and then it fell c 〈…〉 e a 〈…〉 a 〈…〉 d and ●o continued very little wind until the two and twentieth at no 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 g a 〈…〉 p 〈…〉 'tis of the Compass: yet by mine observation that I ma●e then, I 〈…〉 leagues North, for I found her to be in forty degrees, one m 〈…〉 there was some tide or current that did set Northward. Against, 〈…〉 did say, That in their watch they did see a race, and that ship did 〈…〉 when she had not a breath of wind. From the two and twentieth at noon, until ten of the clock at night, we had a fresh gale of wind, between East and Southeast, and then it shifted all westerly, and so continued until two of the clock the twenty three in the morning: and then it began to be very foggy and but A great fog. little wind, yet shifting all the points of the Compass, and so continued until ten of the clock, and then it began to clear up. At twelve of the clock I observed, and then I found the ship to 40. deg. 56. mi. be in forty degrees fifty minutes: so from the twenty two at noon, to the twenty three at noon I had sailed twenty leagues Northward. From the twenty three at noon, to the twenty four, at three of the clock in the morning it was calm, and then we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all southerly, and so it continued until noon southerly, in which time I had sailed twelve leagues North. And about four of the clock in the afternoon, we had forty seven fathoms of 47. fathoms water. Water like una green grass water, which water we did find to be changed into a grass green in the morning, yet we would not heave a lead, because our Admiral was so far on head of us: who about three of the clock in the afternoon lay by the lee, and fished till I came up to him: and then I fitted myself and my boat, and fished until six of the clock. And then the Admiral fitted his sails, and stirred They take fish. away North, whom I followed with all the speed I could. But before seven of the clock there fell such a mist, that I was fain to shoot off a Piece, which he answered with a Cornet that he A great fog. had aboard. So with hallowing and making a noise one to another all the night we kept company. About two of the clock, the twenty five day in the morning we took in all our sails, and lay at Hull until five of the clock: and then finding but small store of fish, we set fail and stirred away Northwest, to fetch the main land to relieve ourselves with wood and water, which we stood in great need of. About two of the clock in the afternoon we took in all our sails and lay at Hull, a● which time I heaved the lead three times together, and had three sundry kinds of soundings. The first a black peppery sand, full of pebble stones. The second black peppery, and Sounding. no stones: The third, black peppery, and two or three stones. From the fourth at noon, to the twenty five, at two of the clock in the afternoon, I sailed thirteen leagues West Northwest: and the weather continuing very foggy, thick, and rainy, Great fog and rain. about five of the clock it began to cease, and then we began to fish, and so continued until seven of the clock in between thirty and forty fathoms, and then we could fish no longer. So having gotten between twenty and thirty Cod, we left for that night: and at five of the clock, the twenty six in the morning we began to fish again, and so continued until ten of the clock, and then it would fish no longer: in which time we had taken near one hundred Cod, and a couple of Hollybuts. All this while we had between thirty and forty fathoms water: before one of 100 Cod's taken. the clock in the afternoon we found the ship driven into one hundred and twenty fathoms, and soft black Ose. Then Sir George Somers sent me word, that he would set fail, and stand in The Ship d 〈…〉 th'. for the River of Sagadahoc; whose directions I followed. Before two of the clock we set sail, and stirred away Northwest by North, the wind South South-west, and the weather continued very foggy. About eight of the clock we took in all They stand for the River of Sagadahoc. our sails, and lay at Hull at that night. The seven and twentieth, about seven of the clock in the morning we heaved the lead, and had no ground in one hundred and twenty fathoms. Then I shot off a Piece, but could not hear none answer from our Admiral: and the weather was so thick, that we could not see a Cables length from our ship. Between nine and ten of the clock Very foggy weather. we did think that we did hear a Piece of Ordnance to windward: which made me suppose our Admiral had set sail, and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set sail and stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him again: the wind was at South-west, and I stood away West Northwest. From the six and twentieth, at two of The thick fog continueth. the clock in the afternoon, to eight of the clock at night I had sailed nine leagues Northwest. The seven and twentieth at noon I heaved the Lead, in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I stirred away Northwest, till four of the clock at night: then I heaved the Lead again one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I took all my sails and lay at Hull, and I had sailed seven leagues Northwest. The eight and twentieth, at seven of the clock in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I set sail again, and steered away North, and North by West. At noon I heaved in one hundred and twenty fathoms again, and had no ground. So I steered on my course still, the wind shifted between South and South-west, and the fog continued. At four of the clock The fog continueth. in the afternoon, I heaved one hundred twenty fathoms again, and had no ground: so I stood on until eight of the clock, by which time I had sailed twelve leagues: then I heaved the Lead again, and had black O●e, and one hundred thirty five fathoms water. Then I took in all my sails and lay at hull until the nine and twentieth, at five of the clock in the morning. Then I set sail again, and steered away North, and North by West. At eight of the clock I heaved the Lead again, and had black Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water. Between eleven and twelve of the clock it began to thunder, but the fog continued not still. About two of the clock in the afternoon, I went out with my Boat myself and heaved the Lead, and had black The fog continueth. Ose in ninety fathoms water: by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more. Then I took in all my sails saving my Fore-course and Bonnet, and stood in with those sails only. About six of the clock I founded again, and then I had sixty five fathoms water. as soon as I came aboard it cleared up, and then I saw a small 〈◊〉, which bare North about two leagues off; whereupon I stood in until eight of the clock: And then I stood off again until two of the clock in the morning the thirtieth day. Then I stood in again, and above eight of the clock I was fair aboard the Island. Then I manned my Boat and went on shore; where I found great store of Seals: And I killed three Seals with my hanger. This Island is not half a mile about and A Rock of Marble half a mi●e about 〈◊〉 of Seales. The small rocky Island lieth in 44. degrees. Many Lands in eight fathoms water. August, 3. nothing but a Rock, which seemed to be very rich Marble stone. And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea. About ten of the clock I came aboard again, with some Wood than I had found upon the Island, for there had been some folks that had made fires there. Then I stood over to another Island that did bear North off me about three leagues; this small rocky Island lieth in forty four degrees. About seven of the clock that night I came to an anchor among many Lands in eight fathoms water: and upon one of these Lands I fitted myself with Wood and Water, and Ballast. The third day of August, being fitted to put to Set again, I caused the Master of the ship to open the box wherein my Commission was, to see what directions I had, and for what place I was bound to shape my course. Then I tried whether there were any fis 〈…〉 her● or not, and I found Reasonable store of ●●sh. reasonable good store there; so I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August: and then finding that the fishing did fail, I thought good to return to the Island where I had killed the Seals, to see whether I could get any store of them or not; for I did find that they were very nourishing meat, and a great relief to my men, and that they would be very well saved with ●al● to keep a long time. But when I came thither I could not by any means catch any. The fourteenth day Seal Rock in 43 deg. 41 m●. at noon: I observed the Sun, and found the Island to lie in forty three degrees, forty minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod, to see whether I could get any fish there or not ●so by the fifteenth Here turneth home. that noon, I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west, the wind for the most part was between Northwest and North. From the fifteenth at noon, to the sixteenth at noon I ran twenty leagues South, the wind shifting between West and South-west. And then I sounded and had ground in eighteen fathoms water, full of shells and pebble st●●es of diverse colours, some green, and some bluish, some like diamonds, and some speckled: The● I 〈…〉 oak in all my sails, and set all my company to fishing, and fished till eight of the clock ●hat ●●ght and finding but little fish there, I set sail again, and by the 〈◊〉 that noon I had s●y●ed ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting between South and South-west. From noon, till six of the clock at night, four leagues Northwest, the wind shifting between West and South-west. Then it did blow so hard that I took in all my sails, and lay at hull all that night, until five of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning: and then I set sail again, and by noon I had sailed four leagues Northwest, the wind between West and South-west. From the eighteenth at noon, to the nineteenth at noon ten leagues West by West, the wind shifting between South and South-west, and the weather very thick and foggy. About seven of the clock at night the fog began to break away, and the wind did shift Thick and foggy weather. westerly, and by midnight it was shifted to the North, and there it did blow very hard until the twenty at noon: but the weather was very clear, and then by my observation I found the ship to be in the latitude of forty one degrees, forty four minutes, and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West. From the nineteenth at noon, to the twentieth at noon: about two of the clock in the afternoon I did see an Hed-Ta 〈…〉 d, which did bear off me South-west, 41. deg. 44. mi. about four leagues: so I steered with it, taking it to be Cape Cod; and by four of the clock I was fallen among so many shoals, that it was five of the clock the next day in the morning before I could get clear of them, it is a ●●ry dangerous place to fall withal to the 〈◊〉 ●●e at Cape Cod. ●●e sho●d●s of Cape Cod. the least-ten leagues off from the Land: and I had upon one of them but one ●ath 〈◊〉 and an half water, and my Bark did draw seven foot. This Land lieth South-west, and North-east, and the shoals lie off from it South and South by West, and so along toward the North. At the Northwest by West Guards I observed the North-star, and found the ship to be 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of fortie-one degrees, fifty minutes, being then in the middle of the Sholdes: and I did find thirteen The middle of the Shol●es in 41 deg. 50. mi. 15. degrees of westerly Variation. degrees of westerly variation then likewise. Thus finding the place not to be for my turn, assoon as I was clear of these dangers, I thought it fit to return to ●ames Town in Uirginia, to the Lord De-lawarre, my Lord Governor, and there to attend his command: so I shaped my course for that place. And the one and twentieth day by noon I had brought myself South Southwest thirty three leagues from this Cape: and I had the wind shifting all this while between North and Northwest, and the weather very fair and clear: From the one and twentieth at noon, to the two and twentieth at noon, I ran thirty leagues South-West by West, and then by mine observation I found the ship to be in thirty nine degrees, thirty 〈◊〉 minutes and I had 12. degrees of westerly Variation. twelve degrees westerly variation, and the wind ●●ifting between North and North-east, and the weather very fa●re and clear. From the two and twentieth at noon, to the three and twentieth at noon, nine leagues South-west by West; and then by observation I did find the 11. degrees of westerly Variation. ship in thirty nine degrees, twenty four minutes, and I had eleven degrees of westerly variation: and there did blow but very little wind, and shifting between West and North, and the weather very fair and clear. From the three and twentieth at noon to the four and twentieth at noon eighteen leagues South-west, and then I found the ship to be in thirty eight degrees forty two minutes: and I had twelve degrees of Westerly Variation, and the wind shifting 12 degrees of Westerly variation. between North and West, and the weather very fair. From the four and twentieth at noon, to the five and twentieth, at noon two and twenty leagues West by South, the wind shifting between North and East. And then I found the ship to be in thirty eight degrees five and twenty minutes, and the same Variation that I had before, and the weather very fair. From the five and twentieth at noon, to the six and twentieth at noon, five and twenty leagues Westerly, the wind all shifting between South and South-west. And I had thirteen degrees five and twenty minutes of Westerly Variation. About six of the clock at night the water was changed, and then I sounded and had red sandy ground in twelve fathoms water about 13. deg. 25. mi. of Westerly variation. twelve leagues from the shore. The seven and twentieth by day in the morning, I was fair aboard the shore, and by nine of the clock I came to an Anchor in nine fathoms in a very great Bay, where I found great store of people which were very kind, and promised me that the next day in the morning they would bring me great store of Corne. But about nine of the clock that night the wind shifted from South-west to East North-east. So I weighed presently, and shaped my course to Cape Charles. This Bay lieth in Westerly thirty leagues. And the Souther Cape of it lieth South Southeast and North Northwest, and in thirty eight degrees twenty minutes of Northerly Latitude. The eight and twentieth day, about four of the clock in the afternoon I fell among a great many of shoals, about twelve leagues to the Southw 〈…〉 of Cape La War. So there I came to Many shoals 12. leagues to the South of Cape La War an Anchor in three fathoms water, the wind being then all Easterly, and road there all that Night. The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed again, the wind being all Southerly, and turned until night, and then I came to an Anchor in seven fathoms water in the 〈…〉ing to Sea. How the tide did set there, or whether that there did run any current or not, I cannot say; but I could find neither current nor tide. The thirtieth in the morning I weighed again, the wind still Southerly, and turned all that day, but got very little, so at Evening I stood off to Sea until midnight, and then stood in again. The one and thirtieth, about seven of the clock at night I came to an Anchor under Cape Charles in four fathoms, and one third part water, and road there all that night. Cape Charles. CHAP. VIII. A short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre, to the Lords and others of the Counsel of Virginia, touching his unexpected return home, and afterwards delivered to the general Assembly of the said Company, at a Court holden the twenty five of june, 1611. Published by authority of the said Counsel. MY LORDS, etc. BEing now by accident returned from my Charge at Uirginia, contrary either to my own desire or other men's expectations, who spare not to censure me, in point of duty, and to discourse and question the reason, though they apprehend not the true cause of my return, I am forced (out of a willingness to satisfy every man) to deliver unto your Lordships, and the rest of this Assembly, briefly (but truly) in what state I have lived, ever since my arrival to the Colony; what hath been the just occasion of my sudden departure thence; and in what terms I have left the same: The rather because I perceive, that since my coming into England, such a coldness and irresolution is bred, in many of the Adventurers, that some of them seek to withdraw those payments, which they have subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation, and by which that Action must be supported and maintained, making this my return, the colour of their needless backwardness and unjust protraction. Which, that you may the better understand, I must inform your Lordships, that presently after my arrival in james Town, I was welcomed by a hot and violent Ague, which held me a time, till by the advice of my Physician, Doctor Laurence B 〈…〉 n (by blood letting) I was recovered as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas G●●es, I have informed you. That Disease had not long left me, till (within three weeks after I had gotten a Lord La Wars many sicknesses. little strength) I began to be distempered with other grievous sicknesses, which successively and severally assailed me●: for besides a relapse into the former Disease, which with much more violence held me more th●● a month, and brought me to great weakness, the Flux surprised me, and kept me many days; then the Cramp assaulted my weak body, with strong pains; and afterwards the Gout (with which I had heretofore been sometime troubled) afflicted me in such sort, that making my body through weakness unable to stir, or to use any manner of exercise, drew upon me the Disease called the Scurvy; which though in others it be a sickness of slothfulness, yet was in me an effect of weakness, which never left me, till I was upon the point to leave the World. These several Maladies and Calamities, I am the more desirous to particularise unto your Lordships (although they were too notorious to the whole Colony) lest any man should misdeem that under the general name and common excuse of sickness, I went about to cloak either sloth, or fear, or any other base apprehension, unworthy the high and Honourable Charge, which you had entrusted to my Fidelity. In these extremities I resolved to consult my friends, Who finding Nature spent in me, and my body almost consumed, my pains likewise daily increasing) gave me advise to prefer a hopeful recovery, before an assured ruin, which must necessarily have ensued, had I lived, but twenty days longer in Virginia: wanting at that instant, both food and Physic, fit to remedy such extraordinary Diseases, and restore that strength so desperately decayed. Whereupon, after a long consultation held, I resolved by general consent and persuasion, to ship myself for Mevis, an Island in the West Indies, famous for wholsesome Baths, there to try what help the Heavenly Providence would afford me, by the benefit of the hot Bath: But God, who guideth all things, according to his good will and pleasure, so provided, that after we had sailed an hundred Leagues, we met with Southerly winds which forced me to change my purpose (my body being altogether unable to endure the tediousness of a long Voyage) and so steer my course for the Western Lands, which I no sooner recovered, than I found help for my health, and my sickness assuaged, by means of fresh Diet, and especially of Oranges and Oranges and Lemons good remedy for the Scurvy. Lemons, an undoubted remedy and medicine for that Disease, which lastly, and so long, had afflicted me: which ease as soon as I found, I resolved (although my body remained still feeble and weak, to return back to my charge in Virginia again, but I was advised not to hazard myself before I had perfectly recovered my strength, which by counsel I was persuaded to seek in the natural Air of my Country, and so I came for England. In which Accident, I doubt not but men of reason, and of judgement will imagine, there would more danger and prejudice have happened by my death there, than I hope can do by my return. In the next place, I am to give account in what estate I left the Colony for government in my absence. It may please your Lordships therefore to understand, that upon my departure thence, I made choice of Captain George Percy (a Gentleman of honour and resolution, and of no small Master George P●●cie Depu 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ●●e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sir T. Dale Martial. 200. le●t there. experience in that place, to remain Deputy Governor, until the coming of the marshal Sir Thomas Dale, whose Commission was likewise to be determined, upon the arrival of Sir Thomas Gates, according to the intent and order of your Lordships, and the Council here. The number of men I left there, were upward of two hundred, the most in health, and provided of at least ten months victuals, in their Storehouse (which is daily issued unto them) besides other helps in the Country, lately found out by Captain argol by trading with petty Trade by Cape argol. Kings in those parts, who for a small return of a piece of Iron, Copper, etc. have consented to truck great quantities of Corn, and willingly embrace the intercourse of Traffic, showing unto our people certain signs of amity and affection. And for the better strengthening and securing of the Colony, in the time of my weakness there, I took order for the building of three several Forts, two of which are seated near Point Three Forts. Comfort, to which adjoineth a large circuit of ground, open, and fit for Corn: the third Fort is at the Falls, upon an Island environed also with Corn ground. These are not all manned, for I wanted the commodity of Boats, having but two, and one Barge, in all the Country, which hath been cause that our fishing hath been (in some sort) hindered for want of those provisions, which easily will be remedied when we can gain sufficient men to be employed about those businesses, which in Virginia I found not: but since meeting with Sir Thomas Gates at the Cows Sir T. Gates his second voyage near Portsmouth, (to whom I gave a particular account of all my proceedings, and of the present estate of the Colony as I left it) I understood those wants are supplied in his Fleet. The Country is wonderful fertile and very rich, and makes good whatsoever heretofore hath been reported of it, the cattle already there, are much increased, and thrive exceedingly with the pasture of that Country: The Kine all this last Winter, though the ground was covered most with Snow, and the Season sharp, lived without other feeding then the grass they found, with which they prospered well, and many of them ready to fall with Calf: Milk being a great nourishment and refreshing to our people, serving also (in occasion) as well for Physic as for food, so that it is no way to be doubted, but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas Dale, and 100 Kine and 200. Swine sent. Sir Thomas Gates, shall arrive in Virginia, with their extraordinary supply of one hundred Kine, and two hundred Swine, besides store of all manner of other provisions for the sustenance and maintenance of the Colony, there will appear that success in the Action as shall give no man cause of distrust that hath already adventured, but encourage every good mind to further so worthy a work, as will redound both to the glory of God, to the credit of our Nation, and to the comfort of all those that have been Instruments in the furthering of it. The last Discovery, during my continual sickness, was by Captain argol, who hath found a Trade with Patamack (a King as great as Powhatan, who still remains our Enemy, though K. and R. Pa tamack. not able to do us hurt.) This is in a goodly River called Patomack, upon the borders whereof there are grown the goodliest Trees for Masts, that may be found elsewhere in the World: Hemp better then English: growing wild in abundance: mines of Antimony and Lead. There is also found without our Bay to the Northward an excellent fishing Bank for Cod and Ling, as good as can be eaten, and of a kind that will keep a whole year in ships hold, with little care; a trial whereof I now have brought over with me. Other Lands there are upon our Coasts, that do promise rich Merchandise, and will further exceedingly the establishing of the Plantation, by supply of many helps, and will speedily afford a return of many worthy commodities. I have left much ground in part manured to receive Corn, having caused it the last Winter to be sowed for Roots, with which our people were greatly relieved. There are many Vines planted in diverse places, and do prosper well, there is no want of any thing, if the action can be upheld with constancy and resolution. Lastly, concerning myself and my course, though the World may imagine that this Country and Climate, will (by that which I have suffered beyond any other of that Plantation) ill agree with the state of my body, yet I am so far from shrinking or giving over this honourable Enterprise, as that I am willing and ready to lay all that I am worth upon the adventure of the Action, rather than so Honourable a Work should fail, and to return with all the convenient expedition I may, beseeching your Lordships and the rest, not only to excuse my former wants, happened by the Almighty Hand: but to second my Resolutions with your friendly endeavours: that both the State may receive Honour, yourselves Profit, and I future Comfort, by being employed (though but as a weak Instrument) in so great an Action. And thus having plainly, truly, and briefly delivered the cause of my return, with the state of our affairs, as we now stand, I hope every worthy and indifferent hearer, will by comparing my present resolution of return, with the necessity of my coming home, rest satisfied with this true and short Declaration. CHAP. IX. A Letter of Sir Samuel argol touching his Voyage to Virginia, and Actions there: Written to Master Nicholas Hawes. june 1613. MAster Hawes, within seven weeks after my departure from the Coast of England, being the three and twentieth of july, 1612. I fell with the Coast of Virginia, in the Latituae of forty degrees. The twelfth of September, with all my men in good health, the number being sixty two, and all my victuals very well conditioned: my course being fifty leagues to the Northward of the Azores. The seventeenth, I arrived at Point Comfort, where by the discreet and provident government of Sir Thomas Gates, and great pains and hazard of Sir Thomas Dale, I found both the Country and people in far better Sir T. Gates. Sir T. Dale. estate there, than the report was by such as came home in Sir Robert mansfield's ship. From my arrival until the first of November, I spent my time in helping to repair such ships and Boats, as I found here decayed for lack of Pitch and Tar: and in pursuing the Indians with Sir Thomas Dale, for The Deliverance. This was in the River of Nansamund. His Voyage to Sir T. smith's Island. their Corn, of which we got some quantity, which we were like to have bought very dearly: for by the Providence of God, Sir Thomas Dale escaped killing very narrowly. Then about the beginning of November, by the advice of Sir Thomas Gates, I carried Sir Thomas Dale to Sir Thomas smith's Island, to have his opinion of the inhabiting of it: who, after three days march in discovering it, approved very well of the place: and so much the better, because we found abundance of fish there, and very great Cod, which we caught in five fathom water, of which we are in hope to get a great quantity this Summer, for the relief of our men, as also to find safe passage for Boats and Barges thither, by a cut out of the bottom of our Bay, into the Dela War Bay. For which fishing and better Discovery, I have my ship ready, with my Company in as good health, as at my arrival, and as they have continued ever, since: for Dela War Bay. which, God be glorified, to whom we give daily thanks, for the continuance of his mercy. His first Voyage to Patowomec and Pembroke River. Ayapassus the weroance of Pastancie. After my return from Sir Thomas smith's Island, I fitted my ship to fetch Corn from Patowomeck, by trading with the Indians, and so set sail from Point Comfort the first of December: and being entered into Pembroke River, I met with the King of Pastancie a hunting, who went presently aboard with me, seeming to be very glad of my coming, and told me that all the Indians there were my very great friends, and that they had good store of Corn for me, which they had provided the year before, which we found to be true. Then I carried my ship presently before his Town, and there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 shallop, to get the Corn aboard withal, which being done, and having concluded a peace with diverse other Indian Lords, and likewise given and taken * Cap. Web, Ensign Swift & Rob. Sparkes & two Boys. 1100. bushels of Corne. The second voyage to Pembroke River. Note. Great store of Oxen in Pembroke. River. A Mine. A medicinable Earth. A water that hath the taste of Alum. An Earth like Gum. A red Earth like Terra sigillata. The grea● King Patowomeck. Ensign Swift. Hostages: I hasted to james Town, being the first of january, and arrived at Point Comfort the first of February. In this Uoyage I got 1100. bushels of Corn, which I delivered into the several Storehouses, according unto the direction of Sir T. Gates: besides the quantity of 300. bushels, reserved for mine Company. As soon I had unladen this Corn, I set my men to the felling of Timber, for the building of a Frigate, which I left half finished in the hands of the Carpenters at Point Comfort, the 19 of March: and returned myself with the ship into Pembroke River, and so discovered to the head of it, which is about 65. leagues into the Land, and navigable for any ship. And then marching into the Country, I found great store of Cattle as big as Kine, of which, the Indians that were my guides, killed a couple which we found to be very good and wholesome meat, and are very easy to be killed, in regard they are heavy, sl 〈…〉, and not so wild as other beasts of the Wilderness. In this journey I likewise found a Mine, of which I have sent a trial into England: and likewise a strange kind of Earth, the virtue whereof I know not; but the Indians eat it for Physic, alleging that it cureth the sickness and pain of the belly, I likewise found a kind of water issuing out of the Earth, which hath a tart taste much like unto Allum-water, it is good and wholesome: for my men did drink much of it, and never found it otherwise. I also found an earth like a Gum, white and clear; another sort red, like Terra sigillata; another very white, and of so light a substance, that being cast into the water, it swimmeth. Whilst I was in this business, I was told by certain Indians, my friends, that the Great Powhatans' Daughter Pokahuntis was with the great King Patowo neck, whether I presently repaired, resolving to possess myself of her by any stratagem that I could use, for the ransoming of so many Englishmen as were prisoners with Powhatan: as also to get such arms and tools, as he, and other Indians had got by murder and stealing from others of our Nation, with some quantity of Corn, for the Colonies relief. So soon as I came to an anchor before the Town, I manned my Boat and sent on shore, for the King of Pastancy and Ensign Swift (whom I had left as a pledge of our love and truce, the Voyage before) who presently came and brought my pledge with him: whom after I had received, I broke the matter to this King, and told him, that if he did not betray Pokohuntiss into my hands; we would be no longer brothers nor friends. He alleged, that if he should undertake this business, than Powhatan would make wars upon him and his people; but upon my promise, that I would join with him against him, he repaired presently to his brother, the great King of Patowomeck, who being made acquainted with the matter, called his Counsel together: and after some few hour's deliberation, concluded rather to deliver her into my hands, then lose my friendship: so presently, he betrayed her into my Boat, wherein I Pocahuntiss taken. carried her aboard my ship. This done, an Indian was dispatched to Powhatan, to let him know, that I had taken his Daughter: and if he would send home the Englishmen (whom he detained in slavery, with such arms and tools, as the Indians had gotten, and stolen) and also a great quantity of Corn, that then, he should have his daughter restored, otherwise not. This news much grieved this great King, yet, without delay, he returned the messenger with this answer. That he desired me to use his Daughter well, and bring my ship into his River, and there he would give me my demands; which being performed, I should deliver him his Daughter, and we should be friends. Having received this answer, I presently departed from Patowomeck, being the 13. of April, and repaired with all speed to Sir T. Gates, to know of him upon what condition he would conclude this peace, and what he would demand: to whom I also delivered my prisoner, towards whose ransom within few days, this King sent home seven of our men, who seemed to be very joyful for that they were freed from 7. men freed. the slavery and fear of cruel murder, which they daily before lived in. They brought also three pieces, one broad Axe, and a long Whip-saw, and one Canow of Corne. I being quit of my prisoner, went forward with the Frigate which I had left at Point Comfort, and finished her. Thus having put my ship in hand to be fitted for an intended fishing Uoyage, I left that business to be followed by my Master with a ging of men, and my Lieutenant fortified on shore with another ging to fell timber, and cleave planks to build a fishing Boat; my Ensign with another ging was employed in the Frigate, for getting of fish at Cape Charles, and transporting it to Henry's Town for the relief of such men as were there: and myself with a fourth ging departed out of the River in my shallop, the first His third Discovery. of May, for to discover the East side of our Bay, which I found to have many small Rivers in it, and very good harbours for Boats and Barges, but not for ships of any great burden: and also great store of Inhabitants, who seemed very desirous of on love, and so much the rather, because they had received good reports from the Indians of Pembrock River, of our courteous usage of them, whom I found trading with me for Corn, whereof they had great store. We also discovered a multitude of Lands bearing good Meadow ground, and as I think, Salt might easily be made there, if there were any ponds digged, for that I found Salt kerned where the water had overflown in certain places. Here is also great store of fish, both shellfish and other. So having discovered along the shore some forty leagues Northward, I returned Kerned Salt found. May 12. 1613. again to my ship, the twelfth of May, and hasted forward my business left in hand at my departure: and fitted up my ship, and built my fishing Boat, and made ready to take the first opportunity of the wind for my fishing Voyage, of which I beseech God of his mercy to bless us. CHAP. X. Notes of Virginian Affairs in the government of Sir THOMAS DALE and of Sir THOMAS GATES till Anno 1614 Taken out of Master RALPH HAMOR (Secretary to the Colony) his Book. WE found the Colony at our arrival there, from the Bermudas, not living above threescore persons therein, and those scarce able to go alone, of well-nigh six hundred, not full ten months before. The reason hereof is at hand, for formerly, when our people were fed out of the common store, and laboured jointly in the manuring of the ground, and planting Corn, glad was that man that could slip Every man's care is no man's Propriety is a proper painestaker. from his labour; nay, the most honest of them in a general business, would not take so much faithful and true pains, in a week, as now he will do in a day, neither cared they for the increase, presuming that howsoever their harvest prospered, the general store must maintain them. By which means we reaped not so much Corn from the labours of thirty men, as three men have done for themselves. To prevent which mischief hereafter Sir Thomas Dale hath taken Sir Thom. Dales good government. a new course, throughout the whole Colony, by which means, the general store (apparel only excepted) shall not be charged with any thing: and this it is, he hath allotted to every man in the Colony, three English Acres of clear Corn ground, which every man is to mature and tend, being in the nature of Farmers (the Bermuda undertakers only excepted) and they are not called unto any service or labour belonging to the Colony, more than one month in the year, which shall neither be in Seed time, or in Harvest, for which, doing no other duty to the Colony, they are yearly to pay into the store two barrels and a half of Corn: there to be reserved to keep new men, which shall be sent over, the first year after their arrival: and even by this means I dare say, our store will be bountifully furnished, to maintain three or four hundred men, whensoever they shall be sent thither to us. Concerning the undertaking of the Bermuda City, a business of greatest hope, ever begun in our Territories there, their Patent, doth apparently demonstrate, upon what terms and conditions Bermuda City. they voluntarily have undertaken that employment. The Land is stored with plenty and variety of wild Beasts, Lions, Bears, Dear of all sorts, only differing from ours in their increase, having usual, three or four Fawns at a time, none that I have seen or heard off under Dear have 3. or 4. Fawns at a time. two: the reason whereof some of our people ascribe to the virtue of some grassy or herb which they eat, because our Goats oftentimes bring forth three, and most of them two: for my part I rather impute their fecundire to the Providence of God, who for every mouth provideth meat, and if this increase were not, the Naturals would assuredly starve: for of the Deer (they kill as do we Beefs in England) all the year long, neither sparing young nor old, no not the Does ready to fawn, nor the young Fawns, if but two days old) Beavers, Otters, Foxes, Racounes, almost as big as a Fox, as good meat as a Lamb, Hares, wild Cats, Musk Rats, Squirrels flying, and other of three or fove sorts, Apossumes of the bigness and likeness of a Pig of a Apossumes. month old, a beast of as strange incredible nature, she hath commonly seven young ones, sometimes more and sometimes less, which at her pleasure till they be a month old or more she tateth up into her belly, and putteth forth again without hurt to herself or them. Of each of these beasts, the Lion excepted, myself have many times eaten, and can testify that they are not only tasteful, but also wholesome and nourishing food. There are fowl of diverse sorts, Eagles wild Turkeyes much bigger than our English Cranes, Herons white and russet Hawks, wild Pigeons (in Winter beyond number or imagination, myself have seen three or four hours together flocks in the Air, so thick that even they have shadowed the Sky from us) Turkeyes, Buzzards, Partridge, Snipes, Owls, Swans, Strange store o●●owle, as before in Ouiedo. Geese, Brants, Duck and Mallard, Droeis, Sheldrakes, Cormorants, Teal, Widgeon, Curlewes, Puits, besides other small birds, as Blackbirds, Hedge-Sparrowes, Oxe-eyes, Woodpeckers, and in Winter about Christmas many flocks of Parakertoths. For fish, the Rivers are plentifully stored, with Sturgeon, Porpasse, Base, Rockfish, Carpe, Shad, Herring, Eel, Catfish, Perch, Flat-fish, Trout, Sheepshead, Drummers, jarfish, Crevices, Crabs, A Frights lading taken at one draught. Oysters and diverse other kinds, of all which myself hath seen great quantity taken, especially the last Summer at Smith's Island, at one hale a Frigates lading of Sturgeon, Base and other great fish in Captain Argals Saine: and even at the very place which is not above fifteen miles from Point-Comfort, if we had been furnished with salt, to have saved it, we might have taken as much fish as would have served us that whole year. To go yet a little further, I myself know no one Country yielding without Art or industry so many fruits; Grapes, Strawberries, Mulberries, Maricocks, of fashion of a Lemon, whose blossom may admit comparison with our most delightsome and beautiful Flowers, and the fruit Fair flowers. exceeding pleasant and tasteful: Chestnut-trees towards the Falls as many as Oaks, and as fertile, many goodly Groves of Chincomen-trees, with a husk like unto a Chestnut, raw or boiled, luscious and hearty meat: Walnuts of three or four sorts, whereof there might be yearly made great quantity of Oils, as useful and good as that of Olives: Some filberts have I seen, Crabs Crabs. great store, less, but not so sour as ours, which grafted with the Scions of English Appletrees, without question would bear very good fruit. In May, 1611. Sir Thomas Dale, with a prosperous passage, not full eight weeks arrived there Sir Tho. Dales going to Virginia, A. 1 1 〈…〉 eight weeks. with him about three hundred people, such as for the present speed and dispatch could then be provided, of worse condition than those formerly there, who I sorrow to speak it, were not so provident, though once before bitten with hunger and penury, as to put Corn into the ground for their Winter's bread, but trusted to the store, then furnished but with eight months' provision. Reckless wretches. His first care therefore was to employ all hands about setting of Corn at the two Forts, seated upon Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles, whereby the season than not fully passed, though about the His care and employment. end of May, we had there an indifferent Crop of good Corne. This business taken order for, and the care and trust of it committed to his under Officers; to james Town he hastened, where the most company were, and their daily and usual works, bowling in the streets, these he employed about necessary works, as felling of Timber, repairing their houses ready to fall upon their heads, and providing Pails, Posts and Rails, to impaile his purposed new Town, which by reason of his ignorance in those parts, but newly arrived there, he had not resolved where to seat. For his better knowledge therefore of those parts, himself with an hundreth men spent some time in the discovery, first of Nansamund River, which in despite R. Nansamund. Wise severity remedy to slothful sccuritie. of the Indians, than our enemies, he discovered to the Head, after that, our own River to the Falls, where upon a high Land, environed with the main River, some sixteen or twenty miles from the Head or the Falls, near to an Indian Town called Arsahattocke, he resolved to plant his new Town, and so did, whereof in his due place I shall make a brief relation. It was no mean trouble to him, to reduce his people so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition as may well witness his severe and strict imprinted book of Articles, then needful with all severity and extremity to be executed, now much mitigated; for more deserved death in those days, then do now the least punishment, so as if the law should not have restrained by execution, I see not how the utter subversion and ruin of the Colony should have been prevented, witness Webs and Prizes design in the first year, since that Abbots, and others more dangerous than the former, and even in this Summer, Coles and Kitchins Plot, with three more, bending their course towards the Southward, to a Spanish plantation reported to be there, who had traveled (it being now a time of peace) some five day's journey to Ocanahoen, there cut off by certain Indians, hired by us to hunt them home to receive their deserts. Thus much obuiously I proceed in his endeavours, until Sir Thomas Gates his happy arrival, which was only in preparing Timber, Pales, Posts, and Rails for the present impailing this new Town to secure himself, and men from the malice and treachery of the Indians, in the midst and heart of whom he was resolved to set down. But before he could make himself ready for that business, Sir Thomas Gates happily arrived about the second of August, with six good Ships, men, Arrival of Sir Tho. Gates, with six ships. provisions and cattle. The worthies being met, after salutation and welcome given and received, Sir Thomas Dale acquainted Sir Thomas Gates, both with such businesses as he had affected since his arrival, and also of his resolution to build a new Town at the Fales: which design and purpose of his, Sir Thomas Gates, then principal Governor in Virginia, well approving, furnished him with three hundred and fifty men, such as himself made choice of, and in the beginning of September, 1●●1. he 〈◊〉 from james Town, and in a day and a half landed at a place where he purposed to 〈◊〉 at and build, where he had been ten days before he had very strongly impaled seven 〈…〉 of ground for a Town, which in honour of the Noble Prince Henry (of ever happy and b 〈…〉 memory, whose Royal heart was strongly affected to that action) he called by the name of Henrico. In four months space, he had made Henrico much better, and of more worth than all the work ever since the Colony began, therein done. I should be too tedious if I should give up the account of every day's labour, which therefore I purposely omit, and will only describe the Town, in the very state and perfection which I left it, and first for the situation, it stands upon a neck of a very high Land, three parts thereof environed with the main River, and cut out between Henrico built by Sir T. Dale. two Rivers with a strong Pale, which maketh the neck of Land an Island. There are in this Town three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church & the foundation of a more stately one laid of Brick, in length an hundred foot, and fifty foot wide, besides Storehouses, Watch-houses, and such like: there are also, as ornaments belonging to this Town, upon the Verge of this River, five fair Blockhouses, or Commanders, wherein live the honester sort of people, as in Farms in England, and there keep continual centinel for the Town's security, and about two miles from the Town into the Main, a Pale of two miles in length cut o 〈…〉 r from River to River, guarded likewise with several Commanders, with great quantity of Corn ground impaled, sufficient if there were no more in the Colony secured, to maintain with but easy manuring, and husbandry, more men, than I suppose will be addressed thither (the more is the pity) these three years. For the further enlargement yet of this Town, on the other side of the River, by impaling likewise: for we make no other fence, is secured to our use, especially for our hogs to feed in, about twelve English miles of ground, by name, Hope in Faith, Coxen-Dale, secured by five Forts, called Charity Fort, Mount Malado, a Retreat or Guesthouse for sick people, a high seat, and wholesome air, Elizabeth Fort, and Fort Patience: and here hath Master Whitacres chosen his Parsonage, or Churchland, some hundred Acres impaled, and a fair framed Parsonage house built thereupon, called Rock Hall. Of this Town, and all the Forts thereunto belonging, hath Captain james Davis' the principal Command and Government. I proceed to our next and most hopeful habitation, whether we respect commodity or security (which we principally ay me at) against foreign designs and invasion, I mean the Bermuda Bermuda a city. City, begun about Christmas last, which because it is the nearest adjoining to Henrico, though the last undertaken, I hold it pertinent to handle in the next place. This Town, or Plantation is seated by Land, some five miles from Henric●, by water fourteen, being the year before the habitation of the Appamatucks, to revenge the treacherous injury of those people done unto us, taken from them, besides all their Corn, the former before without the loss of any, save only some few of those Indians (pretending our hurt) at what time Sir Thomas Dale, being himself upon that service, and duly considering how commodious a habitation and seat it might be for us, took resolution to possess and plant it, and at that very instant, gave it the Hundreds set out and distinguished. name of the new Bermudas, whereunto he hath laid out, and annexed to be belonging to the Freedom, and Corporation for ever, many miles of Champion, and Wood-land, in several Hundreds, as the upper and nether Hundreds, Roch-dale Hundred, west's Shirley Hundred, French displanted. Long discourses followed in the Author; but Virginia is brought to such an abridgement, that I have no heart to follow him or others in that kind. and Digges his Hundred. Captain Argalls Northward discoveries towards Sacadehoc, and beyond to Port Royal, Sancta Crux, and thereabout may not be concealed: In which his adventures, if he had brought home no commodity to the Colony (which yet he did very much, both of apparel, victuals, and many other necessaries) the honour which he hath done unto our Nation, by displanting the French, there beginning to seat and fortify within our limits, and taking of their Ship & Pinnace, which he brought to james Town, would have been reward enough for his pains, and will ever speak loud his honour, and approved valour. CHAP. XI. A Letter of Sir THOMAS DALE, and another of Master WHITAKERS, from james Town in Virginia, june 18. 1614 And a piece of a Tractate, written by the said Master WHITAKERS from Virginia the year before. To the R. and my most esteemed friend, M. D. M. at his house at F. Ch. in London. RIght Reverend Sir, by Sir Thomas Gates I wrote unto you, of such occasions as then presented themselves, and now again by this worthy Gentleman Captain Argall I salute you: for such is the reverend regard I have of you, as I cannot omit any occasion to express the sincere affection I bear you. You have ever given me encouragements to persevere in this Religious Warfare, until your last Letters; not for that you are now less well affected thereunto: but because you see the Action to be in danger of their non-performances who undertook the business. I have undertaken, and have as faithfully, and with all my might endeavoured the prosecution with all alacrity, as God that knoweth the heart can bear me record, what recompense, or what rewards, by whom, or when I know not where to expect; but from him in whose Vineward I labour, whose Church with greedy appetite I desire to erect. My glorious Master is gone, Prince Henry. that would have ennamelled with his favours the labours I undertake, for God's cause, and his immortal honour. He was the Great Captain of our Israel, the hope to have builded up this heavenly new jerufalem he interred (I think) the whole frame of this business, fell into his grave: for most men's forward (at least seeming so) desires are quenched, and Virginia stands in desperate hazard. You there do your duties, I will no way omit mine, the time I promised to labour, is expired: it is not a yoke of Oxen hath drawn me from this feast: it is not the marriage of a wife makes me hast home, though that salad give me an appetite to cause me return. But I have more care of the Stock, then to set upon a die, and rather put my 〈…〉 fe to the courtesy of noble and worthy censures, then ruin this Work; and have a jury (nay a million) of foul m●utbed detractors, scan upon my endeavours, the ends whereof they cannot dive into. You shall briefly understand what hath betide since my last, and how we now stand, and are likely to grow to perfection, if we be not altogether neglected, my stay grounded upon such reason, as had I now returned, it would have hazarded the ruin of all. Sir Thomas Gates having embarked himself for England, I put myself into Captain Argalls' ship, with a hundred and fifty men in my frigate, and other boats went unto Pamaunkie River, where Powhatan Sir T. Dales journey to Powhatans' Country. This is more at large delivered, with the particular circumstances (which I for brevity have omitted) by M. Hamor. hath his residence, and can in two or three days, draw a thousand men together; with me I carried his daughter, who had been long prisoner with us, it was a day or two before we heard of them: At length they demanded why we came; I gave for answer, that I came to bring him his daughter, conditionally he would (as hath been agreed upon for her ransom) render all the Arms, Tools, Swords, and men that had run away, and to give me a ship full of Corn, for the wrong he had done unto us: if they would do this, we would be friends, if not burn all. They demanded time to send to their King; I assented, I taking, they receiving two pledges, to carry my message to Powhatan. All night my two men lay not far from the water side, about noon the next day they told them the great King was three day's journey off, that Opochankano was hard by to whom they would have had them deliver their message, saying, That what he agreed upon and did, the great King would confirm. This Opocankano is brother to Powhatan, and is his and their chief Captain: and one that can as soon (if not sooner) as Powhatan command the men. But my men refused to do my message unto any save Powhatan, so they were brought back, and I sent theirs to them; they told me that they would fetch Simons to me, who had thrice played the runagate, whose lies and villainy much hindered our trade for Corn: But they delayed us, so as we went ashore they shot at us, we were not behind hand with them, killed some, hurt others, marched into the Land, burnt their houses, took their Corn, and quartered all night ashore. The next day we went further up the River, they dogged us and called to know whither we went; we answered, To burn all, if they would not do as we demanded, and had been agreed upon. They would they said, bring all the next day so we forbore all hostility, went ashore, their men in good numbers coming amongst us, but we were very cautious, and stood to our Arms. The King's daughter went ashore, Pocahuntas' behaviour and report. but would not talk to any of them, scarce to them of the best sort, and to them only, that if her father had loved her, he would not value her less than old Swords, Pieces, or Axes: wherefore she would still dwell with the English men, who loved her. At last came one from Powhatan, who told us, that Simons was run away, to Nonsowhaicond, which was a truth, as afterwards appeared, but that the other English man was dead, that proved a lie (for since M. Hamor; whom I employed to Powhatan brought him to me) our Pieces, Swords, and Tools within fifteen days, should be sent to james Town, with some Corn, and that his daughter should be my child, and ever dwell with me, desiring to be ever friends, and named such of his people, and neighbour Kings, as he desired to be included, and have the benefit of the peace, promising if any of our men came to him, without leave from me, he would send them back: and that if any of his men stale from us, or killed our cattle, he would send them to us to be punished as we thought fit. With these conditions we returned, and within the time limited, part of our Arms were sent, and twenty men with Corn, and promised more, which he hath also sent. Opachankano desired I Opachankan● now their king, & worker of the massa●r● would call him friend, and that he might call me so, saying, He was a great Captain, and did always fight: that I was also a great Captain, and therefore he loved me; and that my friends should be his friends. So the bargain was made, and every eight or ten days, I have messages and presents from him, with many appearances that he much desireth to continue friendship. Now may you judge Sir, if the God of Battles had not a helping hand in this, that having our Swords drawn, killing their men, burning their houses, and taking their corn: yet they tendered us peace, and strive with all alacrity to keep us in good opinion of them; by which many benefits arise unto us. First, part of our Arms, disgracefully lost long ago (kept by the Savages as Monuments and Trophies of our shames) redelivered, some repair to our Honor. Our cattles to increase, without danger of destroying, our men at liberty to hunt freely for Venison, to fish, to do any thing else, or go any whither without danger; to follow the husbanding of our corn securely, whereof we have above five hundred Acres set, and God be praised, in more forwardness than any of the Indians, that I have seen or heard of this years, Roots and Herbs we have abundance; all doubt of want is by God's blessing quite vanished, and much plenty expected. And which is not the least material, we may by this peace come to discover the Country better, both by our own travels, and by the relation of the Savages, as we grow in familiarity with them. Powhatans' daughter I caused to be carefully instructed in Christian Religion, who after she had made some good progress therein, renounced publicly her Country Idolatry, openly confessed her Christian Pocahunta● baptised: & of Mato● (so I have heard she was properly named) 〈◊〉 first called Rebecca, Faith, was, as she desired, baptised, and is since married to an English Gentleman of good understanding (as by his Letter unto me, containing the reasons of his marriage of her you may perceive) another knot to bind this peace the stronger. Her Father and friends gave approbation to it, and her Uncle gave her to him in the Church: she lives civilly and lovingly with him, and I trust will increase in goodness, as the knowledge of God increaseth in her. She will go into England with me, and were it but the gaining of this one soul, I will think my time, toil, and present stay well spent. Since this accident, the Governors and people of Checkahomanies, who are five hundred Bowmen, and better, a stout and warlike Nation, have made means to have us come unto them, and conclude a peace, where all the Governors would meet me. They having thus three or four times importuned me, I resolved to go; so having Captain Argall, with fifty men in my Frigate and Barge I went thither: Captain Argall with forty men landed, I kept aboard for some reasons. Upon the meeting they told Captain Argall no●ing ●ing, but eight great men, who governed them. He told them that we came to be friends, asked them if they would have King james to be their King, and whether they would be his men? They after some conference between themselves, seemed willing of both, demanding if we would fight against their enemies; he told them that if any did them injury, they should send me word, and I would agree them, or if their adversaries would not, than I would let them have as many men as they would to help them: they liked well of that, and told him that all their men should help us. All this being agreed upon, Captain Argall gave every Counsellor a Tamahawk, and They called the English Tossantessas', and so would themselves be called. The particulars and articles of agreement are in M. H●amors Book; here omitted. a piece of Copper, which was kindly taken: they requested further, that if their Boats should happen to meet with our Boats, and that they said they were the Chikahominy Englishmen, and King james his men, we would let them pass: we agreed unto it, so that they pronounced themselves Englishmen, and King james his men, promising within fifteen days to come unto james Town to see me, and conclude these conditions; every Bowman being to give me as a Tribute to King james two measures of Corn every harvest, the two measures containing two bushels and a half, and I to give every Bowman a small Tamahawke, and to every Counsellor a suit of red cloth, which did much please them. This people never acknowledged any King before, no nor ever would acknowledge Powhatan for their King; a stout people they be, and a delicate seat they have. Now Sir you see our conditions, you, and all worthy men may judge, whether it would not be a grief to see these fair hopes frostbitten, and these fresh budding plants to wither? which had I returned, had assuredly followed: for here is no one that the people would have govern them, but myself: for, I had now come away, had I not found a general desire in the best sort to return for England: Letter upon Letter, request upon request from their friends to return, so as I knew not upon whom to confer the care of this business in my absence: whom I thought sit was generally distasted, so as seeing the eminent ensuing danger, should I have left this multitude, not yet fully refined, I am resolved to stay till harvest be got in, and then settle things according to my poor understanding, and return: if in the interim there come no authorised Governor from England. Consider I pray you, since things be brought to this pass, as you see, and that I should have come away, if then through their factions, humours, mutinies, or indiscretion of the Chiefs I had left behind, this Sir T. Dales report of Virginia. In another letter to the Committees he writeth that four of the best Kingdoms of Christendom put all together, may no way compare with this country, either for commodities, or goodness of soil. should fall to ruin: I than should receive the imputation, and incur the blame, for quitting the Plantation, although I might do● it, both with my honour, my promised stay of time being expired, and having warrant from my Sovereign, the King's Majesty: but the precedent reasons moved me and that this astion of such price, such excellency and assured profit to mine own knowledge should not dye to the scorn of our Nation, and to give cause of laughter to the Papists, that desire our ruin. I can assure you, no Country of the world affords more assured hopes of infinite riches, which both by mine own people's discovery, and the relation of such Savages, whose fidelity we have often found, assureth me. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen engage themselves, and thereby intermeddling herein, have caused a number of souls transport themselves, and be transported hither? Why should they (I say) relinquish this so glorious an Action: for if their ends be to build God a Church, they ought to persevere: if otherwise, yet their honour engageth them to be constant. Howsoever they stand affected, here is enough to content them, let their ends be either for God, or Mammon. These things having animated me to stay for a little season, to leave those, I am tied in conscience to return unto, to leave the assured benefits of my other fortunes, the sweet society of my friends and acquaintance, with all mundall delights, and reside here with much turmoil, which I will constantly do, rather than see God's glory diminished, my King and Country dishonoured, and these poor people, I have the charge of, ruined. And so I beseech you to answer for me, if you hear me taxed for my staying, as some may justly Master Alexander Whitaker was son to that worthy of polemical Divine Doctor Whitaker Master of S. john's Col. in Cambridge. Whatshadowes of men are the most in this age, that the best deserving should need apologies instead of panegyrik●s? They which for doing suffer ill, cry whore first, and by depraving justice seek to be just. do, and that these are my chief motives God I take to witness. Remember me, and the cause I have in hand, in your daily meditations, and reckon me in the number of those that do sincerely love you and yours, and will ever rest in all offices of a friend, to do you service. To my very dear and loving Cousin M. G. Minister of the B. F. in London. SIr, the Colony here is much better. Sir Thomas Dale. our Religious and valiant Governor, hath now brought that to pass, which never before could be effected. For by war upon our enemies, and kind usage of our friends, he hath brought them to seek for peace of us, which is made, and they dare not break. But that which is best, one Pocahuntas or Matoa the daughter of Powhatan, is married to an honest and discreet English Gentleman Master Rolfe, and that after she had openly renounced her Country Idolatry, professed the faith of jesus Christ, and was baptised; which thing Sir Thomas Dale had laboured a long time to ground in her. Yet notwithstanding, are the virtuous deeds of this worthy Knight, much debased, by the Letters which some wicked men have written from hence, and especially by one C. L. If you hear any condemn this noble Knight, or do fear to come hither, for those slanderow Letters, you may upon my word boldly reprove thom. You know that no malefactors can abide the face of the judge, but themselves scorning to be reproved, do prosecute with all hatred, all those that labour their amendment. I marvel much that any men of honest life, should fear the Sword of the Magistrate, which is unsheathed only in their defence. But I much more muse, that so few of our English Ministers that were so hot against the Surplis and subscription: come hither where neither spoken of. Do they not either wilfully hide their Talents, or keep themselves at home for fear of losing a few pleasures? Be there not any amongst them of Moses his mind, and of the Apostles, that forsook all to follow Christ? But I refer them to the judge of all hearts, and to the King that shall reward every one according to the gain of his Talon. But you my cousin, hold fast that which you have, and I, though my promise of three years' service to my Country be expired, will abide in my vocation here until I be lawfully called from hence. And so betaking us all unto the mercies of God in Christ jesus, I rest for ever. Part of a Tractate written at Henrico in Virginia, by Master ALEX. WHITAKER, Minister to the Colony there, which then governed by Sir T. DALE, 1613. THey acknowledge that there is a great good God, but know him not, having the eyes of their understanding as yet blinded: wherefore they serve the Devil for fear, after a most base manner, sacrificing sometimes (as I have here heard) their own Children to him. I have sent one Image of their god to the Counsel in England, which is painted upon one side of a toadstool, much like unto a deformed monster. Their Priests (whom they call Qui●kosoughs) are no Their Priest's and manner of living. other but such as our English Witches are. They live naked in body, as if their shame of their sin deserved no covering: Their names are as naked as their body: they esteem it a virtue to lie, deceive, and steal, as their Master the Devil teacheth them. Much more might be said of their miserable condition, but I refer the particular narration of these things to some other season. These men are not so simple as some have supposed them: for they are of body lusty, strong, and very nimble: they are a very understanding generation, quick of apprehension, sudden in their dispatches, subtle in their dealings, exquisite in their inventions, and industrious in their labour. I suppose the world hath no better marksmen with their Bows and Arrows than they be; they will kill Birds flying, Fishes swimming, and Beasts running: they shoot also with marvellous strength, they shot one of our men being unarmed quite through the body, and nailed both his arms to his body with one Arrow: one of their Children also, about the age of twelve or thirteen years, killed a Bird with his Arrow in my sight. The service of their God is answerable to their life, being performed with a great fear and attention, and many strange dumb shows used in the same, stretching forth their limbs, and straining their body, much like to the counterfeit women in England, who fain themselves bewitched, or possessed of some evil spirit. They stand in great awe of the Quiokosoughs or Priests, which are a generation of Vipers, even of Satan's own brood. The manner of their life is much like to the Popish Hermits of our age; for they live alone in the woods, in houses sequestered from the common course of men, neither may any man be suffered to come into their house or to speak with them, but when this Priest doth call him. He taketh no care for his victuals, for all such kind of things both Bread and Water, etc. are brought unto a place near unto his cottage, and there are left, which he fetcheth for 〈◊〉 proper need. If they would have rain, or have lost any thing, they have their recourse to him, who coniureth for them, and many times prevaileth. If they be sick, he is their Physician; if they be wounded, he sucketh them. At his command they make war and peace, neither do they any thing of moment without him. I will not be tedious in these strange Narrations, when I have more perfectly entered into their secrets, you shall know all. Finally, there is a civil government amongst them which they strictly observe, and show thereby that the law of Yet Namantack in his return was killed in Bermuda by another Savage his fellow. Nature dwells in them: for they have a rude kind of Commonwealth, and rough government wherein they both honour and obey their Kings, Parents, and Governors, both greater and less, they observe the limits of their own possessions. Murder is scarcely heard of: Adultery and other offences severely punished. The whole Continent of Uirginia situate within the degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beautified by God, with all the ornaments of nature, and enriched with his earthly treasures: that part of it, which we already possess, beginning at the Bay of Chaesapheac, and stretching itself in Northerly latitude to the degrees of 39 and 40. is interlined with seven most goodly Rivers, the least whereof is equal to our River of Thames: and all these Rivers are so nearly joined, as that A● 14. or. 〈◊〉 miles. there is not very much distance of dry ground between either of them, and those seu●rall main lands are every where watered with many veins or creeks of water, which sundry ways do overthwart the land, and make it almost navigable from one River to the other. The commodity whereof to those that shall inhabit this land is infinite, in respect of the speedy and easy transportance of goods from one River to the other, I cannot better manifest it unto you, but in advising you to consider whether the water or land hath been more beneficial to the Low-Countries. To the River which we inhabit (commonly called Powhatans' River) ebbeth and floweth one hundred and forty miles into the main; at the mouth whereof are the two Forts of Henrico and Charles: two and forty miles upward is the first and Mother-Christian Town seated, called jamestowne; and seventy miles beyond that upward, is the new Town of Henric● built, and so named in the memory of Noble Prince Henry of lasting and blessed memory: ten miles beyond this is a place called the Falls, because the River hath there a great descent falling down between many mineral Rocks which be there: twelve miles farther beyond this place is there a crystal Rock wherewith the Indians do head many of their Arrows▪ three days journey from crystal Rock thence is there a Rock or stony hill found, which is in the top covered all over with a perfect and most rich Silver oar. Our men that went to discover those parts had but two Iron Pickaxes with them, and those so ill tempered, that the points of them turned again, and bowed at every stroke, so that we could not search the entrailes of the place, yet some trial was made of that oar with good success, and argument of much hope. Six days journey beyond this Mine a great ridge of high hills do run along the main land, not far from whom the Indians report a great Sea doth run, which we commonly call a South Sea, but in respect of our habitation is a West Sea, for there the Sun setteth from us. The higher ground is much like unto the mould of France, clay and sand being proportionably mixed together at the top; but if we dig any depth (as we have done for out Bricks) we find it to be red clay, full of glistering spangles. There be many rocky places in all quarters; & more than probable likelihoods of rich Mines of all sorts: though I knew all, yet it were not convenient at this time that I should utter all, neither have we had means to search for any thing as we ought, through present want of men, and former wants of provision for the belly. As for Iron, Steele, Antimonium, and Terra sigillata, they have rather offered themselves to our eyes and hands, then been sought for of us. The Air of the Country Air and Seasons. (especially about Henrico and upward) is very temperate and agreeth well with our bodies. The extremity of Summer is not so hot as Spain, nor the cold of Winter so sharp as the frosts of England. The Spring and Harvest are the two longest seasons and most pleasant, the Summer and Winter are both but short. The Winter is for the most part dry and fair, but the Summer watered often with many great and sudden showers of rain; whereby the cold of Winter is warmed, and the heat of Summer cooled. Many have died with us heretofore through their own filthiness and want of bodily comforts for sick men; but now very few are sick among us: not above three persons amongst all the inhabitants of Henrico; I would to God our souls were no sicker than our bodies. The natural people of the Land are generally such as you heard of before. A people to be feared of those that come upon them without defensive Armour, but otherwise faint-hearted (if they see their Arrows cannot pierce) and easy to be subdued. Shirts of Male, or quilted cotton coats are the best defence against them. There is but one or two of their petty Kings, that for fear of us have desired our friendship; and those keep good quarter with us, being very pleasant amongst us, and (if occasion be) serviceable unto us. Our eldest friends be Pipisco and Choapoke, who are our overthwart neighbours at jamestowne, and have been friendly to us in our great want. The other is the Werowance of Chescheak, who but lately traded with us peaceably. If we were once the masters of their Country, and they stood in fear of us (which might with few hands employed Note well. about nothing else, be in short time brought to pass) it were an easy matter to make Fear is the beginning of piety & civility What use may be made of the Natives. them willingly to forsake the Devil, to embrace the faith of jesus Christ, and to be baptised. Besides, you cannot easily judge how much they would be available to us in our Discoveries of the Country, in our Buildings and Planting, and quiet provision for ourselves, when we may peaceably pass from place to place without need of Arms or Guard. The means for our people to live and subsist here of themselves are many and most certain both for Beasts, Birds, and Herbs. The Beasts of the Country are for the most part wild: as Lions, Bears, Wolves and Dear: Foxes black and red, Rakowns, Bevers, Possowns, Squerrels', Wilde-Cats, whose skins are of great price, and Muskerats which yield Musk as the Musk-cats do. There be two kinds of Beasts amongst these most strange; one of them is the female Possowne, which will let forth her young out of her belly, and take them up into her belly Possown a strange beast. again at her pleasure without hurt to herself; neither think this to be a Travellers tale, but the very truth; for nature hath framed her fit for that service, my eyes have been witness unto it, and we have sent of them and their young ones into England. The other strange conditioned creature is the flying Squirrel, which through the help of certain broad flappes of skin growing Flying Squirrels. on each side of her forelegs, will fly from tree to tree twenty or thirty paces at one flight and more, if she have the benefit of a small breath of wind. Besides these, since our coming hither, we have brought both Kine, Goats, and Hogs, which prosper well, and would multiply exceedingly, if they might be provided for. This Country besides is replenished with Birds of all sorts, which have been the best sustenance of flesh, which our men have had since they came; also Eagels and Hawks of all sorts, amongst whom are Auspreys, fishing Hawk, and the Cormorant. The woods be every where full of wild Turkeys, which abound, and will run as swift as a Greyhound. In winter our fields be full of Cranes, Herons, Pigeons, Partridges and Blackbirds: Fowl. the Rivers and creeks be overspread every where with water foul of the greatest and least sort, as Swans, flocks of Geese and Brants, Duck and Mallard, Sheldrakes, diverse, etc. besides many other kinds of rare and delectable Birds, whose names and natures I cannot yet recite, but we want the means to take them. The Rivers abound with Fish both small and great; the Sea-fish come into our Rivers in March, & continue until the end of September: great sculls Fish. of Herring come in first: Shads of a great bigness, and Rock-fish follow them. Trout, Base, Flounder, and other dainty fish come in before the other be gone: then come multitudes of great Sturgeons, whereof we catch many, and should do more, but that we want good Nets answerable to the breadth and depth of our Rivers: besides, our channels are so foul in the bottom with great logs and trees, that we often break our Nets upon them: I cannot reckon nor Nets. give proper names to the diverse kinds of fresh fish in our Rivers; I have caught with mine Angle, Pike, Karpe, Eel, Perches of six several kinds, Creafish, and the Torope or little Turtle, besides many smaller kinds, etc. CHAP. XII. Of the Lottery: Sir THOMAS DALES return: the Spaniards in Virginia. Of POCAHUNTAS and TOMOCOMO: Captain YERDLEY and Captain argol (both since Knighted) their Government; the Lord LA-WARRS death, and other occurrents till Anno 1619. HItherto you have heard the Authors themselves speak of their own affairs. Now we must for continuation and consummation of our Story, borrow a few Collections from others, where the Authors themselves have not comen to our hands. Wherein that industrious Gentleman Captain john Smith still breathing Virginia, and diligent enquiry and writing, as sometime by discovery and doing to show his zeal to this action (for seeing he cannot there be employed to perform Virginian exploits worthy the writing, here he employeth himself to write Virginian affairs worthy the reading) having compiled a long History of that and the Summer Island plantation, and of New England in six Books, hath gently communicated the same to mine, that is to thine, as intended to the World's use. Out of his rich fields I have gleaned these handfuls, adding thereto the crop also of mine own industry. Sir Thomas Gates returned from Virginia in March, and Captain Argall in june following 1614 The Lottery▪ and so animated by their hopeful reports the Adventurers, that the great standing Lottery was drawn Anno 1615. in the West end of Paul's Churchyard (where before, as in many other places after; a running Lottery of smaller adventures had been used) in which the Prizes were proportioned from two crowns (which was the least) to diverse thousands, arising in ordinary assents and degrees * To 100 200. 300. & 1000 2000 and the highest 4500. crowns. , casually accrueing as the lot fell, and paid in money or in Plate there set forth to view, provided that if any chose money rather than Plate or goods for payment, in sums above ten crowns, he was to abate the tenth part. The orders of this Lottery were published, and courses taken to prevent frauds. Whiles Sir Thomas Dale was in Virginia, it chanced that a Spanish Ship beat up and down before Point Comfort, and sent ashore for a Pilot. Captain james Davies sent them one, with whom they Spanish Ships a● Virginia. presently sailed away, leaving three of their company behind. These, upon examination, confessed that having lost their Admiral, accident had forced them into those parts; two of them said they were Captains English Pilat● o● judas rather; suspended and exalted together according to his me●●●. of chief command in the Fleet. They received good usage there, till one of them was found to be an Englishman, which in the great Fleet 1588. had been a Pilot to the Spaniards, and now exercised his wont treachery, having induced some malcontents to run away with a small Bark. This darkness being brought to light, some of them were executed, and he expecting no better, confessed that two or three Spanish Ships were at Sea, on purpose to discover the state of the Colony: but their Commission was not to be opened till they arrived in the Bay, so that he knew no further. One of the Spaniards died, the other was sent for England, and this fellow was now repriued, but (as became such a Pilot) was hanged at Sea in Sir Thomas D●les return. The English Pilot which they had carried away to Spain, after long imprisonment by much suit recovered his liberty and Country. Sir Thomas Dale having thus established things as you have heard, returned thence, appointing Cap▪ Y 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ● 〈◊〉. Captain George Yardly his deputy Governor in his absence, and arrived at Plymouth in May or june 4. 1616. to advance the good of the Plantation, Master Rolfe also with Rebecca his new convert and consort, and Vttamatamakin (commonly called Tomocomo) one of Pohatans' Counselors came over at the same time. With this Savage I have often conversed at my good friends Master Doctor Goldstone, where he was a frequent guest; and where I have both seen him Hitherto from Capt. Smith. sing and dance his diabolical measures, and heard him discourse of his Country and Religion, Sir Tho. Dales man being the Interpreter, as I have elsewhere showed. Master Rolfe lent me a discourse which he had written of the estate of Virginia at that time, out of which I collected those things which I have in my Pilgrimage delivered. And his wife did not only accustom herself See my Pil. l. 8. c. 5. to civility, but still carried herself as the Daughter of a King, and was accordingly respected, not only by the Company, which allowed provision for herself and her son, but of diverse particular persons of Honour, in their hopeful zeal by her to advance Christianity. I was present, when my Honourable & Reverend Patron, the L. Bishop of London, Doctor King entertained her with festival state and pomp, beyond what I have seen in his great hospitality afforded to other Ladies. At her return towards Uirginia she came at Gravesend to her end and grave, having given great demonstration of her Christian sincerity, as the first fruits of Virginian conversion, leaving here a godly memory, and the hopes of her resurrection, her soul aspiring to see and enjoy presently in heaven, what here she had joyed to hear and believe of her beloved Saviour. Not such was Tomocomo, but a blasphemer of what he knew not, and preferring his God to ours, because he taught them (by his own so appearing) to wear their Devill-lock at the left ear; he acquainted me with the manner of that his appearance, and believed that this Okee or Devil had See my Pilg. ubi sup. taught them their husbandry, etc. Powhatan was at this time of their coming gone Southwards, for fear (as some thought) lest Opachancanough his brother should join with the English against him. His age was not so great as some have reported, they reckoning every Spring and Powhatans' remove. Autumn for distinct years. Tomocomo was as wise in computation of his sailing, reckoning each night (when he expected they should have anchored by the shore) as another day. He is said Virginian years which perhaps occasioned the conceits of their longevity also to have set up with notches on a stick the numbers of men, being sent to see and signify the truth of the multitudes reported to his Master. But his arithmetic soon failed, and wonder did no less amaze him at the sight of so much Corn and Trees in his coming from Plymouth to London, the Uirginians imagining that defect thereof here had brought us thither. But let us return to Captain Smith's Relations. The new Governor applied himself to the readiest way of gain in planting Tobacco; and though Sir Tho. Dale had caused much Corn to be planted, yet the new supplies easing them of that superfluity, he sent to the Chickahaminies for the tribute Corn which Sir Thomas Dale and Captain Argall had conditioned with them, but received a bad answer. Whereupon he gathered a hundred men, and twelve of them were slain, twelve others captived, and returned to james Town with three Boats laden with corn, of which one hasting to bring the news was overset, and eleven men, together with the goods drowned. Captain Spelman by his language did them good service. This, together with the league which they had with Opachankanough enemy to the former, put them so in fear, that ours followed their labours quietly, and other Nations also brought them provisions and would hunt for them. Captain Yeardly is taxed for suffering two of his Savages to use the Piece in their game and therein to grow expert; a thing reported to have been practised by some others. Yet whiles he stayed in the government they lived quietly with the Savages, but grudges grew amongst themselves. A. 1617. Captain Yeardly returned for England, after the arrival of Captain Argall, sent thither to be deputy Governor. Captain Argall was sent in the George, and with Capt. Hamor his Vice-admiral, in May, 1617. A. 1617. Cap. Argolls government. 1618. Great drought arrived at james Town, where he found things in much disorder, which he sought to redress. Their cattle were now well increased, and both of their own growing, and from the Savages they had store of Corn, A. 1618. happened a great drought, and such a cruel storm of hail, that it did much hurt to their Corn and Tobacco. The Magazine that came in the George, being five months in her passage proved badly conditioned. To supply them, the Company furnished and set forth in April a Ship of two hundred and fifty tons, L. De-la-Wars▪ last voyages and death. with two hundred people. The Lord Delawar went therein, and at the Island of Saint Michael was honourably feasted. Departing from thence, they were long troubled with contrary winds, in which time many fell sick, thirty died, one of which was that honourable Lord of noble memory. The rest refreshed themselves on that Coast of New England, with Fish, Fowle, Wood, and Water, and after sixteen weeks spent at Sea, arrived in Virginia. The Ship called the Treasurer not long after came thither with forty Passengers, before the other Ship Ploughing and Corn in Virginia. was gone. They now had used the Blow, and reaped good Corn, and they writ for more Plow-haruesse to be sent them. Richard Killingbeck with four others, going to trade secretly with the people of Chickahaminias, either for revenge of some before slain in Captain Yerdlyes' expedition, or for covetousness of their goods were assaulted by the Savages, one of which had a Piece furnished and therewith shot Killingbeck dead; Killingbeck slain the rest also were all slain, stripped and spoilt. Other murders also were done by other Savages, which Opachankanough excused by ignorance, and for the former, he sent a basket of earth, in token of the gift and possession of that Town where they dwelled, to Captain Argal, desiring him not to revenge the fault of a few, which for fear of revenge were fled to the Woods, on their innocent neighbours. Sam. Arg. Io. Rolfe. Master Rolfe writ, june 15. 1618. that Powhatan died in April before, Itopatan his second brother Powhatans' death. succeeded, who with Opachanckanough had confirmed the league with the Colony. May 11. happened at james Town in the night, a terrible storm which lasted about half an hour, and poured down hailstones eight or nine inches about. A. 1619. Sir Edwin Sands being chosen Treasurer, Captain Yerdley was knighted and sent Governor Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer. into Virginia. A little Pinnace had arrived some twelve days before him, in which Captain Argall returned, leaving in his place Captain Nathaniel Powel. As for their digusts given the Company (in their apprehension) by Captain Argall, I am not fully informed, or lust to be the Informer. Sir George Yerdly arriving April 18. filled the Colony with joyful hopes of better success at his arrival, Sir George Yerdley Governor. and I freely acknowledge the Treasurer's great study and care was worthy (had God so pleased) of better enents, then by unexpected accidents have since happened. Captain West, Captain Powel, Master Pory, Master Rolfe, Master Wickam, Master Macock, were added to the Council. A Pinnace of Captain Bargrave, another of Captain Lawns, and a third of Master Euans, and the Margot of Bristol arrived. Some scandalous Letters, which laid a false imputation on the Country, caused enquiry to be made, where by men of best experience was found, that an industrious man not otherwise employed, may well husband four Acres of Corn, and one thousand Profit to be made in Virginia. Plants of Tobacco, of which many to have much, neglect the goodness (in suffering too many leaves to grow on one stalhe) and many Tobaccomongers in England are said to sell the best of it in other names, calling all their trash Virginian, and so at once rob both England and Virginia. june 25. the Trial came in with Corn and Cattell. The Governor and Counsel caused Burgesses to be chosen in all places, and a general assembly was held for consultation about the Colonies good. The ancient Planters being set free chose places to their content, and sweetness of propriety made them emulous to exceed each other in building and planting. Many good instructions were sent from the Company, to amend the Virginian abuses and compete●cis of provision was appointed for Officers. But leave we awhile our Captain's Notes, and let us listen to that which the Company published, A. 1620. CHAP. XIII. The estate of the Colony, A. 1620. and Master Dermers Letter to me from Virginia, touching his Voyage for the South Sea. NOw touching the present estate of our Colony in that Country, We have thought it not unfit thus much briefly to declare. There have been sent thither this last year, and are now presently in going, twelve hundred persons and upward, as particularly appeareth in the note above specified: and there are near one thousand more remaining of those that were gone before. The men lately sent, have been most of them choice men, borne and bred up to labour and industry. Out of Devonshire, about an hundred men, brought up to Husbandry. Out of Warwickshire and Staffordshire, about one hundred and ten; and out of Sussex, about forty; all framed to Iron-workes: the rest dispersedly out of diverse Shires of the Realm. There have been also sundry persons of good quality, much commended for sufficiency, industry and honesty, provided and sent to take charge and government of those people. The care likewise that hath been taken by directions, instructions, Charters and Commissions to reduce the people and affairs in Virginia into a regular course, hath been such and so great, that the Colony beginneth now to have the face and fashion of an orderly State, and such as is likely to grow and prosper. The people are all divided into several Burrougheses; each man having the shares of Land due to him set out, to hold and enjoy to him and his Heirs. The public Lands for the Company here, for the Governor there, for the College, and for each particular Burrow, for the Ministers also, and for diverse other necessary Several Burroughs▪ Officers, are likewise laid out by order and bounded. The particular Plantations for diverse private Societies, are settled in their Seats, being allotted to their content, and each in convenient distance. The rigour of Martial Law, wherewith before they were governed, is reduced within the limits prescribed by his Majesty; and the landable form of justice and government used in this Realm, established, and followed as near as may be. The Governor is so restrained to a Counsel joined with him, that he can do wrong to no man, who may not have speedy remedy. Each Burrow, and each particular Plantation, partly hath, partly is bound to have in short time a sufficient Minister: for whom maintenance is ordained, to each of two hundred pounds a year value. Which orderly proceeding there, by direction from hence, hath caused the Colony now at length to settle themselves in a firm resolution to perpetuate the Plantation. They fall to building of Houses, each for his own private; and the Generality to the rearing of public Guest-houses, for entertaining of new men upon their first arrival. They fall to set up their Ploughs, to the planting of Vineyards; to the pursuing of the Staple Commodities furnished and commended from hence. In sum, they are now so full of alacrity and cheerfulness, that in a late general Assembly, they have in the name of the Colony presented their greatest possible thanks to the Company, for the care that hath been taken for the settling of the Plantation. Neither is it to be omitted, the care which hath been had here lately at home, for the reducing of all the proceedings and affairs of the Company, to an orderly course of good government and justice. Wherein to begin with the Fountain thereof, his Majesty's authority Patent three times renewed and pleasure, there hath been a collection made of all the branches of the same, dispersed in his Letters Patents, now three times renewed: as also out of other instructions proceeding from his Majesty. Out of both which, together with such other Orders as (authorized by his Majesty) the Company themselves have thought necessary to make, hath been compiled a book of standing Orders and Constitutions, approved by the general consent of all the Company: whereby both the Company here, and the Colony in Virginia, have their business carried regularly, industriously, and justly, every man knowing both his right and duty, to their general great content, and the great advancement of the Action. And whereas the Colony likewise have been often Suitors in effect, to reduce into a compendious and orderly form of writing, the Laws of England proper for the use of that Plantation, with addition of such other, as the nature of the place, the novelty of the Colony, and other important circumstances should necssarily require: A course is likewise taken for the effecting of this work; yet so as to submit it first to his Majesty's view and approbation; it being not fit that his Majesty's Subjects should be governed by any other Laws, than such as receive the influence of their life from him. And now to come to that which concerneth the Aduenturors in particular, by whose charges, care, and labour (next unto his Majesty's especial grace) this famous Plantation hath not only been undertaken, but through so many difficulties upheld and continued: we should be very greatly injurious to them, if we should not acquaint them with this seasonable time, for the reaping of that benefit and reward which is due unto them. We therefore let them know, that in this last year now ended, there have been granted by the Company under their legal Seal, eleven several Patents for particular Plantations; and more are in hand to be passed this next Quarter-Court. It is not unprobable that upon each of these Patents, diverse hundreds of persons will soon Plant in Virginia: there have been already transported upon the first, above three hundred men. These and other like Planters; having priority of time, will have priority also in choice of the Seat of their Plantations. Seeing therefore the only matter of retribution to the Aduenturors, is by a fair proportion of Land to them and their heirs, namely, of one hundred Acres for every share of twelve pounds and ten shillings, upon a first division; and as much more upon a second, the first being peopled; with fifty Acres for every person (to be doubled in like manner) which at their own charges they shall transport to inhabit in Uirginia before the four and twentieth of june, 1625. if he continue there three years, either at one or several times, or die after he is shipped for that voyage: It standeth them upon, who are not willing to be the least in the benefit to be partaked, not to be the last in setting forth to the choice and peopling of their Land. Wherein what favour or assistance may by us be given them, they shall be well assured of it, in equal proportion with ourselves, as their charges and long expectance have well deserved. And to the end that not only the Aduenturors now living, but the Heirs also of the deceased, may take certain notice of the several proportion of Land, which ratably to their Adventures in money are due and belonging to them. A Note of the Shipping, Men, and provisions sent to Virginia, by the Treasurer and Company, in the year 1619. THe Bona Nova of two hundred Tun, sent in August 1619. with one hundred and twenty persons. The Duty, of seventy Tun, sent in january 1619. with fifty one persons. The jonathan Ships. of three hundred and fifty Tun, sent in February 1619. with two hundred persons. The Trial, of two hundred Tun, sent in February 1619. with forty persons, and sixty Kine. The Falcon, of one hundred and fifty Tun, sent in February 1619. with thirty six persons, fifty two Kine, and four Mares. The London Merchant, of three hundred Tun, sent in March 1619. with two hunpeople. The Swan of Barnstable, of one hundred Tun, sent in March, 1619. with seventy one persons. The Bonaventure of two hundred and forty Tun, sent in April, 1620. with one hundred and fifty three persons. Besides these, set out by the Treasurer and Company, there hath been set out by particular Adventurers for private Plantations. The Garland of two hundred and fifty Tun, sent in june, 1619. for M. john Ferrars Plantation, with forty five persons. Who are yet detained in the Summer Lands. A Ship of Bristol, of eighty Tun, sent in September, 1619. for M. Barkleys' Plantation, with forty five persons. There are also two Ships in providing to be shortly gone, for about three hundred persons more, to be sent by private Adventurers to Virginia. The sum of the persons one thousand two hundred sixty one. Whereof in the eight Ships set out by the Treasurer and Company, eight hundred seventy one. Of these persons there are sent for public and other pious uses, these ensuing▪ Tenants People. for the Governors' Land, besides fifty sent the former Spring, eighty. Tenants for the Companies Land, one hundred and thirty. Tenants for the Colleges Land, one hundred. Tenants for the Ministers glebe-Lands, fifty. Young Maids to make Wives for so many of the former Tenants, ninety. Boys to make Apprentices for those Tenants, one hundred. Servants for the public, fifty. Men sent by their labours, to bear up the charge of bringing up thirty of the Infidels children in true Religion and Civility. The sum of persons for public use, etc. six hundred and fifty. The six hundred and eleven remaining, are sent for private Plantations. The Commodities which these people are directed principally to apply (next to their own necessary maintenance) Commodities. are these ensuing: Iron, for which are sent one hundred and fifty persons, to set up three Iron-workes; proof having been made of the extraordinary goodness of that Iron. Cordage: for which (besides Hemp) direction is given for the planting of Silke-grasse (naturally growing in those parts) in great abundance: which is approved to make the best Cordage and Linen in the world. Of this, every householder is bound to set one hundred Plants: and the Governor himself hath set five thousand. Pot-ashes and Soap-ashes, Pitch and Tar: for the making whereof the Polacres are returned to their works. Timber of all sorts, with Masts, Planks and Boards for provision of Shipping, etc. there being not so good Timber for all uses, in any one known Country whatsoever. And for the ease and increase of diverse of these works, provision is sent of men and materials, for the setting up of sundry Sawing Mills. Silk: for which that Country is exceeding proper, having innumerable store of Muibery Trees of the best, and some-Silk-wormes naturally found upon them, producing excellent Silk: some whereof is to be seen. For the setting up of which Commodity, his Majesty hath been graciously pleased now the second time (the former having miscarried) to bestow upon the Company plenty of Silk-wormes-seed of his own store, being the best. Vines: whereof the Country yieldeth naturally great store, and of sundry sorts: which by culture will be brought to excellent perfection. For the effecting whereof, diverse skilful Vignerons are sent, with store also from hence of Vine-plants of the best sort. Salt: which works having been lately suffered to decay, are now ordered to be set up in so great plenty, as not only to serve the Colony for the present; but as is hoped in short time also the great Fishings on those Coasts. For the following, working, and perfecting of these Commodities, all provisions necessary for the present are sent in good abundance. As likewise the people that go are plentifully furnished with apparel, bedding, victual for six months: Implements both for the House and Labour, Armour, Weapons, Tools, and sundry other necessaries. And a supply of Armour, Powder, and many necessary provisions is made for those of the Colony which were there before; yet without any prejudice to the former Magazine. There have been given to the Colony this year by devout persons, these Gifts ensuing: Two persons Gifts. unknown, have given fair Plate, and other rich Ornaments for two Communion Tables; whereof one for the College, and the other for the Church of Mistress Mary robinson's founding: who in the former year by her Will, gave two hundred pounds towards the founding of a Church in Virginia. Another unknown person (together with a godly Letter) hath lately sent to the Treasurer, five hundred and fifty pounds in gold, for the bringing up of children of the Infidels: first in the Knowledge of God and true Religion; and next, in fit Trades whereby honestly to l●ue. Master Nicolas Ferrar deceased, hath by his Will given three hundred pounds to the College in Virginia, to be paid, when there shall be ten of the Infidels children placed in it. And in the mean time four and twenty pounds by year, to be distributed unto three discreet and godly men in the Colony, which shall honestly bring up three of the Infidels children in Christian Religion, and some good course to live by. An unnamed person sent to the Treasurer the sum of ten pounds, for advancing of the Plantation. There have been Patents granted this year for particular Plantations, as here ensueth: To the Society Patents. of Southamton Hundred. To Master Heath, Recorder of London. To Master Wincop. To Master Tracie. To Doctor Bohun. To Master Pierce. To Master Delbridge. To Master Pointz. To Master Barkley. To Captain Bargrave. To Captain Ward. Who have undertaken to transport to Virginia great multitudes of people, with store of cattle. It is to be known, that touching the College for the Infidels children, it hath been thought more expedient to begin first with the planting and peopling of the Lands (which hath been done this year) and afterwards to proceed to the erecting of the Fabric, which is to be performed out of the revenues of the Lands. To his Worshipful Friend M. SAMVEL PURCHAS, Preacher of the Word, at the Church a little within Ludgate, London. SIR, IT was the nineteenth of May, before I was fitted for my discovery, when from Monahiggan I set sail in an open Pinnace of five tun, for the Island I told you of. I passed alongst the Coast where I found some ancient Plantations, not long since populous now utterly void; in other places a remnant remains, but not free of sickness. Their disease the Plague, for we might perceive the sores of some that had escaped, who described the spots of such as usually die. When I arrived at my Savages native Country (finding all dead) I traveled alongst adays journey Westward, to a place called Nummastaquyt, where finding Inhabitants, I dispatched a Messenger a day's journey further West, to Poconaokit which bordereth on the Sea; whence came to see me two Kings, attended with a guard of fifty armed men, who being well satisfied with that my Savage and I discoursed unto them (being desirous of novelty) gave me content in whasoever I demanded, where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Mastachusit, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the North-east of Cape Cod. I must (amongst many things worthy observation) for want of leisure, therefore hence I pass (not mentioning any place where we touched in the way) to the Island, which we discovered the twelfth of june. Here we had good quarter with the Savages, who likewise confirmed former reports. I found seven several places digged, sent home of the earth, with samples of other commodities elsewhere found, sounded the Coast, and the time being far spent bare up for Monahiggan, arriving the three and tieth of june, where we found our Ship ready to depart. To this I'll are two other near adjoining, all which I called by the name of King james his Isles, because from thence I had the first motives to search. For that (now probable passage) which may hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his Majesty. When I had dispatched with the ships ready to depart, I thus concluded for the accomplishing my business. In regard of the fewness of my men, not being able to leave behind me a competent number for defence, and yet sufficiently furnish myself, I put most of my provisions aboard the Samson of Cape Ward ready bound for Virginia, from whence he came, taking no more into the Pinnace than I thought might serve our turns, determining with Gods help to search the Coast along, and at Virginia to supply ourselves for a second discovery, if the first failed. But as the best actions are commonly hardest in effecting, and are seldom without their crosses, so in this we had our share, and met with many difficulties: for we had not sailed above forty leagues, but we were taken with a Southerly storm, which drove us to this straight; either we must weather a rocky point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no less dangerous; Incidit in Syllam, etc. the Rocks we could not weather, though we loosed till we received much water, but at last were forced to bear up for the Bay, and run on ground a furlong off the shore, where we had been beaten to pieces, had we not instantly thrown overboard our provisions to have our lives; by which means we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next high water without hurt, having our Plank broken, and a small leak or two which we easily mended. Being left in this misery, having lost much bread, all our Beef and Cider, some Meal and Apparel, with other provisions and necessaries; having now little left besides hope to encourage us to persist: Yet after a little deliberation we resolved to proceed and departed with the next fair wind. We had not now that fair quarter amongst the Savages as before, which I take it was by reason of our Savages absence, who desired (in regard of our long journey) to slay with some of our Savage friends at Sawahquatooke) for now almost every where, where they were of any strength they sought to betray us. At Manamock (the Southern part of Cape Cod, now called Sutcliffe Inlets) I was unawares taken prisoner, when they sought to kill my men, which I left to man the Pinnace; but missing of their purpose, they demanded a ransom, which had, I was as far from liberty as before: yet it pleased God at last, after a strange manner to deliver me, with three of them into my hands, and a little after the chief Sacheum himself; who seeing me weigh anchor, would have leapt overboard, but intercepted, craved pardon, and sent for the Hatchets given for ransom, excusing himself by laying the fault on his neighbours; and to be friends sent for a Canoas' lading of Corn, which received we set him free. I am loath to omit the story, wherein you would find cause to admire the great mercy of God even in our greatest misery, in giving us both freedom and relief at one time. Departing hence, the next place we arrived at was Capaock, an Island formerly discovered by the English, where I met with Epinew a Savage that had lived in England, and speaks indifferent good English, who four years since being carried home, was reported to have been slain, with diverse of his Countrymen, by Sailors, which was false. With him I had much conference, who gave me very good satisfaction in every thing almost I could demand. Time not permitting me to search here, which I should have done for sundry things of special moment: the wind fair, I stood away shaping my course as the Coast led me, till I came to the most Westerly part where the Coast began to fall away Southerly. In my way I discovered Land about thirty leagues in length, heretofore taken for maine, where I feared I had been embayed, but by the help of an Indian I got to the Sea again, through many crooked and straight passages. I let pass many accidents in this journey occasioned by treachery, where we were compelled twice to go together by the ears, once the Savages had great advantage of us in a straight, not above a Bow shot, and where a multitude of Indians let fly at us from the bank, but it pleased God to make us victors: near unto this we found a most dangerous Catwract amongst small rocky Lands, occasioned by two unequal tides, the one ebbing and flowing two hours before the other: here we lost an Anchor by the strength of the current, but found it deep enough: from hence were we carried in a short space by the tides swiftness into a great Bay (to us so appearing) but indeed is broken land, which gave us light of the Sea: here, as I said, the Land treadeth Southerly. In this place I talked with many Saluages, who told me of two sundry passages to the great Sea on the West, offered me Pilots, and one of them drew me a Plot with Chalk upon a Chest, whereby I found it a great Island, parted the two Seas; they report the one scarce passable for shoalds, perilous currents, the other no question to be made of. Having received these directions, I hasten to the place of greatest hope, where I purposed to make trial of God's goodness towards us, and use my best endeavour te bring the truth to light, but we were but only showed the entrance, where in seeking to pass we were forced back with contrary and overblowing winds, hardly escaping both our lives. Being thus overcharged with weather, I stood alongst the coast to seek harbours, to attend a favourable gale to recover the straight, but being a harbourless Coast for aught we could then perceive, we found no succour till we arrived betwixt Cape Charles and the Main on the East side the Bay Chestapeak, where in a wild Road we anchored; and the next day (the eight of September) crossed the Bay to Kecoughtan, where the first news struck cold to our hearts, the general sickness over the Land. Here I resolved with all possible speed to return in pursuit of this business; so that after a little refreshing, we recovered up the River to james City, and from thence to Cape Warde his Plantacon, where immediately we fell to hewing of Boards for a close Deck, having found it a most desired course to attempt as before. As we were thus labouring to effect our purposes, it pleased almighty God (who only disposeth of the times and seasons, wherein all works shall be accomplished) to visit us with his heavy hand, so that at one time there were but two of us able to help the rest, myself so sore shaken with a burning fever, that I was brought even unto death's door, but at length by God's assistance escaped, and have now with the rest almost recovered my former strength. The Winter having overtaken us (a time on these Coasts especially) subject to gusts and fearful storms, I have now resolved to choose a more temperate season, both for the general good and our own safeties. And thus I have sent you a broken discourse, though indeed very unwilling to have given any notice at all, till it had pleased God to have blessed me with a thorough search, that our eyes might have witnessed the truth. I have drawn a Plot of the Coast, which I dare not yet part with for fear of danger, let this therefore serve for confirmation of your hopes, till I can better perform my promise and your desire; for what I have spoken I can produce at lest mille testes; far separate, of the Sea behind them, and of Ships, which come many day's journey from the West, and of the great extent of this Sea to the North and South, not knowing any bounds thereof Westward. I cease to trouble you till a better opportunity offer itself, remembering my best loan, etc. I rest From Captain MARTIN his Plantation. 27. Decemb. 1619. Yours to command, THO. DERMER. To Sir Edwin Sands in the Treasurership succeeded the right Honourable Henry Earl of Southampton, Cap. I. Smith. whose industry together with that of those two brethren john and Nicolas Farrars the Sir Edw. Sands was Treasurer from Ap. 1619. till jun. 16●0. successive Deputies, have given much content to many, but to diverse others matter of complaint; wherein I am an unfit judge; only as a reasonable man and Christian Minister (that I say not Historian) I am much grieved that Virginia's prosperity cannot answer men's hopes; nor can any man marvel if divisions (minde-massacres) here, with the massacring Savages and diseases there, have hindered there the expected effects of honourable and careful endeavours. Master Stockam, a Master Stockams' Letter to Master Whitaker before. Minister, writ thence, May the eight and twentieth, that which deserveth just consideration, that he found no probability by fair means alone to draw the Savages to goodness, and if Mars and Minerva went hand in hand, they would effect more good in one hour, than these verbal Mercurians in their lives: and till their Priests and Ancients have their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to conversion. CHAP. XIIII. A true Relation of a Sea Fight between two great and well appointed Spanish Ships, or Men of War; and an English Ship, called thy Margaret and john, or the Black Hodge, going for Virginia. Having taken our journey toward Virginia in the beginning of February last passed, in a Ship called the Black Hodge, her burden one hundred and sixty ton, manned 1620. only with eight Iron Pieces, and a poor Falcon, we soon over-passed both the tedious endurances and fearful dangers of such a Voyage, and came at last by the foureteenth of March under 13. and half Latitude, within twenty leagues of Matalina. Falling with Mevis by the twentieth of March, and compassing the furthest point to stand in the hand summer with the shore, we perceived two tall Ships at anchor right over against the watering place with their top sails loose, and their Boats going ashore for their men. At first we supposed them Hollanders, in respect of their building, and the Hollanders colours borne by Hollanders colours. their Admiral in the main top, the vice Admiral having his fore top mast down, and no colours displayed, which increased our former opinion, adding withal that it must needs be prize, or some other Ship subject to the misfortune of a fight. But driving by necessity of water, and willing to refresh ourselves a shore, we trimmed our Ship, and came to anchor fairly by them, sending our Boat in friendly manner to hale them both unprovided and unarmed, which returned with certificate, that they were Spaniards, wherein not fully satisfied, by reason of our former apprehension that it was otherwise; the better to be resolved, we sent out our Boat again, as well to be assured what to trust unto, as to gain sometime to prepare our Ship, and trim her more commodiously, being pestered with goods and fardels between the decks, and altogether unprovided for any fight, either offensive or defensive. The Boat approached the hindmost Ship, which I call the vice-admiral, and haled her, demanding who they were, but instead of resolving us, she commanded them to come aboard, and would answer no otherwise; whereupon the Boat rowed from them, as resolving all was not The Spaniards shot at the boat well, and so made haste unto us again, yet could not prevent a volley of small shot poured very dangerously amongst them, insomuch that they had their clothes shot through, their Oars shivered, and the sides battered with Bullets; yet thanks be to God, neither was a man hurt, nor any thing lost; which, as if they had had notice of the same escape, rated their rage so much the more: For by that time the Boat was out of reach of their small shot, they followed it to the Ship with great Ordnance; and when they perceived they were safely come aboard, they They shot at the Ship. English unprepared for fight. took it so ill, that they thundered against our Ship with the soarer rage, and most violent volleys, which we could not answer, having no Piece in our gunner room, nor indeed any other well mounted for such a Sea fight. By this time their vice Admiral heaved up her anchor to her warp, and laid herself to Spanish advantages. windward, if either we should pass forward, or anchor short again, so that we perceived they meant to assault us on all hands: for she let fly a whole broadside upon us, and came furiously up to our lee quarter without damage or resistance of our parts. But when we were thus terrified and threatened by them, and thus encumbered and disanimated amongst ourselves, knowing withal (by reason of our ill prepared Ordnance) the disadvantage and hazard to be boarded at anchor by two good Ships well prepared for spoil and ruin; we hoist up our sails, and determined to set forward, had not the vice-admiral come on our starboard side, and beat upon us so hardly, that we fell to our business, and answered their unkndenesse accordingly with many fair shot, which proved most effectual, especially from a demy-culuering, which at last shot her between wind and water, so that she was compelled from us, and bore off to Sea, leaving her Admiral only single with us, who at last came fairly in our quarter to windward, taking in her Holland flag, and advanced her Spanish colours, and so haled us. Spanish colours. We quietly and quickly answered, both what we were, and whither we were bound, discovering Their conference. the effect of our Commission, and relating the cause of our tarrying there for water, neither purposing to annoy any subject of the King of Spain's, nor by way of affront to brave either Merchant or man of War. Then she charged us to strike our sails for the King of Spain, and veil the bonnet according to the prerogative they had in those Seas: we replied with enlarging the particulars of the league between the King our Master and their King, adding with all, that as we intended no ill, we would take no wrong; Whereupon the Master left the poop, and sequestered himself from such open conference; had they not called for the Captain again, who at last presented himself, till they commanded him to come aboard with his Commission, which he refused, yet wished them to send their Boat aboard, and then they should see it most willingly. But instead either of answering us further with kind words, or accepting of our reply in good Insolence of the Spaniards. part, they made two great shot at us, and poured among us such a volley of small shot, before we could get off the poop, that we thanked God they did no more harm, yet we were much amazed they did so much: not thus content they waved us with their bright swords, and reviled us with opprobrious terms, mis-tearming us dog's, and inventing more odious names against us, than we could imagine that Christians durst urge one another withal: at last they laid us aboard, which enforced us to raise up our main sail, and to give the word to our small shot, which all this while lay close, well resolved and prepared: but suddenly breaking The English fight. forth we plied them in such sort that we made them give back and shrink from their former forwardness. The fight continued some half hour in our quarter, and according to the terror of such encounters, we were compassed as it were in fire and smoke, until they discovered the waste of our Ship naked, and were encouraged with the hope of reciprocal damage, whereupon they bravely ran upon our side, and laid us aboard loof to loof, hastening with Pikes and Swords to enter, to which was added such fury, that if they had not been prevented, we should have Spaniards seek to enter. shrunk under the rage of a barbarous slaughter: but it pleased God so to direct our Master with advice, and encourage our men with valour, that our Pikes being formerly placed under our half deck, and certain shot lying close for that purpose under the portels of the Ship, encountered them so bravely, that their fury was not only rebated, but their hastiness intercepted, Their repulse. and the whole Company beaten back, especially upon the windward side, where the charge was hottest, and the fight bloodiest; for the●e the throng was great, and men had work enough to make proof of their courages and fortunes. diverse of our men were hurt, and many fell on their side. In the end they were violently repulsed by us, enforced to a retreat, until they were reinforced back again by their Commanders, who standing upon terms of honour, as being men of War, and designed for that purpose, thought it an indignity to be so afronted and countermanded; which caused a second charge, and that was answered with a second beating back, till the Second charge Captain himself grew enraged, as not brooking to be so much overmated, and constrained them to come on a fresh, which they did so effectually, that questionless it had wrought an alteration, Third charge. if the God that tosseth Monarchies, and teareth the Mountains in his fury, had not taught us to toss our Pikes with prosperous event, and poured out a sudden volley of small shot upon them, whereby that worthy Commander was slain at the foot of a Pike, and many of his Soldiers Their Captain slain. dropped down on the top of the hatches. Presently our Master took advantage of their discomfiture (though with some commiseration for their valiant Captain so slain) that he not only plied them a fresh with great Ordnance, but had more false shot under the Pikes, which were bestowed to good purpose, and amazed our enemies with the suddenness. Amongst the rest one Lucas our Carpenter's mate must not be forgotten, who perceived a way how to annoy them, as they were thus puzzled and in a confusion, drew out a minion which he Lucas his brave act. nobly set a work under the half deck, till at the last he brought it to the doxe of the half deck, and there bent it upon them, but in such a manner, that when it was fired the cases full of stones and pieces of Iron fell upon them like hail, and cleared their deck in such a sort that The case altered. Omnium re●ur● vicissitudo. it slew many, and in short time we saw few assailants, but only such as crept from place to place very covertly, and seemed willing to obscure themselves from the fury of our shot, which now was thicker than theirs: For although (as far as we may commend our enemies) they had done some things worthy of admiration: yet either wanting men, or overtaken with the unlooked for valour of our company, they now began to shrink, and gave us leave to be wanton with our advantage. Yet were our great Ordnance only four, that we could use in this fight, but it should seem The English could 〈◊〉 but four Ordnance. they served the turn as well as four times four: for they shot her diverse times between wind and water, and so prevailed, that at last we saw many signs of their willingness to leave us, but by reason she was fast in a slach of our cable, which in haste of weighing our anchor hung loose, she could not be divided nor make that way she purposed, until one of our men cut it with an Axe without direction, and was slain for his labour. But when she perceived she was loose, after she had been a board two hours and a half, good Lord what haste she made, and how quickly were we divided, both great and small shot playing on both sides, which lasted until Spaniards fall off. the remoteness was above a Caliver shot, and we discovered the vice-admiral coming to her assistance, who began a far off to ply us with great shot, and put us in mind we had another work in hand. Whereupon we manned our Ship a new, separating the dead and hurt bodies by themselves Bravado turned English. from us, and were so encouraged, that we waved her, and in a manner made toward her to fight a fresh: For when we perceived, that the Admiral made not a shot more at us, we verily imagined, that either she was preparing herself with a new supply, or wanted men to make her serviceable or resolved to go away from us, considering she had lost her Captain; yet loath to be secure, and imagining the Vide-admiral might come and board us finding us play, till the Admiral did make herself better ready, we prepared ourselves, wondering yet that she came no nearer us than Falcon shot, wherewith she plied us still on the Lee side, until at last she received another payment from our Demie-culuering, which shot her through, and made her bear with the shore into smooth water, where she remained till two of the clock after midnight, and so we had time to reform our disorders, and make ourselves better ready for the next day's variety. By break of day she came up again with the Admiral with her; as if they determined indeed Next days fight. to devour us at once; but as it seemed it was but a Bravado, though for the time they forsook not our quarter within Musket shot: for all that night and morning they were quiet Neighbours, and kept us company without any great annoyance with their top-sails down, not knowing, as it should seem, what to do with us, or else suspecting their own hurts and Leaks, they durst not trust themselves too far from Land, nor to the fury of another encounter. All that night we had time and leisure to overlook our losses, and prepare for them, the Admiral made show of an encounter, and we after Prayers were ended provided to fight with them, but suddenly we perceived the Vice-admiral hang a stern, cutting her main sail to come up, and stirring very ill. At length the Admiral shook in the wind, and by apparent signs gave us notice of slacking her course, whereby we might run a head and follow the Seas at her pleasure, so we perceived The Vice-admiral seeketh to recover the Island and the quality, Sana. the Vice-admiral with all her Sails to make towards an Island called Sana, which the Admiral either took notice of, as knowing the danger she wasin, or gave directions accordingly, considering there was no good to be done with us: for presently she tacked about and lost us, bearing toward that Island also. We lost Doctor Bohune, and seven other were slain outright: two died shortly after Doctor Bohune and seven others slain outright. of their wounds, and sixteen were shot through in some part or other of the body, whose wounds Gods be thanked were recured and without maim or further impeachment of health are now recovered and settled in Virginia, according to our first intended purpose and Commission: I reckon not such as are hurt with Pikes and other offensive Weapons, because there was no danger in their cures, and the skilful Surgeon showed his art and good speed with facility. How many they lost we cannot tell, nor what men of name were entertained amongst them, only Spanish loss. I am sure we saw many lie slain on the Deck, and more cast overboard in the fight, besides the Scuppers ran with blood, and the very Sea in their quarter was coloured with a Scarlet hue, and looked fearfully upon us all. The burden of their Admiral was three hundred tons, having two and twenty Pieces Spanish ships described. of Brass, and all provision of a man of War indeed: their Vice-admiral three hundred tuns, and sixteen cast Pieces, nor much inferior to her for trimming and correspondent Equipage, and both to outward show over-masterfull and daring for one poor Merchant and Passenger, being but a hundred and sixty tons, having eight Iron Pieces and one Falcon, overladen with Stuffe and Wares, encumbered with Passengers, toiled with a storm, tired with a long Voyage, affrighted with wants, and every way insufficient to answer any such enemy: but as it in the Scripture, it is all one to thee, O God, whether there be few or many, and gedeon's three hundred shall slay many thousands of the Midianites: as for deliverances, the people of Israel shall pass through the Red Sea dry foot: jonas shall be cast safe on shore out of the Whale's belly: and Paul shall escape shipwreck, saving his life with all his Passengers in the Island of Malta. For to conclude with the purpose in hand, there is one thing most remarkable as an inducement to this our deliverance, that Captain Chester embraced Doctor Bohune being mortally wounded, and thus recomforted him, saying, O Doctor Bohune what a disaster is this; the Noble Doctor no whit exanimated, replied; Fight it out brave man, the cause is good, and Lord receive my soul. A Sea Fight. Slain out right. Doctor Bohune. Thomas Demeter Gentleman. Th. Read. William Garret. Th. Vernam. Gabriel Peses. David Bathering. Raph. etc. Died after. Francis Annis Gentleman. Ed. Nerobery Sailor. Wounded yet cured. William Bird Gentleman. Alexander Bou●ntine. William Bannington Gentleman. William joice Quarter Master. john Wake. john Wilson Sailor. George Tailor Sailor. William Lucas Sailor. john Robbins Steward. Philip Dur●ine. Three Frenchmen. Robert Lector. Anthony Brown Gentleman. CHAP. XV. Virginian affairs since the year 1620. till this present 1624. §. I. A note of the shipping, men, and provisions sent and provided for Virginia, by the Right Honourable HENRY Earl of South-hampton, and the Company, and other private Adventurers, in the year 1621. etc. with other Occurrents then published by the Company. SHIPS AND PEOPLE. 1 THe Elinor 30. tun: in May 1621. with 10. persons. 2 The George 180. tun: in july 120. 3 The Charles 120. ton: in july 80. 4 The Marmaduke 100 tun: in july 80. 5 The Temperance 80. tun: in july 50. 6 The Warwick 160. tun: in August 100 7 The Tiger 40. tun: in August 40. 8 The Sea-flowre 140. tun: in August 120. 9 The Flying Hart 200. tun: in August 60. Men, and 40. cattle. 10 The Discovery 60. tun: in November 20. 11 The Bona Nova 200. tun: in number 50. 12 The Hope-well 60. tun: in November 20. 13 The God-speed 150. tun: in April ●1622. 100 14 The Gift of God 140. tun: in April 100 15 The Primrose 80. tun: in April 60. 16 The Charity 80. tun: in April 30. 17 The Bonaventure 50. tun: in April 10. 18 The White Lion 180. tun: in May 40 Men, 40. cattle. 19 The Furtherance 180. tun: in May 80. men. 20 The Ma●●●ret and john 160. tun: in May 80. 21 The james 120. tun: in May 80. Summe of the persons, 1300. cattle 80. Sent also to the Summer Lands by that Company. 22 The joseph 150. tun: in May 1621. 100 persons. 23 The james 120. tun: in july 80. 24 The Concord 180. tun: in August 70. Persons 250. So there is four and twenty Sail of ships, with five hundred Mariners in them employed to these Plantations in this year. Besides, there are now providing several ships in diverse parts of this Kingdom to transport to the Plantations above five hundred persons. And for the benefit of the Plantations these things following have been here done this year. Sixteen persons and others have been provided and sent for the making of Beads for trade Beads. in the Country with the Natives, and for making Glass of all sorts. Seven and fifty young Maids have been sent to make wives for the Planters, diverse of which Maids. were well married before the coming away of the Ships. A Magazine hath been sent of all necessaries for the Colony, to the value of two thousand Magazine▪ pound, besides all private men's sending goods, which was very ample, Trade being set open for all his Majesty's Subjects. A ship called the Discovery, hath been set out for the rich Trade of Furre-trade. Furs, which both the French and Hollanders have yearly within our Precincts, and within fifty leagues of us. Five and twenty persons for the building of Boats, Pinnasses and Ships, for the Boat-builders. necessary use of the Colony for fishing, Trade, and Discovery, etc. Seven persons sent for planting East Indie School. the thousand Acres of Land given to the East Indie School. Other Occurrents of Note. The Governors' arrival in Virginia, at the end of the last Summer, with nine ships, and near seven hundred people, all safely, and in good health. The admirable deliverance of diverse ships; and namely, of the Tiger, which being driven strangely near two hundred leagues out of her course, fell into the Turks hands, and yet came save to Virginia. Master Berkleyes' Letters assure us, that there is not a more fit place for Iron-workes then in Virginia, both for Wood, Water, Mynes, and Stone: and that by Whitsuntide next, we may Iron. rely upon Iron made by him. The Plants of cotton-wool trees that came out of the West Indies, prosper exceeding well, and the Cotton-wooll-seeds from the Mogul's Country come up, and grow: Samples of it Cotton. they have sent; and this Commodity they hope this year to bring to a good perfection and quantity. The Indigo Seed thrives well, but they yet want knowledge how to cure it. Indigo. Our Frenchmen assure us that no Country in the World is more proper for Vines, Silk, Olives, R●ce, etc. then Uirginia, and that it excelleth their own Country. The Vines being in abundance Vines. naturally over all the Country: a taste of which Wine they have already sent us, with hope the next year to send us a good quantity. There be Mulberry trees in wonderful abundance, Silk and Mulberries. and much excelling both in goodness and greatness those of their Country of Languedocke. To the full perfecting of both which rich Commodities of Wine and Silk, there wanteth nothing but hands. And of the Mulberries may be made also good wholesome Wine for the people there. And of a certain Plum in the Country, they have made good drink. Salt-workes are erecting (the proper place being now found, as the Rocheller doth certify us) Plum-drinke. Salt-workes. whereby many ships will transport people at easier rates hereafter, finding Salt there to furnish them for the great and profitable fishings upon that Coast, whither twenty sail of ships went this last year but of the Western parts of England, besides the ships formerly mentioned. Master john Porie hath of late made a Discovery into the great Bay Northward (yet at the bottom of it he was not, reserving it to a second Voyage) where are now settled near one hundred New Discoveties by M. Pory. English very happily, with hope of a good Trade of Furs there to be had. And Terra Lemnia was sent us from thence, which is found as good as that of Turkey, and is in great abundance to be had. In February last he likewise discovered to the South River, some sixty miles over Land from us, a very fruitful and pleasant Country, full of Rivers, wherein are two Harvests in one year (the great King giving him friendly entertainment, and desirous to make a league with us) he found also there in great quantity of the same Silke-grasse (as appeareth by the samples sent us) whereof Master Heriot in his Book 1587. makes relation, who then brought home some of it, with which a piece of Grogeran was made, and given to Queen Elizabeth, and some here who have lived in the East Indies affirm, that they make all their Cambaya Stuffs of this, and cotton-wool. Also in his passage by Land, Master Porey discovered a Country full of Pinetrees, above twenty miles long, whereby a great abundance of Pitch and Tar may be made: and other sorts of woods there were, fit for Pot-ashes and Soap-ashes. The Indians have made relation of a Copper Mine, that is not far from thence, how they gather it, and the strange making of it: a piece whereof was sent home being found (after trial) Copper Mine. very excellent metal. Some of the English have made relation of a China Box seen at one of the King's Houses, who declared, that it was sent him from the West, by a King that dwells over the great Hills, whose Country is near the Sea, he having that Box from a people as he said, that come thitherin ships, and wear clothes, and dwell in Houses, and are called Acanackchina. And he offered our people that he would send his Brother along with them to that King: which the Governor purposeth not to refuse, hoping thereby to discover the South Sea, so long talked of. A small ship coming in December last from the Summer-Ilands, to Virginia, brought thither from thence these Plants, viz. Vines of all sorts, Orange and Leman trees, Sugar Canes, Cassado Summer Island Plants. Roots (that make bread) Pines, Plantans, Potatoes, and sundry other Indian fruits and plants, not formerly seen in Virginia, which begin to prosper very well. Gifts. The Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the Royal james, from the East Indies (being at Cape Bona Speranza homeward bound) gave towards the building of a Free School in Virginia, to be called the East Indie School, the sum of seventy pound eight shillings six pence. Towards the furtherance of the said East India School, an unknown person hath added the sum of thirty pound. A person refusing to be made known, hath given the sum of forty shillings a year for ever, for a Sermon, before the Virginia Company thirty pounds. At a Quarter Court held the thirtieth of january 1621. by a person not willing as yet to be known, was sent in Gold to help forward the East Indie School, five and twenty pounds. At the same Quarter Court, a small Bible, with a cover richly wrought; a great Church Bible; Books of Common Prayer; and other Books were presented to be sent to Uirginia, in the name of a person who had the year before sent, for the use of the College at Henrico, diverse Books, and an exact Map of America; the Giver is not known, but the Books are valued at ten pound. Given by Master Thomas Bargrave, Preacher in Virginia deceased, for the use of the College, a Library valued at a hundred Marks. And there is a contribution made by the Inhabitants in Virginia, for the building of an house of entertainment for new comers at james City, amounting to the value of fifteen hundred pounds. Patents granted this year. 1 To the Lady Dale. 2 To Sir Dudley Digges. 3 To Sir john Bourchier. 4 To Captain Ralph Hamer. 5 To Master Arthur Swayne, etc. 6 To Master Rowland Truelove, etc. 7 To Master john Crowe. 8 To Master Edward Rider. 9 To Captain Simon Leake. 10 To Master Daniel Gookin. 11 To Master Edward Bennet. 12 To Master joseph Leming. 13 To Sir Charles North. 14 To Sir George Yeardly. 15 To Master Thomas Leneson. 16 To Captain William Wildon. 17 To Master Henry Southey. 18 To Martin's Hundred. 19 To Master Robert Moston. 20 To Master Edmund Wynne. 21 To Captain Henry Pelham, etc. 22 To Captain Daniel Tucker. 23 To Sir Bowyer Worsly. 24 To Master Thomas Buckley. 25 To Master Francis Harwell. 26 To Sir john Brooke. Who together with their Associates, have undertaken to transport great multitudes of people and cattle to Virginia. §. II. News from Virginia in Letters sent thence 1621. partly published by the Company, partly transcribed from the Originals, with Letters of his Majesty, and of the Company touching Silkeworkes. IN the three last years of 1619. 1620. and 1621. there hath been provided and sent 3570. people sent to Virginia in the three last years 42. Sail of ships, 1200. Mariners employed. 1500. To the Summer Lands. Nine ships, & 240. Mariners employed. for Virginia two and forty Sail of ships, three thousand five hundred and seventy men and women for Plantation, with requisite provisions, besides store of Cattle, and in those ships have been above twelve hundred Mariners employed: There hath also been sent in those years nine sh●ps to the Summer Lands with about nine hundred people to inhabit there, in which ships two hundred and forty Mariners were employed. In which space have been granted fifty Patents to particular persons, for Plantation in Virginia, who with their Associates have undertaken therein to transport great multitudes of people and cattle thither, which for the most part is since performed, and the residue now in preparing, as by the several Declarations of each year in their particulars, (manifested and approved in our general and public Quarter-Courts) and for the fuller satisfaction of all desirous to understand the particularities of such proceedings, hath been by printing commended to the understanding of all. Sir Francis Wyatt was sent Governor into Virginia, who arrived there in November 1621. with Master George Sandys Treasurer, Master Davison Secretary, etc. In the nine ships sent in that Fleet died but one Passenger of seven hundred, in whose room there was another also borne at Sea. Their provisions were not found so well conditioned as was expected. The Sailors are still blamed for imbezelling the goods sent to private persons, for killing of Swine, inordinate trucking etc. It was ordained that for every head they should plant but a thousand plants of Tobacco (and for the better strength not to suffer above nine leaves to grow on each plant) which will make about a hundred weight. Master Gookin arrived also out of Ireland with fifty men of his own, and thirty Passengers well furnished. The present gain by Tobacco, had made the planting of Corn to be neglected: and some think that if Corn might there be valued (not at two shillings six pence the bushel) as dear as that which is brought from hence, there would be less fear of famine, or dependence on Tobacco. The Letters written from the Governor and Treasurer in Virginia in the beginning of March last, (which came hither in April) gave assurance of overcoming and bringing to perfection in this year, the Iron-workes, Glasse-workes, Salt-workes, the plentiful sowing of all lorts of English grain with the Plough, having now cleared good quantity of ground; setting of store of Indian Corn or Maiz, sufficient for ourselves, and for truck with the Natives; restraint of the quantity of Tobacco, and amendment of it in the quality, learned by time and experience; The planting of Vines and Mulberry trees near to their Houses, Figge-trees, Pomegranates; Potatoes, and cotton-wool Seeds, Pocoon, Indigo, Sugar Canes, Madder, Woade, Hemp, Flax, and Silke-grasse; and for the erecting of a fair Inn in james City for the better entertainment of new comers, whereto and to other public works, every old Planter there offered freely and liberally to contribute. I write the words of their Letters. And how in a late Discovery made, a few months before by some of them to the Southward, they had passed thorough great Forests of Pines, fifteen or sixteen miles broad, and above threescore miles long, very fit for Masts for Forrest of Pines. shipping, and for Pitch and Tar, and of other sorts of woods fit for Pot-ashes and Soap-ashes, and came unto a most fruitful Country, blessed with abundance of Corn, reaped twice a year (within the limits of Virginia) where also they understand of a Copper Mine, an essay whereof was sent, and upon trial here found to be very rich; and met with a great deal of Silke-grasse there growing, which monthly may be cut, of which kinds, and cotton-wool, all the Cambaya and Bengala Stuffs are made in the East Indies: and of which kinds of Silke-grasse was heretofore made a piece of Grogeram given to Queen Elizabeth. And how that in December M. Hariot in his Book of Virginia, A. 1585. Vines planted. last they had planted and cultivated in Uirginia Vines of all (as well those naturally growing, as those other Plants sent them from these parts of Europe) Orange and Lemon-trees, Figtrees, Sugar Canes, cotton-wool, Cassavi Roots (that make very good bread) Plantanes, Potatoes, and sundry other Indian fruits and Plants not formerly seen in Virginia, which at the time of their said Letters began to prosper very well: as also their Indigo Seed, for the true cure whereof there is lately caused a Treatise to be written. Furthermore, they write that in a Voyage made by Lieutenant Marmaduke Parkinson, and other English Gentlemen, up the River of Patomacke they saw a China Box at one of the King's Houses where they were. This Box or Casket was made of braided Palmito, painted without, and lined in the inside with blue Taffeta after the China or East India fashion. They enquiring Note. A China Box seen with the Savages. whence it came, the King of Patomecke said, it was presented him by a certain people of the Mountains toward the South-west, who got it from another Nation beyond them some thirty days journey from Patomacke, called Acana Echinac, being of small stature, who had Houses, Apparel, and Household stuff like us, and living within four days journey of the Sea, had ships come into their River: and he his Brother along with them to that King, which offer the Governor purposed not to refuse; and the rather, by reason of the continual constant relations of all those Savages in Virginia, of a Sea, and the way to it West, they affirming that the heads of all those seven goodly Rivers (the least whereof is greater than the River of Thames, and Navigable above an hundred and fifty miles, and not above six or eight miles one from another) which fall all into one great Bay, have their rising out of a ridge of Hills, that runs all along South and North: whereby they doubt not but to find a safe, easy, and good passage to the South Sea, part by water, and part by Land, esteeming it not above an hundred and fifty miles from the head of the Falls, where we are now planted; the Discovery whereof will bring forth a most rich Trade to Cathay, China, japan, and those other of the East Indies, to the inestimable benefit of this Kingdom. Moreover, the Letters of Master john Berkley, sometimes of Beverstone Castle in the County of Gloucester, (a Gentleman of an Honourable Family) likewise certify, that a more fit place M. Berkley. for Iron-workes (whereof he was made Master and Overseer) then in Virginia, both for Wood, Water, Mynes, and Stone, was not to be found: And that by Whitsuntide the Company might rely upon good quantities of Iron made by him: which also by Letters from Master George Sandys the third of March last, was confirmed, with this farther description of the place (called M. G. Sandys. The falling Creek) to be so fitting for that purpose, as if Nature had applied herself to the wish and direction of the Workman; where also were great stones hardly seen elsewhere in Uirginia, laying on the place, as though they had been brought thither to advance the erection of those Works. The Letters of the French Vignerous or Vine-men, procured out of France, and sent over into Uirginia, did likewise assertaine, that no Country in the World was more proper for Vines, French Vignerous. Silk, Rice, O lives, and other fruits, than Virginia is: and that it far excelled their own Country of Languedocke; the Vines of diverse sorts being in abundance naturally over all the Country. They scarcely believed those fruits to be Grapes till they had opened them and seen their kernels; such was their bigness. They are in love with the Country, and having planted some cuttings of Vines at Michaelmas last, in their Letters affirm that these bare Grapes already this Spring to their great wonder, as being a thing they suppose not heard off in any other Country. A taste of Wine made of the wild Grape, they last year sent, with hope to send a good quantity this next Vintage; and that the Mulberry trees, where they abode were in wonderful Mulberries. abundance, and much excelling both in goodness and greatness those of their own Country of Languedocke: and that those Silkworms they have, prosper exceeding well, and some Silk they hope to send this year, there wanting nothing to set up that rich Commodity but store of hands wherewith England doth abound. Of the fruit of which Mulberry trees (as of a Plum there plentifully growing) they would make wholesome Drinks for the Colony and people there. Opachankanough doted on a house which the English had built for him of our fashion: he dwelled therein, showed it to his own people and strangers with pride, keeping his Keys charily, and busying himself with locking and unlocking the doors, sometimes a hundred times in a day, admiring the strangeness of that Engine, a Lock and Key. He gave the English leave to seat themselves any where on his Rivers where the Natives are not actually seated, and entered into further covenants of amity, for reciprocal defence, mutual transportation, discovery of mines, etc. They report also of Copper Pieces presented to Opachank: which Copper is gathered at the foot of the Mountains, where they dig a hole in the ground, in which they put the oar, and make thereon a great fire, which causeth it to run into a mass, and become malleable: neither have they any tools, but smooth stones for that purpose. This seemed strange to ours which heard the English Copper passeth eleven fires. His Majesty's gracious Letter to the Earl of South-hampton, Treasurer, and to the Counsel and Company of Virginia here: commanding the present setting up of Silk works, and planting of Vines in Virginia. RIght trusty and well-beloved, We greet you well: whereas We understand, that the Soil in Virginia naturally yreldeth store of excellent Mulberry trees, We have taken into Our Princely consideration, the great benefit that ma● grow to the Adventurers and Planters, by the breed of Silkworms, and setting up of Silkeworkes in those parts. And therefore of Our gracious Inclination to a design of so much honour and advantage to the public, We have thought good, as at sundry other times, so now more particularly to recommend it to your speciallcare, hereby charging and requiring you to take speedy order, that our people there, use all possible diligence in breeding Silkworms, and erecting Silkeworkes, and that they rather bestow their travel in compassing this rich and solid Commodity, then in that of Tobacco; which besides much unnecessary expense, brings with it many disorders and inconveniences. And for as much as Our servant, john Bonoell hath taken pains in setting down the true use of the Silkworm, together with the Art of Silkemaking, and of planting Vines, and that his experience and abilities may much conduce to the advancement of this business; We do hereby likewise require you to cause his directions, both for the said Silkeworkes and Vineyards, to be carefully put in practice throughout our Plantations there, that so the work may go on cheerfully, and receive no more interruptions nor delays. Given under Our Signet, at our Palace of Westminster, the ninth day of july, in the twentieth year of our Reign of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland the five and fiftieth. WINDEBANK. To Our right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin and Counsellor, HENRY, Earl of South-hampton, Treasurer of our Plantation in Virginia, and to Our trusty and well-beloved, the Deputy, and others of Our said Plantation. Virginia. The Treasurour, Counsel and Company of Virginia, to the Governor and Counsel of State in Virginia residing. AFter our very hearty commendations: His Sacred Majesty, out of his high wisdom and care of the noble Plantation of Virginia, hath been graciously pleased to direct his Letters to us here in England, thereby commanding us to advance the setting up of Silkworkes, and planting of Vineyards; as by the Copy herewith sent, you may perceive. The intimation of his Majesty's pleasure, we conceive to be a motive sufficient, to induce you to employ all your endeavours to the setting forward those two Staple Commodities of Silk and Wine; which brought to their perfection, will infinitely redound to the honour, benefit, and comfort of the Colony, and of this whole Kingdom: yet we, in discharge of our duties, do again renew our often and iterated Instructions, and invite you cheerfully, to fall upon these two so rich, and necessary Commodities. And if you shall find any person, either through negligence or wilfulness, to omit the planting of Vines, and Mulberry trees, in orderly and husbandly manner, as by the Book is prescribed, or the providing of convenient rooms for the breeding of Worms; we desire they may by severe censures and punishment, be compelled thereunto. And on the contrary, that all favour and possible assistance be given to such as yield willing obedience to his Highness Commands therein. The breach or performance whereof, as we are bound to give a strict account, so will it also be required of you the Governor and Counsel especially. Herein there can be no Plea, either of difficulty or impossibility; but all the contrary appears, by the natural aabundance of those two excellent Plants afore-named every where in Virginia: neither will such excuses be admitted, nor any other pretences serve, whereby the business be at all delayed: and as we formerly sent at our great charge the French Vignerons to you, to teach you their Art; so for the same purpose we now commend this Book unto you, to serve as an Instructor to every one, and send you store of them The Book is printed, containing many good rules both for Silk works, Vines & other husbandry; but too long here to be inserted. to be dispersed over the whole Colony, to every Master of a Family one, Silke-seede you shall receive also by this Ship, sufficient to store every man: so that there wants nothing, but industry in the Planter, suddenly to bring the making of Silk to its perfection: which either for their own benefit (we hope) they will willingly endeavour, or by a wholesome and necessary severity they must be enforced. This particular advice we thought necessary to give you, lest that if it should have come to you mingled with others, you would have interpreted it as a common Instruction, or a business that was not taken so to heart, as this by us, and we hope will be by you in humble obedience to his Sacred Majesty's Royal Instructions. The pains and industry of the Author, for the benefit of the Plantations (being a member of our Company) are sufficient arguments of his good affection to the Action, and they both deserve your best acceptance and ours, that others may thereby be invited to impart their knowledge in business of this and the like nature; whereby the Colony may not only be supported for the present, but brought to that perfection, that may redound to the glory of God, the honour of his Majesty, and the inestimable benefit of his noble Kingdoms; which as they are the true aim and end the Adventurers and Planters have proposed unto themselves, so ought they to be still the honourable seeds to put others also forward in this action: we commend this business again to your special care. And so we commit you all, and your weighty affairs, to the protection of the Almighty. HENRY Southampton. §. III. The barbarous Massacre committed by the Savages on the English-Planters, March the two and twentieth, 1621. after the English account. THe last May there came Letters from Sir Francis Wyatt Governor in Uirginia, which did advertise that when in November last he arrived in Virginia, and entered upon his Government, he found the Country settled in a peace (as all men there thought) sure and unviolable, not only because it was solemnly ratified and sworn, and at the request of the Native King stamped in Brass, and fixed to one of his Oaks of note, but as being advantageous to both parts; to the Savages as the weaker, under which they were safely sheltered and defended; to us, as being the easiest way than thought to pursue and advance our projects, or buildings, plantings, and effecting their conversion by peaceable and fair means. And such was the conceit of firm peace and amity, as that there was seldom or never a Sword worn, and a Piece seldomer, except for a Deer or Fowl. By which assurance of security, the Plantations of particular Hasty security. Adventurers and Planters were placed scatteringly and stragglingly as a choice vein of rich ground invited them, and the further from neighbours held the better. The houses generally set open to the Savages, who were always friendly entertained at the table of the English, and commonly lodged in their Bedchambers. The old Planters (as they thought now come to reap the benefit of their long travels) placed with wonderful content upon their private dividends, and the planting of particular Hundreds and Colonies pursued with an hopeful alacrity, all our projects (saith he) in a fair way, and their familiarity with the Natives, seeming to open a fair gate for their conversion to Christianity. The Country being in this estate, an occasion was ministered of sending to Opachankano the King Opachankanoes' dissimulation occasioned by English security of these Savages, about the middle of March last, what time the Messenger returned back with these words from him, That he held the peace concluded so firm, as the Sky should sooner fall than it dissolved: yea, such was the treacherous dissimulation of that people, who then had contrived our destruction, that even two days before the massacre, some of our men were guided thorough the woods by them in safety: and one Browne, who then to learn the language lived among the Warrascoyacks (a Province of that King) was in friendly manner sent back by them to Captain Hamor his Master, and many the like passages, rather increasing our former confidence, than any wise in the world ministering the least suspicion of the breach of the peace, or of what instantly ensued; yea, they borrowed our own Boats to convey themselves cross the River (on the banks of both sides whereof all our Plantations were) to consult of the devilish murder that ensued, and of our utter extirpation, which God of his mercy (by the means of some of themselves converted to Christianity) prevented: and as well on the Friday morning (the fatal day) the two and twentieth of March, as also in the evening, as in other days before, they came unarmed into our houses, without Bows or Arrows, or other weapons, with Dear, Turkeys, Fish, Furs, and other provisions, to sell and truck with us for Glass Beads, and other trifles: yea, in some places, sat down at Breakfast with our people at their tables, whom immediately with their own tools and weapons, either laid down, or standing in their houses, they basely and barbarously murdered, not sparing either age or sex, man, woman or child; so sudden in their cruel execution, that few or none discerned the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction. In which manner they also slew many of our people then at their several works and husbandries in the fields, and without their houses, some in planting Corn and Tobacco, some in gardening, some in making Brick, building, sawing, and other kinds of husbandry, they well knowing in what places and quarters each of our men were, in regard of their daily familiarity, and resort to us for trading and other negotiations, which the more willingly was by us continued and cherished for the desire we had of effecting that great masterpiece of works, their conversion. And by this means that fatal Friday morning, there fell under the bloody and barbarous hands of that perfidious and inhuman people, contrary to all laws of God and Men, of Nature and Nations, three hundred and forty seven men, women, and children, most by their own 347. slain and basely murdered, some think more. weapons; and not being content with taking away life alone, they fell after again upon the dead, making as well as they could a fresh murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling the dead carcases into many pieces, and carrying some parts away in derision, with base and brutish triumph. Neither yet did these Beasts spare those amongst the rest well known unto them, from whom they had daily received many benefits and favours, but spitefully also massacred them. One instance of it, amongst too many shall serve for all. That worthy religious Gentleman, Master George Thorpe Esquire, Deputy of the College He had written letters the year before, May 17 testifying the plentiful coming up of the Cotten seed, etc. attributing the ill success of things, to the not seeking of God's glory in converting the Natives, which he said were peace able, & wanted but means (indeed to murder them, which this conceit procured) Sure bind, sure find Pity such an Abel should be so Kai● deceived. lands, sometimes one of his Majesty's Pensioners, and in one of the principal places of command in Uirginia, did so truly and earnestly affect their conversion, and was so tender over them, that whosoever under his authority had given them but the least displeasure or discontent, he punished them severely. He thought nothing too dear for them, and as being desirous to bind them unto him by his many courtesies, he never denied them any thing that they asked him, insomuch that when these Savages complained unto him of the fierceness of our Mastiffs, most implacable and terrible unto them (knowing them by instinct it seems, to be but treacherous and falsehearted friends to us, better than ourselves) he to gratify them in all things, for the winning of them by degrees, caused some of them to be killed in their presence, to the great displeasure of the owners, and would have all the rest guelt (had he not been hindered) to make them the gentler and the milder to them. He was not only too kind and beneficial to the common sort, but also to their King, to whom he oft resorted, and gave many presents which he knew to be highly pleasing to him. And whereas this King before dwelled only in a Cottage, or rather a den or Hogsty, made with a few poles and sticks, and covered with Mats after their wild manner: to civilize him, he first built him a fair House, according to the English fashion, in which (as before is said) he took such joy, especially in his Lock and Key, which he so admired, as locking and unlocking his door an hundred times a day, he thought no device in all the world was comparable to it. Thus insinuating himself to this King for his Religious purposes, he conferred after with him oft, and intimated to him matters of our Religion; and thus far the Pagan confessed, moved by natural Principles, that our God was a good God, and better much than theirs, in that he had with so many good things above them endowed us. He told him, if he would serve our God, he should be partaker of all those good things we had, and of far greater than sense or reason ever could imagine. He won upon him, as he thought in many things, so as he gave him fair hearing and good answer, and seemed to be much pleased with his discourse, and in his company. And both he and his people for the daily courtesies this good Gentleman did to one or other of them, did profess such outward love and respect unto him, as nothing could seem more: but all was little regarded after by this Viperous brood, as the sequel showed: for they not only wilfully murdered him, but cruelly and felly, out of a devilish malice, did so many barbarous despites and foul scorns after to his dead corpse, as are unbefitting to be heard by any civil ear. One thing I cannot omit, that when this good Gentleman, upon his fatal hour, was warned by his man (who perceived some treachery intended to them by these hellhounds) to look to himself, and withal ran away for fear of the mischief he strongly apprehended, and so saved his own life; yet his Master, out of the conscience of his own good meaning, and fair deserts ever towards them, was so void of all suspicion, and so full of confidence, that they had sooner killed him, than he could or would believe they meant any ill against him. At the time of this Massacre there were three or four of our Ships in james River, and one in the next River, and daily more to come in, as three did within fourteen days after; one of which they endeavoured to have surprised, but in vain, as had also been their whole attempt, had any the least foreknowledge been in those places where the Massacre was committed: yet were the hearts of the English ever stupid, and averted from believing any thing that might weaken their hopes of speedy winning the Savages to Civility and Religion, by kind usage and fair conversing amongst them. He, and the whole Counsel writ further, That Almighty God (they doubt not) hath his great work to do in this Tragedy, and will thereout draw honour and glory to his great Name; safety, and a more flourishing estate to themselves, and the whole Plantation there; and the more speedy conversion of the Children of those Savages to himself, since he so miraculously preserved so many of the English, whose desire to draw those people to Religion, by the careless neglect of their own safeties, seems to have been the greatest cause of their own ensuing destruction. Yet it pleased God to use some of them as instruments to save many of their lives, whose souls they had formerly saved, as at james City, and other places, and the Pinnace trading in Pamounkey River; all whose lives were saved by a converted Indian, Converted Indian. disclosing the plot in the instant. These wild naked Natives live not in great numbers together, but dispersed, and in small Manner of the Savages life. companies; and where most together, not above two hundred, and that very rare, in other places fifty or forty, or thereabouts, and many miles distant from one another, in such places among the Woods where they either found, or might easeliest make some cleared plots of ground, which they employ wholly in setting of Corn, whereby to sustain their lives. These small and scattered Companies (as I have said) had warning given from one another in all their habitations to meet at the day and hour appointed for our destruction, at all our several Towns and places seated upon the River; some were directed to go to one place, some to another, all to be done at the same day and time, which they did accordingly: some entering their Houses under colour of trucking, and so taking advantage, others drawing our men abroad upon fair pretences, and the rest suddenly falling upon those that were at their labours. By Letters and those that returned it is certified, that besides Master George Thorpe, before mentioned, Master john Berkeley, Captain Nathaniel Powel, and his wife (daughter of Master William Tracy, and great with child) and Captain Maycocke, all Gentlemen of birth, virtue, and industry, and of the Council there, suffered under this their cruelty and treason. That the slaughter had been universal, if God had not put it into the heart of an Indian belonging to one Perry, to disclose it, who living in the house of one Pace, was urged by another, Indian his brother (who came the night before and lay with him) to kill Pace (so commanded by their King, as he declared) as he would kill Perry: telling further, that by such an hour in the morning, a number would come from diverse places to finish the Execution; who failed not at the time: Perries Indian rose out of his bed and reveals it to Pace, that used him as a Son: And thus the rest of the Colony that had warning given them, by this means was saved. Such was (God be thanked for it) the good fruit of an Infidel converted to Christianity; for though three hundred and more of ours died by many of these Pagan Infidels, yet thousands of ours were saved by the means of one of them alone which was made a Christian: Blessed be God for ever, whose mercy endureth for ever; Blessed be God whose mercy is above his justice, and far above all his works; who wrought this deliverance whereby their souls escaped even as a Bird out of the snare of the Fowler. Place upon this discovery, securing his house, before day rowed over the River to james City (in that place near three miles in breadth) and gave notice thereof to the Governor, by which means they were prevented there, and at such other Plantations as was possible for a timely intelligence to be given; for where they saw us standing upon our Guard, at the sight of a Piece they all ran a way. In other places that could have no notice, some Pieces with munition (the use whereof they know not) were there carried away, and some few cattle also were destroyed by them. And as Fame diuulgeth (not without probable grounds) their King hath since caused the most part of the Gunpowder by him surprised, to be sown, to draw therefrom the like increase, as of his Maiz or Corn, in Harvest next. And that it is since discovered, that the Gunpowder swoon, practised before in Captain Smith's time. last Summer Opachankano practised with a King of the Eastern shore (no well-willer of his) to furnish him with store of poison (naturally growing in his Country) for our destruction, which he absolutely refused, though he sent him great store of Beads, and other Presents to win him thereunto: which he, with five or six of his great men, offered to be ready to justify against him. That the true cause of this surprise was most by the instigation of the Devil (enemy to their salvation) and the daily fear that possessed them, that in time we by our growing continually upon them, would dispossess them of this Country, as they had been formerly of the West Indies by the Spaniard; produced this bloody act. That never grief and shame possessed any people more than themselves, to be thus butchered by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not stand the presentment of a staff in manner of a Piece, nor an uncharged Piece in the hands of a Woman, from which they fly as so many Hares; much faster than from their tormenting Devil, whom they worship for fear, though they acknowledge they love him not. §. four A Note of provisions necessary for every Planter or personal Adventurer to Virginia: and accidents since the Massacre. THe Inconuiences that have happened to some persons which have transported themselves from England to Virginia, without provisions necessary to sustain themselves, hath greatly hindered the Progress of that Noble Plantation. For prevention of the like disorders hereafter, that no man suffer either through ignorance or misinformation; it is thought requisite to publish this short Declaration: wherein is contained a particular of such necessaries, as either private Families or single persons shall have cause to furnish themselves with, for their better support at their first landing in Virginia; whereby also greater numbers may receive in part, directions how to provide themselves. Apparel for one man and so after the rate for more. One Monmouth Cap. 1. s. 10. d. Three falling bands 1. s. 3. d. Three shirts 7. s. 6. d. One Waistcoat 2. s. 2. d. One suit of Canvas 7. s. 6. d. One suit of Freeze 10. s. One suit of Cloth 15. s. Three pair of Irish stockings 4. s. Four pair of shoes 8. s. 8. One pair of garters 10. One dozen of points 3. d. One pair of Canvas sheets 8. s. Seven else of Canvas, to make a bed and bolster, to be filled in Virginia 8. s. One Rug for a bed 8. s. which with the bed serving for two men, half is 8. s. Five else course Canvas, to make a bed at Sea for two men, to be filled with straw 4. s. 5. s. One course Rug at Sea for two men, will cost 6. s. is for one. 4. li. victual for a whole year for one man and so for more after the rate. Eight bushels of Meal 2. li. Two bushels of Pease at 3. s. 6. s. Two bushels of Oatmeal 4. s. 6. d. 9 s. One gallon of Aquavitae 2. s. 6. One gallon of Oil 3. s. 6. d. Two gallons of Vinegar 1. s. 2. s. 3. li. 3. s. Arms for one man, but if half of your men have Armour it is sufficient, so that all have Pieces and Swords. One Armour complete, light 17. s. One long Piece, five foot or five and a half, near Musket bore 1. li. 2. s. One Sword 5. s. One Belt 1. s. One Bandaleere 1. s. 6. d. Twenty pound of Powder 18. s. Sixty pound of shot or lead, Pistol and Goose shot 5. s. 3. li. 9 s. 6. d. Tools for a Family of six persons, and so after the rate for more. Five broad howes at 2. s. a piece 10. s. Five narrow howes at 16. d. a piece 6. s. 8. d. Two broad Axes at 3. s. 8. d. a piece 7. s. 4. d. Five felling Axes at 18. d. a piece 7. s. 6, d. Two Steel Handsaws at 16. d. a piece 2. s. 8. d. Two two-hand-sawes at 5. s. a piece 10. s. One whip-saw, set and filled with box, file and wrest 10. s. Two Hammers 12. d. a piece 2. s. Three shovels 18. d. a piece 4. s. 6. d. Two Spades at 18. d. a piece 3. s. Two Augers 6. d. a piece 1. s. Six Chissels 6. d. a piece 3. s. Two percers stocked 4. d. a piece 8. d. Three gimlets 2. d. a piece 6. d. Two hatchets 21. d. a piece 3. s. 6. d. Two frou●s to cleave pale 18. d. 3. s. Two hand-bils 20. a piece 3. s. 4. d. One Grindlestone 4. s. 4. s. Nails of all sorts to the value of 2. li. Two Pickaxes 3. s. 6. li. 2. s. 8. d. Household Implements for a Family of six persons, and so for more or less after the rate. One Iron Pot 7. s. One Kettle 6. s. One large frying-pan 2. s. 6. d. One Griddir●n 1. s. 6. d. Two Skillets 5. s. One Spit 2. s. Platters, dishes, Spoons of wood 4. s. 1. li. 8. s. For Sugar, Spice, and fruit and at Sea for six men 12. 〈◊〉. 6. d. So the full charge of apparel victual, arms, stools, & householdstuff and after this rate for each person, will amount unto about the sum of 12. l. ●0. s. The passage of each man is 6. li. The freight of these provisions for a man, will be about half a Tun, which is 1. 〈◊〉. 10. s. So the whole charge will amount to about 20. l. Nets, Hooks, Lines, and a Tent must be added if the number of people be greater, as also some Kine. And this is the usual proportion that the Virginia Company do bestow upon their Tenants which they send. Whosoever transports himself or any other at his own charge unto Virginia shall for each person so transported before Midsummer 1625. have to him and his heirs for ever fifty Acres of Land upon a first, and fifty Acres upon a second division. Sir George Yeardly intending to visit Smith's Isles, fell sick and thereupon sent Master Porey with Estinien Moll a Frenchman to find a convenient place to make Salt, in Namenicus Cap. joh Smith. M. P●rie. Naked breast concealed beast. King of Pawtuxunt came and showed them his naked breast, protesting the inside to be as free ill meaning, as that from deformity, and promising welcome if they would come into his Country, which they promised. After this they having conferred with Kiptopeke, King of Aquohanok, they passed russel's Isles and Onancoke, and arrived at Pawtuxunt, at Attoughcomoco the habitation of Namenacu●, and Wamanato his brother, who came aboard them with a brass Kettle bright without, within full of Oysters. He was showed their hunting conducted forth by the younger and home by the elder: presented also with Beavers skins, which he requited with such things as Wamanato said he would keep them while he lived, and bury them with him being dead: Namenacus his breast proved ulcerous within and treacherous, but without harm to them by reason of their circumspection: an ambush being provided in a Wood at a point where they would have had them land. Kiptokepe is the elder brother, and yielded the moiety of his Country to the younger, bearing still the greater burden in government but less honour, whereas on the Western shore, the younger bears the charge, the elder the dignity. These are the most thrifty Savages, keeping Corn for all the year and having to spare, whereas others Provident Savages. want for one half. They are also more civil, just reckoners, use no Black-boy-ceremonies, and in Affinity and Consanguinity observe a larger distance in their Marriages. Anno 1622. the Abigail was sent, and therein Captain Barwick with five and twenty men to build ships and Boats, and others to build the East Indie School. That fatal Massacre, some think to have been occasioned by Nemattanow, a Savage called usually lack of the Feather, in jack of the Feather. C●u●e of the Massacre. best esteem amongst them for courage and policy; who persuading one Morgan to go with him to Pamaunke to truck, by the way slew him two or three days after he returned to Morgan's house, and answered his Servants ask for their Master that he was dead, whereupon they would have had him to Master Thorpe, but he so moved their patience that they shot him. He (whom the Savages esteemed free from hurt by the English and shot free) desired before his death that they would bury him with the English, and not make it known that he was slain with a bullet. Opachancanough was moved with his loss so as he threatened revenge, which he could not effect but by treacherous pretence of greatest peace, after fourteen days by so many deaths, giving life to the following Tragedy: which you heard delivered by public Authority. This terrible blow so affrigheed all that it was concluded, that all the petty Plantations should be left, to make good a few places (some say five or six) whither for want of Boats their goods and cattle could not be so suddenly conveyed, but that much was exposed to the Savages cruel glean. Master Gookins at Nuports news, having thirty five of all sorts with him refused M. Gookins. M. jordan. Mistress Procter. that order, and made good his part against the Savages. Master jordan at Beggar's Bush gathered a few about him, and fortified himself in despite of the enemy. Mistress Procter would have adventured the like, and did it for three weeks till the Officers (as some report) would no longer permit her. Captain Nuse and Captain Crawshaw are much for providence and valour commended. Waters and his wife were kept prisoners by the Nansamuds (this Edward Waters is one of those three which first stayed in Bermuda, and found the great piece of Ambergris) whence by chance upon occasion of a Boat lost by ill weather (whose company were saved) and coming on their shore, they being busied in their Triumphs and Dances for joy, they found opportunity to get into a Canoa, and escaped to Kecoughtan. Captain Nuce called his Neighbours together when he heard of the Massacre, entrenched himself, and mounted three Pieces of Ordnance, so that in four days he was strong enough to defend himself against all the Barbarian forces. Captain Crashaw with five others fortified himself in despite of all the Savages, with the help of other Savages, and made offer to the Colony, if they would send him a shallop with Arms, men and provision for Trade, that the next Harvest he would provide them Corn sufficient, which then (in the latter end of june) was little to be had in the Country. Captain Maddeson is reported to have given overhasty credit to an exiled King, which coming to Patowomeke for succour and not obtaining it, in revenge devised and slandered the Patowomekes with intent of betraying and killing the English: which credulity produced effects of cruelty and the conceits of bloody treachery conceived (if others conceive not falsely) treachery and blood. The last Summer 1623. they set forth a company which destroyed the Savages Corn and houses, and surprised Pamaunke chief Seat of Opachancanough. And the last report is that the Colony is now in health, and that the Savages have returned seven of the English which they held prisoners, out of self guiltiness and fear of revenge seeing ships still come thither, and weary of their watchings and manifold losses and dangers. Opachankanough the author of the Massacre is said to have come to his end by means more suitable to his deserts, than perhaps agreeing with Christian simplicity. A sickness after the Massacre fell amongst the English, by reason that from near eighty Plantations, they were brought to fewer than eight, these distracted with a sudden remooue and distressed wants. It is thought that 1800. survived both. His Majesty not a little moved with the loss of so many his good Subjects, and some complaints also being made of the Government, many of the Virginian Company here holding no such uniform agreement as was meet: both showed his gracious bounty in the gift of diverse Arms out of the Tower, with further promises of his assistance; and appointed Commissioners to examine the Causes of Virginia's not answering to the care and cost in so long time bestowed on her. I am no fit Relater of things ensuing, and farre-unfitter Umpire in such differences. I will now speak to God rather than men: Quid enim nisi vota supersunt. My Prayers shall be to the Almighty for Virginia's prosperity; whose Dwarfish growth after so many years, convulsions by dissensions there and here, lamentations in the complaints of both sides (a Pleurisy Stitch in her sides, continuing after so much blood taken from her) weakness. Sin arms after such successions of arms and forces; Tantalean staruing amidst both Magazines and fertility; subversions here, and selfe-eversions there (perverseness I mention not) rather than conversions of Savages after so many learned and holy Dinines sent thither; poverty, sickness, deaths, in so rich a Soil, and healthful a Climate; what should I say? I can deplore, I do not much admire, that we have had so much in Virginia, and have so little; the promises as probable as large, and yet the premises yielding in the conclusion this Virginian sterility, and meagrenesse rather than the multiplied issue and thrift of a worthy Matron and Mother of a Family, answerable to her great Inheritance there, and jointer from hence. But what do I in plaints, where some perhaps will complain of my complaining? I will expect better from God and his Majesty, and while myself meanwhile in the better thriving of the English Colony in Bermudas or Summer Lands. CHAP. XVI. English Voyges to the Summer Lands; HENRY MAYS shipwreck there 1593. The first Colony sent 1612. IT is now time to leave the Continent and visit Bermudas, of Sir George Summer called Summer Lands. The occasion you had before related by Master Strachie, Sup. cap. 6. and that some of their Company took up their abode there. This was not the first time that English eyes had seen those Lands. For in the year 1593. Henry May had been there; one of Captain Lancaster's Company, which had been in the East Indies, and in returning had put over to Trinidad, and thence to Puerto Rico and Hispaniola for refreshing, where Captain Lancaster desired a Frenchman Monsieur de Barbotiere, to give this Henry May passage home with him. They departed from Laguna the last of November, and December the seventeenth were wracked on the Northwest part of Bermuda about midnight. The Pilots making themselves at noon to be twelve leagues to the Southwards of the Island, certified the Captain that they were from all danger: and demanded their wine of height, which they had thought they had been cast away by the shore, but were seven leagues off; by the help of their Boat, and a Raft, six and twenty of above fifty were saved. I (saith May) durst not press in, but stayed in the ship almost full of water, till the Captain being entered the Boat, called me to him, and I entered leaving the better half of our company to the mercy of the Sea. We rowed all day till an hour or two before night, yet we could come on Land towing the Raft with the Boat. Having been all day without drink, we sought long, and at last one digging among weeds, found fresh water being only rain water, which was all we found. It pleased God that we had saved our Carpenter's tools, and going roundly to work, we built a Bark of some eighteen tun, for the most part with trunnels and a few nails. For tackle we made a Voyage to our ship and cut down her shrouds; in stead of Pitch we made Lime and mixed it with the Oil of Tortoises; as soon as the Carpenters had calked, spreading it on with a stick, which was soon dried by the heat, being in April we hasted away for fear of water failing us. We made two great chists and calked them, and stowed them on each side our main Mast, and so put in our provisions of rain water, and thirteen living Tortoises for our food. The Hogs were lean, and there was store of Fowl, Fish and Tortoises. There is also good fishing for Pearls. The eleventh of May we were clear of the Land for our Voyage to newfoundland, and on the twentieth fell with the Land near to Cape Briton, and thence to the Bank of newfoundland, where a Bark of Falmouth took us in, wherein I had passage home, and arrived at Falmouth in August 1594. Thus much for May. Let us now hear the Relation sent from an English Colony planted there under the government of Master Richard Moor. This following Discourse hath been printed, and was added to a Tractate of Master Silvester jordan touching the wrack of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summer on the Bermudas, which being delivered more fully by Master Strachie sup. cap. 6. I have here omitted, and proceed to the English proceedings in those Lands. Being bound for the Summer Lands, in the Ship called the Plough, we embarked the eight and twentieth of April, 1612. So passing down to Gravesend, we anchored at Tilbery-hope, until the fifth of May. The wind coming taire, we put forth and came to the Downs the sixth of May, where we stayed till the ninth. And then setting forward we had a fair and comfortable passage, and by God's blessing found so direct a course, that on the eleventh of july in the morning, betwixt nine and ten of the clock we descried our hoped and desired Lands, and in the afternoon of the same day, about three a clock, we arrived in a very safe harbour near S. George's Saint George's Island. Island, there we landed all our men and women, and had been at anchor above an hour, before we could hear of our three men which had been left there. As soon as we had landed all our Three men had stayed behind, and went not to Virginia, Harter, Water, and Chard. company, we went all to prayer, and gave thanks unto the Lord for our safe arrival; and whilst we were at prayer, we saw our three men come rowing down to us, the sight of whom did much rejoice us: so they welcomming us, and we the like to them again, we sung a Psalm, and praised the Lord for our safe meeting, and went to supper. The next day, being the Sabbath day, which we dedicated to God in the best manner we could, we abode still in the foresaid Island, with all the rest of our company till Monday morning, being the thirteenth of july: Then we went up with our Ship and company higher into the harbour, to the place where these three men had planted themselves. They had planted Corn, great store of Wheat, Beanes, Tobacco and Melons, with many other good things for the use of man: Besides they had wrought upon Timber, in squaring and sawing of Cedar Trees, for they intended to build a small Pinnace to carry them into Virginia, being almost out of hope and comfort of our coming; because Cap. Davies time was to have been with them long before we came. We were no sooner come within a league of the Land, but a company of Fish, as it were, met us, and never left us till we were come to an anchor within the harbour; and as soon as we Commodites of the Country. Fishes. had passed over our business, and all things safe and in order, with a Hook and Line we took more than our whole company was able to eat, so that there was enough to feed many more. The next day after the Sabbath, we went with our Net and Boat, and if we would have loaded two Boats we might; and so may you do day by day, Fishes do so abound, and there be of these sorts, Mullets, Breames, Hog-fish, Rock-fish and Lobster's, with more sorts of other Fish which I cannot name. Turkles there be of a mighty bigness; one Turkle will serve or suffice three or four score at a meal, especially if it be a she Turkle, for she will have as many Eggs as will suffice fifty or Tortoises great, and of great use. threescore at a meal: This I can assure you, they are very good and wholesome meat, none of it bad, no not so much as the very Guts and Maw of it, for they are exceeding fat, and make as good Tripes as your beasts bellies in England. And for Fowl we went the third day of our arrival unto the Bird Lands (as we call them) and using neither Stick, nor Stone-bow, nor Gun, we took them up with our hands so many as we would that every one of the company were to have Fowl. some three, some four a piece; three for a child, boy or girl, for a man four; then reckon what those that served some fourscore people did amount unto. But this is for certain, if we would have brought away twice so many more we might. Some six days after our coming, we sent out for Hogs, so the company which went out Hogs by reason of their food there, and our men's stomaches, extraordinarily sweet. The weather. Fruits. Pears not hurtful. brought home some: for the meat of them, I hold your Mutton of England not of so sweet and pleasant a taste. For the inclination of the weather, considering in what climate it lies, we have had for the space of some forty days no rain, but very cool and fresh gales of wind, yet in the day time very hot: but we agree with it very well, and not a man that had lain sick or diseased, but all likes well, and follows and imploies themselves to one business or other. For the fruits which the Land yields, th●y be the Mulberry, great store, and Pears which have in them a red liquor, as the Pomegranate hat, or somewhat redder, but very wholesome: if you eat an hundred at one time, you shall never surfeit of them, if you eat some proportion of them they will bind, but if you exceed in eating of them, then are they of the contrary operation: yet never any that hurt themselves by them, eat they never so many. It is certain, that one man eat above a peck of them in some ten hours, and was never the worse. We have a kind of Berrie upon the Cedar Tree very pleasant to eat; and for the Palmito Tree, the top of it is a Cedar Berries. Palmitos. great deal sweeter and wholesomer than any Cabedge. In some of our Lands there grows Pepper, but not so good as our Indian Pepper: diverse sorts of other good things there is, which the several times of the year bring forth one after another: Pepper. but the top of the Palmito Tree is in season and good all the year. Take a Hatchet and cut him or an Augar and bore him, and it yields a very pleasant liquor, much like unto your sweet Wines; Palme-liquor. it bears likewise a Berrie in bigness of a Prune, and in taste much like. Also we have Olives grow with us, but no great store: many other good excellent things we have grow with us, which this short time will not permit me to write of so largely as I might; but this is of truth, that Hogs, Turkles, Fish, and Fowl do abound as dust of the earth: Ambergris and Pearl. for Ambergris and Pearl we have not had leisure, in so few days since our arrival to go look out for the one, or to fish for the other; but the three men which were left there, have found of them both. Also they have made a great deal of Tobacco, and if some would come that have Tobacco. kill in making it, it would be very commodious, both to the Merchant, and to the maker of it. Silk-spider. Timber Trees. And for the Silkworm, if any were brought over, and some of skill to use them, there would be very much good done with them, for the very Spider in these our Lands doth weave perfect fine * I have omitted the rest of this discourse, as being better known to later Writers. Silk, both Yellow and White. The Timber of the Country consisteth of three sorts, the one is the Cedar, very fine Timber to work upon, of colour red, and very sweet: the other sorts we have no name for, for there is none in the company hath seen the like in other Countries before we came, etc. A Copy of the Articles which Master R. MORE, Governor Deputy of the Summer Lands, propounded to the Company that were there with him to be subscribed unto, which both he and they subscribed the second of August, in his house, Anno 1612. which about the same time he sent into England, to the Worshipful Company of the Aduenturors. We, who have here under subscribed our names, being by the great goodness of God safely arrived at the Summer Lands, with purpose here to inhabit, do hereby promise and bind ourselves to the performance of the several Articles hereafter following, and that in the presence of the most glorious God, who hath in mercy brought us hither. First, We do faithfully promise, and by these presents solemnly bind ourselves evermore to worship that aforesaid only true and everliving God, who hath made the Heavens, and the Earth, the Sea, and all that therein is, and that according to those rules that are prescribed in his most holy Word, and ever to continue in that faith into the which we were baptised in the Church of England, and to stand in defence of the same against all Atheists, Papists, Anabaptists, Brownists, and all other Heretics and Sectaries whatsoever, dissenting from the said Word and Faith. Secondly, because the keeping of the Sabbath day holy, is, that wherein a principal part of God's worship doth consist, and is as it were the Key of all the other parts thereof, we do therefore in the presence aforesaid promise, That we will set apart all our own labours and employments on that day, unless it be those that be of mere necessity, much more vain and unfruitful practices, and apply ourselves to the hearing of God's Word, Prayer, and all other exercises of Religion in his Word required, to the uttermost of our power. Thirdly, Seeing the true worship of God and holy life cannot be severed, we do therefore promise in the presence aforesaid, That to the uttermost of our power we will live together in doing that which is just, both towards God and Man, and in particular we will forbear to take the most holy name of God in vain, in ordinary swearing by it, or any other thing, or by scoffing, or vain abusing of his most holy Word, or to use cursing, or filthy speeches, or any other thing forbidden in Gods most holy Word, as also to live together without stealing one from another, or quarrelling one with another, or slandering one of another: And to avoid all things that stand not with the good estate of a Christian Church and well governed Commonwealth, as also to embrace the contrary, as justice, and Peace, Love, and all other things that stand with the good and comfort of Society. Fourthly, Whereas we are here together far remote from our native soil of England, and yet are indeed the natural Subjects of our most Royal and gracious King JAMES of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, etc. We do therefore in the presence aforesaid, solemnly promise evermore to continue the loyal Subjects of our said Sovereign King, his Heirs and Successors, and never to revolt from him, or them, unto any other whatsoever, but evermore to acknowledge his Supreme Government. Fiftly, Whereas we were sent hither by diverse Adventurers of the City of London, and other parts of the Realm of England, we do here in the presence aforesaid promise to use all diligence for the good of the Plantation, and not to purloin or embezzle any of the prohibited commodities out of the general estate, but to use all faithfulness, as it becometh Christians to do, as also to be obedient to all such Governor or Governors, or their Deputy or Deputies, as are, or shall be by them sent to govern us; As also to yield all reverence towards the Ministry or Ministers of the Gospel, sent, or to be sent. Sixtly and lastly, We do here in presence aforesaid promise, the Lord assisting us, that if at any time hereafter any foreign power shall attempt to put us out of this our lawful possession, not cowardly to yield up the same, but manfully to fight as true English men, for the defence of the Commonwealth we live in, and Gospel we profess, and that whiles we have breath we will not yield to any, that shall invade us upon any conditions whatsoever. I had thought hitherto to have added a Letter of M. Hughes, written from thence, Dec. 21. 1614 and printed. But our latter intelligence, being more ample, hath caused me to omit him and others; Yea all things in some, and some things in all. M. Norwood hath been a diligent Surveyor of the place and accidents, and hath given a Map of the one (common to be sold) and a brief relation of the other. But because his History of the Creatures is brief, I have borrowed out of Captain Smith, what he had borrowed of Capt. Butler, and others to give the Reader more full satisfaction in that kind. CHAP. XVII. Relations of Summer Lands, taken out of M. RICHARD NORWOOD, his Map and Notes added thereto, printed 1622. The History of the Creatures growing or living therein, being enlarged out of Capt. smith's written Relations. SIr Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summer, having stayed in Bermuda nine months, with help of such things as they saved with the Sea-ven'ure, and of such as they found in the Country, had built of Cedar, and rigged fit for the Sea, two Vessels, a Ship and a Pinnace, and upon the tenth of May, 1610. departed toward Uirginia, leaving only two men behind them, and carrying them store of provision for the relief of the people there. Upon the four and twentieth of May, they arrived safely there, and shortly after some of them returned to the Summer Lands again for a further supply, in the same Ship which they had formerly built there; where Sir George Summer dying, his men did not according to his last charge given unto them, return to Virginia; but framed their course for England, leaving behind them three men, that stayed voluntarily, who shortly after found in Somerset Island, which is a part of Sandys Tribe, a very great treasure in Ambergris, to the value of nine or ten thousand pound sterling: there hath also been found Ambergris. since diverse times of the best sort. This new discovery of the Summer Lands, being thus made known in England, to the Virginian Company, by these men which returned, they sold it to some hundred and twenty persons of the same Company, who obtained a Charter from his Majesty, and so hold it. And toward the latter end of April, 1612. sent thither a Ship, called the Plough, with some sixty persons to inhabit, appointing Governor one Master Richard Moor, a man ingenuous and careful, who since died in Sir Walter Rawlyes last voyage to Guiana, (a place as appeareth by our Modern Geographers, very rich and spacious.) But, as I say, he arrived there about the beginning of july, and found the foresaid three men that stayed voluntarily, very well. Master Moor spent the three years of his government, for the most part in fortifying the Country, and training the people in Martial exercises, which custom hath been continued by his successors: he built some nine or ten Forts, placing Ordnance and Munition in them. In his time, the Lord sent upon the Country, a very grievous scourge and punishment, threatening the utter ruin and desolation of it: That it came from God I need not strive to prove, especially considering it was generally Rat-plague. so acknowledged by us at that time: The causes and occasions of it, I need not name, being very well known to us all that then lived there, which were about six hundred persons, thought shortly after much diminished. I will only show the thing itself, which was a wonderful annoyance, by silly Rats: These Rats coming at the first out of a Ship, few in number, How vain a thing is man, whose best wits and industry are triumphed over by silly Rats? Great God, give us grace to fear thee, that we may fear nothing else: else shall we fear with Pharaoh Frogs, Lice, Flies, Grasshopper; or with others, Fleas, Sparrows, & ●. Yea a few Rats, in despite of Cat's Dogs, Traps, poisons, shall starve us. increased in the space of two years, or less, so exceedingly, that they filled not only those places where they were first landed: But swimming from place to place, spread themselves into all parts of the Country. Insomuch, that there was no Island, though severed by the Sea from all other Lands, and many miles distant from the Isles where the Rats had their original, but was pestered with them. They had their Nests almost in every Tree, and in all places their Burrowes in the ground (like Coneys) to harbour in. They spared not the fruits of Plants and Trees, neither the Plants themselves, but eat them up. When we had set our Corn, they would commonly come by troops the night following, or so soon as it began to grow, and dig it up again. If by diligent watching any of it were preserved till it came to ear-ring, it should then very hardly scape them. Yea, it was a difficult matter after we had it in our houses, to save it from them, for they became noisome even to the persons of men. We used all diligence for the destroying of them, nourishing many Cats, wild and tame, for that purpose; we used Ratsbane, and many times set fire on the Woods, so as the fire might run half a mile or more before it were extinct: Every man in the Country was enjoined to set twelve Traps, and some of their own accord set near a hundred, which they visited twice or thrice in a night. We trained up our Dogs to hunt them, wherein they grew so expert, that a good Dog in two or three hours' space, would kill forty of fifty Rats, and other means we used to destroy them, but could not prevail, finding them still to increase against us. And this was the principal cause of that great distress, whereunto we were driven in the first planting of the Country, for these, devouring the fruits of the earth, kept us destitute of bread a year or two, so that, when we had it afterwards again, we were so weaned from it, that we should easily neglect and forget to eat it with our meat. We were also destitute at that time of Boats, and other provision for fishing. And moreover, Master Moor had received warning from England, that he should expect the Spaniard that year, yet they came not, but with two ships, attempting to come in, and having their Boat before them to sound the way, were shot at by the said Master Moor from King's Castle, and as we supposed one of them stricken through, whereupon they presently departed. But (as I say) this expectation of them caused us (though in great necessity) to hasten the fortifications of the Country. All these jointly (but principally the Rats) were the causes of our distress: for being destitute of food, many died, and we all became very feeble and weak, whereof some being so, would not; others could not stir abroad to seek relief, but died in their houses: such as went abroad were subject, through weakness, to be suddenly surprised with a disease we called the Feages, which was neither pain nor sickness, but as The Feag●. it were the highest degree of weakness, depriving us of power and ability for the execution of any bodily exercise, whether it were working, walking, or what else. Being thus taken, if there were any in company that could minister any relief, they would straightways recover, otherwise they died there: Yet many after a little rest would be able to walk again, and then if they found any succour were saved. About this time, or immediately before, came thither a company of Ravens, which continued with us all the time of this mortality, and then departed. There were not before that time, nor since (so far as I hear) any more of them seen there. And this, with some other reasons of more moment, moved many to think that there was some other Lands near the Summer Lands, between Uirginia, and it; and M. Moor (in his time, with some other of us) went forth in a Boat so far as then we could convemently, of purpose to discover it: Since then, it hath been endeavoured by other, and is yet (as I hear) to be further attempted. And howsoever I am persuaded (for certain causes which I cannot here relate) there is no such thing; Yet would I not disanimate any from this enterprise, for if they find any, their labours will be well recompensed; and though they find none, yet might they discover those parts so well, that the passage to and from Virginia would be more safe and easy. But to return from whence we have digressed: The extremity of our distress began to abate a little before M. Moor's time of government was expired, partly by supplies out of England, of victualland provision for fishing, and partly by that rest and liberty we then obtained, the Country being fortified. Yet the Rats increased and continued almost to the end of Captain Tuckers time, although he was provident and industrious to destroy them, but toward the end of his time it pleased God (by what means it is not well known) to take them away, insomuch that the wild Cats and many Dogs which lived on them were famished, and many of them leaving the Woods, came down to the houses, and to such places where they use to garbage their Fish, and became tame. Some have attributed this destruction of them to the increase of wild Cats, but that's not likely they should be so suddenly increased rather at that time, then in the four years before. And the chief occasion of this supposition was, because they saw such companies of them leave the Woods, and show themselves for want of food. Others have supposed it to come to pass by the coolness of the weather, which notwithstanding is never so great there, as with us in March, nor scarce as it is in April, except it be in the wind; besides the Rats wanted not feathers of young Birds and Chickens which they daily killed, and of Palmeto Moss (as we call it) to build themselves warm nests out of the wind, as usually they did. Neither doth it appear that the cold was so mortal to them, seeing they would ordinarily swim from place to place, and be very fat even in the midst of Winter. It remaineth then, that as we know God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes, and sometimes against them: So we need not doubt, but that in the speedy increase and spreading of these Vermin; as also, in the preservation of so many of us by such weak means as we then enjoyed, and especially in the sudden removal of this great annoyance, there was joined with, and besides, the ordinary and manifest means, a more immediate and secret work of God. Now to proceed. M. Moor's time of government being expired, Capt. Tucker succeeded, arriving Cap. Tucker. there about mid-May, 1616. who likewise governed (according to the custom) three years; which time he spent, for the most part, in husbandring the Country, planting and nourishing all such things as were found fit either for trade, or for the sustentation and use of the Inhabitants, wherein he traveled with much diligence and good success, sending to some parts of the Indies for Plants and Fruits: he also ad●ed to the Fortifications, and made some Enclosures. In his time, viz. in the year 1617. was sent a Ship and provision, with men of skill, for the kill of Whales; but they arrived there too late to wit, about the midst of April, so that before they could make ready their Shallops, and fit themselves, the principal season for Whalefishing was Whales. passed: For the Whale come thither in january, and depart again toward the latter end of May: Yet they struck some, but found them so lively, swift, & fierce after they were stricken, that they could take none. They yield great store of Oil, as appeared by one that drove to shore on Somerset Island, in Sandys Tribe: and by another that we found not far from thence dead upon a Rock. I also received by Captain Tucker, directions from the Adventurers to divide the Country, and to assign to each Adventurer his shares or portion of Land: and withal, a description, with Shares. notes touching the manner how they would have it done, as they had formerly determined by Lot. Which thing I did with all faithfulness and diligence, the manner of it doth above appear, and is more largely manifested in a Book of the Survey of the Country, exhibited to the Right Honourable his Majesty's Counsel, and the Court of Adventurers for these parts. And then began this, which was before as it were an unsettled and confused Chaos (I mean as touching a Plantation, for considered only as a Regiment it was otherwise) to receive a convenient disposition, form, and order, and to become indeed a Plantation; for though the Country was small, yet they could not have been conveniently disposed and well settled, without a true description and survey made of it; and again every man being settled where he might constantly abide, they knew their business, and fitted their household accordingly. They built for themselves and their Families, not Tents or Cabins, but more substantial houses: they cleared their grounds, and planted not only such things as would yield them their fruits in a year, or half a year: but all such too, as would afford them profit after certain years, etc. So that in short time after, even before expiration of Captain Tuckers government, the Country began to aspire and nearly to approach unto that happiness and prosperity wherein now it flourisheth. For may it not justly be accounted happiness and prosperity, for men to live where they enjoy the means of true Religion and Salvation, to wit, the sincere Ministry of the Word and Sacraments? where the government is good without rigour and oppression, the place healthful and temperate? where they are freed from all extreme care and toil? where they have food in abundance, and very good, with other things needful to the body? and where they have Commodities meet for Trade, by which they better advance their estates? all which and more is largely verified in the present estate of that Colony, whatsoever some maliciously minded, or to evil ends suborned, may say to the contrary, so that there may seem to be a restauration of that Golden Age so much spoken of. The Governor now there resident, is one Captain Butler, for Captain Tucker departing thence in December 1618. left in his place Captain Kendal (who also was one that supplied the same place in the interim, between Master Moor's time and Captain Tuckers, and hath spent some nine or ten years in the Country. But in the year 1619. about Midsummer, the Adventurers sent thither as Governor for three years (according to the custom) the said Captain Butler, and four ships, with some five hundred persons, there being at that time in the Country only five hundred more: for by the space of four years, to wit, during the latter part of Master Moor's government, and all the time of Captain Tuckers, they had sent few thither, being almost hopeless of the place, by reason of the Rats: But since there have been sent many companies more than have come to my knowledge. Insomuch that I understand the Country is now almost fully planted and inhabited. Thus have I briefly related (so far forth as hath come to my knowledge and remembrance) every thing of most note and importance that hath befallen in the first Discovery and planting of these Lands, till this present. I have laboured to contract myself, yet have exceeded my intended limits. Now I must speak something of the Country itself: Which consisteth of a company of small Lands, situate and form as above appeareth. It lieth in the Western Ocean, in that part of the World lately discovered, and called America, or the New World, vulgarly, the West Indies: It hath Latitude, or Elevation (as is abovesaid) 32. degrees 25. minutes, which is almost the same with the Maderaes, or rather more Southward. The Country is round about environed with Rocks; which to the Northward, Westward, and Southward, extend farther then hath been yet discovered: By reason of these Rocks the Country is very strong: For there is only two places (and scarce two, except to such as know them well) where shipping may safely come in: and those places are very well fortified: but within is room to entertain a Royal Fleet. The Rocks in most places appear at a low water: neither are they much covered at a high water; For it ebbs and flows there, not above five foot. The shore itself (for the most part) is a Rock: so hardened by the Sun, Wind, and Sea, that it is not apt to be worn by the Waves; whose violence is also broken by the Rocks, before they come at the shore. The Mould is of diverse colours; neither Clay, nor Sand, but a mean between. The Red, which resembleth Clay is worst; the whitish, resembling Sand, and the blackish, Clay, is good: the Brown, between them both (which they call white, because there is mingled with it, as it were a white Marle) is best. Under the Mould two or three foot deep, and sometimes less, is a kind of white, hard substance, which they call the Rock: the Trees usually fasten their Roots in it: and draw their nourishment from it: Neither is it indeed Rock or Stone, nor so hard, though for the most part harder than Chalk; not so white, but Pumice-like and Spongy, easily receiving and containing much water: I have seen, in some places, Clay found under it. It seems to be engendered of the Rain water, draining through the earth, and drawing with it of his substance, unto a certain depth where it congeals. The hardest kind of it (which is commonly under the red ground) is not so Spongy, nor retains much water: but lieth in the ground in Quarries, as it were thick Slates one upon another: and there is some chinks or crevices betwixt one late and another, through which the water hath passage: so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water. For all, or the most part of their fresh water (whereof they have good store) cometh out of the Sea; draining through the Sand, or through the foresaid substance, which they call the Rock, and leaving his Salt behind it becomes fresh: Sometimes we digged Welles of fresh water, within four or five paces of the Seaside; Wels. sometimes further off. The most part of them would ebb and flow, as the Sea did, and be level or little higher than the Superficies of the Sea. The Air is most commonly clear, very temperate, moist, with a moderate heat, very The Air. healthful, and apt for the Generation and nourishing of all things; so that there is scarce any thing transported from hence thither, but it yields a far greater increase; and if it be any living thing, becomes fatter and better liking, then here. By this means the Country was so replenished with Hens and Turkeyes, within the space of three or four years, that being neglected, many of them forsook the Houses, and became wild, and so lived in great abundance. The like increase there is of Hogs and other Cattle, according to their kinds. There seems to be a continual Spring, which is the cause that some few things come not to that maturity and perfection, as were requisite. And though the Trees do shed their leaves, yet are they always full of green. Their Corn is the same which they use almost in all parts of the West Indies, to wit, Maiz: which, to such as are used to it, is more hearty and nourishing then our English Wheat, and yields a far greater increase, as a pound, sometimes, of one or two grains. Of this Corn, and ●iuers other things, without either ploughing or digging the ground, they have two Harvests every year: for they set about March, which they gather in july; and again in August, which is ripe in December: And little slips of Fig Trees, and Vines, do usually bear fruit within less than a year after they are planted, sometimes in half a year. The like fertility it hath in other things. There is scarce at any time to be perceived either Frost or Snow, nor any extreme heat; for Temperature of the Country. there is almost always some wind stirring, which cleareth and cooleth the Air. Their Summers and Winters observe the same times with ours, but their longest days and nights are shorter than ours in England, by two hours and almost a half: as also their shortest days and nights are as much longer than ours: for their longest days and nights are about fourteen hours, and their shortest ten. When it is Noon with us, it is Morning with them; and when it is about five of the clock in the Evening with us, it is high-noon with them: so that whilst the Sun declines with us, it riseth with them, as also it doth in Virginia. It is apt to Thunder and Lightning all the year, ofttimes more terrible then in England; but no man, or other living creature have I known hurt by it. There is no venomous creature in the Country: the yellow Spider Spiders. which is there, making her Web as it were of Silk, and bringing forth her young (as the Alchemists their stone) of Eggs like little Balls of Quicksilver, is not perceived to be any whit venomous. Yet there is a Plant (that climbeth Trees like ivy, the leaf also of the same colour, but in shape like the Vine) that is somewhat venomous, but of no great force. There is great store and variety of Fish, and so good as these parts of the World affords not the like; which being for the most part unknown to us, each man gave them names as they best liked: as one kind they called Rocke-fish, another Groopers, others Porgie-fish, Hog-fish, Angle-fish, Cavallies, Yellow-tayles, Spanish Makerell, Mullets, bream, Connie-fish, Morrayes, Sting-rayes, Flying-fish, etc. The like they did by the Fowl, as Cohooes, Sandbirds, Herons, Duck and Teal, Pemblicoes, Castle-boobies, Hawks, etc. The Country when we first began the Plantation, was all overgrown with Woods and Plants of several kinds: and to such kinds as were unknown to us (which were the most part) we also gave names; such as were known retaining their old names: as Cedars, Palmetoes, Black-wood, White-wood, Yellow-wood, Mulberie-trees, Stopper-trees, Laurel and Olive-trees, Mangrowes, Pepper-trees, Yellow-bery-weed, Red-weed: These, and many others, we found naturally growing in the Country. But since it hath been inhabited, there hath been brought thither, as well from the Indies as from other parts of the World, sundry other Plants, as Vines of several kinds, Sugarcanes, Figge-trees, Appletrees, Oranges, Lemons, Pomegranates, Plantanes, Pines, Parsnips, Radishes, Artichokes, Potatoes, Cassavi, Indigo, and many other: Insomuch that it is now become as it were some spacious Garden or nursery of many pleasant and profitable things. Now if I should proceed to a more special Narration, and speak of all these Plants, Birds, Fishes, and other remarkable things particularly: I could not but be much larger than were any ways expedient in this place. Besides, I have long since understood, that Captain Butler (the Governor there resident) hath undertaken to write of these and the like things, a peculiar Treatise. This therefore that is spoken touching the nature of the Country in general, shall suffice. Only to make choice of two particulars, whereof I will speak, not so largely as the things require, but so far forth as will be meet and convenient in this place. The first shall be the Tortoise, which they call a Turtle: which having some affinity and resemblance with Fishes, Beasts, and Fowls, shall serve instead of a History of them all. The other shall be that which they call the prickled Peartree: which participating in nature, and resembling in some things, herbs and in other Trees; shall likewise serve in stead of the Natural History of them both. And first of the Turckle, not regarding (for brevity's sake) the large Discourses of others; I will only write what I have seen and known myself. They are in the shape of their body like a Crabfish; and have four fins: they are as great as three or four men can carry: the upper part of them is covered with a great shell, which we call a Galley-patch, weighing (as I take it) half a hundred weight: the flesh that cleaveth to the inside of this being roasted against the fire, is excellent meat: almost like the Marrow of Beef: but the shell itself harder than Horn: she hath also a shell on her belly, not so hard, but being boy led it becometh soft, like the sinews or gristle of Beef; and good meat. These live in the Sea, spending the Spring time, and part of the Summer about these Lands: but the residue of the year, we know not where. They are like to Fowl in respect of the smallness and fashion of their heads and necks: which are wrinkled like a Turkeyes, but white, and not so sharp billed. They also breed their young of Eggs which they lay. They resemble Beasts, in that their flesh is like Veal, but more hard and solid; and they feed always upon grass growing at the bottom of the water; neither can they abide any longer under water, than they hold their breath; which the old ones will do long: but the young ones being chased to and fro, cannot continue two minutes with out coming up to breathe. Shortly after their coming in, the Male and Female couple, which we call cooting; this they continue some three days together, during which time, they will scarce separate though a Boat come to them, nor hardly when they are smitten. Not long after, the Shee-Turckle comes up by night upon some Sandie Bay; and further up then the water useth to flow, she digs a hole with her fin in the Sand, some two foot deep; and there coming up several nights, lays her Eggs, some half a bushel (which are about the bigness of a Hen's Egg, and round as a Ball) and each time covers them with Sand very curiously; so that a man shall hardly find the place. These Eggs (as it seems) are afterwards hatched by heat of the Sun, and then by the Providence of God (the means are yet unknown to us) are brought out of the earth, for we could never perceive that she returns any more to them, and yet in likelihood they remain not long in the Earth after they are hatched, because (as I have before said) they cannot live without breathing. We sometimes see of the young one's no bigger than a man's hand, which some fish will deucure. They grow slowly, and seem to have a very long life, they will sleep on the top of the water, and were wont to sleep often on the Land, till the Country was peopled; they will also live out of the water some three weeks, and that without meat, but mourn and pine away; they are very witty. Being on the Land turned upon their backs, they can no more without some help or advantage recover themselves; by which means when they come on shore to lay their Eggs, they are easily taken, as also they are when they are cooting. But otherwise we take them for the most part by night, making a great light in a Boat, to which they will sometimes swim, and seldom shun: so that a man standing ready with a staff in his hand, which hath at one end a socket, wherein is an Iron less than a man's finger, foure-square and sharp, with a line fastened to it, he striking this Iron into the upper shell of the Turckle, it sticks so fast, that after she hath a little tired herself by swimming too and fro, she is taken by it. They will live, the head being cut off, four and twenty hours; so that if you cut the flesh with a Knife, or touch it, it will tremble and shrink away. There is no meat will keep longer either fresh or salt. But leaving these, we will now come to speak of the Prickled Pears, which are a fruit growing in these Lands, in such places as are scarce fit for any thing else, namely, upon Rocks and Cliffs, and commonly by the Sea side, as if the salt-water did somewhat help to the generation and nourishing of them. The tree seems to grow certain years before it bears fruit, and then to continue bearing, very many years, having almost all the year long fruit upon it. And although we call this a Tree, yet hath it scarce any body or branches, but consisteth in a manner wholly of leaves and fruit, soft and brittle. But we will give you a larger History of the Creatures from Captain Smith, in the next Chapter. CHAP. XVIII. Extracts out of Captain JOHN smith's History of Bermudas, or Summer Lands; touching the English Acts and Occurrents there from the beginning of the Plantation. SOme one hundred and twenty of the Uirginian Company bought that Title which the Company might seem to have to Bermuda, and obtained Letters Patents of his Majesty. Sir Thomas Smith was elected Treasurer, and Master Richard Moor sent thither with the first Colony, which found the three men well, Carter, Chard, and Waters, which had found store of Ambergrice, which Inueniuntur opes irritamenta malorum. was the occasion of great stirs betwixt Moor and Kendal, (who was imprisoned) Chard (who was condemned and on the Ladder to be hanged, but repriued, and all Moors time detained prisoner) and Captain Davies, who had almost kindled a mutiny till better thoughts did better him. Sic vos non vobis, was the conclusion of that Treasure to the finders, howsoever Davies and Kendal are said to have licked their fingers well. For the natural History thereof I have added thus much out of him to that which before hath been delivered by others. The most troublesome to these Lands are the Winds and Worms, specially in the Spring and Autumn, rather to awaken industry then to cause despair. The Musketas or Flies are very busy, with a certain Indian bug called by the Spaniards, a Flies. Cacaroatch, which creeping into Chists by their ill scented dung defile all, besides their eating. Little Ants are in Summer so troublesome that they are forced to dry their figs on high frames, Ants. anointing the feet with Tar which stay their passage that else would spoil. all. Worms in Worms. the earth are noisome to their Corn and Tobacco, causing them great labour every morning to destroy them; which else would destroy all. Large Lizards have been there, now destroyed by the Lizards. Cats. Spiders are large but beautifully coloured, as if they were adorned with Silver, Gold, and Spiders. Peatle: their Webs in Summer woven from Tree to Tree a perfect raw Silk in substance and colour, so strong that Birds like Snites bigger than Blackbirds, are snared in their Nets. There are grey and white Hearne, grey and green Plover, wild Ducks, and Mallards', Coats, Fowls. Redshanks, Sea-wigeons, grey Bitterness, Cormorants, numbers of small Birds, like Sparrows and Robbins, which have lately been destroyed by the Wild Cats, very many Woodpeckers, Crows, which since the Plantation are killed, and seldom seen except in places least inhabited, where they are observed to take their flight about Sunset, directing their course toward the Northwest, which causeth the conjecture of other Lands. (Yea, the Spaniards say this is not true Bermuda, etc.) sometimes also are seen Falcons, jarfalcons, Osprayes, a Bird like a Hobby, holden but a passenger. The Cohow is so termed of his voice; a night Bird all day hid in the Rocks. The Egge-bird on the first day of May constantly observed to come, they begin to lay Eggs as big almost as Hen's Eggs; so continuing till Midsummer, so tame you must thrust them off: then permitted to breed (growing weak) and their young are excellent meat. The Eggs of those are white; of the Cohowes speckled, as big as Hens: strict inhibition was made for their sparing being almost destroyed. The Tropiks' Bird hath his name of the places where he is most seen. Another Bird of her Cry is called Pemblico, seldom seen by day, an unwelcome Prophet of Tempests by her clamorous crying. Owls are now gone, Pigeons prosper not. Tame Ducks and Geese are there. Now for Plants there growing, the most remarkable are, the Poyson-wead, which is much in shape like our English ivy, with the touch thereof causing redness, itching and blisters, all which after a while pass away of themselves without further hurt. The Red-reed is a tall Plant, whose stalk is covered with a red rind; the Root steeped, or a small quantity of the juice drunk alone procureth a forceable Vomit, generally used and effectual against distempers of the stomach. A kind of Woodbine is common near the Sea running on Trees like a Vine, the fruit somewhat like a Bean but flatter, which eaten any way causeth to purge vehemently, yet without further harm. Another small Tree causeth costiveness. There is also a Plant like a Bramble, bearing a long yellow fruit with a hard shell, and within a hard Berrie which stamped and taken inwardly, purgeth gently. Red-Pepper is a fruit like our Barberies, which beaten, or bruised with the Teeth, sets all the mouth on a heat, for the time terrible; but swallowed whole have the same operation that black Pepper. The Sea-feather is a Plant growing on the Rocks in the bottom of the Sea in form of a Vine-leafe, but far more spread with veins of a palish red, strangely interlaced and woven into each other: the virtue unknown. There are besides fruits thither carried which thrive and multiply, White, Red, Yellow Potatoes, Sugarcanes, Indicoes, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes, Cassavi (the American root for bread) the Indian Pompion, the water Melon, the Musk Melon, the most delicate Pineapple, Plantans, and Papawes; the English Artichoke, Pease, etc. Master Moor applied himself to fortifying and to train his men: he laid the foundation of eight or nine Forts, called the King's Castle, Charles' Fort, Pembroke's Fort, Smith's Fort, Gates Fort, Moor's Forts. Warwick's Castle, Saint Katherine's Fort, etc. mounting therein all such Ordnance as he had. Being busied in these and other necessaries, which held the men hard at work, Master Keath the Master Keath. Minister, a Scot, taxed him in the Pulpit for grinding the faces of the poor, oppressing his Christian brethren with Pharoos taxes; for which being convented, and by the generality contraried, he fell on his knees and asked pardon, which was easily with good admonition granted. Two other malcontents were condemned to be hanged, one of which for fear fell into a dead palsy, the other was freed, and after proved a good labourer. He got two pieces of Ordnance out of the Sea-Venture (Sir George Summers' wrack) framed a Church of Timber, which was blown Church built. down and re-edified, and another built in a closer place with Palmito leaves. Before the year expired, an Adviso with thirty passengers were sent, to prepare for Spaniards; which made Supplies sent An. 1613. M. Barklie. them fall so hard to work, that many fell sick. The Martha followed with sixty passengers, and in it Master George Barklie, who took good notice of those Lands. The Elizabeth was sent the second time with forty passengers. These carried the first Potatoes, which being all lost but two castaway roots have yielded increase there to admiration, and are great relief to Increase of Potatoes. the Inhabitants. Two Spanish Ships were seen soon after this Ship was gone, to sound with their Boat, attempting to come in; but from the King's Castle Master Moor made two shot, which caused them to depart, to the joy of the Plantation, which then had but three quarters of a barrel of Spanish Ships. Powder, and but one shot more: the Powder also by carelessness tumbled under the Muffels of the two Pieces which were discharged, and yet not touched with fire. The like merciful providence appeared in certain cartrages of Paper filled with Powder; a negligent fellow leaving his Match burning upon one of them all the while they were at Prayer, so that the coal touched Escapes from dangers. the Paper and fired it not. A worse thing happened by a carvel of Meal, which Daniel Elfred brought thither, so stored with Rats, that had near ruined all the Plantation. Two years after came in the Blessing with Rats. M. Barklies second coming. one hundred passengers, and the Star with one hundred and eighty, and soon after the Margaret, and two Frigates with one hundred and sixty. Master Barkley also came to divide the Country into Tribes, and the Tribes into shares; but Moor seeing his share and the Colonies to be none, gave him so cold entertainment, that he returned as he came. This bred Moor more dislike in England, and his minding fortification so much, with neglect of Corn bred a famine; that attended with diseases, specially one called the Feagues, which without 1614 Famine and sickness. Ravens. sense of pain, swallowed up all their strength at once, whereof without succour they died; some by food and rest recovered. The Ravens continued this mortality and then departed. William Millinton was drawn into the Sea by a Fish, and never seen more. The Famine gave a supersedeas to the works, and Moor sent them to seek relief. At Coupers I'll with a contrary extremity of the abundance of Cahows and Fish, many surfeited and died. Some killed the cattle, Contrary extreme. and one stole away to the Woods and there franked himself, feeding on land Crabs and Wilkes. For fishing, the Smith was fain to make Hooks of Swords, and Lines of old Ropes, till a Frigate being sent with advice into England, the Welcome was sent with provision. Master Moor returned in this Ship, and left the Government to a Council of six, which should succeed each other monthly; viz. Captain Miles Kendal, Captain john Mansfield, Thomas Knight, Charles Government by a Counsel. Caldicot, Edward Waters, and Christopher Carter, with twelve Assistants. Moor arriving here, after much quarrel, obtained eight shares of Land. He died after in Sir Walter Raleighs Guiana voyage. He was a man very pragmatical, and had before undertaken much in Foulness for Rapes seed, etc. A man fitter for such a Plantation as this in the beginning was, than some silken Citizen, or stalking Gentleman, or talking Traveller, or sour Humorist, or grim Martialist might haply have proved. Caldicots Lot was first, whose month being ended, with Knight and Waters in a small Frigate he went to Virginia, Mansfield succeeded in the new triumvirate, and a plot not to surrender the Caldicots lot. Government to such as from England should be appointed, was disappointed: Master Hughes was imprisoned, and soon set at liberty, but Master Keath his Symmystes fell to strange disputes, and Hughes was again convented, and by the jury acquitted. mansfield's month being M. Keath and M. Hughes. passed in brawls, the two next were quiet; yet those contestings after revived. The Edwin arrived with good supplies. diverse Boats were lost at Sea about this time. But one memorable accident was this: In March, a season most tempestuous, on a fair Friday Strange accident. morning, seven men went in a Boat of two or three tuns to fish, some of them fasting, neither had they any provision in the Boat with them but a few Palmeto berries; some four leagues from shore a tempest took them, and carried them quite out of sight of land; their strength being spent, the strength also of the tempest abated on sunday, and a calm followed. Too weak Andrew Hilliaras' adventures. for Oars they lay adrife that night: the next morning Andrew Hillyard (the rest not able to help themselves) spread the sail: On tuesday one died, on wednesday three, which were cast overboard; on thursday night the sixth, whom he was not able to turn over, but stripped him, ripped his belly with his Knife, threw his bowels into Sea, spread his body abroad, tilted open with a stick, and so let it lie as a Cistern to receive some lucky rain water, which God sent presently after, so that in a small shower he recovered about four spoonfuls of rain to his unspeakable refreshment. He also preserved near half a pint of blood in a shoe, which he did sparingly drink to moisten his mouth. Two days he fed on his flesh to the quantity of a pound: the eleventh day after his loss of Land, two flying Fishes fell into his Boat, whose warm juicy blood he sucked, to his great comfort, and within an hour after, with greater comfort espied land, which within four hours he attained on a Rock near Port Royal, where his Boat was split presently in pieces, and he made shift to climb so steep a Rock by night, as would have troubled the strongest man in 〈…〉 le to have done by day. He discerned in the morning where he was, and without other refreshing then water (which he took temperately, or might else have drunk his last) he got in half a day to a friends house. He was living Anno 1622. Some treasure in Dollars, to the value of twenty pounds was found, the remainder of some M. Tucker, 1616. Wrack. The Company sent M. Daniel Tucker, to be Governor; he set sail in the George, accompanied with the Edwin: some preparation was made to resist, but he at last was received and acknowledged in May, 1616. Somewhat he had to do to bring them to their works, which yet he effected; their day work till nine in the morning, and then staying till three in the afternoon, they began again continuing till sunset. Besides meat, drink, and clothes, they had for a time a certain kind of brass Money, with a Hog on the one side, in memory of the Hogs there found at first landing. He by Master Richard Norwoods' help, laid out the eight Tribes in the Tribes laid o●● Main, which were to consist of fifty shares to a Tribe, each share twenty five Acres. He began to plant some of the Colony on special shares, and appointed Bailiffs to each Tribe. He held a general Assize in his second month at Saint Georges, where for sedition john Wood a Frenchman Assizes. was hanged. He sent the Edwin to Trade with the Natives of the West Indies for cattle, Corn, Plants, which had it been continued, might happily have been more beneficial to the Plantation than the Magazines from hence. She returned with Figs, Pines, Sugarcanes, Plantans, Papawes, and diverse other plants, which were presently replanted, and since have increased by the Governors' The Governors. commendable husbandry. Severity, by the conceit thereof produced an admirable fact: Five men which could by no means get passage for England, resolved to adventure an escape, viz. Richard Saunder Mariner chief plotter, William Goodwin a Ship Carpenter, Tho. Harison a joiner, james Baker Gentleman, and Henry Peewit. These insinuated to the Governor, that they would Admirable voyage. build him a Boat of two or three Tuns with a close Deck, fit to fish in all weathers. He glad to see them so obsequious, furnished them with necessaries whatsoever they could desire. She was fitted and gone the evening before he sent for her, to see, as was reported, how she could sail. This was most true, and Botelias his adventure from Goa in the East Indies to Lisbon was not so admirable a trial. Barker had borrowed a Compass Dial of M. Hughes, leaving a Letter to him His course was nearer shore, with all provisions fitting. to have patience for that loss, whereby their adventure was intimated. The Governors' threats were not in that remoteness so terrible as the two present swelling Elements, whom yet they found more gentle than a French Pickaroone, who in stead of succour, which they desired, took from them what they liked, leaning them not so much as a cross-staff to observe with, and so cast them off. They continued their course till their victual began to fail, and the knees of their Small Boat from Bermudas cometh, to Ireland. Sanders his fortunes. Boat were half hewed away for fire wood. They at last arrived in Ireland, where the Earl of Tomund entertained them, and caused the Boat to be hanged up for a Monument, having sailed 3300. miles thorough the Ocean by a right line without sight of any Land. This fortunate Sanders in the rifling of a Ship taken in the East Indies, bought a Chest for three or four shillings, but would for want of a Key have sold it again for less. But one day having little to do, he broke it open and found therein 1000 pounds sterling, or so much gold as bought him in England a good estate, which leaving with his wife he returned again to the East Indies. The Company sent Captain powel in the Hopewell, after he had landed his passengers in Summer Cap. powel. Iles, to trade in the Indies, who by the way fell foul on a Brasillman, and afterwards a Frenchman on him: but he got safe to the Lands and told what he had done. The Governor kept his second Assize, and made a proclamation against the kill of coheires. powel is again sent to the West Indies from thence, with thirteen or fourteen men. He made trial but in vain, for the Whalefishing, for which and to which purpose the Company soon after sent the Neptune. In the beginning of his second year he called the third azise, in which one was hanged, two others condemned, but reprieved. The Rat Tragedy was now terrible: some Fishes have been taken with Rats in their bellies, catched as they swum from I'll to I'll. One Henry Long, with six others being 1617. Hurt by Rats filling all the Island. on fishing, a sudden storm arose with terrible thunder, and the Boat was tossed over the Rocks, the fi●h tossed overboard, and Long with two others escaped (the rest drowned) one of the three being demanded what he thought in the present peril, answered, he said nothing, but Gallows claim thy right, which within half a year fell out accordingly. powel returned with three Frigates, laden with Meal, Hides, and Munition. The Master and Governor contending, both were Gallows clappers fate. dispossessed by a stronger power. Waters, with twelve men were sent to Virginia, and would no more return to Summer Iles. A. 1618. arrived there the Diana, with men and provision, and the first Magazine (a course I 1618. Magazines not so profitable as intended. hear not much applauded by the Planters here, or in Virginia, the companies honest care) seeming by some others dishonesty frustrate. This Ship fraught with 30000. weight of Tobacco, gave by the good sail thereof encouragement to the Adventurers. The Governor building a house of Cedar in the best Land, appropriated it to himself to the grief of others there, of whom Master Hughes could not by threats nor imprisonment be so pacified, but that here to the Company he approved his cause. Two men and a Gentlewomen, thinking to make their escape in a Boat to Virginia, were never heard of after. Six others attempted the like, but were apprehended, arraigned, Escapers not escaping. condemned, and one of them hanged. The Governors' hard dealings so much complained of, caused him in the Blessing to return to excuse himself, and to get that house assured him, leaving Captain Kendal to supply his place. The Gillyflower and the Treasurer were sent. By Two ships sent the Sea-flower which went to Virginia, a Preacher was sent to the Lands, and news of a new Governor. Captain Kerby came in with a small Bark from the West Indies. A Dutch Frigate was cost away on the Western shore, the people saved by the English. Captain Butler, the new Governor arrived in the Warwick, the twentieth of October, 1619. Cap. Butler Governor. 1619. The Redoubt, a platform of the King's Castle, at the same time whiles the New Governor and old Planters were feasting aboard, accidentally was consumed with fire. The next month came in the Garland, which had come from England six or seven weeks before him, and spent seventeen week's on the voyage, which proved so tedious, that many both Sailors and Passengers died. In the end of November, arose such a storm that many great Trees were blown up by the roots, the Great storms Warwick cast away, the Garland forced to cut her Masts overboard. Not long after happened another as fierce; in which the Mount, built by M. Moor for a Watchtower, was blown up by the roots; and their winter crop of Corn blasted. He began the new year with refortifying the King's Castle, and finding the Treasurer rotten, took nine Pieces of Ordnance out of her. He sent the Garland for England. He finished the Church begun by Captain Kendal, with great toil got three Pieces out of the wracked Warwick, employed a Dutch Carpenter of the former Dutch wrack to build Boates. A lucky fellow in February, found a piece of Ambergris of eight Ounces, as he had done twice afore, and according to order of Court (to prevent concealments) had therefore thirty pound an Ounce. Two Dutch Ambergris. Frigates arrived, conducted by Captain powel, and much refreshed the Colony with Oil and Bacon at cheap rates. The Governor made a new platform in place of the burned Redoubt, New platform and mounted seven great Pieces on Carriages of Cedar. The Ministers not being conformable to the Church of England, nor uniform with themselves in administration of the Sacrament, and Minister's scruples. Matrimony. He translated the Liturgy Book of Garnsie and jarsie, void of the pretended scruples which was generally embraced, and in his time practised, and the Sabbaths observation proclaimed. They rebuilded the Mount, and diverse Boats was endangered with a Hurricane, one lost. Finding a little Cross erected where Sir George Summer his heart and entrailes were buried: he Sir George Summers' memorial caused a Marble stone brought out of England, to be handsomely wrought, and an Epitaph engraven, in memory of that worthy Soldier, and laid thereon, environed with a square wall of hewed stone. On the second of june, began their Assizes, in which their Laws and Government were reduced to the English form. The first of August, was a general Assembly in manner of a Parliament, Their first Parliament. at Saint Georges, diverse Articles concluded, and being sent hither, by the Company confirmed, which for brevity I omit. The Magazine Ship soon after came in weak case thither, having cast overboard twenty or thirty of her people, and had they stayed at Sea a week longer, were likely to have all perished. That air soon mends or ends men in that case, and those which died not soon after the landing recovered, not without infection of others there. 70000. weight of Tobacco was prefixed for her freight. Commandment came now to entertain no Ships, but such as were sent from the Company, to the Colonies great grief, which now were forced to a Magizane-Monopoly, and debarred of occasional relief. Cap. powel soon after came thither, employed by the States, desiring admittance for wood and water, which was denied with exceeding murmuring and exclaiming of the Colony. The Magazine Ship arrived, her Master dead, Spanish Wrack. and many passengers, the rest sick. Then happened also in September a Spanish Wrack, which coming from Carthagena with These made false reports in England, the Spanish Embasado●r also urging the same, till the contrary was manifested. the Spanish Fleet lost their Ship on those Rocks, and seventy persons were saved, some of which had been rifled, but their money to the value of one hundred and forty pound restored them by the Governors' means: into whose hands they committed it for disbursement of their charges. Some were sent away, others forced to stay till their labours had procured means for their passage. He made means to get out of the Wrack two Sakers, and three Murderers, which were the same which Cap. Kendal had sold to Cap. Kerby, who was taken by two men of War of Carthagena, most of his men slain or hanged, he wounded died in the Woods, as these Spaniards related. Three Bulwarks were raised at Southampton Fort, with two Curtains and two javelens. Arms were distributed to all such as were able to use them. The Weavells (which had at this time much hurt their Corn) found a strange remedy. For a Weavells cure, proclamation being made that all Corn should be gathered by a day, because many had lost some for want of gathering, st●ll haunting the Ships for Aquavitae and Beer; some bad husbands hastily gathered it, and threw it on heaps in their houses unhusked, so letting it lie four or five months. Now the good husbands husked theirs, and hanged it up with much labour, where the Flies did blow it, which the others idleness, as the event showed, prevented, that being thus found to be the best way to save the corn and labour, to let it lie in the husk. diverse places of freshwater were now also luckily found out. Another trial of whalefishing was vainly attempted by a Ship which came from Uirginia, who returned thither fraught with Limestone, 20000. pound weight of Potatoes, etc. April and May were spent in building a Prison, and perfecting some Fortifications, and four Sakers were gotten from the Spanish Wrack, and mounted at the Forts. One was hanged for buggering a Sow, whose Cock in the time of his imprisonment used also to tread a Pig, as if it had been a Hen, till the Pig languished and died, and then the Cock haunted the same Sow. About the same time two Chickens were hatched, one of which had two heads, the other is said to have crowed loud and Iustily within twelve hours after it was out of the shell. Other Pieces were got out of the Spanish Wrack, and a Saker also out of that of Sir George Summer. By a Bark going to Uirginia, Captain Butler, his time expiring, conveied himself thither, leaving the government to C. Felgate C. Stokes, etc. In the King's Castle were mounted, or sufficient platforms, sixteen Pieces of Ordnance. In Charles Fort two, in Southampton Fort five, betwixt Forts & Ordnance in Bermudas. which & the Castle passeth the channel into the Harbour, secured by twenty three Pieces of good Ordnance. In Coups Ile is Pembroke's Fort, with two Pieces. Saint George's channel is guarded by Smith's Fort and Payets Fort, in which are eleven Pieces. Saint George's Town is commanded by Warwick's Fort, with three great Pieces, on the Wharfe before the Governors' house are eight more, besides the warning Piece by the Mount, and three in Saint Katherine's; in all ten Fortresses, and fifty two Pieces of Ordnance sufficient and serviceable. He left one thousand five hundred persons, and near one hundred Boats, the I'll replenished with provisions, fruits, poultry, etc. Master john Bernard, was sent by the Honourable Company to supply his place, who arrived M. Bernard Governor, 1622. within eight days of Captain Butler's departure, with two Ships, and one hundred and forty Passengers, with Arms and all sorts of Munition and other provisions. During his life (which continued but six weeks) he gave good proof of his sufficiency in reforming things defective. M. Harrison Governor. 1623. He and his wife were both buried in one day, and one grave: and Master john Harrison chosen Governor till further order came from London. The Worms before mentioned are still troublesome, and make them morning works to kill Worm's noisome. them. Caterpillars are pernicious to their fruits, and Land Crabs are as thick in some places, as Coneys in a Warren, and do much harm. A Ship in which had been much swearing and blaspheming used all the voyage, perished; the companies negligence iovially frolicking in their cups and Tobacco (having landed certain goods) by accident the Powder fired, and blew up the great cabin; some were taken up in the Sea, living in miserable torments, eighteen were lost with this fatal blast, the Ship also sunk, with sixty Barrels of Meal sent for Virginia, and her other provisions lost. The Company have sent Captain Woodhouse in a Ship called the Tiger for that government, a man much commended and hopeful. I have been told that there are three thousand persons of all sorts living there, half of which number is able to bear Arms, and exercised to that service. CHAP. XIX. Brief intelligence from Virginia by Letters, a supplement of French-Virginian Occurrants, and their supplantation by Sir SAMVEL ARGAL, in right of the English Plantation. THe late alteration of Virginia Government is unknown to none; and most know of the frequent complaints, both by private Letters, and by Petitions to his Majesty. Now lest any should hereupon think Virginia to be unworthy of such our care and cost; I have out of one of the Planters private Letters transcribed a few words of grievances, and yet a magnifying of the Country, that the English may be more blamed for want of Providence, than the Region for defect of Nature's best gifts. Other things I could allege from others, but my meaning is to amend things not to quarrel them, and to awaken the care of good men, rather than to recite the faults of the bad. In one Letter, dated Dec. 22. last past, he hath these words: The intolerable rates we pay here for commodities, as ten pound sterling a hogshead of Meal, sixteen shillings a gallon of Alicante, three pound sterling a Hen and eight Chickens, etc. and so according to He mentions in other letters 3. s. a pound of Butter, 6. d. rea dy money for a pint of Milk, 10 s. or 12. s. a day for a workman (Carpenter) besides meat and lodging. these rates for every thing else: lastly, the heavy taxations that are laid upon us free men, for building of Castles, paying of public debts, for the not gathering of Sassafras, etc. so that it will come to my share, with that that is paid, and that that is to pay in Corn and Tobacco, to at least twenty or five and twenty pound sterling, this year; so that when I have paid this, and paid my faithless servants their wages, I shall scarce have good Tobacco enough left to buy myself for the next year a pint of Aquavitae, etc. Thus you see (I neither warrant, nor except against the truth, but present the worst quarrelled paralleled with the best) complaints of great prizes of things, not arising from plenty of money, as you read before in the conquest of Peru, but from I know not what ill habit and indisposition of that Colony. And lest any man should withdraw his heart, hand, or purse therefore from that worthy work, I have out of the same man's Letters delivered a commendation of the Country. The Letters were written, and dated 22. March 1624. and contain for substance none other then what before you have read in others; yet are more suitable to this time and purpose, as later news and fitter directories to the Physicians of that Estate; that at last the English honour may be vindicated against so base perils from Savages, and base quarrels from and amongst our own. God prosper his Majesty's care, and make those which are therein employed not to seek their own good by hasty returns, much less other their fellow adventurers evil by calumnies and undermine, but Virginia's prosperity; of which, Nature's prosperity is thus related by one querulous of his own losses and crosses. His words are these: Now concerning the state of the Country, so much as I have observed, I will relate unto you: First, the Country itself, I must confess is a very pleasant Land, rich in Commodities, and fertile in soil to produce all manner of Plants, Herbs, and Fruits. I have seen here myself both Carrots, Turnips, Cabbages, Onions, Leeks, Garlic, Time, Parseley, Pompions, Muskmilion, and Watermilions, rare fruits and exceeding wholesome, here are also Strawberries; I have lain down in one place in my Corn field, and in the compass of my reach have filled my belly in the place: and for Mulberries, I can when I list go and gather a bushel at a time▪ here is also a cool Fruit growing wildly on the ground, much resembling a great Walnut with the green rind on it, which reserves in it three admirable good tastes, namely of Strawberries, Rosewater, and Sugar, they were an exceeding great comfort to me in my last year's sickness, and are admirable good against the bloudly flux. English Wheat and Barley will grow here exceeding well; I have seen here growing as good English Wheat as ever I saw in England in all my life. For Timber we have the Oak, Ashe, Poplar, black Walnut, white Walnut, Pines, Gum trees; the Pines here afford admirable good Pitch and Tar, and serve, split out in small pieces, in many places of this Land instead of Candles; but it will smear one worse than a Link: here are also Pear trees which yearly bring forth Pears. But there is a tree that passeth all Fruit trees, which we call by the names of a Prissurmon tree, which beareth a Plum much about the bigness of a Pear plum. I do think it is one of the rarest Fruits in the world; when they are ripe they eat naturally of themselves from the tree better than any preserved Plums I ever tasted in England. The Beasts that this Land is plentifully stored withal are Dear, Bears in some parts, Beavers, Otters, Foxes, Hares, Squirrels, Roccounes, Possucins, names strange to you, yet are they singular good meat; the Roccouns tasting as well as Pig's flesh. Indian Dogs here are as good meat with us as your English Lamb. English cattle here increase and thrive very well, as Kine, Hogs, Goats, and Poultry. Fowl here are abundance, as Swans, Brants, Geese, Turkeys, Herons, Cranes, Eagles, fishing Hawks, Bussards, Duck and Mallard, Sheldrake, Dapchicke, Partridges, Pigeons, Crows, Blackbirds, and all manner of small Birds in abundance. Our Rivers here are likewise rich by the abundance of Fish, as Herring, Shads, Perch, Eel, Pike, Carpe, Catfish, Rock-fish, Gor-fish, and Sturgeon. If here were any that would make fishing for Sturgeon an occupation, they might take enough to furnish this Land, and also plentifully supply England. I myself have seen above twenty Sturgeon leap above water in less than two hours. As for our Grain, I think it produceth the plentifullest increase of any Corn in the World; for I have seen one grain of Corn, that by the assistance of growth and time, hath yielded a pint of Corn: we have here also Beans and Pease. I confess here are plenty of all those things I have set before you, but all the craft is in catching them; for he that will get any gain, must be a wary and a well eyed shot, and to prop his profession, he must add great care and vigilance, both in defending himself and winning his game. It hath been often seen in this Land, that whilst an Englishman hath been winning his game, an Indian hath dogged him, attending his opportunity by the others discharge to fill him full of Arrows. Since the Massacre they have killed us in our own doors, fields, and houses: thus are we not safe neither at home nor abroad; and (which grieves me to write) our safety is lessened by our malice one to another, for the most part altogether neglecting the common enemy. I myself and my wife are by some secret enemies much wronged for I am shaved so bare, that I have scarce either Garter, Girdle, Stocking, or Shirt left; all my wearing clothes likewise are torn and tattered, I can accuse no man, and they that likewise do it, do it privately, and which grieves me most of all, they strive by base and insinuating means to clip the wings, as well of my prosperity as of my reputation; yet I hope God will give me patience to bear, and in his good time give me a joyful deliverance in the midst of all these miseries. Whilst I was a writing these lines, news was brought me of the kill of one, and the carrying away prisoner of another of my neighbours, by the Indians; one was an old Virginian, and one who for a long time was Sir Thomas Dale his Overseer in this Land, his name was Master Henry Watkins: and but two days ago there was another that had his brains beaten out by the Indians, in the next Plantation to us. Wherefore with a sad and sorrowful heart I take my leave of you dear Father, Mother, Sisters, Brethren, and all the rest of my kind and loving friends; for the case stands so with us here, that if we go out in the morning, we know not whether we shall ever return; working with our Ho in one hand, and our Piece or Sword in the other, etc. And now from latest intelligence you have notice of the good and evil, as becometh a faithful Historian, nequid non veri audeat, nequid veri non audeat; It is good to know the worst, to prevent it: forewarned, forearmed. Easily you may see that the good things of Virginia are natural and her own, the bad accidental and our own; and consequently if we amend ourselves, Virginia will soon be amended. The body there is found; to cut the hair, avoid the excrements, pair the nails, wash away sweat and dust, and to cure other like accidents of negligence, or impenitent and unprofitable diligence, is a work feasible and facile also to industrious and unanimous workmen. One thing touching the French (whose Plantations are before recited) remaineth, that we take away all scruple from fear of suspected neighbours. I shall therefore add a little more touching them, the conclusion of their Virginian Plantation in a double sense. As for the English right to these parts, the next Chapter will show, and consequently the justice of Sir Samuel Argals' act. The Patents to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and to Sir Walter Raleigh, and their actual possession before these latter Plantations may be alleged likewise against the French. These things I have collected out of Sir William Alexander's Encouragement to Colonies; Lescarbot hath also related them. The marquis de la Roche, by a Commission from Henry the fourth, intending a Voyage for Canada, happened by the way upon the I'll of Sablon (which is now comprehended within the Patent of new Scotland) and there (trusting to the strength of the place, where there are no Savages at all) landed some of his men, till he should have found a convenient place within the main Corteregalis made a voyage to thos● parts An. 1500. and another 1501. After that his brother, but both lost. Gomes another Portugal sought straits ther. An. 1525. The land was called Terra Corteregalis from 60. deg. to S. Laurence. Land fit for a habitation, promising then to return for them. But it was his fortune, by reason of contrary wind, never to find the Main Land, but he was blown back to France without seeing of them, where he was in the time of the civil wars (such is the uncertainty of worldly things) taken prisoner by the Duke of Mercaeur, and shortly after died; so that his people whom he had left at Sablon, furnished but for a short time, had quickly spent their provisions, having for their maintenance only such things as the place itself did without labour freely afford; which hath a race of Cows, as is thought, first transported thither by the Portugals, that have long continued there: they had likewise there growing wild, of this which we call Turkey Wheat, and sundry Roots fit to be eaten, and every where abundance of Fishes, with Venison, and (having no means to live but by sport) as for their Apparel, they clothed themselves with the Skins of such creatures as they could kill by Land or Sea: so that having lived there for the space of 12. years: when they were presented to King Henry, who had hired a Fisherman to bring them home, as I have heard from them that did see them at first before the King, they were in very good health, and looked as well as if they had lived all that time in France: having been abused by the Fisherman, who cunningly conceiling that he had been directed by the King, did bargain with them to have all their Skins for transporting them home, which were of great value, some of them being of black Foxes, which have been sold at fifty pound sterling a piece and above: for the recovery thereof they intended a Process against him before the Court of Parliament at Paris, wherein they prevailed, gaining by that means a stock wherewith to traffic in these parts again. Monsieur de Montes betaking himself to trade for Furs, Monsieur Pourtrincourt resolving to prosecute the Plantation at that place sent his son Biencourt to France, to bargain with some that would send them a supply, such as was requisite for establishing of that Colony. The first that embraced his propositions were the Jesuits, who as they have ordinarily good Jesuits. wits which made them the rather capable of so advantageous a project, so they were the more animated thereunto by upbraiding the laziness of our Clergy, to show with what fervency they traveled to propagate the Gospel, in doing whereof (whether it be ambition or devotion that provokes them) sparing no pains, they have travelled both to the East and West Indies, and to the admired Kingdom of China. Their society in France, prevailing with all that had any inclination either to zeal or to virtue, did easily gather a voluntary contribution for the furthering of so commendable a purpose. Thereafter they sent away two Fathers of their Company, with a new supply of all things necessary to the Plantation at Port Royal, but shortly after their arrival (their predominant disposition hardly yielding to any superior, specially if it be a secular power) they began to contradict Pourtrincourt in the execution of those decrees which had been given forth by him, as civil Magistrate of that place: whereupon the Gentleman extremely discontented, and weary or contesting with him; having said that it was his part to rule them upon earth, and theirs only to guide him the way to heaven, he returned back to France, leaving his Son Biencourt in his place. Who being a youth at that time of more courage than circumspectness, disdaining to be controlled by them whom he had invited thither, and scorning their insupportable presumption, using spiritual arms for temporal ends, and an imperious kind of carriage, who only for spleen had excommunicated and branded him with a spiritual censure; he threatened them by his temporal power with a more palpable punishment. So that after much controversy, resolving to separate themselves, the two Jesuits taking a part of the Company with them, went from thence to a place in new England, called by them Mount Desert, where they seated themselves; and having a supply from the Queen Mother did plant sundry Fruit trees of the most delicate kinds in France, such as Apricockes and Peaches, never intending to remove from thence. At this time Sir Samuel Argall being then Governor * I have heard that Sir T. Dale was the Governor of Virginia and ●●●t him. of Virginia, coasted alongst new England to traffic and discover, or to acquire things necessary for the Southern Colony in these parts, where the lands are reputed to be more fertile, and the Seas more frequented, & did conceive by a description made unto him by the Savages, that there were some come from this part of the World to inhabit there; and being jealous of any thing that might derogate from the honour, or prove prejudicial to the benefit of his Nation, where their interest in this was easy to be apprehended; he went whereas he was informed that they were, and his unexpected arrival, as it would seem, not only amazed the minds of the French, but likewise preventing their preparation and resolution; he approached so near to a Ship that lay before their Fort, that he beat them all that were therein with Musket shot from making any use of their Ordnance, save one of the two Jesuits, who was killed in giving fire to a Piece. Having taken the Ship, they landed jesuit killed. and went before the Fort, summoning them that were therein to yield themselves, who at the first made some difficulty, ask a time to advise; but that being refused, they privately abandoned the Fort, stealing out by some back way into the Woods, where they stayed one night, and the next day coming back, rendered themselves to Sir Samuel Argall, who had lodged all that night within the Fort, giving up the Patent they had from the French King to be canceled. He used them very courteously, as their own Writers do make mention, suffering such as had a mind to go for France, to seek out Fisher's Ships wherein they might be transported; the rest that were willing to go for Uirginia went thither alongst with him; no man having lost his life but only that one jesuit, who was killed whilst they made resistance, during the time of the conflict. Thereafter Father Biard, the other of the Jesuits, coming back from Virginia with Sir Samuel Argall, out of the indigestable malice that he had conceived against Biencourt, did inform him where he had planted himself, offering (as he did) to conduct him thither. As soon as they were entered within the Fort, near the uppermost of the Lands, Sir Samuel directed the Ship to ride at a reasonable distance to attend occasions before the Fort did land himself with forty of the best of his men upon a Meadow, where immediately they heard a piece of Ordnance from the Fort, and he conceiving since it was shot whilst it could do no harm, that it was done either but to give terror to them, or to warn some that might happen to be abroad, did make the greater haste towards the Fort, where he presently entered, finding it abandoned without any men at all left for the defence thereof. He went up the River side five or six miles, where he saw their Barns, and the ground where a great quantity of Wheat had grown, which he carried with him to prove for Seed in Virginia: he saw also their corn Milne very conveniently placed, which together with the Barns he left standing untouched. As for the Fruit itself he destroyed it down to the ground, racing the French arms, and leaving no Monument that might remain to witness their being here. After this, Biencourt, who had been somewhere abroad travelling through the Country coming home, desired to confer with Sir Samuel Argall, who did meet with him a part from the company upon a meadow: and after they had expostulated a space for what had past controverting concerning the French and English, little to these bounds, at last Biencourt offered, if he might have a protection from him, to depend upon our King, and to draw the whole Furs of that Country to one Port, where he would divide them with him; as likewise he would show him good metals, whereof he gave him pieces, the other refused to join in any society with him, protesting that his Commission was only to displant him, and that if he found him there thereafter he would use him as an enemy. Biencourt labouring earnestly to have had the jesuit, as he confessed, with a purpose to hang him. Whilst they were discoursing together, one of the Savages rushing suddenly forth from the Woods, and licentiated to come near, did after his manner, with such broken French as he had earnestly mediate a peace, wondering why they that seemed to be of one Country, should use others with such hostility, and that with such a form of habit and gesture as made them both to laugh. After Biencourt removing from thence to some other, Monsieur Champlein, who had lived long here, did carry a company with him from France of some forty persons or thereabouts, up the River of Canada whom he planted on the North side thereof, with a purpose to sue for a Factory, drawing all the trade of that far running River, within the hands of a few whom he doth command, which a Plantation would have dispersed in many parts, otherwise, if his desires had been bended that way, he might have planted many people there ere now; the place is called Kebeck, where the French do prosper well, having Corn by their own labour, which may furnish themselves for food, and likewise for a stock to traffic with the Savages, with sundry other Fruits, Roots, Vine grapes and Turkey Wheat. Champlein hath discovered the River of Canada from the Gulf upwards above 1200. miles, finding in it sometimes such false as he must carry his Boat a little way by land, and then put it in again. He did many times come to great Lakes, at the end whereof he did always find a River again: and the last Lake where he came was a very huge one, judged to be three hundred miles in length, by the report The South Sea suspected (as before in Dermers l 〈…〉ter) by Savages relations. of some Savages, who did affirm unto him, that at the further end thereof they did find Salt water, and that they had seen great Vessels; which made Champlein believe that a passage might be there to the Bay of California, or to some part of the South Sea, which would prove an inestimable benefit for the Inhabitants of these parts, opening a near way to China, which hath been so many sundry ways with so great charges so long sought for. Howsoever, in regard of the season, and for want of necessary provisions, Champleine did return back at that time, with a purpose to go again another year: which if he hath done is not yet known, but this is most certain, that the River of Canada hath a long course, and through many goodly Countries: some of these great Lakes, by sending forth, or by receiving great Rivers, do afford means of commerce as far as to some parts of Terra Florida, as may be gathered by Champleines discovery, etc. THus have I given thee Others travels to Virginia and the Summer Lands, I will conclude with mine own travels for them. I see many likely to be disheartened by the slender growth of the Virginian Plantation, which for the time might have been not only a safe, but a rich and blessed Mother of a numerous thriving generation, branching far into other Colonies; and yet is! But why do I intercept your eyes and divert your thoughts (suspend them at best) from that which for my Country's good, and zeal to Virginia, without partial respect on the right hand or on the left, with a candid right hand I here present, and forbid all sinister hands to meddle with? Tros Tyriusve mihi— I side no where, but embrace Virginia with a right heart, my pen directed, my hands erected for her good, which can do ●ee no other good, but in reference to the public, whose I am and whom under God and his Majesty I serve and observe with all that I have, am, and can. I had written it as a tractate by itself, at the request of some worthy friends, but here have abridged it in some such things as the other parts of these Volumes contain. CHAP. XX. Virginia's Verger: Or a Discourse showing the benefits which may grow to this Kingdom from American English Plantations, and specially those of Virginia and Summer Lands. GOd is the beginning and end, the Alpha and Omega, that first and last, of whom and for whom are all things. The first and last thing therefore in this Virginian argument 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A●at. Of God, and the image of God in Man. Gen. 1. 1. considerable, is God; that is, whether we have Commission from him to plant, and whether the Plantation may bring glory to him: This in regard of us and our scope; That in regard of it, and the lawfulness thereof. To begin with this; In the beginning God created heaven and earth (all things therefore are his by a higher name then right, this rule and the things ruled, being his creatures) of both which Man only amongst Visible creatures was created capable, which Moses delivereth in these words, that God created him after his own Image: which is spoken not only of the spiritual, immortal substance of his soul, whose unity shineth with that created Trinity of Understanding, Will, Memory, in itself; and that of Vegetation, Sense, Reason, exercised in and by bodily motion; but more especially in regard of the Creator, a conformity to him in righteousness & holiness of truth (the whole Eph. 4. 24. Man shining with a borrowed light, as the Moon is the image and reflection of the Sun) and in regard of the Creature, a just dominion over the same, as the holy words manifest; replenish the Gen 1. 28. Earth and subdue it, and have dominion over the Fish of the Sea, and over the Fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth. Although Man's rebellion had forfeited this Natural Charter, yet was the same in the repeopling of the World renewed to Noah and his Sons, Gen. 9 2. which ever since have been in actual possession: and as Adam gave names (as humane earemarks) to ●he living creatures; so Noah's heirs have since given names to Seas and Lands, and other creatures Gen. 2. quite thorough the known World. Neither did the Fall of Man so crack this earthen vessel, that all his created excellence ran out: for neither were the substance or faculties of the soul extinct, nor his prerogative over the visible creatures (the spiritual creature naturally excelling the bodily, and the reasonable and living, the sensitive, vegetative and torpid:) these received a wound, the other (his spiritual and religious conformity in these to God) as a purer water of the purest life, ran forth irrecoverably; and as our natural parts were weakened and wounded, so of those supernatural we were utterly robbed; till that good Samaritan undertook the restitution of that in redemption, whereunto in creation he had given first institution, God hath laid upon him the iniquity of us all, and in his stripes we are healed; our Charter is renewed and now made so complete, Esay 53. that whereas the devils thought to rob man of Earth and Paradise, He which taketh the wise in his craftiness hath restored him: nay (that is little) hath added Heaven Himself: that as the Israelites entered upon the houses, Cities and possessions of the cursed Canaanites, so Christians 1. Cor. 3. into those Thrones and celestial Dominions, which those spiritual Thrones and Dominions lost, and there have God himself and the Lamb to be their Temple and All in all unto them Apoc. 21. 〈◊〉. Cor. 15. for ever, Amen. Hence is it that Christians (such as have the Grace of the Spirit of Christ, and not the profession Of the right of Christians and that of Heathens to the world. See these things more fully handled in To. 1. l. 1. c. 1. §. 3, 4. 5. joh. 8. 35. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1. Tim. 1. 6. Christians may not spoil Heathens. Gal. 3. 17. Tit. 1. of his merit alone) have and hold the world and the things thereof in another tenure, whereof Hypocrites and Heathens are not capable. These have only a Natural right, by the relics of the Law of Nature left in Man, by the Creator's goodness, for the conservation of the face of a world in the world; the same further improved with a warrantization, Contra omnes gentes (our evidences dialect) by the Law of Nations unto Nations, and Laws Politic and Civil in each Nation, allotting to the members thereof the public and private civil rights and tenors, which either public or private, persons or corporations, held therein. This tenure comparatively that Christian, is by our Lord himself called a tenure in villainage, that of sons: the servant hath his time and abides not in the house for ever: but the son is heir in see simple (fide simplici) for ever. Neither yet is it lawful for Christians, to usurp the goods and lands of Heathens; for they are villains not to us; but to our and their Lord; nor hath the son in nonage power to dispossess villains: nor are we sons by nature, but by adoption, and a later evangelical Charter which doth not disannul the former (the Truth, or Word of the Gospel received by Faith, makes us free) free Tenants to our Lord, not Lordly subverters of others tenors; which may with a good conscience use our own (all things to the pure are pure, which others cannot, whose conscience being pitchy, all things it toucheth, are defiled) and not, as some have turned liberty into licentiousness, with a bad conscience take away that which is another's. Christ came not to destroy the Law, of which one Commandment is, Thou shalt not steal: My Kingdom, saith he, is not of this world, and therefore properly meddleth not with propriety Matth. 5. john 19 36. 2. Cor. 10. 4. and civil interests. The weapons of our warfare, saith Saint Paul, are not carnal but spiritual, and the Keys so much boasted on by Peter's pretended Successors, are called Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven; lawful keys, not thievish picklocks; of Heaven, not of Earth. And it is remarkable Matth. 16. that neither Pope nor Anabaptist (the troubles of Israel with worse than Heathenish conceits in this kind) ever inverted or interuerted Sceptres, till they had denied the very Christian name which they received in Baptism; nor despised government till they were twice dead, nor promised this liberty to others, till themselves were the servants of corruption. Even a Malefactor, a jud. 8. 2. Pet. 2. 19 Traitor, a very Faux, or Raviliac, is permitted to breath, yea is in prison, the King's house (whereof no private hand may dispossess him) maintained at the King's charge, till judgement have passed on him, which to the world is not till the end of the world, when Christ shall come to judge the quick and dead; who once so respected the jurisdiction of Ethnics, that himself was thereby adjudged to the worst of sufferings, yea acknowledged that power given to Pilate from above. His john 19 11. Birth acknowledged Augustus his Edict, his Infancy fled Herod's tyranny, his Manhood paid Tiberius' tribute, and his Death was Roman both in kind and sentence. Let every soul be subject to Rom. 13. 1. the higher powers, yielded those noble armies of Martyrs in the Primitive Church; the contrary whereof hath yielded Mastiffs and Monsters in these last and worst days. Therefore was Babel's building in the East (and shall not Babel babble building in the West be) confounded that men might be dispersed thorough the world, to take possession of their inheritance: Gen. 11. and God which said, Replenish the earth, hath made of one blood all Nations of men, to dwell on Acts 17. 27. all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times and bounds of their habitation. He gave Are to the children of Lot, and the Land of the Horims to Esau's posterity, though not with like circumstances Deut. 2. 9, 19 as Canaan to Israel: and it was by special indulgence, that Israel both spoiled the Egyptians and disherited the Canaanites. Let it be enough, that Christ hath given us ourselves in the Lord's service to be a perfect freeman, the Universe in an universal tenure, and Heaven in reversion; that hath given his Son, doth give his Spirit, will give himself; that all things are ours, and 1. Cor. 3. we Christ's, and Christ Gods: without thoughts of invasion and usurpation, knowing that Christian Charity seeketh not her own things (much less obtrudes on others) and Christian liberty maketh 1. Cor. 13. liberal Saints of natural men, not unnatural devils of professed Saints. Our Light should so shine before others, that they may see our good works, that they which know not the world, may be Matth. 5. 1. Pet. 3. won without the Word, in admiring our Christian conversation. This should be, and in the most Adventurers I hope is the scope of the Virginian Plantation, not to make Savages and wild degenerate men of Christians, but Christians of those Savage, wild, degenerate men; to whom preaching must needs be vain, if it begins with public latrociny. And this is sufficient to prevent scruple of the Pope's Bull, which (if Basan Bulls roaring were evidence) maketh as well against England, this being no less questionable than Virginia, Paul, Pius, Gregory Sixtus breathing as much fire against this, as Alexander for that. But what right can England then challenge to Virginia? I answer, that we would be loath to begin our right at wrong, either to Ethnic or Christian: nor need we, having so manifold and just interests. First, as men, we have Man's natural right in places, either wholly or in great part not inhabited. a natural right to replenish the whole earth: so that if any Country be not possessed by other men, which is the case of Summer Lands, and hath been of all Countries in their first habitations) every man by Law of Nature and Humanity hath right of Plantation, and may not by other after comers be dispossessed, without wrong to human nature. And if a country be inhabited in some parts thereof, other parts remaining unpeopled, the same reason giveth liberty to other men which want convenient habit 〈…〉 〈◊〉 seat themselves, where (without wrong to others) they may provide for themselves. For these have the same right unto these latter parts, which the former had to the former; especially where the people is wild, and holdeth no settled possession in any parts. Thus the Abraham, Lot, jacob, etc. holy Patriarches removed their habitations and pasturages, when those parts of the world were not yet replenished: and thus the whole world hath been planted and peopled with former and later Colonies: and thus Virginia hath room enough for her own (were their numbers an hundred times I have heard by one which I think hath more searched the Country than any other Cap. Smith, that in ●eere so much as all England, they have not above 5000. men able to bear arms, which manured and civilly planted might well nourish 1500000. and many many more; as appear by this o●● country, not having so rich a natural Inheritance. Right of Merchandise. 1. Cor 11. 21. Security of Ports. Gen. 10. as many) and for others also which wanting at home, seek habitations there in vacant places, with perhaps better right than the first, which (being like Cain, both Murderers and Vagabonds in their whatsoever and howsoever own) I can scarcely call Inhabitants. To question this right, were to accuse almost all Nations which were rocked (for the most part) in no other cradle: and to disappoint also that Divine Ordinance of replenishing the Earth, whose habitations otherwise would be like scattered Lands in the Seas, or as the present Spanish Plantations in the Indies, so dispersed and disjoined that one cannot in any distress succour another, and therefore are made an easier prey to every Inuader. Another right is that of Merchandise: Non omnia possumus omnes, Nec vero terrae ferre omnes omnia possunt; God in manifold wisdom hath divesified every Country's commodities, so that all are rich, and all poor; not that one should be hungry and another drunken, but that the whole world might be as one body of mankind, each member communicating with other for public good. He hath made this immutable decree in the mutability of the Winds, commodities & commodiousness of Seas, and Harbours, variety of Bayss and Rivers, multiplicity of all men's both Necessities and Superfluities, and their universal desires of Novelties. Thus Solomon and Hiram had right to sail over the Ocean, and to negotiate with the Ophirians for G●mmes, Gold, Ivory, and other commodities serviceable for his people's necessities, for pompous Magnificence, and for the Temples Holies. And if he did not plant Colonies there, you must remember that the jewish Pale was then standing, which prohibited voluntary remote dwellings, where each man was thrice a year to appear before the Lord in jerusalem. Besides, it is a question whether the Country peopled so long before, had room for such Neighbours. It is therefore ungodly, and inhuman also to deny the world to men, or like Manger-dogges (neither to eat hay themselves, nor to suffer the hungry Ox) to prohibit that for others habitation, whereof themselves can make no use; or for merchandise, whereby much benefit accrueth to both parts. They which do this, Tollunt è vita vitae societatem, to use Tully's phrase, & hominem ex homine tollunt, to borrow Saint Ieroms in another matter. The Barbarians themselves by light of nature saw this, and gave Ours kind entertainment in mutual cohabitation Rom. 2. 14. and commerce: and they having not the Law were a Law to themselves, practically acknowledging this Law of Nature written by him, which is Natura naturans, in their hearts: from which if they since have declined, they have lost their own Natural, and given us another national right; their transgression of the Law of Nature, which tieth Men to Men in the rights of Right national: Ius gentium. Nature's commons, exposing them (as a forfeited bond) to the chastisement of that common Law of mankind; and also on our parts to the severity of the Law of Nations, which tieth Nation to Nation. And if they be not worthy of the name of a Nation, being wild and Savage: yet as Slaves, bordering rebels, excommunicates and outlaws are lyeble to the punishments of Law, and not to the privileges; So is it with these Barbarians, Borderers and Outlaws of Humanity. Armatenenti, Omnia dat qui iusta negat, If the Arms be just, as in this case of vindicating unnatural, inhuman wrongs to a loving and profitable Nation, entertained Lucan. Right by righ● conquest. 2. Sam. 10. voluntarily, in time of greatest pretended amity. On this quarrel David conquered all the Kingdom of the Ammonites and le●● it to his 〈◊〉 in many generations, notwithstanding Moses had otherwise left a special caution for their security, testifying that God had given it the sons of Lot, and prohibiting invasion to Israel. That natural right of cohabitation and commerce Deut. 2. 19 we had with others, this of just invasion and conquest, and many others praevious to this, we have above others; so that England may both by Law of Nature and Nations challenge Virginia for her own peculiar propriety, and that by all right and rites usual amongst men, not those mentioned alone but by others also, first discovery, first actual possession, prescription, gift, session, and livery of seisin, sale for price, that I mention not the natural Inheritance of the English their naturally borne, and the unnatural outcries of so many unnaturally murdered, for just vengeance of rooting England's ma 〈…〉 〈…〉 hts to Virginia. out the authors and actors of so prodigious injustice. And first for discovery, the English, Spaniard, and Portugal seem the Triumuiri of the World's first discoveries, the Spaniard and Portugal first opening the Eastern, Western, and Southern parts, First discovery the English the Northern America, and all known parts thence to the North & Northeast. I could bring authority for King Arthur's conquests, above 1000 years since in Island, Gronland, Estotiland: but I fear this would seem too weak a foundation, and (which liars get by lying) discredit our other authorities less suspicious; howsoever Authors of best note in Geography allege those, Mercator. D. Dee. Ortel. etc. which reverence of the truth makes me let pass. And so I do King Malgo soon after him, and Saint Brandon, and the Friar of Oxford (which A. 1360. is said to discover to the Pole) and Owen Gwined Prince of North Wales his son Madock, A. 1170. which conveyed a Colony, as learned men think into the West Indies. In all Antiquities, as Uarro observed, there are somethings fabulous (so I deem the former) something uncertain, as this last; and somethings Historical, as that which we shall deliver. Robert Thorn in a Book to Doctor Leigh writeth, that his father with another Merchant of Bristol, Hugh Eliot, were the first discoverers of the New-found-lands; and if the Mariners would have been ruled by their Pilot, the Lands of the West Indies M. Thorn. from whence the Gold cometh had been ours. What year this happened he expresseth not; but the words import that it was before Columbus his discovery. And before Columbus his discovery Sir Sebastian Cabota. his picture in the pri●e gallery at White Hall hath ●hese words. Effigies Seb. Cabotae Angli filij joannis Cabotae Veneti, militis aurati, etc. he was born at Venice, and serving H. 7. H. 8. Ed. 6. was accounted English, etc. Galpano saith he was borne at Bristol. of the continent, Sir Sebastian Cabot, at the charges of K. Henry the seventh, with two Carvels, in the year 1496. (so himself, in Ramusio; the Map with his picture in the Privy Gallery hath 1497.) sailed to the Newfound land, which he called Prima Vista, and the Island S. john's, because it was discovered on the Feast of S. john Baptist; from whence he sailed Northerly to 67. deg. and a half, hoping by that way to pass to Cathay, but his mutinous company (terrified haply with Ice and cold) forced his return, which he made along the Coast toward the Equinoctial, to the part of the firm land now called Florida, and then his victuals failing, he returned into England, where by occasion of wars with Scotland, the employment was laid aside. Afterwards the same Sir Sebastian Cabot was sent, A. 1516. by King Henry the eight, together with Sir Thomas Pert Vice-admiral of England, which after coasting this Continent the second time, as I have read, discovered the Coast of Brasil, and returned from thence to S. Domingo and Puerto Rico. Now Columbus his first discovery of the Lands, was in 1492. of the Continent in his third voyage in August, 1497. or as others, 1498. so that counting most favourably for Columbus, Cabot had discovered the Continent in june next before; by one reckoning above a year, by another above two years before. And indeed that New World might more fitly have borne his name, than America of Americus vesputius, or of Columbus, Cabot having discovered far more of that Continent than they both, or any man else in those Seas: to wit, from 67. degrees and an half to the Line, and from thence Southerly to the River of Plate. He also was the principal mover in the setting forth of Sir Hugh Willoughby, in King Edward's time (under whom he was constituted Grand Pilot of England, with the annual stipend of one Sir Seb. Cab. Grand Pilot of England. hundred sixty six pound thirteen shillings four pence) in which voyage Greeneland was discovered (neither is there any other Willoughbys Land to be found, but in erroneous Maps) and the Russian Empire by the North Cape, and the Bay of Saint Nicolas. But for Uirginia, as it was then discovered by Sir Seb. Cabot, so it received that name from our Virgin-Mother, Great Elizabeth: in whose time formal & actual possession was taken for her Majesty, the thirteenth of july, 1584. by Captain Philip Amadas, and Captain Barlow, whom Sir Walter Raleigh had sent thither with Possession, continuation, prescription. two Barks furnished, who also the next year, 1585. sent Sir Richard Greenevile with seven sail, which there left an English Colony under the government of M. Ralph Lane. A. 1586. he sent another Ship of one hundred Tuns thither for their relief: but the Colony being returned in Sir Francis Drakes Fleet, she returned also. Sir Richard Greenevile also about a fortnight after their departure arrived with three Ships, and not finding the Colony, left fifteen men to keep possession, furnished with provision for two years. A. 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh sent a new Colony of one hundred & fifty persons, with three sail, The names of above 100 are extant in M. Hack. 3. Tom. a Ship of one hundred and twenty Tuns, a Flyboat and a Pinnace. He appointed twelve Assistants to the Governor, and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of the City of Raleigh in Virginia. To these, Sir Walter Raleigh sent succour five several times, the last by Samuel Mace, 1602. An. 1603. the Bristol men sent thither, by leave of Sir Walter Raleigh, in which Expedition was Master Robert Saltern, who the year before had been with Cap. Bart. Gosnold. And thus are we come to the beginning of his Majesty's gracious reign, when the North and South Plantations were by new Patents eagerly pursued, the one from hence, the other from the West parts of England. Mawooshen and other parts, were many years visited by our men, and An. 1607. a Plantation settled at Sagadahoc, by two Ships sent by that wise and severe justice Sir john Popham and others: the success whereof hath been such, that from the North Plantation it hath been dignified with the Title of New England. And for the Southern parts, A. 1606. a Colony went from hence, set forth by the Virginia Company, which have ever since maintained their Plantation in differing fortunes. As for the former Plantations of Sir Walter Raleigh, some children were borne to them there: and whether they live, they continued the Two former Colonies wholly, etc. possession; or if the Savages dealt perfidiously with them (as Powhatan confessed to Cap. Smith, that he had been at their slaughter, and had diverse utensils of theirs to show) their carcases, the dispersed bones of their and their Country mens since murdered carcases, have taken a mortal immortal possession, and being dead, speak, proclaim and cry, This our earth is truly English, and therefore this Land is justly yours O English. Thus have we discovered the English right by Discovery, Possession, Praescription; to which we may add, that none other Nation hath once adventured to settle in those parts, nor scarce to view them: yea the French and Spanish Plantations in Florida, Virginia's Southern neighbour, soon ended in bloody massacres, the Spanish cruelly murdering the French, under the conduct of Pedro Melendes, which An. 1567. was repaid them by Dominique de Gorgues, the acquittance written with his sword in Spanish blood: Florida ever since expecting civilising from her first discoverers the English: which is further ratified by the former Spanish disasters in the Expeditions of Pamphilo di Navarez, 1527. and of Solo, 1537. into Florida: which two journeys consumed near one thousand men therein employed: besides other Expeditions of Ponce de Leon and others mentioned by Uega and the Spanish Authors. Virginians acknowledge subjection and service to the English. Now for voluntary subjection of the Natives, giving themselves and their lands to the Crown of England, M. Ralph Lane hath testified for the first Colony, that Menatonon their King by his Messenger, & with him twenty four principal men sent from Okisko King of Weopomiok his Vassal, formally acknowledged Her Majesty as servants and homagers to her, and under her to Sir W. R. For the last Plantation by the present Patent of His Majesty, Paspehay, one of their Kings sold us land for Copper, and Powhatan the chief Lord of all the Savages, with thirty nine Werowances, have yielded to more than forms and circumstances of homage; besides contribution, Right by buying & selling: and by session. having also actually sold for Copper by him received of Cap. john Smith, and made voluntary session of as much as the English desired, going away with his people to leave it to the English only. This purchase was much increased by Sir Thomas Dale, and for whatsoever else which he Right by Forfeiture. held, he accepted a Copper Crown as Vassal to His Majesty: which also he really performed for a time, howsoever since they have been perfidious. And this perfidiousness of theirs hath further warranted the English Title. Temperance and justice had before kissed each other, and seemed to bless the cohabitations of English and Indians in Virginia. But when Virginia was violently ravished by her own ruder Natives, yea her Virgin cheeks died with the blood of three Colonies (that of Sir R. Greenevile, that of Sir W. R. both confessed by themselves, and this last butchery intended to all, extended to so many hundreths, with so immaine, inhuman, d●uillish treachery) that I speak not of thousands otherwise mis-caring here and miscarrying there, taking possession of Uirginia by their facts, and fates, by so manifold losses adding to the price of Fatal possession. Virginia's purchase: Temperance could not temper herself, yea the stupid Earth seems distempered with such bloody potions and cries that she is ready to spew out her Inhabitants: justice cryeth to GOD foe vengeance, and in his name adjureth Prudence and Fortitude to the execution. The Holy Patriarches had a promise of Canaan, yet held no possession but with their dead bodies; Heb. 11. joseph by faith gave charge concerning his bones: Virginia by so many rights naturalised English, by first discovery, actual possession, chargeable continuation, long prescription, voluntary subjection, delivery of seisin, natural inheritance of English there borne, real sale, legal session, regal vassalage; disloyal treason hath now confiscated whatsoever remainders of right the unnatural Naturals had, and made both them and their Country wholly English, provoking us, if we be our own, not base, degenerate, unworthy the name of English; so that we shall not have any thing left (like David's Ambassadors, which thus abused, brought their Master a just title to Ammon, purchased by their disgraces) to cover our nakedness, till Virginia cover, reward, enrich us with a total subjection at jest, if not a fatal revenge. And thus much for our right which God hath given us: whose Virginian tribute is his glory, that he may indeed be Alpha and Omega (as hath been said) of the Virginian Plantation: which if it hath not satisfied the expectation hitherto, no doubt that defect hath in great part proceeded from this. The Glory of God in his Word and Works advanced by this Plantation. The end of a thing is the beginning, being first in intention though last in execution: the end which Christians ought to aim at is God, Doing all things in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, to the glory of God the Father, by the gracious guide and assistance of the Holy Ghost. Glory is, * Cicero. Frequens de aliquo fama cum laude, And hereby is our Father glorified, sayeth Christ, if ye bring forth much fruit, and so shall ye be my Disciples. Lo here the scope of Christians Plantations, to plant Christianity, to produce and multiply Christians, by our words je. 15. and works to further the knowledge of God in his Word and Works. The works of God glorify their Creator: The Heavens, saith David, declare the glory of God, etc. I will triumph in the works Ps. 19 1. Ps. 92. 4. of thy hands. O Lord, how great are thy works? and thy thoughts are very deep. A brutish man knoweth not, neither doth a fool understand this. All creatures are invited to praise the name of the Lord, for he hath commanded and they were created: How much more should the tongue of man be the Pen of a ready writer, and as it is called, The glory of the man, so employ itself in setting forth Ps. 148. 5. Ps. 16. & ac 2. E 〈…〉 The works of God and variety there seen set forth his glory. the glory of God, in his Works of Creation, Providence, Redemption? God is a Glorious Circle, whose Centre is every where, his circumference no where: himself to himself is Circle and Circumference, the Ocean of Entity, that very ubique, from whom, to whom (the Centre of unity) all diversified lines of variety issue and return. And although we every where feel his present Deity, yet the difference of heavenly climate and influence, causing such discording concord of days, nights, seasons; such variety of meteors, elements, aliments; such novelty in Beasts, Fishes, Fowls; such luxuriant plenty and admirable rarity of Trees, Shrubs, Herbs: such fertility of soil, insinuation of Seas, multiplicity of Rivers, safety of Ports, healthfulness of air, opportunities of habitation, materials for action, objects for contemplation, haps in present, hopes of future, worlds of variety in that diversified world; do quicken our minds to apprehend, whet our tongues to declare, and fill both with arguments of divine praise. On the other side considering so good a Country, so bad people, having little of Humanity but shape, ignorant of Civility, of Arts, of Religion; more brutish than the beasts Propagation of the Gospel: & rewards thereof they hunt, more wild and unmanly then that vnmanned wild Country, which they range rather than inhabit; captivated also to Satan's tyranny in foolish pieties, mad impieties, wicked idleness, busy and bloody wickedness: hence have we fit objects of zeal and pity, to deliver from the power of darkness, that where it was said, Ye are not my people, they may be called the children of the living God: that justice may so proceed in rooting out those murderers, that yet in judgement (imitating God's de●ling with us) we may remember Mercy to such as their own innocence Ose 2. shall protect, and Hope shall in Charity judge capable of Christian Faith. And let men know that he which converteth a sinner from the error of his way, shall save a soul from death, and shall hide a multitude of sins. And Saviour's shall thus come on Mount Zion to judge the jam. 5. 20. Mount of Esau, and the Kingdom (of Virginia) shall be Lord. Thus shall we at once overcome both Men and Devils, and espouse Virginia to one husband, presenting her as a chaste Virgin to Obad. ult. 2. Cor. 11. 2. Matth. 6. 22. Christ. If the eye of Adventurers were thus single, how soon and all the body should be light? But the loving ourselves more than God, hath detained so great blessings from us to Virginia, and from Virginia to us. Godliness hath the promises of this life, and that which is to come. And if we be careful 1. Tim. 4. 8. to do Gods will, he will be ready to do ours. All the rich endowments of Uirginia, her Virgin-portion from the creation nothing lessened, are wages for all this work: God in wisdom having enriched the Savage Countries, that those riches might be attractives for Christian suitors, which there may sow spirituals and reap temporals. But what are those riches, where we hear of no Gold nor Silver, and see more impoverished here then thence enriched, and for Mines we hear of none but Iron? Iron minds! Iron age of Answers to Objections: & first to the want of Gold and Silver Mines. the world! who gave Gold or Silver the Monopoly of wealth, or made them the Almighty's favourites? Precious perils, specious punishments, whose original is nearest hell, whose house is darkness, which have no eye to see the heavens, nor admit heaven's eye (guilty malefactors) to see them; never produced to light but by violence, and convinced, upon records written in blood, the occasioners of violence in the World; which have infected the surface of their native earth with deformity and sterility (these Mines being fit emblems of minds covetous, stored with want, and ever wanting their own store) her bowels with darkness, damps, deaths, causing trouble to the neighbour Regions, and mischief to the remotest! Penurious minds! Is there no riches but Gold Mines? Are Iron Mines neglected, rejected for hopes of Silver? What, and who else is the Alchemist, and impostor, which turns the World, and Men, and all into Iron? And how much Iron-workes in Wars and Massacres hath American Gold and Silver wrought thorough all Christendom? Neither speak I this, as if our hopes were blasted, and grown deplorate and desperate this way, the Country being so little searched, and the remote in-land-Mountaines unknown: but to show the fordid tincture and base alloy of these Mine-mindes. Did not the Spanish Iron (tell me you that contemn Iron-mines) draw to it the Indian Silver and Gold? I will not be a Prophet for Spain from Virginia. But I cannot forget the wily apophthegm of the Pilots Boy in the Cacafuego, a great Ship laden with treasure taken in the South Sea, by Sir Francis Drake; who seeing the English Ordnance command such treasure from the Spanish Cacafuego; Our Ship, said he, shall be called the Cacaplata, and the English may be named the Cacafuego. I will not be so unmannerly to give you the homely English; it is enough that English Iron brought home the Spanish-Indian Silver and Gold. But let us consult with the wisest Counsellor. Canaan, Abraham's promise, Israel's inheritance, type of heaven, and joy of the earth! What were her riches? were they not the Grapes of Eshcol, the balm of Gilead, the Cedary neighbourhood of Libanus, the pastury vale of jerieho, the dews of heaven, fertility of soil, temper of climate, the flowing (not with Golden Sands, but) with Milk and Honey (necessaries, and pleasures of life, not bottomless gulfs of lust) the commodious situation for two Seas, and other things like (in how many inferior?) to this of Virginia. What golden Country ever nourished with her natural store the hundreth part of men, in so small a proportion of earth, as David there mustered, being 1100000. of Israel, and 500000. * Compare 2 Sam. 24. with 1 Chron. 21. It seems that there were above two millions of men besides women and children. of juda, not reckoning the Tribes of Levi and Benjamin, all able men for wars? And after him, in a little part of that little jehoshaphat (More I dare say then the Spaniards can find in one hundred times so much, of their Mine lands, and choose their best in Peru, New Spain, and the Lands) the Scriptures containing an infallible muster-book of 1160000. able Soldiers in his small territories? That then is the richest Land which can feed most men, Man being a mortal God, the best part of the best earth, and visible end of the visible World. What remarkable Gold or Silver Mines hath France, Belgia, Lombary, or other the richest pieces of Europe? what hath Babylonia, Mauritania, or other the best of Asia and Africa? What this our fertile Mother England? Ask our late Travellers which saw so much of Spain, the most famous part of Europe for mines of old, and enriched with the mines of the New World, if an Englishman needs to envy a Spaniard, or prefer a Spanish life and happiness to his own. Their old mines made them the servants of Rome and Carthage: and what their mines and minds do now I leave them to others. Once, as the mines are in barrenest soil, and covetous men have least, even when they are had of most money (medijs ut Tantalus undis) so I have heard that in Spain is less Gold and Silver, then in other parts of Europe, (I dare not mention the proportions) from both Spanish and English relation: their usual money also (to meddle with no more) is of base mettle, and their greatest sums computed by Maravedis less than our later tokens: except which (devised for poorer uses of the poorest) England of long time knows no base monies: and hath seen plenty of Silver and Gold, of Wine and Oil which (grow not in her) when Spain, which produceth these, is fed with salads, and drinketh water, helped now and then with Hogges-kinne unsavoury Wine. The Indian Fountains run with golden and silver streams (sic vos non vobis) not to themselves, but into that Spanish Cistern; and these Cisterns are like those of the London Water-house, which hath the Conduit Pipes always open in the bottom, so that a thousand other Cisterns hold more water than it: so may it be said of the other; it is not Concha but Canalis, a Pipe rather than Cistern, a Cashkeeper rather than Owner; and (which is spoken of better things) remaining poor, makes many rich. To proceed, are not Miners the most miserable of Slaves, toiled continually, and unto manifold deaths tired for others, in bringing to light those Treasures of darkness, and living (if they live, or if that be a life) in the suburbs of Hell, to make others dream of Heaven? Yea Paradise, the model of heaven, had in it no Minerals, nor was Adam in his innocency, or Noah after the World's recovery, both Lords of all, employed in Mines, but (in those happy works which Uirginia inviteth England unto) in Vines, Gardening, and Husbandry. Neither let any man think that I plead against the sourness of the Grapes, like the Fox which could not reach them: but I seriously show that they are calves and not men, which adore the golden Calf, or Nabuchadnezzars great golden statue, as if the body were not more than raiment, and those things to be preferred to money, for whose sake money (the creature of man; base Idolatry where the Creator worships his creature!) was first ordained, and still hath both use and being. Do we not see in this respect, that the Silks, Calicos, Drugs, and Spices of the East swallow up (not to mention the Belgian whirlpool) all the Mines of the West? and that one Carrack carrieth more Rials thither, then perhaps some whole Region in Spain retaineth for vulgar use? And whence are English, Portugals, or Dutchmen fitted for that commerce? as if America had ominously (for other just reason there is none) been called India, as if the West were but drudge and factor for the East. And what hath dispeopled the New World, not leaving in some places one of Millions, but Auri sacra fames, others killing them in the Mines, or they killing themselves to prevent the Mines? Let it be riches enough, that Sir Thomas Dale testified Virginia's high valuation. Cap. joh. Smith by Letters from thence, and after his return to me that four of the best Kingdoms of Christendom were not for natural endowments comparable to Virginia: and which I have heard of one which hath traveled in all the best Regions of Europe, and hath seen more of Virginia then perhaps any man else, and which needs not speak for any gain there or thence gotten, as no reputed favourite or favourer of that Society and their actions; that he hath seen no Country to be preferred for soil, nor for commodious Rivers to be compared. And if success hath not been correspondent to English hopes: who seeth not the causes of Answer to the objected ill successes and causes thereof. those diseasters? Division that taile-headed Amphisbana and manyheaded monster, deformed issue of that difformed old Serpent, in some of the Colony there & Company here, hath from time to time thrust in her forged venomous tongue, whereby they have swollen with deadly poison of great thoughts of heart jud. 5116. Prou. 13. 10. (only by pride do men make contention) with blinde-staring eyes of self-love abounding in their own sense: whence suspicions, jealousies, factions, partialities to friends and dependants, wilful obstinacies, and other furious passions have transported men from Uirginias' good and their own. Covetousness hath distorted others to mind earth and not heaven, in hastiness of more than speedy return and present gain, forgetting that Godliness is the best gain, and that they are 1 Tim. 6. planting a Colony, not reaping a harvest, for a public and not (but in subordinate order) private wealth. A long time Uirginia was thought to be much encombered with England's excrements, some vicious persons, as corrupt levin souring, or as plague sores infecting others, and that Colony was made a Port Exquiline for such as by ordure or vomit were by good order and physicke worthy to be evacuated from This Body: whence not only lazy drones did not further the Plantation, but wicked Wasps with sharking, and the worst, that is beggarly tyrants, frustrated and supplanted the labours of others. Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt. A prodigious Prodigal here, is not easily metamorphosed in a Virginian passage to a thrifty Planter: nor can there need wiser choice or more industrious course in any undertaking, then is requisite in a Christian Colonies plantation amongst Infidels. Which I suppose hath been carefully by many Adventurers practised: and whatsoever faults happened by ignorance in the beginnings, neglect of seasons, riot, sloth, occasional wants of or in Governors or Government, abuses of Mariners, treachery of Fugitives, and Savages; and other diseases, which have in part attended all new Plantat●ons, and consumed many: experience I hope by this time hath taught to prevent or remedy. The late barbarous Massacre (hinc illa lachryme) still bleedeth, and when things were reported to be in better forwardness than ever, in great part blasted those hopeful blossoms, The massacre hat● been the chief cause of later miscarrying. di 〈…〉 ointed the proceedings in the Iron works, Vineyards, Mulberry plants; and in sudden shifts for life, exposed them to manifold necessities; insomuch, that many of the Principals being slain, the rest surprised with fear, reduced themselves almost from eighty to eight Plantations; whereby pestered with multitude, and destitute of Corn and other forsaken necessaries, they incurred a grievous and general sickness, which being increased by infection of some passengers tainted in their Ship-passage with corrupt Beer, there followed a mortality which consumed about five hundred persons, besides three hundred and fifty or thereabouts murdered in that Savage-massacre. All which notwithstanding, there remain, some have if truly calculated and conjectured This number of 1800. was presented by the Company to the Lords of the Council. eighteen hundred persons: for whose security and provision it hath pleased his Majesty to have a Royal care, as likewise the Honourable Lords of his Majesty's privy Council, besides the honourable endeavours of the Council and well affected members of that Society, which God almighty, the great Founder of Colonies, prosper. Now that I may show Virginia worthy those princely, honourable and industrious thoughts, I have adventured briefly to point out, rather than to paint out her beauty and attractive ornaments. Arguments for Virginian plantation, as being honourable. 1. Religion. First Religion (as is before observed) inviteth us there to seek the Kingdom of God first, and all other things shall be ministered to us, and added as advantage to the bargain: seek the Kingdom of God, and see an earthly Kingdom in recompense, as the earnest, and the heavenly Kingdom for our full payment. Of glorifying God in his word and works in this design is already spoken. Secondly, Humanity and our common Nature forbids to turn our eyes from our own flesh; yea commands us to love our neighbours as ourselves, and to play the good Samaritan with these 〈◊〉. Humanity. our neighbours (though of another Nation and Religion, as the wounded jew was to him) to recover them if it be possible, as by Religion, from the power of Satan to God; so by humanity and civility from Barbarism and Savageness to good manners and humane polity. Thirdly, the Honour of our Nation enjoineth us not basely to lose the glory of our forefathers acts, which here have been showed in King Henry the seventh, King Henry the 3. Honour of the English Nation eight, King Edward the sixth, and Queen Elizabeth's times, all which illustrated their names by Discovery of Realms remote, unknown parts and ports (and the first, first of all Kings, and the last holding to the last) Discovering and possessing these, and leaving them as just inheritance to his Majesty. What shame to a degenerate posterity, to lose so honourable a claim, and gain; yea, to neglect that which many English have purchased with doing and suffering so much, and not with their sweat alone, their care and cost, but with their dearest blood and manifold deaths? Fourthly, we may reckon the Honour of our King, and his Royal posterity: to which, in time Uirginia may perform as much with equal manuring as ever Britannia and Ireland could 4. Honour of the King. promise when first they became known to the then civiller World. And were not comparisons odious! I am sure I heard Sir Thomas Dale confidently and seriously exulting in private conference with me, in the hopes of future greatness from Virginia, to the English Crown. And if the wise King wisely said, the honour of a King is in the multitude of his Subjects, lo here the way to preserve, employ, increase them; and for his Majesty to reach his long royal arms to another World. The Roman Empire sowed Roman Colonies thorough the World, as the most natural and artificial way to win and hold the World Roman. Fifthly, the honour of the Kingdom, thus growing and multiplying into Kingdoms, that as Scotland and England seem sisters, so Virginia, New England, New found Land in the Continent 5. Honour of the Kingdom. already planted in part with English Colonies, together with Bermuda, and other Lands may be the adopted and legal Daughters of England. An honourable design, to which Honour stretcheth her fair hand, the five fingers whereof are adorned with such precious Rings, each enriched with invaluable jewels of Religion, Humanity, Inheritance, the King, the Kingdom 〈◊〉 Honos alit arts, omnesque incenduntur ad studia gloria. And if Honour hath prevailed with honourable and higher spirits, we shall come laden with arguments of profit to press meaner hands and hearts to the service of Virginia. Only I desire that 6. Argument of profit, generally propounded. men bring their hearts first, and consider that the very names of a Colony and Plantation do import a reasonable and seasonable culture, and planting before a Harvest and Vintage can be expected: which if they here exercise our Faith and Hope both for earth and heaven, where all things are prepared; let us not in ruder and cruder foundations and beginnings there, precipitate unto hasty falls. And before we come to Virginia's particular probabilities for this Kingdom's good, we need Illustrated by the Castilian greatness, not far fetched speculations, we have evidence from experience. Castille (a Kingdom which now stoops to none, and which some of her flatterers advance above all, making it Catholic without respect to Faith) grew from an almost nothing out of the Moorish deluge, to be but a petty something in comparison of others in Europe, till Ferdinand's time who sent Columbus to America. And how poor abilities or probabilities had they for it, when Columbus upon false grounds having conceived strong, strange hopes of the Eastern Indies, stumbled upon a Western World Upon less probabilities. whereof he never dreamt, which therefore he called India, and Hispaniola Ophir: to which Expedition (neither founded on sound reason, nor experience of former Discoveries, when as yet the Mariner's Art was but crept out of the Cradle, and blessed only in the Event) the state of Castille was as poorly furnished as it seems, either with money or credit, the Queen pawning part of her jewels for 2000 Ducats, to set Columbus forth with three poor Carvels for this Discovery. Little was it then imagined, that in Hispaniola should be found (which happened in the taking of Domingo by Sir Francis Drake) a Spanish Scutcheon with a Horse, whose hinder feet trod on the Globe, his fore-feets prancing as if he would foot out another World (like Alexander hearing Philosopher's discourse of other Worlds, weeping that he had not yet finished the conquest of this) having this Motto annexed, Non sufficit Orbis. Yea, but they found Gold and Silver in abundance? the Pocks they did! and plagued all Europe with the great ones, See Ouiedo & our sixth Book. with the small consuming America: and if they did find Gold and Silver, how poor were the proportions till the Mexican Discovery almost thirty years, and that of Peru forty years after their Indian plantation. And who knows what Uirginia in that space may produce by better Their greatest benefit in commodities, not in Mines, to the common subject. Discovery of it, and further Discovery of parts adjoining, whereof we have ten thousand times more pregnant hopes, than they had in their first Expedition, by knowledge gathered from their Discoveries. Besides, though Gold and Silver from thence hath enriched the Spanish Exchequer, yet the Magazines have found other and greater wealth, whereof Virginia is no less capable, namely, the Country Commodities. What mines have they, or at least, what do they use in Brasill, or in all the Lands, where yet so many wealthy Spaniards and portugals inhabit? Their Ginger, Sugar, Hides, Tobacco and other Merchandise, I dare boldly affirm, yield far far more profit to the generality of the Spanish Subjects thorough that vast World, than the mines do or have done this last Age. Which I shall make apparent by honourable testimony, in one of the last English Exploits on the Spanish Indies. The Right Honourable Earl of Cumberland in a Letter of his after the ●aking of Port Rico, (chief Town if not the greatest Island in those parts, and far short of Hispaniola and Cuba) affirmeth, that if he would have left the place, he might have had by The Earl had purposed to leave Sir john Barkley with a Garrison to hold it, but a great sickness and mortality consuming most of his men, he was forced to leave the place, to bring home his ships. I find this in a written Ext●●ct of all the Ports, shipping Cities, Men, etc. of Spain, which sometimes belonged to that industrious Gentleman M. W. Burrough Controller of the Navy. good account as much Sugar and Ginger in the Country, as was worth 500000. pounds. But he intended to keep it, as the Key of the Indies, which who soever possesseth (I use his own words) may at his pleasure go to any Chamber in the House, and see how they sleep before he be either stopped or descried: so as they must at every door keep so great a force to guard them, as will consume a great part of their yearly Revenue; and send it from place to place with so great a waftage, as will cause them to curse their new Porter: for when they have done what they can, they shall bear his charge to their own destructions, and still be losing places both of strength and wealth. Thus that valorous and renowned Earl, whose blood ennobled his attempts, whose attempts added glory to his blood, and nobleness to his Nobility: which I rather recite that you might see the great wealth which the Spaniards reap of Ginger and Sugar, to which that of Hides in that Island holds such proportion, that one inhabitant thereof named Ch●rigo, had no fewer than twelve thousand Beefs: where Beefs growing wild, it was tolerable to any Islander to kill a beast, if he returned the skin to the Owner: and what he speaks of a Key and a Porter's advantage, Mutato nomine de te, change the name, and if Uirginia and Summer Lands fall short some ways, they will, more than equal it other ways, in Case! But I must contain myself, lest I purchase a Purchas Case for meddling. Now if any shall think that the many transplantations of people into those parts, would exhaust England, Spain will answer that point also, now in these days complaining no more of scarcity of people (notwithstanding their many and long Wars in so many parts of Europe, except the expulsion of the Moors and Marans, have caused it) then when first they undertook those consuming vast Erterprises, not of a Uirginia, but of a World. And yet what in comparison is Spain for multitudes of people, whose vastness is said to yield (the King, Dukes, Marquesses and Earls only with their retinue excepted) from eighteen years of age to fifty, but 1125390. men of all sorts, as I have seen in an Extract of the Royal Muster-book, which how much is it exceeded by the numerous excess of people in this Island, straitened in far less room, and wanting necessary employments, which almost exacteth a Virginian vent and adventure. For how much more convenient is a transmigration, into a fruitful, large and wholesome Region, where the Country hath need of a Colony to cultivate it, as well as those Coloni and Inhabitants Arg. 7. from necessity by our multitudes have need of a Country to inhabit rather than to breed a fullness in This Body, which without some such evacuation either breeds matter for the pestilence and other Epidemical Diseases, or at least for Dearth, Famine, Disorders, over-burthening the wealthier, oppressing the poorer, disquieting both themselves and others, that I mention not the fatal hand of the Hangman? And thus you have Uirginias' hopes in general propounded by Spanish example urged and enforced by our necessity of seeking vent to such home-fulnesse. But look upon Virginia; view her lovely looks (howsoever like a modest Virgin she is now Arguments of particular commodities and commodiousness. vailed with wild Coverts and shady Woods, expecting rather ravishment than Marriage from her Native Savages) survey her Heavens, Elements, Situation; her divisions by arms of Bays and Rivers into so goodly and well proportioned limbs and members; her Virgin portion nothing impaired, nay not yet improved, in Nature's best Legacies; the neighbouring Regions and Seas so commodious and obsequious; her opportunities for offence and defence; and in all these you shall see, that she is worth the wooing and loves of the best Husband. First, for her Heavens and Climate, she with her Virgin Sisters hath the same (being extended from 30. to 45. degrees of North latitude) with the best parts of Europe, namely the fat of Graecia, Thracia, Spain, Italy, Morea, Sicilia, (and if we will look more Northward to the height of France and Britain, there her Sister's New England, New Scotland, and newfoundland, promise hopeful and kind entertainment to all Adventurers. If you look Southwards, you may parallel it with Barbary, Egypt, and the fertilest parts of Africa) and in Asia, all that Chuersonessus, sometime the seat of four thousand Cities, and so many Kingdoms, now called Anatolia, with her Neighbours Antiochia, and other Regions of Syria, Damascus, Labanus, with Babylonia and the glory of the 1. The same climate with best Countries Earth: and Types of Heaven, judaea and Paradise; the Silken Countries also of Persia, China in her best parts, and japan, are in the elevation; and Virginia is Daughter of the same Heavens, which promise no less portion to this Virgin, than those Matrons had for the foundation-stock of their wealth and glory. Secondly, this Climate as it promiseth wealth, so it doth health also, enjoying the temper of 2. Temperate. the most temperate parts, even of that in which Adam, Abraham, with the Prophets and Apostles were bred in, and received as an Earthly privilege; and in which Christ conversed in the flesh. And thirdly for extension, if covetousness gape wide, ten judaeas', and a hundred Paradises, 3. Large extension. may be equalled for quantity in Virginia, whose midland Regions are wholly unknown, till we arrive at that Nova Albion, which yielded itself English before the first Uirginian plantation. Fourthly for commodious divisions, the Lands and Seas contend by fresh Rivers and Arms of the Sea so to diversify the soil as if in luxuriant wantonness they were always engendering manifold 4. Commodious division of Lands and Rivers. Twins of Commodity and Commodiousness, Profit and Pleasure, Hunting and Fishing, Fruits and Merchandizing, Marinership and Husbandry, Opus and Vsus, Meat and Drink, Wares and Portage, Defending and Offending, Getting and Keeping, Mountains and Valleys, Plains and Hillocks, Rivers Navigable and shallower Fords, Lands and Land-iles (or Peninsulae) Woods and Marshes, Vegetatives and living creatures marvellously diversified. Look on the Map, and tell me if any Country in the World promiseth more by the looks than it. Yea I have observed in the Letters of greatest Malcontents from thence, foe and friend and themselves are blamed rather than the Country, the least finger of Virginia's hand (I mean the least of five Rivers (or as Master Alexander Whitakers relateth, the least of seven) in a small part of that great Country, is bigger than the Firstborn of Britain's waters, the famous Thames, all Navigable, some one hundred miles, some one hundred and sixty, receiving Tributes by the way of innumerable Springs, Brooks, Riverets (such as that of Ware, and fit for portage of Wares in smaller Barks, of which kind james River hath five Attendants in ordinary) the fall of every one of the five is within twenty or fifteen miles of some other: and not above fifteen miles in some places is the Great River of Roanoke said to be distant from some of those which fall into james River, yielding a commodious intercourse 'twixt those Southerly and these more Northerly parts of the Country. I know not how Nature hath here also wantonized and danced a Loath to depart in the winding of those Streams, which seem willingly again and again to embrace that beloved Soil, and to present her with rich Collars of silver Esses, murmuring that they must leave so fresh and fertile a Land, of which at last with Salt tears they take their leave, but contracting with their New Sea Lord to visit their old Landlord and former Love every Flood. Mean whiles those many impetuous clippings and sweet embraces, searching refuges every way make show as if they would meet together in consultation, and agree on some Conspiracy, which howsoever disappointed, yield nevertheless many conveniences of intercourse and easier portage, each River coming within four, eight, ten miles, more or fewer in diverse places of another. All these Rivers run into a fair Bay, on which the Earth every way is a greedy gazing Spectator, Bay of Chesepeake. except where the Ocean rusheth in to ravish her beauties, flowing near two hundred miles into it, and forcing a Channel one hundred and forty, of depth betwixt seven and fifteen fathom, and ten or fourteen miles in ordinary breadth. The Earth yet undermining it by Lands, and mustering those River Captains and innumerable Springs and Brooks, maintaineth his fresh challenge with continual Wars, forcing back the Ocean every Ebb to retire, which yet loath to lose so sweet a possession returneth within few hours, freshly flowing with Salt reenforcements. Fifthly, the soil is blessed, every Element bestowing a rich portion on her. The fire hath treasures 5. Fertile soil. laid up to maintain her fuel unto prodigality (yea which seldom meet, a thrifty prodigality) for many years. Her store of waters you have heard, but not her watery store of fishes unto incredibility in kinds, goodness, numbers. The Air is no less luxuriant in the Fowls of Heaven. But the Earth (fruitful Mother of Mankind) she is prodigiously prodigal, in fatness of the soil, tallness, sweetness, strength, variety, numberless numbers of her Trees: her Oaks 6. Trees for timber and other uses many no less excellent than frequent, many of them bearing two foot and an half square of good Timber twenty yards long: of which also are diverse kinds. Elms and Ashes (of which Soap-ashes are made) Wal-nuts in three sorts, Cypresses (or much resembling them) Cedars and other sweet smelling Timbers, Chestnuts, Plums of diverse sorts, Cherries and other Trees, etc. reckoned by Virginian Relators, I omit. But most remarkable and promising are the Mulberry and the Vine, the one to the back, the other to the belly, yielding Silks and Wine. As for Silk, how great profits are raised thereof to the Chinois and Persian? Yea to come nearer, 7. Specially for Silks. in Naples and other parts of Italy, which have provoked France to a general imitation. And how unualuable are the expenses of this Kingdom for that material, Ut matronae in publico luceant? Likewise for Wines from France, Spain, Germany, and other parts how many thousands 8. And for Wines. are yearly expended to the profits of Strangers, that I say not to enemies, or at least to suspected friends? It hath pleased his Majesty to take these two into his Princely consideration july 9 A. R. 20. See sup. c. 15. and by his Letter to the Right Honourable the Earl of Southampton, and the Company of Virginia to commend and command this care to them. The Country itself naturally produceth Vines in great abundance, and some of a very good sort: diverse plants also have been sent thither of the better kinds of Christendom, with eight Vignerons procured from Languedock for the husbanding of that commodity. The Soil is no less naturally happy in Mulberry Trees of the best kind and some Silkworms also: and general order hath been taken for the abundant planting of them in all places inhabited: large supply also of Silke-worme-seed from his Majesty's store, and men skilful in that kind for the well ordering of that business have been sent. In a word, the very prosperity and pregnant hopes of that Plantation made the Devil and his limbs to envy, fear and hate it. Hence thatbloudy Massacre which caused almost a sudden Chaos to the hindrance of those affairs, by the convulsions, combustions, and almost confusion of that Body and their Designs: whereof yet we hope not only a recovery but greater advantage, the greatest danger from the Savages, growing out of our men's confidence, which that terrible stroke (except a stupid Devil possess us) hath cut off; which likewise requires that servile natures be seruily used; that future dangers be prevented by 9 Just advantage from the Savages to make use of their labours. 10. Drugs, and diverse other commodities. the extirpation of the more dangerous, and commodities also raised out of the seruilenesse and serviceableness of the rest. As for Sassafras, Salt, Terra Lemnia, Gums and other profitable Drugs I shall not need speak: nor of their Silke-grasse naturally growing, besides a kind of Hemp or Flax, yielding most excellent Cordage. Pot-ashes, Soap-ashes, Pitch and Tar have been the employment of Polacres sent thither. In four years' space before the Massacre (the Iron Oar of Virginia being found very good and 11. Iron mines. very plentiful) above five thousand pounds were spent, and one hundred and fifty persons sent for that employment; which being brought in manner to perfection, was interrupted by that fatal accident, since which the restituion is with all possible diligence (as it is said) ordered and furthered. There have been also sent skilful men from Germany, for setting up of Saw-mils: Virginia 12. Timbers for all uses. yielding to no place in the known World for Timbers of all sorts, commodious for strength, pleasant for sweetness, specious for colours, spacious for largeness, useful for Land and Sea, for housing and shipping: in which Timber uses England and Holland alone are said to disburse about 300000. pounds sterling yearly. And the defects at home, where the Hearth hath climbed into the Roof, where back-fewell hath devoured our buildings in the Woods, and bellyfewell hath devoured the Woods, and converted them to arable: where so many ships are employed for provisions of and for shipping, Virginia by divine bounty is Magnae spes altera Britanniae. Herein we may verify the old Proverb, That he which liveth longest, shall fetch his wood furthest; but so, as he shall be paid for the fetching with great advantage. 13. More especially for building both houses & ship. And if an Island needs wooden Walls to secure it against others, to enrich it from others, Virginia offers her service herein, and will look so much more cheerfully on you, how much more you shall disburden her in this kind: yea, as England hath wooed and visited Virginia, so herein Virginia will be glad and rejoice to visit England, in her there-built ships, and to dwell here with us in thence-brought Timbers, and esteem herself advanced to adorn our Towers, and take view of our Pomp's and Spectacles. And touching shipping and the materials thereof; Timbers, Pitch, Tar, Cordage, Sails, 14. The manifold materials for shipping. Anchors, etc. necessity of the times exacteth in our defects at home, for security from enemies abroad employment of Mariners, Merchants and our numerous multitudes, offending our Offenders, defending our Allies, that I add not the Riches of the World, and glory of Exploits, all which depend on Navigation. Hence Tyrus and her Daughter Carthage of old (Matre pulchrâ filia pulchrior) hence the Egyptian Alexandria and many Nations since, have reaped wealth and honour. Hence the Lumbards' and Easterlings sucked out the sweets of this Kingdom in former times, whiles we like children were fed by their hands, and they were enriched by the Importation and Exportation of Merchandise to and from us: which when that glorious Elizabeth altered, and sought to stand in the Seas on her own legs, and to fly over them with her own wings, it not only won her renown but dread abroad, and such strength at home, that notwithstanding her manifold wars offensive and defensive, and motherly protection of her Neighbours round about with Men and moneys; her Custom, her Navy, and the wealth of her people is thought to have received in her time a sevenfold advancement. And what hath so long upholden and enhanced the Hanse Townes? What hath raised the rich and glorious States of Venice and Genoa? What hath since freed, and doth still sustain the Hollanders, but their moving Magazines and Castles, their strength and magnificence being (by a Miracle in State) hereby most, wherein it is least, in their Sea-forrests; Nature denying that to their Soil, which Art hath superabundantly supplied by shipping, to their Lands, to their Seas, for use, for admiration? hence hath the Abassine or Prester john lost his estate, the Turk not increased his by swallowing the rest of Christendom, the Persian, the Mogul and other mighty Asian Potentates have not been mighty, howsoever surnamed Great; have been so long awed, and as it were, imprisoned within their own shores, there also often braved, assaulted, forced to receive Laws and conditions, yea to pay Customs for their own ships, and prohibited Trade with others by a handful of portugals. Hence the Portugals themselves crept out of their straits and obscurity, and hence the Castilian colours have been so far displayed, and set the rest of the World in this present Maze: Hence our Edgar, Edward the Third, and Great Elizabeth, have left such memories of them, after them; hence all Maritime States and Kings have received increase or diminishing; as their Navies have been, so have they. Yea, without a Navy, Solomon had not been so meet a Type of Christ, so glorious in Domestical, Political or Ecclesiastical magnificence. Hail than all-hail Virginia, hope of our decayed Forests, Nursery of our Timbers, second supply to our shipping, the succenturiatae copiae in distress of Naval materials: and those independent on foreign States, disburdened of Taxes, Customs, Impositions, and Suspensions of 15. Saving of expenses and freeing from dangers in foreign Countries. 16. Employment and 〈…〉 ding of Mariners. 17. Many probabilities by transplantation of cattle, fruits, etc. exemplified by Spaniards. foreign Princes: yea gainful not in the ships alone, but in Shipmen and Mariners trained up and multiplved by that employment, with mutual intercourse of Wares and manifold Commodities. He that looks on the best Corne-fields soon after the sowing, seeth expense and labour without any profit but in expectation. Now is our Seedtime; and if cost and industry want no, Virginia, in her Soil and Climate not only promiseth these materials, there also to be made at easier rates; but infinite other Commodities also which may be transplanted from these and other parts, as the Spaniards in their Indies, have given us example. These have reserved Wines and Oil, as Staple Commodities to be carried from Spain (that these Americans may still have need of Spanish Commodities) which else would easily grow there. They have again furnished those parts both from Spain and many other Countries, with Figs, Oranges, Lemons, and fruits for present use and for Merchandise, with Sugarcanes, Gingers, cattle and other Commodities, yielding exceeding sums of Treasure to the Planters. And I know not but in a settled Virginian Plantation, Sugars, Gingers, Hides, etc. may there prove as gainful, as they have in the Spanish Indies, that is, beyond all conceit of ordinary valuation, and as good as many mines. Now for the cattle and Fowls, I might here present their Deer of all sorts, reported to 18. The Country, cattle & beasts not only for use there but Merchandise h●re. have three or four Fawns at a time, and none under two (which some impute to the quality of that Country, having happened likewise to the Goats transported from hence) and were it not for this increase, either they must fail, or the Natives (these sparing neither old nor young, nor old with young, nor observing any rule of Season or Reason therein) I might add Shaghaired Oxen-seene by Sir Samuel argol, Beavers, Otters, Foxes, Wild and Civet Cats, Musk Rats, and many Beasts which bear good Furs; their large Turkeyes, Cranes, Herons, Partridges, and innumerable other Fowls: fish also of innumerable numbers and manifold kinds, Sturgeon, purpose, Base, Rock-fish, carp, Shad, and the rest. It seemeth to us incredible, which is related of the both numbers * Cap. Smith tells of 1000 Bases at a draught: M. Rolse of 5000. the least of two foot long, 300. as big as Cod, by Sir T. Dale. and excellency at one draught taken. As for the variety of Corn, the excellency also and multiplication to 1500. or 2000 for one stalk of Maiz, the usefulness, their succeeding-exceeding Harvests, their Roots, Herbs, Pulse, and the rest, I refer to all the Writers in that Argument, and to as many as have been Eye-witnesses themselves to be Relaters. Were it but a fishing trade, yet his understanding is contemptible, that thinks contemptibly 19 Benefits by fishing. D. D. Brit. Monarchy. of it. He that should read Doctor Dees relations of so many hundred Busses, and Flemish sail on the English, and Spanish, on the Irish coasts: or what Master Gentleman hath related of the Commodities raised that way by the hollanders, summed to millions of pounds in Herring, Cod and Ling: and that which others relate of 3600. sail of Fishermen in Holland and Zealand, with other things of like nature gathered together by Captain Smith in his New England's Trials, Et quae non prosunt singula, multa invant. with the experiments of that coast also (part of our Virginian subject shall see, as greatest bodies composed of least parts, so greatest sums raised out of least and meanest means, that being dundant in tale, which seemeth wanting in weight. Once, the impregnable walls of the united Provinces are their Ships (whereof some reckon small and great of all sorts 20000,) and their principal and most general Trade is Fishing, which is the Seminary of their Mariners of which some have reckoned above 100000. and summed their returns thence growing to 7000000. pounds in a year. I am none of Neptune's. Secretaries; yet know this, that there is no fishing to the Sea, and no Country so strong by Sea as that which findeth most employment in this kind, where no exportation of treasure, no custom, no consumption and exhausting of commodities can be quarrelled. Thus then, whether we consider Wines, Silks, and other the appurtenances of our pleasures, as Dies, Drugs, Gums, Sugars, Ginger, Furs, and the like, which cost this Kingdom yearly some hundreths of thousands of our pounds: or whether we reckon those more staple and necessary commodities for Shipping, and all sorts of Timber, Cordage, and other like, no less costly, Virginia inviteth our hopes, and covenanteth to bestow them on the industrious: so that we shall save those treasures and costs that way expended, shall less depend on other Nations, less fear imbarguing, detention, imposts; yea, shall from other Nations raise by return of our excess in these kinds great Sums, besides the furnishing of the Kingdom with greater increase of Shipping, Mariners, and innumerable employments, and the securing and enriching the Ports, both of Ireland and England. As for Tobacco I have said little of it, because 20. Tobacco. A Book presented to the Parliament by Master Bennet. It is said that some maliciously father all their bad Tobacco on Virginia and Bermuda, ●nd th● go 〈…〉 ●rom thence, ●n Spanish 〈◊〉 21. Hopes of future T●●●e for clothes & other English commodities. it is so generally known (which yet is said to be worth to Spain 100000. pounds yearly; and that (I grieve to speak it) from the fume-fome-froth-spirits of England) & the abundance brought from Virginia and Summer Lands (inopes nos cepia fecit) exceedeth the Market: and because so many by immoderate use thereof are corrupted here at home, and the present benefit thereby accrueing in quick return, hindereth designs of better consequence there. And thus much of Virginia's present or very probable Commodities: to which we may add the hopes in future times by finding there as good vent for our Wools and Clothes, both to the English and civilised Indian, as the Spaniards do in their Indies by their Wines and Oil, of which I have already said that they permit not the general growth in their Indian plantations for the continuance and necessity of commerce with Spain. And who seeth not the exceeding benefit which may arise by complete commerce, in venting our own superfluities of Men; of others, and specially the principal of English Commodities, Cloth and Wool, with the Gospel of our Lord jesus; and returning from thence, Clapboord, Pipe-staves, Caviar, Oade, Madder, Salt, Cordage, Pitch, Tar, Soap-ashes, Pot-ashes, Cotton-wools, Gauls, Furs, Hops, Hides, Gums, Dyes, Gingers, Sugars, Silks, Wines, Iron, Timbers, Fish, Ships, Mariners, Merchants, and a World of the World's most useful good things thorough an open Sea, obnoxious to no foreign Potentate, from and to known and secure Ports and Harbours? It is also not only useful at all times, but necessary to these times, as to transport superfluous 22. Manifold necessities of these times. numbers from hence to Virginia, so to cure the diseases of the times caused by the wants of Monies (the life of trading, and sinews of a great State) attended with wants of sale for the Merchant, and consequently of Clothiers and other subordinate professions; want of work for Spinsters, Weavers, and innumerable poorer Trades and Handicraftmen; want of trading for Citizens (neither hath such a general breaking been ever knwone, so many shops in the principal limbs and streets of this City, yea, in Cheapside the fair face, yea, in the eye of that beauteous face, the Goldsmith's Row (where besides so many shops converted to other Trades, I have told this last Winter betwixt Friday-street and Bread-street the third part shut up) want of employment for decayed Gentlemen, both the elder Unthrifts and younger Gallants; which want of monies and store of wants thence issuing, is in greatest part caused by the Merchandizes sought and bought in other Countries, whereby our Monies fall into foreign Whirlpools without hopes of recovery; whereas if our Trade lay (as we see the Spanish) with our own Colonies and Plantations elsewhere, we should hold them still current in our own Nation, and draw others to bring to us both Wares and Monies from other Regions for the Commodities aforesaid. And thus should the Vices of the Times be remedied, and the vices of men or vicious men find from Tobacco, Silks, Wines and other excesses (like the sting of Scorpions from the Oil of Scorpions) a cure thence, whence they received their wounds; and so many ruptures should either be prevented or healed; provisions also procured for employment of honest and humble poverty at home, and the inordinate spirits of others tamed by the Sea, and trained at labour to better Discipline. I add further, that the prosecution of the Virginian Plantation, is both profitable and necessary for the strengthening of the Plantations already begun in Summer Lands, New England, and 25. Necessary for strengthening other Plantations. 24. Probabilities of a South Sea passage & mame many commodities thereoy. New found Land, and that other expected in New Scotland. Now if we add the hopeful passage to the South Sea, that one argument is more than all the rest, if our eyes shall once be blessed with that desired sight. For the trade of the whole world is then made compendious, all the rich trades of the East Indies are obvious and nearer hand, and no force is able to scour so large a Coast as that Western shore of all America, and secure it from our trading. Hence, if we find not golden Countries before not possessed by other Christians (whereof also Sir Francis Drakes Nova Albion so long since subjected by voluntary surrender to the English Crown, hath given us hope) yet trade will bring the Mines of the West into our ships, and the Spices and other rich Merchandise of the East into our shops at easier charge, and therefore saleable at easier rates. But this Design of the South Sea may seem desperate, and the Argument ridiculous. I shall 25. Necessity of maintaining Virginia in case of war forced ●y others. therefore endeavour to give better light therein, and withal to add another Argument as weighty as it, and greater than all exceptions. I may add also the case of War, which I desire not; but which may happen, and Bellona may even now seem pregnant and already conceived, whose abortion might be wished, if necessity add not honour to the lawfulness. I but propound a case possible. The most certain, honourable, and beauteous front of Peace, hath a back part of War, and therefore in securest Peace, Prudence is not so secure, but she armeth herself against fears of War, forewarning and forearming men by the Sword drawn to prevent the drawing of Swords, and either eschews it, or reaps good out of it. It is not unknown what expenses England hath sustained in, and ever since Sir Sebastian Cabots first Discovery, as in those of Sir Hugh Willoughby, Burrough, Pet and jackman by the North-east, South Sea why so called. of Hudson, Poole, Fotherbie, and diverse other Navigations by the North; of Sir Martin Frobusher, Captain Davies, Sir Thomas Button, Master Knight, Hudson, Hall, Baffin, and other manifold Discoveries by the Northwest, all seeking a compendious passage to Cathay, and to the East Indies. The Reasons which moved them were far more hopeful than that of Columbus, which found not with standing far better and speedier success. Success is a servile Argument, for Sense rather than for Reason, and in this whole Virginian project, I speak to English Adventurers, and not to petty Pedlars, or Virginian Savages, to such whose eyes are in their heads and not in their hands: Careat successibus opto, Quisquis abeventu facta notanda putet. Yet hath not Success been wholly frustrate, yea both Reason and Sense plead for a Passage, and Virginia's usefulness therein. I will not bring uncertain testimonies of a Portugal taken in a Carrike in Queen Elizabeth's days, and of another Portugal in Guinie, which affirmed to Sir Martin Frobusher that he had passed it; nor of Garcia Loaisa, which is said by the Coast of newfoundland to have gone to the Moluccas; nor of Uasco Coronado in his Letter to the Emperor Charles, and other antiquated Witnesses of Antiquity. I have already in due place produced * See sup. the end of the 4. Book: & Dermers Letter in this. Thomas Cowles, juan de Fuca, Thomas Dermer, Sir Thomas Button, Master Brigges, besides the constant and general report of all the Savages from Florida, to the great River of Canada. Now for the hopes of Uirginia by a South-Sea Discovery, how near is England that way to the Trade of both Indies, that is, of all the remoter World? It stands midway betwixt us and the most frequented Ports of the West, which perhaps may shortly come to full age and sue out her Livery, how ever hitherto kept in close Wardship, and debarred the rights of common humanity, that is, the commerce with other Nations, without discerning Friend and Foe. Strange jealousy and worthy of jealous Suspicion! to admit Trade in all European Ports, not Seville and Madrid excepted, and to prohibit the same in all the East and West, where it can less be prohibited! there to repute all in nature of Pirates, and accordingly to make prize of ships, goods, and men which shall attempt to sail that vast Ocean, or offer Trade in any of those Habitations! But leaving that to consideration of my Betters, in the East both English and Dutch have maintained their just Trade by force, which by unjust force was denied, and have paid themselves largely for all losses sustained by the Insulting or Assaulting of those Monopolians, with gain, with honour: that trade being almost denied to those injurious deniers, their own reputation and traffic now bleeding, which would have cut the throats of all others adventures, of all other adventurers. I neither prophesy, nor exhort unto the like in the West: Our prudent and potent Mother Elizabeth wan renown and wealth in their own harbours and Cities at home, and no less in the remotest of their Lands and Seas. Yea, the South Sea by furthest compass was near to her long and just arms, and their Cacaplata and Saint Anne, with other their richest Ships and Ports were ransacked by English Cacafuegos, and the charges of those wars borne by those enemies which caused them. Nulla salus bello pacem te poscimus omnes. He whose words and works hath ever been Beati pacifici, knows best when and how to exact his and the World's right, in the World, of which God hath granted a Monopoly to no man; and (if others can embrace the whole Globe with dispersed habitations) not to suffer his long arm to be shortened, and the strong arms of his to be pinioned, and forced to accept of a bounded and limited commerce in a little corner at others pleasure. Once, in just and even peace, Virginia stands fit to become England's Factor in America; if war should happen, both it and Bermuda are fit Sentinels and Scouts, yea fit Searchers and Customers, fit Watchtowers and Arsenals to maintain right against all wrong-doers. And for the South Sea, if a passage be found near unto Uirginia, as Master Dermer was confident upon relations (as he writ to me) of a thousand witnesses, we then see Uirginias' lap open, yielding her Ports and Harbours for the Eastern treasures to be the nearest way conveied by the West. Yea if it be more remote, as Chacke and Fuca relate, yet hath Virginia an useful neighbourhood both for sick men, weatherbeaten Ships, and provisions exhaust in long Voyages, to make them fitter for return. And if such passage were not at all, yet the Mountains of Virginia cannot but send Rivers to that Sea; so that as the wealth of Peru is brought to Panama, and thence by Land conveyed to the Ports of this Sea, so may the wealth of the South Sea, and the Regions of the West of America be that way passed to English hands. The like may be said of the Lands of Solomon, the South unknown Continent, which aftertimes may discover (probably as rich as the rest) that I mention not the known Regions of the East already traded. And although the passage be not yet perfectly known, yet may the seasons and fittest opportunities and provisions for that discovery be most easy from Uirginia: and there, if crossed with storms or other diasters, they may find securest refuge and refreshing. And if (which God avert) we may not have the wares of peace, yet the peace of wars (that is, a fit rendezvous and retiring place, where to cheer and hearten, to repair and supply upon all occasions) is there offered, by the advantages of both Seas. For in both, that vast body must needs be of slow motion, where the limbs are so disjointed, and one member unfit to help another by remoteness. And if it should but force the adversary to maintain Garrisons in his Ports on both sides, to secure them from invasion, and a double Navy of War in both Seas, the one to secure the Coasts, the other to secure his Ships in the South Sea passing from the Philippinas, or from one Port to another; and in the North Sea to wafte his Treasures and Merchandise into Europe, the wings of that Eagle would be so pulled with such costs, that he could not easily make invasive flight upon his neighbours in these parts; vea, both those and these Dominions would be exposed to the easier invasions of others. Tam Marte, quam Mercurio, in Peace and War, so useful may Uirginia and Bermuda be to this Kingdom. Now if any say Medice cura teipsum, and allege that they themselves are not able to stand against an enemy: I answer, first, for Bermuda, or Summer Lands, that little body is all heart, and hath the strentgh of Nature and Art conspiring her impregnableness. For the Rocks every way have so fortified the situation, that she would laugh at an Armada, at a World of Ships; where the strait passage admits not two Ships abreast to enter, and hath ten Forts with Ordnance to entertain them. She fears no ravishment, and as little needs she famishment, so that unless God for our sins, or the Devil by the worst of sins, treason, and the worst of his Sons, some judas, expose her to the Enemy, she can know no other love or Lord but English. And for Virginia against the Savages greatest fright, Captain Smith maintained himself without loss, with gain with thirty eight men: against others she hath so fit places for fortification; so fit means and materials to secure her, as eye-witnesses report, that the worst of enemies to be feared is English backwardness or frowardness, like sampson's Foxes either drawing back, or having fire at their tongues ends. Now if Queen Elizabeth of glorious memory, were able from England only to annoy her enemies, so great and potent, so much and far: what may we in God's name hope of a New England, New found Land, Bermuda and Uirginia already planted with English? When upon news of the fall of that great Northern Star, the Duke of Braganzas brother, spoke of her as the Jesuits had slandered; hold your peace brother, said the Duke himself (one * M. Thomas Turner an English Merchant living then in Portugal in name of an Almain. than present related this to me) had it not been for her Religion (for which we most honour her, for which God did most bless her) she might justly have been ranked with the ancients Romans: England is a small thing, as the Map showeth, to Spain, and yet we durst not look out of doors for her and hers. Thus worthily that worthy man, of the Worthy of women in her time. Great and glorious Elizabeth! how didst thou contemn the Iberian threats? How didst thou invert, divert, subvert their attempts? How victoriously didst thou evade their invinoible Invasion? how Q Elizabeth's praises. didst thou invade the Invaders, at their gates, in their ports? how didst thou meet them in the Atlantic, pursue them to the South, to the Indian Seas, and round about the World? How did the sky, winds, waves serve to a higher providence in thy deliveries, in thy triumphs? how often were the prodigious Carrikes of the East, and prodigal Vessels of the West, either stayed at home for fear, or driven to fort-covert by the way, or costly wafted on their way, or burned in the way, or sunk out of the way, or carried quite a way to visit the English shores, and adorn● the Trophies of great and glorious Elizabeth? Rouse up your brave spirits English hearts in loyal subjection to your Royal Sovereign: be ready to offer right, fear not to suffer wrong: seek the good, and see the goods which Virginia offers. Here could I wilder myself in thickets of arguments, and could Muster more motives and more necessarily concluding for Virginia's advancement, if that which we desire not be enforced on us, than I have already numbered in plantation and commerce: Yea almost all those former arguments are pressed of necessity, or offer their service voluntarily, some more, others no less serviceable that way, then to public peace and traffic, which also are securest when they need not fear a War. The honour of Religion defended by the Defender of the Faith; of our Nation, King, Kingdom; the Materials of Ships, Mariners, Arms, Victuals; Fishing, Merchandise, and Prize subseruient to each Voyage, that one may supply if the other fail; in crossed Voyages, a convenient receptacle for refreshing; fit place of stay in not fitting and unseasonable seasons: a safe repository for spoils gotten in expectation of greater purchase: a redress to weatherbeaten and storme-distressed Ships: a refuge to such as the enemy hath battered and endangered: an Hospital for sick, wounded, and presently unserviceable Mariners and Soldiers: a storehouse to repair Timbers, Tackling, and other provisions to Ships and Men: a fit mean (in supplying us from thence with necessaries) to keep those moneys in our own hands, whereby we are destitute of the principal sinews of war, yea perhaps the enemy armed against us: a school and training place for our youth to endure labour and hardship, and to prepare them like the jews in Nehemiahs' time, to use the Sword with one hand, and instruments of labour in the other: an exercise to breed Men for longer Voyages: a backedoore to break out suddenly on the enemy: an ambushment, whiles Ships from hence & thence shall at once be expected, and he w●ich flees the one shall fall into the other: a redoubling of our forces when they meet: a safe harbour in Bermuda or in Virginia for a hundred sails, or many more, to await all opportunities: a place likely to yield to men of merit entertainment and reward: a place yielding opportunity by trade there to weaken our possible or probable enemies, to whom now we seek for trade, and consequently to weaken them by the want of our Commodities, and to add a double strength to ourselves: a place commodious to prevent war by diverting it, to divert it by preventing: to subvert the enemy's Plantations by sudden assaults, or force them to costly Garrisons: to evert their Merchandising by trade suspended, surprised, or defended with chargeable waftage: to interuert their intelligence and profits: to invert the hearts of Malcontents, and those hands which fear now curbeth and bridleth: to convert to our parts those which maintain a fugitive and wild enmity with them: to avert the profits of their Mines by other employments: and in a word, to make that use of others against them, which their examples have taught us in acquiring the great Empires of Mexico and Peru, with other parts of America, which without the help of Indians against Indians, banding themselves with a contrary faction, such handfuls had never been able to have effected: What shall I say more? If others impotence and importunities force a War, Uirginia and Summer Lands seem to this English body as two American hands, ears, feet; two eyes for defence: two Keys (as before is said) for offence: two Arms to get, encompass, embrace: two Fists to strike: the Sword and Dagger; Ship and Pinnace; Castle and Rampire, Canon & Musket, Arsenal and Peer, and whatsoever God shall please to give to humane industry, who gives all things of free grace, but to such to whom he hath given grace freely to seek them; and is always a facile and easy giver, but to them only which love not their ease and idle pleasure. And although I am no Secretary of God's Counsel for the Indies, yet event hath revealed thus much of his will, that no other Christian Nation hath yet gotten and maintained possession in those parts, but the English: to whom therefore we may gather their decreed serviceableness in Peace, advantagiousnesse in War, and opportunity for both, to be both Magazine and Bulwark, and ready even by natural situation to sit on the skirts of whatsoever enemies, which pass from America to Europe. Three Spanish witnesses, Acosta, Ouiedo, and Herrera, have related this, in describing the course Acosta. l. 3. c. 4. 5. 6. 7. Ouiedo Summary & Gen. hist. l. 2. Hereras. Descri. of Ind. 〈◊〉. 2. 3. of that Navigation; yea, all experience, the Heavens also and Elements subscribe to it. For such is the statute of the winds, which all Shipping in that Sea must obey: they must go one way and return another. To the Indies the course from Europe is by the Canaries, and thence entering the Tropic, they meet with the Brise's, which are perpetual Eastern winds, or I know not what impetuosity by the motion of the heavens breathed into the lower air betwixt the Tropikes, and pressing all vapours and exhalations unto that service in one or other point Easterly: which force the Ships to return nearer the American coast there to seek as it were some alloy of The brises and course of Navigation. that impetuous motion (even as you see Watermens in the Thames rowing against the tide, to covet near the shore where the tide is weakest) and thence passing the Tropic to seek Westerly winds, which from twenty seven to thirty seven do there usually remain, as we see in Eddies caused by stronger motions. Thus the Spanish Ships on the South Sea make one way from Eddy winds. Acapulco to the Philippinas, which is the Tropic; and another without in the height of japan, to return. And thus in the Atlantic the Ships from their several ports come to the Havana in Cuba, and thence must take their course near to Uirginia and Summer Lands, to find the Azores: in which way, from thence it is easy for English Ships (not far from their own home or Ports) to disperse themselves in expectation of a surprisal. The want of such helps in Queen Elizabeth's glorious times, enforced our men of War still to await both for the Indian Carracks, and all American Ships, hover about the Azores Lands Disadvantage to our Ships of war by want of some such Plantation as this is and may be: whence ma ny Voyages were frustrated in part or wholly. subject to the Spanish Crown, where they neither had harbour in storms, nor could in any wants refresh themselves with water, victuals, or other provisions but by force; where a greater and stronger Armada of the enemy waited to wafte home their Ships returning; where it often happened that the Ships could not so soon be descried, but they got either into some Port, and under some Fort which secured them; or else there ran themselves aground, and saving what they could with their persons, fired the rest, so to sacrifice it to Neptune or Vulcan, rather than permit it to English hands. Neither had the English any near Port where to supply themselves in any distress, or exhaustion of provisions, but must necessarily return home for England, if not (as sometimes) perishing in the way, with little or perhaps no prize attained. Likewise in long Voyages, as to the East Indies, and to the South Sea, having no harbour to friend, every disease proved mortal to their Voyage, and forced at lest a return, that is, a miscarrying of the design, if not of themselves: whereas, such a refuge as Virginia and Summer Lands might either have recovered the Voyage intended, or refreshed and enabled them to make as good a purchase upon the enemy, making him to pay their charges, perhaps with more gain than the first intents could have produced. S. Seb. Sabot. Examples will make this more evident. And first to begin with the first of our great Discoverers; Sir Sebast jan Cabot, and Sir Thomas Anno 1517. Ouiedo. Gen. hist. l. 19 c. 13. Pert, were set forth by King Henry the eight (as before is mentioned) in a Voyage of American Discovery, a Ship of which Fleet coming from the coast of Brasil to Domingo (Ouiedo mentions it in the Spanish stile, branding them with Piracy, yet layeth nothing to their charge but discovery and offer of trade, paying with Pewter dishes for what they took) was thence repelled Anno 1517. and obtained some provisions at Saint john, from whence in their return to England, Ouiedo thinks they perished: at least the Voyage miscarried, as appeareth by Master Thornes and Master Eden's testimony thereof, for want of provisions. The like happened to Master Master Hore. 1536. Sir Io. Hawkins. 1564. 1567. Hores Voyage, described in Master Hakluit Anno 1536. when want of victuals made them eat one another, and at last to steal a French Ship, in which they returned. Anno 1564. Sir john Hawkins having made a profitable Voyage by sale of Negroes on the coast Towns of America, was driven to seek relief of the French (then planted in Florida, rooted thence not long after by Spanish butchery) And in another Voyage 1567. incurred by perfidious treachery of the Spaniards, a most lamentable disaster. He then sailed in the jesus of Lubeck, having to his consorts, the Minion, the William and john, the judith, the Angel and the Swallow. Having gotten Negroes in Guinnee and made his market in the Spanish Indies, he put in for relief at Saint john de Vlhua. Whiles his Fleet was there, the Spanish Fleet came thither with their new Viceroy, which he could easily have kept out of the harbour; but there being then no Wars betwixt England and Spain, certain Articles were concluded betwixt them; from which the Spanish perfidy. Viceroy perfidiously resulting, with close treachery (contrary to his faith plighted) assaulted the English with a strong power on the sudden: the issue whereof was the firing, drowning, taking many of the English, whom they put also to execrable tortures. Only the Minion and judith of that whole Fleet escaped, if it be an escaping to avoid Scylla and rush on Charybdis. For they were so shaken in fight first, after with storms, lastly and worst of all, with famine, that they were forced to expose a hundred and fourteen men to the mercy of cruel elements, crueler Savages, cruelest Spaniards, who exercised in the Inquisition with bondage, racks, whips, fires, Spanish cruelty famishments, & plurima mortis imago, what the other had spared; so that of a hundred and fourteen not above the odd four, and those four after Odysseys of wanderings, and Iliads of miseries returned home from the four corners of the World. Had Sir john Hawkins had a Uirginian opportunity of refreshing, the first danger should not have needed, and the last had not proved worse than the first: that exposing being not far from the Uirginian shore, and the current fitting to carry him thither. Sir Francis Drake was then Captain of the judith, and repaied that courtesy to the Spaniards after, who to show the fesibility of such refreshing Anno 1585. having sacked Saint jago, Domingo, Carthagena, and Saint Augustine, returned by Uirginia to relieve the Colony there planted by Sir W. Raleigh. Anno 1591. Captain George Raymund in the Penelope, Captain Foxcroft in the Merchant Cap. Lancaster. 1591. Royal, and Captain Lancaster in the Edward Bonaduenture, set forth a Voyage intended for the East Indies. Their Company were so weakened with sickness, that the Vice-admiral was sent back from Soldanha with sick men. The Admiral was lost, the Rereadmirall returned, and for want of provisions put over from Saint Helena to Trinidad, in hope of relief. Yet being there disappointed, they intended to get to Newfoundland, but being crossed with storms in the way, and forced back to Port Ricco, the Ship was driven away and lost not far from Mona, whiles the famished Company were seeking refreshing (which how easily had a Bermuda or Virginia supplied, had an English plantation flourished there?) Sir james Lancaster and the rest being forced to return after much misery, in French Ships for France, and thence home. Anno 1596. the Bear, the Bear's Whelp, and the Benjamin, were set forth for China under the Cap. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1596. Sant●s of 〈◊〉 Orient●. 〈◊〉. command of Captain Benjamin wood. Friar joaon does Santos mentions both the two former of Raymund and Lancaster, and two also of these seen on the coast of Mozambique. Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola in his Book, printed at Madrid 1609: hath published the Letter of the Chinese Visitor of Chincheo, in which he writeth to Don Pedro de Acnnaa, Governor of the Philippinas, that the King of China had done two Sangleys to death, for showing the haven to these two English Ships: and Acunna rescribes that the English were Pirates, etc. after the Spanish wont. These Ships were unheard of in England, until a Letter of Alcazar de Villa sennor, Auditor of Domingo, writ to the King his Master, being by an English Ship intercepted, gave intelligence of one of those two Ships which distressed for want of necessaries, by mortality, had four men only left alive in her, which seeking relief, put themselves into their Boat, and coming on shore in the Island Vtias, not far from Domingo, with jewels and great riches, confessed that they had taken three Portugal prizes. The Spaniards at first received them on good conditions, but some villains seeing their wealth, murdered them, for which this Auditor had sentenced Roderigo de Fuentes, with others, as his Letter to the King of Spain importeth. Now had there then been a Virginian or Bermudan Plantation, how easily might they have attained thither (the Boat at least) and escaped that butchery? I could hither add instructions from the English Indian Ships 1604. and 1608. from Captain Fenton 1582. from the Earl of Cumberlands Voyages before related, in the years 86. 89. 91. 93. 96. 97. and from Master Candish, Master Davis', and others. But we have made too long a Virginian Voyage, having no better freight than Arguments, which the Times do now promise, if not worthy wise men's approbation, yet good men's indulgence; where in a weak body, and manifold weighty employments, the willingness of a heart truly English, sincerely Christian, may seem tolerable, if not commendable; pardonable if not East Indie society. plausible. Another labour remains to set down rules and projects of best fecibility and accomplishing this noble work, but I am only a Freeman, no Counsellor of that Plantation, and have neither Lands there, nor other adventure therein, but this of my love and credit, which with the allegiance to my Sovereign, and desire of the public good of this Kingdom, is more to me then all the treasures of America. I seek the good and not the goods of England and Virginia. I follow the hand of God, which have given England so many rights in Virginia, right natural, right national, right by first discovery, by accepted trade, by possession surrendered voluntarily, continued constantly, right by gift, by birth, by bargain and sale, by session, by forfeiture in that late damnable treachery and massacre, and the fatal possession taken by so many murdered English. God's bounty before, his justice now hath given us Virginia, that we should so in judgement remember mercy, as to give Virginia again to God, in Christian acknowledgement of his goodness and The Conclusion. mercy, of his word and works, and in our own more serious conversion to prepare that of Virginia. God goeth before us in making this design honourable to Religion, to Humanity, to our Ancestors, to our King, to our Kingdom. God goeth before us, and hath given Virginia so rich a portion, to allure and assure our loves; in multiplying our people, and thereby our necessities enforcing a vent: in endowing Virginia with so large a jointure, so temperate, so commodious for the climate compared with other Countries, beyond other Countries in her own diversified Lands, Seas, Rivers; in so fertile a soil, in so strong, sweet, stately, delicate Woods and Timbers, in her natural hopes of Wines, of Silks, of the bodies of Natives servile and serviceable: in Drugs, Brief recapitulation of the most remarkable premises. Irons, and probability also of other Mines; in all materials for Shipping, and other buildings: God goeth before us in offering that mean to save that which we seek and spend in other (perhaps enemies) Countries; to breed up Mariners, to train up Soldiers, to exercise labourers, by transportation of English and European creatures to plant another England in America, enriched with the best things of Europe; to give us Fish, Tobacco, and other present improvements as earnest of future better hopes; and that in these times, which have so manifold necessities thereof, in regard of moneys, men, and trades decayed, in regard of neighbour plantations, in the probabilities of a South-Sea glory, and in the case of obtruded war, obtruding on us absolute necessity, and including and concluding every way so manifold use. God the Father, Son and holy Ghost, which go before us in these things, if not in miraculous fire and cloudy pillars, (as when Israel went to Canaan) yet in the light of reason, and right consequence of arguments; come into us and fillus with the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and of fortitude, the Ex. 13. spirit of knowledge, and the fear of the Lord (I may add the spirit of unity and counsel) that he may vouchsafe to go with us, and we with him, and after him to Uirginia, Amen, O Amen. Be thou Es. 11. the Alpha and Omega of England's Plantation in Virginia O GOD. The end of the ninth Book. ENGLISH DISCOVERIES AND PLANTATIONS IN NEW ENGLAND AND NEWFOUNDLAND; WITH THE PATENT AND VOYAGES TO NEW-SCOTLAND: Relations also of the Fleets set forth by Queen Elizabeth against the Spaniards. THE TENTH BOOK. CHAP. I. A brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New-England: and of sundry Accidents therein occurring, from the year of our Lord 1607. to this present 1622. Published by the Precedent and Council, and dedicated to the Prince's Highness here abbreviated. WHen this Design was first attempted, some of the present Company were therein chiefly interessed; who being careful to have the same accomplished, did send to the discovery of those Northern parts a brave Gentleman, Cap. Henry Challons, with two of the Natives of that Territory, the one called Maneday, the other Assecomet. But his misfortunes did expose him to the power of certain strangers, enemies to his proceedings, so that by them, his Company were seized, the ships and goods confiscated, and that Voyage wholly overthrown. This loss, and unfortunate beginning, did much abate 1. Ca chalon 2. Cap. Hanam sent by Lord Chief justice Popham. the rising courage of the first Adventurers; but immediately upon his departure, it pleased the Noble Lord Chief justice, Sir john Popham Knight, to send out another ship, wherein Captain Thomas Hanam went Commander, and Martin Prinne of Bristol Master, with all necessary supplies, for the seconding of Captain Challons and his people; who arriving at the place appointed, and not finding that Captain there, after they had made some Discovery, and found the Coasts Havens, and Harbours answerable to our desires, they returned. Upon whose Relation the Lord Chief justice, and we all waxed so confident of the business, that the year following every man of any worth, formerly interessed in it, was willing to join in the charge for the sending over a competent number of people to lay the ground of a hopeful Plantation. Hereupon Captain Popham, Captain Rawley Gilbert, and others were sent away with two 3. Cap. Popham & Cap. Gilbert. ships, and an hundred Landmen, Ordnance, and other provisions necessary for their sustentation and defence; until other supply might be sent. In the meanwhile, before they could return, it pleased God to take us from this worthy member, the Lord Chief justice, whose sudden death did so astonish the hearts of the most part of the Adventurers, as some grew cold, and some Sir john Pophams' death. did wholly abandon the business. Yet Sir Francis Popham his Son, certain of his private friends, and other of us, omitted not the next year (holding on our first resolution) to join in sending forth a new supply, which was accordingly performed. But the ships arriving there, did not only bring uncomfortable news of the death of the Lord Chief justice, together with the death of Sir john Gilbert, the elder Brother unto Captain Rawley Gilbert, who at that time was Precedent of that Council: But found that the old Captain Popham was also dead; who was the only man (indeed) that died there that Winter, Captain Pophams' death. wherein they endured the greater extremities; for that, in the depth thereof, their Lodgings and stores were burnt, and they thereby wondrously distressed. This calamity and evil news, together with the resolution that Captain Gilbert was forced to take for his own return (in tha● he was to succeed his Brother, in the Inheritance of his Lands in England) made the whole Company to resolve upon nothing but their return with the ships; and for that present to leave that Country again, having in the time of their abode Death of the Plantation. there (notwithstanding the coldness of the season, and the small help they had) built a pretty Bark of their own, which served them to good purpose, as easing them in their returning. The arrival of these people here in England, was a wonderful discouragement to all the first undertakers, in so much as there was no more speech of settling any other Plantation in those parts for a long time after: only Sir Francis Popham having the ships and provision, which remained Sir Fr. Popham. of th' Company, and supplying what was necessary for his purpose, sent diverse times to the Coasts for Trade and fishing; of whose loss or gains himself is best able to give account. Our people abandoning the Plantation in this sort as you have heard; the Frenchmen immediately Frenchmen plant there. took the opportunity to settle themselves within our limits; which being heard of by those of Virginia, that discreetly took to their consideration the inconveniences that might arise, by suffering them to harbour there, they dispatched Sir Samuel Argall, with Commission to Sir Sa. Argall. displace them, which he performed with much discretion, judgement, valour, and dexterity. For having seized their Forts, which they had built at Mount Mansell, Saint Croix, and Port Real, he carried away their Ordnance; he also surprised their Ship, Cattle, and other Provisions, which he transported to the Colony in Virginia, to their great benefit. And hereby he hath made a way for the present hopeful Plantation to be made in Nova Scotia, which we hear Nova Scotia. his Majesty hath lately granted to Sir William Alexander Knight, one of his Majesty's most Honourable Council of the Kingdom of Scotland, to be held of the said Crown, and that not without some of our privities, as by approbation under writing may and doth appear. Whereby it is manifest that we are so far from making a Monopoly of all those Lands belonging to that Coast (as hath been scandalously by some objected) That we wish that many would undertake the like. In this Interim there were of us who apprehended better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt, being thereunto persuaded, both by the Relations of our people that had endured the many difficulties whereunto such actions are subjected, chiefly in the Winter Season; and likewise by the informations given them by certain of the Natives, that had been kept a long time in their hands; wherefore we resolved once more to try the verity thereof, and to see if possibly we might find some thing that might induce a fresh resolution to prosecute a Work so pious and so honourable. And thereupon they dispatched Captain Hobson, of the I'll of Wight, together with Captain Herley, Master john Matthew, Master Sturton, with two Savages, the one Cap. Hobson employed with Cap. Herley, etc. 1611. called Epenow, the other Manawet, with Commission and directions fit for them to observe and follow, the better to bring to pass what was expected. But as in all humane affairs, there is nothing more certain, than the uncertainty thereof; so fell it out in this; for a little before such time as they arrived upon the Coast with the foresaid Savages, who were Naturals of those parts, it happened there had been one Hunt (a worthless fellow of our Nation, set out by certain Hunt's Savage hunting of Savages. Merchants for love of gain, who, not content with the commodity he had by the fish, and peaceable Trade he found among the Savages, after he had made his dispatch, and was ready to set sail more Savage-like than they) seized upon the poor innocent creatures, that in confidence of his honesty had put themselves into his hands. And stowing them under Hatches, to the number of twenty four, carried them into the Straits, where he sought to sell them for slaves, and sold as many as he could get money for. But when it was understood from whence they were brought, Friar's charity. the Friars of those parts took the rest from them, and kept them to be instructed in the Christian Faith; and so disappointed this unworthy fellow of the hopes of gain he conceived to make by this new and Devilish project. This being known by our two Savages, formerly spoken of, they presently contracted such an hatred against our whole Nation, as they immediately studied how to be revenged; and contrived Wicked effects of wickedness. with their friends the best means to bring it to pass; but Manawet dying in a short time after the ships arrival there, and the other observing the good order, and strong guard our people kept, studied only how to free himself out of our hands, and thereupon laid the plot very orderly, and indeed effected his purpose, although with so great hazard to himself and friends, that laboured his rescue, that Captain Hobson and his whole Company imagined he had been slain. And though in the recovery of his body they wounded the Master of our ship, and diverse other of our Company, yet was not their Design without the slaughter of some of their people, and the hurts of other, compassed, as appeared afterward. Hereupon Captain Hobson and his Company, conceiving the end of their attempt to be frustrate, resolved without more ado to return, and so those hopes, that charge and Voyage was lost also, for they brought home nothing but the news of their evil success of the unfortunate cause thereof, and of a War now new begun between the Inhabitants of those parts, and us. A miserable comfort for so weak means as were now left, to pursue the conclusion of so tedious, an Enterprise. While this was a working, we found the means to send out Captain john Smith from Plymouth, Cap. I. Smith in a ship, together with Master Dermer, and diverse others with him, to lay the foundation of a new Plantation, and to try the fishing of that Coast, and to seek to settle a Trade with the Natives: But such was his misfortune, as being scarce free of our own Coast, he had his Masts shaken overboard by storms and tempests, his ship wonderfully distressed, and in that extremity forced to come back again; so as the season of the year being almost spent, we were of necessity enforced to furnish him with another ship, and taking out the provision of the first, dispatched him away again, who coming to the height of the Western Lands, was chased by a French Pirate, and by him made Prisoner, although his ship in the night escaped away, and returned with the loss of much of her provision, and the overthrow of that Voyage, to the ruin of that poor Gentleman Captain Smith, who was detained Prisoner by them, and forced to suffer many extremities, before he got free of his troubles. Notwithstanding these Disasters, it pleased God so to work for our encouragement again, as he sent into our hands Tasquantum, one of those Savages that formerly had been betrayed by this unworthy Hunt before named, by whose means there was hope conceived to work a peace between us, and his friends, they being the principal Inhabitants of that Coast, where the fire was kindled. But this Savage Tasquantum, being at that time in the newfoundland with Captain Mason, Governor there for the undertakers of that Plantation: Master Darmer Cap. Mason Governor in New found land Plantation. (who was there also, and sometimes before employed as we have said by us, together wi●h Captain john Smith) found the means to give us intelligence of him, and his opinion of the good use that might be made of his Employment, with the readiness of Captain Mason, to further any of our Attempts that way, either with Boats or other provision necessary, and resolving himself to go from thence, advised us to send some to meet with him at our usual place of fishing; to aid him in his endeavour, that they joining together, might be able to do what he hoped would be very acceptable unto all wellwishers of that business. Upon this news, we dispatched the next season Cap. Rocraft, with a company for that purpose, in hope Cap. Rocraft. to have met with Captain Darmer; but the care and discretion of Cap. Mason was such, finding Captain Darmers' resolution to go beyond his means, that he persuaded him first to go for England, that providing himself there, as was requisite, he might proceed in time expedient, which counsel he observed (as fit it was) although our expectation of his joining with Captain Rocraft was thereby disappointed. Yet so it happened, that Captain Rocraft at his arrival in those parts, met with a French Bark that lay in a Creek a fishing, and trading, which he seized on, and sent home the Master and Company in the same ship which he went out in. French seized. With this Bark and his own Company, he meant to keep the Coast that Winter quarter, being very well fitted both with Salt, and other necessaries for his turn: but as this was an Act of extremity (the poor man being of our own Religion) so succeeded it accordingly. For in a short time after, certain of this Captains Company, conspired together to cut his throat, and to make themselves Masters of the whole spoil, and so to seek a new Fortune where they could best make it. This Conspiracy being discovered to the Captain, he let it go on, till the Conspiracy. time that it should have been put in execution, when he caught them in their own train, and so apprehended them in the very instant that they were purposed to begin their Massacre. But after he had prevented the mischief, and seized upon the Malefactois, he took to his consideration what was best to be done with them. And being loath by himself to dispatch them as they deserved, he resolved to put them a shore, thinking by their hazard, that it was possible they might discover something, that might advance the public; and so giving them some Arms for their defence, and some victual for their sustentation, Conspirators ●●ft Sawaguatock Menehighon. until they knew better how to provide for themselves, he left them a place called Sawaguatock, where they remained not long, but got from thence to Menehighon, an Island lying some three leagues in the Sea, and fifteen leagues from that place, where they remained all that Winter, with bad lodging, and worse fare, yet came all safe home save one sickly man, which died there, the rest returned with the Ship we sent for Rocrafts supply and provision, to make a Fishing Voyage. After these fellows were landed, the Captain finding himself but weakly man'd, and his Ship to draw too much water to Coast those places, that by his instructions he was assigned to discover, he resolved to go for Virginia, where he had lived a long time before, and had (as he conceived) many friends, that would help him with some things that he had occasion to use. Arriving there, he was not deceived of his expectation; for Sir Samuel Argall being their Governor, and one that respected him much for his own sake was the readier to help him, in regard of the good he wished to the business wherein he was employed. But all this could not prevail, for after that Sir Samuel Argall came from thence (his departure, being more sudden than was expected) it fell out that the new Governor entered the Harbour: and finding Rocraft ready to be gone, sent to him to command him to come aboard to speak with him, which he readily obeyed, as soon as he could fit his boat and men for that purpose. And so leaving his Bark with her great Anchor at head, and taking with him the half of his company, he was forced to stay aboard the new Governor's Ship that night. In the mean while a storm arising, our Bark wanting hands to do their labour, drove a shore, and there sunk. But yet the Governor and Captain so laboured the next day, when they knew thereof, Bark sunk. as that they freed her again, but that occasion forced our Captain to stay so long in the Country to fit himself a new, as in the interim a quarrel fell out between him and another of that place; so as Rocraft was slain, and the Bark sunk the second time, and finally disabled from Rocraft●●aine ●●aine. yielding us any benefit to this present. But we not knowing this disaster, and Captain Darmer arriving with his Savage out of Newfound Cap. Darmers' voyage. land, dispatched him away the next season, in a Ship we sentagaine for the fishing business, and assigned him a company to join with Rocraft and his people. Captain Darmer arriving there, and not finding Rocraft, was a little perplexed, and in doubt what to do: yet hearing by those Mutineers which he found there, that he was gone for Virginia; he was hopeful of his return; and lived in that expectation, till such time as he heard (by a Ship that came from thence to fish for the Colony) the confusion of his fortune, and the end of his masery in this world. Then he determined to take the Pinnace, that the year before was assigned to Rocraft, for him to make the Trade with, and with her to proceed on his design, and so embarked himself and his provision and company in her. And leaving the Fishermen to their labour, he coasted the shore from thence, searching every Harbour, and compassing every Cape-land, till he arrived in Uirginia; where he was in hope to meet with some of the provision, or company of Rocraft, to help to supply him of what he wanted; as also to lay a Deck upon his Pinnace, that before had not Necessi ie of a Deck in Pinnaces of discovery. any, and now was taught by experience the necessity of having that defect supplied. But those hopes failed him (all being before that time ruined and dispersed) so far, as he saw it in vain to hope for help by that means, and therefore attempted to make the best of what he had of his own. And going to set his men a work, they all in few days after their arrival, fell sick of a disease which happened at that time in the Country, so as now he was not only forced to be without hope of their helping of him, but must labour himself all he could to attend and sustain them; but so God favoured him, that they recovered, and in time convenient he dispatched his business there, and put himself to Sea again, resolving to accomplish in his journey back to New-England, what in his last Discovery he had omitted. In his passage he met with certain Hollanders, who had a trade in Hudsons' River some years before that time, with whom Hollanders in Hudsons' River. he had conference about the state of that coast, and their proceedings with those people: whose answer gave him good content. He betook himself to the following of his business, discovering Darmers' discoveries. many goodly Rivers, and exceeding pleasant and fruitful Coasts and Lands, for the space of eighty leagues from East to West, for so that Coast doth range along, from Hudsons' River to Cape James. Now after we had found by Captain Rocrafts' relation made the year before, the hopes he conceived of the benefits that Coast would afford, towards the upholding of the charge for settling our Plantation, by reason of the commodities arising by Fishing and Furs, if a course might be taken for the managing of that business, as was fit for such a design; as well as for the advancement of the public good of our whole Nation, and satisfaction of every well disposed person that had a will to be interressed therein. It was held to be most convenient to strengthen our New Patent thought on. selves by a new Grant to be obtained from his Royal Majesty: the rather, finding that those of Uirginia had by two several Patents settled their bounds, and excluded all from intermeddling with them that were not free of their Company; and had wholly altered the form of their Government, from the first ground laid for the managing the affairs of both Colonies, leaving us as desperate, and our business as abandoned. These considerations (as is said) together with the necessity of settling our affairs, bounds and limits, dictinct from theirs, made us resolve to petition his Majesty for the renewing of our Grant. By which time the rumour of our hopes was so publicly spread abroad, and the commodities of the Fish and Trade so looked into, as it was desired that all that Coast might be made free, as well to those of Virginia, as to us to make their commodity: How just or unjust that motion was, we will not argue, seeing the business is ended. By this means our proceedings were interrupted, and we questioned about it; first, by the Counsel of Virginia, whom we thought to have been fully satisfied therein, before we could have way given us for a new Patent, both parties having been heard by certain of the Lords of the Council; and the business by them so ordered, as we were directed to proceed and to have our Grant agreeable to the liberty of the Virginia Company, the frame of our government excepted; but this order not being liked of, it was again heard and concluded. Lastly, the Patent being past the Seal, it was stopped upon new suggestions to the King, and by his Majesty referred to the Council to be settled, by whom the former Orders were confirmed, the difference cleared, and we ordered to have our Patent delivered us. These disputes held us almost two years, so as all men were afraid to join with us, and we thereby left hopeless of any thing more, than that which our own fortunes would yield to advance our proceedings, in which time so many accidents happened unto us at home and abroad, that we were ●aine to give order by the Ships we sent a fishing, for the retiring of Master Darmer and his people, until all things were cleared, and we better provided of means to go through with our design: But this worthy Gentleman confident of the good likely to ensue, and resolutely resolving to pursue the ends he aimed at, could not be persuaded to look back, as yet; and so refusing to accept our offer, began again to prosecute his Discovery, wherein he was betrayed Dermer betrayed by Savages. See sup. his own letter to me. His death. by certain new Savages, who suddenly set upon him, giving him fourteen or fifteen wounds; but by his valour and dexterity of spirit he freed himself out of their hands, yet was constrained to retire into Virginia again the second time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell sick of the infirmities of that place, and thereof died: so ended this worthy Gentleman his days, after he had remained in the discovery of that Coast two years, giving us good content in all he undertook; and after he had made the peace between us and the Savages, that so much abhorred our Nation for the wrongs done them by others, as you have heard: but the fruit of his labour in that behalf we as yet receive to our great commodity, who have a peaceable Plantation Peaceable Plantation by his means. at this present among them, where our people both prosper and live in good liking, and assuredness of their neighbours, that had been formerly so much exasperated against us, as will more at large appear hereafter. But having passed all these storms abroad, and undergone so many homebred oppositions, and Patentrenewed. freed our Patent, which we were by order of State assigned to renew, for the amendment of some defects therein contained, we were assured of this ground more boldly to proceed on than before; and therefore we took first to consideration, how to raise the means to advance the Plantation. In the examination thereof, two ways did first offer themselves: The one was the voluntary contribution of the Patentees; The other, by an easy ransoming of the freedoms of those that had a will to partake only of the present profits arising by the Trade and Fishing upon the Coast. The first was to proceed from those Noblemen, and others that were Patentees, and they agreed by order among themselves to disburse a hundred pounds a piece, for the advancement of such necessary business as they had in hand. The second was to be accomplished by settling such liberties and orders in the Western Cities and Towns, as might induce every reasonable man, in, and about them, affecting the public good, or a regular proceeding in the business of Trade, to embrace an uniformity, and to join a community or joint stock together, etc. But this Country, what by the general and particular situation is so temperate, as it seemeth to hold the golden means, and indeed is most agreeable to the nature of our own, which is Temperate Climate. made manifest by experience, the most infallible proof of all assertions; insomuch as our people that are settled, enjoy their life and health much more happily then in other places; which can be imputed to no other cause, then to the temperature of the Climate. Now as the Clime is found to be so temperate, so delicate and healthful, both by reason and experience; such is the soil also, Fertile Soil. some parts thereof yielding wonderful increase, both of Corn, the Natives have most use of; as also of our own, of all sorts: with infinite variety of nourishing Roots, and other Herbs and Fruits common among them, but rare with us. Besides, the Coast doth abound with most convenient Commodious Coast. Havens and Harbours, full of singular Lands fit for Plantation; replenished with Plants and Wood of all sorts; as Oak, Cedars, Spruce, Fir, Pyne, Walnut, Chestnut, Elm, Sassafras, Plum-trees, and Calamus Aromaticus, etc. The people are tractable (if they be not abused) to commerce and Trade withal, and as yet have good respect of us. The Seas are stored with all kinds of excellent Fish, and in many places upon the Coast, fit to make Salt in. The Country aboundeth with diversity of wild Fowl, as Fowl. Turkeys, Partridges, Swans, Cranes, wild Geese of all sorts, wild Ducks of three sorts, many Doves, especially when Strawberries are ripe. There are several sorts of Dear in those parts, and some that bring forth two, three, and four young at once, which is a manifest proof of the fertility of the Soil, or temper of the Clime, or both together. There is also a certain Beast, that the Natives call a Moss, he is as big bodied Dear. The Moss a strange Beast described. as an Ox, headed like a fallow Deer, with a broad Palm, which he mues every year, as doth the Deer, and neck like a Red Deer, with a short Mane running down along the Ranes of his back, his hair long like an El●e, but esteemed to be better than that for Saddler's use, he hath likewise a great bunch hanging down under his throat, and is of the colour of our blacker sort of fallow Deer, his legs are long, and his feet as big as the feet of our Oxen, his tail is longer than the Single of a Deer, and reacheth almost down to his Huxens, his skin maketh very good Buff, and his flesh is excellent good food, which the Natives use to jerkin and keep all the year to serve their turn, and so proves very serviceable for their use. There have been many of them seen in a great Island upon the Coast, called by our people Mount Mansell, whither the Savages go at certain seasons to hunt them; the manner whereof is by making of several fires, and setting Mount Mansell the Country with people, to force them into the Sea, to which they are naturally addicted, and then there are others that attend them in their Boats with Bows and weapons of several How they take the Moss or Musse. kinds, wherewith they slay and take at their pleasure. And there is hope that this kind of Beasts may be made serviceable for ordinary labour, with Art and Industry. The known Commodities of that Country are Fish of several sorts, rich Furs, as Beavers, Otters, martin's, black Fox, Sables, etc. There are likewise plenty of Vines, of three kinds, and Commodities. those pleasant to the taste, yet some better than other. There is Hemp, Flax, Silkgrasse, several veins of Ironstone, commodities to make Pitch, Rosen, Tar; Dealeboords of all sorts, Spars, Masts, for Ships of all burdens; in a word, there comes no commodity out of France, Germany, or the Sound, but may be had there with reasonable labour and industry. Further, we have settled at this present several Plantations along the Coast, and have granted Patents to many more that are in preparation to be gone with all conveniency. Those of our Several Plantations along the Coast. people that are there have both health and plenty, so as they acknowledge there is no want of any thing, but of industrious people, to reap the commodities that are there to be had, and they are indeed so much affected to the place, as they are loath to be drawn from thence, although they were directed to return to give satisfaction to those that sent them, but chose rather to perform that office by Letters, together with there excuse for breach of their duty in that behalf. And thus you see there is no labour well employed, but hath his reward at one time or other. These encouragements have emboldened us to proceed to the engaging of ourselves for the building of some Ships of good burden, and extraordinary mould, to lie upon the Coast for the defence of Merchants and Fishermen that are employed there, as also to Waft the Fleets, as they go to and from their Markets: and we purpose from henceforth to build our shipping there, where we find all commodities fit for that service, together with the most opportune places that can be desired. Lastly, finding that we have so far forth prevailed, as to wind ourselves into familiarity with the Natives (which are in no great number) along the Coast, for two hundred Leagues together, we have now dispatched some of our people of purpose, to dive into the bowels of the Continent, there to search and find out what Port, or Place, is most convenient to settle our main Plantation in, where we mean to make the Residency of our State and Government, as also to be assured what other commodities may be raised for the public, and private benefit of those that are dealers in that business, and willing to be interessed in any the Lands there: Whither is gone this year already, for Trade and Fishing only, thirite Saile of the better sort of Ships belonging to the Western parts, besides those who are gone for transportation Thirty sail 1622. of the Planters, or supply of such as are already planted, whose return (as is supposed) will amount (at the least) to thirty thousand pound, the greater part whereof comes home in Bullion. And therefore as touching the third happiness of these parts, which is the Sea, there needeth no other greater commendation, than this benefit of Fishing assured unto us by common Experience; although it affords many other hopes, both in regard of the facility of the Navigation, the boldness of the Coast, the conveniency of Roades, Havens and Harbours, for performance of all manner of employments; yet is there also found Shows of Pearl, Ambergris, great numbers of Whales, and other merchantable means to raise profit to the industrious Inhabitants or diligent Traders. CHAP. II. The Voyage of M. HENRY CHALLONS intended for the North Plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the way, and ill used by Spaniards: written by JOHN STONEMAN Pilot. ON Tuesday the twelfth of August, 1606. M. Henry Challons Gentleman set forth from Plymouth, in our small Ship of the burden of fifty five Tons or thereabout, called the Richard of Plymouth. Wherein went twenty nine Englishmen, and two of the five Savages (whose names were Mannido and Assacomo 〈…〉) which were brought into England the year before out of the North parts of Uirginia, from our goodly River by him thriee discovered, called in the Latitude of 43. derees, 20. minutes were employed for a farther discovery of these Coasts: And if any good occasion were offered, to leave as many men as we could spare in the Country. Being victualled for eleven or twelve months, at the charges of the Honourable Sir john Popham Knight, Lord chief justice of England, Sir Ferdinando George's Knight, Captain of the Fort of Plymouth, together with diverse other worshipful Knights, Gentlemen and Merchants of the West Country: john Stoneman of Plymouth being Pilot, who had been in the foresaid parts of Virginia the year before, with George Waymouth: The Master's name was Nicholas Hine of Cockington, near Dartmouth; The last day of August we fell with the I'll of Madera, where we watered and refreshed our Madera. selves, and stayed three days, being very kindly used by the Inhabitants. The third day of September we departed from thence, passing between Gomorrah and Palma, two of the Canary Iles, and from thence were driven by contrary winds, to take a more Southerly course than we intended, and so spent more than six weeks before we could recover any of the Ant-Iles. The first that we could recover, was the I'll of Saint Lucia, in the Latitude of 14. degrees, 20. minutes, Saint Lucia. where we refreshed ourselves with Wood and Water. And saw certain of the Savages there, about forty or fifty, came unto us at our Ship in one of their Cannoas', bringing unto us Tobacco, Potatoes, Plantins, and Cassavi Bread, the which Savages had slain more than forty of our Nation, Forty English slain by Savages, 1605. See the story, sup. pag. 1255. the year before 1605. as after we understood by Philip Glasco, and Miles Pett, being two of Captain Nicholas, Saint john's company, which was there treacherously slain among the rest. Having stayed hear three days, about the two and twentieth of October we departed thence to the Northward. And in passing by the I'll of Dominica, we chanced to see a white Flag put Dominica. forth on the shore, whereat marvelling, we supposed that some Christians had sustained shipwreck their. And forthwith a Cannoa came off from the shore towards us, which when they came near, being very little wind, we laid our Ship by the lee and stayed for them a little, and when they were come within a little distance of the Ship, we perceived in the Cannoa a Friar, who cried aloud in the Latin tongue, saying, I beseech, as you are Christians, for Christ his Friar Blascus his request. sake to show some mercy and compassion on me, I am a Preacher of the Word of God, a Friar of the Order of Franciscus in Seville, by name Friar Blasius. And that he had been there sixteen months a Slave unto those Savages; and that other two Friars which were of his company they had murdered and thrown into the Sea. We demanded of him then, how he got so much favour to preserve his life, his Brethren being murdered: He answered, because he did show the Savages how to fit them Sails for their Cannoas', and so to ease them of much labour often in rowing, which greatly pleased the Savages as appeared, for we saw them to use sails in their Cannoas', which hath not been seen before. Then we demanded of him where they had this Linen Cloth to make those Sails: he answered, That about two years before that, three Galleons coming to the West Indies were cast Three galleons lost at Guadalupa. away on the I'll of Gwadalopa, where abundance of Linen Cloth and other Merchandise was cast on shore. We demanded farther, what was the cause of his being in this place, and how he came thither: he answered, That the King of Spain did every year, send out of every great Monastery certain Friars into the remote parts of the Indies, both to seek to convert the Savages, as also to seek out what benefits or commodities might be had in those parts, and also of what force the Causes of yearly sending of Friars out of Spain. Savages were of, and what number of them were in the seven Ant-Iles, viz. Saint Vincent Granado, Saint Lucia, Mattalina, Dominica, Gwadalopa, Aisey. The which the said Friar Blaseus said he had diligently noted and observed, and did hope to make perfect relation of such great benefits and riches as was to be drawn from thence, as he doubted not but would be greatly accepted of his King, if he might live to return to declare it: For, said he, I have seen in one River descending from the Mountains in the I'll of Dominica, the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Copper, whereupon I took some of it, and chewed it between my teeth, and found it perfect Mettle, Gold in Dominica. the Savages noting me, began to have some jealousy of me, so as I durst not take any farther notice of it, neither would they suffer him forward to come near to that place. And farther he said, That if the great plenty of diverse Fruits and Roots fit for man's sustenance were perfectly known, together with the Sugarcanes that they have in those Isles, and the fertility of the soil he thought it would be very shortly inhabited; and as for the number of Savages there, as near as we could understand, was scarce one thousand of all sorts of men, women, and children in all the said seven Iles. Now, being moved with pity at the lamentable complaint, and humble suit of this distressed Friar, we took him into our Ship, and sent away the Savages much discontented. And from thence we sailed to the I'll of Saint john De-port-rico, where on the nine and twentieth of October, They land 〈◊〉 Friar on Port Rico. we arrived on the Southside, and forthwith sent the Friar on shore, and delivered him to two Herdsmen, which most thankfully received him, and of their courtesy brought us a fat Cow, and proffered us more with Hogs, Calves, or any thing else that they could procure us in recompense of the good deed done to the Friar. We departed from thence, and sailed out between the Isles of Saint john De-portrico, and Hispaniola standing away to the Northward. And leaving the great shoalds called Abrioio, on our Larboard side, being in the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees, from thence Westward, our course North Northwest, and Northwest and by North, until we were in the Latitude of 27. degrees or better, and about one hundred and eighty leagues from Saint john de Port Rico. In this place having had a very great storm of Wind and Rain continuing fifty six hours and more before on the tenth day of November, about ten of the clock in the morning, suddenly we found ourselves in the midst of a Fleet of eight Sail of ships in a very thick fog of They by unhappy hap fall amongst Spanish ships. mist and rain, so as we could not see them before they were very near, and within shot of them, wherein three of them were on the windward of us, on a third and fourth more to lee-ward: those at the windward came to me unto us, and shot at us, requiring us to speak with their Admiral. When we saw that by no means we could avoid them, but that they would speak with us, we put abroad our Colours, and went toward the Admiral, before we came unto him, he likewise struck down our Sail, and came under his lee, demanding his pleasure: the other ship which first shot us, all our Sails being down, and shot our main Sail in pieces lying on the Deck. And forthwith the Admiral came on board of us, with two and twenty men in their They are boarded, taken and abused. ships Boat with Rapiers, Swords, and halfepikes. We being all in peace stood ready to entertain them in peace. But as soon as they were entered on board of us, they did most cruelly beat us all, and wounded two of our Company in the heads with their Swords, not sparing our Captain nor any. Also they wounded Assacomoit, one of the Savages aforesaid, most cruelly in several places in the body, and thrust quite through the arm, the poor creature creeping under a cabin for fear of their rigour: and as they thrust at him, wounding him, he cried still. King james, King james, King james his ship, King james his ship. Thus having beaten us all down under the Decks, presently they beat us up again, and thrust us overboard into their Boat, and so sent us on board of the Admiral ship. Neither would they suffer any of us to speak a King james his name little respected by Spaniards. word, to show the cause of our passing the Seas in these parts. Neither regarded they any thing, our Commission which the Captain held forth unto them in his hand: until that the Admiral with the Company of four other of the ships, had rifled, spoilt, and delivered all the Merchandise and goods of the ship among them: which being done, they also divided us being thirty persons in all into the said five ships, by seven, six, five, and four to a ship. Three of the former eight Sail made Sail away, and never came near us, neither were partakers of our spoil. Then they also repaired our Main Sail which was torn with the shot aforesaid, and put their men into her. And after because they could not make her to sail well, they took two of our men, and put into her to help them, the other five ships and our ship kept company two or three days together. After this they separated themselves either from other, not through any tempest or storm, but through wilful negligence or simple Ignorance, by shaping contrary courses the one from the other. So as not two of them kept company together. Myself and six more of our company in the Vice-admiral (of the burden of one hundred and eighty tons; called the Peter of Seville, the Captains name was Andrea's Barbear) being alone, and having lost the company of the Fleet, continued our course until the middle of December: at which time being about twenty leagues off from the I'll of Santa Maria, one of the Isles of the Azores, the Vice-Admiral and the whole company disliking the great Ignorance of the Pilot, because he had told them ten days before that he was very near the Lands, and had waited all this time, and could find any of them, entreated me very earnestly to show my skill. And the Pilot himself brought me his Instruments, and be sought me most earnestly to assist him, and to appease the company. Whereunto by there much importunity I yielded. And by God's assistance on Christmas Eeve, after our English account, I brought them safe to the Bar of Saint Lucas, being the first ship of the whole Fleet that arrived there. One of the ships of this Fleet, by the great Ignorance of the Spanish Masters, Pilots, and Mariners was driven beyond all the Coast of Spain, into Bordeaux in Gascayne, In which ship the Officers of the Admiralty of France, finding four of our Englishmen prisoners under French courtesy. the Decks in hold; to wit, Master Daniel Tucker, who was our Cape Merchant, Pierce Gliddon and two others, did very friendly set them at liberty; and the said Daniel Tucker presently arrested the Spanish ship and goods being of great value, which of long time remaineth under arrest. The good Duke of Medina hearing of the arrival of certain English prisoners taken here, the Coast of the West Indies, sent command to the Captains of the Spanish ships, to bring four of the chiefest to be brought before him. Whereupon myself, Master Thomas Saint john, john Walrond our Steward, and William Stone our Carpenter were brought before him. The ship wherein Master Challous was, was not yet come. Master David Nevil an Englishman dwelling in Saint Lucas, was appointed our Interpreter. And then the Duke required me upon my oath to yield a true and faithful answer, according to the whole state and manner of our Voyage and proceedings, which I did, according to the former Relation afore written, whereupon his Excellency replied unto the Spanish Captains which had brought us, saying, it this be true which this Englishman affirmeth, you have greatly wronged these men. And so commanded them to provide meat, drink, and fit lodging for us, and to bring us again the next day before him. They sent us nevertheless to Seville, where we were brought to a Dutchmans' house, called Signior Petro, where we were reasonably lodged, and entertained that night. The next morning being New years day we were brought before the Precedent of Seville, at Their imprisonment. the Contractation, who hearing of our coming, and not vouchsafing to speak with us, sent four O 〈…〉 ers' to us, and cast us into Prison. Where for the space of five days we had public allowance, but such as poor men which were there Prisoners, also did of their mereie bestow on us. At length after many humble Suits, and earnest Petitions exhibited to the Precedent, we had a Rial of Plate allowed to each man a day, which is six pence English, wh●ch by reason of the dearth of all sorts of victual in those parts, will not go so far as three pence in England. And so at several times, within one month after eleven more of our Company were commi 〈…〉 to Prison, as they came home, whereof our Captain was one. Notwithstanding that the good Duke of Medina had discharged both him and all those of his Company, which came into Spain with him, and willed him to go home to the Court of England, or to the Court of Spain where he thought to have best relief for his poor imprisoned Company. Whereupon Nicholas Hine our Master, and two more of our men wisely foreseeing what was like to be the Issue, made haste away out of the City, and so got passage and escaped into England. Before the coming of our Captain to Seville, myself and eleven more of my Company were examined before the Precedent of the Contractation: who finding no just cause of offence in us, did often earnestly examine me of the manner and situation of the Country of Virginia, together with the Commodities and benefit thereof. And after the coming of our Captain, they likewise examined him to the same purpose. We answered both to one purpose, according to our Commission in writing, which the Spaniards at our taking at Sea, had preserved and delivered up unto the hands of the Precedent. Within few days after, they gave our Captain and Master Thomas, Saint john, liberty of main Prison, upon the security of two English Merchants, which were Master William Rapier, and Master john Peckeford, whereof the later is dwelling and married in Seville. The rest of the Company being one and twenty in Prison, continued still in miserable estate. And about two months after, Robert Cook of London one of our Company fell sick of a Hard hearted Spaniard. Flux, whereof he languished three months and more, and by no means that we could make, could get him forth to be cured, although we spent more than sixty Rials in Supplicaves and Suits to get him out. At length being dead, they caused his body to be drawn up and down the Prison by the heels, naked, in most contemptible manner, crying, Behold the Lutheran, as five others of our Company being then in Prison beheld: and so laid him under the Conduit, and Cruel im●●nitie. poured water into his dead body. This done, they cut off his Ears, Nose and Members, as the Spaniards themselves confessed unto us, and so conveyed his body we could never learn whether, although we proffered them money to have his dead corpse to bury it. Shortly after Nathaniel Humphrey our Boatswain was stabbed into the belly with a Knife by a Spaniard, which was a slave in the Prison, and fourteen days after died, who being dead I went unto the Keeper of the Prison, desiring to buy his dead body to bury it, and so for twenty Rials I bought his body, and buried it in the field. Then we be sought the Precedent for justice on this slave which had slain our Boatswain: he demanded what we would have of the slave. And we requested, that as he had slain an honest and worthy man of ours cause less, that he might die for it according to the Law. The Precedent answered no, but if we would have him condemned for two or three years more to the Galleys he should. For said he, The King of Spain will Spanish Precedents respect to the English. not give the life of the worst Slave that he hath, for the best Subject the King of England hath, and so sent us away with this answer. Whereupon being out of all hope of justice with the Precedent, we repaired unto the Regent being an Ecclesiastical man, one of the chiefest judges of the City, Honest Spaniards. desiring likewise justice on the Murderer aforesaid: who in kind terms promised us justice, and so willed us to retain counsel and Attorneys to prosecute our Suit; which we did accordingly, and so after two months Suit, and the cost of more than two hundred Rials on Lawyers, Scribes and other Officers at length we had him hanged by the favour of the Regent, which otherwise we had never obtained. And now I may not omit to show how I got the liberty to have the scope of the City for my Race to come, and go. Having been three months in close Prison with our poor company as aforesaid. At length I got the favour of two Englishmen inhabiting in Seville named Constantine Collins, and Henry Roberts who did engage themselves for me. The Spaniards were very desirous to have me to serve their State, and proffered me great wages, which I refused to do, affirming, that this employment which I had in hand, was not yet ended until which time I would not determine any. Then the Alcadie mayor of the Contractation House and diverse others Merchants persuaded me to make them some descriptions and Maps of the Coast and parts of Virginia, which I also refused to do. They being discontent with me, sent me again to Prison, where I continued two and twenty days, and then I making means unto my good friends borrowed money, and so gave diverse bribes unto the keepers of the Prison, whereupon they gave me liberty to go abroad again into the City at my pleasure. And waiting every day for some order from the Court of Spain of our discharge, there came none but delays and prolonging of our troubles and miseries. So as we began almost to despair of liberty. At length an honest Dutch Merchant dwelling in Seville, named Hanse Eloyse, sent unto me to speak with me, which when I came unto him, signified unto me what he had learned of one of the judges of the Contractation: who told him as he reported unto me, that the Spaniards had a great hate unto me above all others, because they understood that I had been a former Discoverer in Virginia, at the bringing into England of those Savages; and that they thought it was by my instigation to persuade our State to inhabit those parts. And because they had received so small knowledge of those parts by my confession: and that they could not persuade me to serve that State, neither would make them any note draught, or descriptions of the Country. They resolved to bring to the Rack and torment me, whereby to draw some further knowledge by confession from me, before any discharge might come for us. The which this honest Merchant considering, and the Innocence of our case, gave me to understand. And wished me rather to fly and preserve myself, then to stand to their mercy on the Rack. I hearing this the next morning, being the three and twentieth of October, suddenly fled from Seville, and with me Master Thomas Saint john aforesaid, and one other of our Company named james Stoneman my Brother, whom through great cost and charges bestowed on the Keepers of the Prison a little before I had got forth to be cured of a Calenture. Thus we fled from Seville, leaving Master Henry Challons our Captain at liberty upon sureties, and sixteen more of our Company in close Prison. From thence on the five and twentieth of October, we came to a Mount in the C●ndado, where finding no passage by any shipping into England, France or Flanders. We traveled through Algaruie, to the Port of Setunall, and finding no passage there, we traveled to Lasbone in Portugal. Where we arrived the one and thirtieth of October, and there found ships ready bound to go to England, but the wind was contrary for fourteen days. At the time of our abode at Lisbon, we understood that three Carracks were come from the East Indies: whereof one was arrived safely at Lisbon ten days before our coming thither. Another was driven to leeward, and put in Veego, as we heard. The third Carrack being at the I'll of Tercera, was so leak that they could not bring her home into Portugal, but unloaded her into three of the King of Spain's great Armadas, to bring the goods more safely to Lisbon. Which Ships at there coming before the mouth of the River of Lisbon in the night within three days after my coming thither, were all cast away on certain shoald there called Oscac●opos, or as we commonly call them the Catchops, where of nine Three ships cast away. hundred men, as the portugals reported, but only thirty seven were saved, and of the goods very little at all: because the said ships being cast away on the ebb. The goods were driven off into the Sea, the dead bodies of many that were drowned, I myself saw ●ast on the shore with the sundry wracks of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards, with other wrack of Cask, Chists, and such like in great abundance. The fourteenth day of November the wind being fair, we took passage from Lisbon in a small Bark belonging to Bid●ford, called the Margot, and on the four and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint Iues in Cornwall, and from thence I hasted to Plymouth, where I showed unto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and diverse others the Adventurers, the whole Discourse of our unhappy Voyage together with the miseries that we had, and did endure under the Spaniards hands. And then hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of England, where I was assured to my great comfort; that they either were already, or very shortly should be delivered. Before my departure from Seville, I should have remembered, that about Whitsuntide last Cap. john Legate of Plymouth. Mutiny. Cap. Legate slain by his mutinous crew, which knew not when they had done to bring home their ship, and so stumbled on Spanish justicers. I have heard him much commended for a proper and expert Seaman. there were brought into the Prison of the Contractation there, two young men brought out of the West Indies, in one of the King's Galleons, which were of Captain john Legates company of Plymouth, which departed out of England, about the latter end of july 1606. bound for the River of Amazons, as he told me before his going forth, where he had been two years before. And coming on the Coast of Brasill as those young men (the name of one of them is William adam's borne in Plimpton near Plymouth) reported unto me whether falling to the leeward of the River of Amazons, or deceived by his Master they knew not. And not being able to recover the said River, were constrained to refresh in the West Indies, in which time there fell a great disorder between the said Captain Legat and his company, so as one of his company, in a broil within themselves aboard there ship, slew the said Captain Legat, whether in his own private quarrel or with the consent of the rest of the Company, they could not tell me. But this is the more to be suspected for that he always in former Voyages dealt very straight with his company. After his death his company coming to the I'll of Pinos, on the Southside of Cuba, to refresh themselves, being eighteen persons were circumvented by the treachery of the Spaniards, and were there betrayed, and taken Prisoners: and within four days after, of eighteen persons, fourteen were hanged the other four being youths were saved to serve the Spaniards, whereof, two of them, refusing to serve longer in there ships, were put into the Prison at Seville, the other two remain still as slaves to the Spaniards. This I had the rather noted to the end, that it may be the better considered what numbers of ships and men have gone out of England, since the conclusion of peace between England and Spain, in the way of honest Trade and Traffic, and how many of them have miserably miscarried. Having been slain, drowned, hanged or pitifully captived, and thrust out of their ships and all their goods. REader, I had by me the Voyage of Captain Thomas Hanham, (written by himself) unto Sagadahoc: also the written journals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which stayed and fortified there in that unseasonable Winter (fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation) of james Davies, john Eliot, etc. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid of offending nicer and queasier stomaches: for which cause I have omitted them, even after I had with great labour f●●ted them to the Press: as I have also done a written large Tractate of Mawaushen, and the Uoyage of Master Edward Harlie (one of the first Planters with Cap. Popham) and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1611. with diverse Letters from Cap. Popham and others. You must observe, that it was in those times called by the name of Virginia, and the Northern Plantation or Colony. But Captain Smith (a man which hath so many Irons in our fire) presented a Book of the Country to Prince Charles his Highness, with a Map of the Country, who styled it (as our hopes are, he will one day make it) New England, and altered the Savage names of places to English. He made one Voyage thither, Anno 1614 and the next year began another, which taken by Frenchmen, he was not able to make up: but in testimony of his love to his Country here, and of his hopes there hath written diverse Books, One called A Description of New England (in which his said Uoyages are described, with the description of the Country and many Arguments to incite men to that undertaking; which I had also prepared for the Press, but for the former fears have omitted) the other called New England's Trials twice or thrice printed, out of which I have added thus much, that the World may see the benefit to be made by fishing, and may also be better acquainted with the success and succession of New England's Affairs. CHAP. III. Extracts of a Book of Captain JOHN SMITH, printed 1622. called New England's trials, and continuing the Story thereof, with Motives to the business of fishing there. The benefit of fishing, as Master Dee reporteth in his British Monarchy. HE saith that it is more than four and forty years ago, and it is more than forty years since he writ it, that the Herring Busses out of the Low-countries, under the King of Spain, were siue hundred, besides one hundred Frenchmen, and three or four hundred Sail of Flemings. The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was used by three hundred Sail of strangers. Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yearly three hundred Sail of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixth intended to have made a strong Castle, because of the Straight, to have Tribute for fishing. Black Rock was yearly fished by three or four hundred Sail of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. Master Gentleman, and many Fishermen and Fishmongers, with whom I have conferred, report, The Hollanders raise yearly by Herring, Cod, and Ling, 3000000. pounds. English and French by Saltfish, Poor john, Salmon, and Pilchards, 300000. pounds. Hamborough and the Sound, for Sturgeon, Lobsters and Eels, 100000. pounds. Cape Black for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and Spaniards, 30000. pounds. But diverse other learned experienced Observers say, though it may seem incredible, That the Duke of Medina receiveth yearly tribute of the Fishers for Tunny, Mullit and Purgos, more than 10000 pounds. Lubeck hath seven hundred Ships: Hamborough six hundred: Embden lately a Fisher Town, one thousand four hundred, whose Customs by the profit of fishing hath made them so powerful as they be. Holland and Zealand, not much greater than Yorkshire, hath thirty walled Towns, four hundred Villages, 20000. sail of Ships and Hoys; thirty six thousand are Fishermen, whereof one hundred are Doggers, seven hundred Pinks and Wel-boates, seven hundred Frand Boats, Britters and Tode-boats, with one thousand three hundred Busses, besides three hundred that yearly fish about Yarmouth, where they sell their Fish for Gold; and fifteen years ago they had more than 116000. Seafaring men. The fishing ships do take yearly two hundred thousand Last of fish, twelve barrels to a Last, which amounted to 3000000. pounds by the fisher-men's price, that fourteen years ago did pay for their Tenths 300000. pound; which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia, Denmark, Lefland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or elsewhere, etc. make their returns in a year about 7000000. pounds; and yet in Holland they have neither matter to build ships, nor Merchandise to set them forth; yet by their industry they as much increase, as other Nations decay. But leaving these uncertainties as they are, of this I am certain: That the Coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland and the Sound, newfoundland, and Cape Blank, do serve all Europe, as well the Land Towns as Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is transported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, Saltfish, Poore-Iohn, Sturgeon, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Caviar, Buttargo. Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may be had in a Land more fertile, temperate, and plentiful of all necessaries for the building of ships, Boats, and houses, and the nourishment of man; the Seasons are so proper, and the fishings so near the habitations, we may there make, that New England hath much advantage of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe far cheaper than they can, who at home have neither Wood, Salt, nor Food, but at great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation. But New England's fishings is near land, where is help of Wood, Water, Fruits, Fowls, Corn, or other refresh needful; and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spain, Portugal, Provance, Savoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as convenient Markets for our dry fish, green fish, Sturgeon, Mullit, Caviar, and Buttargo, as Norway, Swethland, Litt●ania, or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in abundance for taking; they returning but Wood, Pitch, Tar, Soap-ashes, Cordage, Flax, Wax, and such like Commodities: we, Wines, Oils, Sugars, Silks, and such Merchandise as the Straits afford, whereby our profit may equalise theirs; besides the increase of shipping and Mariners. And for proof hereof: With two ships sent out at the charge of Captain Marmaduke Roydon, Captain George La●gam, Proof 1. 1614 Master john Buley and W. Skelton, I went from the Downs the third of March, and arrived in New England the last of April, where I was to have stayed but with ten men to keep possession of those large Territories, Had the Whales proved, as curious information had assured me and my Adventures, (but those things failed.) So having but forty five men and boys, we built seven Boats, thirty seven did fish; myself with eight others ranging the Coast, I took a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the Inhabitants; 1100. Beaver skins, a hundred Martin's, and as many Otters. Forty thousand of dry fish we sent for Spain, with the Saltfish, train Oil and Furs, I returned for England the eighteenth of july, and arrived safe with my Company the latter end of August. Thus in six months I made my Voyage out and home; and by the labour of five and forty, got near the value of fifteen hundred pounds in those gross Commodities. This year also one went from Plymouth, set out by diverse of the I'll of Wight, and the West Country, by the directions and instructions of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, spent their victuals, and returned with nothing. The Virginia Company upon this sent four good ships; and because I would not undertake it for them, having engaged myself to them of the West, the Londoners entertained the men that Proof 2. 1615. came home with me. They set sail in january, and arrived there in March; they found fish enough until half june, fraughted a ship of three hundred tons, went for Spain, which was taken by the Turks; one went to Uirginia to relieve that Colony, and two came for England with the green fish, train Oil and Furs within six months. In january with two hundred pounds in cash for adventure, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from London to the four Ships was promised, prepared for me in the West Country, but Proof 3. 1615. I found no such matter; notwithstanding at the last, with a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plymouth, with a Ship of two hundred Tons, and one of fifty: when the fishing was done only with fifteen I was to stay in the Country; but ill weather breaking all my Masts, I was forced to return to Plymouth, where rather than lose all, reimbarking myself in a Bark of sixty Tuns, how I escaped the English Pirates and the French, and was betrayed by four Frenchmen of War, I refer you to the description of New England: but my Vice-admiral, notwithstanding the lateness of the year, setting forth with me in March, the Londoners in january, she arrived in May, they in March, yet came home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within five months, odd days. The Londoners ere I returned from France, for all their loss by the Turks, which was valued about Proof 4. 1616. four thousand pounds sent two more in july; but such courses they took by the Canaries to the West Indies, it was ten months ere they arrived in New England, wasting in that time their seasons, victual, and health, yet there they found means to refresh themselves, and the one returned, near fraught with Fish and Train, within two months after. From Plymouth went four Ships, only to Fish and Trade, some in February, some in March, Proof 5. 1616. one of two hundred Tuns got thither in a month, and went full fraught for Spain, the rest returned to Plymouth well fraught, and their men well, within five months, odd days. From London went two more, one of two hundred Tuns, got thither in six weeks, and Proof 6. 1616. within six weeks after, with forty four men and boys was full fraught, and returned again into England within five months and a few days; the other went to the Canaries with dry fish, which they sold at a great rate, for Rials of eight, and as I heard turned Pirates. I being at Plymouth provided with three good Ships, yet but fifteen men to stay with me in the Proof 7. 1617. Country, was Wind-bound three months, as was many a hundred sail more, so that the season being past, the Ships went for newfoundland, whereby my design was frustrate, which was to me and my friends no small loss, in regard whereof here the Western Commissioners, in the behalf of themselves and the rest of the Company, contracted with me by Articles indented under our hands, to be Admiral of that Country during my life, and in the renewing of their Letters Patents so to be nominated, half the fruits of our endeavours theirs, the rest our own; being thus engaged; now the business doth prosper, some of them would willingly forget me; but I am not the first they have deceived. There was four good Ships prepared at Plymouth, but by reason of their disagreement, the season Proof 8. 1618. so wasted, as only two went forward, the one being of two hundred Tons, returned well fraught for Plymouth, and her men in health, within five months; the other of eighty Tuns, went for Elbow with dry fish, and made a good return. In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant Soldier, that had been with me in Virginia, and seven years after went with me from Plymouth towards New England, with Thomas Darmer, an understanding and ●n industrious Gentleman to inhabit it; all whose names, with our proceedings, you may read at large in my description of New England, upon trial before the judge of the Admiralty, how when we had past the worst, for pure cowardice the Master and Sailer ran away with the Ship and all I had, and left me alone among eight or nine Frenchmen of War, in the year 1615. This Stallings went now again in those Ships, and having some wrong offered him in New England by a Frenchman, he took him, and as he writ to me, he went with her to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they might spare; he knew both these Countries well, yet he promised me the next Spring to meet me in New England; but the Ship and he perished in Uirginia. This year again, diverse Ships intending to go from Plymouth, so disagreed, as there went but Proof 9 1619. one of two hundred Tons, who stayed in the Country about six weeks, with thirty eight men and boys, had her fraught, which she sold at the first penny, for two thousand one hundred pounds, besides the Furs: so that every poor Sailor, that had but a single share, had his charges, and sixteen pound ten shillings, for his seven months work. M. Thomas Darmer, having lived about a year in newfoundland, returning to Plymouth, went for New England in this Ship, and not only confirms what I have writ, but so much more approved of it, that he stayed there with five or six men in a little Boat; finding two or three Frenchmen among the Savages, who had lost their Ship, augmented his company, with whom he ranged the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcomed and well refreshed; thence returned to New England again, where having been a year, in his back return to Uirginia, he was so wounded by the Savages, he died upon it, them escaped were relieved at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great adventures and untimely deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God did so long preserve them, with so small means to do so much, leaving the fruits of their labours, to be an encouragement to those our poor undertake; and this for advantage as they writ unto me, that God had laid this Country open for us, and slain the most part of the Inhabitants by cruel Wars and a mortal disease; for where I had seen one hundred or two hundred people, there is scarce ten to be found. From Pembrocks Bay, to Harrintons' Bay, there is not twenty; from thence to Cape Anne, some thirty; from Taulbuts' Bay to the River Charles, about forty, and not any of them touched with any sickness, but one poor Frenchman that died. For to make trial this year, there is gone six or seven sail from the West Country, only Proof 10. 1620 to fish, three of whom are returned, and as I was certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that every Sailor for a single share had twenty pounds for his seven months work, which is more than in twenty months he should have gotten, had he gone for wages any where. Now, though all the former Ships have not made such good voyages, as they expected, by sending opinionated unskilful men, that had not experienced diligence to save that they took, nor take that there was; which now patience and practice hath brought to a reasonable kind of perfection: in despite of all detractors and calumniations, the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath been in their using or abusing it, not in itself nor me. Upon these inducements, some few well disposed Gentlemen and Merchants of London and A Plantation in New England. Proof 11. 1620 other places provided two Ships, the one of one hundred and sixty Tuns, the other of seventy; they left the Coast of England the three and twentieth of August, with about one hundred and twenty persons, but the next day the lesser Ship sprung a leak, that forced their return to Plymouth, where discharging her and twenty Passengers, with the great Ship, and a hundred persons besides Sailors, they set sail again the sixth of September, and the ninth of November fell with Cape james; but being pestered nine weeks in this leaking unwholesome Ship, lying wet in their Cabins, most of them grew very weak and weary of the Sea, then for want of experience ranging to and again six weeks before they found a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without coverture in the extremity of Winter, forty of them died, and sixty were left in very weak estate at the Ships coming away, about the fifth of April following, and arrived in England the sixth of May. Immediately after her arrival from London, they sent another of fifty five Tuns to supply Proof 12. 1620 them, with thirty seven persons, they set sail in the beginning of july, but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they could pass Plymouth, and arrived at New Plymouth in New England the eleventh of November, where they found all the people they left in April, as is said, lusty and in good health, except six that died. Within a month they returned here for England, laded with Clapboord, Wainscot, and Walnut, with about three Hogsheads of Beaver skins, and some Saxefras, the thirteenth of December, and drawing near our Coast, was taken by a Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of Cera Governor of Ile Deu, on the Coast of Poytou, where they kept the Ship, imprisoned the Master and Company, took from them to the value of about five hundred pounds; and after fourteen days sent them home with a poor supply of victual, their own being devoured by the Marquis and his hungry servants; they arrived at London the fourteenth of February, leaving all them they found and carried to New England, well and in health, with victual and Corn sufficient till the next Harvest. The Copy of a Letter sent by this Ship. Loving Cousin, at our arrival at New Plymouth in New England, we found all our Friends and A Letter from New Plymouth. Planters in good health, though they were left sick and weak with very small means, the Indians round about us peaceable and friendly, the Country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally of itself great store of fruits, as Uines of diverse sorts in great abundance; there is likewise Walnuts, Chestnuts, Small-nuts and Plums, with much variety of Flowers, Roots, and Herbs, no less pleasant than wholesome and profitable: no place hath more Goose-berries, and Strawberries, nor better; Timber of all sorts you have in England, doth cover the Land, that affords Beasts of diverse sorts, and great flocks of Turkeys, Quails, Pigeons and Partridges: Many great Lakes abounding with Fish, Fowle, Beavers, and Otters. The Sea affords us as great plenty of all excellent sorts of Sea-fish, as the Rivers and Iles doth variety of wild Fowl of most useful sorts. Mynes we find to our thinking, but neither the goodness nor quality we know. Better Grain cannot be then the Indian Corn, if we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all Freeholders', the rend day doth not trouble us, and all those good blessings we have, of which and what we list in their seasons for taking. Our company are for most part very religious honest people; the Word of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath: so that I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send my Wife and Children to me, where I wish all the Friends I have in England, and so I rest Your loving Kinsman William Hilton. From the West Country went ten or twelve Ships to Fish, which were all well fraughted; Proof 13. 1622 those that came first at Elbow, made seventeen pounds a single share, besides Beaver, Otters, and Martin's skins; but some of the rest that came to the same Ports, that were already furnished, so glutted the Market, their price was abated, yet all returned so well contented, they are a preparing to go again. There is gone from the West of England only to fish, thirty five Ships, and about the last of April two more from London, the one of one hundred Tuns, the other of thirty, with some sixty For this year 1622. Passengers to supply the Plantation with all necessary provisions. Now though the Turk and French hath been somewhat too busy, would all the Christian Princes but be truly at unity, as his Royal Majesty our Sovereign Lord and King desireth, seventy sail of good Ships were sufficient to fire, the most of his Coasts in the Levant, and make such a guard in the straits of Hellespont, as would make the Great Turk himself more afraid in Constantinople, than the smallest Red Cross, crosses the Seas would be, either of any French, Piccaroun, or the Pirates of Argere. An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colony in New England, july sixteen, 1622. Since the news of the Massacre in Virginia, though the Indians continue their wont friendship, yet are we more wary of them then before; for their hands have been embrued in much English blood, only by too much confidence, but not by force. Here I must entreat a little your favours to digress. They did not kill the English, because they were Christians, but for their weapons and commodities, that were rare novelties; but now they fear we may beat them out of their Dens, which Lions and Tigers would not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an Englishman, or discourage any either in Virginia or New England? No: ●or I have tried them both. For Virginia, I kept that Country, with thirty eight, and had not to eat but what we had from the Savages. When I had ten men able to go abroad, our Commonwealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged that unknown Country fourteen weeks; I had but eighteen to subdue them all, with which great Army I stayed six weeks before their greatest Kings habitations, till they had gathered together all the power they could; and yet the Dutchmen sent at a needless excessive charge did help Powhatan how to betray me. Of their numbers we were uncertain; but those two honourable Gentlemen, Captain George Percy, and Captain Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble Gentlemen and resolute spirits bore their shares with me, and now living in England, did see me take this murdering Opechankanough, now their Great King by the long lock on his head, with my Pistol Opechancanough taken in ●he midst of his army, as Atabalipa was by Piçarra. at his breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before we parted, made him fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with Corne. When their own wants was such, I have given them part again in pity, & others have bought it again to plant their fields. For wronging a Soldier but the value of a penny, I have caused Powhatan send his own men to james Town to receive their punishment, at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremity they shot me, slew three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled taken me prisoner: yet God made Pocahontas the King's Daughter the means to deliver me: and thereby taught me to know their treacheries to preserve the rest. It was also my chance in single combat to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping him, forced his subjects to work in Chains, till I made all the Country pay contribution, having little else-whereon to live. Twice in this time I was their Precedent, & none can say in all that time I had a man slain: but for keeping them in that fear I was much blamed both there and here: yet I left five hundred behind me that through their confidence in six months came most to confusion, as you may read at large in the description of Virginia. When I went first to those desperate designs, it cost me many a forgotten pound to hire men to go; and procrastination caused more run away then went. But after the Ice was broken, came many brave Voluntaries: notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honourable Company have been humble Suitors to his Majesty to get Vagabonds and condemned men to go thither; nay, so much scorned was the name of Virgnia, some did choose to be hanged ere they would go thither, and were: yet for all the worst of spite, detraction and discouragement, and this lamentable Massacre, there are more honest men now suitors to go, than ever have been constrained knaves; and it is not unknown to most men of understanding, how happy many of those Callumners do think themselves, that they might be admitted, and yet pay for their passage to go now to Virginia: and had I but means to transport as many as would go, I might have choice of ten thousand that would gladly be in any of those new places, which were so basely contemned by ungrateful base minds. To range this Country of New England, in like manner I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruit conditions I met many of their silly encounters, and without any hurt, God be thanked: when your West Country men were many of them wounded, and much tormented with the Savages that assaulted their Ship, as they did say themselves, in the first year I was there 1614 and though Master Hunt then Master with me, did most basely in stealing some Savages from that coast to sell, when he was directed to have gone for Spain, yet that place was so remote from Capawuck, where Epenew should have fraughted them with Gold over, that his fault could be no cause of their bad success, however it is alleged for an excuse. I speak not this out of vain glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some was never there, may censure me: but to let all men be assured by those examples, what those Savages are that thus strangely do murder and betray our Country men. But to the purpose. What is already writ of the healthfulness of the air, the richness of the soil, the goodness of the Woods, the abundance of Fruits, Fish, and Fowl in their season, they still affirm that have been there now near two years, and at one draught they have taken one thousand Bases, and in one night twelve hogsheads of Herring. They are building a strong Fort, they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are well provided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well near sixty Acres of ground well planted with Corn, besides their Gardens well replenished with useful fruits; and if their Adventurers would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their wants would quickly be supplied. To supply them this sixteenth of October, is going the Paragon, with sixty seven persons, and all this is done by private men's purses. And to conclude in their own words, should they write of all plenties they have found, they think they should not be believed. For the twenty six sail of Ships, the most I can yet understand is. M. Ambrose jennens of London, and Master Abraham jennens of Plymouth sent (their Abraham) a Ship of two hundred and twenty Tuns, and the Nightingale of Porchmouth of a hundred: whose Fish at the first penny came to 3150 pounds: in all they were five and thirty sail: and wherein New found Land they shared six or seven pounds for a common man, in New England they shared fourteen pounds; besides six Dutch and French Ships made wonderful returns in Furs. Thus you may see plainly the yearly success from New England (by Virginia) which hath 1622. been so costly to this Kingdom, and so dear to me, which either to see perish or but bleed, pardon me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty, to have been sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor means how to prevent it. By that acquaintance I have with them, I may call them my children, for they have been my Wife, my Hawks, my Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in total my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right: and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters have crossed both them and me, yet were there not one Englishman remaining (as God be thanked there is some thousands) I would yet begin again with as small means as I did at the first; not for that I have any secret encouragement from any I protest, more than lamentable experiences: for all their Discoveries I can yet hear of, are but Pigs of my own Sow; nor more strange to me then to hear one tell me he hath gone from Billings gate and discovered Greenwich, Gravesend, Tilberry, Quinborow, Lee and Margit, which to those did never hear of them, though they dwell in England, might be made seem some rare secrets and great Countries unknown, except the Relation of Master Dirmer. But to return: It is certain, from Cannada and New England within these six years, hath come near 20000. Beaver Skins. Now had each of those Ships transported but some small quantity of the most increasing Beasts, Fowls, Fruits, Plants and Seeds, as I projected, by this time their increase might have been sufficient for a thousand men. But the desire of present gain (in many) is so violent, and the endeavours of many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding their private gain, that it is hard to effect any public good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule, or order, unless both authority and money assist experiences. It is not a work for every one to plant a Colony; but when a House is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence and experience to do but near well: your homebred engrossing projectors shall find there a great difference betwixt saying and doing. But to conclude, the Fishing will go forward if you plant it or no; whereby a Colony may be transported with no great charge, that in a short time might provide such fraughts to buy of us there dwelling, as I would hope no Ship should go or come empty from New England. The charge of this is only Salt, Nets, Hooks, Lines, Knives, Irish Rugs, course Cloth, Beads, Glass, and such like trash, only for fishing and trade with the Savages, beside our own necessary provisions, whose endeavours will quickly defray all this charge: and the Savages have entreated me to inhabit where I will. Now all these Ships, till this last year, have been fished within a square of two or three leagues, and not one of them all would adventure any further, where questionless five hundred sail may have their fraught better than in Island, New found Land, or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can have their fish in their Ships, because New England's fishing begins with February, the other not till mid May: the progression hereof tends much to the advancement of Virginia and the Bermudas, whose empty Ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a good friend in time of need to the Inhabitants of New found Land, etc. CHAP. four A Relation or journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth in New England, and proceedings thereof; Printed 1622. and here abbreviated. WEdnesday the sixth of September, the Wind coming East North-east, a fine small gale, we loosed from Plymouth, having been kindly entertained and courteously used Sep. 6. 1620. by diverse friends there dwelling, and after many difficulties in boisterous storms, at length by God's providence upon the ninth of November following, by break of the day we espied Land, which we deemed to be Cape Cod, and so No. 9 Cape Cod. afterward it proved. Upon the eleventh of November, we came to an anchor in the Bay, which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round, except in the entrance, which is about four miles over from land to land, compassed about to the very Sea with Oakes, Pines, juniper, Saffafras, and other sweet Wood: it is a harbour wherein 1000 sail of Ships may safely ride, there we relieved ourselves with Wood and Water, and refreshed our people, while our Shallop was fitted to coast the Bay, to search for an habitation: there was the greatest store of Fowl that ever we saw. And every day we saw Whales playing hard by us, of which in that place, if we had instruments and means to take them, we might have made a very rich return, which to our great grief we wanted. Our Master and his Mate, and others experienced in fishing, professed, we might have made three or four thousand pounds worth of Oil; they preferred it before Greenland Whalefishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here: for Cod we assayed, but found none, there is good store no doubt in their season. Neither got we any fish all the time we lay there, but some few little ones on the shore. We found great Mussles, and very fat and full of Sea Pearl, but we could not eat them, for they made us all sick that did eat, as well sailors as passengers; they caused to cast and scour, but they were soon well again. The Bay is so round and circling, that before we could come to anchor, we went round all the points of the Compass. We could not come near the shore by three quarters of an English mile, because of shallow water, which was a great prejudice to us, for our people going on shore were forced to Ill Landing. wade a Bow shoot or two in going aland, which caused many to get colds and coughs, for it was many times freezing cold weather. This day before we came to harbour, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an association and agreement, that we should combine together in one body, and to submit to such government and Governors, as we should by common consent agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for word. IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal Subjects of our dread Sovereign Lord King james, by the grace of God of Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc. Having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our King and Country, a Voyage to plant the first Colony in the Northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and matually in the presence of GOD and one of another, covenant and combine ourselves together in a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal Laws, Ordinances, acts, constitutions, offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the Colony: unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have here under suscribed our names. Cape Cod eleventh of November, in the year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King JAMES, of England, France and Ireland, 18. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 1620. The same day so soon as we could we set ashore fifteen or sixteen men, well armed, with some to fetch Wood, for we had none left; as also to see what the Land was, and what Inhabitants they could meet with, they found it to be a small neck of Land: on this side where we lay is the Bay, and the furthest side the Sea: the ground or earth, sand hills, much like the Downs in Holland, but much better: the crust of the earth a Spits depth, excellent black earth: all woodded with Oaks, Pines, Saffafras, juniper, Birch, Holly, Vines, some Ash, Walnut; the Wood for the most part open and without under-wood, fit either to go or ride in: at night our people returned, but found not any person, nor habitation, and laded their Boat with juniper, which smelled very sweet and strong, and of which we burned the most part of the time we lay there. Monday the thirteenth of November, we unshipped our Shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut her down in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with the people's lying in her, which kept us long there, for it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished her: our people went on shore to refresh themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great need: but whilst we lay thus still, hoping our Shallop would be ready in five or six days at the furthest, but our Carpenter made slow work of it, so that some of our people impatient of delay, desired for our better furtherance to travail by Land into the Country, which was not without appearance of danger, not having the Shallop with them, nor means to carry provision, but on their backs, to see whether it might be fit for us to seat in or no, and the rather because as we sailed into the Harbour, there seemed to be a River opening itself into the main Land; the willingness of the persons was liked, but the thing itself, in regard of the danger was rather permitted then approved, and so with cautions, directions, and instructions, sixteen men were set out with every man his Musket, Sword, and Corslet, under the conduct of Captain Miles Standish, unto whom was adjoined for counsel and advise, William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley. Wednesday the fifteenth of November, they were set a shore, and when they had ordered themselves in order of a single File, and marched about the space of a mile, by the Sea they espied five or six people, with a Dog, coming towards them, who were Savages, who when they Sight of Savages. saw them, ran into the Woods and whistled the Dog after them, etc. First, they supposed them to be Master jones, the Master and some of his men, for they were a shore, and knew of their coming: but after they knew them to be Indians they marched after them into the Woods, lest other of the Indians should lie in Ambush: but when the Indians saw our men following them, they ran away with might and main; and our men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the way they intended to go, but they could not come near them. They followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of their footings, & saw how they had come the same way they went, and at a turning perceived how they raune up an hill, to see whether they followed them. At length night came upon them, and they were constrained to take up their lodging, so they set forth three Sentinels, and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others fetched Woods & there held our Rendezvous that night. In the morning so soon as we could see the trace, we proceeded on our journey, and had the track until we had compassed the head of a long creak, and there they took into another Wood, and we after them, supposing to find some of their dwellings, but we marched thorough Boughs and Bushes, and under Hills and Valleys, which tore our very Armour in pieces, and yet could meet with none of them, nor their houses, nor find any fresh water, which we greatly desired, and stood in need off, for we brought neither Beer nor Water with us, and our victuals was only Biscuit and Holland Cheese, and a little Bottle of Aquavite, so as we were sore a thirst. About ten a clock we came into a deep Valley, full of brush, wood-gaile, and long grass, through which we found little paths or tracts, and there we saw a Deer, and found Springs of fresh Water, of which we were heartily glad, and A Dear and water. sat us down and drunk our first New England Water, with as much delight as ever we drunk drink in all our lives. When we had refreshed ourselves, we directed our course full South, that we might come to the shore, which within a short while after we did, and there made a fire, that they in the Ship might see where we were (as we had direction) and so marched on towards this supposed River: and as we went in another Valley, we found a fine clear Pond of fresh water, being about a Musket shot broad, and twice as long: there grew also many small Vines, and Fowl and Dear haunted there; there grew much Sassafras: from thence we went on and found much plain ground about fifty Acres, fit for the Blow, and some signs where the Indians had formerly planted, their Corn: after this, some thought it best for nearness of the River to go down and travail on the Sea sands, by which means some of our men were tired, and lagged behind, so we stayed and gathered them up, and struck into the Land again; where we found a little path to certain heaps of Sand, one whereof was covered with old Mats, and had a wooden thing like a Mor●er whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen pot laid in a little hole at the end thereof; we musing what it might be, digged and found a Bow, and as we thought, Arrows, but they were rotten; We supposed there were many other things, but because we deemed them graves, Sepulchers. we put in the Bow again and made it up as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we thought it would be odious unto them to ransack their Sepulchers. We went on further and found new stubble of which they had gotten Corn this year, and many Walnut trees full of Nuts, and great store of Strawberries, and some Vines; passing thus a field or two, which were not great, we came to another, which had also been new gotten, and there we found where an house had been, and four or five old Planks laid together; also we found a great Kettle, which Kettle and Corn found. had been some Ships kettle and brought out of Europe; there was also an heap of sand, made like the former, but it was newly done, we might see how they had padled it with their hands, which we digged up, and in it we found a little old Basket full of fair Indian Corn, and digged further, and found a fine great new Basket full of very fair Corn of this year, with some six and thirty goodly ears of Corn, some yellow, and some red, and others mixed with blue, which was a very goodly sight: the Basket was round, and narrow at the top, it held about three or four bushels, which was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground, and was very handsomely and cunningly made: But whilst we were busy about these things, we set our men Sentinel in a round ring, all but two or three which digged up the Corne. We were in suspense, what to do with it, and the Kettle, and at length after much consultation, we concluded to take the Kettle, and as much of the Corn as we could carry away with us: and when our Shallop came if we could find any of the people, and came to parley with them, we would give them the Kettle again, and satisfy them for their Corne. So we took all the Ears, and put a good deal of the loose Corn in the Kettle, for two men to bring away one Staff; besides, they that could put away into their Pockets filled the same; the rest we buried again, for we were so laden with Armour that we could carry no more. Not P●lizado. far from this place we found the remainder of an old Fort, or Palizado, which as we conceived had been made by some Christians, this was also hard by that place which we thought had been a River, unto which we went and found it so to be, diui●ing it f●●re into two arms by an high bank, standing right by the Cut or Mouth which came from the Sea, that which was next unto us was the less, the other arm was more than twice as big, and not unlike to be an Harbour for Ships; but whether it be a fresh River, or only an indraught of the Sea, we had no time to discover, for we had commandment to be out but two days. Here also we saw two Canoas', the one on the one side, the other on the other side, we could not believe it was a C●noa, t●ll we ca●e They return. near it, so we returned, leaving the further discovery hereof to our S 〈…〉 an● 〈◊〉 that night back again to the fresh water pond, and there we made our rendezvous that night, making a great fire, and a Baricado to wind ward of us, and kept good watch with three Sentinels all night, every one standing when his turn came, while five or six inches of Match was burning. It proved a very rainy night. In the morning we took our Kettle and sunk it in the Pond, and trimmed our Muskets, for few of them would go off because of the wet, and so coasted the Wood again to come home, in which we were shrewdly puzzled, and lost our way; as we wandered we came to a tree, where a young Spirit was bowed down over a Bow, and some Acorns strewed underneath; Stephen Hopkins said, it had been to catch some Deer, so, as we were looking device to catch Dear. at it, William Bradford oeing in the Rear, when he came looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a sudden jerk up, and he was immediately caught by the leg: It was a very pretty device, made with a Rope of their own making, and having a noose as artificially made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like ours as can be, which we brought away with us. In the end we got out of the Wood, and were fallen about a mile too high above the creak, where we saw three Bucks, but we had rather have had one of them. We also did spring three couple of Partridges; and as we came along by the creak, we saw great flocks of wild Geese and Ducks, but they were very fearful of us. So we marched some while in the Woods, some while on the Sands, and other while in the Water up to the knees, till at length we came near the Ship, and then we shot off our Pieces, and the long Boat came to fetch us: Master jones and Master Carver being on the shore, with many of our people, came to meet us. And thus we came both weary and welcome home, and delivered in our Corn into the store, to be kept for seed, for we knew not how to come by any, and therefore was very glad, purposing so soon as we could meet with any of the Inhabitants of that place, to make them large satisfaction. When our Shallop was fit indeed, before she was fully fitted, for there was two days work after bestowed on her, there was appointed some four and twenty men of our own, and armed, then to go and make a more full discovery of the Rivers before mentioned. Master jones was desirous to go with us, and took such of his Sailors as he thought useful for us, so as we were in all about four and thirty men: we made Master jones our Leader, for we thought it best herein to geatifie his kindness and forwardness. When we were set forth, it proved rough weather and cross winds, so as we were constrained, some in the Shallop, and others in the long Boat, to row to the nearest shore the wind would suffer them to go unto, and then to wade out above the knees; the wind was so strong as the Shallop could not keep the water, but was forced to harbour there that night, but we marched six or seven miles further, and appointed the Shallop to come to us as soon as they could. It blowed and did snow all that day and night, and froze withal; some of our people that are dead took the original of their death here. The next day about eleven a clock our Shallop came to us, and we shipped ourselves, and the wind being good, we sailed to the River we formerly discovered, which we named Cold Harbour, to Cold Harbour. which when we came we found it not Navigable for Ships, yet we thought it might be a good harbour for Boats, for it flows there twelve foot at high water. We landed our men between the two creeks, and marched some four or five miles by the greater of them, and the Shallop followed us: at length night grew on, and our men were tired with marching up and down the steep Hills, and deep Valleys, which lay half a foot thick with Snow: Master jones wearied with marching, was desirous we should take up our lodging, though some of us would have marched further, so we made there our Rendezvous for that night, under a few Pine trees, and as it fell out we got three Geese, and six Ducks to our Supper, which we eat with Soldiers stomaches, for we had eaten little all that day. We marched to the place where we had the Corn formerly, which place we called Cornhill; & digged & found the rest, of which we were very glad: we also digged in a place a little farther off, & found a bottle of Oil, we went to another place which we had seen before & digged and found more Corn, viz. two or three Baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of Beans, with a good many of fair wheat-eares; whilst some of us were digging up this, Note. some others found another heap of Corn, which they digged up also, so as we had in all about ten Bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for Seed. And sure it was Gods good providence that we found this corn, for else we knew not how we should have done, for we knew not how we should find, or meet with any of the Indians, except it be to do us a mischief. Also we had never Frost and Snow. in all likelihood seen a grain of it, if we had not made our first journey; for the ground was now eovered with Snow, and so hard frozen, that we were fain with our Curtlaxes and short Swords, to hew and carve the ground a foot deep, and then wrest it up with levers, for we had forgot to bring other Tools: whilst we were in this employment, foul weather being towards, M. jones was earnest to go aboard, but sundry of us desired to make further discovery, and to find out the Indians habitations, so we sent home with him our weakest people, and some that were sick, and all the Corn, and eighteen of us stayed still, and lodged there that night, & desired that the Shallop might return to us next day, and bring us some Mattocks and Spades with them. When we had marched five or six miles into the Woods, and could find no fignes of any people, we returned again another way, and as we came into the plain ground, we found a place like a grave, but it was much bigger and longer than any we had yet seen. It was also covered with boards, so as we mused what it should be, and resolved to dig it up; where we found, first a Mat, and under that a fair Bow, and there another Mat, and under that a Board about th' 〈…〉 quarters long, finely carved and painted, with three▪ Ty●es, or broochs on the top, like a Crown Sepulchre opened. also between the Mats we found Bowls, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets; at length wear came to a fair new Mit, and under that two Bundles, the one bigger, the other less, we open 〈…〉 the greater and found in it a great quantity of fine and perfect Red Powder, and in it the bone 〈…〉 and skull of a man. The skull had fine yellow hair still on it, and some of the flesh vnconsumed, there was bound up with a Knife, a Packneedle, and two or three old Iron things. It was boun 〈…〉 up in a Sailor's Canvas Casacke, and a pair of Cloth Breeches; the Red Powder was a kind of● Emba●lment, and yielded a strong, but no offensive smell; It was as fine as any Flower. We opened the less bundle likewise, and found of the same Powder in it, and the bones and head of a little child, about the legs, and other parts of it was Bound strings, and Bracelets of fine white Beads; there was also by it a little Bow, about three quarter's long, and some other odd knacks: we brought sundry of the pretiest things away with us, and covered the Corpse up again. After this, we digged in sundry like places, but found no more Corn, nor any things else but graves: Whilst we were thus ranging and searching, two of the Sailors, which were newly come on the shore, by chance espied two houses, which had been lately dwelled in, but the people were gone. They having their Pieces, and hearing no body, entered the houses, and took out some thing, and durst not stay but came again & told us; so some seven or eight of us went with them, and found how we had gone within a flight shot of them before. The houses were made with Two houses. long young Sapling Trees bended, and both ends stuck into the ground; they were made round, like unto an Arbour, and covered down to the ground with thick and well wrought Mats, and the door was not over a yard high, made of a Mat to open: the Chimney was a wide open hole in the top, for which they had a Mat to cover it close when they pleased, one might stand and go upright in them; in the midst of them were four little Tru●ches knocked into the ground, and small-stickes lai● over, on which they hung their Pots, and what they had to seethe: round about the fire they lay on Mats, which are their Beds. The Houses were double matted, for as they were matted without, so were they within, with newer and fairer Mats. In the Houses we Household stuff. found Wooden Bowle●, Trayes and Dishes, Earthen Pots, Hand-baskets made of Crab-shells, wrought together: also an English Payl●or Bucket, it wanted a Bail, but it had two Iron Ears: there was al●o Baskets of sundry sorts, bigger, and some lesser, finer, and some courfer: some were curiously wrought wi●h Black and White in pretty works, and sundry other of their household stuff: we found also two or three Deers Heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was still fresh: there was also a company of Deeres Feet, stuck up in the Houses, Hearts Horns, and Eagles Claws, and sundry such like things there was: also two or three Baskets full of parched Acorns, pieces of Fish, and a piece of a broiled Herring. We found also a little Silk Grass, and a little Tobacco Seed, with some other Seeds which we knew not: without was sundry bundles of Flags, and Sedge, Bulrushes, and other stuff to make Mats; there was thrust into an hollow Tree, two or three pieces of Venison, but we thought it fitter for the Dogs then for us: some of the best things we took away with us, and left the houses standing still as they were: Much disputation fell out about the place where we should abide; and a Company was chosen to go out upon a third Discovery (whilst some were employed in this Discovery ', it pleased God that Mistress White was brought a bed of a Son, which was called Peregrine.) Wednesday the sixth of December we set out, being very cold and hard weather, we were a long Third discovery. while after we launched from the Ship, before we could get clear of a Sandy Point, which lay within less than a furlong of the same. In which time, two were very sick, and Edward Tilley had like to have sounded with cold; the Gunner was also sick unto Death (but hope of trucking Extreme cold. made him to go) and so remained all that day, and the next night: at length we got clear of the Sandy Point, and got up our Sails, and within an hour or two we got under the weather shore, and t●en had smother water and better sailing, but it was very cold, for the water froze on our clothes, and made them many times like coats of Iron: we sailed six or seven leagues by the shore, but saw neither River nor Creek, at length we met with a tongue of Land, being flat off from the shore, with a Sandy point, we bore up to gain the Point, and found there a fair Income or Road, of a Bay, being a league over at the narrowest, and some two or three in length, but we made right over to the Land before us, and left the discovery of this Income till the next day: as we drew near to the shore, we espied some ten or twelve Indians, very busy about a black thing, what it was we could not tell, till afterwards they saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had been carrying something away, we landed a league or two from them, and had much ado to put a shore any where, it lay so full of flat Sands: when we came to shore, we made us a Baricado, and got fire Wood, and set out our Sentinels, and betook us to our lodging, Grampus Bay. Th●y found Grampuses dead, two inches thick of fat, and five or six paces long. such as it was; we saw the smoke of the fire which the Savages made that night, about four or five miles from us: in the morning we divided our Company, some eight in the Shallop, and the rest on the shore went to discover this place, but we found it only to be a Bay, without either River or Creek coming into it. This place the most were minded we should call, the Grampus Bay, because we found many of them there: we followed the tract of the Indians bare feet a good way on the Sands, at length we saw here they struck into the Woods by the side of a Pond, as we went to view the place, one said, he thought he saw an Indian-house among the Trees, so went up to see: and here we and the Shallop lost sight one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten a clock; so we light on a path, but saw no house, and followed a great way into the Woods, at length we found where Corn had been set, but not that year; a non we found a great burying place, one part whereof was encompassed with a large Palizado, like a Churchyard, with young spires four or five yards long, set as close one by another as they could two or three foot in the ground; within it was full of Graves, some bigger and some less, some were also paled about, and others had like an Indian-house made over them, but not matted: those Graves were more sumptuous than those at Cornhill, yet we digged none of them up, only viewed them and went our way: without the Palizado were Graves also, but not so costly. We went ranging up and down till the Sun began to draw low, and then we hasted out of the Woods, that we might come to our Shallop. By that time we had done, and our Shallop come to us it was within night, and we fed upon such victuals as we had, and betook us to our rest after we had set out our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous cry, and our Sentinel called, Arm, Arme. So we bestirred ourselves and shot off a couple of Muskets and noise ceased: we concluded, that it was a company of Wolves & Foxes, for one told us he had heard such a noise in newfoundland. About five a clock in the morning we began to be stirring, upon a sudden we heard a great & strange cry which we knew to be the same voices, though they varied their notes; one of the company being abroad came running in, and cried, They are men, Indians, Indians; and withal, their Arrows came flying amongst us, our men ran out with all speed to recover their Arms. The cry of our enemies was dreadful, especially, when our men ran out to recover their Arms, their note was after this manner, Woath woach ha ha hach woach: our men were no sooner come to their Arms, but the enemy was ready to assault them. There was a lusty man, and no whit less valiant, who was thought to be their Captain, stood behind a Tree within half a Musket shot of us, and there let his Arrows fly at us; he stood three shots off a Musket, at length one took as he said full aim at him, after which he gave an extraordinary cry and away they went all, we followed them about a quarter of a mile, but we left six to keep our Shallop, for we were careful of our business. We took up eighteen of their Arrows, which we had sent to England by Master jones, some whereof were headed with brass, others with Heart's horn, and others with Eagles claws; many more no doubt were shot, for these we found were almost covered with leaves: yet by the special providence of God, none of them either hit or hurt us. On Monday we found a very good A good Harbour. Harbour for our shipping, we marched also into the Land, and found diverse corn Fields and little running Brooks, a place very good for situation, so we returned to our Ship again with good news to the rest of our people, which did much comfort their hearts. This Harbour is a Bay greater than Cape Cod, compassed with a goodly Land, and in the Bay two fine Lands uninhabited, wherein are nothing but Woods, Okes, Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasifras, Vines, and other Trees which we know not. This Bay is a most hopeful place, innumerable store of Fowl, and excellent good, and cannot but be of Fish in their seasons: Skote, Cod, Turbot and Herring we have tasted of, abundance of Mufles the greatest and best that ever we saw; Crabs and Lobsters, in their time infinite: It is in fashion like a Cikle or Fish-hooke. The eighteenth we went along the Coast in the Woods, some seven or eight mile, but saw not an Indian, nor an Indian house, only we found where formerly had been some Inhabitants, and where they had planted their Corn: we found not any Navigable River, but four or five small running Brooks of very fresh water, that all run into the Sea. The Land for the crust of the earth is a spits depth, excellent black mould and fat in some places; two or three great Oaks, but not very thick, Pines, Walnuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, Holley, Asp, Sasifras, in abundance, and Vines every where, Cherry-trees, Plum-trees, and many other which we know not; many kinds of Herbs we found here in Winter, as Strawberry leaves innumerable, Sorrell, Yarow, Carvel, Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water-cresses, great store of Leeks and Onions, and an excellent strong kind of Flax and Hemp. Here is Sand, Gravel, and excellent Clay, no better in the World, excellent for Pots, and will wash like Soap, and great store of Stone, though somewhat soft, and the best water that ever we drunk, and the Brooks now begin to be full of Fish; that night many being weary with marching, we went aboard again. The nineteenth of December, after our landing and viewing of the places, so well as we could we came to a conclusion, by most voices, to set on the Main Land, on the first place, on an high ground, where there is a great deal of Land cleared, and hath been planted with Corn three or four years ago, and there is a very sweet Brook runs under the Hill side, and many delicate Springs of as good water as can be drunk, and where we may harbour our Shallops and Boats exceeding well, and in this Brook is much good Fish in their seasons. On the further side of the River also much Corn ground cleared, in one Field is a great Hill, on which we point to make a platform, and plant our Ordnance, which will command all round about, from thence we may see into the Bay, and far into the Sea, and we may see thence Cape Cod. Saturday the three and twentieth, so many of us as could went on shore, felled and carried timber, to provide themselves stuff for building. Monday the five and twentieth, we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to saw, some to rive, and some to carry, so no man rested all that day. Monday the five and twentieth, being Christmas day, we began to drink water aboard, but at night the Master caused us to have some Beer, and so on board we had diverse times now & then some Beer, but on shore none at all. We took notice how many Families they were, willing all single men that had no wives to join with some Family as they thought fit, that so we might build fewer houses, which was done, and we reduced them to nineteen Families; to greater Families we allotted larger plots, to every person half a Pole in breadth, and three in length, and so Lots were cast where every man should lie, which was done, and staked out; we thought this proportion was large enough: at the first, for Houses and Gardens to impale them round, considering the weakness of our people, many of them growing ill with colds, for our former Discoveries in frost and storms, and the wading at Cape Cod had brought much weakness amongst us, which increased every day more and more, and after was the cause of many of our deaths. Friday and Saturday we fitted ourselves for our labour, but our people on shore were much troubled and discouraged with rain and wet that day, being very stormy and cold; we saw great smokes of fire made by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us as we conjectured. Thursday the fourth of januarie, Captain Miles Standish, with four or five more, went to see if they could meet with any of the Savages in that place where the fires was made, they went to some of their houses but not lately inhabited, yet could they not meet with any; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and killed her, which was excellent meat; It was hardly to be discerned from Mutton. Tuesday the ninth of janury, was a reasonable fair day, and we went to labour that day in the building of our Town, in two rows of houses for more safety: we divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build our Town: After the proportion formerly allotted, we agreed that every man should build his own house, thinking by that course men would make more haste than working in common: the common house, in which for the first we made our Rendezvous, being near finished, wanting only covering, it being about twenty foot square, some should make mortar, and some gather thatch, so that in four days half of it was thatched, frost and foul weather hindered us much; this time of the year seldom could we work half the week. On the twelfth day, john Goodman and Peter Browne at dinner time took their meat in their hands, and would go walk and refresh themselves, so going a little off they find a Lake of water, and having a great Mastiff bitch with them, and a Spaniel; by the water side they found a great D●ere, the Dogs chased him, and they followed sofar as they lost themselves, and could not find the way back, they wandered all that afternoon being wet, and at night did freeze and snow, they were slenderly apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his Cycle, nor any victuals, they ranged up and down and could find none of the Savages habitations. When it drew to night they were much perplexed, for they could find neither harbour nor meat, but in frost and snow, were forced to make the Earth their bed, and the Element their covering, and another thing did very much terrify them; they heard as they thought two Lions roaring exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that they thought was very near them: so not knowing what to do, they resolved to climb up into a Tree as the safest refuge, though that would prove an intolerable cold lodging. They stood at the Trees root, that when the Lions came they might take their opportunity of climbing up, the Bitch they were fain to hold by the neck, for she would have been gone to the Lion; but it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild Beasts came not: so they walked up and down under the Tree all night, it was an extreme cold night; so soon as it was light they traveled again, passing by many Lakes, and Brooks, and Woods, and in one place where the Savages had burnt the space of five miles in length, which is a fine Champion Country, and even. In the afternoon it pleased God from an high Hill, they discovered the two Isles in the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation, being ready to faint with travel and want of victuals, and almost famished with cold, john Goodman was fain to have his shoes cut off his feet they were so swelled with cold, and it was a long while after ere he was able to go. The house was fired occasionally by a spark that flew into the thatch, which instantly burned it all up, but the roof stood and little hurt; the most loss was Master Carvers and William Bradfords', who then lay sick in bed, and if they had not risen with good speed, had been blown up with powder: but through God's mercy they had no harm: the house was as full of beds as they could lie one by another, and their Muskets charged, but blessed be God there was no harm done Monday the fifteenth day, it reigned much all day, that they on shipboard could not go on shore, nor they on shore do any labour but were all wet. Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, were very fair Sun-shiny days, as if it had been in April, and our people so many as were in health wrought cheerfully. The ninteenth day we resolved to make a Shed, to put our common provision in, of which some were already set on shore, but at noon it reigned that we could not work. This day in the evening, john Goodman went abroad to use his lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little Spaniel with him, a little way from the Plantation, two great Wolves ran after the Dog, the Dog ran to him, and betwixt his legs for succour, Two great Wolves. he had nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again; he got a Pail board in his hand, and they sat both on their tails, grinning at him a good while and went their way and left him. Saturday the seventeenth day in the morning, we called a meeting for the establishing of Military Orders amongst ourselves, and we chose Miles Standish our Captain, and gave him authority of command in affairs. Saturday the third of March, the wind was South, the morning misty, but towards noon warm and fair weather: the Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly; at one of the clock it thundered, which was the first we heard in that Country, it was strong and great claps, but short, Thunder. but after an hour it rained very sadly till midnight. Wednesday the seventh of March, the wind was full East, cold, but fair. Friday the sixteenth, there presented himself a Savage, which caused an Alarm, he very boldly came all alone and along the houses strait to the Rendezvous, where we intercepted him, not Conference with Savages. suffering him to go in, as undoubtedly he would out of his boldness he saluted us in English, and bade us welcome, for he had learned some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came to fish at Monhiggon, and knew by name the most of the Captains, Commanders, and Masters, that usually come; he was a man free in speech, so far as he could express his mind, and of a seemly carriage, we questioned him of many things, he was the first Savage we could meet withal; he said he was not of those parts, but of Morattiggon, and one of the Sagamores or Lords thereof, had been eight months in these parts, it lying hence a days sail with a great wind, and five days by Land: he discoursed of the whole Country, and of every Province, and of their Sagamores, and their number of men, and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little, we cast a Horsemans' Coat about him, for he was stark naked, only a leather about his waist, with a fringe about a span long, or little more; he had a Bow and two Arrows, the one headed, and the other unheaded; he was a tall strait man, the hair of his head black, long behind, only short before, none on his face at all; he a●ked some Beer, but we gave him Strong-water and Biscuit, and Butter, and Cheese, and Pudding, and a piece of a Mallerd; all which he liked well, and had been acquainted with such amongst the English; he told us the place where we now live, is called, Patuxet, and Patuxet. People all dead of a plague. that about four years ago all the Inhabitants died of an extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, nor child remaining, as indeed we have round none, so as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claim unto it. All the afternoon we spent in communication with him, we would gladly have been rid of him at night, but he was not willing to go this night, than we thought to carry him on shipboard, wherewith he was well content and went into the Shallop, but the wind was high and water scant, that it could not return back. We lodged that night at Steven Hopkins house, and watched him: the next day he went away back to the Masasoyts, from Masasoyts. whence he said he came, who are our next bordering neighbours; they are sixty strong, as he saith. The Nausites are as near Southeast of them, and are a hundred strong, and those were they of Nausites. whom our people were encountered, as we before related. They are much incensed and provoked against the English, and about eight months ago slew three Englishmen, and two more hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon; they were Sir Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this Savage told us, as he did likewise of the Huggery, that is, Fight, that our discoverers had with the Nausites, and of our Tools they were taken out of the Woods, which we willed him should be brought again, otherwise we would right ourselves. These people are ill affected towards the English, by reason of one Hunt, a Master of a Ship, who deceived the people, and got them under colour of trucking Hunt's wickedness. with them, twenty out of this very place where we inhabit, and seven men from the Nausites, and carried them away and sold them for Slaves, like a wretched man (for twenty pound a man) that care not what mischief he doth for his profit. Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Savage, and gave him a Knife, a Bracelet, and a Ring; he promised within a night or two to come again, & to bring with him some of the Massasoyts our neighbours, with such Beavers skins as they had to truck with us. Saturday and Sunday reasonable fair days. On this day came again the Savage, and brought with him five other tall proper men, they had every man a Deeres skin on him, and the principal of them had a wild Cat's skin, or such like on the one arm: they had most of them long hosen up to their groynes, close made; and above their groynes to their waist another leather, they were altogether like the Irish-trouses; they are of complexion like our English Gipsies, no hair or very little on their faces, on their heads long hair to the shoulders, only cut before; some trussed up before with a feather, broad wise, like a fan, another a Fox tail hanging out: these left (according to our charge given him before) their Bows and Arrows a quarter of a mile from our Town, we gave them entertainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eat liberally of our English victuals, they made semblance unto us of friendship and amity; they sang and danced after this manner like S●u●ge● described▪ Antics; they brought with him in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principal of them had about his waist) a little of their Corn pounded to powder, which put to a little water they eat: he had a little Tobacco in a bag, but none of them drunk but when he listed, some of them had their faces painted black, from the forehead to the chin, four or five fingers broad; others after other fashions, as they liked: they brought three or four Skins, but we would not truck with them all that day, but wished them to bring more, and we would truck for all, which they promised within a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though we were not willing they should, and they brought all our Tools again which were taken in the Woods, in our men's absence, so because of the day we dismissed them so soon as we could. But Samoset our first acquaintance, either was sick, or feigned himself so, and would not go with them, and stayed with us till Wednesday morning: Then we sent him to them, to know the reason they came not according to their words, and we gave him an Hat, a pair of Stockings and Shoes, a Shirt, and a piece of Cloth to tie about his waist. Thursday the 22. of March, was a very fair warm day. About noon we met again about our public business, but we had scarce been an hour together, but Samoset came again, and Squanto, the only Native of Patuxat, where we now inhabit, who was one of the twenty Captives that by Hunt were carried away, and had been in England, and dwelled in Cornhill with Master john Slanie a Merchant, and could speak a little English, with three others, and they brought them some few Skins to truck, and some Red Herrings newly taken and dried, but not salted, and signified unto us, that there Great Sagamore Massasoyt was hard by, with Quadequina his brother, and all their men. They could not well express in English what they would, but after an hour the King came to the top of an Hill over against us, and had in his train sixty men, that we could well behold them, and they us: we were not willing to send our Governor to them, and they unwilling to come to us, so Squanto went again unto him, who brought word that we should send one to parley with him, which we did, which was Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, and to signify the mind and will of our Governor, which was to have trading and peace with him. We sent to the King a pair of Knives, and a Copper Chain, with a jewel at it. To Quadequina we sent likewise a Knife and a jewel to hang in his ear, and withal a Pot of strong water, a good quantity of Biscuit, and some Butter, which were all willingly accepted: our Messenger made a speech unto him, that King JAMES saluted him with words of Love and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and Alley, and that our Governor desired to see him and to trocke with him, and to confirm a Peace with him, as his next neighbour: he liked well of the speech, and heard it attentively, though the Interpreters did not well express it; after he had eaten ●nd drunk himself, & given the rest to his company, he looked upon our Messenger's Sword and Armour which he had on, with intimation of his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our Messenger showed his unwillingness to part with it: In the end he left him in the custody of Quadequina his brother, and came over the Brook and some twenty men following him, leaving all their Bows and Arrows behind them. We kept six or seven as Hostages for our Messenger; Cap. Standish and M. Williamson met the King at the Brook, with half a dozen Musketeers, they saluted him and he them, so one going over, the one on the one side, and the other on the other, conducted him to an house then in building, where we placed a green Rug, and three or four Cushions. Then instantly came our Governor, with a Drum and Trumpet after him, and some few Musketeers. After salutations, our Governor kissing his hand, the King kissed him, and so they sat down. The Governor called for some strong water, and drunk to him, and he drunk a great draught that made him sweat all the while after; he called for a little fresh meat, which the King did eat willingly, and did give his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which was; First, That neither he nor any of his should injure or do hurt to any of our people. Secondly, & if any of his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, that we might punish him. Thirdly, The agreements of peace between us and Massasoyt. that if any of our tools were taken away when our people were at work, he should cause them to be restored, and if ours did any harm to any of his, we would do the like to them. Fourthly, If any did unjustly war against him we would aid him; If any did war against us, he should aid us. Fifthly, He should send to his neighbour Confederates, to certify them of this, that they might not wrong us, but might be likewise comprised in the conditions of Peace. Sixthly, That when their men came to us, they should leave their Bows and Arrows behind them, as we should do our Pieces when we came to them. Lastly, that doing thus King JAMES would esteem of him as his Friend and Ally: all which the King seemed to like well, and it was applauded of his followers, all the while he sat by the Governor he trembled for fear. In his person he is a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech: In his attire little or nothing differing from the rest of his followers, only in a gr●a● Chain of white bone Beads about his neck, & at it behind his neck hangs a little bag of Tobacco, which he drank and gave us to drink; his face was painted with a sad Red like Murry, and oiled both head and face, that he looked greasily: All his followers likewise, were in their faces in part or in whole painted, some Black, some Red, some Yellow, and some White, some with Crosses, and other Antic works, some had Skins on them, and some naked, all strong tall men in appearance. The King had his bosom hanging in a string, a great long Knife; he marvelled much at our Trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as they could, Samoset and Squanto, stayed all night with us, and the King and all his men lay all night in the Wood, not above half an English mile from us, and all their wives and women with them, they said, that within eight or nine days, they would come and set Corn on the other side of the Brook, and dwell there all Summer, which is hard by us. That night we kept good watch, but there was no appearance of danger; the next morning diverse of our people came over to us, hoping to get some victuals as we imagined, some of them told us the King would have some of us come see him; Captain Standish, and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were welcomed of him after their manner: he gave them three or four ground Nuts, and some Tobacco. We cannot yet conceive, but that he is willing to have peace with us, for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the Woods at work and Fowling, when as they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done, and especially because he hath a potent Adversary, the Narowhiganseiss, that are at war with him, against whom he thinks we may be some strength to him, for our Pieces are terrible unto them. This morning they sta●ed till ten or eleven of the clock, and our Governor bid them send the King's Kettle, and filled it full of Pease, which pleased them well, and so they went their way. Friday was a very fair day, Samoset and Squanto stil remained with us, Squanto went at noon to fish for Eels, at night he came home with as many as he could well lift in one hand, which our people were glad of, they were fat and sweet, he trod them out with his feet, and so caught them with his hands without any other Instrument. This day we proceeded on with our common business, from which we had been so often hindered by the Savages coming, and concluded both of Military Orders, and of some Laws and Orders as we thought behooveful for our present estate, and condition, and likewise choose our Governor for this year, which was Master john Carver, a man well approved amongst us. IT seemed good to the Company for many considerations, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, A journey to Packanokik, the Habitation of the Great King Massasoy●. the greatest Commander amongst the Savages, bordering about us; partly to know where to find them, if occasion served, as also to see their strength, discover the Country, prevent abuses in their disorderly coming unto us, make satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done on our parts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friendship between them and us. For these, and the like ends, it pleased the Governor to make choice of Steven Hopkins, and Edward Winsloe to go unto him, and having a fit opportunity, by reason of a Savage, called Tisquantum (that could speak English) coming unto us: with all expedition provided a Horsemans' Coat, of Red Cotton, and laced with a slight Lace for a Present, that both they and their message might be the more acceptable amongst them. We set forward the tenth of june, about nine a clock in the morning, our guide resolving that 1621. night to rest at Namaschet, a Town under Massasoyt, and conceived by us to be very near, because the Inhabitants flocked so thick upon every slight occasion amongst us: but we found it to be some fifteen English miles. On the way we found some ten or twelve men, women, and children, which had pestered us, till we were weary of them, perceiving that (as the manner of them all is) where victual is easiliest to be got, there they live, especially in the Summer: by reason whereof, our Bay affording many Lobsters, they resort every Spring Tide thither: and now returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came about three a clock after noon, the Inhabitants entertaining us with joy, in the best manner they could, giving us a kind of bread, called by them Maizium, and the spawn of Shads, which then they got in abundance, in so much as they gave us spoons to eat them, with these they boiled musty Acorns, but of the Shads we eat heartily. After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a Crow, complaining what damage they sustained in their Corn by them, who shooting some fourscore off and kill, they much admired it, as other shots on other occasions. After this Tisquantum told us we should hardly in one day reach Pakanokick, moving us to go some eight miles further, where we should find more store and better victuals than there: Being willing to hasten our journey we went, and came thither at Sun setting, where we found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the men of Namaschet) fishing upon a Wa●e which they had made on a River which belonged to them, where they caught abundance of Basse. These welcomed us also, gave us of their fish, and we them of our victuals, not doubting but we should have enough where ere we came. There we lodged in the open fields: for houses they had none, though they spent the most of the Summer there. The head of this River is reported to be not far from the place of our abode, upon it are, and have been many Towns, it being a good length. The ground is very good on both sides, it being for the most part cleared: Thousands of men have lived there, which died in a great plague Great plague. not long since: and pity it was and is to see, so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men to dress and manure the same. Upon this River dwelleth Massasoyt. The next morning we broke our fast, took our leave and departed, being then accompanied with some six Savages, having gone about six miles by the River side, at a known shoal place, it being low water, they spoke to us to put off our breeches, for we must wade thorough. Here let me not forget the valour and courage of some of the Savages, on the opposite side of the River, for there were remaining alive only two men, both aged, especially the one being above threescore: These two espying a company of men entering the River, ran very swiftly and low in the grass to meet us at the Bank, where with shrill voices and great courage, standing charged upon us with their Bows, they demanded what we were, supposing us to be enemies, and thinking to take advantage on us in the water: but seeing we were friends, they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of Beads on them. Thus far we are sure the Tide ebbs and flows. Having here again refreshed ourselves we proceeded in our journey, the weather being very hot for travel, yet the Country so well watered, that a man could scarce be dry, but he should have a Spring at hand to cloole his thirst, beside small Rivers in abundance: But the Savages will not willingly drink, but at a Spring head. When we came to any small Brook, where no Bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of their own accords, also fearing we were or would be weary, offered to carry our Pieces, also if we would lay off any of our clothes, we should have them carried: and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one of the Messengers, and the other Savage from the other; so they showed their thankfulness accordingly in affording us all help, and furtherance in the journey. As we passed along, we observed that there were few places by the River, but had been inhabited, by reason whereof much ground was clear, save of weeds which grew higher than our heads. There is much good Timber, both Oak, Walnut-tree, Fir, Beech, and exceeding great Chestnut-trees. After we came to a Town of Massasoyts, where we eat Oysters and other Fish. From thence we went to Packanokick, but Massasoyt was not at home, there we stayed, he being sent for: when news was brought of his coming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at our meeting, we would discharge our Pieces, but one of us going about to charge his Piece, the women and children through fear to see them take up his Piece, ran away, and could not be pacified, till he laid it down again, who afterward were better informed by our Interpreter. Massasoyt being come, we discharged our Pieces, and saluted him, who after their manner kindly welcomed us, and took us into his house, and set us down by him, where having delivered our Message and Presents, and having put the Coat on his back, and the Chain about his neck, he was not a little proud to behold himself, and his men also to see their King so bravely attired. For answer to our Message, he told us we were welcome, and he would gladly continue that Peace and Friendship which was between him and us: and for his men they should no more pester us as they had done: Also, that he would send to Paomet, and would help us with Corn for Seed, according to our request. This being done, his men gathered near unto him, to whom he turned himself, and made a great Speech; they sometime interposing, and as it were, confirming and applauding him in that he said. The meaning whereof was (as far as we could learn) thus; Was not be Massasoyt Commander of the Country about them? Was not such a Town his and the people of it? and should they not bring their skins unto us. After this manner, he named at least thirty places, and their answer was as aforesaid to every one: so that as it was delightful, it was tedious unto us. This being ended, he lighted Tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of England, and of the King's Majesty, marvelling that he would live without a Wife. Also he talked of the Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them to come to Narohiganset, for it was King JAMES his Country, and he also was King JAMES his man. Late it grew, but victuals he offered none; for indeed he Royal entertainment. had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired to go to rest: he laid us on the bed with himself and his wife, they at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks laid a foot from the ground, and a thin Mat upon them. Two more of his chief men for want of room pressed by and upon us; so that we were worse weary of our lodging then of our journey. The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis, or petty Governors came to see us, and many of their men also. There they went to their manner of Games for Skins and Knives. There we challenged them to shoot with them for Skins: but they durst not: only they desired Games. to see one of us shoot at a mark, who shooting with Haile-shot, they wondered to see the mark so full of holes. About one a clock, Massasoyt brought two Fishes that he had shot, they were like bream, but three times so big, and better meat. These being boiled▪ there were at least forty looked for share in them, the most eat of them: This meal only we had in two nights and a day, and had not one of us bought a Partridge, we had taken our journey fasting: Very importunate Hungry fare. he was to have us stay with them longer: But we desired to keep the Sabbath at home, and feared we should either be lightheaded for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, the Savages barbarous singing (for they use to sing themselves asleep) Lys and Fleas within doors, and Muskeetoes without, we could hardly sleep all the time of our being there; we much fearing that if we should stay any longer, we should not be able to recover home for want of strength. So that on the Friday morning before Sunrising, we took our leave and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, that he could not better entertain us; and retaining Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure truck for us: and appointing another, called Tokamahamon in his place, whom we had to and faithful before and after upon all occasions. THe eleventh of june we set forth toward Nauset, the weather being very fair: but ere we A Voyage made by ten of our men o●the Kingdom of Nauset, to seek a Boy that had lost himself in the Woods; with such accidents as befell us in that Voyage. had been long at Sea, there arose a storm of wind and rain, with much lightning and thunder, in so much that a spout arose not far from us: but God be praised, it dured not long, and we put in that night for Harbour at a place called Cummaquid, where we had some hope to find the Boy. Two Savages were in the Boat with us, the one was Tisquantum our Interpreter, the other Tokamahamon, a special friend. It being night before we came in, we Anchored in the midst of the Bay, where we were dry at a low water. In the morning we espied Savages seeking Lobsters, and sent our two Interpreters to speak with them, the channel being between them; where they told them what we were, and for what we were come, willing them not at all to fear us, for we would not hurt them. Their answer was, that the Boy was well, but he was at Nauset; yet since we were there they desired us to come ashore and eat with them: which as soon as our Boat floated we did: and went six ashore, having four pledges for them in the Boate. They brought us to their Sachim or Governor, whom they call jyanough, a man not exceeding twenty six years of age, but very personable, gentle courteous, and fair conditioned, indeed not like a Savage, save for his attire: his entertainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheer plentiful and various. One thing was very grievous unto us at this place: There was an old Woman, whom we judged to be no less than an hundred years old, which came to see us because she never saw English, yet could not behold us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and crying excessively. We demanding the reason of it, they told us, she had three Sons, who when Master Hunt was in these parts, went aboard his Ship to trade with him, and he carried them Captives into Spain (for Tisquantum at that time was carried away also) by which means she was deprived of the comfort of her children in her old age. We told them we were sorry that any Englishman should give them that offence, that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the English that heard of it condemned him for the same: but for us, we would not offer them any such injury, though it would gain us all the Skins in the Country. So we gave her some small trifles, which somewhat appeased her. After dinner we took Boat for Nauset, jyanough and two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came to Nauset, the day and tide were almost spent, in so much as we could not go in with our Shallop: but the Sachim or Governor of Cummaquid went ashore and his men with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. After Sunset Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the Boy with him, one bearing him through the water: he had not less than an hundred with him, the half whereof came to the Shallop side unarmed with him, the other stood aloof with their Bow and Arrows. There he delivered us the Boy, beh●ng with Beads, and made peace with us, we bestowing a Knife on him, The Boy is restored. and likewise on another that first entertained the Boy and brought him thither. So they departed from us. Here we understood that the Narrohigansets had spoilt some of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This struck some fear in us, because the Colony was so weakly guarded, the strength thereof being abroad: But we set forth with resolution to make the best haste home we could; yet the wind being contrary, having scarce any fresh water left, and at least sixteen leagues home, we put in again for the shore. There we met again with jyanough the Sachim of Cummaquid, and the most of his Town, both men, women and children with him. He being still willing to gratify us, took a runlet and led our men in the dark a great way for water, but could find none good; yet brought such as there was on his neck with them. In the mean time the women joined hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the men also showing all the kindness they could, jyanough himself taking a Bracelet from about his neck, and hanging it upon one of us. By God's providence we came safely home that night. CHAP. V. Good news from New England: Or, A Relation of things remarkable in that Plantation; written by E. WINSLOW and here abbreviated. THe good Ship called the Fortune, which in the Month of November 1621. (blessed be God) brought us a new supply of five and thirty persons, was not long departed our Coast, ere the Great people of Nanohigganset, which are reported to ●e many thousands strong, began to breath forth many threats against us, notwithstanding their desired and obtained peace with us in the foregoing Summer. Insomuch as the common talk of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against us, In reason, a man would think they should have now more cause to fear us than before our supply came: but though none of them were present, yet understanding by others that they neither brought Arms nor other provisions with them, but wholly relied on us, it occasioned them to sleight and brave us with so many threats as they did. At length came one of them to us, who was sent by Conavacus their chief Sachim or King, accompanied with one Tokamahamon a friendly Indian. This Messenger inquired for Tisquantum Snake's skin defiance. our Interpreter, who not being at home seemed rather to be glad then sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of new Arrows lapped in a rattle Snakes skin, desired to depart with all expedition. When Tisquantum returned, and the Arrows were delivered, and the manner of the Messenger's carriage related, he signified to the Governor, that to send the rattle Snakes skin in that manner, imported enmity, and that it was no better than a challenge. Hereupon, after some deliberation, the Governor stuffed the skin with Powder and Shot, and sent it back, returning no less defiance to Conavacus, assuring him if he had Shipping now present thereby to send his men to Nanohigganset (the place of his abode) they should not need to come so far by Land to us: yet withal, showing that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked for. This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in such sort, as it was no small terror to this Savage King, insomuch as he would not once touch the Powder and Shot, or suffer it to stay in his House or Country. Whereupon the Messenger refusing it, another took it up, and having been posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole back again. In the mean time, knowing our own weakness, notwithstanding our high words and lofty looks towards them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as yet (under God) no other defence than our Arms, we thought it most needful to impale our Town, which with all expedition we accomplished in the month of February, and some few days, taking in the top Town impaled. of the Hill under which our Town is seated, making four Bulwarks or ietties without the ordinary circuit of the Pale, from whence we could defend the whole Town: In three whereof are Gates, and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Captain Standish divided our strength into four squadrons or companies, appointing whom he thought most fit to have command of each: And at a general Muster or Training, appointed each his place, gave each his Company, giving them charge upon every alarm to resort to their Leaders to their appointed place, and in his absence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his Company to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their Muskets. After which they brought their new Commanders to their houses, where again they graced them with their shot, and so departed. Fearing also lest the enemy at any time should take any advantage by firing our houses, Captain Standish appointed a certain Company, that whensoever they saw or heard fire to be cried in the Town, should only betake themselves to their Arms, and should enclose the house or place so endangered, and stand aloof on their guard, with their backs towards the fire, to prevent treachery, if any were in that kind intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it, but not otherwise, without special command. Long before this time we promised the people of Massachuset in the beginning of March to come unto them, and trade for their Furs, which being then come, we began to make preparation for that Voyage. In the mean time, an Indian, called Hobbamocke, who still lived in the Town, told us, that he feared the Massachusets or Massachuseuks (for they so called the people of that place) were joined in confederacy with the Nanohigganneucks, or people of Nanohigganset, and that they therefore would take this opportunity to cut off Captain Standish and his Company abroad: but howsoever in the mean time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the Town at home, giving many reasons for his jealousy, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacy, who we should find would use many persuasions to draw us from our Shallops to the Indians houses for their better advantage. Notwithstanding the forenamed Captain with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamocke, set forwards for the Massachusets: but we had no sooner turned the point of the Harbour, called the Gurnet's nose (where being becalmed we let fall our grapneli, to set things to rights, and prepare to row) but there came an Indian of Tisquantums family, running to certain of our people that were from home with all eagerness, having his face wounded, and the blood still fresh on the same, calling to them to repair home, oft looking behind him, as if some others had him in chase, saying that at Namaschet (a Town some fifteen miles from us) there were many of the Nanobiggansets, Massassowat our supposed friend; and Conbatant our feared enemy, with many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the present opportunity, to assault the Town in the Captain's absence, affirming that he received the wound in his face for speaking in our behalf, and by sleight escaped, looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed again to the Governor, whereupon he gave command that three piece of Ordnance should be made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of hearing, we might return thereat. Which we no sooner heard, but we repaired homeward with all convenient speed, arming ourselves, and making all in readiness to fight. When we entered the Harbour, we saw the Town like wise on their guard, whither we hasted with all convenient speed. The news being made known unto us, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowats' faithfulness; howsoever he presumed he would never have undertaken any such act without his privity, himself being a Pinse, that is, one of his chief Champions or men of valour, it being the manner amongst them not to undertake such enterprises without the advice and furtherance of men of that rank. The Governor caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all privacy to Puckanokick the chief place of Massassowats' residence (pretending other occasions) there to inform herself, and so us, of the right state of things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such matter was or had been intended, she told Massassowat what had happened at Plymouth (by them called Patuxet) which when he understood, he was much offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, returning many thanks to the Governor for his good thoughts of him; and assuring him, that according to their first Articles of peace, he would send word and give warning when any such business was towards. Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, whose ends were only to make himself great in the eyes of his Countrymen, by means of his nearness and favour with us, not caring Tisquantum▪ treachery. who fell, so he stood. In general, his course was to pers wade them he could lead us to peace or war at his pleasure, and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word in a private manner, we were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might get gifts to himself to work their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteem than many of their Sachims', yea, they themselves sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of us; yea, and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas diverse were wont to rely on Massassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him, and seek after Tisquantum. But when we understood his dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and innocency therein, assuring them till they begun with us, they should have no cause to fear. And if any hereafter should raise any such reports, they should punish them as liars and seekers of their and our disturbance, which gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides. After this we proceeded in our Voyage to the Massachusets, where we had good store of Trade and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven from before our Town in great danger and extremity of weather. At our return, we found Massassowat at the Plantation, who made his seeming just Apology for all former matters of accusation, being much offended and enraged against Tisquantum, whom the Governor pacified as much as he could for the present. But not long after his departure, he sent a Messenger to the Governor, entreating him to give way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. But the Governor answered; Although he had deserved to dye both in respect of him and us; yet for our sakes he desired he would spare him, and the rather because without him he knew not well how to understand himself, or any other the Indians. With this answer the Messenger returned, but came again not long after, accompanied with diverse others, demanding him from Mass●ssowat their Master, as being one of his subjects, whom by our first Articles of peace we could not retain: yet because he would not willingly do it without the Governor's approbation, offered him many Bevers skins for his consent thereto, saying, that according to their manner, their Sachim had sent his own Knife, and therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Governor answered; It was not the manner of the English to sell men's lives at a price, but when they had deserved justly to die, to give them their reward, and therefore refused their Beavers as a gift: but sent for Tisquantum, who though he knew their intent, yet offered not to fly, but came and accused Hobbamocke as the author and worker of his overthrow; yielding himself to the Governor to be sent or not according as he thought meet. But at the instant, when our Governor was ready to deliver him into the hands of his Executioners, a Boat was seen at Sea to 〈…〉 e before our Town, and fall behind a head-land not far off: whereupon, having heard many rumours of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combination between the Savages and them, the Governor told the Indians, he would first know what Boat that was ere he would deliver him into their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heat. Here let me not omit one notable (though wicked) practise of this Tisquantum, who to the end he might possess his Countrymen with the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told them we had the plague buried in our store-house, which at our pleasure we could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home. Being upon the forenamed brabbles sent for by the Governor to this place, where Hobbamock was & some other of us, the ground being broke in the midst of the house (whereunder certain barrels of Powder were buried, though unknown to him) Hobbamock asked him what it meant? To whom he readily answered; That was the place wherein the plague was Plaguey 〈◊〉 buried, whereof he formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our people whether such a thing were, and whether we had such command of it? Who answered no; But the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies. This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622. At which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, having lived long before with a bare and short allowance: The reason was, that supply of men before mentioned, which came so unprovided, not landing so much as a barrel of Bread or Meal for their whole Company, but chose received from us for their Ships store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather certain amongst ourselves, who were too prodigal in their writing and reporting that plenty we enjoyed. But that I may return. This Boat proved to be a Shallop that belonged to a fishing Ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston, late Merchant and Citizen of London, which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, that should before have been landed at our Plantation, who also brought no more provision for the present than served the Boats gang for their return to the Ship, which made ●er Voyage at a place called Damarins' Cove, near Munhiggen, some forty leagues from us North-east-ward; about which place there fished above thirty sail of Ships, and whither myself was employed by our Governor, with orders to take up such victuals as the Ships could spare; where I found kind entertainment and good respect, with a willingness to supply our wants: But being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason of the necessity of some amongst themselves, whom they supplied before my coming, would not take any Bills for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of their abilities: which although it were not much amongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet through the provident and discreet care of the Governors, recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on the ground was ready. Having dispatched there, I returned home with all speed convenient, where I found the state of the Colony much weaker than when I left it: for till now we were never without some Bread, the want whereof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swollen others. But here it may be said, if the Country abound with Fish and Fowl in such measure as is reported, how could men undergo such measure of hardness, except through their own negligence? I answer: Every thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one said, will go into an Orchard in the Winter to gather Cherries: so he that looks for Fowl there in the Summer, will be deceived in his expectation. The time they continue in plenty with us, is from the beginning of October to the end of March: but these extremities befell us in May and june. I confess, that as the Fowl decrease, so Fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our Bay and Creeks were full of Basse, and other fish, ye● for want of fit and strong S●y●es, and other netting, they for the most part broke thorough and carried all away before them. And though the Sea were full of Cod, yet we had neither tackling nor harseiss for our Shallops. And indeed had we not been in a place where diverse sorts of Shellfish are that may be taken with the hand, we must have perished, unless God had raised some unknown or extraordinary means for our preservation. In the time of these streits (indeed before my going to Munhiggen) the Indians began again to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakness, and giving out how easy it would be ere long to cut us off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frown on us, and neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things occasioned further thoughts of Fortification. And whereas we have a Hill called the Mount, enclosed within our Pale, under which our Town is seated, we resolved to erect a Fort thereon, from whence a few might easily secure the Town from any assault the Indians can make, whilst the rest might be employed as occasion served. This work was begun with great eagerness, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continual guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the Savages from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us. And though it took the greatest part of our strength from dressing our Corn, yet (life being continued) we hoped God would raise some means in stead thereof for our further preservation. In the end of june, or beginning of july, came into our harbour two Ships of Master weston's Master weston's planters: which pl●id the wasps with English and Savages. aforesaid, the one called the Charity, the other the Swan, having in them some fifty or sixty men sent over at his own charge to plant for him. These we received into our Town, affording them whatsoever courtesy our mean condition could afford. There the Charity, being the bigger Ship, left them, having many passengers which she was to land in Uirginia. In the mean time, the body of them refreshed themselves at Plymouth, whilst some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of Corn we had, was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dishonest walking of these strangers, who though they would sometimes seem to help us in our labour about our Corn, yet spared not day and night to steal the same, it being then eatable, and pleasant to taste, though green and unprofitable. And though they received much kindness, s●t light both by it and us. At length their Coast●rs returned, having found in their judgement a place fit for plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets, at a place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset. To which place the body of them went with all convenient speed, leaving still with us such as were sick and lame, by the Governors' permission, though on their parts undeserved, whom our Surgeon by the help of God recovered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as occasion served. They had not been long from us, ere the Indians filled our ears with clamours against them, for stealing their Corn, and other abuses conceived by them. At which we grieved the more, because the same men, in mine own hearing, had been earnest in persuading Captain Standish, before their coming to solicit our Governor to send some of his men to plant by them, alleging many reasons how it might be commodious for us. But we knew no means to redress those abuses, save reproof, and advising them to better walking, as occasion served. In the end of August came other two Ships into our harbour, the one (as I take it) was called the Discovery, Captain jones having the command thereof, the other was that Ship of Master Two Ships. weston's, called the Sparrow, which had now made her Voyage of Fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Uirginta. Of Captain jones we furnished ourselves of such provisions Help f 〈…〉 Master jones. as we most needed, and he could best spare, who as he used us kindly, so made us pay largely for the things we had. And had not the Almighty, in his All-ordering Providence, directed him to us, it would have gone worse with us, than ever it had been, or after was: for, as we had now but small store of Corn for the year following: so for want of supply, we were worn out of all manner of trucking-stuffe, not having any means left to help ourselves by trade; but through God's good mercy towards us, he had wherewith, and did supply our wants on that kind competently. In the end of September, or beginning of October, Master weston's biggest Ship called the Charity, returned for England, and left their Colony sufficiently victualled, as some of most credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his Colony for their further help. At which time they desired to join in partnership with us to trade for Corn; to which our Governor and his Assistant agreed upon such equal conditions, as were drawn and confirmed between them and us. The chief places aimed at were to the Southward of Cape Cod, and the more because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time was wrought with Masassowat, undertook to discover unto us that supposed, and still hoped passage within the Shoals. Both Colonies being thus agreed, our Governor in his own person supplied the Captain's place, and in the month of November set forth, having Tisquantum for his Interpreter and Pilot, who affirmed he had twice passed within the Shoals of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Nevertheless, they went so far with him, as the Master of the Ship saw no hope of passage: but being (as he thought) in danger, bore up, and according to Tisquantums directions, made for an harbour not far from them, at a place called Manamoycke, which they found, and sounding it with their Shallop found the channel, though but narrow and crooked, where at at length they harboured the Ship. Here they perceived that the Tide set in and out with more violence at some other place more Southerly, which they had not seen nor could discover, by reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some judged the entrance thereof might be beyond the Shoals, but there is no certainty thereof as yet known. That night the Governor accompanied with others, having Tisquantum for his Interpreter went ashore: At first the Inhabitants played lest in sight, because none of our people had ever been there before; but understanding the ends of their coming, at length came to them, welcomming our Governor according to their Savage manner, refreshing them very well with store of Venison and other victuals which they brought them in great abundance, promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladness of the occasion: yet their joy was mixed with much jealousy, as appeared by their after practices: for at first they were loath their dwellings should be known, but when they saw our Governors' resolution to stay on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, having first conveyed all their stuff to a remote place, not far from the same, which one of our men walking forth occasionally, espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor they could be found, and so many times after upon conceived occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But being afterwards (by Tisquantums means) better persuaded, they left their jealousy and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of Corn and Beanes, though the people were but few. This gave our Governor and the Company good encouragement. Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the Inhabitants affirming, they had seen Ships of good burden pass within the Shoals aforesaid. But here, though they had determined to make a second assay, yet God had otherways disposed, who struck Tisquantum with sickness, in so much as he there died, which crossed their Southward trading, and the more, because the Master's sufficiency was much doubted, and the season very tempestuous, and not fit to go upon discovery, having no guide to direct them. From thence they departed, and the wind being fair for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather because the Savages upon our motion had planted much Corn for us, which they promised not long before that time. When they came thither, they found a great sickness to be amongst the Indians, not unlike the Plague, if not the same. They renewed their complaints to our A Plague. Governor, against that other Plantation seated by them, for their injurious walking. But indeed the trade both for Furs and Corn was overthrown in that place, they giving as much Note. for a quart of Corn, as we used to do for a Beavers skin; so that little good could be there done. From thence they returned into the bottom of the Bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset, where the Sachim used the Governor very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of Corn and Beanes. Also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and Corn also. During the time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent storms, as the Ship was much endangered, and our Shallop cast away, so that they had now no means to carry the Corn aboard that they had bought, the Ship riding by their report well near two leagues from the same, her own Boat being small, and so leak (having no Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Governor caused the Corn to be made in a round stack, and bought Mats, and cut Sedge to cover it, and gave charge to the Indians not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelled next to it a reward, if he would keep vermin also from it, which he undertook, and the Sachim promised to make good. In the mean time, according to the Governor's request, the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop, which they found buried almost in sand at a high-water mark, having many things Honest Savages. remaining in her, but unserviceable for the present; whereof the Governor gave the Sachim special charge that it should not be further broken. And having procured a Guide, it being no less than fifty miles to our Plantation, set forward, receiving all respect that could be from the Indians in his journey, and came safely home, though weary and surbated, whether some three days after the Ship also came. The Corn being divided which they had got, Master weston's Company went to their own Plantation, it being further agreed, that they should return with all convenient speed, and bring their Carpenter, that they might fetch the rest of the Corn, and save their Shallop. At their return Captain Standish being recovered and in health, took another Shallop, and went with them to the Corn, which they found in safety as they left it: also they mended the other Shallop, and got all their Corn aboard the Ship. This was in january, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy, insomuch as (the harbour being none of the best) they were constrained to cut both the Shallops from the Ships stern, and so lost them both a second time. But the storm being over, and seeking out, they found them both, not having received any great hurt. Whilst they were at Nauset, having occasion to lie on the shore, laying their Shallop in a Creek not far from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certain Beads, Scissors, and other trifles out of the same, which when the Captain miss, he took certain of his company with him, and went to the Sachim, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them (who was known to certain of the Indians) or else he would revenge it on them before his departure, and so took leave for that night being late, refusing whatsoever kindness they offered. On the morrow, the Sachim came to their rendezvous, accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluting the Captain in this wise; He thrust out his tongue, that one might see the root thereof, and there with licked his hand from the wrist to the finger's end, withal bowing the knee, striving to imitate the English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum: his men did the like, but in so rude and Savage a manner, as our men could scarce forbear to break out in open laughter. After salutation, he delivered the Beads, and other things to the Captain, saying, he had much beaten the party for doing it, causing the women to make Bread, and bring them, according to their desire, seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they departed, and came home in safety; where the Corn was equally divided, as before. After this, the Governor went to two other inland Townes, with another Company, and bought Corn likewise of them, the one is called Namasket, the other Manomet. That from Namasket Namasket. Manomet. was brought home partly by Indian women; but a great sickness arising amongst them, our own men were enforced to fetch home the rest. That at Manomet the Governor left in the Sachims' custody: this Town lieth from us South well near twenty miles, and stands upon a fresh River, which runneth into the Bay of Nanobigganset, and cannot be less than sixty miles from thence. It will bear a Boat of eight or ten tun to this place. Hither the Dutch, or French, or both use to come, It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles; out of which Bay it floweth into a Creek some six miles almost direct towards the Town. The heads of the River, and this Creek, are not far distant. This River yieldeth thus high, Oysters, Muscles, Clams, and other Shellfish, one in shape like a Bean, another like a Clam, both good meat, and great abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth with diverse sorts of fresh fish in their seasons. The Governor or Sachim of this place, was called Canacum, who had formerly, as well as many others (yea all with whom as yet we had to do) acknowledged themselves the Subjects of our Sovereign Lord the King. This Sachim used the Governor very kindly, and it seemed was of good respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilst the Governor was there within night in bitter weater, came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of, and having set aside their Bows and Quivers, according to their manner, sat down by the fire, and took a pipe of Tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they would speak: At length they looked toward Canacum, and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a present to him from his Sachim, which was a basket of Tobacco, and many Beads, which the other received thankfully. After which, he made a long speech to him, the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Governor for his Guide) to be as followeth; It happened that two of their men fell out as they were in game (for they use gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, even their skin from their Savages great gamesters. backs, yea and for their wife's skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as myself have seen) and growing to great heat, the one killed the other. The actor of this fact was a Powah, one of special note amongst them, and such an one as they could not well miss, yet another people greater than themselves threatened them with war, if they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold, neither would their Sachim do one way or other till their return, resting upon him for advice and furtherance in so weighty a matter. After this there was silence a short time; at length men gave their judgement what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought? Who answered, he was but a stranger to them, but thought it was better that one should die then many, since he had deserved it, and the rest were innocent; whereupon he passed the sentence of death upon him. Not long after (●auing no great quantity of Corn left) Captain Standish went again with a Shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremity of weather, both of wind, S●ow, and Frost, insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entered the same. Here they pretended their wont love, and spared them a good quantity of Corn to confirm the same: Strangers also came to this place pretending only to see him and his Company, whom they never saw before that time, but intending to join with the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through extremity to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of the Captain with just jealousy, giving straight command, that as Just jealousy. one part of his Company slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which he understood, whereof he could make no good construction. Some of the Indians spying a fit opportunity, stole some Beads also from him, which he no sooner perceived, having not above six men with him, drew them all from the Boat, and set them on their guard about the Sachims' house, where the most of the people were, threatening to fall upon them without further delay, if they would not forthwith restore them, signifying to the Sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least injury, so he would not receive any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the Sachim bestirred him to find out the party, which when he had done, caused him to return them again to the Shallop, and came to the Captain, desiring him to search whether they were not about the Boat, who suspecting their knavery, sent one, who found them lying openly upon the Boats cu●dy; yet to appease his anger, they brought Corn afresh to trade, insomuch as he laded his Shallop, and so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any thing against him. So that through the good mercy and providence of God they returned in safety. At this Base Summer and Winter. place the Indians get abundance of Basse both Summer and Winter, for it being now February they abounded with them. In the beginning of March, having refreshed himself, he took a Shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Governor had formerly bought, hoping also to get more from them, but was deceived in his expectation, not finding that entertainment he found elsewhere, and the Governor had there received. The reason whereof, and of the treachery intended in the place before spoken of, was not then known unto us, but afterwards: wherein may be observed the abundant mercies of God working with his providence for our good. Captain Standish being now far from the Boat, and not above two or three of our men with him, and as many with the Shallop, was not long at Canacum the Sachims' house, but in came two of the Massachuset men, the chief of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villain, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the blood of English and French, and had oft boasted of his own valour, and derided their weakness, especially because (as he said) they died crying, making sour faces, more like children than men. This villain took a dagger from about his neck (which he had gotten of Master weston's people) and presented it to the Sachim, and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captain (though he be the best Linguist amongst us) could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterward discovered to be as followeth: The Massacheuseuckes formerly concluded to ruinate Master weston's Colony, and thought themselves, being about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute the same: yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to themselves to make their party good against us at Plymouth, concluding, that if we remained (though they had no other Arguments to use against us) yet we would never leave the death of our Countrymen unrevenged, and therefore their safety could not be without the overthrow of both Plantations. To this end they had formerly solicited this Sachim, as also the other called I anough at Mattachiest, and many others to assist them, and now again came to prosecute the same; and since there was so fair an opportunity offered by the Captain's presence, they thought best to make sure him and his Company. After this message was delivered, his entertainment much exceeded the Captains, insomuch as he scorned at their behaviour, and told them of it: after which, they would have persuaded him, because the weather was cold, to have sent to the Boat for the rest of his Company, but he would not, desiring according to promise, that the Corn might be carried down, and he would content the women for their labour, which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of Paomet or Cap: Cod then present, who had ever demeaned himself well towards us, being in his general carriage very affable, courteous, and loving, especially towards the Captain. This Savage was now entered into confederacy with the rest, yet to avoid suspicion, made many signs of his continued affections, and would needs bestow a Kettle of some six or seven gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying, he was rich, and could afford to bestow such favours on his friends whom he loved: also he would freely help to carry some of the Corn, affirming he had never done the like in his life before, and the wind being bad would needs lodge with him at their Rendezvous, having indeed undertaken to kill him before they parted, which done they intended to fall upon the rest. The night proved exceeding cold, insomuch as the Captain could not take any rest, but either walked or turned himself to and fro at the fire: This the other observed, and asked wherefore he did not sleep as at other times, who answered he knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that he then missed hisopportunity. The wind serving on the next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other Indian, who used many arguments to persuade them to go to Paomet, where himself had much Corn, and many other, the most whereof he would procure for us, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captain put forth with him, and was forced back by contrary wind; which wind served for the Massachuset, was fitted to go thither. But on a sudden it altered again. During the time that the Captain was at Manomet, news came to Plymouth that Massassowat was like to die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch Ship driven so high on the shore by stress of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides increased, she could not be got Dutch Ship. off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any (especially of note) are dangerously sick, for all that profess friendship to them, to visit them in their extremity, either in Visitations of the sick. their persons, or else to send some acceptable persons to them, therefore it was thought meet (being a good and warrantable action) that as we had ever professed friendship, so we should now maintain the same, by observing this their laudable custom: and the rather, because we desired to have some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when we should have so fit an opportunity. To that end myself having formerly been there, and understanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the Governor again laid this service upon myself, and fitted me with some cordials to administer to him, having one Master john Hamden a Gentleman of London (who then wintered with us, and desired much to see the Country) for my Consort, and Hobbamocke for our guide. So we set forward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where we had friendly entertainment. The next day about one of the clock, we came to a ferry in Conbatants Country, where upon discharge of my Piece, diverse Indians came to us from a house not far off. There they told us, that Massassowat was dead, and that day buried, and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, having hove off their Ship already. This news struck us blank; but especially Hobbamocke, Reports of Massassowats' death. who desired we might return with all speed. I told him I would first think of it, considering now that he being dead, Combatant was the most like to succeed him, and that we were not above three miles from Mattapuyst his dwelling place, although he were but a hollow-hearted friend towards us, I thought no time so fit as this, to enter into more friendly terms with him, and the rest of the Sachims' thereabouts, hoping (through the blessing of God) it would be a means in that unsettled state, to settle their affections towards us, and though it were somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personal safety, because myself and Hobbamocke had been employed upon a service against him, which he might now fitly revenge; yet esteeming it the best means, leaving the event to God in his mercy. I resouled to put it in practice, if Master Hamden and Hobbamock durst attempt it with me, whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the general good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. In the way, Hobbamocke manifesting a troubled spirit, broke forth into these speeches, Neen womasu Sagimus, neen womasu Sagimus, etc. His commendation. My loving Sachim, my loving Sachim. Many have I known, but never any like thee: And turning him to me said; Whilst I lived, I should never see his like amongst the Indians, saying, he was no liar, he was not bloody and cruel like other Indians; In anger and passion he was soon reclaimed, easy to be reconciled towards such as had offended him, ruled by reason in such measure, as he would not scorn the advice of mean men, and that he governed his men better with few strokes than others did with many; truly loving where he loved; yea, he feared we had not a faithful friend left among the Indians, showing how he ofttimes restrained their malice, etc. continuing a long speech with such signs of lamentation and unfeigned sorrow, as it would have made the hardest heart relent. At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the Sachimo Comaco (for so they called the Sachims' place, though they call an ordinary house Witeo) but Combatant the Sachim was not at home, but at Puckanokick, which was some five or six miles off; the Squa-sachim (for so they call Sachims' wife) gave us friendly entertainment. Here we enquired again concerning Massassowat, they thought him dead, but knew no certainty; whereupon I hired one to go with all expedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withal to acquaint Combatant with our there being. About half an hour before Sunsetting, the messenger returned, and told us that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope we should find him living. Upon this we were much revived, and set forward with all speed, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clock that afternoon the Dutchmen departed, so that in that respect our journey was frustrate. When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we could Miserable comforters. scarce get in, though they used their best diligence to make way for us. There were they in the midst of their charms for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered us that were well, and therefore unlike to ease him that was sick. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his arms, legs, and thighs, to keep heat in him: when they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends the English were come to see him (having understanding left, but his sight was wholly gone) he asked who was come, they told him Winsnow (for they cannot pronounce the letter●, but ordinarily n in the place thereof) he desired to speak with me: when I came to him, & they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I took; then he said twice, though very inwardly, keen Winsnow, which is to say, art thou Winslow? I answered, a●●e, that is, yes; then he doubled these words, Matta neen wonckanet namen Winsnow; that is to say, O Winslow I shall never see thee again. Then I called Hobbamock, and desired him to tell Massassowat, that the Governor hearing of his sickness, was sorry for the same, & though by reason of many businesses he could not come himself, yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most likely, to do him good in this extremity, and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently give him; which he desired, and having a confection of many comfortable Conserves, on the point of my Knife I gave him some, which I could scarce get thorough his teeth; when it was dissolved in his mouth, he swallowed the juice of it, whereat those that were about him much rejoiced, saying, he had not swallowed any thing in two days before. Then I desired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and his tongue swelled in such manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopped up. Then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, & got abundance of corruption out of the same. After which, I gave him more of the confection, which he swallowed with more readiness; then he desired to drink, I dissolved some of it in water, and gave him thereof; within half an hour this wrought a great alteration in him in the eyes of all that beheld him; presently after his sight began to come to him. In the mean time I inquired how he slept, and when he went to stool? They said he slept not in two days before, & had not had a stool in five; then I gave him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drink, which the Governor also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same, also for Chickens to make him broth, & for other things which I knew were good for him, and would stay the return of the Messenger, if he desired. This he took marvelous kindly, and appointed some, who were ready to go by two of the clock in the morning, against which time I made ready a Letter, declaring therein our good success, the state of his body etc. desiring to send such things as I sent for, and such physic as the Surgeon durst administer to him. He requested me that the day following, I would take my Piece, and kill him some Fowl, and make him some English pottage, such as he had eaten at Plymouth, which I promised: after his stomach coming to him, I must needs make him some without Fowl, before I went abroad, which somewhat troubled me; but being I must do somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some Corn, and take the flower from it, and set over the g●ut or broken Corn in a Pipkin (for they have earthen Pots of all sizes.) When the day broke, we went out (it being now March) to seek herbs, but could not find any but Strawberrie leaves, of which I gathered a handful & put into the same, and because I had nothing to relish it, I went forth again, and pulled up a Saxafras root, and sliced a piece thereof, and boiled it till it had a good relish, and then took it out again. The broth being boiled, I strained it thorough my handkerchief, and gave him at least a pint, which he drank, and liked it very well. After this, his sight mended more and more, also he had three moderate stools, and took some rest: Insomuch, as we with admiration blessed God for giving his blessing to such raw and ignorant means, making no doubt of his recovery, himself and all of them acknowledging us the instruments of his preservation. That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another amongst those that were sick in the Town, requesting me to wash their mouths also, and give to each of them some of the same I gave him, saying, they were good folk. This pains I took with willingness, though it were much offensive to me, not being accustomed with such poisonous savours. The Messengers were now returned, but finding his stomach come to him, he would not have the Chickens killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst we give him any physic which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions, neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recovery, if he were careful. Many whilst we were there came to see him, some by their report from a place not less than an hundred miles. Upon this his recovery, he broke forth into these speeches; Now I see the English are my friends and love me, and whilst I live I will never forget this kindness they have showed me. Whilst we were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers. At our coming away, he called Hobbamocke to him, and privately (none hearing save two or three other of his Pueeses, who are of his Counsel) revealed the plot of the Massachenseucks before spoken of, against Master weston's Colony, and so against us, saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succovet Mattachiest, Manomet Agowaywam, and the I'll of Capawack, were joined with them; himself also in his sickness was earnestly solicited, but he would neither join therein, nor give way to any of his. Therefore as we respected the lives of our Countrymen, and our own after-safety, he advised us to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischief. And whereas we were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till they first began; if said he upon this intelligence, they make that answer, tell them, when their Countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselves, that then it will be too late to recover their lives, nay through the multitude of adversaries they shall with great difficulty preserve their own, & therefore he counselled He revealeth the treachery of the Massachusets. without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease. With this he charged him thoroughly to acquaint me by the way, that I might inform the Governor thereof at my first coming home. Being fitted for our return, we took our leave of him, who returned many thanks to out Governor, and also to ourselves for our labour and love: the like did all that were about him. So we departed. That night, thorough the earnest request of Combatant, who till now remained at Sawaams or Puckanukick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him, so like wise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet full of merry jests and squibs, and never better pleased then when the like are returned again upon him. Amongst other things he asked me, If in case he were thus dangerously sick, as Massassowat had been, and should send word thereof to Patuxet for Maskiet, that is, Physic, whether then Master Governor would send it? and if he would, whether I would come therewith to him? To both which I answered yea; whereat he gave me many joyful thanks. After that, being at his house, he demanded further, how we durst being but two come so far into the Country? I answered, where was true love there was no fear, and my heart was so upright towards them, that for mine own part I was fearless to come amongst them. But, said he, if your love be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how cometh it to pass, that when we come to Patuxet, you stand upon your guard, with the mouths of your Pieces presented towards us? Whereupon I answered, it was the most honourable and respective entertainment we could give them; it being an order amongst us so to receive our best respected friends: and as it was used on the Land, so the Ships observed it also at Sea, which Hobbamock knew, and had seen observed. But shaking the head, he answered, that he liked not such salutations. Further, observing us to crave a blessing on our meat before we did eat, and after to give thanks for the same, he asked us what was the meaning of that ordinary custom? Hereupon I took occasion to tell them of God's works of Creation, and Preservation, of the Laws and Ordinances, especially of the ten Commandments, all which they harkened unto with great attention, and liked well of; only the seventh Commandment they excepted against, thinking there were many inconveniences in it, that a man should be tied to one woman: about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them, that whatsoever good things we had, we received from God, as the Author and giver thereof, and therefore craved his blessing upon that we had, and were about to eat, that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies, and having eaten sufficient, being satisfied there with, we again returned thanks to the same our God for that our refreshing, etc. This all of them concluded to be very well, and said, they believed almost all the same things, and that the same power that we called God, they called Kietitan. Much profitable conference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no less delightful Their name of God. to them, then comfortable to us. Here we remained only that night, but never had better entertainment amongst any of them. The day following, in our journey, Hobbamocke told me of the private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me there with (as I showed before) which having done, he used many arguments himself to move us thereunto: That night we lodged at Namasket, and the day following about the midway between it and home, we met two Indians, who told us that Captain Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets: but contrary winds again drove him back, so that we found him at home; where the Indian of Paomet still was, being very importunate that the Captain should take the first opportunity of a fair wind to go with him, but their secret and villainous purposes being through God's mercy now made known, the Governor caused Captain Standish to send him away without any distaste or manifestation of anger, that we might the better effect and bring to pass that which should be thought most necessary. Before this journey we heard many complaints both by the Indians and some others of best desert amongst Master weston's Colony, how exceedingly their Company abased themselves by undirect means, to get victuals from the Indians, who dwelled not far from them, fetching them wood & water, &c, and all for a meal's meat, whereas in the mean time, they might with diligence have gotten enough to have served them three or four times. Other by night broke the earth, and robbed the Indians store, for which they had been publicly stocked and whipped, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February, at which time they had spent all their Bread and Corn, not leaving any for Seed, neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more upon any terms. Hereupon they had thought to take it by violence, and to that spiked up every entrance into their Town (being well impaled) save one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly minded, advised john Sanders their Overseer first to write to Plymouth, and if the Governor advised him thereunto, he might the better do it. They sent, and our Governor writ diverse reasons of dislike. With these Letters we dispatched the Messenger; Upon the receipt whereof they altered their determination, resolving to shift as they could, till the return of john Sanders from Munhiggen, who first coming to Plymouth, notwithstanding our own necessities, the Governor spared him some Corn to carry them to Munhiggen. But not having sufficient for the Ships store, he took a Shallop, and leaving others with instructions to oversee things till his return, set forward about the end of February, so that he knew not of this conspiracy of the Indians before his going, neither was it known to any of us till our return from Sawaams or Puckanakick: at which time also another Sachim called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest the Sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Coubatant, and fearing the like again, to purge himself, revealed the same thing. The three and twentieth of March being now come, which is a yearly Court day, the Governor having a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being to undertake war without the consent of the body of the Company; made known the same in public Court. We came to this conclusion, That Captain Standish should take so many men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachuset Bay; & because (as all men know that have had to do in that kind) it is impossible to deal with them upon open defiance, but to take them in such traps as they lay for others; therefore he should pretend trade as at other times: but first go to the English, & acquaint them with the plot, & the end of his own coming, that comparing it with their carriages towards them, he might better judge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbear if it were possible till such time as he could make sure Wituwamat, that bloody & bold villain before spoken of, whose head he had order to bring with him, that he might be a warning and terror to all that disposition. Upon this, Captain Standish made choice of eight men, and would not take more because he would preventiealousie, knowing their guilty consciences would soon be provoked thereunto: but on the next day before he could go, came one of Master weston's Company by land unto us, with his pack at his back, who made a pitiful narration of their lamentable and weak estate, and of the Indians carriages, whose boldness increased abundantly, Indians into lence. insomuch as the victuals they got, they would take it out of their Pots and eat before their faces, yea if in any thing they gainsaid them, they were ready to hold a Knife at their breasts; that to give them content, since john Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged one of them that stole their Corn, and yet they regarded it not: that another of their Company was turned Savage, that their people had most forsaken the Town, and made their rendezvous where they got their victuals, because they would not take pains to bring it home: that they had sold their clothes for Corn, and were ready to starve both with cold and hunger also, because they could not endure to get victuals by reason of their nakedness: and that they were dispersed into three Companies, scarce having any Powder and Shot left. As this Relation was grievous to us, so it gave us good encouragement to proceed in our intendments, for which Captain Standish was now fitted, and the wind coming fair, the next day set forth for the Massachusets. The Indians at the Massachusets miss this man, and suspecting his coming to us, as we conceive, sent one after him, and gave out there that he would never come to Patuxet, but that some Wolves or Bears would eat him: but we know not by our own experience, and the report of others, that though they find a man sleeping, yet so soon as there is life discerned, they fear and shun him. This Indian miss him but very little, and missing him passed by the town and went to Manomet, whom we hoped to take at his return, as afterward we did. Now was our Fort made fit for service and jome Ordnance mounted; and though it may seem long work it being ten months since it begun, yet we must note, that where so great a work is begun with such small means, a little time cannot bring to perfection: beside those works which tend to the preservation of man, the enemy of mankind will hinder what in him lieth, sometimes blind 〈…〉 judgement, and causing reasonable men to reason against their own safety. The Indian last mentioned in his return from Monomet, came through the Town, pretending still friendship and in love to see us, but as formerly others, so his end was to see whether we continued still in health and strength, or fell into weakness like their neighbours, which they hoped and looked for (though God in mercy provided better for us) and he knew would be glad tidings to his Country men. But here the Governor stayed him, and sending for him to the Fort, there gave the Guard charge of him as their prisoner, where he told him he must be contented to remain till the return of Captain Standish from the Massachusets, so he was locked in a chain to a staple in the Court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our Fort hanselled, this being the first day as I take it, that ever any watch was there kept. The Captain being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the Ship, but found neither man, or so much as a Dog therein: upon the discharge of a Musket the Master and some others of the Plantation showed themselves, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other food. After salutation, Captain Standish asked them how they durst so leave the Ship, and live in such security, who answered like men senseless of their own misery, they feared not the Indians but lived and suffered them to lodge with them, not having Sword or Gun, or needing the same. To which the Captain answered, if there were no cause he was the gladder, but upon further inquiry, understanding that those in whom john Sanders had reposed most special confidence and left in his stead to govern the rest, were at the Plantation: thither he went, and to be brief, made known the Indians purpose, and the end of his own coming, as also (which formerly I omitted) that if afterward they durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the Governors and people of Plymouth there to receive them till they could be better provided: but if they conceived of any other course that might be more likely for their good, that himself should further them therein to the uttermost of his power. These men comparing other circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no better, and it was God's mercy that they were not killed before his coming, desiring therefore that he would neglect no opportunity to proceed: Hereupon he advised them to secrecy, yet withal to send special command to one third of their Company that were farthest off to come home, and there enjoin them on pain of death to keep the Town, himself allowing them a pint of Indian Corn to a man for a day (though that store he had was spared out of our Seed.) The weather proving very wet and stormy, it was the longer befor● he could do any thing. In the mean time an Indian came to him and brought some Furs, but rather to gather what he could from the Captains, then coming then for trade; and though the Captain carried things as smoothly as possibly he could, yet at his return he reported he saw by his eyes that he was angry in his heart, and therefore began to suspect themselves discovered. This caused one Pecksuot who was a Pinese, being a man of a notable spirit to come to Hobbamocke who was then with them, and told him he understood that the Captain was come to kill himself and the rest of the Savages there; tell him, said he, we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him; but let him begin when he dare, he shall not take us at unawares: many times after, diverse of them severally, or few together, came to the Plantation to him, where they would whet and sharpen the point of their Knives before his face, and use many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Wituwamat bragged of the excellency of his Knife, on the end of the handle there was pictured a woman's face, but said he, I have another at home wherewith I have killed both French and English, and that hath a man's face on it, and by and by these two must marry: Further he said of that Knife he there had; Hinnaim namen, hinnaim michen, mattacuts: that is to say, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eat●● but not speak. Also Pecksuot being a man of greater stature than the Captain, told him, though he were a great Captain, yet he was but a little man: and said he, though I be no Sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captain observed, yet bare with patience for the present. On the next day, seeing he could not get many of them together at once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteen years of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and villain-like trodden in his steps, daily putting many tricks upon the weaker sort of men, and having about as many of his own Company in a room wi●h them, gave the word to his men, and the door being fast shut, began himself with Pecksuot, and snatching his own Knife from his neck, though with much struggling, killed him therewith, Savages slain. the poin● whereof he had made as sharp as a needle, and ground the back also to an edge: Wituwamat and the other man, the rest killed, and took the youth, whom the Captain caused to be hanged; but it is incredible how many wounds these two Pueeses received before they died, not making any fearful noise, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamocke stood by all this time as a spectator and meddled not, observing how our men demeaned themselves in this action: all being here ended, smiling, he broke forth into these speeches to the Captain; Yesterday Pecksuot bragging of his own strength and stature, said, though you were a great Captain, yet you were but a lttle man; but to day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground. But to proceed, there being some women at the same time, Captain Standish left them in the custody of Master weston's people at the Town, and sent word to another Company that had intelligence of things to kill those Indian men that were amongst them, these killed two more: himself also with some of his own men went to another place, where they killed another, and through the negligence of one man an Indian escaped, who discovered and crossed their proceedings. Not long before this Execution, three of Master weston's men, which more regarded their bellies Savage Englishmen. then any command or Commander, having formerly fared well with the Indians for making them Clanoes, went again to the Sachim to offer their service, and had entertainment. The first night they came thither within night late came a Messenger with all speed, and delivered a sad and short message: Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their Boots and Breeches, trussed up themselves, and took their Bows and Arrows and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their return they should have Venison enough. Being now gone, one being more ancient and wise than the rest, call former things to mind, especially the Captain's presence, and the straight charge, that on pain of death none should got a Musket-shot from the Piantation; and comparing this sudden departure of theirs therewith, began to dislike and wish himself at home again, which was further of then diverse other dwelled: Hereupon he moved his fellows to return, but could not persuade them: so there being none but women left, and the other that was turned Savage, about midnight came away, forsaking the paths lest he should be pursued, and by this means saved his life. Captain Standish took the one half of his men, and one or two of Master weston's, and Hobbamock, still seeking to make spoil of them and theirs. At length they espied a file of Indians which made towards them amain, and there being a small advantage in the ground by reason of a Hill near them, both Companies strove for it. Captain Standish got it, whereupon they retreated and took each man his Tree, letting fly their Arrows amain, especially at himself and Hobbamocke, whereupon Hobbamocke cast off his coat, and being a known Pinese, (theirs being now killed) chased them so fast, as our people were not able to hold way with him, insomuch as our men could have but one certain mark, and then but the arm and half face of a notable villain as he drew at Captain Standish, who together with another both discharged at him, and broke his arm; whereupon they fled into a swampe, when they were in the thicket they parleyed, but to small purpose, getting nothing but foul language. So our Captain dared the Sachim to come out and fight like a man, showing how base and womanlike he was in tounging it as he did: but he refused and fled. So the Captain returned to the Plantation, where he released the women and would not take their Beaver coats from them, nor suffer the least discourtesy to be offered them. Now were Master weston's people resolved to leave their Plantation and go for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and return with the Fishing Ships. The Captain told them, that for his own part he durst there live with fewer men than they were, yet since they were otherways minded, according to his order from the Governors and people of Plymouth, he would help them with Corn competent for their provision by the way, which he did, scarce leaving himself more than brought them home. Some of them disliked the choice of the body to go to Munhiggen, and therefore desiring to go with him to Plymouth, he took them into the Shallop: and seeing them set sail and clear of the Massachuset Bay, he took leave and returned to Plymouth, whither he came in safety (blessed be God) and brought the head of Wituwamat with him. Amongst the rest, there was an Indian youth that was ever of a courteous and loving disposition towards us, he notwithstanding the death of his Countrymen, came to the Captain without fear, saying, His good conscience and love towards us emboldened him so to do. This youth confessed that the Indians intended to kill Master weston's people, and not to delay any longer than till they had two more Canoes or Boats, which Master weston's men would have finished by this time (having made them three already) had not the Captain prevented them, and the end of stay for those Boats, was to take their Ship therewith. Now was the Captain returned and received with joy, the head being brought to the Fort and there set up, the Governors and Captains with diverse others went up the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked piteously on the head, being asked whether he knew it, he answered, yea: Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked Obtakiest their Sachim thereunto, being drawn to it by their importunity: Five there were (he said) that prosecuted it with more eagerness than the rest, the two principal were killed, being Pecksnot and Wituwamat, whose head was there, the other three were Powahs, being yet living, and known unto us, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himself he would not acknowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnestly for his life, saying, He was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger lived with them. Hobbamock also gave a good report of him, and besought, for him, but was bribed so to do it. Nevertheless, that we might show mercy as well as extremity, the Governor released him, and the rather because we desired he might carry a message to Obtakiest his Master. No sooner were the Irons from his legs, but he would have been gone, but the Governor bid him stay and fear not, for he should receive no hurt, and by Hobbamock commanded him to deliver his message to his Master; That for our parts, it never entered into our hearts to take such a course with them, till their own treachery enforced us thereunto, and therefore they might thank themselves for their own overthrow, yet since he had begun, if again by any the like courseshe● did provoke him, his Country should not hold him, for he would never suffer him or his to rest in peace, till he had utterly consumed them, and therefore should take this as a warning. Further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen he had and not kill them; also that he should not spoil the Pale and Houses at Wichaguscusset, and that this Messenger should either bring the English, or an answer, or both, promising his safe return. This message was delivered, and the party would have returned with answer, but was at first dissuaded by them, whom afterward they would, but could not persuade to come to us. At length (though long) a woman came and told us that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed before he heard from the Governor, otherwise he would have sent them. Also she said, he would fain make his peace again with us, but none of his men durst come to treat about it, having forsaken his dwelling, and daily removed from place to place, expecting when we would take further vengeance on him. Concerning those other people that intended to join with the Massachuseucks against us, though we never went against any of them, yet this sudden and unexpected execution, together with the just judgement of God upon their guilty consciences, hath so terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsook their houses, running to and fro like men distracted, living in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, whereof very many are dead, as Canacum the Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet the Sachim of Nauset, and janowgh Sachim of Mattachuest. This Sachim in his life, in the midst of these distractions, said, The God of the English was offended with them, and would destroy them in his anger; and certainly it is strange to hear how many of late have, and still daily dye amongst them, neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease, because through fear they set little or no Corn, which is the staff of life, and without which they cannot long preserve health and strength. From one of these places a Boat was sent with Presents to the Governor, hoping thereby to work their peace, but the Boat was cast away, and three of the persons drowned, not far from our Plantation, only one escaped, who durst not come to us, but returned, so as none of them date come amongst us. The month of April being now come, on all hands we began to prepare for Corne. And because there was no Corn left before this time, save that was preserved for Seed, being also hopeless An. 1623. of relief by supply, we thought best to leave off all other works, and prosecute that as most necessary. And because there was no small hope of doing good, in that common course of labour that formerly we were in, for that the Governors that followed men to their labours, had nothing to give men for their necessities, and therefore could not so well exercise that command over them therein as formerly they had done, especially considering that self-love wherewith every man (in a measure more or less) loveth and preferreth his own good before his neighbours, and also the base disposition of some drones, that as at other times so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest: It was therefore thought best that every man should use the best diligence he could for his own preservation, both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his own Corn for the year following: and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of public Officers, fishermans, etc. which could not be freed from their calling without greater inconveniences. This course was to continue till harvest, and then the Governors to gather in the appointed portion, for the maintenance of themselves and such others as necessity constrained to exempt from this condition. In the midst of April we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much encouraged us, giving us good hopes of after plenty: the setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God for our further chastisement, to send a great drought, insomuch, as in six weeks after the later setting there scarce fell any rain, so that the stalk of that was first set, began to send forth the ear before it came to half growth, and that which was later, not like to Great drought yield any at all, both blade and stalk hanging the head, and changing the colour in such manner as we judged it utterly dead: our Beans also ran not up according to their wont manner, but stood at a stay, many being parched away, as though they had been soorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrown, and we discouraged, our joy being turned into mourning. To add also to this sorrowful estate in which we were, we heard of a supply that was sent unto us many months since, which having two repulses before, was a third time in company of another Ship three hundred Leagues at Sea, and now in three months time heard no further of her, only the signs of a wrack were seen on the Coast, which could not be judged to be any other than the same. These & the like considerations, moved not only every good man privately to enter into examination with his own estate between God and his conscience, & so to humiliation before him: but also more solemnly to humble ourselves together before the Lord by Fasting and Prayer. To that end a day was appointed by public authority, and set a part from all other employments, hoping Public Fast. that the same God which had stirred us up hereunto, would be moved hereby in mercy to look upon us & grant the request of our dejected souls, if our continuance there might any way stand with his glory and our good. But oh the mercy of our God! Who was as ready to hear as we to ask: For though in the morning when we assembled together, the heavens were as clear and the drought as like to continue as ever it was: yet (our exercise continuing some eight or nine Gracious dews. hours) before our departure the weather was overcast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of rain, continuing some fourteen days, and mixed with such seasonable weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered Corn, or drooping affections were most quickened or revived. Such was the bounty and goodness of our God. Of this the Indians by means of Hobbamock took notice: who being then in the Town, and this exercise in the midst of the week, said, It was but three days since Sunday, and therefore demanded of a boy what was the reason thereof? Which when he knew and saw what effects followed thereupon, he and all them admired the goodness of our God towards us, that wrought so great a change in so short a time, showing the difference between Indians conjuration. their Conjuration, and our Invocation on the Name of God for rain; theirs being mixed with such storms and tempests, as sometimes in stead of doing them good, it layeth the Corn flat on the ground, to their prejudice: but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they never observed the like. At the same time Captain Standish, being formerly employed by the Governor, to buy provisions for the refreshing of the Colony, returned with the same, accompanied with on M. David M. Tomson a Scot his Plantation. Tomson, a Scotchman, who also that Spring began a Plantation twenty five leagues North-east from us, near Smith's Isles, at a place called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard we of the third repulse that our supply had, of their safe, though dangerous return into England, and of their preparation to come to us. So that having these many signs of God's favour and acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should smother up the same, or content ourselves with private thanksgiving, for that which by private prayer could Day of thanks not be obtained. And therefore another solemn day was set apart for that end wherein we returned glory, honour, and praise, with all thankfulness to our good God, which dealt so graciously with us, whose name for these and all other his mercies towards his Church and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praised now and evermore, Amen. In the latter end of july, and the beginning of August, came two Ships with supply unto us, Two Ships. who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recovered in short time, who also notwithstanding all our wants and hardship (blessed be God) found not any one sick person amongst us at the Plantation. The bigger Ship called the Anne was hired, and there again freighted back, from whence we set sail the tenth of September. The lesser called the little james, was built for the Company at their charge. She was now also fitted for Trade and discovery to the Southward of Cape Cod, and almost ready to set sail, whom I pray God to bless in her good and lawful proceedings. A Few things I thought meet to add hereunto, which I have observed amongst the Indians, both touching their Religion, and sundry other Customs amongst them. And first, whereas myself and others, in former Letters (which came to the Press against my Their Religion The meaning of the word, ●●e●tan, I think hath reference ●o Antiquity for Chise is an old man, and Ki●hchise, a man that exceede●h in ag●. I●e maledicti. will and knowledge) wrote, that the Indians about us are a people without any Religion or knowledge of any God, therein I erred, though we could then gather no better: For as they conceive of many divine powers, so of one whom they call Kiehtan, to be the principal maker of all the rest, and to be made by none: He (they say) created the Heavens, Earth, Sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also that he made one man and one woman, of whom they and we and all mankind came: but how they became so far dispersed that know they not. At first they say, there was no Sachim, or King, but Kiehtan, who dwelleth above the Heavens, whither all good men go when they die to see their friends, and have their fill of all things. This his habitation lieth Westward in the Heavens, they say; thither the bad men go also, and knock at his door, but he bids them Quachet, that is to say, Walk abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in restless want and penury. Never man saw this Kiehtan; only old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge upon them. This power they acknowledge to be good, and when they would obtain any great matter, meet together, and cry unto him, and so likewise for plenty, victory, etc. sing, dance, feast, give thanks, and hang up Garlands and other things in memory of the same. Another power they worship, whom they call Hobbamock, and to the Nothward of us Hobbamoqui; Their Devil. this as far as we can conceive is the Devili, him they call upon to cure their wounds and diseales. When they are curable, he persuades them he sends the same for some conceived anger against them, but upon their calling upon him can and doth help them: But when they are mortal, and not curable in nature, than he persuades them Kiehtan is angry and sends them, whom none can cure: insomuch, as in that respect only they somewhat doubt whether he be simply good, and therefore in sickness never call upon him. This Hobbomock appears in sundry forms unto them, as in the shape of a Man, a Dear, a Fawn, an Eagle, etc. but most ordinarily a Snake: He appears not to all, but the chiefest and most judicious amongst them, though all of them strive to attain to that hellish height of Honour. He appeareth most ordinary, and is most conversant with three sorts of people, one I confess, I neither know by name nor office directly: Of these they have few but esteem highly of them, and think that no weapon can kill them: another they call by the name of Powah, and the third Pniese. The office and duty of the Powah is to be exercised principally in calling upon the Devil, and Powah or Priest curing diseases of the sick or wounded. The common people join with him in the exercise of Invocation, but do but only assent, or as we term it, say Amen to that he saith, yet sometime break out into a short musical note with him. The Powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in countenance, and joineth many antic and laborious gestures with the same over the party diseased. If the party be wounded, he will also seem to suck the wound, but if they be curable (as they say) he toucheth it not, but a Skooke, that is the Snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the Eagle sitteth on his shoulder and licks the same. This none see but the Powah, who tells them he doth it himself. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the house, taking it for an undoubted sign of recovery. And as in former ages Apollo had his Temple at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus; so have I heard them call upon some, as if they had their residence in some certain places or because they appeared in those forms in the same. In the Powahs' speech he promiseth to sacrifice many skins of Beasts, Kettles, Hatchets, Beads, Knives, and other the best things they have to the fiend, if he will come to help the party diseased: But whether they perform it I know not. The other Offerings. practices I have seen, being necessarily called at some times to be with their sick, and have used the best arguments I could make them understand against the same: They have told me I should see the Devil at those times come to the party, but I assured myself and them of the contrary, which so proved: yea, themselves have confessed they never saw him when any of us were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard travel in childbirth, when the party cannot be delivered by the ordinary means, they send for this Powah, though ordinarily their travel is not so extreme as in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardy nature; for on the third day after childbirth, I have seen the mother with the Infant, upon a small occasion in cold weather in a Boat upon the Sea. Many sacrifices the Indians use, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Sacrifices. Kiehtan; saying, In their memory he was much more called upon. The Nanohiggansets exceed in their blind devotion, and have a great spacious house wherein only some few (that are as we may term them Priests) come: thither at certain known times resort all their people, and offer almost all the riches they have to their gods, as Kettles, Skins, Hatchets, Beads, Knives, etc. all which are cast by the Priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering every man bringeth freely, and the more he is known to bring, hath the better esteem of all men. This the other Indians about us approve of as good, Burnt offering. The Devil keeps his servants poor. and wish their Sachims' would appoint the like: and because the plague hath not reigned at Nanohigganset, as at other places about them, they attibute to this custom there used. The Panieses are men of great courage and wisdom, and to these also the Devil appeareth more familiarly then to others, and as we conceive maketh covenant with them to preserve Their Knights. Pnieses: valorous counsellors. them from death, by wounds with Arrows, Knives, Hatchets, etc. or at least both themselves and especially the people think themselves to be freed from the same. And though against their battles, all of them by painting disfigure themselves, yet they are known by their courage and boldness, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men, for they account it death for whomsoever stand in their way. These are highly esteemed of all sorts of people, and are of the Sachims' Council, without whom they will not war or undertake any weighty business. In war their Sachims', for their more safety go in the midst of them. They are commonly men of greatest stature and strength, and such as will endure most hardness, and yet are more discreet, courteous, and humane in their carriages then any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much upon their reputation as any men. And to the end they may have store of these, they train up the most forward and likeliest boys from their childhood in great hardness, and make them abstain from dainty meat, observing diverse orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age the Devil may appear to them, causing to drink the juice of Sentry and other bitter Herbs till they cast, which they must disgorge into Bitter trials. the platter, and drink again, and again, till at length, through extraordinary pressing of nature it will seem to be all blood, and this the boys will do with eagerness at the first, and so continue, till by reason of faintness they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must go forth into the cold: also they beat their shins with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the Devil, that in time he may appear unto them. Their Sachims' cannot be all called Kings, but only some few of them, to whom the rest resort Sachim or Lords. for protection, and pay homage unto them, neither may they war without their knowledge and approbation, yet to be commanded by the greater as occasion serveth. Of this sort is Massassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohiggenset our supposed enemy. Every Sachim taketh care for the widow and fatherless, also for such as are aged, and any way maimed, if their friends be dead, or not able to provide for them. A Sachim will not take any to wife, but such an one as is equal to him in birth, otherwise they say their seed would in time become ignoble, and though they have many other wives, yet are they no other than concubines or servants, and yield a kind of obedience to the principal, who ordereth the family, and them in it. The like their men observe also, and will adhere to the first during their lives; but put away the other at their pleasure. This Government is successive and not by choice. If the father dye before the son or daughter be of age, than the child is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till he be of age, but when that is I know not. Every Sachim knoweth how far the bounds and limits of his own Country extendeth, and that is his own proper inheritance, out or that if any of his men desire land to set their Corn, he giveth them as much as they can use, and sets them in their bounds. In this circuit whosoever hunteth, if any kill any venison, bring him his fee, which is four parts of the same, if it be killed on the Land, but if in the water, than the skin thereof: The Great Sachims' or Kings know not their own bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest. All Travellers or Strangers for the most part lodge at the Sachims', when they come, they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they go, during which time they receive entertainment according to their persons, but want not. Once a year the Pnieses use to provoke the people to Tribu 〈…〉 bestow much Corn on the Sachim. To that end they appoint a certain time and place near the Sachims' dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of Corn, and make a great stack thereof. There the Pnieses stand ready to give thanks to the people on the Sachims' behalf, and after acquainteth the Sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no less thankful, bestowing many gifts on them. When any are visited with sickness, their friends resort unto them for their comfort, and continue with them oftentimes till their death or recovery. If they die they stay a certain time to Mourning fo● the dead. mourn for them. Night and morning they perform this duty many days after the burial in a most doleful manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary, and the Note Musical, which they take one from another, and altogether, yet it will draw tears from their eyes, and almost from ours also. But if they recover then because their sickness was chargeable, they send Corn and other gifts unto them at a certain appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, which they call Commoco. When they bury the dead, they sow up the corpse in a mat and so put it in the earth. If the party Burials. be a Sachim, they cover him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and enclose the grave with a pale. If it be a child, the father will also put his own most special jewels and Ornaments in the earth with it, also he will cut his hair and disfigure himself very much in token of sorrow. If it be the man or woman of the house, they will pull down the mats and leave the frame standing, and bury them in or near the same, and either remove their dwelling, or give over house-keeping. The men employ themselves wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the Bow, except at some times they take some pain in fishing. The women live a most slavish life, they carry all women's slavery. their burdens, set and dress their Corn, gather it in, and seek out for much of their food, beat and make ready the Corn to eat, and have all household care lying upon them. The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices whilst they are together, although they be strangers. Boys and girls may not wear their hair like men and women, but are distinguished thereby. A man is not accounted a man till he do some notable act, or show forth such courage and resolution Manhood▪ as becometh his place. The men take much Tobacco, but for boys so to do they account it odious. All their names are significant and variable; for when they come to the state of men and women, Names. they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions. When a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and after weareth a covering Maids & wives on her head till her hair be grown out. Their women are diversely disposed, some as modest as they will scarce talk one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also: yet other some light, lascivious and wanton. If a woman have a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be war or opposition between that and any other people, she will run away from him to the contrary party and there live, where they never come unwelcome: for where are most women, there is greatest plenty. When a woman hath her monthly terms, she separateth herself from all other company, and liveth certain days in a house alone: after which she washeth herself and all that she hath touched or used, and is again received to her husband's bed or family. For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put her away, if he please. Some common strumpets there are as well as in other places, but they are such as either never married, or Adultery and whoredom. widows, or put away for adultery: for no man will keep such an one to wife. In matters of unjust and dishonest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence he is disgracefully rebuked, for the second beaten by the Sachim Theft. with a cudgel on the naked back, for the third he is beaten with many strokes, and hath his nose slit up ward, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, he must likewise die for the same. The Sachim not only passeth the sentence upon malefactors, Murder. but executeth the same with his own hands, if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his own knife in case of death, in the hands of others to perform the same. But if the offender be to receive other punishment, he will not receive the same but from the Sachim himself, before whom being naked he kneeleth, and will not offer to run away though he beat him never so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, then is his offence and punishment. Crying, a coward's note. As for their apparel, they wear breeches and stockings in one, like some Irish, which is made of Dear skins, and have shoes of the same leather. They wear also a Deeres skin loose about Apparel. them like a cloak, which they will turn to the weather side. In this habit they travel, but when they are at home, or come to their journey's end, presently they pull of their breeches, stockings, and shoes, wring out the water, if they be wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet have they another small garment that covereth their secrets. The men wear also when they go abroad in cold weather, an Otter or Fox skin on their right arm, but only their bracer on the left. Women and all of that sex wear strings about their legs, which the men never do. The people are very ingenious and observative, they keep account of time by the Moon, and Winters or Summers; they know diverse of the Stars by name, in particular, they know the Witty people. Their Arts. Note. North-star, and call it Mask, which is to say, The Bear. Also they have many names for the Winds. They will guess very well at the wind and weather before hand, by observations in the Heavens. They report also, that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they lift, can raise storms and tempests, which they usually do when they intent the death or destruction of other people, that by reason of the unseasonable weather, they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At such times they perform their greatest exploits, and in such seasons when they are at enmity with any, they keep more careful watch then at other times. As for the language it is very copious, large, and difficult, as yet we cannot attain to any great measure thereof; but can understand them, and explain ourselves to their understanding, Language. by the help of those that daily converse with us. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distant of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that they very well understand each other. And thus much of their lives and manners. In stead of Records and Chronicles, they take this course, where any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place, or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round Registers. hole in the ground about a foot deep, and as much over, which when others passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth therewith. And lest such holes should be filled, or grown up by any accident, as men pass by they will oft renew the same: By which means many things of great Antiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can understand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious, by reason of many historical Discourses will be related unto him. For that Continent, on which we are called New-England, although it hath ever been conceived by the English, to be a part of the main Land adjoining to Virginia, yet by relation of The Country. the Indians it should appear to be otherwise: for they affirm confidently, that it is an Island, and that either the Dutch or French pass thorough from Sea to Sea, between us and Uirginia, and drive a great Trade in the same. The name of that Inlet of the Sea, they call Mohegon, which I New England an Island. take to be the same which we call Hudsons' River, up which Master Hudson went many leagues, and for want of means (as I hear) left it undiscovered. For confirmation of this, their opinion is thus much; Though Virginia be not above an hundred and fifty leagues from us, yet they never heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his Country, save only by us and Tisquantum, who went into an English Ship thither: And therefore it is the more probable, because the water is not passable for them, who are very adventurous in their Boates. Then for the temperature of the air, in almost three years' experience, I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England, in respect of heat, and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, etc. Some object, because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of two and forty, it must needs be much ●otter. I confess I cannot give the reason of the contrary; only experience teacheth us, that if it do exceed England, it is so little as must require better judgements to discern it. And Seasons. for the Winter, I rather think (if there be difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England then Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I have enjoyed in the other, may deceive my judgement also. But in my best observation, comparing our own conditions with the Relations of other parts of America, I cannot conceive of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with extremity of heat, nor nipped with biting cold, by which means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health, notwithstanding those difficulties we have undergone, in such a measure as would have been admired if we had lived in England with the like means. The day is two hours longer than here, when it is at the shortest, Days. and as much shorter when it is at the longest. The soil is variable, in some places Mould, in some Clay, and others a mixed Sand, etc. The Soil. chiefest grain is the Indian Mays, or Ginny-Wheat; the seedtime beginneth in the midst of April, Corn, and continueth good till the midst of May. Our Harvest beginneth with September. This Corn increaseth in great measure, but is inferior in quantity to the same in Virginia, the reason I conceive, is because Uirginia is far hotter than it is with us, it requiring great heat to ripen; but whereas it is objected against New England, that Corn will not there grow, except the ground be manured with Fish: I answer, That where men set with Fish (as with us) it is more easy so to do, then to clear ground and set without some five or six years, and so begin a new, as in Virginia and elsewhere. Not but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set four years together without, and have as good Corn or better than we have that set with them, though indeed I think if we had cattle to till the ground, it would be more profitable and better agreeable to the soil, to sow Wheat, Ry, Barley, Pease, and Oats, then to set Mays, which our Indians call Ewachim: for we have had experience that they like and thrive well; and the other will not be procured without good labour and diligence, especially at seedtime, when it must also be watched by night to keep the Wolves from the Fish, till it be rotten, which will be in fourteen days; yet men agreeing together, and taking their turns it is not much. Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by Trade with the Indians for Furs, if men take a right course for obtaining the same; for I dare presume upon that small experience I have had, to affirm, that the English, Dutch, and French, return yearly many thousand pounds profits by Trade only from that Island, on which we are seated. Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the increase were equal, because Fish is a better and richer Commodity, and more necessary, which may be, and there are had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world; Witness the West-country Merchants of England, which return incredible gains yearly from thence. And if they can so do which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more Company to make their voyage, then will sail their Ships, what may the Planters expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their Salt there, and employ themselves at lest eight months in fishing, whereas the other fish but four, and have their Ship lie dead in the Harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to Plantations may take fraight of Passengers or Cattle thither, and have their lading provided against they come. I confess we have come so far short of the means to raise such returns, as with great difficulty we have preserved our lives; insomuch as when I look back upon our condition, and weak means to preserve the same, I rather admire at God's mercies and providence in our preservation, then that no greater things have been effected by us. But though our beginning have been thus raw, small, and difficult, as thou hast seen, yet the same God that hath hitherto led us thorough the former, I hope w●ll raise means to accomplish the latter. CHAP. VI Nova Scotia. The King's Patent to Sir WILLIAM ALEXANDER Knight, for the Plantation of New Scotland in America, and his proceedings therein; with a description of Mawooshen for better knowledge of those parts. IAcobus Dei gratia Magnae Brittanniae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rex fideique defensor: Omnibus probis hominibus totius terrae suae Clericis & laicis salutem. Sciatis nos semper ad quamlibet quae ad decus & emolumentum regni nostri Scotia spectaret occasionem amplectendum fuisse intentos, ●●llamque aut faciliorem aut magis innoxiam acquisitionem censere, quam quae inexteris & incultis regnis ubi vitae & victui suppectunt commode nevis deducendis Colonijs factu sit; praesertim si vel ipsa regna cultoribus prius vacua, vel ab infidelibus, quos ad Christianam converti fidem & Dei gloriam interest plurimum, insessa fuerint. Sed cum & alia nonnulla regna, & haec non it a pridem nostra Anglia landabiliter sua nomina novis terris acquisitis sed in se subactis indiderunt, quam numerosa & frequens divino beneficio haec gens, haec tempestate sit nobiscum reputantes, quamque honesto aliquo & utili cultu eam studiose exercerine in deteriora ex ignavia & otio prolabatur expediat plerosque in novam deducendos regionem quam Colonijs compleant, operaepretium duximus qui & animi promptitudine & alacritate corporumque robore & viribus qu●●uscunque difficultatibus, si qui alij mortalium vspiamse audiant opponere, hunc conatum huic regno maxime idoneum inde arbitramur quod virorum tantummodo & mulierum iumentorum & frumenti, non etiam pecuniae transuectionem postulat, neque incommodam ex ipsius regni mercibus retributionem hoc tempore cum negotiatio adeo imminuta sit, possit reponere. Hisce de causis sicuti & propter bonum fidele & gratum dilecti nostri consiltarij Domini Willelmi Alexandri eq●itis seruitium nobis praestitum & praestandum, qui proprijs impensis ex nostratibus primus externam hanc coloniam ducendam conatus sit, diver sasque terras infra designatis limitibus circumscriptas incolendas expetiverit. Nos igitur ex regali nostra ad Christanam religionem propagandam & ad opulentiam, prosperitatem, pacemque naturalium nostrorum subditorum dicti regni nostri Scotiae acquirendam cura, sicuti alij Principes extranei in talibus casibus hactenus fecerunt, cum anisamento & consensu praedicti nostri consanguinei & consiliarij joannis Comitis de Marr Domini Er●kene & Garrioche summi nostri The saurarij computorum rotulator is collectoris ac The saurarij novarum nostrarum augmentationum huius Regni nostri Scotiae, ac reliquorum dominorum nostrorum Commissionariorum ciusdem Regni nostri, dedimus concessimus & disposumus, tenoreque praesentie chartae nostrae damus concedimus & d●sponimus praefacto Domino Willelmo Alexandro, haredibus suis vel assignatis quibuscunque haereditariè omnes & singulas terras continentis ac insulas situatas & iacentes in America, intra caput seu promontorium communiter Cap. de Sable appellatum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta trium graduum aut ab co circa, ab aequinoctiali linea versus septentrionem, à quo promontorio versus littus maris tendentis ad occidentem ad stationem Sanctae Mariae na●ium (vulgo S. Maries Bay) & deinceps versus septentrionem per directam lineam introitum sive o●tium magnae illius stationis navium traijcientem quae excurrit in terrae orientalem plagam inter Regionis Suriquorum & Etechemmorum (vulgo Suriquois & Etechemines) ad flwium vulgo nomine Santae Crucis appellatum: Et ad scaturiginem remotissimam sive fontem ex occidentali parte eiusdem qui se primum praedicto flu●io immiscet, unde per imaginariam directam lineam quae pergere per terram seu currere versus septentrionem concipietur ad proximam navium stationem, flwium vel scaturiginem in magno flunio de Cannada seize exonerantem. Et ab co pergendo versus orientem per maris oras littorales eiusdem flwij de Cannada ad flwium stationem navium portum aut littus communiter nomine de Gachepe vel Gaspie notum & appellatum, Et deinceps versus Euronotum ad insulas Bacalaos vel Cap. Briton vocatas Relinquendo casdem Insulas à dextra & voraginem dicti magni flwij de Cannada sive magne stationis na●ium & terras de newfoundland, cum insulis ad easdem terras pertinentibus à sinistra. Et deinceps ad Caput sive promentorum de Cap. Briton praedictum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta quinque gradnum aut eo circa. Et à dicto promentorio de Cap. Briton versus meridiem & Occidentem ad praedictum Cap. Sable ubi incipit per ambulatio includenda & comprehenda intra dictas maris oras littorales ac carum circumferentias à mari ad omnes terras continentis * For the Description & encouragements to this design, and for better knowledge of New Scotland, besides a Book purposely published by the Honourable & learned Author (who at other weapons hath played his Muse's prizes, and given the world ample testimony of his learning) you may read our 8. Book from the sixth Chapter forwards, the last two Chapiters' of the ninth Book, & that description of the Country of Maw●oshen, which I have added hereto. cum fluminibus torrentibus, sinubus, littoribus, insulis aut maribus iacentibus prope infra sex lucas ad aliquam earundem partem ex occidentali boreali vel orientali partibus ororum litteralium & praecinctuum earundem. Et ab Euronoto (uti iacet Cap. Britton) & ex australi parte eiusdem ubi est Cap. de Sable omnia maria ac insulas versus meridiem intra quadraginta leucas dictarum orarum littoralium earundem magnam insulam vulgariter appellatam Ile de Sable vel Sablon includen. iacen. versus carban vulgo South Southeast, circa triginta leucas à dicto Cap. Britton in mari & existen, in latitudine quadraginta quatuor graduum aut eo circa. Quae quidem terrae praedictae omni tempore affuturo nomine Nova Scotia in America gau●lebunt, Quas etiam praefatus Dominus Willelmus in parts & portiones sicut et visum fuerit dividet ijsdemque nemi●● pro beneplacito imponet. Vua cum omnibus fodinis tum regalibus auri & argenti quam aliis fodinis ferri, plumbi, cupri, stanni, aeris, etc. In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti Chartae nostrae magnum Sigillum nostrum apponipraecepimus Testibus predict is nostris consanguineis & Confiliarijs jacobo Marchione de Hamilton Comite Arraniae & Cambridge Domino Auen & Innerdail, Georgio Mariscalli comite Domino Keith & alt. regni nostri Mariscallo, Alexandro Comite de Dunfermling Domino Fyviae & urquhant nostro Cancellaris, Thoma Comite de Mel●os Domino Byres & Bynning nostro Secretario, Dilectis nostris familiaribus Consiliarijs Domino Richardo Ko Kburne juniore de Clerkington nostri Secreti Sigills custode, Georgio Hay de Knifarunis nostrorum Rotulorum Registrorum ac Concilij Clerico, joanne Cockburne de Ormestoun nostrae lustitiariae Clerico, & joanne Scot de Scottistaruet nostrae Cancellariae Directore, Militibus. Apud Castellum nostrum de Winsore decimo die mensis sebtembris Anno Domini milesimo sex entesim● vigesimo primo Regnorumque nostrorum annis quinquagesimo quinto & decimo non●. This Scale containeth 150 English Leagues The three and twentieth of june, they loosed from Saint john's Harbour in newfoundland, An. 1623. and sailed towards New Scotland, where for the space of fourteen days they were by Fogs and contrary Winds kept back from spying Land till the eight of july: thereafter that they saw the West part of Cape Breton, and so till the thirteenth day, they sailed to and fro alongst the Coast till they came the length of Port de Mutton, where they discovered three very pleasant Harbours, and went a shore in one of them, which they called Luke's Bay, where they found a great way up to a very pleasant River being three fathoms Luke's Bay. deep at low water; at the entry thereof, and on every side of the same they did see very delicate Meadows, having Roses white and red growing thereon, with a kind of wild Lily, which had a very dainty smell. The next day they resolved to coast alongst to discover the next Harbour, which was but two leagues distant from the other, where they found a more pleasant River, being four fathom water at a low water, with Meadows on both sides thereof, having Roses and Lilies growing thereon as the other had. They found within this River a very fit place for a Plantation, both in regard that it was naturally apt to be fortified, and that all the ground beweene the two Fit place for a Plantation. Rivers was without Wood, and was good fat earth having several sorts of Berries growing thereon, as Gooseberry, Strawberry, Hyndberry, Rasberry, and a kind of Red-wineberry: As also some sorts of Grain, as Pease, some ears of Wheat, Barley, and Rye, growing there wild; the Pease grow every where in abundance, very big and good to eat, but taste of the Fitch. This River is called Port jolly, from whence they coasted alongst to Port Negro, being Port jolly. Port Negro. 12. leagues distant, where all the way as they sailed alongst they found a very pleasant Country having growing every where such things as they did see in the two Harbours where they had been. They found like wise in every River abundance of Lobsters, and Cockles, and other small fishes, and also they found not only in the Rivers, but all the Coast alongst, numbers of several sorts of Wild-fowl, as Wild-goose, Black-Duck, Woodcock, Herron, Pigeon, and many other sorts of Fowl which they knew not. They found likewise, as they sailed alongst the Coast abundance of great God, with several other sorts of great fishes. The Country is full of Woods, not very thick, and the most part Oak, the rest Fir-tree, Spruce, Birch, and many other sorts of wood which they had not seen before. Having discovered this part of the Country in regard of the voyage, their Ship was to make to the Straits with fishes, they resolved to coast alongst from Luke's Bay to Port the Mutton, being four leagues to the East thereof, where they encountered with a Frenchman, that in a very short time had a great voyage, having furnished one Ship away with fishes, and had near so many ready as to load his own Ship and others. And having taken a view of this Port, which to their judgement they found no ways inferior to the rest they had seen before, they resolved to retire back to newfoundland, where their Ship was to receive her loading of fishes, the twentieth of july they loosed from thence, and the seven and twentieth thereof they arrived at Saint john's Harbour in newfoundland; and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception, where they left the Ship, and dispatched themselves home in several Ships that belonged to the West part of England, and do intend this next Spring to set forth a Colony to plant there. This description of Mawooshen I had amongst M. Hakluyts papers. Climate and quantity. Tarantines are said to be the same with the Souriquois. 1. Quibequesson River. The description of the Country of Mawooshen, discovered by the English, in the year 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9 MAwooshen is a Country lying to the North and by East of Uirginia, between the degrees of 43. and 45. It is forty leagues broad, and fifty in length, lying in breadth East and West, and in length North and South. It is bordered on the East side with a Country, the people, whereof they call Tarrantines: on the West with Epistoman, on the North with a great Wood called Senaglecoune, and on the South with the main Ocean Sea, and many Lands. In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Rivers, whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson; on which there is one Town, wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords, the one called Asticon, the other Abermot. In this Town are fifty houses, and 150. men. The name of which Town is Precante; this River runneth far up into the Main, at the head thereof there is a Asticon Sagamo. Lake of a great length and breadth; it is at the fall into the Sea ten fathoms deep, and half a A great Lake. mile over. The next is Pemaquid, a goodly River and very commodious all things considered; it is ten fathoms 2. P●maquid river water at the entrance, and forty miles up there are two fathoms and a half at low water; it is half a mile broad, and runneth into the Land North many day's journey: where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and four broad. In this Lake are seven great Lands: toward the farthest A great Lake. end there falleeh in a River, which they call Acaconstomed, where they pass with their Boats thirty day's journey up, and from thence they go over Land twenty day's journey more, and then come to another River, where they have a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon, with whom Anadabis. the Frenchmen have had commerce for a long time. near to the North of this River of Pemaquid are three Towns: the first is Upsegon, where Bashabes their chief Lord doth dwell. And in this Three towns Town are sixty houses, and 250. men, it is three day's journey within the Land. The second is Caiocame; the third Shasheekeing. These two last Towns are opposite one to the other, the River Bashabes. Caiocame. dividing them both, and they are two day's journey from the Town of Bashabes. In Caioc 〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis, and in Shasheokeing Bowant, two Sagamos, subjects to Bashabes. Upon both sides of this River up to the very Lake, for a good distance the ground is plain, without Trees or Bushes, but full of long Grass, like unto a pleasant meadow, which the Inhabitants do burn once a year to have fresh feed for their Deer. Beyond this Meadow are great Woods, whereof more shall be spoken hereafter. The River of Pemaquid is four days journey from the mouth of Quibiquesson. The third River is called Ramassoc, and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid four day's journey; it is twenty fathoms at the entrance, and hath a mile over; it runneth into the Land three 3. Ramassoc. day's journey, and within less than a day's journey of the dwelling of Bashabes: upon this River there is a Town named Panobscot, the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood; who hath in his Town Panobsc●t a Town. 4. Apanawapeske, fifty houses, and eighty men. The fourth River Apanawapeske, lying West and by South of Ramassoc, at the entrance whereof there is twenty fathoms water, and it is a mile broad: it runneth up into the Country five day's journey; and within three days of the mouth are two Towns, the one called Meecombe, where dwelleth Aramasoga, who hath in his Town fifty houses, and eighty men. The other is Chebegnadose, whose Lord is Skanke, and hath thirty houses and ninety men. The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three day's journey. To the South-west four day's journey, there is another excellent River; in the entrance whereof is twenty fathoms water, and it is a quarter of a mile broad, it runneth into the Land 5. Apanmensek. two day's journey, and then there is a great fall; at the head whereof there is a Lake of a day's journey long and as much in breadth. On the side of this Lake there is a Straight, and at the end of A L●ke. that Straight there is another Lake of four day's journey long, and two day's journey broad; wherein there are two Lands, one at the one end, and another at the other end. I should have told you Another Lake. All the Lakes full of Fish, Beefs, and sweet Rats. 6. Aponeg. that both these Lakes, as also the rest formerly spoken of, do infinitely abound with fresh water fish of all sorts●, as also with diverse sorts of Creatures, as Otters, Beefs, sweet Rats, and such like. The sixth River is called Apponick on which there are three Towns; the first is called Appisham, where dwelleth Abochigishic. The second is Mesaqueegamic, where dwelleth Amniquin, in which there is seventy houses and eighty men; the third is Matammiscowte, in which are eighty houses and ninety men, and there dwelleth Narracommique. To the Westward of this there is another River called Aponeg: it hath at the entrance ten fathoms 7. Aponeg. water, and is a mile broad: it runneth up into a great Sound of fresh water. Upon the East side of this River there are two Towns, the one called Nebamocago, the other called Ashawe. In the first dwelleth Mentaurmet, and hath in his Town 160. households, and some 300. men. In the second dwelleth Hamerhaw, and hath in his Town eighty households and seventy men. On the West side there is another Town called Neredoshan, where are 120. households, and 100 men. There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw. Three day's journey from Aponeg to the Westward, there is a goodly River called Sagadohoc: the entrance whereof is a mile and an half over, holding that breadth a day's journey, and then 8. Sagadahoc. Here C. Popham buil● S. George's Fort, and planted. Great Sound. it maketh a great Sound of three day's journey broad: in which Sound are six Lands, four great and full of Woods, and two less without Woods: The greater are called Sowaghcoc, Neguiwo, Neiwoc. And in the very entrance of this River there is another small Island: from the West of which Island to the Main, there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar, so that that way is not passable for shipping: but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water. This Sound divideth it self into two branches or arms, the one running North-east twenty four days journey, the other Northwest thirty day's journey into the Main: At the heads whereof there are two Lakes, T●o Lakes. the Westermost being eight day's journey long, and four day's journey broad; and the Eastermost four day's journey long, and two days broad. The River of Aponeg runneth up into this Sound, and so maketh as it were a great Island between Sagadahoc and it. From the Island upward the water is fresh, abounding in Salmon, and other freshwater fish. Some thirteen or fourteen A great Island. day's journey from the entrance in the North-east branch, there is a little arm of a River that runneth East some day's journey, which hath at the entrance four fathoms water. Upon this arm there is one over fail, which standeth half a day's journey above this braneh: upon this arm there are four Towns: The first is called Kenebeke, which hath eighty houses, and one Kenebeke. hundred men. The Lord whereof is Apombamen. The second is Ketangheanycke, and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe, who hath in his Town ninety households, and three hundred and thirty men. This Town is four days journey from Kenebeke, and eight days journey from To the Northward is the third Town, which they call Naragooc; where there are fifty households, and one hundred and fifty men. The chief Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas. And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Town, named by M●ssakiga; where there are but eight households, and forty men. Upon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Towns more: The first is called Amereangan, and is distant from Kenebeke six days journey. In this place are ninety households, and two hundred and sixty men, with two Sagamoes; the one called Sasu●a, the other Scawas. Seven day's journey hence there is another Sagamo, whose name is Octowor●kin, and his Town's name Namercante, wherein are forty households, and one hundred and twenty men. A day's journey above Namercante there is a downfall, where they cannot pass with their Cannoes, but are enforced to carry them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile, and then they put them into the River again: And twelve days journey above this Downfall there is another, where they carry their Boats as at the first; and six days journey more to the North is the head of this River, where is the Lake that is of eight days journey long, and four days broad before mentioned. In this Lake there is one Island; and three days journey from this Lake there is a Town which is called Buccawganecants, wherein are threescore households, and four hundred men: And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe. This man and his people are subjects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen, and in his Country is the farthest limit of his Dominion, where he hath any that do him homage. To the Westward of Sagadahoc, four days journey there is another River called Ashamabaga, 9 Ashamabaga. which hath at the entrance six fathoms water, and is half a quarter of a mile broad: it runneth into the Land two days journey: and on the East side there is one Town called Agnagebcoc, wherein are seventy houses, and two hundred and forty men, with two Sagames, the one called Maurmet, the other Casherokenit. Seven days journey to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another River, that is six 10. Shawak●toc. fathoms to the entrance: This River is named Shawakotoc, and is half a mile broad; it runneth into the Land fifty days journey: but four days from the entrance it is so narrow, that the Trees growing on each side do so cross with their boughs and bodies on the other, as it permitteth not any means to pass with Boats that way: for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to travel to the head, are forced to go by Land, taking A Lake four days journey long & 2, broad their way upon the West side. At the end of this River there is a Lake of four days journey long, and two days broad, wherein are two Lands. To the North-West four day's journey from this Lake, at the head of this River Shawakatoc there is a small Province, which they call Crokemago, wherein is one Town. This is the Westermost River of the Dominions of Bashabez, and Quibiquisson the Westermost. To the Reader. I Have thought good to add to the English Plantations in New England, those in the neighbour Country of newfoundland. This was first discovered, Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seventh: the Voyages followed of M. Rutilio, Albert de Prato, M. Hore, and others. Ann. 1583. actual and formal possession, was taken in the right of Queen Elizabeth of glorious memory, and her Successors, by that memorable Knight, Sir Humphrey Gilbert (see sup. lib. 4. ca 13.) And in the year, 1609. M. john Guy of Bristol did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there, a written Copy whereof I have. A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Majesty to grant a Patent for a Plantation, part whereof (the whole might seem too long for our purpose) we have inserted. CHAP. VII. The beginning of the Patent for newfoundland; and the Plantation there made by the English, 1610. delivered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY, to M. SLANY: Also of the weather the three first Winters, and of Captain WESTON: with other remarkable Occurrents. JAMES, by the Grace of GOD, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, Defendor of the Faith, etc. To all people to whom these Presents shall come, greeting. Know ye, whereas diverse Our loving and well disposed Subjects, are desirous to make Plantation to inhabit and to establish a Colony or Colonies, in the Southern and Eastern parts of the Country, and I'll or Lands, commonly called newfoundland, unto the Coast and Harbour, whereof the Subjects of this our Realm of England have for the space of fifty years and upwards, yearly used to resort in no small numbers to fish; intending by such Plantation and inhabiting, both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subjects for ever; And also, to make some commendable benefit for the use of mankind by the lands and profits thereof, which hitherto from the beginning (as it seemeth manifest) hath remained unprofitable: And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions, have humbly besought Our Regal Authority and assistance; We being well assured that the same Land or Country adjoining to the foresaid Coasts, where Our Subjects use to fish, remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitant, that scarce any one Savage person hath in many years been seen in the most parts thereof: And well knowing that the same lying, and being so vacant, is as well for the reasons aforesaid, as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions: And that by the Law of Nature, and Nations, We may of Our Royal Authority, possess ourselves, and make grant thereof, without doing wrong to any other Prince, or State, considering they cannot justly pretend any Sovereignty or Right thereunto, in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed, and inhabited by any Christian, or other whomsoever. And therefore, thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King, to make true use of that which God from the beginning created for mankind; And therefore intending, not only to work and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subjects, but principally to increase the knowledge of the Omnipotent God, and the propagation of Our Christian Faith, have graciously accepted of their said intention, and suit. And therefore do of Our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, give, grant, and confirm by these Presents, unto Our right dear, and right well-beloved Cousin, and Counsellor, Henry Earl of Northampton, Keeper of Our Privy Seal, and to Our trusty and right well-beloved. Sir Laurence Tanfield Knight, chief Baron of Our Exchequer, Sir john Dodridge Knight, one of Our Sergeants at Law, Sir Francis Bacon Knight, Our Solicitor General, Sir Daniel Dun, Sir Walter Cope, Sir Piercivall Willoughby, and Sir john Constable Knights, john Weld Esquire, William Freeman, Ralph Freeman, john Slany, Humphrey Slany, William Turner, Robert Kirkam Gentlemen, john Weld Gentleman, Richard Fishburne, john Browne, Humphrey Spencer, Thomas juxon, john Stokely, Ellis Crispe, Thomas Alport, Francis Needeham, William jones, Thomas Langton, Philip Gifford, john Whittingam, Edward Allen, Richard Bowdler, Thomas jones, Simon Stone, john Short, john Vigars, john juxon, Richard Hobby, Robert Alder, Anthony Haveland, Thomas Aldworth, William Lewis, john Guy, Richard Hallworthy, john Langton, Humphrey Hooke, Philip Guy, William Meredith, Abram jenings, and john Dowghtie, their Heirs and Assigns. And to such, and so many as they do, or shall hereafter admit to be joined with them in form hereafter in these Presents expressed, whether they go in their persons to be planted in the said Plantation, or whether they go not, but do adventure their Monies, Goods, and Chattels, that they shall be one Body, or Commonalty perpetual, and shall have perpetual succession, and one common Seal to serve for the said Body, and Commonalty; And that they, and their successors shall be known, called, and incorporated by the name of the Treasurer, and the Company of Adventurers, and Planters of the City of London, and Bristol, for the Colony or Plantation in newfoundland, and that they, and their successors shall be from henceforth for ever enabled, to take, require, and purchase by the name aforesaid (Licence for the same, from Us, Our Heirs and Successors first had, and obtained) any manner of Lands, Tenements, and Hereditaments, Goods, and Chattels, within Our Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales, and that they, and their successors shall be like wise enabled by the name aforesaid, to plead and be impleaded, before any Our judges, or justices in any of Our Courts, and in any Actions and Suits whatsoever. And We do also of Our said special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, give, grant, and confirm unto the said Treasurer and Company, and their Successors, under the reservations, limitations, and declarations hereafter expressed, all that part and portion of the said Country, commonly called New found land, which is situate, lying and being to the Southward of the parallel line to be conceived to pass by the Cape or hedland, commonly called or known by the name of Bonewist Inclusive, which Cape or hedland is to be Northward of the Bay, commonly called Trinity Bay, and also which is situate, lying, and being to the Eastward of the Meridian line, to be conceived to pass by the Cape, or headland, commonly called or known by the name of Cape Sancta Maria, or Cape Saint Mary's Inclusive, which Cape or headland is to be Eastward of the Bay commonly called the Bay of Placentia, together with the Seas and Lands lying within ten leagues of any part of the Sea coast of the Country aforesaid, and also all those Countries, Lands, and Lands commonly called Newfound land, which are situate between forty and six degrees of Northerly latitude, and two and fifty degrees of the like latitude, and also all the Lands, Soil, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers, Mines, as well royal Mines of Gold and Silver, as other Mines, Minerals, Pearls, and precious stones, Woods, Quarries, Marshes, Waters, Fishings, Hunting, Hawking, Fowling, Commodities, and Hereditaments whatsoever, together with all Prerogatives, jurisdictions, Royalties, Privileges, Franchises, and Preeminencies, within any the said Territories, and the precincts there of whatsoever, and thereto or there abouts, both by Sea and Land, being, or in any sort belonging or appertaining; and which we by our Letters Patents may or can grant, and in as ample manner and sort, as We or any of Our Noble progenitors have heretofore granted to any Company, body politic or Corporate, or to any Adventurer or Adventurers, Undertaker, or Undertakers of any Discovery, Plantation, or Traffic, of, in or into any foreign parts whatsoever, and in as large and ample manner, as if the same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed. Nevertheless Our will and pleasure is, and We do by these presents express and declare, that there be saved, and reserved unto all manner of persons of what Nation soever, and also to all and every Our loving Subjects, which do at this present, or hereafter shall trade, or voyage to the parts aforesaid for Fishing, etc. April. 27. A. Reg. 8. Master JOHN GVY his Letter to Master SLANY Treasurer, and to the Counsel of the newfoundland Plantation. RIght worshipful, it may please you to understand, that it was the tenth day of this month of May before the Bark of Northam, called the Consent, arrived here in newfoundland; notwithstanding that a Ship of Bristol, called the Lioness, came to this Country the second of May in a month's space: and the Trial of Dartmouth arrived here before in sixteen days: By reason of which Voyage in eight days. stay of the aforesaid Bark, nothing could be done to take any of the places desired: all being possessed before. So that the Ship that cometh, whereof as yet there is no news, is to trust to the place here, which is reserved for her; which I hope will prove a good place. Some years as great a Uoyage hath been made here, as in any place in this Land: God send her hither in safety. I have not yet seen any of the Country to the Southward, or Northward of this Bay of Conception since this spring, because I expected daily the arrival of the Bark, and thought it not fit to be absent herehence until she were arrived, and dispatched: but presently upon her departure, no time, God willing shall be lost, The care that was taken to require generally the Fishermen to assist us, and to supply our wants, if any should be, was most joyful fisher-men's kind assistances. and comfortable to us, which was most willingly accomplished by the most part of those which I have yet seen: yet, God be praised, such was the state of all things with us, as we were in no want of victuals, but had a great remainder, as you shall after understand. The state of the Autumn and Winter was in these parts of newfoundland after this manner. In State of the weather in Autumn and Winter. I have by me a written journal, declaring the wind and weather of every day from 24. November 1610. till the last of April 1611. but thought it would seem tedious, the substance thereof being here contained. Moderate Frosta. both the months of October and November, there were scarce six days wherein it either freezed or snowed: and that so little, that presently it was thawed and melted with the strength of the Sun: All the residue of the afore said two months being both warmer and drier than in England. In December we had sometimes fair weather, sometimes frost and snow, and sometime open weather and rain: for in the latter end it was rainy, and was open weather. All these three months the wind was so variable, as it would every fortnight visit all the points of the Compass. The most part of january and February unto the middle of March the frost continued: the wind being for the most part Westerly, and now and then Northerly; notwithstanding three or four times, when the wind was at South, it began to thaw and did rain. That which fell in this season was for the most part Snow, which with the heat of the Sun would be consumed in the open places within a few days. That which abode longest was in February. During this time many days the Sun shone warm and bright from morning to night: notwithstanding the length of this frosty weather, small brooks that did run almost in level with a slow course, were not the whole winter three nights over frozen so thick, as that the Ice could bear a Dog to go over it, which I found by good proof: for every morning I went to the brook which runneth by our house to wash. The Snow was never above eighteen inches thick generally out of the drift; so that the fear of wanting wood or water never took hold of us: for albeit we made no provision for them, yet at a minute of an hour's warning we were furnished where there were Lakes of fresh water that stood still and did not run, there is remained frozen able to bear a man almost three months, and was not dissolved until the middle of April. But where the air had entrance and issue cut of them, there was no frost. When the wind in the winter time in England is at the North-east one month together, the frost is greater, and the cold more sharp, than it is here at all. There was no month in all the winter Spring. that some of our company did not travel in, either by land or by water, and lie abroad and drink water, in places distant two, three, four and five leagues from our habitation, and sometimes lay in the woods without fire, and received no harm. When April came our Spring began, and the first that did bud was the small Resen or the Corinth tree. Our Company was not letted in working abroad, & in the woods and open air fifteen days the wholewinter. We never wanted the company of Ravens and small Birds: So that the doubt that have been made of the extremity of the winter season in these parts of newfoundland are found by our experience causeless; and that not only men may safety inhabit here without any need of Stove, but Navigation may be made to and fro from England to these parts at any time of the year. Concerning the healthfulness of these Countries, we having been now more than ten months upon this Voyage, of nine and thirty persons, which was all our number which wintered here, there are wanting only Healthfulness. four; whereof one Thomas Percy Sawyer died the eleventh of December of thought, having slain a man in Rochester; which was the cause, being unknown unto me until a day before he died, that he came this Voyage. And one other, called john Morris Tyler, miscarried the first of February by reason of a bruise. The third, called Marmaduke Whittington, was never perfectly well after he had the small Homicide dieth for thought Pox, which he brought out of Bristol with him, who died the fifteenth of February. And the fourth, called William Stone, having at the first only a stiffness in one of his knees, kept his bed ten weakes, and would never stir his body, which laziness brought him to his end, who died the thirteenth of April. Of the rest four or five have been sick, some three months, and some four months; who now are better than they were, except one. All of them, if they had bad as good will to work, as they had good stomaches to their victuals, would long since have been recovered. One Richard Fletcher, that is Master Pilot here and a director of the Fishing, reported unto me, that he was one of the company consisting of forty persons, that went in a drumbler of Ipswich, called the Amity, to the North part of Ireland about eleven years ago from London in the late Queen's service, under the charge of one Captain Fleming, and continued there the space of two years: In which time two and thirty died of the Scurvy, and that only eight of them returned home, whereof the said Richard Fletcher was one. So that the accident of death or sickness of any persons in these our parts of newfoundland is not to argue any unhealthfulnesse of this Country, no more than Ireland is to be discredited by the loss of those two and thirty men: notwithstanding that there were to be had fresh victuals and many other helps, which this Country as yet hath not, but in good time may have. From the sixth of October until the sixteenth of May our Company had been employed in making of a Storehouse to hold our provisions, and a dwelling house for our habitation, which was finished about the Employment of the Colony first of December; with a square enclosure of one hundred and twenty foot long and ninety foot broad, compassing these two houses, and a work house to work dry in to make Boats or any other work out of the rain: and three pieces of Ordnance are planted there to command the Harboroughs upon a platform made of great posts, and rails, and great Poles sixteen foot long set upright round about, with two Flankers to scour the quarters. A Boat about twelve tuns big with a deck is almost finished to sail and row about the headlands: six fishing Boats and Pinnesses: a second saw pit at the fresh Lake of two miles in length and the sixth part of a mile broad, standing within twelve score of our habitation, to saw the timber to be had out of the fresh Lake, in keeping two pair of sawyer's to saw planks for the said buildings, in ridding of some grounds to sow Corn and garden seeds: in cutting of wood for the Collier, in coling of it: in working at the Smith's Forge Iron works for all needful uses: in costing both by Land and Sea to many places within this Bay of Conception: in making the frame of timber of a far greater and fairer house, then that which as yet we dwell in, which is almost finished, and diverse other things. We have sowed all sorts of grain this Spring, which prosper well hitherto. Our Goats have lived here all this winter; English Corn, Fowle and Cattle prosper there. and there is one lusty Kid, which was yeaned in the dead of winter. Our Swine prosper. Pidgens and Coneys will endure exceeding well. Our Poultry have not only laid Eggs plentifully, but there are eighteen young Chickens, that are a week old, besides others that are a hatching. The fear of wild Beasts we have found to be almost needless. Our great Ram-Goate was missing fifteen days in October, and came home well again, and is yet well with us. If the industry of men and presence of domestical Cattle were applied to the good of this Country of newfoundland, there would shortly arise just cause of contentment to the inhabitants thereof. Many of our Masters and Seafaring men seeing our safety, and hearing what a mild winter we had, and that no Ice had been seen fleeting in any of the Bays of this Country all this year (notwithstanding that then met one hundred and fifty leagues off in the Sea great store of Lands of Ice) do begin to be in love with the Country, and do talk of coming to take land here to inhabit: falling in the reckoning aswell of the commodity that they may make by the bank fishing, as by the husbandry of the Land, besides the ordinary fishing. At the Green Bay, where some of our Company were a fishing in November, they report there is great store of good grounds without woods, and there is a thousand acres together which they say may be mo●ed this year. Meadow. There is great store of Deer, whereof they saw some diverse times, and twice they came within shot of them; and the Greyhound, who is lusty, had a course, but could not get upon them. But nearer unto Cape Razo, Dear. Revonse, and Trepasse there is great quantity of open ground and Stags. It is most likely that all the Sacks will be departed out of England before the return of this our Bark, which shall not make any matter; because I am now of opinion that nothing should be sent hither before the return of the Ships from fishing. For as concerning sending of Cattle, it will be best that it be deferred until the next Spring. And concerning Victuals, in regard of the quantity, we have of it remaining of old, together with that that is come now, as with the dry fish that here we may be stored with, I am in good hope there will not want any to last till this time twelve months. And according to the victuals which shall be found at the end of the fishing, the number of persons that shall remain here all the next winter shall be fitted, that there shall not want: notwithstanding about Alhollantide, or the beginning of December, a Ship may be sent, such a one as our Fleming was with Salt from Rochel; for at any time of the winter Ships may as well go and come hither, as when they do, especially before january. This Summer I purpose to see most places between Cape Raze, Placentia, and Bona vista, and at the return of the fishing Ships to entertain a fit number of men to maintain here the winter; and to set over them, and to take the care of all things here, with your patience, one Master William Colton, a discreet young man, and my brother Philip Guy, who have wintered with me, and have promised me to undertake this charge until my return the next Spring, or till it shall be otherwise disposed of by you, and then together with such of the company as are willing to go home, and such others as are not fit longer to be entertained here, I intent to take passage in the fishing Ships, and so return home: And then between that and the Spring to be present, to give you more ample satisfaction in all things, and to take such further resolution, as the importance of the enterprise shall require: wherein you shall find me always as ready as ever I have been to proceeds and go forward, God willing. And because at my coming home it will be time enough for me to lay before you mine opinion touching what is to be undertaken the next year, I will forbear now to write of it; because you should be the sooner advertised of our welfare: and because such of the Company as are sent home both for their own good, and that the unprofitable expense of victuals and wages might coase: I have laden little or nothing back, that the said Company might the better be at ease in the hold. Only there is sent three hogsheads of Charcoles': where Numero 1ᵒ. is, they are of Burch: no. 2o. is, of Pine and Spruce, no. 3o. is of Fir, being the lightest wood, yet it maketh good Coals, and is used by our Smith. I send them because you shall see the goodness of each kind of Cole. Also I send you an Hogshead of the Skins and Furs of such Beasts as have been taken here, the particulars whereof appear in the Bill of lading. While I was writing I had news of the Vineyard, the Ship which you send to fishing, to have been in company with another Ship that is arrived on this side of the Bank, and that the Master intended to go to Farillon or Fer-land: God send her in safety. So praying God for the prosperity of your Worships, and the whole Company, with hope that his divine Majesty which hath given us so good a beginning, will always bless our proceedings: my duty most humbly remembered, I take my leave. Dated in Cupers' Cove the sixteenth of May, 1611. I have also a journal of the wind and weather from the latter end of August 1611. till june 1612. written by Master William Colston; and delivered to Master john Guy, Governor of the English Colony in Newfoundland, at his return from England thither, june the seventh 1612. By which it appeareth that the weather was somewhat more intemperate than it had been the year before, but not intolerable, nor perhaps so bad as we have it sometims in England. Their Dogs killed a Wolf, Otters, Sables, etc. Captain Easton a Pirate was troublesome to the English, and terrible to the French there: of whom I have added this Letter; for the Diary of the weather and occurrents each day would be very tedious. To Master JOHN SLANY Treasurer, and others of the Council, and Company of the newfoundland Plantation, the twenty nine of july 1612. RIght Worshipful, by my last of the seventeenth of june. I wrote you of the estate then, of all matters here, by the Holland Ship, which (I hope) is long since safely arrived, together with Master Colston, who hath (I doubt not) made by word of mouth, full relation of all matters. Because the proceedings of one Captain Peter Easton a Pirate, and his company since, are most fit to be known, before I touch our Plantation business you shall understand, what they have been unto this time: until the seventeenth of this present, the said Captain Easton remained in Harbour de Grace, there trimming, and repairing his Shipping, and commanding not only the Carpenters of each Ship to do his business, but hath taken victuals, munition, and necessaries from every Ship, together with about one hundred men out of the Bay, to man his Ships, being now in number six. He purposed to have before he goeth, as is said, cut of the land five hundred men, while he remained there, two several Companies to the number of about one hundred and eighty persons to each Company, being discontented, stole away from him in a Shallop, and took two Ships that were fishing in Trinity Bay, one belonging to Barnstable, and one other to Plymouth, and so intent, to begin to be new beads, of that damnable course of life. As I sailed from hence towards Renoose, in a small Bark, I fell into one of their hands: and one of my company was hurt with a Musket. there was one of their crew that wintered with me here the first year, by whose means, and because I was in the Bark, they made show, that they were sorry that they had meddled with us: And so they departed from us, without coming aboard. That which they sought after was men, to increase their number. Before the said Captain Eastons departure, he sent three Ships into Trinity Bay, to store himself with victuals, munition, and men, who are said to be worse used, than the Ships here, he taketh much ordnance from them. The said Easton was lately at Saint jones, and is now, as far as I can learn, at Feriland, where he taketh his pleasure, and thereabouts, the rest are to meet him. It is given out, that we will send one Captain Haruy in a Ship to Ireland, to understand news about his pardon, which if he can obtain in i● 〈…〉 rge and ample manner as he expecteth, than he giveth out, that he will come in: otherwise, it is thought, that he will get Protection of the Duke of Florence, and that in his course herehence, he will hover about the Westwards of the Lands of the Azores, to see whether he can light upon any of the Plate fleet, or any good rich booty, before his coming in. Albeit, he hath so prevailed here to the strengthening of himself, and encouraging of others to attempt the like hereafter: yet, were there that course taken, as I hope shall be, it is a most easy matter to repress them. I have also a Diary of the winter weather, and observations of occurrents from August 1612. till April 1613. December was very full of Snow (for I dare not present the whole) and the freshwater Lake was frozen over, and the Frost and Snow by the tenth of that month, as in any part of the two former places. january was much milder till the foureteenth, from thence it was very frosty. Their Beer was frozen, and they drank half water (an ill remedy to cold.) The cattle did not well thrive, as coming out of a Country not so cold. And therefore Iresh cattle (where the winter is warmer) are not so fit to be transported hither. George Davis' died of the Scurvy, and after him Edward Garten, Edward Hartland, john Tucker, and one and twenty were sick (most of the Scurvy) the whole Colony was sixty two. February was much warmer and more temperate. Toby and Grigge died in March, the rest recovered. Turnips being found as good to recover from the Scurvy as the Aneda tree to jacques Cartiers Company. Nicholas Gyves wife was delivered of a lusty boy March 27. The Easterly winds and some Currents brought Lands of Ice from the North Seas, which made the weather colder that Spring then in the depth of winter when the same winds blowed, namely East and Northeast, those Lands being blown into the Bayss, and the winds from them even in April very sharp; and the Snow on the tenth of April as thick as any time that year. In October john Guy with thirteen others in the Endeavour, and five in the Shallop, went upon Discovery. A● Mount Eagle Bay they found store of Scurvygrass on an Island. In the South bottom of Trinity Bay, which they called Savage Harbour, they found Savages houses, no people in them; in one they found a Copper Kettle very bright (you shall have it as one of them writ Copper kettle. it in his own terms) a fur Gown of Elk skin, some Seal skins, an old sail and a fishing reel. Order was taken that nothing should be diminished, and because the Savages should know that some had been there, every thing was removed out of his place, and brought into one of the Cabins, and laid orderly one upon the other, and the Kettle hanged over them, wherein there was put some Biscuit, and three or four Amber Beads. This was done to begin to win them by fair means. This time of the year they live by hunting; for we found twelve Elkes hooves, that were lately killed. A little piece of flesh was brought away, which was found to be a Beaver Cod, which is forthcoming to be seen. Their Houses there were nothing but Poles set in Their houses described. round form meeting all together aloft, which they cover with Dear skins, they are about ten foot broad, and in the middle they make their fire: one of them was covered with a sail, which they had gotten from some Christian. All things in this manner left, every one returned by the Moonlight, going by the brink of the Lake unto the entrance of the made way: and a little before they came thither, they passed by a new Savage house almost finished, which was made in a square form with a small roof, and so came to the Bark. They have two kind of Oars, one is about four foot long of one piece of Fir; the other is about ten foot long made of two pieces, one being as long, big, and Their Oars. round as a half Pike made of Beech wood, which by likelihood they made of a Biskin Oare, the other is the blade of the Oar, which is let into the end of the long one slit, and whipped very strongly. The short one they use as a Paddle, and the other as an Oar. The thirtieth, without any further business with the Savages, we departed thence to the Northern side of Trinity Bay, and anchored all that night under an Island. The one and thirtieth, we rowed unto an harbour, which now is called All-hallows; which hath adjoining unto it very high land. November the sixth, two Canoas' appeared, and one man alone coming towards us with a Flag in his hand of a Wolves skin, shaking it and making a loud noise, which we took to be for a parley: whereupon a white Flag was put out, and the Bark and Shallop rowed towards them, Savages. which the Savages did not like of, and so took them to their Canoas' again, and were going away: whereupon the Bark wheazed unto them, and flourished the Flag of truce, and came to anchor, which pleased them, and then they stayed: presently after the Shallop landed Master Whittington with the Flag of truce, who went towards them. Then they rowed into the shore with one Canoa, the other standing aloof off, and landed two men, one of them having the white skin in his hand, and coming towards Master Whittington, the Savage made a loud speech; and shaked the skin, which was answered by Master Whittington in like manner, and as the Savage drew near, he threw down the white skin on the ground, the like was done by Master Whittington; whereupon both the Savages passed over a little water stream towards Master Whittington, dancing, leaping, and singing, and coming together, the foremost of them presented unto him a chain of leather full of small Periwinkle shells, a spitting knife, and a Feather that stack in his ear: the other gave him an Arrow without a head; and the former was requited with a linen Cap, and a hand Towel, who put presently the linen Cap upon his head: and to the other he gave a Knife: and after hand in hand, they all three did sing and dance: upon this, one of our company called Francis Tipton went ashore, unto whom one of the Savages came running, and gave him a Chain, such as is before spoken of, who was gratified by Francis Tipton with a Knife and a small piece of Brass. Then all four together danced, laughing and making signs of joy and gladness, sometimes striking the breasts of our company, and sometimes their own. When signs were made that they should be willing to suffer two of our Company more to come on shore, for two of theirs more to be landed, and that Bread and Drink should be brought ashore, they made likewise signs that they had in their Canoas' meat also to eat: upon this the Shallop rowed aboard, and brought john Guy and Master Teage a shore, who presented them with a Shirt, two table Napkins, and a Hand-towell, giving them Bread, Butter, and Reasons of the Sun to eat, and Beer, and Aquavitae to drink: and one of them blowing in the Aquavitae Bottle, that made a sound, which they fell all into a laughing at. After, Master Croote and john Crouther came ashore, whom they went to salute giving them shell Chains, who bestowed Gloves upon them. One of the Savages that came last ashore, came walking with his Oar in his hand, and seemed to have some command over the rest, and behaved himself civilly: For when meat was offered him, he drew off his Mitten from his hand before he would receive it, and gave an Arrow for a present without a head: who was requited with a dozen of Points. After they had all eaten and drunk, one of them went to their Canoa, and brought us Deeres flesh dried in the smoke or wind, and drawing his Knife from out of his neck, he cut every man a piece, and that favoured very well. At the first meeting, when signs were made of meat to eat, one of the Savages presently run to the bank side, and pulled up a root, and gave it to. Master Whittington, which the other Savage perceiving to be dirty took it out of his hand, and went to the water to wash it, and after divided it among the four, it tasted very well: he that came ashore with the Oar in his hand, went and took the white skin that they hailed us with, and gave it to Master Whittington; and presently after they did take our white Flag with them in the Canoa, and made signs unto us that we should repair to our Bark, and so they put off, for it was almost night. In the two Canoas' there were eight men, if none were women (for commonly in every Canoa there is one woman) they are of a reasonable stature, of an ordinary middle size, they go bareheaded, wearing their hair somewhat long, but round: they have no Beards; behind they have a great lock of hair plaited with feathers, like a Hawks Lure, with a feather in it standing Their fashions upright by the crown of the head, and a small lock plaited before, a short Gown made of Stag's skins, the Fur innermost, that ran down to the middle of their legs, with sleeves to the middle of their arm, and a Beaver skin about their neck, was all their apparel, save that one of them had shoes and Mittens, so that all went barelegged, and most barefoot. They are full eyed, of a black colour; the colour of their hair was diverse, some black, some brown, and some yellow, and their faces something flat and broad, red with Ochre, as all their apparel is, and the rest of their body: they are broad breasted, and bold, and stand very upright. Their Canoa, are about twenty foot long, and four foot and a half broad in the middle aloft, Their Canoas'. and for their Keel and timbers, they have thin light pieces of dry Fir, rended as it were lathes: and instead of Boards, they use the outer Burch bark, which is thin, and hath many folds, sowed together with a thread made of a small root quartered. They will carry four persons well, and weigh not one hundred weight: they are made in form of a new Moon, stem and stern alike, and equally distant from the greatest breadth: from the stem and stern here riseth a yard high a light thin staff whipped about with small roots, which they take hold by to bring the Canoa ashore, that serveth instead of ropes, and a harbour, for every place is to them a harbour; where they can go ashore themselves, they take a land with them their Canoa: and will never put to Sea but in a calm, or very fair weather: in the middle the Canoa is higher a great deal then in the Bow and quarter, they be all bearing from the Keel to the portlesse not with any circular line but with a right line. They had made a Tilt with a Sail that they got from some Christian, and pitched a dozen poles in the ground veer, on which were hanged diverse Furs, and chains made of shells, which at that instant we fell not in the reckoning to what intent it was done, but after it came to our mind, as hereafter you shall pereeive. The seventh day we spent in washing, and in beginning a house to shelter us when we should come thither hereafter, upon a small Island of about five acres of ground, which is joined to the main with a small Beech: for any bartering with the Savages there cannot be a fitter place. The eighth day it began to freeze, and there was thin Ice over the sound; and because we heard nothing more of the Savages we began to return out of the Sounds, & coming to the place which the Savages had made two days before fire in, we found all things remaining there, as it was when we parted, viz. an old Boat sail, three or four shell chains, about twelve Furs, of Beavers most, a Fox skin, a Sable skin, a Bird skin, and an old Mitten, set every one upon a several pole: whereby we remained satisfied fully, 〈◊〉 they were brought thither of purpose to barter with us, and that they would stand to our courtesy to leave for it what we should think good. Because we were not furnished with fit things for to truck, we took only a Beaver skin, a Sable skin, and a Bird skin, leaving for them a Hatchet, a Knife, and four Needles threaded. Master Whittington had a pair of Scissors which he left there for a small Beavers skin, all the rest we left there untouched, and came that night to the harbour that we were in at our entering, which we call flag-staff Harbour, because we found there the flag-staff thrown by the Savages away. These Savages by all likelihood were animated to come unto us, by reason that we took nothing from them at Savage Bay, and some of them may be of those which dwell there. For in no other place where we were could we perceive any tokens of any abode of them, etc. CHAP. VIII. Captain RICHARD WHITBOURNES Voyages to newfoundland, and observations there, and thereof; taken out of his Printed Book. IT it well known, that my breeding and course of life hath been such, as that I have long time set many people on work, and spent most of my days in travel, specially in Merchandizing, and Sea-Voyages. I have been often in France, Spain, Italy, Portugal, Savoy, Denmark, Norway, Spruceland, the Canaries, and Soris Lands: and for the newfoundland, it is almost so familiarly known to me as my own Country. In the year 1588. I served under the then Lord Admiral, as Captain in a Ship of my own set forth at my charge against the Spanish Armado: and after such time as that service was ended, taking my leave of his Honour, I had his favourable Letters to one Sir Robert Denuis, in the County of Devon, Knight; whereby there might be some course taken, that the charge as well of my own Ship, as also of two other, and a Pinnace, with the victuals, and men therein employed, should not be any way burdensome to me. Wherein there was such order given by the then right Honourable Lords of the privy Counsel, that the same was well satisfied: which service is to be seen recorded in the Book at White-Hall. Now to express some of my Voyages to the newfoundland, which make most for the present purpose. My first Voyage thither, was about forty years since, in a worthy Ship, of the burden of three hundred ●un, set forth by one Master Cotton of South-hampton: we were bound to the Grand Bay (which lieth on the Northside of that Land) purposing there to trade then with the Savage people (for whom we carried sundry commodities) and to kill Whales, and to make Train Oil, as the Biscayne's do there yearly in great abundance. But this our intended Voyage was overthrown, by the indiscretion of our Captain, and faint-heartedness of some Gentlemen of our Company: whereupon we set fail from thence, and bare with Trinity Harbour in newfoundland: where we killed great store of Fish, Deer, Bears, Beavers, Seales, Otters, and such like, with abundance of Sea-fowle; and so returning for England, we arrived safe at South-hampton. In a Voyage to that Country, about six and thirty years since, I had then the command of a worthy Ship of two hundred and twenty tun, set forth by one Master Crook of South-hampton: At that time Sir Humphrey Gilbert, a Devonshire Knight, came thither with two good Ships and a Pinnace, and brought with him a large Patent, from the late most renowned Queen Elizabeth, and in her name took possession of that Country, in the Harbour of Saint john's, whereof I was an eyewitness. He failed from thence towards Virginia; and by reason of some unhappy direction in his course, the greatest Ship he had struck upon Shelves, on the Coast of Canadie, and was there lost, with most part of the company in her; And he himself being then in a small Pinnace of twenty tun, in the company of his Vice-admiral (one Captain Hays) returning towards England, in a great storm was overwhelmed with the Seas, and so perished. In another Voyage I made thither, about four and thirty years past, wherein I had the command of a good Ship, partly mine one: at that time own Sir Bernard Drake of Devonshire, Knight, came thither with a Commission, and having diverse good Ships under his command, he there took many Portugal Ships laden with Fish, and brought them into England as Prizes. Omitting to speak of other Voyages, I made thither, during the late Queen's reign, I will descend to later times. In the year 1611. being in newfoundland, at which time that famous Archpirate, Peter Easton, came there, and had with him ten sail of good Ships well furnished and very rich, I was kept eleven weeks under his command, and had from him many golden promises, and much wealth offered to be put into my hands, as it is well known: I did persuade him much to desist from his evil course; his entreaties then to me, being that I would come for England, to some friends of his, and solicit them to become humble petitioners to your Majesty for his pardon: but having no warrant to touch such goods, I gave him thinks for his offer; only I requested him to release a Ship that he had taken upon the Coast of Guinnie, belonging to one Captain Rashly of Foy in Cornwall; a man whom I knew but only by report: which he accordingly released. Whereupon I provided men, victuals, and a fraught for the said Ship, and so sent her home to Dartmouth in Donen, though I never had so much as thanks for my kindness therein. And so leaving Easton, I came for England, and gave notice of his intention, letting pass my Voyage I intended for Naples, and lost both my labour and charges: for before my arrival, there was a pardon granted, and sent him from Ireland. But Easton hover with those ships and riches upon the Coast of Barbary, as he promised, with a longing desire, and full expectation to be called home, lost that hope by a too much delaying of time by him who carried the Pardon. Whereupon he failed to the straits of Gibraltar, and was afterwards entertained by the Duke of Savoy, under whom he lived rich. I was there also in the year 1614 when Sir Henry Manwaring was upon that Coast, with five good Ships strongly provided: he caused me to spend much time in his company, and from him I returned into England, although I was bound from thence to Marsse●●is, to make sale of such goods as I then had, and other employments, etc. In the year 1615. I returned again to newfoundland, carrying with me a Commission out of the high Court of Admiralty, under the great Seal thereof, authorising me to empanel juries, and to make inquiry upon Oath, of sundry abuses and disorders committed amongst Fishermen yearly upon that Coast, and of the fittest means to red●esse the same, with some other points, having a more particular relation to the Office of the Lord Admiral. What was then there done, by virtue of that Commission, which was wholly executed at my own charge, hath been at large by me already certified into the high Court of Admiralty. Nevertheless, seeing the same hath been over slipped ever since, & not produced those good effects which were expected, I will, in some convenient place of this Discourse; set down a brief collection of some part of my endeavours spent in that service; not doubting but it will be as available for the furtherance of our intended design, as any other reason I shall deliver. In the year 1616. I had a Ship at newfoundland of a hundred tun, which returning laden from thence, being bound for Lisbon, was met with by a French Pirace of Rochel, one Daniel Tibolo, who rifled her, to the overthrow and loss of my Voyage, in more than the 〈◊〉 of 860. pounds, and cruelly handled the Masts and the Company that were in her; and although I made good proof thereof at Lisbon, and represented the same also to this Kingdom, as appertained, after my return from thence; yet for all this loss, 〈◊〉 could never have any recompense. Shortly after my return from Lisbove, I was sent for by a Gentleman, who about a year before, by a grant from the Patentees, had undertaken to settle people in newfoundland; he acquainted me with his designs, & after some conference touching the same, we so concluded, that he gave me a conveyance under his hand and seal for the term of my life, with full power to govern within his circuit upon that Coast; whereupon (being desirous to advance that work) in Anno 1618. I sailed thither in a Ship of my own, which was victualled by that Gentleman, myself, and some others. We likewise then did set forth another Ship, for a fishing Voyage, which also carried some victuals for those people which had been formerly sent to inhabit there: but this Ship was intercepted by an English erring Captain (that went forth with Sir Walter Raleigh) who took the Master of her, the Boatswain, & two other of the best men, with much of her victuals (the rest of the Company for fear running into the woods) and so left the Ship as a Prize, whereby our intended Fishing Voyages of both our Ships were overthrown, and the Plantation hindered. Now seeing it pleased your Majesty many years since, to take good notice of the said newfoundland, and granted a Patent for a Plantation there, wherein many Honourable and worthy men's endeavours, and great charge therein, have deserved good commendations (as is well known) the which I desire to further with all my best endeavours: and not to disgrace or disable the foundation and Projects of others, knowing they have been greatly hindered by P●●ats, and some erring Subjects that have arrived upon that Coast; it being indifferent to me, whether there be a new foundation laid, or whether it be builded upon that which hath already been begun; so that the Plantation go forward. Yet I may truly say, that hither to little hath been performed to any purpose, by such as therein were employed, worthy the name of a Plantation, or answerable to the expectationa and desert of the Undertakers; neither have such good effects followed, as may be expected from a thorough performance hereafter. And seeing that no man hath yet published any fit motives or inducements, whereby to persuade men to adventure, or plant there; I have presumed plainly to lay down these following reasons, etc. A Relation of the newfoundland. newfoundland is an Island, bordering upon the continent of America, from which it is divided by the Sea: so far distant, as England is from the nearest part of France, & lieth between The situation of the Country 46. and 53. deg. North-latitude: It is near as spacious as Ireland, and lieth near the course that Ships usually hold in their return from the Wost Indies, and near half the way between Ireland and Virginia I shall not much need to co●●end the wholesome temperature of that Country, seeing the greatest part thereof lieth above 3. degrees nearer to the South, than any part of England doth. And it hath been well approved by some of our Nation, who have lived there these many The temperature of the Air. years, that even in the winter it is as pleasant and healthful as England is. And although the example of one Summer be no certain rule for other years; yet thus much also can I truly affirm, that in the year 1615. of the many thousands of English, French, Portugals, and others, that were then upon that Coast (amongst whom I sailed to and ●●o more than one hundred leagues) I neither saw nor heard in all that cravell, of any man or boy of either of these Nations, that died there during the whole Voyage; neither was so much as any one of them sick. The natural Inhabitants of the Country, as they are but few in number, so are they something The Inhabitanes, with their nature and customs. rude and savage people; having neither knowledge of God, nor living under any kind of civil government. In their habits, customs & manners, they resemble the Indians of the Continent, from whence (I suppose) they come; they live altogether in the North and West part of the Country, which is seldom frequented by the English; But the French and Biscayne's (who resort thither yearly for the Whalefishing, and also for the Codfish) report them to be an ingenious and tractable people (being well used) they are ready to assist them with great labour and patience, in the kill, cutting, and boiling of Whales; and making the Train Oil, without expectation of other reward, than a little Bread, or some such small hire. All along the coast of this Country, there are many spacious and excellent Bays, some of them stretching into the land, one towards another, more than twenty leagues. On the East side of The conveniency of the Bays in that Country. the Land, are the Bays of Trinity and Conception, which stretcheth themselves towards the South-weste To● Bay, and Cap 〈…〉 Bay, lying also on the East, stretch toward the West: the Bays of Trepassoy, S. Marry, B●rrell, and Plais●●ce, on the South part of the Land, extend their arms toward the North: The great Bay of S. 〈◊〉 lying on the South-west side of the Land, and East, So 〈…〉 rly from the great River of C 〈…〉 being about twenty leagues distant, the same stretcheth toward the East. And here I pray you note, that the bottoms of these Bays do meet together within the compass of a small 〈◊〉: by means whereof our men passing over land from Bay to Bay may with much facilitied discover the whole Country. From the Bay of S. Peter round about the West side of the Land, till you come to the grand Bay which 〈◊〉 on the North side of the Country; and so from thence, till you come round, back to T 〈…〉 Bay, are abundance of large and excellent Bays; which are the less known, because not frequented by the English, who seldom 〈◊〉 to the Northward of Tri●●tie Bay. And it is to be observed, that round about the Coast and in the Bays, there are many small Lands (none of them further off the 〈…〉 league from the land) both fair and fruitfully neither doth Commodious Lands & worthy Harbours. any one part of the world afford greacee store of good Harbours, more free from dangers, or more commodious, then are there built by the admirable workmanship of God; I will only instance two or three of the chiefest, for some special reasons. Trinity Harbour ●yes forty nine degrees North-latitude, being very commodiously seasted to receive shipping in reasonable weather, both to anchor in and from thence to sail towards Trinity Harbour affording diverse good commodities. either the East, West, or South: It hath three Arms or Rivers, long and large enough for many hundred fail of Ships, to more fast at Anchor near asmile from the Harbours movest; close adjoining to the River's side, and within the Harbour is much open land, well stored with Grass suffcient, Winter and Summer, to maintain great store of ordinary cattle, besides Hogs and Geats, if such beasts were carried thither and it standeth North, most of any Harbour in the Land, where our Nation practiseth Fishing; It is near unto a great Bay lying on the North side of it, called the Bay of Flowers, to which place no Ships repair to fish; partly in regard of sundry Rocks and Ledges lying even with the water, and full of danger: but ●niefly (as I conjecture) because the Savage people of that Country do there inhabit: many of then secretly every year, come into Trinity Bay and Harbour, in the night Savages living near to Trinity Harbour. time, purposely to steal Sails, Lines, Hatchets, Hooks, Knives, and such like. And this Bay is not three English miles over Land from Trinity Bay in many places; which people if they might be reduced to the knowledge of the true Trinity indeed, no doubt but it would be a most swe●● and acceptable sacrifice to God, an everlasting honour to your Majesty, and the heavenliest blessing to those poor Creatures, who are buried in their own superstitious ignorance. The task thereof would prove easy, if it were but well begun, and constantly seconded by industrious spirits: and no doubt but God himself would set his hand to rear up and advance so noble, so pious, and so Christian a building. The bottom of the Bay of Trinity lieth within four leagues through the land South-west, The bottoms of diverse Bayss meeting near together. Southerly from Trinity, as by experience is found, and it comes near unto the Bay of Trepassey, and the bottom of some other Bays, as I have already touched before. Trepassey in like manner is as commodious a Harbour, lying in a more temperate climate, almost in 46. degrees, the like latitude, and is both fair and pleasant, and a wholesome Coast, free The Harbour of Trepassey lying commodiously. from Rocks and Shelves: so that of all other Harbours, it lies the South-most of any Harbour in the Land, and most conveniently to receive our Shipping to and from Uirginia, and the Bermuda Lands; and also any other Shipping that shall pass to and from the River of Canady and the Coast thereof; because they usually pass and return in the sight of the Land of Trepasse, and also for some other purposes, as shall be partly declared in the following discourse. The soil of this Country in the Valleys and sides of the Mountains, is so fruitful, as The fertility of the soil. that in diverse places, there the Summer naturally produceth out of the fruitful womb of the earth, without the labour of man's hand, great plenty of green Pease and Fitches, fair, round, full and wholesome as our Fitches are in England: of which I have there fed on many times: the hawmes of them are good fodder for cattle and other Beasts in the winter, with the help of Hay; of which there may be made great store with little labour in diverse places of the Country. Then have you there fair Strawberries red and white, and as fair Raspasse berry, and Gooseberries, Several sorts. of Fruits there growing. as there be in England; as also multitudes of Bilberries, which are called by some Whortes, and many other delicate Berries (which I cannot name) in great abundance. There are also many other fruits, as small Pears, sour Cherries, filberts, etc. And of these Berries and Fruits the store is there so great, that the Mariners of my Ship and Barks Company, have often gathered at once, more than half an Hogshead would hold; of which diverse times eating their fill, I never heard of any man, whose health was thereby any way impaired. There are also Herbs for Salads and Broth; as Parslie, Alexander, Sorrell, etc. And also Flowers, Herbs & Flowers both pleasant and medicinable. as the red and white Damask Rose, with other kinds, which are most beautiful and delightful, both to the sight and smell. And questionless the Country is stored with many Physical herbs and roots, albeit their virtues are not known, because not sought after; yet within these few years, many of our Nation finding themselves ill, have bruised some of the herbs and strained some of the juice into Beer, Wine or Aquavite; and so by God's assistance, after a few drink, it hath restored them to their former health. The like virtue it hath to cure a wound or any swelling, either by washing the grieved places with some of the herbs boiled, or by applying them so thereunto (plasterwise) which I have seen by often experience. This being the natural fruitfulness of the earth, producing such variety of things, fit for food, without the labour of man: I might in reason hence infer, that if the same were manured, and husbanded in some places, as our grounds are, it would be apt to bear Corn, and no less fertile than the English soil. But I need not confine myself to probabilities; seeing our men that have wintered there diverse Corn growing there, yielding good increase. years, did for a trial and experiment thereof sow some small quantity of Corn, which I saw growing very fair; and they found the increase to be great, and the grain very good; and it is well known to me, and diverse that trade there yearly, how that Cabbage, Carrots, Turnips, Lettuce, and such like, prove well there. In diverse parts of the Country there is great store of Deer, & some Hares, many Foxes, Squirrels, Store of Deer & other Beasts Bevers, Wolves, and Bears, with other sorts of Beasts, serving as well for necessity, as for profit and delight. Neither let me seem ridiculous, to annex a matter of novelty, rather than A rare example of the gentle nature of the Beasts of that Country. weight, to this discourse. In the year 1615. it was well known to eight and forty persons of my Company, and diverse other men, that three several times, the Wolves & Beasts of the Country came down near them to the Seaside, where they were labouring about their Fish, howling and making a noise: so that at each time my Mastiff Dog went unto them (as the like in that Country hath not been seen) the one began to fawn and play with the other, and so went M Gyves Mast●●e & Greyhound used a Wolf there more doggedly, one pulling out the throat the other the belly. together into the Woods, and continued with them, every of these times, nine or ten days, and did return unto us without any hurt. The Land Fowle (besides great number of small Birds flying up and down, some without name, that live by scraping their food from the earth in the hardest winter that is) there are also Hawks great and small, Partridges, Thrush, and Thrussels abundance, very fat. As also Filladies, Nightingales, and such like, that sing most pleasantly. There are also Birds that live by prey, as Ravens, Gripes, Crows, etc. For Waterfowl, there is certainly so good, and as much variety, as in any part of the world; as Geese, D●cks, Pigeons, Gulls, Penguins, and many other sorts. Great store of Land Fowle. Water Fowl, Penguins. These Penguins are as big as Geese, and fly not, for they have but a little short wing, and they multiply so infinitely, upon a certain flat Island, that men drive them from thence upon a board into their Boats by hundreds at a time; as if God had made the innocence of so poor a creature to become such an admirable instrument for the sustentation of man. There are also Godwits, Curlewes, and a certain kind of Fowl are called Oxen and Kine, with such like; which Fowl do not only steed those that trade thither greatly for food, but also they are a great furthering to diverse Ships voyages, because the abundance of them is such, that the Fishermen do ba●t their hooks with the quarters of Sea-Fowle on them: and therewith some Ships do yearly take a great part of their Fishing Voyages, with some bait, before they can get others. The fresh waters and Springs of that Country, are many in number, and withal very pleasant, delightful and wholesome, that no Country in the world hath better. And Fewell for fire Fresh water and Springs. is so plen●●full, that there is never like to be want of that commodity. In like manner there is great abundance of Trees fit to be employed in other serviceable uses: There are Fur and Spruce trees, sound, good, and fit to mast Ships withal; and as commodious Many sorts of Timber there growing. for boards and buildings as the Spruce and Fir trees of Norway, and out of these came abundance of Turpentine. No Country can show Pine and Birch trees, of such height and greatness as those are there: and doubtless, if some store of your Majesty's subjects do once settle there to live, and would be industrious to search further, and more throughly into the Country, then as yet it hath been, there might be found many other commodities of good worth. Amongst the Good hope of Mines, and making of Iron and Pitch. which I may not omit, that there is much probability of finding Mines, and making of Iron and Pitch. The Rivers also and Harbours are generally stored with delicate Fish, as Salmon, Pearls, Eels, Herring, Mackerel, Flounder, Lance, Capelin, God, and Trout the fairest, fattest and sweetest, Fish in great abundance. that I have seen in any part of the world. The like for Lobsters, Crabfish, Musktes, Hens, and other variety of Shellfish great store. And also observe here, that in these places there is usually store of the spawn and fry of several sorts of fishes: whereby the Sea-fowle live so fat as they are there in the winter: And likewise the Bevers, Otters, and such like, that seek their food in the Ponds, and fresh Rivers. The Seas likewise all along the Coast, do plentifully abound in other sorts of fish as Whale's, Spanish Mackerel, Dorrell, pale, Herring, Hogs, Porpoises, Seals, and such like royal fish, etc. But the chief commodity of newfoundland yet known, and which is grown to be a settled trade, and that may be much bettered by an orderly Plantation there (if the Traders thither Cod-fishing a great hope of benefit therefrom. will take some better course, then formerly they have done, as shall be declared) if the Cod-fishing upon that Coast, by which our Nation and many other Countries are enriched. And if I should here set down a valuation of that Fish, which the French, Biscayne's, and Portugals fetch yearly from this Coast of newfoundland, and the Bank, which lieth within five and twenty The benefit arising to France, Spain and Italy from fishing upon those coasts. leagues from the South-Cape of that Country, where the French use to fish Winter and Summer, usually making two Voyages every year thither: (To which places, and to the Coast of Canady, which lieth near unto it, are yearly sent from those Countries, more than four hundred sail of Ships:) It would seem incredible, yea some men are of opinion, that the people of France, Spain and Italy, could not so well live, if the benefit of the fishing upon this Coast, and your Majesties other Dominions, were taken from them. But I trust it will be sufficient, that I give an estimate of our own trading thither, and partly of the wealth and commodities we reap thereby, without any curious search into other men's profits. In the year 1615. when I was at newfoundland with the Commission before mentioned, 250. sail of Shipslying upon that coast, Anno 1615. which was an occasion of my taking the more particular observations of that Country, there were then on that Coast, of your Majesty's subjects two hundred and fifty sail of Ships great and small. The burdens and Tonnage of them all, one with another, so near as I could take notice, allowing every Ship to be at least threescore tun (for as some of them contained less, so many of them held more) amounting to more than 15000. tons. Now for every threescore tun burden, according to the usual manning of Ships in those Voyages, agreeing with the note I then took, there are to be set down twenty men and boys: by which computation in these two hundred and fifty sail, there were no less than five thousand persons. Now every one of these Ships, so near as I could guess, had about 120000. fish, and five ton of train Oil one with another. So that the total of the Fish in these two hundred and fifty sail, when it was brought into England, France or Spain (being sold after the rate of four pound, for every thousand What the value of the Fish con tained in most Ships did amount unto. of fish, sixscore fishes to the hundred, which is not a penny a fish, and if it yield less, it was ill sold) amounted in money to 120000. pound. Now, as I have said before, allowing to every Ship of sixty tun, at least five tun of train Oil, the total of that ariseth to 1250. tun; each tun, whether it be sold in England, or elsewhere, being undervalved at twelve pound. So as the whole value thereof in money, amounteth to the sum of 15000. pound, which added to the fish, it will appear that the total value of the fish, and Train Oil of those 250. sail of Ships that year, might yield to your Majesty's subjects better than the Sum of 135000. pound, omitting to reckon the over-prices which were made and gotten by the sale thereof in foreign Countries, being much more than what is usually made at home, and so the like in other years. And this certainly, in my understanding, is a point worthy of consideration, that so great wealth should yearly be raised, by one sole commodity of that Country, yea by one only sort of fish, and not upon any other trade thither, which must needs yield, with the employments thereof, great riches to your Majesty's Subjects: And this also to be gathered and brought home by the sole labour and industry of men, without exchange or exportation of our Coin, and native commodities, or other adventure (than of necessary provisions for the fishing) as Salt, Nets, Leads, Hooks, Lines, and the like; and of victuals, as Bread, Beef, and Pork, in competent measure, according to the number and proportion of men employed in those. Voyages. The converting of these commodities (gotten by fishing) into money, cannot choose but be a great benefit to all your Majesty's Kingdoms in many respects. What the charge in setting forth of these two hundred and fifty sail might amount unto (being The relief that the trading there will afford to several sorts of people only for victuals, which our Country yieldeth) I hold it not fit here to set down, lest I should be accused by some therein. And withal it is to be considered, that the trade thither (as now it is) doth yearly set on work, and relieve many numbers of people, as Bakers, Brewers, Cooper's, Ship-Carpenters, Smiths, Netmakers, Rope-makers, Line-makers, Hooke-makers ●●lly makers, and many other trades, which with their families have their best means of 〈◊〉, from these newfoundland Voyages. Add unto them the families or servants of 〈◊〉 Ownest and Masters of such Ships as go thither, and Mariners with their families, hereby 〈…〉 ied and maintained, * After this the author useth reasons to persuade to a Plantation there; which I have omitted, as busied in history. The Book is common to such as desire to read it. I have also omitted his Admiralty commission and proceedings. etc. THe Natives of the Country have great store of red Oaker, which they use to colour their Bodies, Bows and Arrows, and Cannowes withal, which Cannowes are built in shape, like the Wherries on the River of Thames; but that they are much longer, made with the rinds of Birch trees, which they sew very artificially and close together, and overly every seam with Turpentine; and in like manner they sew the rinds of Spruce trees, round and deep, in proportion like a Brass Kettle, to boil their meat in, which hath been well proved by three Mariners of a Ship, riding at Anchor by me, who being robbed in the night by the Savages, of their apparel and diverse provisions, did the next day seek after them, and came suddenly where they had set up three Tents, and were feasting, having three Canoas' by them, and had three Pots made of such rinds of trees, standing each of them on three stones boiling with twelve Fowls in each of them; every Fowl as big as a Widgeon, and some so big as a Duck: they had also many Commodity's used by the Natives. such pots so sewed, and fashioned like the leather Buckets that are used for quenching of fire, and those were full of the yolks of Eggs, that they bade taken and boiled hard, and so dried small, which the Savages used in their broth, as Sugar is used in some meats: they had great store of the Skins of Deer, Bevers, Bears, Seals, Otters, and diverse other fine skins which were well dressed; as also great store of several sorts of flesh dried; and by shooting off a Musket towards them, they all ran away naked without any apparel, but only their hats on their heads, which were made of Seals skins, in fashion like our hats, sewed handsomely with narrow bands about them, set round with fine white shells, such as are carried from Portugal to Braseile; where they passed to the Indians as ready money. All their three Canoas', their Flesh, Skins, Yolks of Eggs, Targets, Bows and Arrows, and much fine Okar, and diverse other things, they took & brought away, and shared it amongst those three that took it, and brought to me the best Canoa, Bowes and Arrows, and diverse of their Skins, and many other things worth the noting: which may seem to invite us to find out some other trades with them. Now also I will not omit to relate something of a strange Creature that I first saw there in the year 1610. in a morning early as I was standing by the water side, in the Harbour of Saint john's; which I espied very swiftly to come swimming towards me, looking cheerfully, as it had been a woman, by the Face, Eyes, Nose, Mouth, Chin ears, Neck and Forehead: It seemed to be so beautiful, and in those parts so well proportioned, having round about upon the head, all blue strakes, resembling hair, down to the Neck (but certainly it was hair) for I beheld it long, and another of my company also, yet living, that was not then far from me; and seeing the same coming so swiftly towards me, I stepped back, for it was come within the length of a long Pike. Which when this strange Creature saw that I went from it, it presently thereupon dived a little under water, and did swim to the place where before I landed; whereby I beheld the shoulders and back down to the middle, to be as square, white and smooth as the back of a man, and from the middle to the hinder part, pointing in proportion like a broad hooked Arrow; how it was proportioned in the forepart from the neck and shoulders, I know not; but the same came shortly after unto a Boat, wherein one William Hawkridge, than my servant, was, that hath been since a Captain in a Ship to the East Indies, and is lately there employed again by Sir Thomas Smith, in the like Voyage; and the same Creature did put both his hands upon the side of the Boat, and did strive to come in to him and others then in the said Boat: whereat they were afraid; and one of them struck it a full blow on the head; whereat it fell off from them: and afterwards it came to two other Boats in the Harbour; the men in them, for fear fled to land: This (I suppose) was a Mermaid. Now because diverse have written much of Mermaids, I have presumed to relate, what is most certain of such a strange Creature that was seen at newfoundland: whether it were a Mermaid or no, I know not; I leave it for others to judge, etc. R. W. CHAP. IX. The names of diverse honourable persons and others who have undertaken to help advance his Majesty's ●laviation in the newfoundland: written by the said R. W. with extracts of certain Letters written from thence. THe right Honourable, Henry Lord Cary, Viscount of Fanlke-land, Lord Deputy for the Kingdom of Ireland, hath undertaken to plant a Colony of his Majesty's Subjects in the newfoundland, and is well pleased to entertain such as are willing to be Adventurers with him therein; upon such Conditions as may appear in the latter part of this Book: And in his Lordship's absence, he hath authorized this Agent, Master Leonard Wellsted, by warrant under his hand and Seal, to ratify whatsoever shall be by him concluded therein. The said Master Wellsteds' Chamber is near one Master Garlands house, at the lower end of Saint Mar 〈…〉 lane in the fields. The right Honourable Sir George Cal●ert, Knight; one of the principal Secretaries unto his Majesty, hath also undertaken to planta large Circuit of that Country: who hath already sent thither this year and the former year, a great number of men and women, with all necessary provisions fit for them; where they live pleasantly, building of Houses; 〈…〉 sing of Land for Corn, and Meadows, Cabage, Carrots, Turnips, and such like: as also for Wood and Tobacco Likewise they are there preparing to make Salt; for the prel 〈…〉tion of fish another year, and for diverse other services. And his Honour is likewise well pl●aled to entertain such as will adventure with him therein, upon very fit conditions. The Worshipful john Slany of London Merchant, who is one of the undertakers of the newfoundland Plantation, and is Treasurer unto the pat 〈…〉 of that Society, who have maintained a Colony of his Maie●●●es subjects there about twelve years, and they are willing to entertain such as will further his Majesty's said Plan 〈…〉, upon fit conditions. diverse Worshipful Citizens of the City of Bristol, have undertaken to plant a large Circuit of that Country, & they have maintained a Colony of his Majesty's subjects there any time these five years, who have builded there many fair Houses, and done many other good services, who live there very pleasantly, and they are well pleased to entertain upon fit conditions such as will be Adventurers with them. The Worshipful William Vanghan of Tarratod, in the County of Ca 〈…〉, Doctor of the Civil Law, hath also undertaken to plant a Circuit in the newfoundland and hath in two several years sent thither diverse men and women, and he is willing to entertain such as will be Adventurers with him upon fit conditions. And there are many other worthy persons Adventurers in the said Plantation, whose names are not herein mentioned. And it is well hoped, that diverse others will also put their helping hand to advance the same, when they are given to understand what honour and benefit may accrue thereby. And if his Majesty's subjects of this Kingdom may be willing to set forth from every several Country, but one good Ship yearly thither, with people and provisions fit for them, it will be then not only a great honour and benefit to his Majesty, but also a great increase of Shipping and Mariners, and the employing and enriching of many thousands of poor people which now live chargeably to the Parishioners. The wh●ah may be easily performed by the able Subjects, to set forth the charge at first, and so every Parish to recover yearly their equal parts of the benefit which may accrue by the said stock, and thereby not only disburden yearly themselves of some of those which lie chargeable unto them within their several Parishes; but also yearly yield a great benefit to every several County, though it lie something remote from the Sea-coast, if they employ a discreet honest man there, who may yearly be accountable to every Parish of the charge, and likewise the benefit. The which will not be any way burdensome or hurtful unto any: as the following discourse which I have written will plainly inform them. Extracts of a Letter from Captain EDWARD WINNE, Governor of the Colony at Ferryland; within the Province of Aualon, in Newfoundland, unto the Right Honourable Sir GEORGE CALVERT Knight, his Maisties' Principal Secretary; july 28. 1622. May it please your Honour: Upon the seventeenth day of May, I received here yo 〈…〉. Letters of the nineteenth of February, from the ●a●ds of Robert Stoning. Upon the six and twentieth of the same; a Ship of Master jennins, with your people and provision arrived here in safety: and from the hands of Captain powel I received then your Honour's Letters of the fourteenth of March. And upon the last of june Master james came hither from Renouse, and the Saltamaker Master john Hickson; from whose hands I received two Letters more, that by Master james, being of the fourth of May, and the other by Hickson of the tenth of the same, etc. It may please your Honour, that as soon as I had delivered my last Letters of the fifth of September, This was the last Letter sent into England the year before, 1621. I immediately addressed myself only to our business. Notwithstanding our diligent labour and extraordinary painstaking, it was Alha●●entide before our first range of building was fitted for an habitable being, etc. After Christ●asse, we employed ourselves in the Woods, especially in 〈◊〉 weather, whence we got home as many Boord-stockes as afforded us 〈◊〉 hundred Boards; and about two hundred Timber-trees besides. We got home as much or as many Trees, as served us to p●lizade into the Plantation about four Acr●● of ground, for the keeping off of both man and ●east, with Post and rail seven foot high, sharpened in the ●●p the Trees being p●●ched upright and fastened with Spikes and Nails. We get also together as much firewood as will serve us yet these two months. We also f●●●ed much Garden ground for Seed I mean Barley, Oates, Rease, and Beanes. For addition of building, we have at this present a Parlour of fourteen f●ot besides the Chinney, and twelve foot br●●d, of 〈◊〉 bright, and a lodging Chamber over it; to each a Chimney of Stonework with Stairs, and a S 〈…〉 besides a 〈◊〉 of two 〈◊〉, or a story and a half, which serves for a Storehouse till we are otherwise provided. The Forge hath been finished these fine weeks: the Saltworke is now almost ready. Notwithstanding this great t●●ke for so fe● 〈…〉ds, we have both Wheat, Barley, They were but twelve men all the last Winter, unti 〈…〉 the new supply came in the Spring following. Oates, Pease and B●●nes about the quantity of two A●res. Of Garden room about half a● Acre: Corn, though late sown is now in earings the B●●nes and the goodest Pease that I ever saw, have flourished in their blooms this twenty days. We have a plentiful Kitchen Garden of Le●tic●, Radish, Carrots, Coleworts, Turnips, and many other things. We have also at this present, a flourishing Meadow, etc. For the Country and Climate: It is better, and not so cold 〈◊〉 England hitherto. My comfort is, that the Lord is with your Honour, and your designs: for we have prospered, to the admiration of all the beholders in what is done. And thus with my humble duty remembered, I rest, etc. Another Letter to Master Secretary CALVERT, from Captain WINNE, of the seventeenth of August, 1622. May it please your Honour; WE have Wheat, Barley, Oates, and Beans both eared and codded, and though the late sowing and setting of them might occasion the contrary, yet it ripens now so fast, that it carries the likelihood of an approaching Harvest. We have also a plentiful Kitchen-Garden of many things, and so rank, that I have not seen the like in England. Our Beans are exceeding good: our Pease shall go wothout compare: for they are in some places as high as a man of an extraordinary stature, Radish as big as mine arm, Lettuce, Cale or Cabbage, Turnips, Carrots, and all the rest is of like goodness. We have a Meadow of about three Acres: it flourished lately with many cockets of good Hay, and now it is made up for a Winter feeding. We hope to be well fitted with many Acres of Meadow against another year: of Pasture-land, we baute already to serve at least three hundred heads of cattle: and to all this, if it please God, a good quantity of Seed-ground shall be fitted, and such buildings as we shall be able to accomplish. Now in the next place it may please your Honour to understand; That touching this Country, the Summer time here is so fair, so warm, and of so good a temperature, that it produceth many Herbs and Plants very wholesome, medicinable, and delectable, many fruit Trees of sundry kinds, many sorts of Berry's wholesome to eat, and in measure most abundant: insomuch as many sorts of Birds and Beasts are relieved with them in time of Winter, and whereof with further experience I trust to fi 〈…〉 d some for the turn of D●ers. Our high levels of Land are adorned with Woods, both fare and seemly to behold, and green all Winter. Within Land there are Plains innumerable, many of them containing many thousand Acres, very pleasant to see to, and well furnished with Ponds, Brooks and Riurrs, very plentiful of sundry sorts of Fish: besides store of Deer and either Beasts that yield both Food and Fur. Touching the soil, I find it in many places, of goodness far beyond my expectation: the Earth as good as can be: the Grass both fat and unctuous, and if there were store of Cattle to feed it up, and with good ordering, it would become a most steadfast nourishment: whereof the large breed of cattle to our Northern Plantation, have lately given proofs sufficient, though since, they have been most shamefully destroyed. The air here is very healthful, the water both clear and wholesome, and the Winter short & tolerable, continuing only in janury, February and part of March: the day in Winter longer then in England: the nights both silent and comfortable, producing nothing that can be said, either horrid or hideous. Neither was it so cold here the last Winter as in England the year before. I remember but degree several days of hard Temperate Winter. weather indeed, and they not extreme neither: for I have known greater Frosts, and far greater Snows in our own Country. At the B 〈…〉 Plantation, there is as goodly Rye now growing, as can be in any part of England: they are also well furnished with Swine, and a large breed of Goats, fa●●er by far than those that were sent Bristol Plantation. over at the first. The Stones, Kernels, and Seeds that Stoning brought me, were put into the ground presently after his arrival, the which are already of a pretty growth, though late set; for they came to my hands but upon the seventeenth of May. The Uines that came from Plymouth, do prosper very well: nay, it is to be assured, that any thing that grows in England, will grow and prosper very well here: whereby it plainly appears unto your Honour, what manner of Country the same is. It may please your Honour to understand, that our Salt-maker hath performed his part with a great deal of sufficiency, by whom I have sent your Honour a Barrel of the best Salt that ever my eyes beheld, Salt made there. who with better settling doth undertake to better this, which he hath made already. I shall humbly also desire you to remember my last year's suit, that our delicate Harbours and Woods may not be altogether destroyed. For there hath been rinded this year not so few as 50000. Trees, and they heave out ballast Abuses of Fishermen. into the Harbours, though I look on. It may likewise please your Honour to give express order; First, that such as be sent thither hereafter, may be such men as shall be of good strength: whereof we stand in need of six Masons, four Carpenters, two or three good Quarry-men, a Slater or two, a Lyme-●urner, and Lymestones, a good quantity of hard Laths; a couple of strong Maids, that (besides other work) can both Brew and Bake, and to furnish us with Wheels, He●●●pe, and Flax, and a convenient number of West-country Labourers to fit the ground for the Plough. Secondly, that no more Boys or Girls be sent hither, I mean, upon your Honour's charge, nor any other persons which have not been brought up to labour: for they are unfit for these affairs. Thirdly, your Honour of necessity must needs send some Guns, and a Gunner with his necessaries: for the place and time do require it. It is a durable Cartel; they will command the Harbour, and secure all, etc. A Copy of a Letter from N. H. a Gentleman living at Ferryland in Newfoundland, to a worthy Friend W. P. of the 18. of August, 1622. SIR, MY humble service remembered; accounting myself bound unto you in a double bond, namely, love and duty: I could not be unmindful to show the same unto you in these rude lines, thereby to acquaeint you with our health, the temperature of the Country, and the commodities and blessings therein. And first, for the first: Concerning our health, there is not any man amongst our company, that hath been sick scarcely one day since he came, but hath been able to follow his work. The Climate differs but little from England, and I myself felt less cold here this Winter, than I did in England the Winter before by much. The a●●e 〈◊〉 sweeter: for I never s 〈…〉 elt any evil savour in the Country, nor saw any venomous creature to burt me. God's blessings upon this Land are manifold: As for wood and water, it passeth England: the one most sweet in growing and burning, the other most pleasant to taste, and good to drink. For in Whitson-holidayes (I taking with me Master Stoning) did coast some ten miles into the Country Westward from our Plantation, to make some discovery of the Country, and to kill a Dear; and being some five miles into the Land, where we lodged that night in a Wood, we found much Champion ground, and good levels of one, two, three or four hundred Acres together, and at the foot of each Mountain and small Hill, we always met with a fair fresh River, or a sweet Brook of running water, whereof we freely drank, and it did quench my thirst as well as any Beer, and much refresh us both, and never offended our stomaches at all. We traveled three days, but found no Deer save their footings, which came to pass by means of a great fire that had burned the Woods a little before ten miles' compass. It began between Formouse and Aquafort: it burned a week, and then was quenched by a great rain. I know not how or what he was that gave sire to it, but I think he was a servant hired by the Devil to do that wicked deed, who (I do not doubt) will pay him for his work. In the night the Wolves being near, did something affright us with howl, but did not hurt us: for we had Dogs, Fire, and Sword to welcome them. As for the Bears, although there be many; they bear us no ill will, I think, for I have eaten my part of two or three, and taken no hurt by them. Fox's here are many, and as subtle as a Fox, yet have we cozened many of them of their rich coats, which our worthy Governor keeps carefully, as also of Cattagena's and Otters, whose coverings we preserve as fitting presents for greater persons. The Fowls and Birds of the Land are Partridges, Curlues, Fillidayes, Blackbirds, Bulfinches, Larks, Sparrows, and such like. Those of the Sea, are Goose, Ducks of four sorts, Capderace, Teal, Snipes, Penguyns, Murres, Hounds, Sanderlings, Redshanks and others, all very fat, sweet and wholesome. The Fowls of prey, are Tercells, Goshawkes', Falcons, Laners, Sparhawk's, Gripes, Ospreis, Owls great and small, Ravens, Gulls, Pu●erils, and some others; and of most of these sorts I have killed many. As for the plenty of Codfish it is well known unto you. Salmon, Eels, Mackerell, Herrings; Lance, Caplin, Dog fish, Hollibuts, Flowkes, Lobsters, Crabs and Muskles: All and more than all these are here in great plenty, very good and sweet meat. The wild fruit and berries, are small Pears, Cherries, Nuts, Resberries, Strawberries, Barberries, Dewberrics, Hurtleberries, with others, all good to eat. Many fair Flowers I have seen here, which I cannot name, although I had learned Gerrard's Herbal by heart: But wild Roses are here both red and damask, as fragrant and fair as in England. All our Corn and Seeds have prospered well, and are already grown almost to perfect maturity, etc. THE SECOND PART OF THE TENTH BOOK. CHAP. X. diverse Warlike Fleets set forth to Sea against the Spaniards, by our English DEBORAH, Queen ELIZABETH, of Glorious memory: Her manifold Deliveries and Victories. LOI the Man, whose M●se 〈…〉 said on Plantations, New England, Virgin, Bermude, Newfound-landed, Laurel for olive take, and make Relations Of Arms, Harms, Fights, Frights, Flights, Depopulations, Rome's Bulls, Spain's broils, Ireland's 〈◊〉, Traitors branded. GOD, Angels, Winds, Seas, Men, Eliza's Glory Conspire; She outlines Death, ●n Heaven, in Story. Hail greatest of English Names, Glorious ELIZABETH! Nor may we after thy voyage and peregrination out of this World, unto thy true and heavenly home & Country, forget the great Acts of thy earthly Pilgrimage. Thou wast indeed the Mother of English Sea-greatnesse, and didst first by thy (Generals) not salute alone, but awe and trrrifie the remotest East and West, stretching thy long and strong arms to India, to China, to America, to the Peruvian Seas, to the Californian Coast and New Albion's Sceptres: Thou mad'st the Northern Muscovite admire thy Greatness: Thou gavest name to the Northwest Straits (Meta Incognita) and the Southern Negroes, and Lands of the South-unknowne-continent which knew not humanity, were compelled to know Thee; Thou imbracedst the whole earthly Globe in thy Maritime Arms: thou freedst England from Easterlings and Lumbards' borrowed legs, and taughtst her not only to stand and go without help, but become help to our friends, and with her own Sea forces to stand against, yea to stand upon, and stamp under feet the proudest of her foes. Thou wast a Mother to thy Neighbours, Scots, French, Dutch; a Mirror to the remotest of Nations. Great Cumberland; twelve voyages before recited are thine, and the fiery vigour of his Martial Spirit was kindled at thy bright Lamp, & quickened by the Great Spirit of ELIZABETH. Drake, Candish, john and Richard Hawkins, Raleigh, Dudley, Shirley, Preston, Greenuile, Lancaster, Wood, Raimund, Levison, Monson, Winter, Frobisher. Da●●es, and other the Star-worthies of England's Sphere, whose Planet-courses The Fi●●ts s●● forth by queen Elizabeth. Sup. pag. 108●. & 〈◊〉. we have before related, acknowledge ELIZA'S Orb to be their First and highest Mover. How many Royal Fleets did she set forth? In the years 85. and 87. those under Sir Francis Drake, before mentioned, as that also in 95. under him and Sir john Hawkins: another: Fleet 1590. under Sir john Hawkins, and Sir Martin Frobisher to the Lands; also 1591. the Island Fleet under the Lord Thomas Howard, now Earl of Suffolk; that 1592. by Sir john Burroughs and Sir Robert Cross, when the Madre de Dios was taken, and another Carrike burnt: An. 1594. She sent forth a Fleet to Breast, where Frobusher was slain. Another 1599 under the Lord Thomas Howard. A. 1600. under Sir Richard Levison a Fleet to the Lands; 1601. another to Ireland. A. 1602. under Sir Richard Levison and Sir William Manson; and another under the same Commanders, 1603. as bequeathing in her fatal extremes, Marine Actions and Glory to her Successor. These and other her Sea-glories I purpose not here to dilate, having already handled some of them; but have singled from the rest the actions of 88 89. 96. and 97. praemising something as a Preface of the great deliverances which God vouch safed that Virgin Queen. That Church which is mystically called, The woman drunken with the blood of Saints, had begun A●●●. 17. 6. Her persecution from the Papacy from the womb. to persecute her from her birth, Pope Clement the sixth decreeing against her Mother's marriage, and Pope Paul the third thundering a terrible sentence against her Father's Sovereignty. And although King Henry had first enacted against his daughters, and after for them by Parliamentary authority, yet when King Edward (which used to call her his sweet sister Temperance) was dead, there wanted not some which extruded both the sisters, and obtruded another succession. Queen Mary dispersing that storm, raised another, wherein she was exposed to the columnies of fairesoule-mouthed sycophants, which would have stained the reign of that Queen, otherwise branded, as short, bloody, unfortunate, with the slaughter of that Royal Virgin: Story and others saying, In queen Mary's days. That in vain the boughs of Heresy were lopped off, if the Root were suffered to continue. Long and strait imprisonment she endured, and was forced by them to Mass, Confession and external profession of that Romish Catholicism, which perhaps had not diverted her enemy's design, had not the perversest of her enemy's Gardener been averted by his own death; and had not also King Philip with the Spaniards envied to the French so rich an Inheritance, as by Queen M 〈…〉 death without ●ssue (which could scarcely from her sick and aged body be expect,) was likely to fall upon Queen Mary of Scotland betrothed to the Dolphin of France, whereby the Spanish greatness already embroiled enough, was likely to be overmatched by the French, increased with addition of three mighty Kingdoms. Queen Mary dying, and Cardinal Poole with many Prelates, as it were, attending her exequys with their own, with general applause She was acknowledged Queen. Her first care was to restore Religion, notwithstanding the dangers thence encompassing her: she also rejected the marriage with King Philip, whereof he had treated with her by the Earl of Feria his Ambassador, promising to procure thereunto the Pope's dispensation: neither admitted she the offered match of Charles, son to Ferdinand the Emperor; and when Henry the French King by the Guisians was persuaded to challenge England to his son and daughter in law, causing them to use her title Francis & Mary by the Grace of God King and French wrongs Queen of Scotland, England, and Ireland) and prepared Wars against her, God took him out of the world, being s 〈…〉 e at a Talt sport. The new King and Queen continued their former challenge, Title and Ensigns, which gave no small occasions of those evils, which afterwards involved her, breeding a great d 〈…〉 gust betwixt those two greatest Ladies which Christendom had, both Heirs to an absolute Sovereignty. Q. Elizabeth's prosperity. See of God's mercies in this & other kinds, the B. of Chichister his Religious Tractate of Thanksgiving. See also Camden's Elizabetha, and others Anuales of her Reign. She expelled the French out of Scotland, established the affairs of Ireland, procured armour and weapons out of Germany, caused much Artillery to be cast of Brass and Iron, new mines of Brass being sound at Keswicke, and the stone Calammaris useful for Brasse-workes found here also: provision for Gunpowder was first at her commandment made here at home; Berwick fortified, the Navy furnished, the Sea Towns imitating her example and increasing daily in Naval forces, answered by Martial Spirits for Land and Sea service. Thus did God bless her that had glorified him in establishing his Truth, notwithstanding the poverty of the State at her entrance, deeply indebted by her predecessors; and the saint friendship or professed enmity of Rome and all her disciples. Thus shall it be done to the Woman God will honour, and more than thus: for what was all the time of her reign but vicissitudes of Treasons, Wars, and manifold external and internal broils? and yet in an admirable working of Divine Grace, when had England so long and flourishing peace at home, or glory and renown abroad? as if he which brought light out of darkness, would permit all such contrary workings to be the object of his goodness, the fuel and materials of her greatness. Arthur Poole, the fourth year of her reign abused the greatness of his blood with other Arthur Poole of the house of George Duke of Clarence. Ann. 1569. Pius his impious Bull. conspirators, to the Guisian purposes, but taken and sentenced received not bloody reward from her mild and merciful hand. Pope Pius the fifth denounceth her excommunicate, discharging her Subjects from loyalty and allegiance and arming them against her: Ridolfi a Florentine plays the Merchant of Popish wares, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland take arms, the Duke of Norfolk is entangled, the French and Spaniard are persuaded by the Pope, who promised also if need were, to engage to this purpose all the goods of the Sea apostolic, Chalices, Crosses, and holy Vestments: Uitellius is commanded to invade England with an Army from the Low-countries: but God protected ELIZABETH, and her Enemies abroad were disappointed, the Traitors at home falling into their own pit. About the same time Edmund and Peter, brethten to the Earl of O●●ond were busy in Ireland, Irish action. to inflame which rebellion Mendoza came out of Spain, but before it broke forth into any great combustion it was extinct. Don john base son of Charles Emperor. 1576. Don john of Austria enters next upon the Stage (for I omit Barues and Muthers, Sir Henry Percy, the B. of Ross his attempts, and other Acts and Arts savouring more of the Fox than the Lion) and pretended a peace, whiles he intended the deliverance of the Scottish Queen, and marrying her, to make himself King of England and Scotland, by help of fugitives and favour of the Pope and Guisians: and in the midst of his warlike preparations suddenly dieth. When Pius his impious curses had thus proved blessings, he deceaseth, and Gregory his successor in the A. 1572. Greg. 13. confirmeth the sentence against Q. Elis-Stuklys trea on Papacy, and malice to Queen ELIZABETH, the great Founder of Seminaties, gaping for no less than a Kingdom to his base son james Boncompagn●, treateth with the Spaniard, who had swallowed England also in his conceit. Thomas Stukley an English fugitive promiseth Ireland to the Pope's bastard, who in recompense gives him the titles of marquis of Lagen, Earl of Wexford and Caterlough, Viscount of Morough, and Baron of Ross (all places of note in Ireland) and made him General of eight hundred Italian Soldiers, the King of Spain paying their wages. But Sebastian King of Portugal, which should have conducted the Spanish forces against England, being entangled with an African Expedition, procured S●●cley to go thither with him, where A. 1578. both lost their lives. And the Spaniard was now diverted from English designs to those nearer of Portugal, there employing the forces intended against us. Doctor Nicolas Sanders playeth the next part, who having written in defence of the Pope's 1579. 1580. Sanders Author of the book De visi●. Monarch, & of the forged tale De schismate Anglicano in which he abuseth the queen's Mother with gross lies, never before e'en or dreams of by the sharpest and spitefulles● eyes which Malice could entertain, even then when she was most malicious & most serpent sighted visible Monarchy Ecclesiastical, and belched out the foulest slanders of Queen ELIZABETH'S parentage that Hell could devose, would make his writings visible by his deeds; and with james Fitz Moric● an Irish Traitor, having obtained to be the Pope's Nuntio, with a banner consecrated at Rome, and some forces out of Spain, entereth Ireland, there fortifieth and winneth Desmond to his party. San joseph 〈…〉 followeth with seven hundred Italians and Spaniards, with Armour for five thousand. Their Fort is taken, Fitz▪ moric● first, and after the Earl with many others slain, Sanders runs mad, and wandering up and down in the Woods and Mountains dieth miserably; the Country is pacified and ELIZABETH prevaileth. The Seminaries (Schools of Treason) were now erected at R 〈…〉 and Rhem●●, to become worse than that Trojan Ho●se, Cells of desperate Emissary's, inc●ndaries of their own Country: Campion and others suffer, seditious Books * 15●3. are written against the Queen, whereby S 〈…〉 reill was instigated to kill her. Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador was commanded to depart out of England, having practised with Throckmorton * 1584. Mendoza. Throckmorton. Creighton; papers. Association. P●●ries treason Allens book. and others about an invasion of the Land, and to remove the Queen. About the same time in manner miraculously, traitorous projects came to light by certain papers of one Creigh●●● a Scottish jesuit, who being taken by Dutch Pirates tore them and threw them into the Sea; which would not be accessary to jesuitical plots, but by the help of the wind brought them back to the Ship; which being delivered to Sir William Wade were joined again, and revealed new plots of the Pope, the Spaniard, and Guisians to invade England: Whereupon an Association was made by many thorough the Kingdom, binding themselves by their hands and seals to prosecute all such to death as should attempt any thing against the life of the Queen. Cardinal A 〈…〉 for the English Catholics Ecclesiastical, Inglefield for the Larks, the Bishop of Rosse for the Queen of Scots, were said to have agreed to deprive the Queen, and to disinherit King JAMES as a favourer of Heresy, etc. A. 1585. Doctor Parry (whom Queen ELIZABETH had before pardoned his life) being heartened by Ragazonius the Pope's Nuntio in France, and absolved in the Pope's name by the Cardinal Comensis, undertook to kill the Queen, being thereunto encouraged by Allens book, teaching that excommunicated Princes may be despoiled of lives and Sceptres. His partner reveals him, and his mischief lighted on himself. Henry Earl of Northumberland (brother of Earl of Northumberland. Thomas before executed at York) slew himself in the Tower, and the Lord Chancellor three days after in the Star Chamber declared that he had been committed for traitorous devices against the Queen and State; the particulars whereof were then opened by the Attorney Popham, seeking to set free the Queen of Scots, to destroy the Queen and the Religion, to have dealt with Charles Paget (termed Mope) about these things, with the invasion of England, etc. The Burkes rebellion in Ireland fell out that year, and many broils, which cost three thousand Burks & Ilandeys ●●i s in Ireland. their lives at one time, the title Mac-William in Connagh extinguished, and the insolence of the Islanders betwixt Scotland and England repressed. The Spaniard arrested the English Ships in his Ports, whence the Expeditions of the Earl of Cumberland, and Sir Francis Drake before mentioned took their beginning, and the Wars betwixt the two Kingdoms. A. 1586. that prodigious plot of Savage, Balard, Babington, and the rest of that bloody crew Babington, etc. conspiring to kill the Queen, was detected and the plotters were executed. In 87. the French Ambassador, a Guisian, conferred with Stafford to kill the Queen, making great promises to that purpose. And he and Moody were further treated with on that point by Trappius his Secretary, French Ambassadors plot with Moody. which by Stafford was revealed and prevented. But whiles all pretended the freeing of the Queen of Scots, by this means they shortened her days and freed her of her life. The story is known, and I shall not need to insist upon these later things, nor on Tyrones Tragical rebellion, the death of so many thousands English, Irish, Spanish; no● Lopez his plot to poison the Queen, etc. I but propound these things to excite English thankfulness to God, and hatred Lopez. to that Whore, drunken with blood, which hath thus enchanted the Kings of the earth; yea like the Legion Devil hath broken all chains of allegiance, and hath initiated in hellish mysteries Luke 8. 29. natural sworn subjects to invasion and mutual massacres; yea to account it tolerable, lawful, commendable, meritorious, and in ordine ad deum, necessary (o times! o monsters!) to kill and murder; and hath made it a compendious way to win the Kingdom of Heaven by killing the Kings of the Earth. And if the blood of so many Saints from Abel to Zacharias were threatened to fall on jerusalem, sometimes the holy City; what may be said of Rome? whose Temporal Monarchy first founded in the blood of Rhemus brother of Romulus, proceeded in exiling their own Kings, and in exterminating worlds of men out of the world (Caesar alone is said in fifty battles Rome, City of murders & haters of kings to have slain * Plin. l. 7. c. 25. 1192000. men, besides what was slain in his Civil Wars) in a world of time together: exceeded in the sanctity of the blood of so many thousand Saints and Martyrs in ten dismal persecutions, and yet fell short of the pretended Catholic Rome, that mystical Woman drunken with blood. I dare boldly aver, and by History make it good, (yea * See to. 1. l. 8. 〈◊〉. 1. 〈◊〉. 3. 4. & 6. l. 2. c. 1 to. 2. l. 8. c. 4. etc. in great part to a judicious observer the Present Rome greater manstaier & Saintslaier then the Ethnic. former parts of this Work have showed) that since the Papal challenge of Monarchy over monarchs by Gregory the seventh, the Devils thousand years of imprisonment being expired, Antichristian Rome hath by Sword, Fire, Wars, Civil and Foreign, and other inhuman, immane, devilish furies procured the shedding of more humane blood, than ever Heathen Rome in far longer time had shed to erect their Heathenish Empire, from the days of Romulus which founded the City, to Augustus which grounded and established the Empire, and Tiberius under whom Christ was crucified: Yea if you add the persecutions of the succeeding Emperors till julian the Apostata; yet have the later Antichristian exceeded in numbers, as much as the executions of Wars are usually beyond all comparison of the judicial and Legal. I add, that as the Ethnic Romans spilt none (except in persecutions) but Ethnic blood: so the pretended Christian Romists (except in the Indies and the Holy Land Wars) shed none in this account but Christian. This may seem a prodigal speech & prodigious paradox, to those which know not the millions which perished in the Holy Land Wars, set & kept on foot about 200. years together by Papal ambition; so many hundreths of thousands which perished in the same times, by open wars made by the Pope's Crusadoes against the Albigenses, Waldenses, and what other names it pleased them to give to better men than themselves, in almost eighty years continued wars: So many Civil Wars in Germany, the subjects and competitors armed by Crusadoes against the Emperors till that Eagle was plucked; where one Henry whom Hildebrand first deposed, fought sixty battles: In England, France, Italy, and other parts, in the days of King john, Frederick the second, Co●rad●, Memfred, Philip, and others: and after that, the long Bohemian broils drenched in blood after Husses fire: and lately so innumerable millions (pauperis est numerare) in America and the Lands which these books plainly evince to have been written in blood by Roman authority and pretence; Priests, agents in every treason. not to make mention of the Philippinas, the East Indies, the Wars in Sicily and Naples; and the Greek Empire first weakened, and after by Roman ambition lost: how many hundreth thousands hath France lost of Christians within these last hundreth years? how many more have taken The Pope Master Workman. their fatal farewells in the Belgian quarrel? How do those Low-countries and Germany still flow in blood? That I speak not of our England and Ireland? But I hate the thoughts of those things, and therefore come to the 88 business, that also set on work from Rome, the widest and Allen or Alan was by Spanish procurement made Cardinal for this purpose; and to this purpose had written a violent book which heartened Parry to undertake to kill the Queen. He and Bristol & Martin were Authors of the Rhemish Translation and Notes of the N. T. openest passage from hell for his ingress and egress, that was a Murderer from the beginning, and in the last ages turning himself into an Angel of light, hath there established his principal Vicar under pretended titles and seem of Christ and Christianity. Yea this is also remarkable that in the treasons against Queen Elizabeth, and in those against our present Sovereign King james (whom God long preserve) by Watson, Clerke, Cobham, etc. at first, and in the Master and Monster-peece (which was now ready to break forth with violence and virulence from Hell, and to blow up all other Treasons) that of the Gunpowder Traitors; still the busiest part of the Tragedy is committed to some Romish Priest or jesuit, who should fit and frame the resolute dissoluteness of wild spirits to the execution of it or themselves. The Master Workman (I say not Beelzebub) is the Pope, as appeareth in those before mentioned, and in this of 88 whose Bull declaratory against that Worthy of women followeth, as the contents thereof are delivered by Meteranus, to whose labours in this Story we are principally indebted. It was to be published in the Pope's name by Cardinal Allen after the Navy had arrived in England, to command the English to yield their obedience to the Duke of Parma. From the Pope therefore we will begin our 88 Story, touching the preparation and success of that Armada surnamed invincible. CHAP. XI. Octagesimus Octaws mirabilis Annus. The Pope's Bull, the King of Spain's preparations, the Duke of Medina's Expedition, the Duke of Parmas' Forces, for the invasion of England: diverse Sea-fights 'twixt the English and Spanish Fleets, the Sea flight of the Spanish, and miserable disasters in their return. Their lies. The Queen's Religious Triumph. SIxtus Quintus, by divine providence, universal Pastor of the Flock of Christ, to whom by continued and lawful succession, the administration and charge of the Catholic Church Papal pretended causes of depriving the Queen. Fugitives impotent Zeal. Spanish arguments to requite good with evil. pertaineth; taking into consideration the miseries and calamities whereinto the famous Kingdoms of England and Ireland had fall'n, which in times past were commended so much for Virtues, Religion, and Christian Piety and Obedience, and now by the impious and unjust Empire of Elizabeth pretended Queen, and a few adhering to her, not only to have come to a dissolute estate and dangerous to itself, but also as infected and venomous members are wont to cause infection and disease to the whole body of Christians: and wanting there the due remedies which elsewhere by help of Christian Princes he useth, to prevent abuses & to maintain Ecclesiastical discipline: For as much as Henry the Eight, late King of England, a Rebel and forsaker of the Sea apostolic, separated himself and his from the communion of Christians by force, and Elizabeth the present Usurper persevereth therein, not without great commotion and danger of the Neighbour Regions, showing herself obstinate and impenitent, so that there is no hope that those Kingdoms may at any time be reform and reduced to the exercise of Christian Religion, true peace and quietness, except she be deprived of the administration of the Kingdom. Therefore our most holy Father desiring (as his Office requireth) to provide for this evil, with present and strong remedies inspired to him from God, to the health of the universal Church, incited as well by his own, as his predecessors affection and zeal, always borne toward England; and moved by the continual solicitation, vehement and importunate exhortation of very many, and those principal men of the said Nation; he hath used great diligence with diverse Princes, and especially with the Mighty and Catholic King of Spain, imploring his aid hereunto, by the reverence which he beareth the Roman Sea, by the old friendship and consanguinity which his Family hath had with the Kings of England, by his singular charity and benevolence formerly showed to the Catholics of that Country; for obtaining by that means his desire of peace and quietness in his Neighbour Provinces, for his study and readiness towards the propagation of Catholic Religion, and lastly for the furtherance of the common good of Europe; hath besought him to confer all the Forces which God almighty hath given him hereunto, that that Woman may be dejected from her degree, and that the evil men and hurtful to mankind, which adhere to her may be punished, and that Kingdom may be reduced to certain reformation and quietness, from which great good and many commodities to the Commonwealth might be to be expected. Wherefore that bee might make known to all the world the justice of this Cause, and the Subjects also of that Kingdom might fully he satisfied, likewise that he might denounce the just judgement of God against her; It hath seemed meet to his Holiness, with the Declaratory Sentence made against this Woman, to show the cause also why he had so proceeded against her. First, because she is an Heretic a Act. 24. 14. By the way which they call heresy, so worship we the God of our fathers, believing all things written in the Law, etc. and Schismatic b They make the schism or rent, which unjustly excommunicate & cut off from the body of Christ, as Io. 9, Sinite illos, coeci sunt, etc. and therefore excommunicated of two Popes, his predecessors, contumacious, disobedient to God and the supreme c Hinc ille lacrymae. Sea: Also she took to herself with presumptuous usurpation supreme Authority and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the Souls d Withlie and all: she reiceted the title of supreme head, to avoid from appearance of this evil, and declared herself to challenge only, power over all her subjects, to command the to do their duties & execute their offices, excluding foreign jurisdiction: as David, Sal●mon, Constantine, & her predecessors had done, exercising power over Priests, not in the Priesthood. of Men, against Nature, Reason, against all Laws Divine and Humane; and that as well by virtue of the sentences given by Clement the Seventh, and Paul the Third, as of the public declaration of King Henry her Father. Thirdly, because she usurped the Kingdom against all right, not only in regard of the impediments aforesaid, but also against the old Contracts in times past made betwixt the Sea apostolic and the Kingdom of England in the time of Henry the Second, when the said Kingdom reconciled if self to the Roman Sea, for the murder of Saint Thomas of Canturbury. At which time it was agreed e O impudence? What King of England ever sought the Pope's confirmation King 〈◊〉 by Papal Arts made himself triburary but without and against his subject's con●ent; as Ma. Paris & R●●endouer then living testify at large 〈…〉 at writing being burnt and disclaimed the subjects also rebelling against the Author thereof. , that none should be taken for lawful King of England without consent of the Great Bishop; which convention or contract was after renewed by King john, and confirmed by Oath Which thing was most profitable, and so established by the request of the Nobility and People. For many and grievous injuries f Quia totum tel●m non recep●●●et: She wronged them much in sou●ng her throat from their blades. , extorsions, and other wrongs perpetrated by her and by others, through her permission, against the distressed innocent Subjects of both Kingdoms. For seditions and rebellions betwixt the Inhabitants of neighbour Provinces, raised against their lawful Magistrate and g Unnatural Prince, which not content with inheritance, would have made conquest of the Provinces, so to swallow all their privileges, and subject them to foreign inquisition and rule: so buying with 100 millions of treasure and the lives of 400000. Christians, the loss of those which would have bought and sought to be his subjects, if he would have kept the oaths which the Pope dispensed with, twice made to them; and ruled as his predecessors had done. natural Prince, by which she seduced innumerable Souls and many potent Regions. For entertainment h The Pope confesseth he gave entertainment to the Queen's Fug tives, and for their sakes thus roared. The Spaniard entertained her Fugitives, and she might not admit those whom he would not suffer to obey him as his Ancestors had done given to Fugitive Heretics, and Rebels, wicked and public malefactors, and undertaking their protection, to the great loss and detriment of Christian Regions. Also for sending to and procuring the Turk, that our mighty i A mighty & cruel forgery of his Holiness and cruel Enemy, to invade Christendom and disturb k Who is here the invader & disturber of peace? And whereto tends all this but to disannul peace? the settled Peace. For the horrible and l Quis tulerit Gracchos dei seditione querentes? long persecution of the Saints of God, for holy m Boner, etc. was ill handled because they were not so handled as they had handled Cranmer, Ridley, etc. B B. ill handled, spoilt, imprisoned, and diverse torments and miserable tortures and slaughters done to the members of the holy and Catholic Church. For the inhuman and unjust imprisonment and cruelty, lately exercised against the most gracions Princess, Mary Queen of Scotland, which had fled into England, having first n See M. Camden's History, 〈◊〉 A. 1568. & seq. where those occurrents are otherwise related. received promise of security, pretection, and aid. For abolishing the true Catholic Religion o Ap. 2. 2. Thou hast tried them that say they are Apostles and are not and hast found them liars. , the profanation of holy Sacraments, also of Monasteries p How much more did Hezekiab & ●osias in demolishing the means of superstition, how holy soever at their first institution? So the brazen Serpent, a Divine type of Christ crucified was demolished, etc. , Temples, Persons consecrated to the memory of Saints, and all other things which make or may help to eternal life. And concerning Secular affairs q Uis dicam quid sis? magnus es ardelio. Pity she promoted not Cardinal Allen or Father Parsons, the one to Lambeth, the other to Tib. I should say the Broad Seal. and the State politic, for that the ancient Nobility being rejected and excluded, she hath promoted obscure and unworthy men to Civil and Ecclesiastical dignities; and by this means hath made a sale of Laws and Rights; and lastly for the absolute tyranny r What a fair deliverance from this tyranny should we have had by the Spanish Whips and Knives? which she usurpeth and continually exerciseth, to the great contempt of God, oppression of the miserable s We had indeed been miserable, had we fall'n into the hands of such Physicians. People, the loss of Souls, and destruction of Countries. Wherefore seeing those offences are of that nature and moment, that some make her uncapable of the kingdom, others make her unworthy of life, his Holiness by the power of Almighty God, and of Apostolical authority committed to him, doth renew the sentence of his predecessors, Pius the Fifth, and Gregory t The holiness of three Popes curse her, and the holy and blessed Trinity bless her. the Thirteenth, whereby the said Elizabeth is excommunicated and deprived of her Kingdom. And now by these present Letters, the same Elizabeth again excommunicateth and depriveth of all Royal Dignity, Titles, Rights and pretences to the said Kingdoms of England and Ireland; declaring her illegitimate, and a true Usurper of the Kingdoms; and absolving the Subjects of that Land, and all others from all duty u Duty and faith acknowledged and yet denied! Is not this babbling? of Dominion, Fidelity and Obedience, and from the Oath x But God will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain. given to her or to any of her substitutes. Further, expressly commanding under pain of the anger y Yet this is the first commandment of promise; so contrary are God's blessing and the Pope's cursing. Eph. 6. 2. of God Almighty, that none of whatsoever condition or degree, after he shall have notice hereof; do presume to yield her any obedience, favour, or aid whatsoever: but that all may employ all their power and indenour, that due punishment may be taken of her; that she at length, which hath separated herself by many ways from God and his Church, seeing herself forsaken and destitute of all worldly refuge, may be brought to acknowledge her fault, and to subject herself to the judgement of the most High, with all submission. And therefore commands all and every the Inhabitants of the said Kingdoms, and all others, that with all their power they execute the premises, withdrawing all help public and private from the said person and her adherents: and that as soon as they shall be hereof certisied, they join themselves to the Catholic Army, led by the Illustrious and victorious Prince Alexander Farnesius, Duke of Parma, and Deputy of the Catholic King; with all the forces they can gather, that they may assist the said deprivation and punishment of the parties afore said, and the restitution of the holy Catholic Religion, declaring that all which shall show themselves disobedient z A false Prophet! for neither did England ever prosper more, or fear the Pope or Spaniard less, or so much love or honour Her or any of her progenitors, as Her Majesty after this: such a blessed harvest God raised out of this Cursers cursed seed. to this Mandate, shall not escape deserved punishments. Be it known further to all men, that it is not the purpose of his Holiness, the Catholic King, or the said Duke's Highness, in this Expedition, to oppress the said Kingdoms, or thereof to make conquest, or to alter the Laws, Privileges or Customs thereof, or to deprive any man there, of his liberty or life (except the rebellious and contumacious) or to bring any change a The Duke of Medina General of this Fleet was of another mind, who being told of Catholics in England which would take his part, etc. answered, That he must make way howsoever for his Master. And were not Count Egmond and Count Horn and others, Papists, which D'Alua executed? There were 700. English Fugitives in Parmas' Army for this invasion, Qui omnium despicatissime habiti, the baggage of the Army's estimate: nor was respectgiven to Stanley and Westmoreland, Traitors of note, Sed pro impietate in Patriam omni ad●tu prohibiti & tanquam pessima auspicia merito non si●e detestatione reiecti, saith Camden. They were excluded all Counsels of War; for men use to love the Treason and hate the Traitor. , besides that which shall be judged fit by common voices of his Holiness, the Catholic Majesty and the States of that Kingdom, to the restoring and continuing of the Catholic Religion, and the punishment of that Usurper and her adherents: Certifying and securing all, that all controversies which may happen by the deprivation of that Woman (whether they shall arise about private men's affairs, or about the Royal Succession, or betwixt the Clergy and Laity, or whatsoever other discords) they shall be all compounded and decided according to the Laws, justice, and Christian equity, without any injury or damage. Neither shall it only be provided conveniently that the Catholics which have suffered so many evils be not spoilt, but favour is also granted to all others, which being penitent shall submit themselves unto the Chief Commander of the Army. And whereas by due information made, we are given to understand that there are many innocents, which through ignorance of Christian Faith having fall'n, have hitherto erred only of ignorance, being nevertheless reckoned amongst Heretics: we purpose not at all to punish such persons, but to in●ure patiently, till by conference of learned men, and good sound counsels, they may be better instructed touching the truth; and not show themselves obstinate, but desirous to prevent the effusion of Christian blood, and destruction of Countries which may be expected by the resistance of some wicked principal adversaries. Therefore by these Presents we declare, that it is not only lawful for all, as well public as private Matth. 26. 54. ●udas iscariot went to the chief Priests: here the chief Priest prevents the Traitor & covenants for more than 30. pieces, before he be solicited with what will you give me 〈…〉 e ●ewish Priest's were dull, compared to these Romish. persons, besides those which have undertaken this Expedition, to lay band on the said Usurper, and other her adherents, to take them and deliver them to the Catholic side; but also this deed shall be esteemed of us for a faithful and singular service. and shall be recompensed with very great rewards, according to the quality of the persons taken or betrayed. All others also which heretofore have given aid, or shall hereafter assist to the punishment of the evil, and the restitution of Catholic Religion in those Kingdoms, shall receive their reward and recompense, increased by us in Dignities and Honours, as their good and faithful service to the Commonwealth shall desire. Wherein as much as may be, care shall be had that reckoning and respect be holden of the ancient and honourable Houses and Stocks of the said Kingdoms. Lastly, free access and safe conduct by these Presents is granted to all men, which will join themselves to the Catholic Army, and will bring thereto provision, furniture of war, and other necessaries, full and liberal satisfaction is promised for all things, which for the service and commodity of the said Army shall be supplied by them. And all are admonished and plainly commanded, that they do their utmost endeavour and diligence, that by their means cause may be removed of using force in punishing those which shall neglect this Precept. Further more the * H●●ly Fa! th' 〈…〉! Holy Father, in his fatherly love and singular affection to this Expedition, out of the Spiritual Treasure * Pro thesauro carbones. The Pope grants that liberally which is alonely. of the holy Church (which is committed to his custody and dispensation) doth liberally grant plenary Indulgences and remission of Sins, to all those which shall bring any aid or favour to the deprivation and punishing of the said persons, and the reformation of both Kingdoms: to wit, after due penance, Contrition and Confession had according to the Laws of God and Men, and the received custom amongst Christians. NOw that all might be carried more closely, and that this Expedition might seem made against the Low-countries, rather than the English, a solemn meeting was appointed first near Ostend, after at Bronckburg in Flanders for a treaty of peace with the Queen of England. Henry Earl of Derby, the Lord Cobham, Sir james Croft, D. Dale, D. Rogers were sent. Richardot plainly said that he knew not what might be put in practice in the mean time against England. But the Prince and he being demanded if their were any enterprise of invading England, they utterly denied any thoughts thereof. Count Aremberg, Campignie, Richardot, Maes & Garnier were the Prince's Delegates, and professed that they had sufficient Commission for treaty of peace. First a truce was propounded by the English and by them ●e●●ed. Then the English required that the ancient leagues betwixt the Kings of England and the House of Burgundy might be renewed and confirmed, that the Low-countrimen might enjoy their privileges and liberty of conscience, that Spaniards and foreign forces might be removed, that neither they nor their neighbours should have cause to fear; and then the Queen would redeliver her four Cautionary Towns. They whiled them with such answer as suited to their purposes, and long ado was made in weaving and unweaving Penelope's web, till the Spanish Armada was upon the Coast, and the very Ordnance proclaimed in their ears a surcease from further illusions. Then did Parma dismiss them, pulled off his Visor, uncasing the Fox, and truly appearing in the Lion's skin. But let us now come to take view of this Fleet, and the preparations made for it. The King of Spain having with small fruit, above twenty years together waged war against the Netherlands, after deliberation with his Counselors thereabout, thought it most convenient to assault them once again by Sea, which had been attempted sundry times heretofore, but not with forces sufficient. Unto the which expedition it stood him now in hand to join great puissance, as having the English people his professed enemies; whose Island is so situate, that it may either greatly help or hinder all such as fail into those parts. For which cause he thought good first of all to invade England, being persuaded by his Secretary Escovedo, and by diverse other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen, and by many English fugitives, that the conquest of that Island was less difficult, than the conquest of Holland and Zealand. Moreover the Spaniards were of opinion, that it would be far more behooveful for their King to conquer England and the Low countries all at once, then to be constrained continually to maintain a warlike Navy to defend his East and West Indie Fleets, from the English Drake, and from such like valiant enemies. And for the same purpose the King Catholic, had given commandment long before in Italy & Spain, that a great quantity of timber should be felled for the building of Ships; and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brazen Ordnance, in storing up of corn and victuals, in training of men to use warlike weapons, in levying and mustering of Soldiers: insomuch that about the beginning of the year 1588. he had finished such a mighty Navy, & brought it into Lisbon Haven, as never the like had before that time sailed upon the Ocean Sea. A very large and particular description of this Navy was put in print and published by the Spaniards, the translated copy whereof, in perp●tuam r●i memoriam, to incite English thankfulness, I have here inserted, but abridged. Squadron of the galleons of Portugal. THe Galeon S. Martin, Captain General of the Army,, of 1000 tuns, carrieth 177. Mariners, 3●0. Soldiers, chosen men, 50. Pieces of Canon, Bullets, Powder, Led, Cord, and all that which is needful. The Galeon S. john, Admiral General, of 1050. tuns, carrieth 170. Mariners, 231. Soldiers, 50. Pieces of Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Cords, and that which is necessary. The Galeon of S. Mark is of 792. tuns, and carrieth 292. Soldiers, 117. Mariners, and Powder, Bullets, Led, Match, as much as is needful. The Galeon S. Philip, of 800. tuns, hath 415. Soldiers, 117. Mariners, 40. Pieces of Artillery, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that is needful. The Galeon S. Lewes 830. tuns, hath 376. men of War, and 116. Mariners, 40. Pieces of Ordnance, and Bullets, Match, Powder, and other things as much as is needful. The Galeon of S. Matthew 750. tuns, 177. men of War, 50. Mariners, 40. great Pieces, and Powder, Bullets, Led, Match, and all other things as much as is needful. The Galeon S. james 520. tons, 300. Soldiers, 100 Mariners, 30. great Pieces, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that which is needful. The Galeon of Florence, of 961. tuns, 300. Soldiers, 100 Mariners, 52. Pieces of Ordnance, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all the rest as much as is needful. The Galeon S. Christopher, 352. tuns, 300. men of War, 90. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Led, Powder, Match, and all that which they need. The Galeon S. Bernard, 352. tuns, hath 280. Soldiers, 100 Mariners, 30. Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and other necessary things as much as they need. The Zabra Augusta, of 166. tuns, carrieth 55. Soldiers, 55. Mariners, 13. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and other necessary things as much as they need. The Zabra julia, of 166. tuns, 60. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, with Ordnance, Bullets, Powder, and other necessaries. There is in this Squadron, 1●. Vessels, 10. of them galleons, and two Zabres, which are of 7737. tuns. & there are embarked in them 3330. Soldier's footmen, & 1230 mariners, which are in sum 4624. men, & they carry 350. great Pieces, and all that which is necessary to the rest, as bullets, powder, match, lead, etc. THe Ship S. Angel, the Captain is of 768. tuns, and hath 323. men of War, 114. Mariners, 30. The Army of Biscay, of which is Captain General jan Martin's of Ricalda. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that which is needful. The Gangrin, Admiral of 1160. tuns, carrieth 300. Soldiers, 100 Mariners, 36. great Pieces of Canons, Bullets, Powder, Match Led, and all that which is needful. The Vessel of S. james, 660. tuns, hath 250. Soldiers, 102. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and other necessary provisions. The Conception of Zub●lzu, 468. tuns, hath 100 men of War, and 70. Mariners, 20. great Canons, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all other necessary things. The Conception de I●a●es del Cavo, 418. tuns, hath 164. men of War, 70. Mariners, 24. great Pieces, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that which they need. The Magdalene of john Francis of Ayala, 330. tuns, carrieth 200. Soldiers, 70. Mariners, 22. great Pieces, and Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and that which is necessary to the rest. The S 〈…〉 p S. john, 350. tuns, hath 130. men of War, and 80. Mariners, and 24. great Pieces, B●llets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that which they need for the rest. The Mary of 165. tuns, carrieth 180. Soldiers, and 100 Mariners, 24. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and other necessary things. The Manuela of 520. tuns, hath 130. Soldiers, 54. Mariners, 16. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match and the rest of their fraught. The Ship of S. Mary of Monte-maior, of 707. tuns, 220. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, and Match, and other provisions. The Pinnace, called the Marie of Aguiare, of 70. tuns, hath 30. men of War, 23. Mariners, 10. Pieces, of Canon, Powder, Bullets, Led, Match, and other necessary things. The Pinnace, called Isabel, of tuns, hath 30. Soldiers, 23. Mariners, 12, Canons, Bullets, and other necessary things. The Pinnace of Michael Sus●, of 96. tuns, 30. Soldiers, 24. Mariners, 12. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all other necessary things. The Pinnace of S. Steven, of 78. tuns, hath 30. men of War, 26. Mariners, 12. Pieces of Canon, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all other necessary things of provision. There is in this Squadron, 14. Ships, ten of them great, and four Pinnaces, which are of 6567. tuns of burden, in which Ships be embarked 2037. Soldiers, 868. Mariners, which make in all 2802. and The Army of the Galleys of Castille, of the which is General, jaques Flores de Valdes. 260. great Pieces of Canon, 119000. Bullets, 467. Quintals' of Powder, 140. of Lead, 89. of Match. THe Galeon S. Christopher, Captain of 70. tuns, hath 205. men of Wa●re, and 120. Mariners, and 40. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that which is necessary to the rest. The Galeon S. john Baptist, of 750. tuns hath 250. Soldiers, 140. M●●●ne●s, ●0. great Pieces, & bullets, Powder, lead, Match, & other necessary things. The Galeon S. Peter, of 530. tuns, 130. men of War, 140. Mariners, and 40. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest needful. The Galeon S. john, of 530. tuns, 170. Soldiers, 120. Mariners, and 30. great Pieces, Powder, Bullets, Led, Match, and all the rest. The Galeon S. james the great, of 530. tuns, 230. Soldiers, 132. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all the rest. The Galeon S. Philip, and S. james, of 530. tuns, 159. Soldiers, and 116. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all that is necessary. The Galeon of the Ascension, of 530. tuns, 220. Soldiers, 114. Mariners, and 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all other necessary things. The Galeon of our Lady del Barri●, of 130. tuns, 170. Soldiers, 108. Mariners, and 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Led, and all other necessary furnitures. The Galeon of S. Medel and Celedon, of 530. tuns, 170. Soldiers, 110. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest. Galeon S. Anne of the Port, of 250. tuns, 100 men of War, and 80. Mariners, 24. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Ship of our Lord of Vigonia, 750. tuns, 190. men of War, and 130. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Vessel of the Trinite●, of 780. tuns, 200. Soldiers, 12●. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Katherine, of 86●. tuns, 200. men of War, 160. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, and Powder, Bullets, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Ship of S. john Baptist, of 652. tuns, 200. Soldiers, 30. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Pinnace of our Lord Rosary, 30. Soldiers, 25. Mariners, 24. great Pieces, Powder, Bullets, Led, Match, and the rest of their provision. There are in this Squadron, fourteen galleons and Ships, and two Pinnaces, which bear 8714. tuns. In these Vessels there are embarked 2458. Soldiers, 1719. Mariners, which are in all, 4177. and 348. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all that which they need. THe Captain Ship of 1550. tuns, carrieth 304. men of War, 118. Mariners, 50. Canons, Powder, The Army of the Ships of Andelo 〈…〉 zie, of the which is Cap. Don Pedro de Valdes. This Pedro de Valdes was taken, and prisoner in England. Bullets, and the rest of their provision. The Ship S. Francis, the Admiral of 915. tuns, 230. Soldiers, 60. Mariners, 30. Canons, Powder, Bullets, and the rest of their provision. The Galeon S. john Baptist, of 810. tuns 250. Soldiers, and 40. Mariners, 40. great Pieces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Led, and the rest. The Ship S. john Gargaran, of 569. tuns, 170. men of War, 60. Mariners, 20. great Pieces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Led, and the rest. The Conception of 862. tuns, 200. men of War, 65. Mariners, 25. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Hulk Duquesa, S. Anne of 900. tuns, 250. men of War, and 80. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Powder, Bullets, Match, Led, and all the rest. The Trinity, 650. tuns, 200. men of War, 80. Mariners, 20. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and the rest. The Ship S. Marry de juncar, of 730. tuns, 240. men of War, 80. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all the rest. The Pinnace of the Holy Ghost, 40. men of War, 33. Mariners, 10. Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match and Cord, and all that which they need. There are in this Squadron 11. Ships, 10. great, and a Pinnace, of the burden of 8762. tuns, in which are embarked 2400. Soldiers, 800. Mariners, and 260. great Pieces. THe Ship of S. Anne, the Captain, of ●200. tuns of burden, hath 300. men of War, 60. Mariners, The Army of Ships come from the Province of Gipouzce, of which is General Michael de Oquendo. 50. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, and all the rest. The Ship of our Lord of the Rose, Admiral of 945. tuns, 230. Soldiers, 64. Mariners, and 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all the rest. The Ship S. Saviour, of 958. tuns, 330. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, 30. Canons, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and the rest: The Ship of S. Steven, of 936. tuns, 200. men of War, 70. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, Bullets, Powder, Led, Match, and all the rest. The Ship of S. Marthe of 548. tuns, 180. men of War, 70. Mariners, 25. great Pieces, bullets, powder, and the rest. The ship. S. Barbe of 525. tuns, 160. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, 15. Canons, bullets, powder, lead, match, and all the rest. The ship of S. Bonaventure, of 369. tuns, 170. Soldiers, 60. Mariners, 15. great Pieces, bullets, powder, lead, and the rest. The Mary of 291. tuns, 120. Soldiers, 40. Mariners, 15. great Pieces, bullets, powder, lead, and the rest. The S. Croix 680. tuns, 150. Soldiers 40. Mariners, 20. great Pieces, bullets, powder, match, lead, and the rest. The Hulk Doucella, 500 tuns, 160. men of War, 40. Mariners, 18. great Pieces, powder, bullets, match, lead and all the rest. The Patax of the Annunciation of 60. tuns, 30. men of War, 16. Mariners, 12. great Pieces, bullets, powder, match, lead, and all the rest. The Patax S. Bernabe, is the same burden as the aforenamed. The Patax of our Lady of Guadaloupe is of the same burden also. The Pinnace of Magdelene, is also the same burden. There are in this Squadron, 14. Ships, ten great Ships, two Pataches, and two Pinnaces, of 6991. tuns of burden. In which Uessels, there are embarked 2092. men of War, and 670. Mariners, all cometh 2708. The Army of the East, of the which is chief Martin de V●●tend●na. THe Regasona, the Captain, which is of 1294. tuns, hath 350. Soldiers, 90. Mariners, 35. great Pieces, powder, bullets, lead, match, and all the rest: The Lama, the Admiral, of 728. tuns, 210. Soldiers, 80. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, powder, bullets, lead, match, and all the rest. The 〈◊〉 S. Mary crowned of 820. tuns, 340. men of War, 90. Mariners, 40. great Pieces, powder, bullets, match, lead, and the rest. The S. john of Cicile, of 880. tuns, 290. men of War, 70. Mariners. 30. Canons, and all the rest. The Trinity Valencera, of a 1000 tuns, 240. Soldiers: 90. Mariners, 41. great Pieces, and all the rest of their furnitures. The Annunciation of 730. tuns, 200. Soldiers, 90. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, and all the rest. The S. Nicholas Proda●eli of 834. tons 280. Sou●●ers, 84. Mariners, 30. great Pieces, and all the rest. The Iuli●●e of 780. ●uns, 330. Soldiers, 80. Mariners, 36. great Pieces, and the rest. The Marry Pison of 666. tuns, 250. Soldiers, 80. Mariners, 22. great Pieces, and the rest of their need. The Trinity Escala of 900. tons, 302. Soldiers, 25. great Pieces, and all the rest of their furniture. In which Squadron there ●●e ten Ships which are of 7705. tuns of burden, and there are embarked in them 2880. Soldiers, 807. Mariners, 310. great Pieces, with the rest of that they have. THe great Grison, the Captain, of 650. tuns, 250. Soldiers, 60. Mariners, 40. great Pieces, and The Army of Hulks in the which is Cap. john Lopez of Medina. the rest. The S. Savior the Admiral of 650. tuns, 230. Soldiers, 60. Mariners, 30. great Pieces and the rest of their provision. The Sea Dog, of 200. tuns, 80. Soldiers, 30. Mariners, 10. great Pieces, and the rest. The White Falcon the great of 500 tuns, 160. men of War, 40. Mariners, 18. great Pieces, and all the rest. The Black Castle of 750. tuns, 250. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, 25. great Pieces, and all the rest. The Bark of Amb●●g, of 600. tuns, 250. men of War. 50. Mariners, 25. Canons, and the rest. The House of peace the great, of the same burden. The S. Peter the great of the same burden also. The Samson, and Peter the small, do bear the same. The Bark of Auz●que, of 450. tuns, 210. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, 26. great Pieces, and the rest of their provision. The Falcon, the mean White, of 300. tuns, 80. men of War, 30. Mariners, 18. great Pieces, and all the rest. The S. Andrew of 400. tuns, 160. Soldiers. 40. Mariners, 15. great Pieces, and the rest of their provision. The Little house of peace, of 350. tuns, 160. Soldiers, 40. Mariners, 15. great Pieces, and the rest of their provision. The Flying Raven of 400. tuns, 210. Soldiers 40. Mariners, 18. great Pieces, and the rest of their furniture. THe White Dove. of 250. tuns, 60. Soldiers, 30. Mariners, 12. great Pieces, and the rest. The Pata●●es and Zab●es, where in Don Antony of Mendoza. commande●●. Adventure, S. Barbe fraughted of the same. The S. james 600. tuns, 60. Soldiers, 40. Mariners, 19 great Pieces, and all the rest. S. Gabriel of the Port, of 280. tuns, 50. Soldiers, 25. Mariners, 9 great Pieces, and the rest of their furniture. The Esay is fraughted of the same. There are in this Squadron 23. Hulks, which are of 10271. tuns, in the which are embarked 3221. men of War, 708. Mariners, 410. great pieces, and their necessary provision. The Captain of our Lord of Pilier of Zaragosse of 300. tons, 120. Soldiers, 50. Mariners, 12. great Pieces, and their furniture. The English Charity, of 180. tuns, 80. Soldiers, 36. Mariners, 12. great Pieces, and the rest. The Scottish S. Andrew of 150. tuns, 51. Soldiers, 30. Mariners, 12. great Pieces, and their furniture. The Patache of the Crucifix, 150. tuns, 50. Soldiers, 30. Mariners, 8. great Pieces, and their furniture. Our Lord of the Haven fraught alike. The Conception of Carassa, and our Lord of Begova, and the Conception de Capitillo, and S. Hioros. being of the burden of 60. or 70. tuns, 50. Soldiers, 30. Mariners, 8. great Pieces, a Piece, and their furniture. Our Lady of grace, the Conception of Frauncys Lastero, our Lady of Guadalupe, S. Frauncys, the Holy Spirit, our Lady of Frenesda, all fraughted alike. The Zabra of the Trinity, the Zabra of our Lady Castre, S. Andrew, the Conception of Zomartiba, S. Clere, S. john of Carassa, and the Assumption, all fraughted alike. There are in this Squadron 22. Pataches and Zabres, which are of the burden of 113. tuns, in the which there are embarked 479. Soldiers, 574. Mariners, and ther● is 193. great Pieces, and all their furniture. THe Galeace the Captain called S. Laurence, hath 270. Soldiers, 130. Mariners, 300. Slaves, 50. Pieces of Canon, and their furniture. The Galeace Patron, 180. Soldiers, 112. Mariners, The four Galeaces of Naples, which are given in charge to Dom Vgo de Moncada. 300. Slaves, 50. great Pieces, and their furniture. The Galeace G●rone, 170. Soldiers, 120. Mariners, 300. Slaves, 50. great Pieces. The Galeace Neapolitaine 124. Soldiers, 115. Mariners, 300. Slaves, 50. great Pieces, and the rest of their necessary fraught. There are in these four Galeaces 873. Soldiers, 468. Mariners, 200. great Pieces, 1200. Slaves, and the rest of their furniture. The Galley Captain, 110. Soldiers, 106. Mariners, 306. Slaves, and fifty great Pieces, and other necessaries. The Galley Princess, the Galley Diana, the Galley Vaca●a, are the like. In the above named Galeaces, there are 1200. Slaves, and in the four galleys, 888. which is in all 2088. Moreover, they carry powder for their need, if it be offered to do battery, 600. Quintals'. So that there are in the said Army 130. Ships of 57868. tuns, 19295. Soldiers and 8450. Mariners, 2088. Slaves, and 2630. great Pieces of Brass of all sorts, among which there are Coleurines, and the my Coleurines, and Canons to the Stone, and other necessaries for their fraught. In the Book follow the names of the Adventurers, also of such as in the Army were entertained for pay; such also as were embarked for the service of the Canon, for the Hospital, the Regiments, and Companies in pay, the Officers, etc. which for brevity I●●it. The galleons were sixty four in number, being of an huge bigness, and very stately built, being A description of the galleons of marvelous force also, and so high, that they resembled great Castles, most fit 〈◊〉 defend themselves and to withstand any assault, but in giving any other Ships the encounter far inferior unto the English and Dutch Ships, which can with great dexterity wield & turn themselves at all ass 〈…〉. The upper work of the said galleons was of thickness and strength sufficient to bear off Musket-shot. The lower work and the timbers thereof were out of measure strong, being framed for planks and ribs four or five foot in thickness, insomuch that no bullets could pierce them, but such as were discharged hard at hand: which afterward proved true, for a great number of bullets were found to stick fast within the massy substance of those thick planks. Great and well pitched Cables were twined about the masts of their Ships, to strengthen them against the battery of shot. The Galliass were of such bigness, that they contained within them Chambers, Chapels, A description of the Galliass. Turrets, Pulpits, and other commodities of great houses. The Galliass were rowed with great Oars, there being in each of them 300. slaves for the same purpose; and were able to ●ot great service with the force of their Ordnance. All these together with the residue 〈◊〉 were furnished and beautified with Trumpets, Streamers, Banners, warlike Ensigns, and other such like ornaments. The great O●d nance, bullets, Gunpowder, and other furniture. Their Pieces of Brazen Ordnance were 1600. and of 〈◊〉 1000 The Bullets there to belonging were 120. thousand. Item of Gunpowder 5600. quintals Of Match 1200. quintals. Of Muskets and Kal●●uers 7000. Of Halberds and Partisans 10000 Moreover, they had great store of Canons, double Canons, Culuerings and field-pieces for land service. Likewise they were provided of all instruments necessary on Land to convey and transport The improvision of victuals & other things necessary. their furniture from place to place; as namely of Carbs, Wheels, Wagons, etc. Also they had Spades, Mattocks and Baskets to set pioneers on work. They had in like sort great store of Mules and Horses, and whatsoever else was requisite for a land-army. They were so well stored of Biscuit, that for the space of half a year, they might allow each person in the whole Fleet half a quintal every month: whereof the whole 〈◊〉 amounteth unto an hundreth thousand quintals. Likewise of Wine they had 147. thousand Pipes, sufficient also for half a years expedition. Of Bacon 6500. quintals. Of Cheese three thousand quintals. Besides Fish, Rice, Beanes, Pease, Oil, Vinegar, etc. Moreover, they had 12000. Pipes of fresh water, and all other necessary provision; as namely Candy's, Lanterns, Lamps, Sa●les, Hemp, Oxe-hides and Led to stop holes that should be made with the battery of Gun●hot. To be short, they brought all things expedient either for a Fleet by Sea, or for an A●●ie by land. This Name (as Diego Pimentelli afterward confessed) was esteemed by the King himself to 32000. person● in the Navy. A Spanish terza consisteth of 3200. soldiers. contain 32000. persons, and to cost him every day 30. thousand Ducats. There were in the said Navy five Terzaes' of Spaniards (which Terzaes' the Frenchmen call Regiments) under the command of five Governors, termed by the Spaniards Masters of the field, and amongst the rest there were many old and expert Soldiers chosen out of the Garrisons of Sicily, Naples, and Terçera. Their Captains or Colonels were Diego Pimentelli, Don Francisco de Toledo, Don Alonzo de Lucon, Don Nicolas de Isla, Don Augustin de Mexia: who had each of them two and thirty Companies under their conduct. Besides the which Companies there were many bands also of Castilians and Portugals, every one of which had their peculiar Governors, Captains, Officers, Colours and weapons. It was not lawful for any man, under grievous penalty, to carry any woman or harlots in the Baggage of the Amada. Fleet: for which cause the women hired certain Ships, wherein they sailed after the Navy: some of the which being driven by tempest arrived upon the coast of France. The General of this mighty Navy, was Don Alonso Perez de Guzman Duke of Medina, Sidonia, Lord of S. Lucar, and Knight of the golden Fleece: by reason that the marquis of Santa Cruz appointed for the same dignity, deceased before the time. john Martin's de recalled was Admiral of the Fleet. Francis Bovadilla was chief Marshal: who all of them had their officers fit and requisite for the guiding and managing of such a multitude. Likewise Martin Alorcon was appointed Vicar general of the Inquisition, being accompanied with more ●hen a hundreth Monks, to wit, Jesuits, Capuchins, and Friars Mendicant. Besides whom also there were Physicians, Chirurgeons, Apothecaries, and whatsoever else pertained unto the Hospital. Over and besides the forenamed Governors and Officers, being men of chief note, there were 124 very noble and worthy Gentlemen, which went voluntarily of their own costs and charges, to the end they might see fashions, learn experience, and attain unto glory. Amongst whom was the Prince of Ascoli, Alonzo de Leiva, the marquis de Pennafiel, the marquis de Ganes, the marquis de Barlango, Count de Paredes, Count de Yeluas, and diverse other Marquesses and Earls of the honourable families of Mendoza, of Toledo, of Pachicco, of Cordono, of Guzman, of Manriques, and a great number of others. I have by me the Duke's Orders for the whole Navy, during this Voyage, made aboard the Gallion Saint Martin, May 28. the beginning whereof I have added, the whole would be too long. Don ALONSO PERES DE GUSMAN, the good Duke of Medina, Sidonia, County of Nebla, marquis of Casheshe in Africa, Lord of the City Saint Lucar, Captain General of the Occian Sea, of the Coast of Andaluzia, and of this Army of his Majesty, and Knight of the honourable Order of the golden Fleece. I Do ordain and command, that the general Masters of the field, all Captains of the Sea, Pilat's, Masters, Soldiers, Mariners, and Officers, and whatsoever other people for the Land or Sea service cometh in this Army, all the time that it endureth, shall be thus governed, as hereafter followeth, viz. First, and before all things, it is to be understood by all the above named from the highest to the lowest: that the principal foundation and cause that hath moved the King his Majesty to The cause of the journey. make and continue this journey, hath been, and is, to serve God, and to return unto his Church a great many of contrite souls that are oppressed by the Heretics, enemies of our holy Catholic faith, which have them subjects to their sects and unhappiness: and for that every one, may put his eyes upon this mark, as we are bound, I do command and much desire every one, to give charge unto the inferiors and those under their charge to embark themselves, being shriven, and having received the Sacrament with competent and contrition for their sins; by the which Their Shrift. contrition and zeal to do God such great service, he will carry and guide us to his great glory; which is, that which particularly and principally is pretended. In like manner, I do charge and command you, to have particular care, that no Soldier, Marriner, or other, that serveth in this Army, do blaspheme, or rage against God, or our Lady, or any For avoiding blasphemy and raging oaths, and others. of the Saints, upon pain that he shall therefore sharply be corrected, and very well chastened, as it shall seem best unto us: and for other oaths of less quality, the Governors in the same Ships they go in, shall procure to remedy all: they shall punish them in taking away their allowance of Wine, or otherwise as they shall think good. And for that the most occasions come by play, you shall publicly prohibit it, especially the games that are forbidden: and that none do play in the night by no means. Debarring play. Articles follow to suppress quarrels, to avoid disgracing any man, and all occasions of scandal, forbidding carriage of common women; with other orders for watchwords, attendance on the Admiral, for fire and wildfire, and lights, armours, sh●●, powder, match, and other necessary instructions, too long to be here particularised: that in the height of humane policy, and religious hypocrisy, the hand of God in England's preservation may be made evident. While the Spaniards were furnishing this their Navy, the Duke of Parma, at the direction of King Philip, made great preparation in the low Countries, to give aid and assistance unto the The preparation of the Duke of Parma to aid the Spaniards. Spaniards, building Ships for the same purpose, and sending for Pilots and Ship▪ writes out of Italy. In Flanders he caused certain deep channels to be made, and among the rest, the channel of Yper, commonly called Yper-lee, employing some thousands of workmen about that service: to the end that by the said Cannell he might transport Ships from Antwerp and Ghendt to Bruges where he had assembled above a hundreth small Ships, called Hoys, being well stored with victuals, which Hoys he was determined to have brought into the Sea by the way of Sluys, or else to have conveied them by the said Yper-lee, being now of greater depth, into any port of Flanders whatsoever. In the River of Waten, he caused 70. Ships with flat bottoms to be built, every one of which should serve to carry 30. horses, having each of them Bridges likewise for the Horses to come on board, or to go forth on land. Of the same fashion he had provided 200. other vessels at Neiuport, but not so great. And at Dunkirk he procured 28. Ships of war, such as were there to be had, and caused a sufficient number of Mariners to be levied at Hamburg, Breme, Emd●n, and at other places. He put in the ballast of the said Ships, great store of beams of thick planks, being hollow and beset with Iron pikes beneath, but on each side full of clasps and hooks, to join them together. He had likewise at Gravelling provided 20. thousand of cask, which in a short space might be compact and joined together with nails and cords, and reduced into the form of a Bridge. To be short, whatsoever things were requisite for the making of Bridges, and for the barring & stopping up of Havens mouths with stakes, posts, and other means, he commanded to be made ready. Moreover, not far from Neinport haven, he had caused a great pile of wooden faggots to be laid, and other furniture to be brought for the rearing up of a Mount. The most part of his Ships contained two Ovens a piece to bake Bread in, with a great number of saddles, bridles, and such other like apparel for Horses. They had Horses likewise, which after their landing should serve to convey and draw engines, field-pieces, and other warlike provisions. near unto Neiuport he had assembled an army, over the which he had ordained Camillo de Monte to be Campmaster. This army consisted of 30. bands or ensigns of Italians, of ten bands of Walloons, eight of Scots; and eight of Burgundians, all which together amount unto 56. bands every band containing a hundreth persons. near unto Dixmud there were mustered eighty bands of Dutchmen, sixty of Spaniards, six of high Germans, and seven bands of English fugitives, under the conduct of Sir William Stanley, an English Knight. In the suburbs of Cortreight there were 4000 horsemen together with their horses in a readiness: and at Waten 900. horses, with the troop of the marquis del G●●sto Captain general of the horsemen. Unto this famous expedition and presupposed victory, many potentates, Princes, and honourable personages hied themselves: out of Spain the Prince of Melito, called the Duke of Pastrana, and taken to be the Son of one Ruygomes de Silua, but in very deed accounted among the number of King Philip's base sons. Also the marquis of Bargrave, one of the sons of Archduke Ferdinand and Philippe Welsera. Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua, being for chivalry a man of great renown, and heretofore Viceroy in Spain. Item john Medici's, base son unto the Duke of Florence. And Amadas of Savoy, the Duke of Savoy his base son, with many others of inferior degrees. At length when as the French King about the end of May signified unto her Majesty in plain Her Majesty's warlike preparation by Sea. terms that she should stand upon her guard, because he was now certainly informed, that there was so dangerous an invasion imminent upon her Realm, that he feared much, lest all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it, etc. then began the Queen's Majesty more carefully to gather her forces together, and to furnish her own ships of war, and the principal ships of her subjects, with soldiers, weapons, and other necessary provision. The greatest and strongest ships of the whole Navy she sent unto Plymouth, under the conduct of the right honourable Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admiral of England, etc. Under whom the renowned Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Vide-admiral. The number of these ships was about an hundreth. The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number, and under the conduct of the Lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie between Dover and Caleis. On land likewise throughout the whole realm, soldiers were mustered and trained in all places, Her Majesty's Land-forces. and were committed unto the most resolute and faithful captains. And where as it was commonly given out, that the Spaniard having once united himself unto the Duke of Parma, meant to invade by the river of Thames, there was at Tilburie in Essex, overagainst Gravesend, a mighty army encamped: and on both sides of the river fortifications were erected, according to the prescription of Fredrick Genebelli an Italian engineer. Likewise there were certain ships brought to make a Bridge, though it were very late first. Unto the said Army came in proper person the Queen's most royal Majesty, representing Tomyris that Scythian warlike Princess, or rather divine Pallas herself. Also there were other such armies levied in England. The principal Recusants (lest they should stir up any tumult in the time of the Spanish invasion) Catholic Roman. were sent to remain at certain convenient places, as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich. And some of them were sent unto other places, to wit, unto sundry Bishops and Noblemen, where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth, and of her sacred Majesty, who of her most gracious clemency gave express commandment, that they should be entreated with all humanity and friendship. The Provinces of Holland, Zealand, etc. giving credit unto their intelligence out of Spain, made The prepa 〈…〉 on of the united Provinces. preparation to defend themselves: but because the Spanish ships were described unto them to be so huge, they relied partly upon the shallow and dangerous Seas all along their coasts. Wherefore they stood most in doubt of the Duke of Parma, his small and flat-bottomed ships. Howbeit they had all their ships of war to the number of ninety and above, in a readiness for all assays: the greater part whereof were of a small burden, as being more meet to sail upon their Rivers and shallow Seas: and with these ships they besieged all the havens in Flanders, beginning at the mouth of Scheld, or from the town of Lillo, and holding on to Greveling, and almost unto Caleis, and fortified all their Sea-townes with strong garrisons. Against the Spanish fleets arrival, they had provided five and twenty or thirty good ships, committing the government of them unto Admiral Lonck, whom they commanded to join himself unto the Lord Henry Seymer, lying between Dover and Cales. And when as the foresaid ships (whereof the greater part besieged the haven of Dunkirk) were driven by tempest into Zealand, justin of Nassau the Admiral of Zealand supplied that squadron with five and thirty ships, being of no great burden, but excellently furnished with Guns, Mariners and Soldiers in great abundance, & especially with 1200 brave Musquetiers, having been accustomed unto Sea-fights, and being chosen out of all their company for the same purpose: and so the said justin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in the Station, that the Duke of Parma could not issue forth with his Navy into Sea out of any part of Flanders. In the mean while the Shanish Armada set sail out of the haven of Lisbon upon the 19 of May, An. Dom. 1588. under the conduct of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, directing their course for the Bay of Corunna, alias the Groin in Gallicia, where they took in soldiers, and warlike The Spanish 〈◊〉 et●●let sail upon the 19 of May. O multum dilect: Deo. tyb. militat aether co●iurati v●n●unt ad classica venti etc. Gains valour. provision, this port being in Spain the nearest unto England. As they were sailing along, there arose such a mighty tempest, that the whole Fleet was dispersed, so that when the Duke was returned unto his company, he could not escry above eighty ships in all, whereunto the residue by little and little joined themselves, except eight which had their Masts blown overboard. One of the four Galleys of Portugal escaped very hardly, retiring herself into the haven. The other three were upon the coast of Baion in France, by the assistance and courage of one David Gwin, an English Captain (whom the French and Turkish slaves aided in the same enterprise) utterly disabled and vanquished: one of the three being first overcome, which conquered the two other, with the slaughter of their Governor and soldiers, and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana, with sundry others: and so those slaves arrived in France with the three Galleys, set themselves at liberty. The Navy having refreshed themselves at the Groin, and receiving daily commandment from They set sail from the Groin upon the 11. of july. The Spaniards come within ke●●ing of England. Cap. Fleming. the King to hasten their journey, horsed up sails the 11. day of july, and so holding on their course till the 19 of the same month, they came then unto the mouth of the narrow Seas or English channel. From whence (striking their sails in the mean season) they dispatched certain of their small ships unto the Duke of Parma. At the same time the Spanish Fleet was escried by an English Pinnace, Captain whereof was Master Thomas Fleming, after they had been advertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scouts and espials, which having ranged along the coast of Spain, were lately returned home into Plymouth for a new supply of victuals and other necessaries, who considering the foresaid tempest, were of opinion that the Navy being of late dispersed and tossed up and down the main Ocean, was by no means able to perform their intended Voyage. Moreover, the Lord Charles Howard, Lord high Admiral of England, had received Letters from the Court, signifying unto him, that her Majesty was advertised that the Spanish Fleet would not come forth; nor was to be any longer expected for, and therefore, that upon her Majesty's commandment he must send back four of her tallest and strongest Ships unto Chattam. The Lord high Admiral of England being thus on the sudden, namely upon the 19 of july about four of the clock in the afternoon, informed by the Pinnace of Captain Fleming aforesaid, The L. Admiral's short warning upon the 19 of july. of the Spaniards approach, with all speed and diligence possible he warped his Ships, and caused his Mariners and Soldiers (the greater part of whom was absent for the cause aforesaid) to come on board, and that with great trouble and difficulty, insomuch that the Lord Admiral himself was fain to lie without in the road with six Ships only all that night, after the which many others came forth of the haven. The very next day, being the 20. of july about high noon, The 20. of july. was the Spanish Fleet escried by the English, which with a South-west wind came sailing along, and passed by Plymouth; in which regard (according to the judgement of many skilful Navigators) God's great mercy to England, For had not Fleming brought word, the Queen's Navy had easily been oppressed: nor could it so soon be ready, had the Spaniards then taken their opportunity. they greatly overshot themselves, whereas it had been more commodious for them to have stayed themselves there, considering that the Englishmen being as yet unprovided, greatly relied upon their own forces, and knew not the estate of the Spanish Navy. Moreover, this was the most convenient Port of all others, where they might with greater security have been advertised of the English forces, and how the commons of the land stood affected, and might have stirred up some mutiny, so that hit her they should have bend all their puissance, and from hence the Duke of Parma might more easily have conveied his Ships. But this they were prohibited to do by the King and his Counsel, and were expressly commanded to unite themselves unto the soldiers and ships of the said Duke of Parma, and so to bring their purpose to effect. Which was thought to be the most easy and direct course, for that they imagined that the English and Dutch men would be utterly daunted and dismayed thereat, and would each man of them retire unto his own Prou●●ce or Port for the defence thereof, and transporting the Army of the Duke under the protection of their huge Navy, they might invade England. It is reported that the chief commanders in the Navy, and those which were more skilful in navigation, to wit, john Martin's de recalled, Diego Flores de Ualdez, and diverse others, found fault that they were bound unto so strict directions and instructions, because that in such a case many particular accidents ought to concur and to be respected at one and the same instant, that is to say, the opportunity of the wind, weather, time, tide, and ebb, wherein they might fail from Flanders to England, Oftentimes also the darkness and light, the situation of places, the depths and shoalds were to be considered: all which especially depended upon the conveniency of the winds, and were by so much the more dangerous. But it seemed that they were enjoined by their Commission to anchor near unto, or about Caleis, whither the Duke of Parma with his ships and all his warlike provision was to resort, and while the English and Spanish great ships were in the midst of their conflict, to pass by, and to land his soldiers upon the Downs. The Spanish Captives reported that they were determined first to have entered the River of Thames, & thereupon to have passed with small ships up to London, supposing that they might easily win that rich and flourishing City, being but meanly fortified and inhabited with Citizens not accustomed to the wars, who durst not withstand their first encounter, hoping moreover to find many rebels against her Majesty, and Popish Catholics, or some favourers of the Scottish Queen (not long before beheaded) who might be instruments of sedition. Thus often advertising the Duke of Parma of their approach, the 20. of july they passed by Plymouth, which the English pursuing and getting the wind of them, gave them the chase and the encounter, and so both Fleets frankly exchanged their Bullets. The day following, which was the 21. of july, the English Ships approached within Musket The 21. of july shot of the Spanish: at what time the Lord Charles Howard most hotly and valiantly discharged his Ordnance upon the Spanish Vide-admiral. The Spaniards then well perceiving the nimbleness of the English ships in discharging upon the enemy on all sides, gathered themselves close into the form of an half Moon, and slackened their sails, lest they should outgo any of their company. And while they were proceeding on in this manner, one of their great Galliass was so furiously battered with shot, that the whole Navy was fain to come up rounder together for the safeguard thereof: whereby it came to pass that the principal Galleon of Seville (wherein Don Pedro de Valdez, Vasques de Silua, Alonzo de Sayas, and other Noble men were embarked) falling foul of another ship, had her foremast broken, and by that means was not able to keep way with the Spanish Fleet, neither would the said Fleet stay to succour it, but l●ft the distressed Galeon behind. The Lord Admiral of England, when he saw this Ship of Ualdez, and thought she had been void of Mariners and Soldiers, taking with him as many ships as he Galeon forsaken. could, passed by it, that he might not lose sight of the Spanish Fleet that night. For Sir Francis Drake (who was not withstanding appointed to bear out his Lantern that night) was giving of chase unto five great Hulks which had separated themselves from the Spanish Fleet: but finding them to be Easterlings, he dismissed them. The Lord Admiral all that night following the Spanish Lantern instead of the English, found himself in the morning to be in the midst of his enemy's Fleet, but when he perceived it, he cleanly conveied himself out of that great danger. The day following, which was the 22. of july, Sir Francis Drake espied Valdez his ship, whereunto The 22. of july he sent for his Pinnace, and being advertised that Ualdez himself was there, and 450. persons with him, he sent him word that he should yield himself. Valdez for his honours fake caused certain conditions to be propounded unto Drake: who answered Valdez, that he was not now at leisure to make any long parley, but if he would yield himself, he should find him friendly and tractable: howbeit if he had resolved to die in fight, he should prove Drake to be no dastard. Upon which answer, Ualdez and his Company understanding that they were fallen into the hands of fortunate Drake, being moved with the renown and celebrity of his name, with one consent yielded themselves, and found him very favourable unto them. Then Ualdez Don Pedro de Valdez with his ships and company taken. with forty or fifty Noblemen and Gentlemen pertaining unto him, came on board Sir Francis Drakes ship. The residue of his company were carried unto Plymouth, where they were detained a year and an half for their ransom. Valdez coming unto Drake, and humbly kissing his hand, protesting unto him, that he and his had resolved to die in battle, had they not by good fortune fallen into his power, whom they knew to be right courteous and gentle, and whom they had heard by general report to be most favourable Virtus in host laudanda. unto his vanquished foe: insomuch, that he said it was to be doubted whether his enemy had more cause to admire and love him for his great, valiant, and prosperous exploits, or to dread him for his singular felicity and wisdom, which ever attended upon him in the wars, and by the which he had attained unto so great honour. With that Drake embraced him, and gave him very honourable entertainment, feeding him at his own table, and lodging him in his cabin. Here Valdez began to recount unto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet, and how four mighty Galleys were separated by tempest from them: and also how they were determined first to have put into Plymouth haven, not expecting to be repelled thence by the English ships, which they thought could by no means withstand their impregnable forces, persuading themselves that by means of their huge Fleet, they were become Lords and commanders of the main Ocean. For which cause they marvelled much how the Englishmen in their small Ships durst approach within musket shot of the Spaniards mighty wooden Castles, gathering the wind of them, with many other such like attempts. Immediately after, Valdez and his Company (being a man of principal authority in the Spanish Fleet, and being descended of one and the same family with that Valdez, which in the year 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland) were sent captives into England. There were in the said ship 55. thousand Ducats in ready money of the Spanish King's gold, which the soldiers merrily shared among themselves. 55000. ducats The same day was set on sire one of their greatest ships, being Admiral of the squadron of Guipusco, and being the ship of Michael de Oquendo Vide-admiral of the whole Fleet, which contained great store of Gunpowder, and other warlike provision. The upper part only of this ship A great Biscaine ship taken by the English. was burnt, and all the persons therein contained (except a very few) were consumed with fire. And thereupon it was taken by the English, and brought into England, with a number of miserable burnt and scorched Spaniards. Howbeit the Gunpowder (to the great admiration of all men) remained whole and vnconsumed. In the mean season the Lord Admiral of England in his ship, called the Arke-royall, all that night pursued the Spaniards so near, that in the morning he was almost left alone in the enemy's Fleet, and it was four of the clock at afternoon before the residue of the English Fleet could overtake him. At the same time Hugo de Moncada, Governor of the four Galliass, made humble suit unto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admiral of England: which liberty the Duke thought not good to permit unto him, because he was loath to exceed the limits of his Commission and charge. Upon tuesday, which was the 23. of july, the Navy being come over against Portland, the wind began to turn Northerly, insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to invade the The 23. of july English. But the Englishmen having lesser and nimbler ships, recovered again the vantage of the wind from the Spaniards, whereat the Spaniards seemed to be more incensed to fight then before. Slow motions of the great Spanish ships. But when the English fleet had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small: the Spaniard's uniting themselves, gathered their whole Fleet close together into a roundel, so that it was apparent that they meant not as yet to invade others, but only to defend themselves, & to make haste unto the place prescribed unto them, which was near unto Dunkirk, that they might join forces with the Duke of Parma, who was determined to have proceeded secretly with his small ships under the shadow and protection of the great ones, and so had intended circumspectly to perform the whole expedition. This was the most furious and bloody skirmish of all, in which the Lord Admiral of England Admiral's hot fight. Captain Fenners valour. continued fight amidst his enemy's Fleet, and seeing one of his Captains a far off, he spoke unto him in these words: Oh George, what dost thou? Wilt thou now furstrate my hope and opinion conceived of thee? Wilt thou forsake me now? With which words he being inflamed, approached forthwith, encountered the enemy, and did the part of a most valiant Captain. His name was George Fenner, a man that had been conversant in many Sea-fights. In this conflict there was a certain great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by A great Venetian ship and other ●m●ll ships taken by the English. the English. The English Navy in the mean while increased, whereunto out of all havens of the Realm resorted ships and men: for they all with one accord came flocking thither as unto a set field, where immortal fame and glory was to be attained, and faithful service to be performed unto their Prince and Country. In which number there were many great and honourable personages, as namely, the Earl of Oxford, of Northumberland, of Cumberland, etc. with many Knights and Gentlemen: to wit, Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir William Hatton, Sir Horatio Palavicini, Sir Henry Brooke, Sir Robert Carew, Sir Charles Blunt; Master Ambrose Willoughby, Master Henry Nowell, Master Thomas Gerard, Master Henry Dudley, Master Edward Darcie, Master Arthur Gorge, Master Thomas Woodhouse, M. William Harvey, etc. And so it came to pass that the number of the English ships amounted unto an hundreth: which when they were come before Dover, were increased to an hundred and thirty, being not withstanding of no proportionable bigness to encounter with the Spaniards, except two or three and twnety of the Queen's greater ships, which only, by reason of their presence, bred an opinion in the Spaniards 12000. English Mariners and Soldiers. minds concerning the power of the English Fleet: the Mariners and Soldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelve thousand. The four and twenty of july, when as the Sea was calm, and no wind stirring, the fight was only between the four great Galleasses and the English ships, which being rowed with The 24. of july Oars, had great vantage of the English ships, which not withstanding for all that would not be forced to yield, but discharged their chain-shot to cut a sunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses, with many other such Stratagems. They were now constrained to send their men on land for a new supply of Gunpowder, whereof they were in great scarcity, by reason they had so frankly spent the greater part in the former conflicts. The same day, a Counsel being assembled, Want of Powder. it was decreed that the English Fleet should be divided into four squadrons: the principal whereof was committed unto the Lord Admiral: the second to Sir Francis Drake: the third to Captain Hawkins: the fourth to Captain Frobisher. The Spaniards in their sailing observed very diligent and good order, sailing three and four and sometimes more ships in a rank, and following close up one after another, and the stronger Spanish order. and greater ships protecting the lesser. The five and twenty of july, when the Spaniards were come overagainst the Isle of Wight, the The 25. of july Lord admiral of England being accompanied with his best ships (namely the Lion, Captain whereof was the Lord Thomas Howard: The Elizabeth jonas under the command of Sir Robert Southwell, son in law unto the Lord Admiral: the Bear under the Lord Sheffield, Nephew unto the Lord Admiral: the Victory under Captain Barker: and the Galeon Leicester under the forenamed Captain George Fenner) with great valour and dreadful thunder of shot, encountered the Spanish Admiral, being in the very midst of all his Fleet. Which when the Spaniards perceived, being assisted with his strongest ships, he came forth and entered a terrible combat with the Terrible fight. English; for they bestowed each on other the broad sides, and mutually discharged all their Ordnance, being within one hundred or an hundred and twenty yards one of another. At length the Spaniards hoist up their sails, and again gathered themselves up close into the form of a roundel. In the mean while Captain Frobisher had engaged himself into a most dangerous conflict. Whereupon the Lord Admiral coming to succour him, found that he had valiantly and discreetly behaved himself, and that he had wisely and in good time given over the fight, because that after so great a battery he had sustained no damage. For which cause the day following, being the six and twenty of jolly, the Lord Admiral rewarded him with the order of The 26. of july Knighthood, together with the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Master john Hawkins, and others. The same day the Lord Admiral received intelligence from New-haven in France, by certain Guisians feared Ta●●. conquest. of his Pinnaces, that all things were quit in France, and that there was no preparation of sending aid unto the Spaniards, which was greatly feared from the Guisian faction, and from the Leaguers: but there was a false rumour spread all about, that the Spaniards had conquered England. The seven and twentieth of july, the Spaniards about the sunset were come overagainst The 27 of july. The Spaniards ancre before Caleis. Dover, and road at ancre within the sight of Caleis, intending to hold on for Dunkirk, expecting there to join with the Duke of Parma his forces, without which they were able to do little or nothing. Likewise the English Fleet following up hard upon them, anchored just by them within culuering-shot. And here the Lord Henry Seymer united himself unto the Lord Admiral with his fleet of 30. ships which road before the mouth of Thames. As the Spanish Navy therefore lay at ancre, the Duke of Medina sent certain Messengers unto the Duke of Parma, with whom upon that occasion many Noblemen and Gentlemen went to refresh themselves on land: and amongst the rest the Prince of Ascoli, being accounted the King's base son, and a very proper and towardly young Gentleman, to his great good went on shore, who was by so much the more fortunate, in that he had not opportunity to return on board the Prince of Ascoli his good fortune. same ship, out of which he was departed, because that in returning home it was cast away upon the Irish coast, withal the persons contained therein. The Duke of Parma being advertised of the Spanish Fleets arrival upon the coast of England, made all the haste he could to be present himself in this expedition for the performance of his charge: vainly persuading himself that now by the means of Cardinal Allen, he should be crowned King of England, and for that cause he had resigned the Government of the Low-Countries unto Count Mansfeld the elder. And having made his vows unto Saint Mary of Hall in He●ault (whom he went to visit for hisblinde devotions sake) he returned toward Bruges the eight and twenty of july. The next The 28. of july day travelling to Dunkirk, he heard the thundering Ordnance of either Fleet: and the same evening being come to Dixmud, he was given to understand the hard success of the Spanish The 29. of july Fleet. Upon tuesday, which was the 13. of july, about high noon, he came to Dunkirk, when as all The 30. of july the Spanish Fleet was now passed by: neither durst any of his ships in the mean space come forth to assist the said Spanish Fleet for fear of five and thirty warlike ships of Holland and Zealand, which there kept watch and ward under the conduct of the Admiral justin of Nassau. The foresaid five and thirty ships were furnished with most cunning Mariners and old expert Soldiers, State's Fleet. amongst the which were twelve hundred Musketeers, whom the States had chosen out of all their Garrisons, and whom they knew to have been heretofore experienced in Sea-fights. This Navy was given especially in charge not to suffer any ship to come out of the Haven, nor to permit any Zabraes, Pataches or other small vessels of the Spanish Fleet (which were more likely to aid the Dunkirk) to enter thereinto, for the greater ships were not to be feared by reason of the shallow Sea in that place. Howbeit the Prince of Parma his forces being as yet unready, En●lish Hispaniol●zed traitors were not come on board his ships, only the English Fugitives, being seven hundred in number, under the conduct of Sir William Stanley, came in fit time to have been embarked, because they hoped to give the first assault against England. The residue showed themselves unwilling and loath to depart, because they saw but a few Mariners, who were by constraint drawn into this expedition, and also because they had very bare provision of Bread, Drink, and other necessary victuals. Moreover, the ships of Holland and Zealand stood continually in their sight, threatening shot and Powder, and many inconveniences unto them: for fear of which ships, the Mariners and Seamen secretly withdrew themselves both day and night, lest that the Duke of Parma his Soldiers should compel them by main force to go on board, and to break through the Hollanders Fleet, which all of them judged to be impossible, by reason of the straightness of the Haven. But it seemeth that the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards grounded upon a vain and presumptuous The Spaniards vain opinion concerning their own fleet expectation, that all the ships of England and of the Low-Countries would at the first sight of the Spanish and Dunkirk Navy have betaken themselves to flight, yielding them Sea-room, and endeavouring only to defend themselves, their havens, and Seacoasts from invasion. Wherefore their intent and purpose was, that the Duke of Parma in his small and flat-bottomed ships, should as it were under the shadow and wings of the Spanish Fleet, convey over all his troops, armour, and warlike provision, and with their forces so united, should invade England; or while the English Fleet were busied in fight against the Spanish, should enter upon any part of the coast, which he thought to be most convenient. Which invasion (as the Captives afterward confessed) the Duke of Parma thought first to have attempted by the River of Thames; upon the banks whereof having at his first arrival landed twenty or thirty thousand of his principal Soldiers, he supposed that he might easily have won the City of London; both because his small ships should have followed and assisted his Land-forces, and also for that the City itself was but meanly fortified and easy to overcome, by reason of the Citizen's delicacy and discontinuance from the wars. When as therefore the Spanish Fleet road at anchor before Caleis, to the end they might consult with the Duke of Parma what was best to be done according to the King's commandment, and the present estate of their affairs, and had now (as we will afterward declare) purposed upon the second of August, being Friday, with one power and consent to have put their intended business in practice; the Lord Admiral of England being admonished by her Majesty's Letter● from the Court, thought it most expedient either to drive the Spanish Fleet from that place, or at Sea-stratagem leastwise to give them the encounter: and for that cause (according to her Majesty's prescription) he took forthwith eight of his worst and basest ships which came next to hand, and disburthening them of all things which seemed to be of any value, filled them with Gunpowder, Pitch, Brimstone, and with other combustible and fiery matter; and charging all their Ordnance with powder, bullets and stones, and sent the said ships upon the 28. of july, being Sunday, about two of the clock after midnight, with the wind and tide against the Spanish Fleet: which when The 28. of july they had proceeded a good space, being forsaken of the Pilots, and set on fire, were directly carried upon the King of Spain's Navy: which fire in the dead of night put the Spaniards into such a perplexity and horror (for they feared lest they were like unto those terrible ships, which Frederie senebelli three years before, at the siege of Antwerp, had furnished with Gunpowder, stones, and dreadful engines, for the dissolution of the Duke of Parma his Bridge, built upon the River of Scheld) that cutting their cables whereon their anchors were fasted, and hoising up their sails they betook themselves very confusedly unto the main Sea. And this sudden confusion, the principal and greatest of the four Galliass falling fowl of another ship lost her rudder: for which cause when she could not be guided any longer, she was by The Galliasse of Hugo de Mon cada cast upon the shoalds before Caleis. the force of the tide cast into a certain should upon the shore of Caleis, where she was immediately assaulted by diverse English Pinnaces, Hoys, and Drumblers. And as they lay battering of her with their Ordnance, and durst not board her, the Lord Admiral sent thither his long Boat with an hundreth choice Soldiers under the command of Captain Amias Preston. Upon whose approach their fellows being more emboldened, did offer to board the Galliasse; against whom M. Amias Preston 〈…〉 antly boordeth the Galliasse. the Governor thereof and Captain of all the four Galliass, Hugo de Moncada, stoutly opposed himself, fight by so much the more valiantly, in that he hoped presently to be succoured by the Duke of Parma. In the mean season, Moncada, after he had endured the conflict a good while, Moncada slain. being hit on the head with a Bullet, fell down stark dead, and a great number of Spaniards also were slain in his company. The greater part of the residue leaping overboard into the Sea, to save themselves by swimming, were most of them drowned. Howbeit there escaped among others Don Anthonio de Manriques, a principal officer in the Spanish fleet (called by them their Veador General) together with a few Spaniards besides: which Anthonio was the first man that carried certain news of the success of their fleet into Spain. This huge & monstrous Galliasse, wherein were contained three hundred slaves to lug at the Oars, and four hundred soldiers, was in the space of three hours rifled in the same place; and there was found amongst diverse other commodities 50000. ducats 50000. Ducats of the Spanish King's treasure. At length when the slaves were released out of their fetters, the English men would have set the said ship on fire, which Monsieur Gourdon, the Governor of Caleis, for fear of the damage which might thereupon ensue to the Town and Haven, would not permit them to do, but drove them from thence with his great Ordnance. Upon the 29. of july in the morning, the Spanish Fleet after the foresaid tumult, having arranged themselves again into order, were, within sight of Greveling, most bravely and furiously The great fight before Greveling the 29. of july. encountered by the English, where they once again got the wind of the Spaniards: who suffered themselves to be deprived of the commodity of the place in Caleis road, and of the advantage of the wind near unto Dunkirk, rather than they would change their array, or separate their forces now conjoined and united together, standing only upon their defence. And albeit there were many excellent and warlike sh●ps in the English fleet, yet scarce were there 22. or 23. among them all which matched 90. of the Spanish ships in bigness, or could conveniently assault them. Wherefore the English ships using their prerogative of nimble stirrage, whereby they could turn and wield themselves with the wind which way they listed, came oftentimes very neere-upon the Spaniards, and charged them so sore, that now and then they were but a Pikes length at Englishs' ships advantage. sunder: and so continually giving them one broad side after another, they dispatched all their shot both great and small upon them, spending one whole day from morning till night in that violent kind of conflict, until such time as powder and bullets failed them. In regard of which want they thought it convenient not to pursue the Spaniards any longer, because they had many great vantages of the English, namely for the extraordinary bigness of their ships, and also for that they were so nearly conjoined, and kept together in so good array, that they could by no means be fought withal one to one. The English thought therefore, that they had right well acquitted themselves, in chase the Spaniards first from Caleis, and then from Dunkirk, and by that means to have hindered them from joining with the Duke of Parma his forces, and getting the wind of them, to have driven them from their own coasts. The Spaniards that day sustained great loss and damage, having many of their ships shot thorough and thorough, and they discharged likewise great store of Ordnance against the English; who indeed sustained some hindrance, but not comparable to the Spaniards loss; for they lost not any one ship or person of account. For very diligent inquisition being made, the Englishmen all that time wherein the Spanish Navy sailed upon their Seas, are not found to have wanted above one God's provident mercies to the English. hundreth of their people: albeit Sir F. Drakes ship was pierced with shot above forty times, and his very cabin was twice shot thorough, and about the conclusion of the fight, the bed of a certain Gentleman lying weary thereupon, was taken quite from under him with the force of a Bullet. Likewise, as the Earl of Northumberland and Sir Charles Blunt were at dinner upon a time, the Bullet of a Demiculuering brake thorough the midst of their cabin, touched their feet, and struck down two of the standers by, with many such accidents befalling the English ships, which it were tedious to rehearse. Whereupon it is most apparent, that God miraculously preserved the English Nation. For the Lord Admiral wrote unto her Majesty, that in all humane reason, and according to the judgement of all men (every circumstance being duly considered) the Englishmen were not of any such force, whereby they might, without a miracle, dare once to approach within the sight of the Spanish Fleet: insomuch, that they freely ascribed all the honour of their victory unto God, who had confounded the enemy, and had brought his counsels to none effect. The same day the Spanish ships were so battered with English shot, that that very night and the Three Spanish ships sunk in the fight. day following, two or three of them sunk right down: and among the rest a certain great ship of Biscay, which Captain Cross assaulted, which perished even in the time of the conflic, so that very few therein escaped drowning; who reported that the Governors of the same ship slew one another upon the occasion following: one of them which would have yielded the ship was suddenly slain; the brother of the slain party in revenge of his death slew the murderer, and in the mean while the ship sunk. The same night two Portugal galleons of the burden of seven or eight hundreth tuns a piece; Two galleons taken and carried into Zealand to wit, Saint Philip and Saint Matthew, were forsaken of the Spanish Fleet, for they were so torn with shot, that the water entered into them on all sides. In the Galeon of Saint Philip was Francis de Toledo, brother unto the Count de Argas, being Colonel over two and thirty bands; besides other Gentlemen; who seeing their mast broken with shot, they shaped their course, aswell as they could, for the coast of Flanders: whither when they could not attain, the principal men in the ship committed themselves to their skiff, arrived at the next town, which was Ostend; and the ship itself being left behind with the residue of their company, was taken by the Vlishingers. In the other Galeon, called the Saint Matthew, was embarked Don Diego Pimentelli another Campmaster and Colonel of two and thirty bands, being brother unto the marquis of Tamnares, with many other Gentlemen and Captains. Their ship was not very great, but exceeding strong, for of a great number of Bullets which had battered her, there were scarce twenty where with she was pierced or hurt: her upper work was of force sufficient to bear off a Musket shot: this ship was shot thorough and pierced in the fight before Greveling: insomuch that the leakage of the water could not be stopped: whereupon the Duke of Medina sent his great skiff unto the Governor thereof, that he might save himself and the principal persons that were in his ship: which he, upon a haut courage, refused to do: wherefore the Duke charged him to sail next unto himself: which the night following he could not perform, by reason of the abundance of water which entered his ship on all sides; for the avoiding whereof, and to save his ship from sinking he caused fifty men continually to labour at the Pump, though it were to small purpose. And seeing himself thus forsaken and separated from his Admiral, he endeavoured what he could to attain unto the coast of Flanders; where being espied by four or five men of war, which had their station assigned them upon the same coast: he was admonished to yield himself unto them; which he refused to do, was strongly assaulted by them altogether, & his ship being pierced with many bullets, was brought into far worse case than before, & forty of his soldiers were slain. By which extremity he was enforced at length to yield himself unto Peter Banderduess and other Captain, which brought him and his ship into Zealand; and that other ship also last before mentioned: which both of them, immediately after the greater and better part of their goods were unladen, sunk right down. For the memory of this exploit, the foresaid Captain Banderduess caused a Banner of one of these ships to be set up in the great Church of Leiden in Holland, which is of so great a length, that being fasted to the very roof, it reached down to the ground. About the same time another small ship being by necessity driven upon the coast of Flanders, about Blankenberg, was cast away upon the sands, the people therein being saved. Thus Almighty A small ship cast awa● about Blankenberg. God would have the Spaniards huge ships to be preiented, not only to the view of the English, but also of the Zelanders; that at the sight of them they might acknowledge of what small ability they had been to resist such impregnable forces, had not God endued them with courage, providence, and fortitude, yea, and fought for them in many places with his own arm. The 29. of july the Spanish fleet being encountered by the English (as is aforesaid) and lying The dishonourable fly of the Spanish navy▪ & the prudent ●dui●e of the L. Admiral. close together under their fight sails, with a South-west wind sailed past Dunkirk, the English ships still following the chase. Of whom the day following, when the Spaniards had got Sea room, they cut their main sails, whereby they sufficiently declared that they meant no longer to fight, but to fly. For which cause the Lord Admiral of England dispatched the Lord Henry Seymer with his squadron of small ships unto the coast of Flanders, where, with the help of the Dutch ships, he might stop the Prince of Parma his passage, if perhaps he should attempt to issue forth with his army. And he himself in the mean space pursued the Spanish fleet until the second of August, because he thought they had set sail for Scotland. And albeit he followed them Our want of Powder & Bullets proclaim th' 〈…〉 u 〈…〉 of God's present power & merciful both deliverance and victory. very near, yet did he not assault them any more, for want of Powder and Bullets. But upon the fourth of August, the wind arising, when as the Spaniards had spread all their sails, betaking themselves wholly to flight, & leaving Scotland on the left hand, trended toward Norway (whereby th●y sufficiently declared that their whole intent was to save themselves by flight, attempting for that purpose, with their battered and crazed ships, the most dangerous navigation of the Northern Seas) the English seeing that they were now proceeded unto the latitude of 57 degrees, and being unwilling to participate that danger whereinto the Spaniards plunged themselves, and because they wanted things necessary, and especially Powder and Shot, returned back for England; leaving behind them certain Pinasses only, which they enjoined to follow the Spaniards aloof, Th● En●lish return home 〈◊〉 the pursuit of the Spaniards the 4. of Aug. and to abserue their course. And so it came to pass, that the fourth of August, with great danger and industry, the English arrived at Harwich; for they had been tossed up and down with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three days together, which it is likely did great hurt unto the Spanish fleet, being (as I said before) so maimed and battered. The English now going on shore, provided themselves forth with of Victuals, Gunpowder, and other things expedient, that they might be ready at all assays to entertain the Spanish fleet, if it chanced any more to return. But ●eing afterward more certainly informed of the Spaniards course, they thought it best to leave them unto those boisterous and uncouth Northern Seas, and not there to hunt after them. The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted four or five thousand of their people, and having diverse maimed and sick persons, and likewise having lost ten or twelve of their principal ships, they consulted among themselves, what they were best to do, being now escaped out of the hands of the English, because their victuals failed them in like sort, & they began also to want cables, cordage, anchors, masts, sails, and other naval furniture, and utterly despaired of the Duke of The Spaniards consult to sail round about Scotland & Ireland, and so to return home. Parma his assistance (who verily hoping & undoubtedly expecting the return of the Spanish fleet, was continually occupied about his great preparation, commanding abundance of anchors to be made, and other necessary furniture for a Navy to be provided) they thought it good at length, so soon as the wind should serve them, to fetch a compass about Scotland and Ireland, and so to return for Spain. For they well understood, that commandment was given throughout all Scotland, that they should not have any succour or assistance there. Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants. Wherefore, having taken certain Scottish and other fisherboats, they brought the men on board their own ships, to the end they might be their guides and Pilots. Fearing also lest their Horses cast overboard. fresh water should fail them, they cast all their horses and mules overboard: and so touching no where upon the coast of Scotland, but being carried with a fresh gale between the Orcadeses and Faar-Isles, they proceeded far North even unto 61. degrees of latitude, being distant from any land at the least 40. leagues. Here the Duke of Medina, General of the Fleet, commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay: and he himself with twenty or five and twenty of his ships which were best provided of fresh water and other necessaries, holding on his course over the main Ocean, returned safely home. The residue of his ships being about forty in number, and committed unto his Vide-admiral, fell nearer with the coast of Ireland, intending their course for Cape Clare, because they hoped there to get fresh water, and to refresh themselves on land. But after they were driven with many contrary winds, at length, upon the second of September, they were cast by a tempest arising from the South-west upon diverse parts of Ireland, where many The ship wrack of the Spaniards upon the Irish coast. of their ships perished. And amongst others, the ship of Michael de Oquendo, which was one of the great Galliass: and two great ships of Venice also, namely, lafoy Ratta and Belanzara, with other 36 or 31. ships more, which perished in sundry tempests, together with most of the persons contained in them. Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West wind into the channel of England, whereof some were taken by the English upon their coast, and others by the men of Rochel upon the coast of France. Moreover, there arrived at Newhaven in Norm andy, being by tempest enforced so to do, one of the four great Galliass, whereby they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed Of 134. ships of the Spanish fleet there returned home but 53. the Fleet at their setting forth. Two ships also were cast away upon the coast of Norway, one of them being of a great burden; howbeit all the persons in the said great ship were saved: insomuch that of 134 ships, which set sail out of Portugal, there returned home 53. only, small and great: namely of the four Galliass but one, and but one of the four Galleys. Of the 91. great Galleons and Hulks there were missing 58. and 33. returned: of the Pataches and Zabraes 17. were missing, and 18. returned home. In brief, there were missing 81. ships, in which number were Galliass, Galleys, galleons, and other vessels both great and small. And amongst the 53. ships remaining, those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English channel. Two galleons of those which were returned, were by misfortune burnt as they road in the haven; and such like mishaps did many other undergo. Of 30000. persons which went in this expedition, there perished (according to the number and proportion of the ships) the greater and better part; and many of them which came home, by reason of the toils & inconveniences which they sustained in this voyage, died not long after their arrival. The Duke of Medina immediately D. of Medina. upon his return was deposed from his authority, commanded to his private house, and forbidden to repair unto the Court; where he could hardly satisfy or yield a reason unto his malicious enemies and backbiters. Many honourable personages and men of great renown deceased soon after their return; as namely john Martin's de recalled, with diverse others. A great part also of the Spanish Ricaldes death. Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight, diseases, or drowning, before their arrival; and among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman, being Earl of Cantebroi, and son unto Cardinal Granduell his brother. Upon the coast of Zealand Don Diego de Pimentell, brother unto the marquis de Tamnares, and kinsman unto the Earl of Bencu●ntum & Calua, and Colonel over 32. bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zealand. Into England (as we said before) Don Pedro de Valdez, a man of singular experience, and greatly honoured in his country, was led captive, being accompanied with Don Uasques de Silua, Don Alonzo de Sayas, and others. Likewise upon the Scottish Western Isles of Lewis, and Ila, and about Cape Cantyre upon the main land, there were cast away certain Spanish Ships, out of which were saved diverse Captains and Gentlemen, and almost four hundred soldiers, who for the most part, after their shipwreck, were brought unto Edinburgh in Scotland, and being miserably needy and naked, were there clothed at the liberality of the King and the Merchants, and afterward were secretly shipped for Spain; but the Scottish Fleet wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth Spaniard's pitied. on the coast of Norfolk, were there stayed for a time until the Counsel's pleasure was known; who in regard of their manifold miseries, though they were enemies, winked at their passage. Upon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned; and diverse slain by the barbarous and wild Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland, Don Alonzo de Lucon, Colonel of two and thirty bands, commonly called a Terza of Naples; together with Rodorigo de Lasso, and two others of the family of Cordova, who were committed unto the custody of Sir Horatio Palavicini, that Monsieur de Teligny the son of Monsieur de la None (who being taken in fight near Antwerp, was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney) might be ransomed Spain's general loss. for them by way of exchange. To conclude, there was no famous nor worthy family in all Spain, which in this expedition lost not a son, a brother, or a kinsman. For the perpetual memory of this matter, the Zelanders caused new coin of Silver and Brass New coins stamped for the memory of the Spaniards overthrow. to be stamped: which on the one side contained the arms of Zealand, with this inscription; GLORY TO GOD ONLY: and on the other side, the pictures of certain great ships, with these words; THE SPANISH FLEET: and in the circumference about the ships, IT CAME, WENT, AND WAS. Anno 1588. That is to say, the Spanish fleet came, went and was vanquished this year; for which, glory be given to God only. Likewise they coined another kind of money; upon the one side whereof was represented a ship fleeing, and a ship sinking: on the other side, four men making prayers and giving thanks unto God upon their knees; with this sentence: Man purposeth, God disposeth. 1588. Also, for the lasting memory of the same matter, they have stamped in Holland diverse such coins, according to the custom of the ancient Romans. Also other coins were stamped with a Fleet flying with full sail, and inscribed; Venit, Vidit, Fugit; It came, saw, fled: others with the fired ships, and the fleet in confusion, the word DUX FOEMINAFACTI. While this wonderful and puissant Navy was sailing along the English coasts, and all men did now plainly see and hear that which before they would not be persuaded of, all people The people of England and of the united provinces, pray, fast, and give thanks unto God. thorough out England prostrated themselves with humble prayers and supplications unto God: but especially the outlandish Churches (who had greatest cause to fear, and against whom by name, the Spaniards had threatened most grievous torments) enjoined to their people continual fastings and supplications, that they might turn away God's wrath and fury now imminent upon them for their sins: knowing right well, that prayer was the only refuge against all enemies, calamities, and necessities, and that it was the only solace and relief for mankind, being visited with affliction and misery. Likewise such solemn days of supplication were observed throughout the united Provinces. Also a while after the Spanish Fleet was departed, there was in England, by the commandment of her Majesty, and in the united Provinces, by the direction of the States, a solemn festival day publicly appointed, wherein all persons were enjoined to resort unto the Church, and there to render thanks and praises unto God: and the Preachers were commanded to exhort the people thereunto. The foresaid solemnity was observed upon the 19 of November: which day was wholly spent in Preaching, praying, giving thanks, with the accustomed solemnities of Bonfires, Singing, Ringing, and other wont expressions of public joy. Likewise, the Queen's Majesty herself, imitating the ancient Romans, rode into London in triumph, in regard of her own and her subjects glorious deliverance. For being attended upon very solemnly by all the principal estates and officers of her Realm, she was carried thorough her said City of London in a triumphant chariot, and in robes of triumph, from her Palace unto the Cathedral Church of Saint Paul, out of the which the ensigns and colours of the vanquished Spaniards hung displayed. And all the Citizens of London in their Liveries stood on either side the street, by their several Companies, with their Ensigns and Banners: and the streets were hanged on both sides with Blue cloth, which, together with the foresaid Banners, yielded a very stately and gallant prospect. Her Majesty being entered into the Church, together with her Clergy and Nobles gave thanks unto God, and caused a public Sermon to be preached before her at Paul's Cross; wherein none other argument was handled, but that praise, honour, and glory might be rendered unto God, and that God's name might be extolled by thanksgiving. And with her own Princely voice she most Christianly exhorted the people to do the same: whereupon the people with a loud acclamation wished her a most long and happy life, to the confusion of her foes. The Lord Admiral had a pension assigned for his good service. This public joy was increased by Sir Robert Sidney (now Earl of Leicester) who returning out of Scotland, related to her Majesty the King of Scots faithful friendship, and love to her, and to the Religion. He had been employed to the said King, whiles the Spanish Fleet hovered on the coast, to gratulate with him in the Queen's name, for his alacrity in the common cause, and to obtain his promise of aid, if the Spaniards landed in Scotland; and to put him in mind how ambitiously the Spaniard sought to swallow in all Britain, urging the Pope to Excommunicate him, so to strip him of Scotland, and quit his succession in England; to admonish him of the threats of Mendoza and the Pope's Nuntio; that therefore he should be very wary of the Papists in Scotland. He answered conceitedly, amongst other speeches, that he hoped for no other benefit from the Spaniard, then that which Polyphemus had promised Ulysses, namely, that when the rest were devoured, The King's wise speech. he should be swallowed last. Thus the magnificent, huge, and mighty fleet of the Spaniards (which themselves termed in all places invincible) such as sailed not upon the Ocean Sea many hundreth years before, in the year 1588. vanished into smoke; to the great confusion and discouragement of the authors thereof. In regard of which her Majesty's happy success all her neighbours and friends congratulated with her, and many Verses were penned to the honour of her Majesty by learned men, Epinitian or triumph all verses. whereof we will here annex those of Master Beza. STrauer at innumer is Hispanus navibus aequor, Ad serenissimam Elizabetham Anglia Reginam Theodor. Beza. Regnis iuncturus sceptra Britanna suis. Tanta huius, rogitas, quae motus causa? superbos Impulit Ambitio, vexit Auaritia. quam bene te ambitio mersit vanissima ventus? Et tumidos tumidae, vos superastis aquae! quam bene totius raptores orbis avaros, Hausit inexhausti iusta vorago maris! At tu, cui venti, cui totum militat aequor, Regina, ô mundi totius una, decus, Sic regnare Deo perge, ambitione remota, Prodiga sic opibus perge invare pios, Vt te Angli, longùm Anglis ipsa fruaris, quam dilecta bonis, tam metuenda malis. The same in English. THe Spanish Fleet did float in narrow Seas, And bend her ships against the English shore, With so great rage as nothing could appease, And with such strength as never seen before: And all to join the Kingdom of that land Unto the Kingdoms that he had in hand. Now if you ask what set this King on fire. To practise war when he of peace did treat. It was his Pride, and never quenched desire, To spoil that Lands wealth, by peace made great: His Pride which far above the heavens did swell And his desire as vnsufficed as hell. But well have winds his proud blasts overblown And swelling waves alaid his swelling heart, Well hath the Sea with greedy gulfs unknown, Devoured the devourer to his smart: And made his ships a pray unto the sand, That meant to pray upon another's land. And now, O Queen, above all others blest, For whom both winds & waves are pressed to fight So rule your own, so secure friends oppressed, (As far from pride, as ready to do right) That England you, you England long enjoy, No less your friends delight, than foes annoy. I have thought good to add here the prime reports made by the Spaniards and their friends, touching the success of their Armada, as they were printed in Spain, and after published and scorned in England. The true Relation of the success of the Catholic Army against their Enemies, by the Letters of the Postmaster of Logrono of the fourth of September, and by Letters from Rouen of the one and thirtieth of August, and by Letters from Paris of the King's Ambassador there: wherein he declareth the imprisonment of Francis Drake, and other great Nobles of England, and how the Queen is in the Field with an Army, and of a certain Mutiny which was amongst the Queen's Army, with the success of the said Catholic Army since they entered in the Groin, till they came on the Coast of England, with two Ballets * Like lips like lettuce. A blind Balladmaker fit Homer for Achillian conquests. compounded by Christover Bravo, a blind man of Cordowa, Printed with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano Printer. THe news of England is confirmed here, by a Letter of the Governor of Rouen. He writeth he By a Letter of Diego Peres, chief Postmaster of Logrono dated the second of September, 1588. hath in his power the chief Pilot of Captain Drake, and that he knoweth that all the English Army remained overthrown, having sunk two and twenty Ships, and taken forty, and imprisoned Francis Drake, having given them chase almost as high as Abspurge, and slain many by the sword, and likewise saith that there was fo●●d in Captain Drakes Ship, a Piece of Ordnance of five and twenty foot long, which discharged a Shot of a hundreth weight at once made of purpose, with one only Shot to sink our Spanish Admiral, and it pleased God, although she was somewhat battered, yet was she repaired again, and overthrew the English Army. THe English have lost above forty Ships in one encounter where they could not fly, which was in Copy of a letter that john Gamarra wrote from Rean the 31. of August of the same year Luxaten a Haven in Scotland, to the which place, since the departure of the Spanish Armies from Calleis, the English Army followed, and supposing they went to take that Haven, they got before ours to defend the entrance: we seeing them so near the English Fleet, and that they could not retire, as they always did when they pleased to the English Haven, they set upon them so valiantly that they sunk twenty of their Ships, and they took twenty 〈◊〉 whole and sound, and the rest seeing their destruction fled away with great loss of men, and their Ships very much battered, and with this (they say) the Spanish Army took the Haven where they are very well lodged, as every one affirmeth, and so the news is here: I pray God give them good success: We understand by the Post come from Calleis, that in England it is forbidden upon pain of death and loss of goods, that no body do write news from thence to any place: which confirmeth the news above. I Do not write news of the Spanish Army, because they are diverse, and would gladly write the very Copy of a Letter that Pèdro de Alum did write from Rouen the first of September of the same year. truth. Now by the news which runneth from diverse places, as Calleis, Deep, and Holland, and presumptions from England and other places, it is holden for certain that they fought with the English, and broken their heads, having sunk many of their Ships and taken others, and the rest which they say were twenty seven Ships, returned very much battered to the River of London, which are all those that could escape: There goeth with this Post another Post of jorge Seguin of Calleis, which saith that certain Masters and Mariners of Zealand, did affirm to the Governors of Calleis, monsieur de Gorden, that our Fleet is in a Haven or River in Scotland, called Trifla, where they say there may ride two thousand Ships: this is that which commonly is currant here. BY news from London the thirty six of August, it is known for most certain from persons of credit, Advise from London, which the Ambassador of our Sovereign Lord the King resident in Paris had from thence. that the Queen's Admiral General was arrived in the River of London, with twenty five ships only without his Admiral Ship, which was taken by our Admiral Saint john, and it is well known in England, that to hide the loss of their Admiral Ship, they say be put himself in a smaller Ship the better to follow our Army: and it is known for certainty that he saved himself in a Boat when he lost his Ship. That Drake for certainty is taken or slain. The same is confirmed by the way of Holland, by a Pinnace of theirs. And from Austerland, that the Queen commanded upon pain of death, that no body should speak of her Fleet, and that there was great sorrow in those parts of England, and that the Queen had in the field thirty thousand raw Soldiers, betwixt Dover and Margate, and that the Catholics understanding that all their Fleet was dispersed, moved a certain Mutiny, which forced the By a Letter of the chief Post master of Bordeaux, written to the French Ambassador, the 2. of Sept. 1588. Queen to go herself into the Field, and for certain it is known that there is not brought into England, neither Ship nor Boat of ours, more than the Ship of Don Pedro Valdez, and that our Fleet was gone into Scotland, and arrived in a Haven called Trapena Euxaten. AFter that I had written this, here is arrived a Scottishman, which saith that all the Spanish Fleet is arrived in Scotland, and that Scottishmen have taken Arms against the English. THat upon the thirtieth of july, without seeing any sail of the Enemies in the Sea, he came to the Channel, six leagues from Plymouth: where understanding the Enemies were, he gathered Relation of that which ha●h passed till this day, the fifth of Sept. 1588. till three of the clock in the afternoon, known by the relations and advice come to his Majesty from the happy Fleet, whereof is General the Duke of Medina, in the conquest of England. together and set in order all the Fleet: and sailing the first of August, there was discovered some Sails of the Enemies, the which the second day were numbered to be three score sail, of which the Duke took the wind, and passed without any fight, although he presented the same to them, howbeit they began to shoot at the Rearward: but the Duke in the Galleon S. Martin, set the Prow of his Ship against the biggest of the Enemies, the which being succoured by twenty others, fled away: of this fight and first encounter, there was sunk three Galleasses, and four mighty galleons of the Queens: there was burnt of our● by negligence of a Gunner, the Admiral of Oquendo, and the Enemies took the chief Ship of Don Pedro de Valdez, which being entangled with others under his charge: was left without Tackle, and so near the Enemies, that she could not be succoured by others. With this, our Fleet seeing that the Enemy in every point did fly from giving battle, they sailed with some calm weather, and the Enemies after them, shooting always at the Rearward, until the seventh, that our Fleet ancored in the Road of S. john, betwixt Calleiss and Bollin, nine leagues from Dunkirk, and the Enemies did the like, the nearest they could to England. The night being approached, the Enemies got up their Ankers to get wind, and not to suffer our Ships to go out of the Road to Sea, because they had trimmed eight Ships of fire, which with the current of the water, should have put themselves amongst our Ships to have burnt them. But my Lord the Duke, foreseeing the danger prevented them, with commandment that the Ships that were nearest should cut their Cables, and take up the others with a readiness uncredible: and with this the Enemy's pretence was hindered, and so got the Sea most bravely and with good fortune, that if he had not done it our Army should have been in an evil case, for in the very place where we left, there was shot off by them out of those fiery Ships, such Fires and other Engines, that were sufficient to burn the Sea, much more Ships which are made of Wood and Pitch. In this departure, the Captain of the Galleasses had a great mischance: for getting up her Anchor, a Cable fell foul of her Helm, that she could not follow the rest, which caused one of her sides to lie so high that her Ordnance could not play, and so twenty five Pinnaces came and battared her, and with all this, if the Mariners, Soldiers and Rowers that were in her, had not cast themselves into the Sea, it is holden for certain, that Don Hugo de Moncada had defended her, as he did until she came into Calleis, where at the entrance thereof, he was killed of two Caliver shot, the people on shore defended the Galeasse, and all that was in her, and delivered the same to our Sovereign Lord the King's Ministers. At this time the Duke had a very frank wind, and the like had the Queen's Fleet: and so they both passed by the sight of Dunkirk, insomuch as they on Land knew the Gallion S. Martin, and others that went fight with the English Army, and in this order they went till the twelfth. Afterwards they write, that their came into Calleis a Ship, which saith, that the twelfth day they did see the two Fleets together in fight: another which came afterwards, said he had seen some Ships spoilt and torn, and from them they threw out their baggage which they saved in Boats, which argueth they were Ships of the Enemies, for that our men had no place to save themselves, nor there were none of them arrived into Flanders, which was their place of return. OUt of England was advise given, that on the thirteenth arrived fifteen of the Queen's Ships, and they said that the Galleon S. Martin, wherein my Lord the Duke is (whom God preserve) had encountered with Drake, and had grappled his Ship, and captived his Person, and other Noble Englishmen, and taken other fifteen Ships, beside others that were distressed, and the Duke with his Fleet followed his way i● Scotland, because the wind was not come about. With these news his Majesty resteth very much contented, and caused them to be sent to the Empress, by the hands of Francisco Ydiaquez, his Secretary of Estate. Imprinted in seville, in the House of Cosmo de Lara, Printer of Books, by licence of the Count of Orgaz, Assistant in seville. CHAP. XII. A Discourse of the Portugal Voyage, A. 1589. Sir JOHN NORRIS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE Generals, written (as is thought) by Colonel ANTONY WINGFIELD, employed in the same Voyage, formerly published by his friend to whom it was written; and here abbreviated. Having determinately purposed to put on this habit of a Soldier, I grew doubtful whether to employ my time in the wars of the Low-countries, which are in auxiliary manner maintained by her Majesty, or to follow the fortune of this voyage, which was an adventure of her and many honourable personages, in revenge of unsupportable wrongs offered unto the estate of our Country by the Castilian King: in arguing whereof, I find that by how much the Challenger is reputed before the Defendant, by so much is the journey to be preferred before those defensive Wars. For had the Duke of Parma his turn been to defend, as it was his good fortune to invade: from whence could have proceeded that glorious honour which these late wars have laid upon him, or what could have been said more of him, then of a Respondent (though never so valiant) in a private Duel? Even that he hath done no more than by his honour he was tied unto. For the gain of one Town, or any small defeat giveth more renown to the Assailant, than the defence of a Country, or the withstanding of twenty encounters, can yield any man who is bound by his place to guard the same: whereof as well the particulars of our age, especially in the Spaniard, as the reports of former Histories may assure us, which have still laid the fame of all wars upon the Inuader. And do not ours in these days live obscured in Flanders, either not having where withal to manage any war, or not putting on Arms, but to defend themselves when the enemy shall procure them? Whereas in this short time of our Adventure, we have won a Town by Escalade, battered and assaulted another, overthrown a mighty Prince's power in the A brief rehearsal of the English exploits in this voyage, Field, landed our Army in three several places of his Kingdom, marched seven days in the heart of his Country, lain three nights in the Suburbs of his principal City, beaten his forces into the Gates thereof, and possessed two of his frontier Forts, as shall in discourse thereof more particularly appear. But our Army, which hath not cost her Majesty much above the third part of one years' expenses in the Low-countries, hath already spoilt a great part of the provision he had made at the Groin of all sorts, for a new voyage into England; burnt three of his Ships, whereof one was the second in the last year's expedition, called S. juan de Colorado; taken from him above 150. Pieces of good artillery; cut off more than 60. Hulks, and 20. French Ships well manned fit and ready to serve him for men of war against us, laden for his store with Corn, Victuals, Masts, Cables and other merchandizes; slain and taken the principal men of War he had in Galitia; made Don Pedro Enriques de Gusman, Conde de Fuentes, General of his forces in Portugal, shamefully run at Peniche; laid along of his best Commander in Lisbon; wherefore I directly conclude that this proceeding is the most safe and necessary way to be held against him, and therefore more importing then the war in the Low-countries. I doubt not but this voyage hath sufficiently made known what they are even upon their own dunghill; which, had it been set out in such sort as it was agreed upon by their first demand, it might have made our Nation the most glorious people of the world. For hath not the want of eight of the twelve Pieces of Artillery, which were promised unto the Adventure, lost her Majesty the possession of the Groin and many other places, as hereafter shall appear, whose defensible rampiers were greater than our battery (such as it was) cold force: and therefore were left unattempted? It was also resolved to have sent 600. English Horses of the Low-countries, whereof we had not one, notwithstanding the great charges expended in their transportation hither: and that may the Army assembled at Puente de Burgos thank God of, as well as the forces of Portugal, who foreran us six days together: Did we not want seven of the thirteen old Companies, which we should have had from thence; four of the ten Dutch Companies; and six of their men of War for the Sea, from the Hollanders: which I may justly say we wanted, in that we might have had so many good Soldiers, so many good ships, and so many able bodies more than we had? Did there not upon the first thinking of the journey, diverse gallant Courtiers put in their names for Adventurers to the sum of 10000 li. who seeing it went forward in good earnest, advised themselves better, and laid the want of so much money upon the journey? Was there not moreover a round sum of the adventure spent in levying, furnishing, and maintaining three months one thousand five hundred men for the service of Berghen, with which Companies the Mutinies of Ostend were suppressed, a service of no small moment? What misery the detracting of the time of our setting out, which should have been the first of February, did lay upon us, too many can witness: and what extremity the want of that months' victuals which we did eat, during the month we lay at Plymouth for wind, might have driven us unto, no man can doubt of, that knoweth what men do live by, had not God given us in the end a more prosperous wind and shorter passage into Galitia then hath been often seen, where our own force and fortune revictualled us largely: of which cross winds, that held us two days after our going out, the General's being weary, thrust to Sea in the same, wisely choosing rather to attend the change thereof there, then by being in Harbour to lose any part of the better, when it should come by having their men on shore: in which two days twenty five of our Companies shipped in part of the Fleet were scattered from us, either not being able or willing to double Ushant. These burdens laid upon our Generals before their going out, they have patiently endured, General No●r●● and General Drake. and I think they have thereby much enlarged their honour: for naving done thus much with the want of our Artillery, 600. Horse, 3000. Foot, 20000. li. of their adventure, and one months victuals Gen●rall Norris his Martial education and employments. of their proportion, what may be conjectured they would have done with their full compliment? For our instruction against them, who had almost seduced you from the ●●ue opinion you hold of such men, you shall understand that General Norris from his book was trained up in the wars of the Admiral of France, and in very young years had charge of men under the Earl of Essex in Ireland: which with what commendations he then discharged, I leave to the report of them who observed those services. Upon the breach betwixt Don john and the States, he was made Colonel General of all the English Forces there present, or to come, which he continued two years: he was then made Marshal of the Field under Conte Hobenlo: and after that, General of the Army in Friesland: at his coming home in the time of Monsieurs government in Flanders, he was made Lord Precedent of Munster in Ireland, which he yet holdeth, from whence within one year he was sent for, and sent General of the English Forces, which her Majesty lent then to the Low-countries, which he held till the Earl of Leicester's going over. And he was made Marshal of the Field in England, the enemy being upon our Coast, and when it was expected the Crown of England should have been tried by battle. All which places of Command, which never Englishman successively attained unto in foreign wars, and the high places her Majesty hath thought him worthy of, may suffice to persuade you that he was not altogether unlikely to discharge that he undertook. What fame General Drake hath gotten by his journey about the world, by his adventures to the West Indies, and the scourges he hath laid upon the Spanish Nation, I leave to the Southern parts to speak of. But to answer the reports, which have been given out in reproach of the Actors and Action by such as were in the same: let no man think otherwise, but that they, who fearing the casual accidents of War had any purpose of returning, did first advice of some occasion that should move them thereunto: and having found any whatsoever did think it sufficiently just, in respect of the earnest desire they had to seek out matter that might colour their coming home. Of these there were some, who having noted the late Flemish wars, did find that many young men have gone over and safely returned Soldiers within few months, in having learned some words of Art used in the wars, and thought after that good example to spend like time amongst us: which being expired they began to quarrel at the great mortality that was amongst us. The neglect of discipline in the Army, for that men were suffered to be drunk with the plenty of Wines. The scarcity of Surgeons. The want of carriages for the hurt and sick: and the penury of victuals in the Camp: It hath been proved by strict, examinations of our Musters, that we were never in our fullness before our going from Plymouth 11000. Soldiers, nor above 2500. Mariners. It is also evident that there returned above 6000. of all sorts, as appeareth by the several payments made to them since our coming home. And I have truly showed you that of these numbers very near three thousand forsook the Army at the Sea, whereof some passed into France, and the rest returned home. So as we never being 13000. in all, and having brought home above six thousand with us, you may see how the world hath been seduced, in believing that we have lost 16000 men by sickness. If at home in the eyes of your justices, Majors, Preachers, and Masters, and where they pay for every pot they take, they cannot be kept from their liquor: do they think that those base disordered persons whom themselves sent unto us, as living at home without rule, who hearing of Wine do long for it as a dainty that their purses could never reach to●n England, and having it there without money even in their houses where they lie and hold their guard, can be kept from being drunk; and once drunk, held in any order or tune, except we had for every drunkard an Officer to attend him? But who be they that have run into these disorders? Even our newest men, our youngest men, and our idlest men, and for the most part our slovenly pressed men, whom the justices (who have always thought unworthily of any war) have sent out as the scum and dregs of the Country. And those were they, who distempering themselves with their hot Wines, have brought in that sickness, which hath infected honester men than themselves. But I hope, as in other places the recovery of the disease, doth acquaint their bodies with the air of the Country where they be, so the remainder of these which have either recovered, or passed without sickness will prove most fit for Martial services. If we have wanted Surgeons, may not this rather be laid upon the Captains (who are to provide for their several Companies) then upon the Generals, whose care hath been more general. And how may it be thought that every Captain, upon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an adventure, could provide themselves of all things expedient for a war, which was always wont to be maintained by the purse of the Prince. But admit every Captain had his Surgeon: yet were the want of curing nevertheless: for our English Surgeons (for the most part) be unexperienced in hurts that come by shot: because England hath not known wars but of late, from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort, which I hope will warn those that hereafter go to the wars, to make preparation of such as may better preserve men's lives by their skill. From whence the want of carriages did proceed, you may conjecture in that we marched through a Country neither plentiful of such provisions, nor willing to part from any thing: yet this I can assure you, that no man of worth was left either hurt or sick in any place unprovided for. And that the General commanded all the Mules and Asses, that were laden wi●● any baggage to be unburdened and taken to that use: and the Earl of Essex and he for money hired men Earl of Essex his worthy Acts. to carry men upon Pik●●. And the Earl (whose true virtue and nobility, as it doth in all other his actions appear, so did it very much in this) threw down his own stuff, I mean apparel and necessities which he had there from his own carriages, and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sick men upon them. And the great complaint that these men make for want of victuals, may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of war; for if to feed upon good Beefs, Muttons, and Goats, be to want, they have endured great scarcity at Land, whereunto they never wanted two days together wine to mix with their water, nor bread to eat with the● meat (in some quantity) except it were such as had vowed rather to starve then to 〈◊〉 out of their places for food: of whom we have too many. After six days sailing from the Coast of England, and the fifth after we had the wind good, being Our men land within a mile of the G●●ine the 20. of April. the twentieth of April in the evening, we landed in a bay more th●● an English mile from the Groin, in our long Boats and Pinnaces without any impeachment● from whence we presently marched toward the Town, within one half mile we were encountered by the enemy, who being charged by ours, retired into their gates. For that night our Army lay in the Villages, Ho●ses, and Mils next adjoining, and very near round about the Town, into the which the Galeon named S. john (which was the second of the last years. 〈◊〉 against England) one Hu●ke, two smaller Ships, and two Galleys which were found in the Road, did beat upon us and upon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning. General Norris having that morning before day viewed the Town, found the same defended on the L●nd side (for it standeth upon the neck of an Island) with a wall upon a dry Ditch: whereupon he resolved to try in two places what might be done against it by Escalade, and in the mean time advised for the landing of some Artillery to be upon the Ships and Galleys, that they might not annoy us: which being but in execution, upon the planting of the first Piece the Galleys abandoned the Road, and betook them to ferol, not far from therice: and the Armada being beaten with the Artillery and Musketers that were placed upon the next shore, left her playing upon us. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the Companies, and other provisions ready for the surprise of the ba●e Town, which was effected in this sort. There were appointed to be landed 1200. men, under the conduct of Colonel Huntley, and Captain Fenner the Vice-admiral, on that side next fronting us by water in long Boats and Pinnaces, wherein were placed many Pieces of Artillery to beat upon the Town in their approach: at the corner of the wall, which defended the other water side, were appointed Captain Richard Wing field, Lieutenant Colonel to General Norris, and Captain Samson, Lieutenant Colonel to General Drake, to enter at low water with five hundred men if they found it passable, but if not, to betake them to the Escalade, for they had also Ladders with them ●●t the other corner of the wall, which joined to that side that was attempted by water, were appointed Colonel Umpton, and Colonel Bret, with three hundred men to enter by Escalade. All the Companies which should enter by Boat being embarked before the low water, and having given the alarm, Captain Wingfield and Captain Samson betook them to the Escalade, for they had in commandment to charge all at one instant. The Boats landed without any great difficulty: yet had they some men hurt in landing. Colonel Bret, and Colonel umpton entered their quarter without encounter, not finding any defence made against them: for Captain Hinder being one of them that entered by water, at his first entry, with some of his own company whom he trusted well, betook himself to that part of the wall, which he cleared before that they offered to enter, and so scoured the wall, till he came on the back of them, who maintained the fight against Captain Wingfield and Captain Samson; who were twice beaten from their Ladders, and found very good resistance, till the enemies perceiving ours entered in two places at their backs, were driven to abandon the same. The reason why that place was longer defended than the other, is (as Don juan de Luna, who commanded the same affirmeth.) that the enemy that day had resolved in counsel how to make their defences, if they were approached: and therein concluded, that, if we attempted it by water, it was not able to be held, and therefore upon the discovery of our Boats, they of the high Town should make a signal by fire from thence, that all the low Town might make their retreat thither: but they (whether troubled with the sudden terror we brought upon them, or forgetting their decree) omitted the fire, which made them guard that place till we were entered on every side. Then the Town being entered in three several places with an huge cry, the Inhabitants betook them to the high Town: which they might with less peril do, for that ours being strangers there, knew not the way to cut them off. The rest that were not put to the sword in f●rie, fled to the Rocks in the Island, others hid themselves in Chambers and Sellers, which were every day found in great numbers. Amongst those Don juun de Luna, a man of very good commandment, having hidden himself in a house, did the next morning yield himself. There was also taken that night a Commissary of victuals, called juan de Vera, who confessed that there were in the Groin at our entry five hundred Soldiers, being in seven Companies, which returned very weak (as appeareth by the small numbers of them) from the journey of England. The rest falling into the hands of the common Soldiers, bad their throats cut, to the number of five hundred as I conjecture, first and last, after we had entered the Town; and in the entry thereof there was found every Seller full of Wine, Intemperate drinking cause of sickness. whereon our men by inordinate drinking, both grew themselves for the present senseless of the danger of the shot of the Town, which hurt many of them being drunk, and took the first ground of their sickness; for of such was our first and chiefest mortality. There was also abundant store of Victuals, Salt, and all kind of provision for shipping and the war: which was confessed by the said Commissary of Victuals taken there, to be the beginning of a Magasin of all sorts of provision N●● voyage to England intended. for a new Voyage into England: whereby you may conjecture what the spoil thereof hath advantaged us, and prejudiced the King of Spain. The next morning about eight of the clock the enemies abandoned their Ships. And having overcharched the Artillery of the Gallion, left her on fire, which burned in terrible sort two days together, the fire and overcharging of the Pieces being so great, as of fifty that were in her, there Gallion burnt. were not above sixteen taken out whole; the rest with overcharge of the powder being broken and molten with heat of the fire, were taken out in broken pieces into diverse Ships. The same day was the Cloister of the South side of the Town entered by us, which joined very near to the wall of the Town, out of the chambers and other places whereof we beat into the same with our Musketeers. The next day in the afternoon there came down some two thousand men, gathered together out of the Country, even to the gates of the Town, as resolutely (led by what spirit I know not) as though they would have entered the same: but at the first defence made by ours that had the guard there, wherein were slain about eighteen of theirs, they took them to their heels in the same disorder they made their approach, and with greater speed than ours were able to follow: notwithstanding we followed after them more than a mile. The second day Colonel Huntley was sent into the Country with three or four hundred men, who brought home very great store of Kine and Sheep for our relief. The third day in the night, the General had in purpose to take a long Munition-house builded upon their wall, opening towards us, which would have given great advantage against them; but they knowing the commodity thereof for us, burned it in the beginning of the evening; which put him to a new council: for he had likewise brought some Artillery to that side of the Town. During this time there happened a very great fire in the lower end of the Town; which, had it Dangerous fire not been by the care of the Generals heedily seen unto, and the fury thereof prevented by pulling down many houses which were most in danger, as next unto them, had burnt all the provisions we found there, to our wonderful hindrance. The fourth day, were planted under the guard of the Cloisters two Demy-canons, and two Coluerings against the Town, defended or gabbioned with a cross wall, thorough which our battery lay; the first and second tire whereof shook all the wall down, so as all the Ordnance lay open to the Enemy, by reason whereof some of the Canoniers were shot and some slain. The Lieutenant also of the Ordnance, M. Spencer, was slain fast by Sir Edward Norris, Master thereof: whose valour being accompanied with an honourable care of defending that trust committed unto him, never left that place, till he received direction from the General his brother to cease the battery, which he presently did, leaving a guard upon the same for that day; and in the night following made so good defence for the place of the battery, as after there were very few or none annoyed therein. That day Captain Goodwin had in commandment from the General, that when the assault should be given to the Town, he should make a proffer of an Escalade on the other side, where he held his guard: but he (mistaking the signal that would have been given) attempted the same long before the assault, and was shot in the mouth. The same day the General having planted his Ordnance ready to batter, caused the Town to be summoned; in which summons they of the Town shot at our Drum: immediately after that there was one hanged over the wall, and a parley desired; wherein they gave us to understand, that the man hanged was he that shot at the Drum before: wherein they all entreated to have fair wars, with promise of the same on their parts. The rest of the parley was spent in talking of Don juan de Luna, and some other prisoners, and somewhat of the rendering of the Town, but not much, for they listened not greatly thereunto. General Norris having by his skilful view of the Town (which is almost all seated upon a Rock) found one place thereof mineable, did presently set workmen in hand withal; who Undermining. after three day's labour (and the seventh after we were entered the base Town) had bedded their Powder, but indeed not far enough into the wall. Against which time the breach made by the Canon being thought assaultable, and Companies appointed as well to enter the same, as that which was expected should be blown up by the Mine: namely, to that of the Canon, Captain Richard Wingfield, and Captain Philpot, who led the General's Foot-company, with whom also Captain York went, whose principal commandment was over the Horsemen. And to that of the Mine, Captain john Samson, and Captain Anthony Wingfield Lieutenant Colonel to the Master of the Ordnance, with certain selected out of diverse Regiments. All these Companies being in Arms, and the assault intended to be given in all places at an instant, fire was put to the train of the Mine; by reason the Powder broke out backwards in a place where the Cave was made too high, there could be nothing done in either place for that day. During this time Captain Provisions brought in. Hinder was sent with some chosen out of every Company into the Country for provisions, whereof he brought in good store, and returned without loss. The next day Cap. Anthony Samson was sent out with some five hundred to fetch in povisions for the Army, who was encountered by them of the Country, but he put them to flight, and returned with good spoil. The same night the Miners were set to work again, who by the second day after had wrought very well into the foundation of the wall. Against which time the Companies aforesaid being in readiness for both places (General Drake on the other side, with two or three hundred men in Pinnacet, making proffer to attempt a strong Fort upon an Island before the Town, where he left more than thirty men) fire was given to the train of the Mine, which blew up half the Tower under which the Powder was planted. The assailants having in charge upon the effecting of the Mine presently to give the assault, performed it accordingly; but too soon: for having entered the top of the breach, the other half of the Tower, which with the first Tower falleth. force of the Powder was only shaken and made loose, tell upon our men: under which were buried about twenty or thirty, then being under that part of the Tower. This so amazed our men that stood in the breach, not knowing from whence that terror came, as they forsook their Commanders, and left them among the ruins of the Mine. The two Easignes of General Drake and Captain Anthony Wingfield were shot in the breach, but their colours were rescued●: the Generails by Captain sampson's Lieutenant, and Captain wingfield's by himself. Amongst them that the wall fell upon, was Cap. Syden●am pitifully lost; who having three or four great stones upon his lower parts, was held so fast, as neither himself could stir, nor any reasonable company recover him. Not withstanding the next day being found to be alive, there was ten or twelve lost in attempting to relieve him. The breach made by the Canon, was wonderfully well assaulted by them that had the charge thereof, who brought their men to the push of the Pike at the top of the breach. And being ready to enter, the loose earth (which was indeed but the rubbish of the outside of the wall) with the weight of them that were thereon slipped outwardly from under their feet. Whereby did appear half the wall unbattered. For l●t no man think that Culverin or Demy-canon can sufficiently batter a defensible rampire: and of those Pieces which we had; the better of the Demy-canons at the second shot broke in her carriages, so as the battery was of less force, being but of three Pieces. In our retreat (which was from both breaches thorough a narrow lane) were many of our men hurt: and Captain Dolphin, who served very well that day, was hurt in the very breach. The failing of this attempt, in the opinion of all the beholders, and of such as were of the best judgement, was the fall of the Mine; which had doubtless succeeded, the rather, because the approach was unlooked for by the enemy in that place, and therefore not so much defence made there as in the other; which made the General grow to a new resolution: for finding that two day's battery had so little beaten their wall, and that he had no better preparation to batter withal: he knew in his experience, there was no good to be done that way; which I think he first put in proof, to try if by that terror he could get the upper Town, having no other way to put it in hazard so speedily, and which in my conscience had obtained the Town, had not the defendants been in as great peril of their lives by the displeasure of their King in giving it up, as by the Bullet or Sword in defending the same. For that day before the assault, in the view of our Army, they burned a Cloister within the Town, and many other houses adjoining to the Castle, to make it more defensible: whereby it appeared how little opinion themselves had of holding it against us, had not God (who would not have us suddenly made proud) laid that misfortune upon us. The next day the General hearing by a prisoner that was brought in, that the Conde de Andrada Conde de Andrada his Army. had assembled an Army of eight thousand at Puente de Burgos, six miles from thence in the way to Petance, which was but the beginning of an Army: in that there was a greater levy ready to come thither under the Conde de Altomira, either in purpose to relieve the Groin, or to encamp themselves near the place of our embarking, there to hinder the same; for to that purpose had the marquis of Seralba, written to them both the first night of our landing, as the Commissary taken then confessed, or at the least to stop our further entrance into the Country, (for during this time, there were many incursions made of three or four hundred at a time, who burnt, spoiled and brought in victuals plentifully) the General, I say, hearing of this Army, had in purpose the next day following to visit them, against whom he carried but nine Regiments: in the Vanguard were the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams, Sir Edward Norris, and Colonel Sidney: in the Battle, that of the General of Colonel Lane, and Colonel Medkerk: and in the R●aseward, Sir Henry Norris, Colonel Huntley, and Colonel Brets Regiments; leaving the other five Regiments with General Drake, for the guard of the Cloister and Artillery. About ten of the clock the next day, being the sixth of May, half a mile from the Camp, we discovering the enemy, Sir Edward Norris, who commanded the Vanguard in chief, appointed his Lieutenant Colonel Captain Anthony Wingfield to command the shot of the same, who divided them into three troops; the one he appointed to Captain Middleton to be conducted in away on the left hand: another to Captain Er●ngton to take the way on the right hand, and the body of them (which were Mosquetiers) Captain Wingfield took himself, keeping the direct way of the march. But the way taken by Captain Middleton met a little before with the way held by Captain Wingfield, so as he giving the first charge upon the enemy, was in the instant seconded by Captain Wingfield, who beat them from place to place (they having very good places of defence, and cross Walls which they might have held long) till they betook them to their Bridge, which is over a creek coming out of the Sea, builded of Stone upon Arches. On the foot of the further side whereof, lay the Ca●●pe of the enemy very strongly entrenched, who with out shot beaten to the further end of the Bridge, Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the Pakes, without stay passed to the Bridge, accompanied with Colonel Sidney, Captain Hinder, Captain Fulford, and diverse others, who found the way clear over the same, but through an incredible volley of shot, for that the shot of their Army flanked upon both sides of the Bridge, the further end whereof w●● barricaded with Barrels: but they who should have guarded the same, seeing the proud approach we made, forsook the defence of the barricade, where Sir Edward entered, and charging the first defendant with his Pike, with very earnestness in overthrusting, fell, and was grievously hurt at the sword in the head, but was most honourably rescued by the General his brother, accompanied with Colonel Sidney, and some other Gentlemen: Captain Hinder also having his Cask shot off, b●● five wounds in the head and face at the sword: and Captain Fulford was shot in the left arm at the same encounter: yet were they so thoroughly seconded by the General, who thrust himself so near to give encouragement to the attempt (which was of wonderful difficulty) as their bravest men that defended that place being over thrown, their whole Army fell presently into rout, of whom our men had the chase three miles in four sundry ways, which they betook themselves unto. There was taken the Standard with the King's Arms, and borne before the General. How many two thousand men (for of so many consisted our Vanguard) might kill in pursuit of four sundry parties, The notable overthrow given to the Spaniards at Puente de Burgos. so many you may imagine fell before us that day. And to make the number more great, our men having given over the execution, and returning to their stands, found many hidden in the Vineyards and Hedges, which they dispatched. Also Colonel M●●kerk was sent with his Regiment three miles further to a Cloister, which he burned and spoiled, wherein he found two hundred more, and put them to the sword. There were slain in this fight on our side only Captain Cooper, and one private Soldier; Captain Barton was also hurt upon the Bridge in the eye. But had you seen the strong barricades they had made on either side of the Bridge, and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts, you would have thought it a rare resolution of ours to give so brave a charge upon an Army so strongly lodged. After the fury of the execution, the General sent the Vanguard one way, and the battle another, to burn and spoil; so as you might have seen the Country more than three miles' compass on fire. There was found very good store of Munition and victuals in the Camp, some plate and rich apparel, which the better sort left behind, they were so hotly pursued. Our Sailors also landed in an Island next adjoining to our ships, where they burned and spoiled all they found. Thus we returned to the Groin, bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same, who shot many times at us as we marched out; but not once in our coming back again. The next day was spent in shipping our Artillery landed for the battery, and of the rest taken at the Groin, which had it been such as might have given us any assurance of a better battery, or had there been no other purpose of our journey but that, I think the General would have spent some more time in the siege of the place. The two last nights, there were that undertook to fire the higher Town in one place, where the houses were builded upon the wall by the water side; but they within suspecting as much, made so good defence against us, as they prevented the same. In our departure there was fire put into every house of the low Town, insomuch as I may justly say, there was not one house left standing in the base Town, or the Cloister. The next day, being the eight of May, we embarked our Army without loss of a man, which (had we not beaten the enemy at Puente de Burgos) had been impossible to have done. After we had put from thence, we had the wind so contrary, as we could not under nine days recover the Burlings: in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earl of Essex, and with him Earl of Essex comes to them. M. Walter Douer●u●, his brother (a Gentleman of wonderful great hope) Sir Roger Williams, Colonel General of the Footmen, Sir Philip Butler, who hath always been most inward with him, and Sir Edward Wingfield, came into the Fleet. The Earl put off in the same wind from Falmouth, that we left Plymouth in, where he lay, because he would avoid the importunity of Messengers that were daily sent for his return, and some other causes more secret to himself, not knowing (as it seemed) what place the Generals purposed to land in, had b●n as far as Cad●● in Andal●zia, and lay up and down about the South Cape, where he took some Ships laden with Corn, and brought them unto the Fleet. Also in his return from thence to meet with our Fleet, he fell with the Lands of Bayon; and on that side of the River which Cannae standeth upon, he, with Sir Roger Williams, and those Gentlemen that were with him went on shore, with some men out of the Ship he was in, whom the enemy that held guard upon that Coast, would not abide, but fled up into the Country. The sixteenth day we landed at Peniche in Portugal, under the shot of the Castle, and above the They land at Peniche. waste in the water, more than a mile from the town, wherein many were in peril of drowning, by reason the wind was great, and the Sea went high, which overthrew one Boat, wherein five and twenty of Captain Dolphins men perished. The enemy being five Companies of Spaniards, under the commandment of Conde de Fuentas, sallied out of the town against us, and in our landing made their approach close by the water side. But the Earl of Essex, with Sir Roger Williams, and his brother, having landed sufficient number to make two troops, left one to hold the way by the water side, and led the other over the Sand-hills; which the enemy seeing, drew theirs likewise further into the Land; not, as we conjectured, to encounter us, but indeed to make their speedy passage away: notwithstanding they did it in such sort, as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonel general under Captain jacks 〈…〉, they stood the same even to the push of the Pike: in which charge and at the p●sh, Captain Robert Pi●● was slain. The enemy being fled further than we had reason to follow them, all our Companies were drawn to the Town; which being unfortified in any place, we found undefended by any man against us. And therefore the General caused the Castle to be summoned that night; which being abandoned by him that commanded it, a Portugal named Antonio de Aurid, being possessed thereof, desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed, whereupon he would deliver the same; which he honestly performed. There was taken out of the Castle some hundred Shot and Pikes, which D●n Emanuel Peniche taken. furnished his portugals withal, and twenty Barrels of Powder: so as possessing both the Town and the Castle, we rested there one day; wherein some Friars and other poor men came unto their new King, promising in the name of their Country next adjoining, that within two days he should have a good supply of Horse and Foot for his assistance. That day we remained there, the General's company of horses were unshipped. The Generals there fully resolved, that the Army should march over Land to Lisb●●, under They march towards Li 〈…〉 the conduct of General Norris; and that General Drake should meet him in the River thereof with the Fleet; that there should be one Company of Foot left in guard of the Castle, and six in the Ships: also that the sick and hurt should remain there with provisions for their cures. In this march Captain Crispe the Provest Marshal caused one who (contrary to the Proclamation published at our arrival in Portugal) had broken up an house for pillage, to be hanged, Good discipline. with the cause of his death upon his breast, in the place where the act was committed: which good example providently given in the beginning of our march, caused the commandment to be more respectively regarded all the journey after, by them whom fear of punishment doth only hold within compass. The Camp lodged that night at Lori●●●: the next day we had intelligence all the way, that the enemy had made head of Horse and Foot against us at T●rres Uedras, which we thought they would have held: but coming thither the second day of our march, not two hours before our Vanguard came in, they left the Town and Castle to the possession of Don Antonio. There began the greatest want we had of victuals, especially of bread, upon a commandment Want of 〈◊〉 given from the General, that no man should spoil the Country, or take any thing from any Portugal: which was more respectively observed, than I think would have been in our own Country, amongst our own friends and kindred: but the Country (contrary to promise) wholly neglected the provision of victuals for us, whereby we were driven for that time into a great scarcity. Which moved the Colonel General to call all the Colonels together, and with them to advise of some better course for our people: who thought it best, first to advertise the King what necessity we were in, before we should of ourselves alter the first institution of abstinence. The Colonel general, having acquainted the General herewith, with his very good allowance thereof, went to the King; who after some expostulations used, took the more careful order for our men, and after that our Army was more plentifully relieved. The third day we lodged our Army in three sundry Villages, the one Battalion lying in Exarama de los Cavalleres, another in Exar 〈…〉 de Obispo, and the third in S●● Sa●astian. Captain Y●rke who commanded the General's Horse Company, in this march made trial of the valour of the Horsemen of the enemy; who by one of his Corporals charged with eight Horses thorough forty of them, and himself thorough more than two hundred, with some forty Horses: who would abide him no longer than they could make way from him. The next day we marched to Loves, and had diverse Intelligences that the enemy would tarry us there: for the Cardinal had made public promise to them of Lis●on, that he would fight with us in that place, which he might have done advantageously; for we had a Bridge to pass over in the same place: but before our coming he dislodged, notwithstanding it appeared unto us that he had in purpose to encamp: here; for we found the ground staked out where their trenches should have been made: and their Horsemen with some few Shot showed themselves upon an Hill at our coming into that Village; whom Sir Henry Norris (whose Regiment had the point of the Vanguard) thought to draw unto some fight, and therefore marched without sound of Drum, and somewhat faster than ordinary, thereby to get near them before he were discovered, for he was shadowed from them by an Hill that was between him and them: but before he could draw his Companies any thing neete, they retired. General Drakes Regiment that night, for the commodity of good lodging, drew themselves into a Village, more than one English mile from thence, and near the enemy: who not daring to do any thing against us in four days before, took that occasion, and in the next morning fell down upon that Regiment, crying, Uiva el Rey Don Antonio, which was a general salutation thorough all the Country as they came: whom our young Soldiers (though it were upon their guard, and before the watch were discharged) began to entertain kindly, but having got within their guard, they fell to cut their throats: but the alarm being taken inwards, the Officers of the two next Companies, whose Captains (Captain Sydnam and Captain Young) were lately dead at the Groin, brought down their Colours and Pikes upon them in so resolute manner, as they presently drove them to retire with loss: they killed of ours at the first entrance fourteen, and hurt six or seven. The next day we lodged at Al●elana within three miles of Lisbon, where many of our Soldiers drinking in two places of standing waters by the way were poisoned, and thereon presently Some died with drinking water. died. Some do think it came rather by eating of Honey, which they found in the houses plentifully. But whether it were by Water or by Honey, the poor men were poisoned. That night the Earl of Essex and Sir Roger Williams went out about eleven of the clock with 1000 men to lie Earl of Essex his attempt. in ambuscade near the Town, and having laid the same very near, sent some to give the alarm unto the enemy: which was well performed by them that had the charge thereof, but the enemy refused to issue after them, so that the Earl● returned as soon as it was light without doing any thing, though he had in purpose, and was ready to have given an honourable charge on them. The 25. of May in the evening we came to the Suburbs of Lisbon: at the very entrance whereof They come to the suburbs of Lisbon. Sir Roger Williams calling Captain Anthomy Wingfield with him, took thirty Shot or thereabouts, and first scoured all the Streets till they came very near the Town; where they found none but old folks and beggars, crying, V 〈…〉 el Rey D●● Antonio, and the houses shut up: for they had carried much of their wealth into the Town, and had fired some houses by the waterside, full of Corn and other provisions of victuals, lest we should be benefited thereby, but yet left behind them great riches in many houses. The four Regiments that had the vanguard that day, which were Colonel Deu●reux, Sir Edward Norris, Colonel Sidneys, and General Drakes (whom I name as they marched) the Colonel general caused to hold guard in the nearest Streets of the Suburbs: the Battle and the Arrereward stood in Arms all the night in Field near to Alcantara. Before morning Captain Wingfield, by direction from the Colonel general Sir Roger Williams, held guard with Sir Edward Norris his Regiment in three places very near the Town wall, and so held the same till the other Regiments came in the morning. About midnight they within the Town burned all their houses that stood upon their wall either within or without, lest we possessing Houses burnt by the Portugall●. them, might thereby greatly have annoyed the Town. The next morning Sir Roger Williams attempted (but not without peril) to take a Church called S. Antonio, which joined to the wall of the Town, and would have been a very evil neighbour to the Town: but the enemy having more easy entry into it then we, gained it before us. The rest of that morning was spent in quartering the Battle and Arrereward in the Suburbs called Bona Uista, and in placing Musquetiers in houses, to front their Shot upon the wall, who from the same scoured the great Streets very dangerously. By this time our men being thoroughly weary with our six days march, and the last night's watch, were desirous of rest; whereof the enemy being advertised, about one or two of the clock sallied out of the Town, and made their approach in three several Streets upon us, but chiefly in Colonel Brets' quarter: who (as most of the Army was) being at rest, with as much speed as he Colonel Bret fleine. could, drew his men into Arms, and made head against them so thoroughly, as himself was slain in the place, Captain Carsey shot thorough the thigh, of which hurt he died within four days after, Captain Car slain presently, and Captain Cave hurt (but not mortally) who were all of his Regiment. This resistance made as well here, as in other quarters where Colonel Lane and Colonel M●dkerk commanded, put them to a sudden foul retreat; insomuch, as the Earl of Essex Their retreat, and chase by E. Essex. had the chase of them enen to the gates of the high Town, wherein they left behind them many of their best Commanders: their troop of Horsemen also came out, but being charged by Captain York, withdrew themselves again. Many of them also left the streets, and betook them to houses which they found open: for the Sergeant Maior Captain Wilson●lew ●lew in one house with his own hands three or four, and caused them that were with him to kill many others. Their loss I can assure you did triple ours, as well in quality as in quantity. During our march to this place, General Drake with the whole Fleet was come into Cascais, and possessed the Town without any resistance: many of the Inhabitants at their discovery of our Gen. Drakes coming. Navy, fled with their baggage into the Mountains, and left the Town for any man that would possess it, till General Drake sent unto them by a Portugal Pilot which he had on board, to offer Cascai● forsaken. them all peaceable kindness, so far forth as they would accept of their King, and minister necessaries to the Army he had brought; which offer they joyfully embraced, and presently sent two chief men of their Town, to signify their loyalty to Don Antonio, & their honest affections to our people. Whereupon the General landed his Companies not far from the Cloister called San Domingo, but not without peril of the shot of the Castle, which being guarded with sixty five Spaniards, held still against him. As our Fleet were casting anchor when they came first into that Road, there was a small ship of Brasil that came from thence, which bore with them, and seemed by striking her sails, as though she would also have anchored: but taking her fittest occasion hoist again, and would have passed up the River, but the General presently discerning her purpose, sent out a Pinnace or two after her, wh●ch forced her in such sort, as she ran herself upon the Rocks: all the men escaped out of her, and the lading (being many chests of Sugar) was made nothing worth, by the Salt water. In his going thither also, he took Ships of the Port of Portugal, which were sent from thence, with Ships taken. fifteen other from Pedro Vermendes Xantes Sergeant Mayor of the same place, laden with men and victuals to Lisbon: the rest that escaped put into Set●●el. The next day it pleased General Norris to call all the Colonels together, and to advise with them, whether it were more expedient to tarry there to attend the forces of the Portugal Horse and Foot, whereof the King had made promise, and to march some convenient number to Cascais to fetch our Artillery and Munition which was all at our ships, saving that which for the necessity of the service was brought along with us: whereunto, some carried away with the vain hope of Don Antonio, that the most part of the Town stood for us, held it best to make our abode there, Consultation. and to send some three thousand of our Artillery: promising to themselves, that the Enemy being well beaten the day before, would make no more sallies: some others (whose unbelief was very strong of any hope from the Portugal) persuaded rather to march wholly away, then to be any longer carried away with the opinion of things, whereof there was so little appearance. The General, not willing to leave any occasion of blot to be laid upon him for his speedy going from thence, nor to lose any more time by attending the hope of Don Antonio; told them, that though the expedition of Portugal were not the only purpose of their iburney, but an adventure therein (which if it succeeded prosperously might make them sufficiently rich, and wonderful honourable) and that they had done so much already in trial thereof, as what end soever happened could nothing impair their credits: yet in regard of the King's last promise, that he should have that night three thousand armed men of his own Country, he would not for that night dislodge. The King of Portugal (whether carried away with imagination, by the advertisements he received from the portugals, or willing by any promise to bring such an Army into his Country, thereby to put his fortune once more in trial) assured the General, that upon his first landing there would be a revolt of his subjects. After two nights staying at Lisbon, the King, as you have heard promised a supply of three thousand Foot, and some Horse: but all his appointments being expired, even to the last of a night, Don Antony's promises frustrate. all his Horse could not make a Cornet of forty, nor his Foot furnish two Ensigns fully, although they carried three or four colours: and these were altogether such as thought to enrich themselves by the ruin of their neighbours: for they committed more disorders in every place where we came by spoil, than any of our own. The General, as you see, having done more than before his coming out of England was required by the King, and given credit to his many promises, even to the breach of the last, he desisted not to persuade him to stay yet nine days longer: in which time he might have engaged himself further, then with any honour he could come out off again, by attempting a Town fortified, wherein were more men armed against us, than we had to oppugn them withal, our Artillery and Munition being fifteen miles from us, and our men then declining; for there was the first show of any great sickness amongst them. Whereby it seemeth, that either his Prelacy did much abuse him in persuading him to hopes, whereof after two or three days he saw no semblance: or he like a silly lover, who promiseth himself favour by importuning a coy mistress, thought by our long being before his Town, that in the end taking pity on him they would let him in. What end the Friars had by following him with such devotion I know not, but sure I am, the laity did respite their homage till they might see which way the victory might sway; fearing to show themselves apparently unto him, lest the Spaniard should after our departure (if we prevailed not) call them to account: yet sent they underhand messages to him of obedience, thereby to save their own, if he became King; but indeed very well contented to see the Spaniards and us cry by blows who should carry away the Crown. For they be of so base a mould, as they can very well subject themselves to any government, where they may live free from blows, and have liberty to become rich, being loath to endure hazard either of life or goods. For durst they have put on any minds thoroughly to revolt, they had three wonderful great occasions offered them during our being there, etc. The 〈◊〉 morning, seeing no performance of promise kept, the General gave order for our marching away; himself, the Earl of Essex, and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand They m●●h frpm Lisban. that was made in the high street, till the whole Army was drawn into the Field, and so marched out of the Town, appointing Captain Richard Wingfield, and Captain Anthony Winfield in the Arrereward of them with the shot; thinking that the enemy (as it was most likely) would have illued out upon our rising; but they were otherwise advised. When we were come into the Field, every Battalion fell into that order which by course appertained unto them, and so marched that night unto Cascais. Had we marched thorough his Country as enemies, our Soldiers had been well supplied in all their wants: but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon, The riches that they might have gotten at Lisbon. we had been the richest Army that ever went out of England: for besides the particular wealth of every house, there were many Warehouses by the water side full of all sorts of rich Merchandizes. In our march that day the Galleys which had some what, but not much annoyed us at Lisbon, (for that our way lay along the River) attended us till we were past S. julian's, bestowing many shot amongst us, but did no harm as all 〈…〉ng that they struck off a Gentleman's leg, and killed the Sergeant Mayor's M●ile under him. The Horsemen also followed us afar off, and cut off as many sick men as were not able to hold in march, nor we had carriage for. After we had been two 〈…〉 es at Cascais, we had intelligence by a Friar, that the enemy was marching strongly towards us, and then came as far as S. julian; which news was so welcome to the Earl of Essex and the Generally, as they offered every one of them to give the Messenger an hundred Crowns if they found them in the place; for the General desiring mothing more than to fight with them in field room, dispatched that night a Messenger with a Trumpet, by whom 〈◊〉 a Cart 〈…〉 to the General of their Army, wherein he gave them the lie, in that it Desire of the English to fight was by 〈◊〉 reported that 〈◊〉 dislodged from Lisbon in disorder and fear of them (which indeed 〈◊〉 most false) for that it was five of the clock in the morning before we fell into Arms, and then 〈◊〉 in such ●ore, as they had no courage to follow out upon us. Also he challenged him therein to meet him the next morning with his whole Army, if he durst attend his coming, and there to try out the justness of their quarrel by ba●●●ll; by whom also the Earl of Essex (who preferring the 〈◊〉 of the cause, which was his Countries, before his own safety) sent a particulas cattle, offering himself against any of their, if they had any of his quality; or if they would 〈◊〉 admit of that, six, eight, or ten or as many as they would appoint, should meet so many of theirs in the heart of our battle to 〈◊〉 their fortunes with them; and that they should have assurance of their return and honourable entreaty. The General accordingly made all his Army ready, by three of the clock in the morning, and marched even to the place where they had encamped, but they were dislodged in the night in great disorder, being taken with a sudden fear that we had been come upon them, as the General Fear of the enemies. was the next day certainly informed: so as the Trumpet followed them to Lisbon, but could not get other answer to either of his Letters, but threatening to be hanged, for daring to being such a message. Howbeit the General had caused to be written upon the backside of their Passport, that if they did offer any violence unto the Messengers, he would hand the best prisoners he had of theirs: which made them to advise better of the matter, and to return them home; but without answered. A 〈…〉 Army came to Cascais, and the Castle summoned, the Castellan thereof granted, that upon five or six shot of the Canon he would deliver the same, but not without sight thereof. The General thinking that his distress within had been such for want of men or victuals, as he could Castle of Cascais yielded. not hold it many days, because he saw it otherwise defensible enough, determined rather to make him yield to that necessity, then to bring the Canon, and therefore only set a guard upon the same, lest any supply of those things which he wanted should be brought unto them. But he still standing upon these conditions, the General about two days before he determined to go to Sea, brought three or four Pieces of battery against it 〈◊〉 upon the first ●ire whereof he surrendered, and compounded to go away with his baggage and Arms: he had one Canon, two Culuerings, one Basilisk, and three or four other F 〈…〉 Pieces, threescore and five Soldiers, very good store of Munition, and victuals enough in the Castle; insomuch as he might have held the same longer than the General had in purpose to tarry there. One company of Footmen was put into the guard thereof, till the Artillery was taken out, and our Army embarked; which without having that sort, we could not without great peril have done. When we were ready to set sail (one half of the Fort being by order from the General ●lowne up by mine) the company was drawn away. During the time we lay in the Road, our Fleet began the second of june, and so continued six days after to fetch in some Hulks to the number of threescore, of Dansik, Stetin, Rostock, Lubeck and Hamburgh, laden with Spanish goods, and as it seemed for the King's provision, and going for Sixty Hulks brought. Lisb●●: their principal lading was Corn, Masts, Cables, Copper, and Wax: amongst which were some of great burden wonderful well builded for sailing, which had no great lading in them, and therefore it was thought they were brought for the King's provision, to reinforce his decayed Navy: whereof there was the greater likelihood, in that the owner of the greatest of them which carried two misnes, was known to be very inward with the Cardinal, who rather Cardinal Albert after married to the Infanta and Ruler of the Spanish Port of the Low Countries. than he would be taken with his ships, committed himself unto his small Boat, wherein he recovered Saint Sebastian's: into the which our men, that before were in flie-boates, were shipped, and the Flie-boates sent home with an offer of Corn, to the value of their hire. But the wind being good for them for Rochel, they chose rather to lose their Corn then the wind, and so departed. The General also sent his Horses with them, and from thence shipped them into England. The third of june, Colonel Devereux, and Colonel Sidney, being both very sick, departed for England, who in the whole journey had showed themselves very forward to all services, and in their departure very unwilling to leave us: that day we embarked all our Army, but lay in the road until the eight thereof. The sixt-day, the Earl of Essex, upon receipt of Letters from her Majesty, by them that brought in the victuals, presently departed towards England, with whom Sir Roger Williams was very desirous to go, but found the Generals very unwilling he should do so, in that he bore the next place unto them, and if they should miscarry, was to command the Army. And the same day there came unto us two small ●●arkes, that brought tidings of some other ships come out of England with victuals, which were passed upwards to the Cape: for meeting with whom, the second day after we set sail for that place, in purpose after our meeting with them to go with the Isles of Azores, the second day, which was the ninth, we met with them coming back again towards us, whose provision little answered our expectation. Notwithstanding we resolved to continue our course for the Lands. About this time w●● the Merchant Royal, with three or four other ships, sent to Peniche, to fetch away the companies that were le●● cheer; but Captain Barton having received Letters from the General● that were 〈◊〉 overland, was departed before, not being able by reason of the enemies speedy marching thither, either to bring away the artillery, or all his men, according to the direction those letters gave him; for he was no sooner gone, than the enemy possessed the Town and Castle, and shot at out ships as they came into the road. At this time also was the Ambassadoor from the Emperor of Morocco, called Reys Hamet Bencasamp, Morocco Ambassador. returned, and with him M. Cyprian, a Gentleman of good place and desert, who sent from Don Autoni●, and Captain O 〈…〉 y from the Generals to the Emperor. The next morning the nine Gall●●● which were sent not five days before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the Ruer or Lisb●● which being joined with the other twelve that were there before, though we lay hard by them at Sa●nt julian's, durst never make any attempt against us) upon our departure from thence 〈◊〉 returning home, and in the morning being a very dead calm, in the dawning thereof, fell in the wind of our fleet, in the uttermost part whereof they assailed one straggling Bark of Plymouth, of the which Captain Caverley being Captain of the land company, with his Lientenant, the Master, and some of the Mariners, abandoned the ship, and betook them to the ship-boats, whereof one, in which the Master and the Captain were, was over 〈…〉 with the Galleys, and they drowned. There were also two Hulks straggled far from the strength of the other ships, which were so calmed, as neither they could get to us, nor we to them, though all the great ships towed with their Boats to have relieved them, but could not be recovered, in one of which was Captain Mi●shaw with his company; who fought with them to the last, yea after his ship was on fire, which whither it was fired by himself or by them we could not well discern, but might easily judge by his long and good fight, that the enemy could not but sustain much loss, who setting also upon one other Hulk wherein was but a Lieutenant, and he very sick, whereby the valour of the Lieutenant put off, although they had first beaten her with their artillery, and attempted to board her. And seeing also one other Hulk a league off, a stern of us, they made towards her: but finding that she made ready to fight with them; they durst not further attempt her: whereby it seemed, their loss being great in the other fights, they were loath to proceed any further. From 〈◊〉 day till the nineteenth of june, our direction from the General was, that if the wind were Northerly, we should ply for the Azores; but if Southerly, for the Isles of Bayon. We lay with contrary winds about that place and the Rock, till the Southerly wind prevailing Bayon. carried us to Bayon: among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Aid; who had a purpose (if the Admirals had not come in) with some 500, men out of them all to have landed, and attempted the taking of Vigo. The rest of the fleet held with general Drake, who though he were two days before put upon those Lands, cast off again to Sea for the Azores: but remembering how unprovided he was for that journey, and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships, returned for Bayon, and came in there that night in the evening, where he passed up the River more than a mile above Uigo. The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight, which were not in the whole above two thousand men (for in the seventeen days we continued on board we had cast many of our men overboard) with which number the Colonel general marched to the Town of Uigo, near the which when he approached, he sent Captain Anthony Wingfield with a Vigo taken. troop of shot to enter one side of the same, who found upon every stre●tes end a strong barricade, but altogether abandoned; for having entered the Town, he found but one man therein, but might see them making way before him to Bayon. On the other side the Town entered General Drake with Captain Richard Wingfield, whose approach on that side (I think) made them leave the places they had so artificially made for defence: there were also certain ships sent with the Vide-admiral to lie close before the Town, to beat upon the same with their artillery. In the afternoon were sent three hundred under the conduct of Captain Petui● and Captain Henry Pour, to burn another Village betwixt that and Bayon, called Borsis, and as much of the Country as the day would give them leave to do; which was a very pleasant rich Valley: but they burned it all, houses and corn, as did others on the other side of the Town, both that and the Borsis burned. next day, so as the Country was spoiled seven or eight miles in length. There was found great store of Wine in the Town, but not any thing else: for the other day's warning of the ships that came first in, gave them a respite to carry all away. The next morning by break of the day the Colonel general (who in the absence of the Generals that were on board their ships, commanded that night on shore) caused all our Companies to be drawn out of the Town, and sent in two troops to put fire in every house of the same: which done, we embarked again. This day there were certain Mariners which Vig● burned. (without any direction) put themselves on shore, on the contrary side of the River from us for pillage. The same day the General's seeing what weak estate our Army was drawn into by sickness, determined to man and victual twenty of the best ships for the Lands of Az●res, with General Drake, to see if he could meet with the Indian Fleet, and General Norris to return home with the rest: And for the shirting of men and victuals accordingly, purposed the next morning to fall down to the Lands of Bayon again, and to remain there that day. But General Drake, according to their appointment, being under sail never struck at the Lands, but put strait to Sea: whom all the Fleet followed saving three and thirty, which being in the River further than he, and at the entrance of the same, finding the wind and tide too hard against them, were enforced to cast ancre there for that night; amongst whom, by good fortune, was the Foresight, and in her Sir Edward Norris. And the night following, General Norris being driven from the rest of the Fleet by a great storm (for all that day was the greatest storm we had all the time we were out) came again into the Lands, but not without great peril, he being forced to trust to a Spanish Fisherman (who was taken two days before at Sea) to bring him in. The next morning he called a counsel of as many as he found there, holding the purpose he had concluded with Sir Francis Drake the day before, and directed all their courses for England tarrying there all that day to water and help such with victual, as were left in wonderful distress by having the victuals that came last, carried away the day before to Sea. The next day he set sail, and the tenth day after, which was the second of july came into Their return to Plymouth. Plymouth, where he found Sir Francis Drake and all the Queen's ships, with many of the others but not all: for the Fleet was dispersed into other harbours, some led by a desire of returning from whence they came, and some being possessed of the hulks, sought other Ports from their General's eye, where they might make their private commodity of them, as they have done to their great advantage: Presently upon their arrival there, the Generals dissolved all the army saving eight companies which are yet held together, giving every Soldier five shillings in money, and the arms he bore to make money of, which was more than could by any means be due unto them: for they were not in service three months, in which time they had their victuals, which no man will value at less than half their pay, for such is the allowance in her Majesty's ships to her Mariners, so as there remained but ten shillings a month to be paid, for which there was not any private man but had apparel and furniture to his own use, so as every common Soldier discharged, received more in money, victuals, apparel, and furniture, than his pay did amount unto. CHAP. XIII. A brief and true report of the Honourable Voyage unto Cadiz, 1596. of the overthrow of the King's Fleet, and of the winning of the City, with other accidents, gathered out of METERANUS, Master HACKLVYT * M. Hackluit had published the large report of this Voyage written byone employed therein: out of which I have taken that which served our purpose. and others. AFter that Calais had been taken by Cardinal Albert, Archduke of Austria, which afterwards by Papal dispensation married the Lady Isabel EugeniaClara Infanta, who yet governeth the Belgians which acknowledge the Spaniard, Queen Elizabeth thought it fitter to invade the Spaniard at home, then to expect his forces here. The said Cardinal (and Archduke of Austria) had planted his unexpected siege before Calais, and begun his unwelcome battery on Wednesday the 17. of April 1596. and the Town desired truce for four and twenty hours, which was rejected, whereupon they yielded themselves presently upon condition of life and goods saved, and six days cruse to be given them, with liberty either to stay in the City, or to go to the Castle; and if the King of Navarre (Henry the fourth, the French King) did not in that space relieve them, they were to yield the Castle. Most of them betook themselves to the Castle, and left their empty houses to the Conquerors. The night before the truce expired, they began to shoot at the Spaniards, who had now made so fatal preparations, that the next day, April 24. before noon they had beaten down the walls and entered, the Governor of the Town and diverse others being slain. Queen Elizabeth mean while had prepared aid, and the Soldiers and Ships at Leigh in Essex, were detained by the winds, which then were Easterly, and instead of carrying the English thither, brought hither the terrible thunders of the Spanish Ordnance; insomuch, that I have heard that they shook the loser glass out of the windows in Dover and filled the shores of Essex & Kent with the hideous reports of Calis her unavoidable ruin. And thus in so short time the Cardinal won that ancient Port, by Strabo called Itium, by Piolor●ey Gessoriacum (as Meteranus collecteth) which had cost the English eleven months siege, before they, under Edward the third, took it, An. 1346. They held it 202. years; at which time Francis Duke of G●●se, in the unhappy days of Queen Mary, and by reason of her unlucky joining with the Spaniards in their wars against the French, recovered it in a few days unlooked for battery to the French, and therewith took * Q. Marry said before her death, that if they opened her, they should find Calais in her heart. not that Town alone, but the joy of life also from that unfortunate Queen; both which seeming disasters were the price of England's fair purchases, both gain and liberty in the dispersing of that Spanish cloud which from the time of the match had hovered over us, and of the concomitant Antichristian Papal Mists, which was a smoke from the bottomless pit to them which received it, and a fire to them which refused it of what degree soever: and in that as throws of a grievous travel they brought forth a Virgin, both Truth to the Church, and Queen to the State; the one a fruitful Mother to the souls, the other to the wealth, honour, domestic peace, foreign victories, and Naval glory of the English Nation. This renowned Queen, eight and thirty years after, unable to alter that decree of the winds which now seemed themselves, and forced Calis, to become Spanish; would try their windy fidelity in another expedition, and prepared a strong Fleet to invade the Spanish coast: The charge whereof she committed to the Lord Robert Earl of Essex, and the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admiral of England, who came unto Plymmouth (about the beginning of May 1596.) being there accompanied with diverse other noble Peers, as the Earl of Sussex, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Herbert, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh: the Lord Martial Sir Francis Vere: the Lord Burk, Don Christopher young Prince of Portugal, young Count Lodovick of Nassaw, and the Admiral of the Hollanders, Sir john Vanderfoord: besides many other most worthy Knights and Gentlemen of great worth attending upon this most honourable Action: It pleased them, there to make their abode for the time of that month, aswell for the new furnishing and revictualing of her Majesty's Royal Navy: as also for the expecting of some other ships, which were to come from diverse places of the Realm, and were as yet wanting. Before their departure from Plymmouth, it pleased their Lordships to publish in Print, and make known to all the world, especially to such as it concerned, and that both in the Latin, French, Dutch, English, and Spanish tongue, what were the true, just, and urgent causes, that at this time provoked her Majesty to undertake the preparing and setting forth of this so great a Navy, namely the King of Spain's preparations against her, who had before whiles he treated of peace, Anno 1588. prepared to invade her coast, and now also to that purpose daily increased his Navy. If therefore any should furnish the Spaniard with munition and provisions, they should expect what force could do: for all others of whatsoever Nation they advised them to forsake the Spanish and Portugal Ports, or to join with the English for their own security, they having no quarrel in this design but against the Spaniard. Thus then, all things being in a very good order and well appointed, the most holy name of our Omnipotent God being most religiously and devoutly called vpon', and his blessed and sacred Communion being diverse times most reverently and publicly celebrated: being furnished with one hundred and fifty good sail of ships, or thereabout: In the name of the most high and everliving God: the first day of june they embarked themselves, weighed Ancre, and hoist up fail, and put to Sea onward their journey from the Sownds of Plymmouth, to show her Majesty's religious intendments in this exploit. I have thought good to add here a Prayer made by herself (as was reported) and used, as it was fitted, for that design. MOst Omnipotent maker and guide of all our world's mass, that e●ely searchest and fadomest the bottom of all our hearts conceits, and in them seest the true originals of all our actions intended: thou that by thy foresight dost truly discern, how no malice of revenge, nor quittance of injury, nor desire of bloodshed, nor greediness of lucre hath bred the resolution of our n●w set out Army, but a heedful care, and wary watch, that no neglect of fees, nor over-suretie of harm might breed either danger to us, or glory to them: these being the grounds wherewith thou dost inspire the mind, we humbly beseech thee with bended knees, prosper the work, and with best forewindes guide the journey, speed the victory, and make the return the advancement of thy glory, the triumph of their f 〈…〉 e, and surety to the Realm, with the least loss of the English blood. To these devout petitions Lord give thou thy blessed grant. The ninth of the same month coming something near to the North Cape, in a manner in the same altitude, or not much differing, which was about 43. degrees, and something more, yet bearing so, as it was impossible to be descried from the land. There it pleased the Lords to call a select Council, which was always done by hanging out of a Flag of the Arms of England, and shooting off a great warning piece. Of this select or privy Counsel, were no more than these: The two Lords General, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh, the Lord Martial Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Cary Master of the Ordnance, Sir Coniers Clifford, and Sir Anthony Ashley, Clarke of the said Counsel. And when it pleased the Lords General to call a common Counsel (as of ten-times they did upon weighty matters best known to their honours) than they would cause another kind of Flag to be hanged out, which was the red Cross of S. George, and was very easy to be discerned from the other that appertained only to the select Counsel, and so often as this Flag of S. George was hanged out, then came all the Masters and Captains of all the ships, whose opinions were to be demanded, in such matters as appertained unto the said select Counsel: It was presently concluded, that our course in sailing should forthwith be altered, and that we should bear more into the West, for some purposes to them best known. At that instant many Letters of instructions were addressed and sent to every particular Master and Captain of the Ships: What the contents of those Letters of instructions were, it was not as yet known unto any, neither was it held meet to be enquired or known of any of us. But under the titles and superscriptions of every man's particular Letter these words were endorsed. Open not these Letters on pain of your lives, unless we chance to be scattered by tempest, and in that case open them, and execute the contents thereof: but if by mishap you fall into your enemy's hand, then in any case cast them into the Sea, sealed as they are. It should seem that these Letters did contain in them the principal place and meaning of this intended action, which was hitherto by their deep foresights kept so secret, as no man to my knowledge ei●her did or could so much as suspect it, more than themselves, who had the only managing thereof. All this while, our ships, God be thanked, kept in a most excellent good order, being divided into five squadrons: that is to say, The Earl of Essex, the Lord Admiral, the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh, and the Admiral of the Hollanders. All which squadrons, albeit they did every day separate themselves of purpose, by the distance of certain leagues, as well to look out for such ships as were happily under sail, as also for the better procuring of Sea-room: yet always commonly either that day, or the next day, toward evening, they came all together, with friendly salutations and gratulations one to another; which they term by the name of Hailing: a ceremony done solemnly, and in very good order, with sound of Trumpets and noise of cheerful voices: and in such sort performed as was no small encouragement one to the other, beside a true report of all such accidents as had happened in their squadrons. Hitherto, as I said, our journey was most prosperous, and all our ships in very good plight, more than that the Mary Rose, by some mischance, either sprung or spent her foreyard, and two days after Sir Robert Cross had in a manner the like mischance. Now being thus between the North Cape, and Cape S. Vincent, and yet keeping such a course a loof, that by no means, those from the shore might be able to descry us: The tenth of june, French and Fleming taken and dismissed. a French Bark, and a Fleming coming from the coast of Barbary were brought in by some of our company: but they were both of them very honourably and well used by the Lord's General, and so after a few days tarrying, were peaceably sent away, after that they had conferred with them about such matters, as was thought good in their honourable wisdoms. The twelfth of the Hamburgers taken. same month, Sir Richard Levison Knight, assisted with Sir Christopher Blunt, fought with three Hamburgers, and in that fight slew two of them, and hurt eleven, and in the end brought them all three in. The next day after, Sir Richard Weston meeting with a Fleming, who refused to veil his foretop, with the like good courage and resolution, attempted to bring him in. The fight continued very hot between them, for a good space: in the end, the Swan, wherein the said Sir Richard was, had her forebeake strooken off: and having spent before in fight the one side of her tire of Ordnance, while she prepared to cast about, and to bestow on him the other side, in the mean time the Elemming taking his opportunity, did get almost half a league from him: and so for that time made his escape. And yet the next day after, the said Fleming being in a manner got to the very mouth of the River up to Lisbon, was taken, and brought in by Master Dorrell, being Captain of the john and Francis of London. The 13. 14. and 15. days, certain little straggling Caravels were taken by certain of the Fleet, and in one of them a young beggarly Friar utterly unlearned, with a great packet of Letters Letters taken for Lisbon. The 18. day early in the morning we took an Irishman, and he came directly from Cadiz, having Irishmans intelligence. been there but the day before at twelve of the clock at high noon. This man being examined, told truly that there was now great store of shipping at Cadiz, and with them eighteen or nineteen Galhes in a readiness, and that among those ships there were diverse of the King's best: and namely, that the Philip of Spain was amongst them, but what their intent was, he could not tell. This man was commanded also to give his attendance. The 20. of june, being Sunday; we came before Cadiz, very early in the morning, and in all this time as yet, the whole Navy had not lost either by sickness or by any other manner of ways six men to my knowledge. They arrive at Cadiz. Some which profess martial knowledge blame the not landing th● first day, and s●y the weather served; but the scruple o● sunday and other pretences lost a million of wealth. Doves lighting Thus than I say, being all in good plight and strong, the 20. of june we came to Cadiz, and there very early in the morning presented ourselves before the Town, riding about a league or something less, from it. The Sea at that instant went marvelous high, and the wind was exceeding large. Notwithstanding, a Counsel being called, our Lord's General forthwith attempted with all expedition to land some certain Companies of their men at the West side of the Town, by certain long Boats, light horsemen, Pinnaces, & Barges made for the purpose, but could not compass it, and in the attempting thereof, they chanced to sink one of the● Barges, with some fourscore good soldiers well appointed in her, and yet by good hap and great care, the men were all saved excepting eight. And therefore they were constrained to put off their landing till another more convenient time. That morning very timely, there lighted a very fair Dove upon the main yard of the Lord Admiral's ship, and there she sat very quietly for the space of three or four hours. And as at our very first coming to Cadiz this chanced, so likewise on the very last day of our departing from the said Town, another Dove presented herself in the self same order into the same ship, and presently grew wonderful tame and familiar to us all, and did so still keep us company, even till our arrival here in England. We no sooner presented ourselves, but presently a goodly sort of tall Spanish Ships came out of the mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, the Galleys accompanying them in such good order, and so placed as all of them might well succour each other, and therewithal kept themselves very close to their Town, the Castle, and the Forts, for their better guard and defence, abiding there still, and expecting our further determination. All that day passed, being very rough and boisterous, and little or nothing could be done, more than that about the evening there passed some friendly and kind salutations sent one from the other in warlike manner, by discharging certain great Pieces. On monday morning being the 21. day, the wind and weather being become moderate and favourable, between five and six of the clock in the morning, our ships in the name of the Almighty God, and in defence of the honour of England, without any further delay, with all speed, courage and alacrity, did set upon the Spanish ships, being then under sail, and making out of The Spanish Fleet. the mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, up toward Puente de Suaç● on Granada side, being in number 59 tall ships, with 19 or 20. Galleys attending upon them, forced in such good order, and reasonable distance as they might still annoy us, and always relieve themselves Interchangeably, 〈◊〉 having likewise the Castle, Forts, and Town, continually to assist them and theirs, and always ready to play upon us and ours. In most men's opinions it seemed that the enemy had a wonderful advantage of us, all circumstances being well weighed, but especially the straightness of the place, and the natural form and situation of the Bay itself, being rightly considered. For albeit the very Bay itself is very large and exceeding beautiful, so that from C●diz to Port S. Marry, is some six or seven English miles over or there abou●s, yet be there many rocks, shelves, sands, and shallowes in it, so that the very channel and place for sea room, is not above two or three miles, yea, and in some places not so much, for the ships of any great burden to make way in, but that they must either be set on ground, or else constrained to run foul one on another. All this notwithstanding, with great and invincible courage, the Lords general presently set upon them, and sorting out some such convenient ships, as to their honourable wisdoms seemed fittest for that times service, they were driven to take some other course then before had been by them intended. Wherefore upon a grave consultation had by a select counsel, they concluded that the Vide-admiral, the Lord Thomas Howard, in the Non Pareille for that time, and the Rear Admiral Sir Walter Raleigh in the Warspight, associated with Sir Francis Vere the Lord Martial in the Rainbow, Sir George Cary Master of the Ordnance, in the Mary Rose, Sir Robert Southwell in the Lion; having with them some of the Ships of London, and some of the Dutch squadron of reasonable burden, should lead the dance, and give the onset, and that the two most noble Lords general with some others of their companies, should in their convenient time and order, second the main battle. The fight being begun and grown very hot, the Lord general the Earl of Essex, being on Port Saint Mary side, upon a sudden and unlooked for of others, thrust himself among the foremost into the The fight betwixt the two Fleets. main battle. The other most honourable Lord general understanding the most noble Earl to be in fight among them, and perceiving by the Master of his ship, the A●ke royal, that for lack of water, it was not possible, that he might put any nearer, without further delay, called presently for his Pinnace, and in the same Pinnace put himself, and his honourable son Lord William Howard, aboard the Honour de la mer, & there remained in the fight till the battle was ended. The fight was very terrible on all sides, and so continued doubtful till about one or two of the clock in the afternoon: about which time the Philip, whom in very truth, they had all most fancy unto, began to yield, and give over, her men that remained alive shifting for themselves as they were able, a●d swimming and running ashore with all the haste that they could possibly, and therewithal, at the very same instant themselves fired their ship, and so left her, and presently thereupon a great Argosy, with another mighty great ship, fired themselves in the like manner. Immediately Spanish loss. hereupon, the residue of the ships ran themselves on ground as far from us as they could, thereby purchased their own safety, or rather breathing space for the time. Of them all, two fair ships only were boarded and taken by our men with most part of their furniture in them, the one called S. Matthew, a ship by estimation of some twelve hundred tun, and the other S. Andrew, Two Apostles forced to preach English. being a ship of not much lesser burden. The Galleys, seeing this sudden great victorious overthrow, made all the haste they could toward t●e Bridge called Puente de Snaço, and there shrouded themselves in such sort as our ships could not by any meanes● possible come nigh them for lack of water. The Spanish ships in all were fifty nine, and as I said, all tall ships, and very richly furnished and well appointed, whereof some of them were bound for the Indies, and other freighted and furnished for Lasbon, as themselves affirm: and had we not come that very time that we did, we had certainly missed of them all. Of what great wealth and riches these ships were, that I leave to other men's judgement and report, but sure I am, that themselves offered two millions and a half of ducats for the redemption of the goods and riches that were in them: which offer of theirs, albeit it was accepted of the Lords general, and should have been received, yet we were defeated of it, as hereafter shall be more at large declared. In all this cruel terrible fight, there were not either slain or hurt by any manner of means many above the number of 100 of our men; notwithstanding diverse of our ships were many times shot thorough and thorough: yea and some of them no less than two and twenty times, as I was informed by credible report of the Captains and Masters themselves. I know not of any other hurt done, saving only that Sir Robert Southwell, who always showed himself a most valiant resolute knight in all this action, making a little too much haste with his Pinnace to board the Philip, had there his said Pinnace burnt with the Philip at the same instant, and yet by good care and diligence his men were saved. One other mischance happened thus: One of the Flemings Flie-boats, who had in all the conflict before, carried herself very well and valiantly, about ten of the clock while the fight continued sharpest, chanced by great negligence and misfortune, to be Flemish mischance. fired and blown up by his own powder, who could not have any fewer in him, than one hundred fight men by all supposal, and so in the very twinkling of an eye, both ship and men were all cast away, excepting seven or eight, which by very good fortune, and great care and diligence of some of the other ships were saved. Immediately upon this notable victory, without any further stay in all the world, the Lord general the Earl of Essex put to shore, & landed about 3000 shot and pike men: of the which number the one half was presently dispatched to the bridge Puente de Suaço, under the conduct of Sir Christopher Blunt, Sir Coniers Clifford, and Sir Thomas Gerard: with the other half, being about fifteen hundred, the most noble Earl of Essex himself, being accompanied with diverse other The English land. honourable Lords, namely the Earl of Sussex, the Lord Harbert, the Lord Burk, Count Lod●uick of Nassaw, the Lord Martial Sir Francis Vere, with all expedition possible marched on foot toward the town of Cadiz, which was about three English miles march. That time of the day was very hot and faint, and the way was all of dry deep sliding sand in a manner, and beside that, Bad way. very uneven, and by that means so tiresome and painful as might be. The enemy having reasonable company both of horse and footmen, stood in a readiness some good distance without the town to welcome us, and to encounter the Lord General. But the most famous Earl with his valiant Troops, rather running indeed in good order, then marching, hastened on them with such unspeakable courage and celerity, as within one hours' space and less, the horsemen were all discomfited and put to flight, their leader being strooken down at the very first encounter; whereat the footmen being wonderfully dismayed and astonished at the unexpected manner of the Englishmens kind of such fierce and resolute fight, retired themselves with all the speed possible that they could, to recover themselves into the Town again. Which being done by them, with far swifter legs then manly courage, our men were enforced to scale the walls: which thing in very deed, although it was not without great danger and difficulty to be performed: yet such was the invincible resolution, and the wonderful dexterity of the English, that in one half hour or thereabout, the enemy was repulsed, and the town wall possessed, by the noble The English enter the town Earl himself, being in all this action, either the very first man, or else in a manner joined with the first. The Town walls being then possessed, and the English Ensign being there displayed upon them, with all speed possible they proceeded on to march through the Town, making still their way with sword and shot so well as they could, being still fought withal at every turn. The noble Earl was seconded by the noble Lord Admiral in person, who was accompanied with the noble Lord Thomas Howard, the most worthy Gentleman his Son (after Lord Howard) Sir Robert Southwell, Sir Richard Levison, and with diverse other Gentlemen, his Lordship's followers of good account: his Colours being advanced by that valiant resolute Gentleman, Sir Edward Hobby Knight. And thus he likewise marching with all possible speed on foot, notwithstanding his L●many years * I have been told by some of great worth then in this action, that they heard the Lord Admiral affirm that he was 68 years old, or between that and 70. who yet liveth 1624. crowned with silver hairs and golden rays of glorious acts. The Castle delivered. , the intolerable heat for the time, and the overtiring tedious deep sands, with other many impediments: Yet in good time, joined himself with the Earl and his companies, and gave them the strongest, and best assistance that he could. Thus than the two Lords General with their companies being joined together, and proceeding so far as the market place, there they were hotly encountered, where and at what time, that worthy famous Knight Sir john Winkfield, being ●ore wounded before on the thigh, at the very entering of the Town, and yet for all that no whit respecting himself, being carried away with the care he had to encourage and direct his Company, was with the shot of a Musket in the head most unfortunately slain. And thus before eight of the clock that night were these two most noble Lords General, Masters of the market place, the forts, and the whole Town and all, only the Castle as yet holding out, and from time to time as they could, still annoying them with seven battering pieces. By this time night began to grow on, and a kind of peace or intermission was obtained by them of the Castle: to whom the Lords General had signified, that unless before the next day in the morning they would absolutely render themselves, they should look for no mercy, but should every one be put to the sword: upon which message they took deliberation that night: but in the morning before break of day they hanged out their flag of truce, and so without any further composition did yield themselves absolutely to their mercy, and delivered up the Castle. And yet notwithstanding all this, in the night time while they had this respite to pause and deliberate about the peacemaking, there were diverse great and sudden alarms given: which did breed some great outrages and disorder in the Town. At every which alaram, the two Lords General showed themselves marvelous ready and forward. These things being done, and this surrender being made, present Proclamation was published, that the fury now being past, all men should surcease from all manner of blood and cruel dealing, and that there should no kind of violence or hard usage be offered to any, either man, woman, or child, upon pain of death: permitting the spoil of so much of the Town as was by them thought meet, to the common soldiers for some certain days. This honourable and merciful Edict I am sure was straight and religiously observed of the English: but how well it was kept by the Dutch, I will neither affirm, nor yet deny. For I perceive between them and the Spaniards there is an implacable hartburning, and therefore as soon as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight, immediately thereupon both they of Siuil and Saint Lucar, and also some of some other places did not only arrest all such Dutch ships, as dealt with them friendly by the way of traffic and merchandise, and so confiscated their goods, but also imprisoned the Merchants and owners of the same, and as the report goeth, did entreat many of them with extreme cruelty thereupon. In the mean while, the very next day, being the two and twenty day of june, all the Spanish Spaniards E 〈…〉 their ships. ships which were left on ground in the Bay of Cadiz, where the great overthrow had been but the day before, were by the Spaniards themselves there set on fire, and so from that time forward they never left burning of them, till every one of them, goods and all, as far as we know were burnt and consumed. This their doing was much marvelled at of us. Not long after the same time (three days as I remember) the galleys that were run on ground, did quit themselves also out of that place, and by the Bridge of the Island called Puente de Suaço, made their way round about the same Island, and so by putting themselves to the main Sea, escaped to a town called Rotta, not far off, but something up towards the town of Saint Lucre's, and there purchased their safety by that means. Thus was this notable victory, as well by Sea as by Land, both begun and in effect performed, within the compass, in a manner, of fourteen hours: a thing in truth so strange and admirable, as in my judgement will rather be wondered at then believed of posterity. And if ever any notable exploit in any age was comparable to Caesar's Ueni, Vidi, Vici, certainly in my poor opinion it was this. The Town of itself was a very beautiful town, and a large, as being the chief See of the Bishop there, and having a good Cathedral Church in it, with a right goodly Abbey, a Nunnery, and an exceeding fine College of the Jesuits, and was by natural situation, as also by very good Cadiz described fortification, very strong, and tenable enough in all men's opinions of the better judgement. Their building was all of a kind of hard stone, even from the very foundation to the top, and every house was in a manner a kind of a Fort or Castle, altogether flat-roofed in the top, after the Turkish manner, so that many men together, and that at ease, might walk thereon: having upon the house top, great heaps of weighty stones piled up in such good order, as they were ready to be thrown down by every woman most easily upon such as passed by, and the streets for the most part so exceeding narrow (I think to avoid the intolerable great heat of the Sun) as but two men or three at the most together, can in any reasonable sort march thorough them, no street being broader commonly than I suppose Watling street in London to be. The town is altogether without glass, excepting the Churches, yet with fair comely windows, and with fair grates of Iron to them, and have very large folding leaves of wainscot, or the like. It hath very few Chimneys in it, or almost none at all: it may be some one chimney in some one or other of the lower out-roomes of least account, serving for some necessary uses, either to wash in, or the like, or else, now and then perchance for the dressing of a dish of meat, having, as it should seem unto me, always a greater care and respect how to keep themselves from all kind of great heat, the how to provide for any store of great roast. It had in it, by report of them that should know best it, some four thousand and more, of very good able fight men, and six hundred horsemen at the least. No question but that they were well furnished of all things appertaining thereunto especially so many good ships lying there, and being so well stored with all manner of munition, shot, and powder, as they were. Of what wealth this town should be, I am not able to resolve the asker; but as it should appear by the great pillage by the common Soldiers, and some Mariners too, and by the goodly My Sexton T. Rowly, yet living, hath often told me that he had the rifling of a jewellers or Goldsmith's house, and in his return gave and sold for to●es many Stones (which by his description seemed Rubies) of great bigness whereof he had his hatfull, which proved not worth an angel to his ignorant simplicity, never ordained to be rich. furnitures, that were defaced by the base people, and thereby utterly lost and spoiled, as not worth the carrying away; and by the over great plenty of Wine, Oil, Almonds, Olives, Raisins, Spices, and other such Grocery wares, that by the intemperate disorder of some of the rasher sort were knocked out, and lay trampled under feet, in every common high way, it should appear that it was of some very mighty great wealth to the first owners, though perchance not of any such great commodity to the last subduers, for that I judge that the better part was most riotously, and intemperately spent and consumed. The Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday following, the Lords General spent in counsel about the disposing of all matters, as well touching the town and prisoners, as also concerning all other matters, thought meet of them in their honourable wisdoms, and in all that mean while did show such honourable bounty and mercy, as is not able to be expressed. For not only the lives of every one were spared, but also there was an especial care had, that all the Religious, as well men as women, should be well and favourably entreated, whom freely without any manner of ransom or other molesiation, they caused to be safely transported over to Port Saint Mary, a Town in a manner as fair as Cadiz: but at that time, as the case did stand, certainly known to be of no wealth in the world, and it was some six or seven miles distant over against Cadiz, in a manner as Paul's is against Southwark, on the other side of the Bay, in a part of Andaluzia, subject to the territory of the Duke de Medina Sidonia. Moreover, at the same instant they did appoint that worthy Knight Sir Amias Preston, and some others in some convenient Barks, to transport over to the said Town safely and in good order, a hundred or moe of the better sort of ancient gentlewomen, and merchants wives, who were suffered to put upon themselves, some of them two, yea, some three suits Apparel, with some convenient quantity of many jewels, Chains, and other ornaments belonging to their estate and degree. Upon Saturday, being the six and twentieth, Sir john Winkfield knight was buried, in honourable and warlike manner, so far forth as the circumstances of that time and place could permit. Sir john Winkfield buried. At whose funerals the Navy discharged a great part of their Ordnance, in such order, as was thought meet and convenient by the Lords Generals command. The seven and twenty day being Sunday, in the Abbey the divine Service was had, and a learned Sermon was made there by one Master Hopkins, the right honourable Earl of Essex his Preacher, a man of good learning and sweet utterance, and even there the same day, something before the Sermon was made, these worthy Gentlemen following were Knighted by the Lord General. And here I am to signify by the way, that two of these were Knighted three or four days before, and some three or four moe were Knighted after that time, upon certain occasions: but yet I hold it best (and I trust without offence) to recite their names in this place altogether. SIr Samuel Bagnal. Sir Arthur Savage. The Earl of Sussex. The Lord Harbert. The Lord Burke. Count Lodowick. Sir William Howard. Sir George D'Eureux. Sir Henry Nevel. Sir Edmund Rich. Sir Richard Leven. Sir Peter Egomort. Sir Anthony Ashley. Sir Henry Leonard. Sir Richard Levison. Sir Horatio Vere. Sir Arthur Throckmorton. Sir Miles Corbet. Sir Edward Conway. Sir Oliver Lambert. Sir Anthony Cook. Sir john Townesend. Sir Christopher Heydon. Sir Francis Popham. Sir Philip Woodhouse. Sir Alexander Clifford. Sir Maurice Barkley. Sir Charles Blunt. Sir George Gifford. Sir Robert Crosse. Sir james Escudamor. Sir Urias Leigh. Sir john Leigh, alias Lee. Sir Richard Weston. Sir Richard Wa●●man. Sir james Wootton. Sir Richard Ruddal. Sir Robert Mansfield. Sir William Mounson. Sir john Bowles. Sir Edward Bowes. Sir Humphrey Druel. Sir Amias Preston. Sir Robert Remington. Sir john Buck. june 21. 22. Sir john Morgan. 27. Sir john Aldridg. Sir john Asshindon. Sir Matthew Browne. Sir john Acton. Sir Thomas Gates. Sir Gilly Mericke. Sir Thomas Smith. Sir William Pooley. Sir Thomas Palmer. Sir john Stafford. Sir Robert Lovel. Sir john Gylbert. Sir William Harvey. Sir john Gray. Don Christ. Prince of Portugal. Sir john Vanderfoord, Admiral of the Hollanders. Sir Robert Dudley. 8. August. Being in Cadiz, attending upon my most honourable good Lord, I talked with certain of the Religious men, such as I found learned, whereof indeed there were some, though not very many; I talked also with the Bishop of Cusco there, a grave aged comely man, and being of late chosen to that Bishopric, he was as then to have gone to the Indies, had not we then taken him prisoner, and so stayed his journey for that time. It pleased the Lords general to deal exceeding favourably with this said Bishop of Cusco: for it was their good pleasure to give him his free passage without any ransom, and therewithal to let him to understand, that they came not to deal with Churchmen, or unarmed men, or with men of peace, weaklings and children, neither was it any part of their meaning to make such a voyage for gold, silver, or any other their wealth and riches, etc. But that their only coming was to meet with their dishonourable practices, and manifold injuries, and to deal with men of war and valour, for the defence of the true honour of England; and to let them to understand, that whensoever they attempted any base-conceited and dishonourable practice to their sovereign Queen, their Mistress, that it should be revenged to the uttermost, etc. In this mean space, while the Lords general continued at Cadiz, there came to them certain poor wretched Turks, to the number of eight and thirty, that had been a long time galleyslaves, and either at the very time of the fight by Sea, or else immediately thereupon, taking the opportunity, did then make their escape, and did swim to land; yielding themselves to the mercy of their most honourable Lordships. It pleased them with all speed to apparel them, and to furnish them with money, and all other necessaries, and to bestow on them a Bark, and a Pilot, to see them freely and safely conveied into Barbary. The eight and twenty day being Monday, the Lord Admiral came aboard the Ark again, minding there to remain for a space, as indeed he did, and upon the advice of his Physician, to deal something in physic, for that his Lordship found his body something out of frame. At that time it pleased his Lordship to write certain letters to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, for the deliverance of English Captives, who were remaining in the Galleys. For by this time, it was reported, that the said Duke was come down in person with some power, and that he was either at Port Saint Mary, or else at Rotta, or thereabout. His Lordship did indi●e the Letters himself, but his pleasure was, they should be turned into Latin by another: and so to be sent (as indeed they were) in the Latin tongue unto the Duke. The next day after, being the fourth of july, the Lords general caused the town of Cadiz to Cadiz 〈◊〉. be set on fire, and razed and defaced so much as they could; the fair Cathedral Church, and the Religious houses only being spared, and left unblemished. And with the Town all such provision, for shipping, and other things, as were serviceable for the Realm's use, and yet were not eitherso convenient for us to be carried away, as else such as we stood no whit at all in need of, were likewise at the same instant consumed with fire. And presently thereupon, their Lordships, with as convenient speed as they could, and the whole army in such order and leisure, as they thought best, came aboard. The next day being the fist of july, the Lords general with all the army being under sail, and 〈◊〉 of the L Admiral his letters. now making for England, and but as yet passing the very mouth of the Bay of Cadiz, a Galley full of English prisoners, with a flag of truce, met us from Rotta, sent by the Duke of Medina Sidonia, and sent as it should seem, one day later than his promise: but yet their flag being either not big enough, or not well placed in the Galley, or not well discerned of our men, or by what other mischance I know not; but thus it was: by one of our smallest ships that sailed foremost, as soon as the said Galley came within Gunshot, there was a great Piece discharged upon her, and at that instant there was one man slain outright, and two other grievously hurt. The error being espied and perceived, our ship gave over immediately from any further shooting. As soon as the Galley came near us, my Lord Admiral caused a gracious salutation to be sounded with his trumpets, and willed the Captains forthwith to come aboard his ship: which they did, and then he feasted them with a Banquet, as the time and place might serve. And then by them understanding of that unfortunate mischance that had happened by the shot of the said ship, he was very sorry for the same, and yet such was the merciful providence of almighty God, that even in this mischance also, he did hold his holy hand over the English; and all the harm that was done did light only upon the poor Turk, and the Spaniard himself. When this Lord had well banqueted them, he presently called for his Barge, and did accompany the said Galley to the Lord General the Earl of Essex, who then did ride with his ship a good distance off: and there they being in like manner most honourably received, and entertained, the Spanish Gentlemen delivered up their prisoners the English captives, of whom some had been there six years, some eight or ten; yea, and some two and twenty years, and upward, and some of them but lately taken in Sir Francis Drakes last voyage to the Indies. The number of the prisoners delivered were but nine and thirty, and no moe, and were brought in, and delivered by Don Antonio de Corolla and his brother, and by Don Pedro de Cord●●, and certain others. If any man presume here so far, as to inquire how it chanced, that the Lord General rested so long at Cadiz, and went no further; and why Port Saint Mary, being so fair a Town, and so near to them, was for borne? and why Sh●r●s alias Xeres? And why Rotta, and the like? And why this or that was done? And why that, ●or this left undone? I will not answer him with our common English proverb, as I might, which is: That one fool may ask more questions in one hour, than ten discreet men can well answer in five days. But that grave ancient writer, Cornelius Tacitus, hath a wise, brief, pithy, saying, and it is this; Nemo tentavit inquirere in columnas Herculis, sancti●sque ac reverentius habitum est de fact is Deorum ●redere, quam scire. Also upon my knowledge, the chiefest cause why Port Saint Mary, and the rest, were left untouched, was this: For that it was most certainly known, that they were Towns not worth the saluting of such a royal company, in which there was no manner of wealth in the world left, more than bare houses of stone, and standing walls, and might well have served rather as a stale, perchance, to have entrapped, then as a means to have enriched. And thus much for our journey to Cadiz: for the accidents that happened by the way, for the winning, spoiling, and burning of the said Town, for the overthrow of the Spanish Fleet there, and for all other by-matters that happened, as appendances to the same, both in the time of our abode there, as also at the very last hour of our coming from thence. As for our return home, and our entrance into a part of Portugal by the way, with the taking, spoiling, and burning of the Faraon burnt. Town of Faraon there, and marching into the Spanish confines thereabouts, etc. I mind to leave it to some other, whose chance was to be present at the action, as myself was not, and shall be of more sufficient ability to perform it. Meteranus writeth, that the taking of Cadiz had so terrified the neighbour towns, that the Inhabitants fled out of them; and Saint Lucar had been also very easily taken, if a few ships had assaulted it; and that eighteen Spanish ships coming from the Indies ignorant of what had happened, were English at unawares, being very wealthy. CHAP. XIIII. The Voyage to the Isles of Azores, under the conduct of the Right Honourable ROBERT Earl of Essex, 1597. §. I. The Relation thereof by the said Earl, and other Commissioners. I The General, having by her Majesty's gracious favour the charge of her Fleet and Army, set out of Plymouth in june 1597. did both promise myself and give hope to her Majesty, that I should be able to defeat the King of Spain's Fleet, commanded by the Adelantado, if I met them at Sea, or destroy it in the harbour of ferol, if I found them there; as also to master and take all Fleets of treasure, or of the East or West Indian Fleet, that I should find upon the Sea in their way to Spain: and lastly, that I should take in the Island of Terçea; which I held an action of equal importance to the other. With this confidence I went out, and to these ends: but none of these three being performed, it may be doubted, whether we have not through weakness or negligence failed of success. For which we make answer, that if our whole carriage be examined, from the first hour to the last, it shall appear that we have striven to attain to every one of these with as much obstinate constancy, as any men in the world could do, and that only the powerful hand of God, did bind our hands, and frustrate all our endeavours. The first for the enterprise of Ferel, we went out of Plymouth the third of june, and stiered directly for that port, and when most extreme storms and contrary winds met with us, we Crossed with winds and storms. beat it up till all our Fleet was scattered, and many of our ships in desperate case. And because I the General thought my too soon giving over would not only deprive the Fleet of our principal ship, but absolutely defeat the journey; I forced my company first to abide the continual increasing of a most dangerous leak, which I made light of, because I saw that with labour of men I could free the ship as fast as the leak did grow. Secondly, I made them endure the craking of both my main and fore mast, the one in two places, the other in three; so as we still looked Danger of the Admirallship. when they should be carried by the board; which was not enough to make me bear up, because I knew whensoever I should lose them both, I could with jury masts, by God's favour, carry the ship home. And I continued so long, that my ships Okam came all out, her seams opened, her decks and upper works gave way, her very timbers and main beams with her labouring did tear like lathes; so as we looked hourly when the Orlope would fall, and the Ordnance sink down to the keel: then did those few, whom before I had won to stand with me, all protest against me, that if I did not within a minute of an hour bear up the helm, I did wilfully cast away the ship and whole company. Then only I suffered myself to be overcome: and when I came to Plymouth, half her Majesty's They put in to Plymouth. ships, and more than half the principal officers by sea and by land were put in before me for the extremity their ships were in. And when we were all of us gathered together again at Plymouth, and had repaired all the ships but mine own, which was sent home to Chatham to be new builded, then were we kept in by continual storm and contrary winds, till our victuals (which were at first but for three months) were in a manner all spent, and the sickness in the Sickness. Fly boats, that carried the land army, grown so great, that I had order from her Majesty to discharge the land forces, all but the thousand old Soldiers, which were drawn out of the Low Order to discharge land forces. Countries. By which means, though we were disabled to land at Ferol, to beat the land Army there, and take in the forces, which was the certaives way to command the Adelantadoes Fleet; yet I the General offered her Majesty to send in certain ships of fire, and to second them with the Saint Matthew and Saint Andrew, and some great flye-boates, and Merchants ships, with which I would destroy the most of the enemies principal shipping, and leave all the Queens own English built ships at the mouth of the harbour to assure our retreat. By this means I should hazard to lose but two great Cartes, which before I had won, and for the adventuring of those defeat the enemies whole Navy. Which counsel being allowed, though with restraint of mine own going in with those two ships, and an absolute bar to hazard any other, we went out the second time to put this project in execution. But again ere we could recover the Spanish coast, the Saint Matthew, by losing her foremast, Their 〈◊〉 ●o●th the second 〈◊〉 was put back into England, and the Saint Andrew had lost company, till at one instant within sight of the shore of the Groin, Sir Walter Raleigh the Vide-admiral broke his main yard, which forced him to bear along to the Westward before the wind; and I in this second ship had such a desperate leak sprang, as when we pumped and boled with buckets as much as we could for our own lives, it grew still upon us: and when we sought by ramming down pieces of Beef, and Leake remedies. holding linen cloth wrong together, to stop the coming in of the water, it came in notwithstanding so strongly, as it bore down all, and beat away every man that stood to stop it: Then was I fain to lie by the lee, and make my company work upon it all night, my master Carpenter, the only skilful man I had, dying at that very instant. And when by the great mercy of God we had stopped it, the wind being easterly the Fleet was so far shot a head, as I could not recover the most of them till I came to the Cape Finisterre, Cape Finisterre where holding a Counsel, and missing Sir Walter Raleigh (who being off at Sea, had no plying sails to get up) missing him, I say, with thirty sails that in the night followed his light, and hearing that the Saint Matthew, which was our principal ship for the execution of our intended enterprise, was returned, and being barred to hazard any other in her place, it was by the whole Enterprise of ferol verthrowne. Counsel of war concluded, that the enterprise of Ferol was overthrown, both because, though the wind had served, we wanted the ships appointed for that service, and if we had had the ships, we wanted wind to get into the harbour of Ferol; for the wind blew strongly at East, which would have been fully in our teeth as we had plied in. And now we only could think of the intercepting of the Indian Fleet, and defeating of the Adelantado: if he had put to Sea. For to take in Terçera, our land army being discharged, we had no means: whereupon we bore for the height of the Rock; hoping there (because it was our second Rendezvous after Ferel) to meet with Sir Walter Raleigh. Into which height when I came, a message was delivered me from Sir The Rock. Walter Raleigh, by one Captain Skobbels, that the Adelantado was gone out of Ferol with his Fleet to Terçera, to waft home the West Indian Fleet of treasure, and that he would attend mine answer off of the Burlingas; which message of Sir walter's was grounded upon the report of the Captain of a ship of Hampton, which did confidently deliver it. I the General there calling a Counsel, took a resolution, both because we hoped to meet the Adelantado there, and because all our best experimented Seamen did assure us that it was the likeliest course to meet with the Indian Fleet, to go for the Lands of the Azores. And I sent out Pinnaces both to the Burlinges, and toward the South Cape (which was our third Rendezvous, by our first appointment) to cause Sir Walter Raleigh and all others of our Fleet to follow. And South Cape. being with the Island of Terçera, I looked into the road of Brasil, and saw there was no Fleet; whereupon we bore alongst betwixt Saint George and Graciosa for the Island of Flores, at which Tercera. we might both water and take in victuals, which in Merchant's ships her Majesty had sent after Victuals sent after them. us: and where, if the Indian Fleet did come this year, they were likest to fall. But when we had spent at Flores some ten days, in which time Sir Walter Raleigh and his company came unto us, by a small Pinnace come from the Indies, I the General was told, that it was doubtful whether the False advice of a small Pinnace coming from the Indies. Indian Fleet came from thence or not, and if they did, they would change their usual course, and come in some height more to the Southward, till they were past these Lands, where usually they are attended. Which news made us resolve in Counsel to go for Fayal, and so for Saint Michael, and to have some nimble ships to lie off and on at Sea, both to the Southward and to the Northward. In our passage by sail, Graçiosa, and Pico, we took such commodities and refresh as those Lands afforded: and in passing from them toward Saint Michael, we were told that a great ship was discovered off of Graciosa: whereupon I the General gave order to divide and to direct the Fleet into three places: the one to stir away East North-east, and to go along the Northside of Terçera: the other East Southeast, and to go by the Southside of the said Island, and both to meet in the road of Brasil: so as if the Carackes', or West Indian Fleet should strive to recover Terçera, they should be cut off: And the third part of the Fleet should ply to the Westward, which way it was said that the great ship stood, and so to cut it off, if it sought for the road of Fayal: which if she were kept from, Terçera was her only place she could put into: and one of these three ways she must needs stand; for the wind being at North Northwest, she could not go but one of these three courses. But as I had given this direction, there came to me a small Bark of Lime, whose Captain did confidently assure me, that he was the man that did follow the chase, and fetched it up, finding it but a small ship of our own Fleet: which made us resolve to continue our former intended course for Saint Michael. But in this mean time, I the General hailing the Captain of a Pinnace, and willing him to call to the ships of my squadron to follow my light, and those of the Viceadmirals' squadron to follow his light to the Westward (which direction I did presently Note, Mistaking. after countermand) he misheard, and willed some ships that were next, to stand about to the Westward: which direction, together with his not hearing of me that, which was spoken to countermand it, made four of her Majesty's ships, the Garland, the Marie-rose, the Dread-naught, and the Rainbow, to stand off to the West all that night: of which, Sir William Mounson in the Rainbow fell in the night with the West Indian Fleet; and it being calm, went off in his Boat to make and hail them: which he did, and made himself known unto them: and strait rowing to his ship, he shot off his Ordnance all night, and carried a light in his main top: whereupon the other three of her Majesty's ships stood off with him, but could not fetch up the Spaniards till they were gotten into Tercera Road; before which, after they had strove in The Indian Fleet rec 〈…〉 ver the Road of Tercera. vain to get into them, they plied till my coming, which was three days after: for I was hard aboard the Westermost part of Saint Michael before I heard these news. And then standing about, I the General being on head of the Fleet, met in my way with a great Ship of the Governor of Hanana, and a Frigate of the Spanish King, manned with the said King's Soldiers, and another Frigate of a particular man: which three I fetched out, took, and Three Spanish Ships taken. manned for the safe bringing home of the Ship and goods, and fell the next night being Saturday, the of with Tercera; where finding the wind strong at Northwest, we plied with as much sail as ever we could bear to get up to the road of Brasil all that night. Al Sunday, and Sunday night, and till Monday morning we could not weather the point of Brasil: which when we had done, while I the General gathered such of the Fleet as were near, I sent in a Pinnace of my Lord of Cumberland, and four or five of very sufficient Captains and Masters, to see whether it were possible for us to get up where the Ships road: and they brought me back word, it was impossible. With which I being not satisfied plied in with mine own Ship, keeping aboard with me two or three of the principal Officers, that we might judge by the eye, and dispute upon the place; and when we were in, we saw the bottom of the Bay (into which they were towed and warped) lay right in the eye of the wind: so as to lead it in with a sail it was impossible, and to turn it up would ask an whole day, if we had scope, but both we must upon either board come within a quoytes cast off their Forts, and yer our Ships would wend in so narrow a place, we should have been on shore. Which manifest discovery, and not the idle Shot of all the Forts and Ships, though they were very liberal, made me stand off again. And as it was impossible to do any thing for the present, so when I the General called all the Captains of her Majesty's Ships together, and enquired the estate of their charge, I found that some by the naughtiness of their Cask and leakage of Beer, had not above two days, and some not one days drink aboard; and that which most of us all had did so stink, as our men died Want of provisions. and fell sick continually, and all men-protested, that if we stayed to attend change of winds, and did not instantly seek a watering place, both men and Ships were absolutely lost. Besides we saw the Galleons had been unladen, by their showing their white bellies so much above water, and that the Merchant's Ships lay all dry on shore; so as we had abidden the extremest hazard of her Majesty's troops and Ships, for the burning of a few dry unladen Vessels. Thus were we driven to bear the second time with Saint Michael (our chief end being to water, but withal to sack the Island if we could land near the principal Town) where we came to an anchor before Punta Delgada the chief Town; and forthwith went in a little nimble Punta delgada in S. Michael. Boat to discover the landing places, which we found to be exceeding dangerous. For as about all those Lands of the Acores a Westerly wind bringeth in the hollow mother Sea, so the wind then being West Southerly blue trade, and made both a great Sea gate or wash upon the shore, and a dangerous road. So as besides the apparent likelihood, that our men had been all lost by the overturning of our Boats upon our heads: the loss of our Boats, which could not have been in that place avoided, had kept us from watering, and so had been the manifest destruction of the whole Fleet. Whereupon, I the General, leaving commandment of the great Ships with Sir Walter Raleigh (because the Lord Thomas Howard desired to land with me) accompanied with his Lord's Ship, and all the other principal Officers and persons of quality in the Army, I put myself in the small Ships, and towed the boats at our Sterns to seek another small Bay on the other side of the Point to the Eastward, called Punta de Galera or Galy Point, where there was a Land Punta de la Galera. Fange, and consequently a smother landing. But we putting off in this manner at eleven of the clock at night, I the General in a Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleigh, called the Guiana, wherein all the Officers of the Land Army did accompany me, & the Adventurers of quality that came out of my Ship in another Pinnace with Captain Arthur Champernon came to an anchor in this Bay; but so dangerously as we were put from our anchor, and had like to have been cast away: all the rest of the Fleet being put to leeward very They land nee▪ Villa Franca. far. The next morning at the break of the day, being driven as low as Uilla Franca, and there finding a good landing place, we set our troops on shore; where we found (besides many other commodities with which we refreshed our troops) a better watering place, and a safer road than any other that was about that Island. Which, together with the impossibility of getting our small Ships and Boats to ply back again five leagues against the wind, and to meet us that should have marched by land, and they seeing of many of the Queen's principal ships driven from their anchors about, and come to Villa Franca: These accidents, I say, made us to resolve to draw all the Fleet to one place, and there to water with all possible diligence. And we being there saw it was so dangerous for our Ships to ride, the wind growing more October the fifteenth. Southerly, as on Sunday the fifteenth of October, we re-imbarked all our men; the Masters of the Ships having before protested, that if they were put from their anchors, as hourly they looked to be, that the Fleet and Land Forces were in danger to be severed for this whole Winter: So as to have hazarded her Majesty's honour, and so many gallant men, for that which was never any of our ends, had been as unwise as it was unsafe; and if the counsel of retiring were good, the manner of it was without taxation: for we embarked first of all our idle persons, secondly Their return. our adventerours, and the old Companies one after another; and when we had but three hundred and fifty men on shore, the enemy marching in sight of our Guards, we went out to meet him, and stood two hours ready to fight with the whole Forces of the Island, till at last they retired out of sight. Thus left we that Island, the principal Commanders by Land and Sea staying to bring off the last man. In this mean time, while the Land Forces were at Villa Franca, and the Fleet at Punta Delgada, there came into that Road a Carake and a small Brasil man. The Carack presently ran herself on the Rocks; and after her men had saved themselves, the last set A Carack ran herself on the Rocks. A Ship of Brasil taken. her on fire with all the goods in her, to avoid her being taken. Which Sir Walter Raleigh and those with him could not possibly avoid. The Brasil man was taken, and the Ship being found leaky, the goods were taken out and put into English Ships. And now we have given account of all our whole carriage until we bore for England. If our coming home scattering be objected, we must plead the violence of storms, against which no fore directions, nor present industry can prevail. We must conclude with this, That as we would have acknowledged that we had done but our duties, if we had defeated the Adelantado, interpreted the Feet of Treasure, and conquered the Lands of the Açores: So we having failed of nothing that God gave us means to do; we hoped her Majesty will think our painful days, careful nights, evil diet, and many hazards deserve not now to be measured by the event. the like honourable and just construction we promise ourselves at the hands of all my Lords. As for others, that have set warm at home and descant upon us, we know they lacked strength to perform more, and believe they lack courage to adventure so much, Signed ESSEX. Thomas Howard. Ch: Mountioy. * Charles. Walter Raleigh. Fran: Vere. Antony Shirley. Christ: Blunt. §. II. A larger Relation of the said Island Voyage, written by Sir ARTHUR GEORGE'S Knight, collected in the Queen's Ship called the Wast Spite, wherein he was then Captain; with Marine and Martial Discourses added according to the Occurrences. THese Isles of the Asores * Of these Lands see before Linschotens' observations: to which I have added this Author's description, as containing somewhat therein omitted. This book was written A. 1607. and dedicated to that great hope of Great Britain, Prince Henry, the Epistle to him and the Preface I have omitted in regard of our long volume. I have not added a word of mine, but the Title and Marginal Notes; nor defalked any of the Authors (after my wont in others, not to make their writings mine, but ●hine, the tediousness in so often repetitions by often relators, and the superfluities being such as would deter the Reader:) The Discourses I have usually put in another letter, to distinguish them from the History; the one the Eyes observations, the other the Minds and both worthy both thine eyes and minds best observation. He added also Notes touching the Na●●e Royal, which are worthy the noting, but perhaps not to be permitted to every vulgar and noteless eye. Sometim 〈…〉 veritas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Pains may cause pains, and busy labour may reap the reward of a busy body. I am loath to buy repentance, are situate in the Atlantike or Western Ocean, and do stand between 37. and 40. degrees, and distant from England 400. leagues. They are in number nine, namely Saint mary's, Saint michael's, The Tercera, Gratiosa, S. George's, Pikes Fayall, Flores, and Guerno. This name of Asores was given unto these Lands by the Portuguese, of a kind of Hawks called, by them Asores (which we name Goshawkes', and the Latins Accipitres) whereof there did breed great store in those Isles: But Ortellius sets down this name to be so given of the French word Essorer, which signifieth, to dry or wither, but yieldeth no reason withal for that Etymology. The Netherlanders do call them the Flemish Lands, challenging that they were first discovered by the Merchant's of Bridges, who found them merely un-inhabited, abounding with Woods and Cedar Trees, whether they sent Colonies to people and manure them. And afterterwards in process of time they yielded themselves Subjects to the Portuguese, who since did inhabit and govern there, so as now with them they are fallen under the power of the Spanish usurpation. Amongst these Lands the Tercera is the chief, but is so called by the Spaniards, because it heath the third Island distant from the Coast of Spain. It is plentiful of Fruit and Corn, and hath some Vines growing in it. The Inhabitants do make great benefit and trade of Oade to dye Cloth, which grows there in great plenty: The chief Town in that Island is called Angra, and hath thereunto a very strong Fortress, called Brazill, and under it a Road for shipping to ride, but an Haven or safe Port for all weathers, there is not one amongst these nine Lands. The Pike is so called of a sharp Mountain, rising steeple wise some three miles in heighe and six or seven miles in circuit at the foot; fashioned it is upward like an Hive, and the top thereof most commonly to be discerned within and above the clouds. This Mountain hath in it (by report) many great hollow Caves and deep Vaults, and it is credibly reported, that oftentimes it breathes out flames and sparks of fire, as doth the Mountain Aetna. Also at the bottom of this Mountain, towards the East, there is a great Spring of Freshwater, which is seen many times to issue out flakes and stones of fire with great violence, and of the number and bigness of the stones that are thrown out by the force and source of this Spring, and what huge works they make of the multitudes of them, they confidently do tell strange wonders, which I will neither affirm nor deny, but leave indifferent to credit as men list. Fayall is so called of Faya, which in the Portuguese signifieth a Beech Tree, wherewith that Island Fayall. is said to abound. But yet I saw there more store of juniper and Cedar, then of any other Wood or Timber. For Aire and Soil, it is as pleasant and fruitful, as any of the other Lands, and in it are some five Towns with many pretty Villages: and in this Island there are yet remaining certain families of the Flemish race. Gratiosa is so called of the exceeding fruitfulness of the Soil Gratiosa. and pleasant temper of the Air. Flores, of the abundance of Flowers that grow in it. Cueruo, of Flores. Cueruo. the multitude of Ravens and Crows breeding therein. And that Island doth also breed Horses. Saint mary's, Saint George's, and Saint michael's, were so called of those Saints names, upon whose S. mary's, etc. days they were first discovered; for such is the custom of many Navigators, and especially of the Spaniards and Portuguese, so to call those Lands that they first make by the Saint's day and name wherein they are discovered. And these three Lands for temper and fruitfulness are suitable with the others: But Saint Michael is the greatest of them all, Tercera the strongest, and Saint mary's the nearest to the Coast of Spain. But now as we come nearer to our intended purpose, for the better understanding thereof, I think it very necessary and pertinent somewhat to speak of the chief Commanders, as well by Sea as by Land, and also of the number of our Ships and Soldiers, together with the project and design of that journey then undertaken for the service of her late Majesty, and the Honour of our Nation. It is therefore to be understood, that Robert Devereux, late Earl of Essex, Master of the Horse Commander's names and chief officers. and Ordnance, and Knight of the Garter: First commanded in chief, as well Admiral of the Navy by Sea, as General of the Army by Land. His Vice-admiral was the Lord Thomas Howard Knight of the same Order, and second Son to the last Thomas Duke of Norfolk, a Nobleman much honoured and beloved, and of great experience in Sea service. His Rear-admiral was Sir Walter Raleigh Knight, Captain of her Majesty's Guard, Lord Warden of the Stanneries, and Lieutenant of Cornwall. For the Land service, his Lieutenant General was Sir Charles Blunt, Lord Mountioy, Knight of the Garter, Governor of Portsmouth, and a man in high favour with her late Majesty. His Marshal of the Field was Sir Francis Vere Knight, a great Soldier, and Colonel General of the English Forces in the Low-Countries. The Master of the Ordnance, Sir George Carew Knight, Lieutenant of the Ordnance of the Kingdom of England. His Sergeant Maior, Sir Ferdinando George's Knight, Governor of the Forts of Plymouth. The Colonel General of the Foot Sir Christopher Blunt Knight: The Treasurer of the Army Sir Hugh Biston Knight, one of her Majesty's Receivers General in the Principalities of Walls, with all other Officers designed to places requisite that were needful by Land or Sea, now too long to rehearse. And yet of all the Noblemen I will as near as I can record their names particularly; but crave pardon if I fail in the precedency of their places. The Earls of Essex, Rutland, and Southampton, the Lord Howard, the Lord Audley, the Lord Noblemen employed in this service. Gray, the Lord Mountioy, the Lord Rich, and the Lord Cromwell. But the particular names of all the Land Captains that had charge I could never come to the knowledge of, much less can I marshal them orderly in this discourse. And therefore I will pass to the number of the Ships in general, and therein name some particulars of the chief and principal Vessels of the Royal Navy, with their Captains. The whole Navy (which was divided into three Squadrons, viz. The Admiral his Squadron; The Navy consisting of three Squadrons and 120. sail The Queen's ships and their Captains. The Vice-admiral his Squadron, and the Rear-admiral his Squadron) consisted of 120. sail, or thereabout; whereof sixty were good men of War and gallant Ships, the rest Victuallers, and Ships of Transportation. Of her Majesty's own Ships the number was eighteen or nineteen, and these were their names. The Merhoneur Admiral, whereof Sir Robert Mansfield was Captain: The Due Repulse Vice-admiral, whereof Master Middleton was Captain: The Wast Spite Rear-admiral, whereof myself was Captain: The Garland the Earl of Southampton commanded: The Defiance wherein the Lord Mountioy was shipped, had for Captain Sir Amias Preston: The Saint Matthew to Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordnance: The Mary Rose to Sir Francis Vere Martial, whose Captain was M. john Winter: The Dread-nought Sir William Brooke was Captain of: The Nonparellia Sir Richard Luson was Captain of: The Bonoventure Sir William Harvey was Captain of: The Antelope Sir Thomas Vauis●r was Captain of: The Rainbow Sir William Mounson was Captain of: The Swiftsure Sir Gilly Mericke was Captain of: The Golden Lion was sent after for a supply. The Hope, whereof was Captain The Foresight, whereof Sir Carew Reignall was Captain: The Saint Andrew, whereof Master Marcellus Throckmorton was Captain: The Tramontana, whereof young Master Fenner was Captain: The Moon, whereof Sir Edward Michelboorne was Captain. Besides that there were some other of her Majesty's small Pinnaces that attended the Fleet. The residue or the Fleet aforenamed consisted of the best shipping of London, and other Port-Townes The rest of the Fleet. of the Kingdom, with sundry stout Vestells belonging to some Lords and Gentlemen that were Adventurers in this Voyage. There were also added to this Navy ten sail of good men of War, sent from the States of the Low-Countries to attend her Majesty's Fleet in this service, under the conduct of one monsieur de Duneincorde, well manned and furnished. Ten Hollanders The Land Army (besides Sailors that might be afforded and spared upon occasion of landing) Land-Army. consisted of six thousand able men well appointed, with ten Pieces of Artillery for the Field and Battery, with all necessary Utensils fit for them. The proportion of victuals was for four months at large allowance, & double apparel both for Soldiers and Mariners. In this Army there went Knights, Captains, and Gentlemen, voluntaries five hundred at the least; as gallant parsonages, Five hundred Voluntaries gallantly furnished. The design. and as bravely furnished, as ever the eye of men did behold. The list of whose names I did seriously inquire after, thereby to do them right, but could by no means compass it. The end and purpose of this great Preparation was, to the taking in of most of those Lands, and especially of the winning of the Tercera itself, the which was resolved to have been attempted by us, with the other Lands and Holds of importance, and in some of them to have placed strong Garrisons, if it had pleased God to have prospered the journey with happy success: But in the very beginning with long contrary winds, and extremity of foul weather, the main plot and ground of this enterprise was hindered and maimed, as hereafter more at large shallbe related in his due place. But this intended journey for the surprising and holding of the Tercera alone, if it had taken effect (without any further respect to the other Intent for Tercera. Lands, then only to have sacked them and razed those Fortresses they have) had been a service of great consequence for us, and as prejudicial to the King of Spain, as any action that was ever undertaken against him, since the revolt of the Low-Countries; The which, to set down in particular, would require more ample discourse, then either my leisure, or my memory can suddenly afford. But what great use and benefit both the Portuguese did, and the Spaniards do make of these Lands is in daily experience. And as for that bare Allegation, how difficult and inconvenient it would be for us to hold a piece so far off: men of War in their true judgements would easily answer. For as well it might be demanded, how the Forts are held in the East Indies by the poor Portuguese against mighty Nations, and yet so far remote from Christendom: And how Rhodes and Cyprus were heretofore long kept in despite of the Turk in his very bosom. And how the Spaniards of late have kept certain places in Britain, and Amiens, and Calais in Picardy, ●ang●● the force of France, and never quitted them but by composition: And God knows how long Don john D'Lag 〈…〉 would have kept Kinsale and Bear Castle, if these had been places half s● terrible, as those of the Tercera; or but the fourth part so remote from us, as the Tercera is from Spain. Undoubtedly their industry and patience is far beyond ours, both in getting and holding matters of more difficulty. But vain it is to set a price of the Bear's skin before he be slain; although I am verily persuaded, that the contrary winds only lost us both that, and all the King of Spain his treasure that came that year to the Tercera. For the journey was carried with as great secrecy, expedition, and Royal preparation, as ever was any these many years, ●●d they on the contrary as slenderly provided, and little doubting any such attempt. When all things were thus ordered, and we furnished of our necessaries after some few day's abode in Sandwich for the meeting, mustering, and embarking of our Land Army, about the five and twentieth of june, in the year 1597. we set sail from the Downs, and within threedayes with scant winds recovered Portland Rhode, where we ancored and stayed some six or seven days, taking in men and victuals at Waymouth, and thence we made Portland. for Plymouth, where we were to take in our freshwater, much of our provisions, and most Plymouth. of our Mariners; besides that this place was appointed the very rendezvous for the knitting up and dispatch of this Voyage: whether in a day and a night's sail we came, but with very extreme foul weather. Insomuch that even in the entrance of the very Harbour, many of our Ships falling foul one of another were sorely distressed. The Lord Mountioy his Ship the Defiance, had her Beak head stricken clean off; and the Saint Matthew (being a Spanish Ship of great charge, very leeward and drawing much water) had like in the tempest to have run herself upon the Rocks, had not her Captain Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance, been very resolute and careful in that extremity, when a great part of his Soldiers and Sailors would have abandoned her, and betaken themselves to their Ship-boats, to shun the imminent peril that threatened them: which he stayed to the preservation of the Ship and the company. Moreover a Flee-boat of our Train, who had in her forty Last of Powder was likewise bulged, and all the store had been utterly lost, had not the Master of the Ordnance with like care and diligence bestirred himself to save all that he might, who with the aid of many Ship-boats, as the Flee-boat was sinking, saved the greatest part of her lading. Yet notwithstanding seventeen Lasts of Powder was utterly spoiled with the Salt-water, as I heard the Master of the Ordnance himself affirm. Thus with great difficulty we arrived at Plymouth, where within six or seven days our whole Army and Navy met, and withal the shipping of the Low-Countries came to us. And soon after having watered and taken in all our provisions and Marinrs, and mustered our men, we embarked our Army, and set sail about the ninth of july, and for two days space were accompanied with a fair leading North-easterly wind. In which time we received a shipboard all our directions Set sail. throughout the Navy, with such orders and instructions as are usually set down by an Admiral, and a Counsel of War, together with the places of meeting from time to time upon any Instructions for the voyage and instructions touching instructions. occasions of separations by storms, by fight, by giving chase, or any other accidents. This order of delivering directions when a Fleet is a Sea-boord, and not before, is an use grounded upon many good reasons: as to avoid the revealing of secret plots, and the prevention of sudden execution. As also to shun the discouraging of diverse that do often expose themselves and their adventures to Sea actions, either for love to the Commanders, or out of hope of Purchase, or, for many other respects, which perhaps they would not do if they knew indeed either the danger, or the true ends of some preparations. And this secret manner of proceeding hath been often used by Philip the late king of Spain, in diverse great expeditions, who hath been s● precise and severe therein, as that oftentimes the Admirals of his Fleet themselves have not known their instructions, nor been suffered to open them, until they have been thirty or forty leagues on their way. We now being in this fair course, some sixty leagues onwards our journey with our whole Fleet together, there suddenly arose a fierce and tempestuous storm full in our Storm. teeth, continuing for four days with so great violence, as that now every one was enforced rather to look to his own safety, and with a low sail to serve the Seas, then to beat it up against the stormy winds to keep together, or to follow the directions for the places of meeting. And here some began to taste the inconvenience and peril of high Cargued Ships drawing little water, Peril of high cargued & of weak ships. and overcharged with mighty Ordnance in a furious high wrought Sea: And now also others found and felt the mischief of weak built Vessels, and of rotten Tackle. For this extremity of weather was so great, as that we were all one after another forced back again, some into Plymouth, and diverse into other Harbours on that Coast, so extremely shaken and beaten, as that the Admiral was in danger to have foundered in the Sea, having many leaks broken out upon him, and his mid-ship beam shivered in sunder. And yet (as we understood after) some three or four of the foremost of our Fleet (whereof the Earl of Southampton in the Garland was said Return to Plymouth. to be one) did recover ●ight of the North-Cape, but yet forced to return again to Plymouth. And many of our Gentlemen and Knights, with this boisterous and bitter entertainment on the Seas, returned extreme weak and lay dangerously sick long after: Insomuch that some of them died thereof at Plymouth, and were there honourably buried by the General. Some also were so Great sickness much weakened and distempered, as that they were not able to recover strength to put to the Seas again, as Sir Ferdinando Gorges our Sergeant Mayor, in whose place our General did appoint Sir A. Shirley placed in room of Sir F. Gorges. Sir Anthony Shirley; and Sir Carew Reignalls Captain of the Foresight, so severely weakened with Seas sickness, as that his charge was delivered over to Sir Alexander Ratcliff, a very forward and gallant young Gentleman, who (not long after) was slain in the Wars of Ireland, with Sir Conniers Clifford Governor of Connaugh. And amongst others in the beginning of this bitter storm, Sir Alexander Ratcliff. The Treasure● his ominous departure. our Treasurer Sir Hugh Biston was also so extremely afflicted with Sea sickness, and in so great hazard of life, as that out of the Wastspite (wherein he was shipped) he was embarked into a Carvel of our train to return for England, seeing his weak body unable to undergo the resolution of his mind. And I think this losing of our Treasurer in the beginning, was an ominous presage of the loss of the infinite Treasures, which afterward so unluckily passed by and escaped us. We being thus with contrary winds, and extremity of weather beaten back into several Havens, and yet at last meeting at Plymouth (except some few Ships of transportation, that were driven upon the Coasts of France, Wales, and Ireland, with some of our Bands of Soldiers) we fell to repairing of our Ships, and to amend those inperfections which the Seas and storms had discovered. But withal were enforced to abate a great part of the first proportion of our Army, as well through the defects of the Admiral his Ships, and others, as also for the waste and expense which we had made of our drink and victuals by the leaking of the Cask, and by the abundance of Salt-water, which was taken in during the storm, to the wetting and spoiling of many of our provisions. Besides that, much of our bear aboard those Victuallers that followed our Fleet with diverse other provisions, was very vile and unsavoury of itself, by the great abuse of the Victuallers and London Brewers, as well for the careless brewing, as for the unseasonable Brewer's 〈◊〉 stinking Cask which they deliver, a fault much used among them, and too much tolerated, considering the infinite ra●e and gains they make of selling Thames water, beyond all good order and proportion. But as God would, at that instant when we had discharged our Ships of that unserviceable poisonous drink, there came very happily into Plymouth for a supply, a tall prize A Prize. laden with Spanish Canary Wines, which was distributed amongst the Fleet to make Beverage. And in this sort using all industry and diligence for the setting af●ote of our storme-beaten Navy, we so fitted ourselves again within eight or ten days, as that we were ready for a new fortune. But yet this violent and dangerous tempest had so cooled and battered the courages of a great many of our voung Gentlemen (who seeing that the boisterous winds and merciless Seas, had neither affinity with London delicacy, nor Court bravery) as that discharging their high Stormy Winds and 〈◊〉 as arg●e not with delicacy & bravery Plumes, and embroidered Cassocks, they secretly retired themselves home, forgetting either to bid their friend's farewell, or to take leave of their General. And here by the way, a little to digress, I think it not amiss justly to reprehend and tax our Nation, for their unproper and vain manner of going to the Wars, and especially those that had never seen service. For be he poor or rich when he Advice for Gallants. first prepares to go to serve, he will take more care, and be at more cost to provide himself of a roisting Feather, and a ●lynckant Coat, then to be furnished either of fit Arms, or of necessary clothing to keep out wet and cold: whereby they come both to the Sea and Field service, rather like Maskers than Soldiers, as men apt to bring spoils for the Enemy, then to conquer or win honour from him. And yet at the last, the wanting of their needful habiliments in times of extremity, doth make them truly to find their own error and superfluous vanity in those idle and fruitless toys: whereof I could wish a reformation, as well for the bettering of our service, as also for abating such needless expenses. Such were the garish troops and gilded Armies of Darius, abounding in pomp and delicacy: whose millions of effeminate Persians were ever dispersed and defeated by handfuls of the poor and hardy Macedonians. So were the steel edged Soldiers of that renowned Hannibal, metamorphosed into Cowardice and Sloth, after they had once relished the pride and delicacies of Capua, for their conquests ever after declined. So was also that famous M. Antonius overthrown and vanquished, when he left the strict martial discipline of his own victorious Country, and fashioned his Forces according to the bravery and luxury of Egypt, to observe the humour of Cleopatra, who had utterly corrupted and weakened the courage both of him and his legions, with vanities, excess, and idleness. And such in our days were the glorious glistering French troops led by the Duke of joyeuse, being for the most part compounded of the gallant Courtiers and dancing Minions of Henry the Third French King of that name, but beaten and overthrown at the Battle of Couttras, by the valiant King of Navarre, and an handful of his poor Hugonotes (as they then termed them.) far otherwise was the wont and manner of those worthy Romans, that by their wisdom and valour made themselves famous, and Lords over the World, whose glorious examples we do more willingly read then follow. They going a warfare departed Rome in obedience and strictness of Martial discipline, in sobriety of diet and attire, fitted with Arms, like men that knew that Iron and Steel were mastering metals over Gold and Silver, and having achieved and performed their enterprises, returned then home in triumph, in glory, and in pride, shining in the spoils and riches of their vanquished Enemies, and adorned with as much sumptuousness as they could get, braving therein their conquered Foes, and setting to the show of the world the fruits of their Valour and Travails. Whereas we for the most part chose going out bravely, and returning home again beggarly, leave no other testimony nor records of our Enterprises and Victories, either to the living or to posterity, than the Merchant's books wherein we are deep plunged, even to the mortgage or sale of our Inheritance, to convert the true honour of Souldery into effeminate Note. pomp and delicacy. But now to the matter: We having in this Fort repaired and supplied the defects of our weather beaten Navy, only attended the favour of the winds; wherein it seemed the heavens were utter enemies to our designs. For during the space of an whole month together (after we were again ready) the weather stood flat opposite to our course, insomuch that Still crossed. we were not able to work ourselves out of the Harbour. And in this consumption of Time we lost the best season of the year for our purpose, and also greatly decayed our victuals and provisions; besides the number of our Soldiers and Mariners that daily diminished. And about this time the Lord Rich finding himself (as many others did) altogether unable to endure the inconveniences of the Seas in a long and toilsome voyage, took his leave of our General, and gave over Lord Rich departeth. the journey. In this extremity of contrary winds and cross fortunes (against which the policy and power of man could not prevail) our General, with the advice of his counsel resolved upon some other course, and to fashion his enterprises according to opportunity, and the proportion of the means that remained. And thereupon cashing the greatest part of his Land Army, he only retained one thousand of the best Soldiers (as was thought) most of them being Companies brought out of the Low-Countries: And also at that time he discharged diverse of the Land Army cashed. smaller Ships, and many of the Victuallers, taking out of them such provisions and store as remained to supply that which was spent, and to lengthen out the time for those lesser numbers that were to be employed. And whilst these things were thus altering and ordering, and committed to the care and charge of discreet Officers: Our Admiral himself, with his Rear-admiral resolved to ride post to the Court, to receive further directions or approbation in that he intended for her Majesty, and the Lords of the Council. Leaving the charge both of the Navy and Soldiers in his absence, with the Lord Thomas Howard his Vice-admiral, and the Lord Mountioy his Lieutenant General by Land whom he authorised, together with the Counsel of War, to marshal those affairs as occasion required. Here by it may be easily conjectured what it is for men Sea-actions require a Prince's purse. to undertake Sea-actions, that have not great means to follow the same, with provisions and allowance of superfluity to meet with lets and misadventures, and not to depend on the bare ordinary provisions of a set proportion. For by this great cross of ours, we may well take knowledge how uncertain and difficult it is to set out and prepare a Sea Army, except it be on the purse and defraies of a Prince, able and willing to supply the expenses and hindrances of such waist and accidents, as do many times happen by want of winds when all things else are in readiness, wherein oftentimes the overslipping, and not taking of six hours' advantage of wind when it hath served, hath overthrown a Uoyage. And it hath to my knowledge so fallen out, that some Ships that have taken a present gale of a day, by the benefit Small time great loss. thereof have performed their Uoyage, and returning again into the Harbour, finding others of their consorts bound for the same place, and ready at the same time, still sticking fast at anchor; by losing the same opportunity. In this absence of our General at the Court, there fell out such extreme stormy weather, as that it greatly troubled and puzzled our Ships, both in Plymouth Road, and in the Cat Water, insomuch that many of their anchors came home, and a Ship of the Reare-Admiralls, of three hundred Tons, called the Roebuck, drove a ground and bulged herself, and so became Harms by storms. unserviceable for that journey, although much pains and care was taken of all hands, and specially by our Vice-admiral himself in his own person, to have preserved her. During all this time of our abode in Plymouth, (which was some six or seven weeks) we neither found either want or dearth of any manner of victuals, either in the Town, where our Mariners were Good order for provisions at Plymouth. daily resident, or in the Country, where the Land Army was quartered; nor yet that extreme manner of enhancing the prices of all things used in London, and in other places of the Realm, upon the extraordinary assembling of any such great troops. And withal it is strange to see, how happily that poor corner of England, doth often receive and sustain so many Armies and Fleets, as do there many times meet, without any of those inconveniences or alterations, that upon the like occasion are found, in many other more rich and fruitful parts of the Kingdom. Our General (as is aforesaid) having spent now six or seven days in that journey to the Court, returned with a resolution to continue the voyage to the Seas, and there (as intelligence fell out) to follow the best courses in spending the rest of the Summer, and the remainder of his victuals; all sorts being very sorry, that so great preparations should have utterly quailed without effecting, or attempting something of worth. We therefore now proposed to ourselves, that by tarrying out till the last of October, (for the which time we were victualled after the Land Army was discharged) we might range the Coast of Spain, and so do service in some of the Kings shipping, or else lying in the height between the Rock and the South Cape, we might intercept some Indian Fleet or Carrackes, either outwards or homeward s bound, or at the least we might meet and fight with the Adelantado, who was then said to be preparing of a Fleet, and ready to put to the Seas. Besides there was a brute given out, tha● our General meant to attempt the Groin or Ferrall, and there to distress some of the Kings shipping that lay in the Harbour. But whatsoever pretences and speeches were given out for that matter; both our General, and the wisest of his Counsel of War, did well enough know●, that the Groin or Ferrall were then no morsels fit for our mouths, our Forces being so abated, and those places so well warned and provided for, by our long delays and impediments, besides there was no likelihood; that we would ever engage so many of her Majesty's best Ships, within the circuit and mercy of those Harbours, upon so great disadvantage and hazard, as they must have adventured in doing any good on any of them, as they were then furnished. But we daily see that it is Preten●e●. the manuer and fashion of great Estates and Commanders in the ●ars, to give out and pretend many things, that indeed they intent not, as well to make their names the more famous and terrible, as also many times to amaze the world with false Alarms, thereby either to hold their true purposes the more secret, or at least to give them the better speed and passage, by diverting the Enemies. A custom neither new nor usual: and therefore not repeated as any extraordinary observation. I● this sort all things being ordered and repaired, and our General returned with full Commission and resolution to proceed: his Lordship in stead of the Merehoneur (which was so weakened and disabled, as that she could not go forth again this journey) shipped himself in the Dewrepulse, which was Vice-admiral, and our Vice-admiral took unto himself the Lion, in lieu of the other. And on Wednesday, being the seventeenth of August, 1597. a little before sun setting, we weighed our Anchor's, and set sail, but with much labour got out of Plymouth Road, being forced to use our Two-boates, to set us clear of the Harbour, the wind being somewhat slack and scant. Notwithstanding, afterwards a sea-boord, we finding the weather more favourable, held our course for the North cape, and the three and twentieth of August, we fell athwart the Bay of Alchasher, and at last bore full in with it. The which Bay of Alchsher. course, the Master of our Ship (called Broadebant) much disliked, thinking it very inconvenient and perilous for so great a Fleet, so wilfully to be embayed upon an Enemy's Coast, but yet followed the General's course. The four and twentieth of the same month, being Bartholomew day, we met a soul storm in that Bay, most extremely violent for the time, but lasted not above five or six hours. In which storm the S. Matthew, whereof Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordnance, was Captain S. Matth●w distressed. two hours before day falling into an head Sea, having her Spright-sail out, broke overboard her Bolt-spright, and Foremast close to the Partners, which for the Ships safety was cut from her side: In the Foretop four Mariners were drowned, keeping their watch there, and the fall of the Masts broke two Anchor's, and carried the third into the Sea, upon which disaster (according to the manner of the Sea) some Ordnance was discharged, and many Lanterns hanged upon the shrouds, to give notice of her distress in the night. But after day light, the Garland (whereof the Earl of Southampton was Captain) drew near to her succour, who beholding with grief, the miserable estate that this Ship was in, and likely to be worse, for that her Main Mast, with the Ships rolling had loosened itself in the Partners, and in danger to break in the step (which if it had done, it would presently have sunk her.) The Earl, though he was not able to take all the men out of her, into his own Ship, being in number about seven hundred persons, yet he was desirous and careful to preserve as many as he might. And to that end sent his Pinnace to Sir George Carew, praying him, and as many as he would Sir George carew's resolution select of his Company to come unto him: which noble offer of his Lordship, the Master of the Ordnance (as he had reason) thanfully received: but having a more tender care of the loss of his Honour, then of the hazard of his life, would not forsake the Ship, but made election rather, to run the fortune of the rest of his company, then to provide for the particular safety of himself, and some other Captains, and Gentleman of good quality, whereof he had store. This answer, being returned, the Earl was yet unsatisfied, and being desirous to save as many as his Ship could well receive, and especially those of the better sort, sent his Pinnace to the Saint Matthew again, persuading them not wilfully to lose themselves. But the Captain persevered in his former resolution; and when some gallant men of his company would gladly have taken the Earls offer, and have left their consorts to their fortune, Sir George Carew would in no wise suffer a man to depart, because it should be no discomfort to the rest, but openly protested, that both he, they, and the Ship, would altogether run on fortune. Whereupon the Earl, seeing that his staying longer with the Saint Matthew, could in no sort give her men relief, and fearing by staying too long, to be far engaged in the Bay of Alchasher, and to lose his Admiral, followed the Fleet. These brave resolutions have been also used heretofore oftentimes, by such as have commanded in the Royal Ships, and sometimes by the Admirals themselves. And it is well known to many Seamen living at this day, that Edward, Earl of Lincoln, High Admiral of England, a valiant man, and worthy Gentleman, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, being in service on the Ed. E. of Lincoln High Admiral. Narrow Seas, with her Royal Navy, chanced in a tempest to fall with his Ship athwart a sand, whereby she was in great danger to be bulged and lost; whereupon the Captain and Master of the Ship, persuaded him in that extremity and danger, to take the benefit of his Pinnace, and save himself aboard the next of the Fleet. But the Earl, according to his honourable mind, openly vowed and protested, that no danger should cause him to leave his company in distress, that for his love had followed him to the Seas: Besides, said he, I honour the Queen my Mistress so much, to bring her word that I have saved myself, and lost her Ship: and therefore let us do our best to save altogether; for at this banquet we will all drink of one cup. Where●n, as he gave himself great glory and reputation. so it seemed, Audaces fortu 〈…〉 〈…〉 at. that fortune favoured his virtue and courage; for in the end, with diligence and labour beyond all hope, the Ship came safe off. These extremities and hazards on the Sea, bring to my mind an accident worthy the relating, and a piece of service not unprofitable for Seamen in like cases to be observed; and this it is. In the Queen's reign, about the time that the Pope and the King of Spain, sent forces into Ireland to aid the Earl of Desmond, who then rebelled in Munster, there was sent to the Seas a Fleet of her Majesty's Ships, whereof Sir john Parrot was Admiral; in the Sir john Parrot. Sir W. Gorges. Revenge, and Sir William Gorges, my Father, in the Dread-naught Vice-admiral; who when they had performed their service on the Coast of Ireland, and other places, in their return homewards, the Vice-admiral chanced to take an English Priate, whose name was Derivall, a very valiant and skilful Mariner. This Derivall, the Admiral took aboard his own Ship, and kept him D●riuall a Pirate, be●ter Mariner then man. prisoner in the Bilbowes. But so it fortuned, that a great storm arising in the Narrow Seas, the Fleet was scattered, and Sir john Parrot's Ship ran upon a Sand, where, a good time she did dangerously beat, having strucken all his Sails, and with every Billow was like to be bulged. And in this desperate extremity they saw no other way left, but how they might with Boats, and Rafts save the men, and forsake the Ship; some being of one opinion, and some of another, as hope or despair led them. This Derivall being then prisoner in the Bilbowes, sent word to ●he Admiral, that he knew well the lying of that Land, and would direct them a way how to save the Ship and all the company, if he would promise him on his Faith, and Honour, to get his Pardon when he came home in recompense thereof. The Admiral willingly accepted the proffer, and engaged his Faith for the performance of his demand, and taking him out of the Bilbowes, bade him be stir himself. Whereunto Derivall answered, In hope you will save my life, according to your Word and Faith given, I will (by God's help) save all yours: but if I thought otherwise, I had rather here drown with so good company, than he hanged at home alone. The Admiral bid him not doubt it, but follow his business. Whereupon Derival presently commanded the Master and Mariners, to hoist up all their Sails they could make, to the very Bats end, which was clean contrary to that they had done before (for fearing the mighty winds, they had struck all their sails, and so l●y thumping on the Sands) but now the strong gale having filled all their sails, still as the billow rose, it drove the Ship forwards, and so in four or fi●e shoves, being driven with the violence of the winds and the waves, 〈◊〉 〈…〉 s. us. with his st●rra●es he cut clean through and athwart the Sand, and floated into the Sea. This was a desperate remedy for ad●sperate danger; for if he had not used the benefit of her sails, and carried her athwart (the Ship being a strong built vessel) she would still have lain tumbling on the Sand, and at last broken herself. Notwithstanding this good service done by Derivall, when he came home, his reward was an halter, his offence being remembered, and his desert forgotten: and yet the Admiral did Derivall hanged against promise. his best to save him according to his promise. But surely (in my poor opinion) in such cases a State should do well, for example's sake, and for encouragement of others, to take notice of such extraordinary services, and to remember that virtue deserves no less to be cherished, than vice to be chastised, and that to Advice. whom a State committeth the trust or confidence of a Generals or Admiral's place, it should also allow him the honour, to make good his word for any thing, that concerns the advancement of the service, wherewith ho is put in trust. But I will return again to Sir George Carew, whom we left tottering in his wracked Ship, and in a great storm, for I have occasion here to stand somewhat upon the Relation of his hard adventures after his disaster, because I have heard it by many that were with him in the Ship, often, and at large discoursed of; and himself being a princicall Officer in the Action, shipped in a vessel of great charge, it cannot be reputed as a digression, or impertinent from the matter, for small is the reward of those that so resolutely engage, and expose their lives for the service of their Prince and Country, if they should not be allowed the comfort of honourable Story of the S. M●tthew. memory. After the departure of the Earl of Southampton from the S. Matthew, as aforesaid, many Counsels in this distressed Ship were held for the cutting of her Main Mast overboard, which with rolling was grown at last to be so loose, as that it was continually feared that it would break in the Stop, and when the Carpenters were ready to begin that work, the storm ceased, and the Seas began to calm, wherein finding comfort, they made of a spare top Mast a jury Foremast, and the Pinnace sail served for a Foresail. In this pitiful estate the Ship still running before the wind, which she could not otherwise do by reason of her small Foresail, within four days after by the goodness of God, came safely to an anchor at the I'll of Saint Martreines in France, where Sir George Carew made all the means he might to get a new Mast, whereby he might follow the Fleet. But upon S. Matthew brought home all that Coast he could not provide himself of any to fit so great a Gallyon. And therefore of necessity having settled his Mayne-mast, he returned for England, and within few days arrived in the Haven of Portsmouth. He thus having brought the Saint Matthew (beyond all hope) safe within a good Harbour, not any thing disamayd with past perils, presently dispatched Captain Francis Slingsby in post C. ●r. Slingsby. to the Court, to advertise the Lords of her Majesty's Council, of the misfortunes which had befallen him, and there withal humbly desired that he might be permitted to take her Majesty's ship Sir George carew's adventures i● the A●●enture. called the Adventure, which was then in that Harbour, and in her to follow the Fleet, which being granted he shipped himself in her, and according to the instructions (which were delivered to every Captain of the Fleet) he sought for the Admiral at the Groin, which was the first Rendezvous set down in the instructions aforesaid, from thence he made to the Rock, and not finding the Fleet at either of these places, he sailed to the Cape Saint Vincent, where it was resolved by the Lord Admiral and Council of the War to stand off and on, and to attend the coming home of the West Indies Fleet. There he had intelligence by a small man of War of Plymouth, that the General with the whole Fleet was at the Lands of the Asores, whereunto he directeth his course. And when he was (as he esteemed) within one hundred leagues of the Tercera, he had intelligence by another small man of War, in the which a man of Sir William Brookes was Captain, that followed the Fleet for purchase, that the Lord General in his opinion was at that time upon the Coast of England, for he had left the Lands fourteen days before the Adventure, and he did meet; upon which intelligence he changed his course for England. And not far from Vshent in the night, he fell into the midst of a great Spanish Fleet, Spanish Flee●. which had been with the Adelantado upon the Coast of England, & then homeward bound; but the night being stormy, he escaped that peril, and yet not without great danger. For one of the Spanish Galleons which was supposed to be the Admiral (for she carried a mighty Lantern in her Poop) passed so near to the Adventure, that their Mayne-yards in the end were foul one of the other, so as they hardly avoided their stemming of their Ships, which in all likelihood must have sunk one, or both. With this storm the Adventure was forced into Ireland, into Cork Haven in Munster, where he repaired his Ship of certain leaks she had, and also Cork H●uen. mended her Main Mast, which was strangely shivered with a whirlwind. And then putting to Sea again for England, a little before day, in a storm the Ship was driven upon the lee shore Danger by storm. within Beachy in Sussex; and not being able to double that head-land, in the endeavouring whereof all the Sails, being by violence of weather rend from the yards, to avoid running upon the Rocks, they came to an anchor, every Billow overwashing the Ships head, that neither by pumping, nor lading out of the water, they were able to free her: and the men in her so tired with labour, as no hope of safety was left. The last remedy was to cut all the Masts and Tackle overboard, which lightened the Ship, and by that means she was preserved. After thirty hours of this extreme peril, the storm ceased, and so by God's favour with a jury Mast, which was made of the Boat Mast, and the Boat sail, having no Mast nor anchor left but one, he arrived upon Allhollenday in the Downs, beyond all expectation of the Masters and Mariners, who made no other reckoning then to be lost. And these were the accidents that separated Sir George Carew from the Fleet, in the huge storms on Bartholomew day, in the Bay of Alchasher, as aforesaid. In which storm the Saint Andrew S. Andrew. at that time spent her main top Mast, and lost us for three or four days, but all the rest of the Fleet, (except our Ships, which carried the Low-Country Soldiers) kept together in the Bay. And so many as came to us after at the Rock, were beaten also from the Admiral in that Bay, and so were many other Ships, which found us after at the Rock, to the number of thirty and odd Course of the Fleet. sail. Whereupon a rumour was afterward raised, that the Rear-admiral was gone away with thirty sail from the Fleet, to the overthrow of the intended service. Our Admiral still bare in with the Land, & the most part of the Fleet followed the same course. The next day we made the high Land of Portugal, and within some three hours after, Cape Prior, where our Admiral with diverse other of the Fleet, did bear in so close aboard the shore, as that all the Country over began to kindle fires. The which manner of discovering ourselves (as I do remember) was much noted by diverse good Soldiers, as well by Sea, as Land: for indeed it was reputed no great policy, nor discretion in us, to run in so close aboard the shore, if we had any secret or sudden exploit to perform on that Coast, as it was pretended. For that Bravado of ours, did but give them more warning to provide for themselves, and to prevent Bravadoes often unseasonable. us. And I have observed that those braving humours, have of late years been the hindrance, and loss of many good fortunes, as well in Sir Francis Drake his two last Voyages to the Indies, and Sir john Norris in his to Lisbon, by staying at the Groin, as also in others, etc. Towards the evening, we put room again from the Coast, and beat up and down in the Bay to free us from thence, expecting a wind where with to double the North Cape, which, within two or three days we had, and so passed along within ten leagues of the Coast by Ferrall, the Groin, and Cape Bealim, and so weathered the North Cape. And as the Fleet together was passing along towards the South, almost as far as the Isles of Bayon, our Ship (the Wastspite) being then a midst them all, on the seven and twentieth of August, broke her main Yard in sunder in the very midst by the Apparel. Whereupon we presently discharged a Piece of Ordnance, Wastspite distressed. and made our misfortune known to our Admiral, who himself spoke with us, and also at that time had a great leak broken out upon his own Ship. And there by his order and permission we were willed to repair our main Yard the best we could, and until it were finished in that birth to go on with our Foresail towards the Rock before the wind, whiles he with the Fleet would in towards the Coast, and so, we there to ply up and down about the height of the Rock, until his Lordship came unto us, or during the days limited in the general instructions, and thence to pass onwards to the South Cape, and there to remain according to the said directions. And yet we did not for two days after depart, though to our great disease; for we wallowed in the trough of the Sea, and rolled so extremely, as that we had like to have lost our main Mast also. After this order given, we presently took advice the best we could, and set our hands together for the repairing and finishing of our main Yard, being broken in the Apparel, a very evil place to amend: wherein that night we could do little good, more than to free the Sails and Tackle from it. Notwithstanding the very next morning the Admiral sent a commandment to us, that we should presently attend him with all speed, for that he meant to put in with the Land: The which we were altogether unable to perform, our main Yard being in sunder, and impossible it was so suddenly in one night to repair it, and without it, we were not able to work upon a wind, (as all Mariners know) having but our Foresail and Mizzen, and the wind almost of the Land, so as it had been but an idle labour, for the more we strived, the faster we fell off. Besides, if we could have laid the Land with that sail, it had been a madness to put ourselves upon the Enemy's Coast in that estate, for if the wind had then changed to the West, we wanting all our main Sails, must have yielded or perished So as in regard of this necessity, we did for two days, as aforesaid ply up and down, until we had repaired our Yard, and fitted our sails unto it, being now five foot shorter than it was before. Whilst we were thus distressed on our Enemy's Coast, Sir William Brooke, Captain of the Dread-nought came unto us and tarried with us, out of his own charity and friendly disposition, S. W. Brooke. for there were no directions (that we heard of) given to any to accompany us in that distress. Only the Vice-admiral (of his own noble care) very kindly and honourably hailed us, and Vice-admirals' care. offered what comfort and help he could give us; some others afterwards did the like. But we having yielded due thanks to the Vice-admiral for such his noble care and courtesy desired no more company, but wished all others of our Squadron to repair unto the Admiral, contenting ourselves with Sir William Brook in the Dread-naught, and two or three other small men of our own Squadron, which of their own accord followed us. Neither did we in all this time entreat the company of any one Ship more to stay with us, albeit the contrary was very falsely suggested and reported in a strange manner of phrase, which was, that the Rear-admiral upon the breaking of his Mayneyard, willed all his Squadron and those that loved him to keep him Rumours. company, and not to follow the Admiral. But as this was a monstrous untruth, raised out of malice to the Rear-admiral, thereby to inveigle the Admiral against him; so the authors were after wards ashamed of their impudent slander, when the truth was made manifest at our meeting again with the Admiral and the Fleet at the Lands of Asores. As soon as we had mended our Mainyard, we bore in with the Coast, making all the inquiry that we could for our Admiral and the Fleet, but could not have any intelligence of them. Whereupon casting many conjectures, we sent a small Man into the Isles of Bayon, but could learn no news of him there. Then we thought verily that he would hold on his course for the South-Cape, according to the general instructions, we well knowing that he could not then put in for Ferrall or the Groin (as was afterward colourably suggested) the wind being flat against him, and our whole Fleet having over-shot it near twenty leagues before that our Yard was broken; and therefore it was rather a pretence to seem desirous to undertake it, then that there was any possibility to perform it. For besides that we had overshot it, and the wind contrary, so as we could not recover it again, both those Ships were wanting which were chiefly designed to be adventured in that service, namely the Saint Andrew and the Saint Matthew, two S. Matthew and S. Andrew taken at Cadiz. huge Galleons of the King of Spain's, that were but the year before taken at the sack of Cales, and only saved of forty or fifty sail that were then beaten and burnt to ashes. Upon these reasons we shaped our course for the Rock, plying up and down in that height for a few days. In which time we gave chase to diverse Spanish ships which we beat into Cast-keyes, and caused some of them to run on ground, we being so near Cast-keyes as that we could number diverse tall ships that road there under the Fort. Here we hourly expected our Admiral, being the very appointed place for a Rendezvous to all the Fleet, and would gladly have met with him, being of ourselves but a weak force to lie on that Coast, if the Spanish Armado had been abroad; as we were to suspect it was, or in a readiness at the least. And therefore it was foully falsified or mistaken of those that gave it out, and carried the news into England, that we had of purpose left and lost our Admiral to range the Coast alone at our pleasures. For being no stronger than we were, and lying as we did in the height that was appointed by the general instructions to the whole Fleet, it was not to be imagined in any sense or reason, that we desired to leave or lose the Fleet upon the breaking of our Mainyard so near the Coast of Spain, and the Adelantadoes Forces then bruited to be abroad. But indeed our Rear-admiral commanded all our Squadron to follow the General, because he pretended to adventure upon the Groin. Yet we hoped, and so he promised, that either he would come off to us again where we lay, or find us without fail at the Rock, but did neither: for there were three places of our Rendezvous appointed, if any separation happened. The first at the North Cape, and failing there, then at the Rock, and failing there, then at the South Cape. Now when all such ships as were sundered by tempest in the Bay of Alcasher, failed of their Admiral at the North Cape, they then sought him at the Rock, where they found the Reare-admiral, who held them altogether, and brought them to the General at the Lands; else had they all returned home, after they had miss of some Admiral to command them at the third and last place of meeting: for none of our Fleet went so far to the Southward. Whilst we thus stayed about the Rock, the Carvels of Lisbon, and of the parts thereabouts, would daily come swarming about us like Butterflies, so near, as that we might cast a stone into some of them, and yet could we never catch any one of them, so you're and nimble they are. But if we would have bestowed any musket or great shot on such babbles, we might peradventure have killed some of their men, or sunk some of them, which we forbore in hope to draw them to us oftener, and then if any calm had happened, we might have taken them with our Boats, and by them gotten some Intelligence. At the same time also there came to the Rock near thirty sail of ships of our own Victuallers and Transporters, amongst whom was Captain Sidney, Captain White, Captain Berry, and others, some of whom we took into us out of their own weak ships; who having lost the General in the Bay of Alcasher, in the storm aforesaid, sought him first at the North Cape; and missing him there, came to the Rock, according to the general instructions, and they by chance finding the Rear-admiral at the Rock, were held together till we either found or heard from the General. After we had thus plied up and down about the height of the Rock, and yet determined at last to have passed on for the South Cape, there came athwart us a small Bark of England, with whom we communed, enquiring what news in the South parts where they had been. They told us, that they had lately met a Man of War bound for England, that had taken an Indian man, naming the Captain, who (as they said) informed False intelligence by an Englishman. them for certain that the Atlantado was gone for the Lands, to waif home the Indian Fleet. This report seemed to carry with it good likelihood of truth, for we heard before that the Atlantado was preparing to the Seas, and also were certain, that both the King of Spain his Treasure, and other Indian Fleets were to come home that year. Besides, we did not suspect that one of our own Country would be so lewd, or durst presume to inform her Majesty's Navy, with a mere self coined suggestion, as indeed this was found to be afterward. For such a dishonest treacherous part may sometimes turn to a great inconvenience, in diverting a whole Fleet by a false intelligence, and is a point better fitting a Traitor then a true man, and well deserveth severe and public punishment for an example to all other. For although seafaring men will now and then (as do Poets and Painters) take liberty to fab 〈…〉; yet it is no goodiesting nor dallying with Princes affairs in that sort, and therefore if I could call to mind the Captain or Master's name, surely I would do them the courtesy now to remember them. Hereupon our Rear-admiral thinking it very requisite, and his duty to inform our Admiral of this advertisement as soon as might be, earnestly required the same Man to ply up towards the North-Cape, all alongst the Coast as well as he could, (because it lay in his way homewards bound) to find out our Fleet, & to inform our Admiral of this Intelligence. But he answered in the hearing of all the company, that the Captain that had taken this Indian, Prize, had already sent the Admiral a Letter to the same effect. Yet the Rear-admiral for the more surety (doubting that a Letter might miscarry, or that no such Letter might be sent, being but an excuse of this Man to put off the trouble of seeking out our Fleet, being a matter of great importance) commanded one of his small Men (that at that time followed us) to deliver the same advertisement to our Admiral, as he had received it by word of mouth; and to use all diligence to seek him, and the Fleet, and to deliver the report truly in manner as it was related, and withal to signify unto his Lordship, that we there attended him in that height according to the directions, and so would observe all places and times appointed, and that in such sort his Lordship should be sure to hear of us, upon any occasion to wait on him. This message, and Messenger could sufficiently witness, that we had no intent nor desire to abandon the Fleet, or to sequester ourselves, being at the place set down in the general instructions. This small Man that had this message in charge to deliver to his Lordship, the next day (by good hap) found out the Fleet, and upon delivery of this news, within two days after, our Rear-admiral received two several Letters from the Admiral. Letters to one effect from the Admiral one after another. First somewhat taxing him for not writing, then for his absence and withal requiring him presently to follow him to the Lands, whether he said he would (by God's help) hasten to find the Adelantado, not doubting but to give his Mistress a better account of that service, than the Adelantado should yield his Master: so, or much to that effect the Letters went, for I myself read them (with the Rear-admiral his permission) and therefore can truly report their contents. Upon this sudden and strict message, we presently altered our determination from going to the South-Cape, to hast to the Lands, and therefore we presently gave notice to Sir William Brooke and the rest of our consorts, of our Admiral his Letters, and what way he meant to take, and so instantly without any further delay, we shaped our course for the Lands. But in this passage of They sha●e their course for the Lands. ours towards the Lands, as we had a frank wind, so met we with other lets. For our Mainyard began again to crack, insomuch that we were enforced to strengthen it with more fishing. And as commonly misfortunes never come alone, so in the neck of this trouble, our Mayn-mast began to shrink also, springing great flaws in diverse places, in so much that at last we greatly doubted with every high blast or wind, that it would have been blown overboard. This sudden disaster much troubled us, and the more, to think what unequal constructions would be made thereof. We acquainted all the rest of our consorts with this late befallne mischief, and desired New distresses. Sir William Brook in the Dread naught to carry the light for all the company, seeing that our ship was so defective that we must needs stay to see if we could make the Mast serviceable, but would use all our best means to come speedily after, desiring him, and all the rest to hast to our Admiral, and to signify our misfortunes, and withal to make the more speed, for that if the Adelantado were at the Lands, our Admiral's Forces would be well helped by their companies, & so for a few hours, we and our consorts parted, only we retained two little small Men with us for our better comfort. Yet notwithstanding this order and direction given, so great were our desires to go on, & our labour such, as that the same night we had new fished our crazed Mainmast with a spare Main top Mast that lay by us, and then so plied our sails as that the next day towards the evening, we overtook Sir William Brooke again, and the rest of our consorts hasting towards the Lands as was directed. And on the eight of September, in the year 1597. being Thursday, we made the I'll Sep. 8. They make Tercera. called the Tercera, and weathered it to the Northwest; where we met with an English Merchant that came from Saint michael's, and had lain trading about those Lands some six weeks together, but could not tell us any news of our Admiral and the Fleet, albeit they were passed by but two days before. Which shows how easy a matter it is for shipping to pass by amongst those Lands unseen, and how difficult it is to find out such Ships among those Lands, as would shelter themselves from Note for the Lands. men of War, and covet not to be met withal, seeing that so great a Fleet could pass by unseen or unheard of, by one that came just from the Lands, at the same time that our General came thither. And therefore it is a necessary observation for all such men of War, as would meet or intercept any shipping, that doth touch at those Lands, or do come from thence, to keep in the main sea, and so to attend their coming forth, and not to puzzle themselves with running in amongst those Lands to seek for purchase, except they have others of their consorts lying in the Sea at the receit, if they chance to slip by which is easily done. This Merchant informed us of certain West Indian men, and two Carracks, that a month before had touched there, bound for Spain. And by this Merchant we wrote into England how affairs went, In passing thus onwards we discovered Saint George's Lands, and there we dispatched two of our small men, with charge to search about the Islands for our Fleet, and to inform our Admirail, that we were going for Flores, and Cueruos, in hope to meet him there, withal willing those small men to come thither unto us. And yet I remember many in our Ship were doubtful, and laid great wagers, that our Fleet was not yet come to the Islands, for that this Merchant could make no report thereof. Whilst we were before Saint George's, we were very much becalmed for a day or two, and the weather extremely hot, insomuch as the wind could not bear the sails from the masts, but were fain to hull in the Sea, to our great discontentment, that before had used such great diligence and haste to meet with our Admiral, and the rest of the Fleet. Notwithstanding the wind began again to be favourable, and so setting forwards, the next of the Lands that we made, were Gratiosa, Pike, and Fayall. And as we ranged by Gratiosa, on the tenth of September, about twelve a clock at night, we saw a large and perfect Rainbow by the Moon light, in the bigness and Rainbow by Moonlight differing in colour from those or the Sun. form of all other Rainbows, but ●n colour much differing, for it was more whitish, but chiefly inclining to the colour of the flame of fire. This made us expect some extraordinary tempestuous weather, but indeed it fell out afterward to be very calm and hot. This Rainbow by the Moon light I do the rather take occasion to no●e; for that I remember that Pliny in his natural History of the world, speaking of Meteors, denieth any Rainbow to be seen, but opposite to the Sun, and never in the night season: and yet (saith be) Aristotle reporteth for a rarity, that in his time there was a Rainbow seen by night, but withal affirmeth, that it could not be but at the full of the Moon. But in these parts they are very ordinary, as well when the Moon is not at the full, as otherwise, which maketh me to think, that these Island were never known to the greeks, nor to the Romans, nor that those former ages did truly conceive or know many things, that in these latter ti●●s have been discovered. For although Solomon saith that nothing is now under the Sun (which no doubt is most true for all things have had their being since the first Creation) yet all things have not been known in all places, and to all men alike. But as the long lives of men in the first ages (no doubt made their knowledge the greater by the benefit of long observation: so again, we in these latter days, by the tradition of their knowledge, left unto us, and also by the discovery of those things, which time bath revealed, have found out many secrets to them unknown. But to return. The same night by the light of the Moon (which was then almost fallen with the Horizon) we might espy certain sails passing towards the Eastwards of Gratiosa; whereupon we gave order that a couple of our small men should follow, and give them chase, as we in the Wastspight likewise did, and hung out two lights to cause Sir William Brook in the Dread-naught, and the rest of our consorts, to hold the same course with us, but we were followed by none of them, which when we perceived, and the Moonlight being now by the earth so shadowed from us, as that we could hold no longer sight of these sails (which had thrust themselves in amongst the Islands) we cast about, and held on our former course. But by this chase, for this little time (even as we suspected) we lost the Dread-naught, and most of our consorts, and never saw them after, until we met them with our Admiral, and the rest of our Fleet at Flores; whither with scant winds we came, on the foureteenth of September, and then discovered all our Fleet. But They come to the Fleet. at the first making of them, we stood some what doubtful, whether it was our own, or the Spanish Armado, they being as far from us, as we were able token out of our main top, and therefore we did still strive to keep into the weather, in approaching near unto them, until at last, we perfectly made them to be English bottoms. As soon as we were come within two leagues of them, the Seas being very calm, our Rear-admiral, myself, and some other Gentlemen of our ship, went aboard our General in a Barge, and dined with him, who seemed to be the ioyfullest Entertainment by the General man living for our arrival, protesting, that he never believed that we would leave him, although diverse persuaded him the contrary; and acknowledged that he was sorry for a Letter which he had written by Master Robert Knolles into England against us, promising presently to make a dispatch of purpose, contrary to the former: having also found soon after by examination, that not any one of these thirty and odd sails of victuallers, and transporters, which came now with us, were drawn from him by the Rear-admiral, but that they all came to the Rock to seek the General, and there by chance found us, who drew them to the Islands, much against their desires, being most of them in great distress. Afterwards we enquired aboard our General, what had passed with them since we debarred, upon the breaking of our main yard, before the Isles of Bayon; and we learned that in all this time, they had done nothing but ranged the Seas, to seek the Adelantado, and were come to the Islands but three days before us, where the Governors of the Islands of Flores and Cueruos, came to our General. The Inhabitants of which two Islands seemed to be but a wretched needy kind of people, and Inhabitants of Flores 〈◊〉 Cueruos yet as crafty, as base, and bare. These very submisly humbled themselves unto our General, bringing with them Fruits, Hens, and other fresh victual, imploring favour, and mercy at his hands, and that he would vouchsafe to give them his safeguard under his hand, to protect them from the spoil, and invasion of our men: alleging for themselves that they were an harms less poor people, that gave offence to none, but dwelled in Islands that yielded comfort and relief oftentimes, to all Seafaring men in their long Voyages, between the Indies and Christendom, and were anciently subjects to the Portugals, friends to our Nation, and nothing guilty of the Hostility between us, and the Spaniards, who (as they said) did usurp, and tyrannize both over the Portugals and them. Our General heard, and entertained them, with great courtesy, and told them that he came not to afflict poor men, but was sent by the Queen his Mistress, to Earl of Essex his answer and behaviour to the Islanders. chastise the intolerable pride and insolency of the Spanish, whose Indian Gold and riches, were employed only to the oppression, and disturbance of diverse Christian States and Princes; and these Islands being the chief places of retreat and refreshing for his Fleets, that passed between Europe and the Indies, were great means, and helps, to further their boundless ambition, and tyranny, with other discourse to that effect. And so enquiring of them very precisely, the times, and seasons that the Indian Fleets, both inward, and outward bound, held in passing by those Islands; in conclusion gave them diverse gifts, and his Protection in wrighting under his hand and seal from the violence of our Forces, which was very respectively observed, even to the value of an Hen, which no man durst take without paying for. Such was the moderation and bounty of this noble Gentleman our General, endued with many good gifts, though at the last he failed in the use of them. After we had been aboard our General, and dined with him, he acquainted our rear Admiral with the many conjectures, and surmises of our absence, and withal named unto him some of those men that had taxed him secretly with strange reports, and yet pretended to love him, which he protested (as aforesaid) he never believed, but thereby the better observed some men's scandalous, and cankered dispositions. In this sort did our General receive and welcome our rear Admiral, with the greatest kindness, and inward familiarity that might be, and all the Gentlemen of his Company with honourable courtesy, to the great dislike and hart-burning of some that much envied that liking, which of his own disposition, our General did bear unto him: Earl of Essex his respect to Sir W. Raleigh. For albeit the Earl had many doubts and jealousies buzzed into his ears against the other, yet I have often observed, that both in his greatest actions of service, and in his times of chiefest recreations, he would ever accept of his counsel and company, before many others that thought themselves more in his favour. And as touching the Advertisement that was sent into England, from the Isles of Bayon, by Master Robert Knolles, in a Pinnace called the Guiana, concerning us, that were forsaken, and left alone upon the breaking of our Main yard: whereupon was pretended that many great exploits should have been performed upon the coast of Spain, if we had not fallen from them (as was untruely suggested and reported) his Lordship promised the rear Admiral then, to send another advertisement, how we were all metagaine, and had been formerly severed by misfortunes only, and not by any wilful default in the rear Admiral, as was doubted. And that Advertisement sent formerly by Master Knolles, we well knew proceeded not out of any particular malice of the General to us, but only to take that as a fit excuse to free himself from the enterprises of Ferall, or the Groin, which he had promised her Majesty to undertake, but saw it impossible to perform, by reason of the former crosses, and our long stay in Plimmonth; and therefore was glad to take the opportunity of any colour to satisfy her Majesty, and to discharge himself of that burden, which we did all perceive, and therefore did strive the less the publish our Apologies, or to contest with a man of his place and credit, which (though in a right) had been but bootless, and mere folly; and therefore we left him to his best excuse, and our apparent innocence. And for the more plain manifesting of the Message, I have thought it not amiss, here to insert the true copy of the Instructions verbatim, that our General sent by Master Robert Knolles into England, upon these accidents before the Isles of Bayon. That we weighing Anchor and setting sail from the sound of Plymouth, the seventeenth of this month of August, having sometimes calms, but for the most part, Westerly and Northeasterly winds, we felon thursday, the five and twenty of this month with the Land, which is to the Eastward of the Cape Ortingall, which land we made in the morning about ten of the clock, and stood in with the shore, till three in the afternoon. Then finding the wind scant to ply to the Southward, I stood all night into the Sea, and the next morning in again to the Land. By which boards, by reason of the head-sea, and the bare wind, we got nothing. On Friday night I stood off again to the Sea, and about midnight the wind coming all Northerly, we got a good slant, to lie all along the coast: on Saturday in the morning, I discovered the Saint Andrew, whom we had lost sight of two or three days before. I bore with her, and had no sooner got her up, but Sir Walter Raleigh shot off a piece, and gave us warning of his being in distress. I presently bore with him, and found that he had broken his main yard. Whereupon I willed him to keep along the coast that birth that he was, till he got in the height of the North Cape, and myself having a desperate leak broke out as ever ship swum withal, which I was fame to lie by the lee, and seel, to stop it, which how it held us, you can report: and (God be thanked) that night we overcame it, and stopped it. The next morning we all came to Cape Finister, saving the Saint Matthew, who upon breaking of her fore mast went home: and the Wastspight with whom the Dreadnaught went without stop to the South Cape. This is all that is happened to me. If her Majesty ask you, why there was no attempt upon the Fleet at Teral, you may say, I neither had the Saint Matthew, which was the principal ship for that execution, nor the Saint Andrew, till mine own ship was almost sunk, and I not able to make sail, till Sir Walter Raleigh with his own ship the Dreadnaught, and very near twenty sail were gone. We are now gone to lie for the Indian Fleet, for by Spaniards we have taken, we find the Adelantado is not put to Sea this year. Of our success, her Majesty shall from time to time be advertised: you shall acquaint Master Secretary with this instruction; and both to him, and all our friends you must excuse our haste. We being thus met all at Flores, desired our General to give us, and our consorts leave, to water there before we departed thence, as his Lordship and the rest had done before, which he yielded unto, and very nobly lent us his own long Boat, for our better speed, willing us there to water, whilst he with the rest of the Fleet, did ply up and down to look out for the Adelantado, or any Indian Fleet, that being the very fit place, and season for them. Hereupon whilst our men and Mariners were providing to water, our Rear-admiral, with Sir William Brooke, myself, and diverse other Gentlemen went ashore, to stretch our legs in the Isle of Flores, and to refresh ourselves with such victuals as we could there get for our money. And at our first landing there, we met with the Lord Gray, Sir Gylly Merricke, and other Gentlemen, and we altogether walked a mile or two into the Country, and there dined in a little Village, where the barelegged Governor caused such things to be brought unto us, for our money, as the Island afforded In other sort we took nothing, which was very fair wars. This Island seems to be somewhat mountainous, yet having very good store of Fruits, Wheat, and other Corne. Their Corn they do all keep in large hollow vaults within the earth, having no other way nor entrance into them, but by a round hole in the top of the vault, only so big as a man may creep into it, and when it is closed up with a plank, and overstrewed with earth is very hard to be found out by strangers, for the which purpose they are so made, and much like the Caves in Gascoigne, and Languedocke, and such as are mentioned by Caesar to be used in Africa. This Island lies more subject to the invasion of Seafaring men, than any of the rest; for there all traders of the Indies do usually water, and refresh themselves. But here I must not forget A Counsel for taking in the Lands. to relate, that before we had our leave to water, or were departed from the General, a Counsel was called, and holden, for the taking in of some of the Islands, and an orderly course set down for the same; which was in this sort concluded on: The Admiral, and Rear-admiral to undertake Fayall; the Lord Thomas Howard Vide-admiral, and the Marshal Vere, to undertake Gratiosa; The Lord Mountioye, Lieutenant General, and Sir Christopher Blunt Colonel General of the Foot to Saint michael's: and the netherlands Squadron, was quartered to Pike, where the greatest store of Wines do grow, and therefore would not be taken in ill part of them, as we presumed. The reason why we resolved to master and waste all these Islands was, because 〈◊〉 was determined by the General to attempt the Tercera itself: which enterprise was put off, because the Rear-admiral, and with him twenty or thirty sail were wanting. But being now (contrary to all expectation, and to many men's hopes) arrived, this resolution received a second life; but it was first thought necessary to take from them, and to help ourselves, with all the victuals and other commodities that those Islands could afford: For the performance of which with the more speed, we divided ourselves into four Companies, as before written: But surely the fortune of those poor wretches was lamentable, that fell into the Flemings hands; for I think no people on the earth, can use less mercy, or greater insolences than they do, in all the places that they hollanders and Spaniards enmity implacable, master, which are subject to the Spanish Government: and yet I must say truly for them, that the Spaniards again have used such tyranny, and outrage in their jurisdictions over that industrious people, as hath well merited their irreconcilable malice, and withal hath cost the Spanish King many millions of Ducats, besides the life of many a proud Castilian, since the Execution of the Counts Egmount and Horn. And it is very admirable to see what heart and courage those Netherlanders are now grown unto, and how powerfully three or four little Provinees, do resist the forces of that mighty King, that keeps Milan, Naples, and Sicill in great bondage, in despite of all the Italians, who do think themselves for valour, and for policy the Minions of the Earth, and yet bow their necks to the Spanish yoke. After this consultation for taking in of the Islands, as aforesaid, and leave given unto us, and our consorts to water with all the speed we could, at Flores, we having prepared our Cask, and all things in a readiness to bring our fresh water aboard, about midnight, being the sixteenth of September, there came unto us from our General, Captain Arthur Champernowne, with this message; That my Lord General was borne up for Fyall, and meant presently to take it in, and therefore willed us with all speed to follow him instantly, and though we could not overtake him, yet at least to find him there so soon as we could, and the same word was likewise delivered to Sir William Brooke, and the rest, that lay there to water. And further, our General sent us word, that we should supply all our wants of water, and fresh victuals at Fayall. And this night as we road at anchor ●●fore Flores, we saw another Rainbow, by the Moon light, as before, and after Rainbow be the Moon. the samo manner, which (contrary to Pliny's report of Aristotels' opinion) was seen, though not at a full Moon, for the other was so seen some seven days before, in the which space, there could not be two full Moons. Upon this Message brought by Captain Champernowne we forbore watering, and hasted all we could, to weigh our anchors, and to follow our General. And therefore gave a warning piece or two, to our Consorts before we departed, and afterwards packed on all the sails we could make to follow our General, whom we could not overtake, nor find. The next morning we made Fayall, and entered the road, and there miss of him also, contrary to our hopes, and to our great discontent. Whereat we could not but greatly marvel, because Fayall. when he sent for us, he was six leagues nearer it, than we were, and besides, set sail towards it six or eight hours before us. Being arrived in the road, we beheld before our eyes a very fine Town, pleasantly seated alongst the shore side: from whence presently upon the sight of our entrance into the road, they began to pack away with bag, and baggage all they could, with carriages of Horses and Carts, Women, Children, Friars, and Nuns, and so continued in transporting all up into the Country for two days together. There was besides a strong Fort at one end of the Town, and another on the top of a very high Mountain, near adjoining, by nature very unaccessible, and steep, and artificially fenced with Flankers, Rampires, and Ditch, and in it six Pieces of great Artillery, mounted upon carriages, and two hundred Spaniards in garrison, beside others of the Island. These made certain shot at our Ships as they anchored in the road, but did not much harm, and set up a great red Ancient for us to gaze at: Besides, there were presently sent six Companies with their Colours, to entrench themselves upon the shore side, to impeach our landing: Hereupon our Rear Admiral in his Barge, accompanied with myself only and Captain Morgan, rowed close aboard the high Fort, and all alongst the shore side, to wards the Town, to see what fit place there was to make a descent against our General's coming. From whence we were saluted with diverse musket shot, that miss us but narrowly by good fortune, for we undiscreetly had with us neither Targets, nor Armours, but wished for them when it was to late. And therefore as well by that experience, as also by others in the same journey, that I saw at our landing upon a fortified trench, I saw it to be but an idle and unserviceable bravery, for Unarmed rashness. men that are to do service, to expose their unarmed bodies and limbs, to the mercy of a Musket, or the push of a Pike: whereby they can neither with that ability, nor resolution, prosecute that they have in hand, nor yet so well preserve themselves as they ought to do, for the bettering of their attempts. Besides, out of a Christian regard, they should not desperately cast away themselves, or carelessly spill their own blood, and the lives of many others, by such braving, and foolish examples. This night as we road in the Harbour, there swom aboard us from the Town two Portugals that discovered unto us many things, greatly encouraging us to this exploit. And of this we may boldly take knowledge, that the Portugals, and Inhabitants of those Islands, do infinitely hate, and malice the Spaniards, and their Government, and Spaniard's hated by the Portugals. would (no doubt) free themselves thereof gladly, if they were sure to fall under any other Government that were able to protect them from the Spaniards. And therefore if any powerful Monarch, or State did attempt it, they should not be troubled as with a Conquest, for all the Inhabitants would soon be persuaded to revolt, and take part with the invaders, for the advancing of that business. While we thus expected our General in vain (to our no little marvel) that thought he had been there before us, according to Captain Champernownes report (the wind being as good then for him as for us) our Rear Admiral called a counsel of many Captains, and Officers (that were come thither by order) to consult of the taking of the Town, if our General came not, thinking it a great shame and pity to let slip so fair a prey, so near at hand, without attempting it in time, before they had carried all away. Besides a great scorn and disgrace we should do ourselves, to enterprise nothing upon them that had begun the wars, shooting first at us as we road at anchor, and then after their bringing down to the water side so many Ancients, did proudly as it were invite us to assail them, if we durst, having withal, hung out a red Flag of defiance, from the top of the high Fort. The hope of the wealth of this good Town, and the ransoming of Houses and Prisoners, together with those bravadoes which they showed, did so set on fire all our Mariners and Soldiers, as that they began to mutiny, and rail on the Rear Admiral, and at all the Commanders there, taxing them for these delays, as not daring to attempt the taking thereof: Besides, they were the more eagerly set upon the spoil, and gaining of this Town, and Fort, for that they saw no great likelihood of benefit by this Voyage, but what was gotten ashore in the Islands. In conclusion, albeit we heard no news of our General in two days more expectation, yet at the counsel of Captains which our Rear Admiral had assembled, some of them varied much from the common desire, and would by no means assent to the landing, without my Lord General his knowledge. And of this opinion was Sir Guilly Mericke, Sir Nicholas Parker, and some other Captains: Our Rear Admiral, with Sir William Brooke, myself, Sir William Harvey, and other Gentlemen, and Commanders of our Rear Admiral his Squadron (called to this consolation) were of a contrary opinion, judging that my Lord General would repute us but Idlers, and Cowards, to lie so long, before so good a Town, with so many Ships and men, and to do nothing in his absence, seeing them hourly before our eyes, so fast to carry, and pack away their goods and wealth. And this was also 〈…〉 e common opinion and b 〈…〉 te, as well of the multitude, as of the Low Country Captains. But yet the violent and earnest persuasions of Sir Guillie Merricke, did so prevail with us, urging our obedience and duty to our General, as that we stayed from the Enterprise at that time, and expected our General's coming one day longer, especially for that they persuaded us, if his Lordship came not the next day, than themselves would also land with us. Which when we had also expected in vain, and the wind changing somewhat unfit for that Road, our Rear Admiral, and diverse of his Squadron, and many other of the Ships following him, weied, and coasted about the point, to the Northwest side of the Island, some four miles further from the Town than we were before, and there let fall our anchors, being then a better Road than the first, as the wind was changed. But Sir Guillie Merricke with some five or six Ships of his consorts, stayed still in the first Road, and would not budge. When we had in this sort changed our Road, and being now the fourth day of our arrival before Fayall (which was not above a days sailing from the place, from whence our General sent for us, we might see before us, a very fine and pleasant Country, full of little Villages, and fruitful fields: and therefore we much desired to refresh ourselves aland there with victuals, and water, as our General had promised we should do, when we came to Fayall, and as diverse others had done before us at Flores, and as we had then, but that we were called away to Fayall by Captain Champernownes sudden message from the General, as was aforesaid. And in truth we were in great want of fresh water, which we had not renewed, since our setting out from Plymouth. All these occasions considered, and we being now retired from the Town and Forts, we all resolved that we might without offence, with a few of our own men, go ashore, and refresh ourselves, and seek for water: whereupon we manned a Barge, a long Boat, and a Pinnace with threescore Muskets, and forty Pikes, rather to guard ourselves in our landing, and watering with discretion, then expecting any encounter or resistance, from the Town or Forts, on the other side of the Island. But our men were no sooner placed in our Boats, and all things ordered, and we ready to put off from the Ships side, but we might discover six Ancients of foot, and some dozen Horsemen coming on a speedy march from the Town and Forts, directly towards the place where we were to make our descent; for from one side of the high Fort on the Mountain, they might also overlook us, where our ships road, and discover all our preparation. When we had a while advised of this new Bravado, that they went about, and saw them still to come on faster, with so many strong companies of men (or at the least the bodies of men furnished with women's hearts) and had made such haste, as that they possessed themselves of the Trenches and Flankers, where we were to land, and there had placed their Companies, and Colours, attending our approach, as they made show, by waving their Swords, and displaying their Ancients in great bravery (for doubtless they thought we feared to land in their faces, because we lay so long before the Town, and never attempted any thing, and were so shrunk aside off; after they had provoked us so with great shot, and many other affronts) we seeing that proportion of an hundred men (provided only to guard our watering) to be too few to assault, and win a landing upon so many, in a place of so great disadvantage, and yet disdaining to go back, or make any show of fear; our Rear Admiral in his Barge rowed to Sir William Brookes Ship, and to Sir William Harueyes, and desired them, and some other Sea Captains, to accompany him in landing, with such men as conveniently they could furnish: For (said he) seeing these Spaniards and Portugals are so gallant to seek and follow us, and to keep us from watering, we will try our fortunes with them, and either win our landing, or gain a beating. Sir William Brooke, Sir William Harvey, and some others, very willingly assented, and presently there were made ready with shot, and Pike one hundred and sixty men more in Boates. And after this our Rear Admiral rowing by Captain Bret, Sidney, White, Berry, and other Captains of the Low Country Soldiers, that were there abrood in other Ships, they all cried out to take them and their companies with them, assuring him, that if he adventured to land with Mariners, and with his own attendants, without some Companies of Land Soldiers, he would receive a disgrace. He answered, that he durst not take any of my Lord General his company of the Low Countries, no knowing in what service he meant to use them; but he was resolved with the Gentlemen, and company of his own Squadron, first to make a descent, and then to call them, and send Boats for them, if he proceeded any further, and that neither my Lord General, nor any of his train, should have cause to be ashamed of us, for undertaking that in the face of our Enemies, which we durst not follow, and perform. And therefore told those Captains, that he would first attempt to win a landing, and then after if they could but second him ashore with two hundred men more, he would undertake to lodge them that night in the Town, and the next night after in the Forts. These Captains were all glad of the news, and promised to come after us, if we would send our Boats for them; for most of their Ships had lost their Boats with foul weather. This order and direction being given, we hasted as fast as our Oars could ply without the company of any Low Country Soldiers (being as I said two hundred and sixty strong, and the enemy more than the double as many) to the landing place which was first guarded with a mighty Hard place to land in. ledge of Rocks, some forty paces long into the Sea, and afterwards trenched, and flanked with earth and stone, and only a narrow lane between two walls left for our Entrance. But withal, we caused some of our Pinnaces that carried Ordnance, to lie as close to the shore as they could, to flank and beat upon them in their trenches a little before, and just as we made Help by Pinnaces. our approach; which we found to good purpose, and as well performed, especially by one Captain Banker, in a fine Flee Boat of the Flemish Squadron. But if there had been but one hundred Low Country Spaniards at that defence, it had cost many of our lives, & yet perhaps have miss our purpose too: For a small company with any resolution, might have made good that place, against a far greater force than ours were at that time. But as we made onwards with our Boats, the shot played so thick upon us, as that in truth the Mariners would scarce come forwards, having Baseness of some. the lesser liking to the business, the nearer they came to it. And in like sort did I see some there stagger, and stand blank, that before made great shows, and would gladly be taken for valiant Leaders: and some of these, our Rear Admiral did not spare to call upon openly, and rebuke aloud with disgraceful words, seeing their baseness. And withal finding a general amazement amongst the Mariners, and as it were a stay amongst all the Boats, well p 〈…〉 ceiving that this manner of hover, was both more disgraceful, and also more unsafe, lying so open to the enemies shot (which through fear and amazement the Mariners, and Rowers, neither observed nor understood) with a loud voice commanded his Watermen Sir W. R. his resolution. They land. to row in full upon the Rocks, and bad as many as were not afraid, to follow him: Hereupon some Boats ran in with us, and out of them there landed Master Garret a Pensioner, now Earl of Kildare, a Noble and valiant Gentleman; Sir William Brooke, Sir William Harvey, Sir john Scot, Master Duke Brooke, Captain Henry Thin, Captain White, Master Thomas Rugeway, Master Walter Chute, Captain Arthur Radford, Master Henry Allen. Captain William Morgan, Master Charles Mackart, and diverse other Gentlemen, whose names I would not omit, if I could call them all to mind, And so clambering over the rocks, and wading through the water, we passed pell mell, with Swords, Shot, and Pikes upon the narrow Entrance. Whereupon those that were at the defence, after some little resistance, began to shrink, and then seeing us to come Flight of the enemy. faster on upon them, suddenly retiring, cast away their weapons, turned their backs, and fled, and the like did the rest in the higher Trenches, and quickly recovered the hills, and the woods, being a people very swift, and nimble of foot; for we could take none of them, but such as after yielded unto us. And as for their Ancients, we could not recover one, for the Horsemen that More active feet ●hen hands. they had, carried them clean away. And in this sort we gained both our landing, and our Enemy's Trenches. In which attempt some few men were drowned, and slain, diverse hurt, and two long Boats bulged, and lost. And after that we saw all things clear, we assembled our Troops together, and refreshed ourselves, with such comfort, as we had there, which done, we sent back our Boats for those Low Country Captains afterward; who upon their arrival congratulated our good success, in taking so strong a piece of ground, fortified, and guarded with so many men. When these Captains were come unto us, we then took ourselves to be a pretty Army, being then in strength to the number of four hundred and sixty well armed, and appointed: whereof there were of Captains and Gentlemen of good sort thirty, or forty which gave great life to the business. And having done so much already, we then thought it the best way to go through with the matter, and to prepare the Town in a readiness for our General, and to make ourselves Burgesses thereof in the mean season, and therefore our Rear Admiral appointed Captain Bret to use the Office of Sergeant Maior, and gave direction to the other Captains to advance their Colours, and to call their Companies together, in a readiness, and so putting our Troops in order, we marched directly toward the Town, where by the way, diverse of these same very Spaniards, and Portugals, that a little before so braved us, came and rendered themselves in great humility, with white Napkins on the end of sticks, all whom, we received, and well entreated, using Spaniards and Portugals yield themselves. some for Guides, and some for our Carriages, and others to fetch us in fresh Victuals, and Fruits. And it is worth the noting, to see the far differing humours, upon the change of Fortunes, in these Spaniards, and Portugals. For where they conquer or command, no people are so proud, and insolent, and when they are once mastered, and subdued, no Nation of the world so base, or fuller of servile Spaniards and Portugal schol lers of Fortune extreme in extremes. crouching, and observance, as though on a sudden Nature had framed them in a new mould, so soon in an instant will they fall from sovereignty to slavery. And surely (at home) they are in general but a baggage people, tamorous, and very unwarlike. As we have well experienced by several invasions, whereof one Army was conducted by Sir john Norris, and Sir Francis Drake to Lisbona, and the other by the Earl of Essex, and the Lord Admiral Howard to Cadis, without any resistance, encounter in the field, or show of assailing our forces by battle, all the while we stated there. But afterwards with a little hardening, and heartening in the Wars, we see them prove very brave, and valiant And are not other Nations so? Vsus promptos facit. Soldiers. This Town was some four miles from this landing place, and all the Country in which we marched very champion, with pretty little rising hills, and all the fields over full of Melons, Potatoes, and other Fruits. Between us, and the Town, was this high Fort, whereof I spoke before, and that other Fort at the end of the Town: By these two we were resolved to pass, the better thereby to discover and observe their strength, and situation: although there was another way that led to the Town, some two miles further about, which we took not. But our resolution was the next morning to go in hand with these Forts, which now we could not perform, the day being too far spent, and our men already overwearied with the last work, together with a long march, and extreme hot weather, besides want of victuals. And therefore for that night we meant only, either by fair or foul means to possess ourselves of the Town, and there to lodge, and so to content ourselves, as having performed already, a sufficient day's work. But in our march, as we approached near the high Fort (by which of necessity we were now to pass) they did very fiercely beat on us both with great and small shot, hurting diverse, and killing some of our people. Amongst others I saw a very strange accident happen to Captain William Morgan, by whom myself at that time stood, when from the Fort he received upon a round buckle or his girdle, just in the forepart, a Musket shot, that bruised all his belly black, in a round Strange accident of a shot. spot, and battered the Bullet flat at his feet, but did him no other hurt. He was in his doublet and hose without any Armour, or Target, for the which a little before I found fault with him, and his answer to me was, that his flesh was of the Musket proof, as indeed it after proved, with the help of a buckle of a Spanish girdle, and good fortune besides, which in the common opinion favoureth the valiant. In this approaching towards the Fort, our Rear Admiral accompanied with diverse other Gentlemen of the best sort, to the number of forty, in the head of all the Troops, with his leading staff, and no other Armour then his Collar (a bravery in a chief Commander not to be commended) Rear Admiral taxed. led on the Company with soft march, full in the face of the Fort, descending down a little hill, whileft with their great Ordnance, and Musketteir, we were very shrewdly pelted. But he, with this little Vanguard was no sooner passed, and entered under the covert of their trenches, and barricadoes, that were at the foot of this steep hill, but the main body of our little Army, Disorder. that a while marched in good order, began presently to break their ranks, and from marching fell to flat running in straggling manner, so soon as ever they began to find themselves within the mercy of the Musket shot, and so continued in this disorderly, and timorous course, until they were upon our heels, under the walls, and trenches, almost as soon as we, that were in manner of a Vanguard come some twelve score before them in a fleady slow march. Our Rear Admiral, and we all cried out on them for this shameful disorder, and taxed Captain Bret, and Captain Berry, with other of the Captains for it, and of them demanded, if these were the men, that should have done us such stead in our landing, to save us from dishonour, or if this be the manner of their old Low Country Troops, to show such base cowardice, at the first sight of the Enemy, and for Musket shot so far off from a Fort. The fault was not surely in these Captains, for they were well known, and showed themselves to be honest and resolute men, and did their best to stay this disorder. But their answer was this, that these companies, that did so beastlike bebave themselves, were in deed men taken out of Flushing, and Brill, the Cautionary Towns, and raw Soldiers, that ever lived in a safe Garrison, & seldom or never had seen enemy, or encountered with shot in the field. And therefore for these kind of Low Country Soldiers, they said, we should never find them, but as hast and backward fellows, as the other Regiments that had followed the Camps were ready and valiant. And as it seemed to us then, and as since I have heard diverse Difference 'twixt Camp and Garrison Soldiers. confirm, their answer was true, and grounded upon reason and Experience. And therefore it is not amiss to take good notice of such as only serve to take pay, to walk rounds, and guard ports in Garrison Towns, for in the fiold they will most commonly be missing, or at least (if present) do little hurt for conscience sake. We being thus come unto the foot of the high Fort, and under covert of the Trenches, and walls, which they had abandoned, retiring themselves into their fortifications, and strengths on the top of the Hill; our Rear Admiral commanded Captain Bret to appoint a Sergeant or two, with some few shot, to go prove and discover the way towards the Town, and take safe in hand with them one of our Portugal guides, for the more assurance, and for the better instructions for conducting the Troops, because he was informed by the Guides, that the way in diverse places lay very open, and dangerous to the shot of the high Fort, as well as to the Fort at the Town's end. And the worse, by reason of low walls made of loose stones, on either side of the ways, which the great Artillery, and Musketeir would beat upon, and scatter amongst us, and so indeed after wards in the march we found it true. Captain Bret answered, that although it had pleased our Rear Admiral to appoint him to another Office, yet, if he would expressly command him, he would also survey this passage himself. But it was not thought fit at that time to want the Sergeant Mayor amongst such raw, and disorderly troops; and therefore he was again willed to appoint a Lieutenant, and a Sergeant or two, to go about that business, in manner as was aforesaid. But upon this order so given, Captain Bret made report, that he found the Sergeants and Lieutenants very unwilling to undertake this discovery, making the passage very difficult, by reason that they saw them from the hill top, to beat so dangerously with their great Artillery upon us, and the loose walls, & also to ply us so fast with their Masketeir, the which they might better do on that way. And therefore the Troops were very desirous, to have passed by with some speed, and not in any orderly march, and strength, which indeed had been a very foul, and also an hazardous course. For as we were credibly informed, the Island was able to make a thousand men furnished with weapons, and we were persuaded (or at least to suspect) that they would gather the body of their most strength, for the defence of their best Town, towards the which we were now marching. Our Rear Admiral seeing all men to make such scrupulosity of this business, when Captain Bret had related unto him the backwardness of these Low Country Garrison Soldiers, thereunto answered, that he would not offer that to any, which he would himself refuse to undertake, if need required; although it were not the duty and office of the chief Commander, to undergo so ordinary a service, but a thing duly appertaining to the inferior Officers, & Soldiers: Notwithstanding (said he) though I could enforce others to do it, they shall well perceive, that I myself Rear Admiral's valour. will do that which they dare not perform: whereof I am ashamed in their behalf, and how our General, and we all are abused, in the opinion of these Low Country Soldiers. And therefore called for his Curates and Cask, and said, that he would both go view the way for them, which they had made so nice of, and also the passages, and ascents unto the hill top, and as well as he could take view of the strength, and fortifications thereof, for our better directions against the next morning that we should attempt it. Captain Berrie thereupon very willingly offered himself to ho, and did earnestly desire me to divert our Rear Admiral from undertaking it, And I thereupon did openly dissuade him that commanded in chief, from putting his own person to those inferior Offices of hazard, fitter for a Lieutenant or a Sergeant, than himself to perform, knowing, that all the direction, as well of those troops, as also of a whole Squadron of the Navy, did at that time only rest upon him, in the absence of the Admiral, & Vice Admiral. Notwithstanding he was obstinate therein, as well in scorn to them that had refused, as also indeed out of a desire, to be the better informed of the strength, and fortification of the high Fort. Wherein when I saw him resolved, I told him that I would out of the love of a kinsman, in particular, and also out of an honest regard, take such part as he did, from whom I had received many kind favours, and accompany him, but not out of any great desire I had to go about a piece of work, that consisted of much danger, and little honour in the performance. He thanked me for mine offer, but yet wished me not to go, if it were against my mind; notwithstanding I accompanied him, and so did some eight or ten more of our servants and followers. But I say truly, and so afterwards it was much spoken of, that there was not any one more of quality, that did accompany him in that business. In this sort, and in this number did he himself go to discover the passage, and also was careful and diligent to observe and search out the strengths and ascents to the hill. In which doing, Dangerous discovery. we were shrewdly troubled with the great Artillery, which did beat upon the old walls, alongst the which we were to pass, and therewithal much endangered and harmed us. For besides some that were hurt, two of our train had their heads stricken clean from their shoulders; myself was then shot through the left leg with a Musket bullet, but miss the bones being but a flesh-wound, but the bullet did burn both my silk stocking and buskin, as if it had been singed with an hot Iron. I was then hard by the Rear Admiral, who also was shot through the breeches & doublet sleeves in two or three places. And still they plied us so fast with small shot, as that (I well remember) he wished me to put of a large red scarf, which I then wore, being (as he said) a very fair mark for them. But I was not willing to do the Spaniards so much honour at that time, albeit I could have wished it had not been on me, & therefore told the Rear Admiral again, that his white scarf was as eminent as my red, and therefore I now would follow his example. But yet in my poor Scarfe-bravery perilous. opinion I see no great honour, nor discretion in those nice ceremonies, but when men go to service, they may with reputation, either put on, or put off all habiliments, for their most advantage and security, and especially in going to discover, which best may be performed, when themselves are least discovered. And this puts me in mind of a report which I heard many years since of Monsieur La: No, that famous French Captain, and one Bussey de Amboys, a gallant French Gentleman. These two being with Monsieur the French Discovery best lest discoveted Kings brother, some 24. year: since, at the siege of Bines in the Low Countries, were to inform themselves of a flanker, or some Ravelin that was to be beaten with Artillery. La Nove was the Marshal of Monsieurs Camp, and Bussye his great favourite, & Lieutenant General (as I take it) Bussey would needs before Monsieur in a bravery, invite La Nove to undertake with him the discovery of that place, which La Nove out of his better judgement, and experience in the Wars, thought not so fit a piece of service for their places, but rather to be preferred to some private Captains of valour, and judgement, that would very covertly go about it. But such was Busseyes forward beat, and jollity to the business, as that La Nove, who was inferior to none in true valour, disdained to refuse that, which the other still urged, and made so light of. And being stirred by Busseyes' daring branery, he fell to the business, and led Bussey such a dance in his hose and doubled unarmed to the discovery, and so slily curried him on still with a sober discourse, further and further inso the very mouth of the Cannon and Musket shot, with a soft steady pace, as that Bussey began to find and dislike their entertamment, seeing the imminent danger that they still ran into. And thereupon suddenly asked La Nove, what he meant so far openly to engage himself, and on so slow a pace: whereto Lafoy Nove answered, that he did so, to make Bussey know, that La Nove had a heart as well to execute, as a tongue to give counsel when need required. But at last, they both falling into the true reckoning of their follies; the one, for urging a valiaut old Soldier, and the other for assenting to the vain glorious humour of youthly inconsiderate courage, came off very quietly both together, having had their fills of discovering. And yet these Simullates (as the Latins name them) have ever in all ages reigned. Caesar in his Commentaries makes an especial observation of two of his Captains for the like: The one was called Titus Pulfio, and the other Lucius Varenus, and it happened in his Wars of France, in the wintering Camp of Q●intus Cicero, one of his Lieutenants being furiously assaulted by the Gauls, but most resolutely defended. The manner he describeth excellently, and large, in his Commentaries, to which I refer you. And now to our purpose, by this time, we had reasonably to our satisfaction, made a sufficient discovery, both of the way for our Troops to pass, and also of the ascents to the high Forton the Mountain. And then there came unto us Captain Berry, and one Master Henry Allen, and others; who finding me hurt, very kindly bemoaned my harm, and I in requital of their courtesy, as much lamented the want of all their good companies at that banquet; upon the coming of these unto us, we sent back two of our men to Captain Bret (Sergeant Mayor for that time) to be his Guides, and to will him presently to march on with his Troops towards the Town after us, and that we would stay for them, because we then looked to be fought withal, or at the least, to have some little sally, or bickering out of the Fort at the Towns end, which we must needs pass by, before we could come to the Town. This was a very fine fortification all of stone work, with curtain, flankers, and ditch, very artificially cast: but presently upon our approach they abandoned Fortification forsaken. Town abandoned. it, and in our passing by we entered into it, and found that they had newly forsaken the place. The like did they afterwards from the Town, and were all fled up into the Country, and into the Mountains, saving those two hundred that were garrisoned in the high Fort. The Town was emptied, and left very bare of all things, but of such wares as could not suddenly be removed: which was Wine, Salt, and Corn, whereof they left a little store for our refreshing. The rest of our Troops by this time were now come on very near to the Town, but there were some five and twenty of them shot, and some seven or eight slain in the passage. And in this manner we did afterwards enter the Town very peaceably; which was a pleasant They enter the Town. Town described. place, built all of Stone, and covered with Tile; and full of fine Gardens, Orchards, and Wells of delicate waters, with fair Streets, and one very fair Church, and also a Nunnery, and a Friary. It is in bigness about the proportion of Plymouth, or Yarmouth, but seated much like Dover Town. This Island is of late years become very watchful, and the people more grown to the use of fit arms, and have for their defence erected this new fortification, on the high hill, with a Garrison of two hundred Spaniards in it. For not long before, it had been very gallantly surprised, and (as I think) sacked, and ransomed, by the right Honourable George Clifforld Earl of Comberland (a noble Earl of Cumberland. See sup. l. 6. c. 1. Gentleman) that had often exposed both his purse, and his person, to his great honour and experience in those Seafaring Adventures. And presently upon our entrance we made Barricadoes, placed good Guards in diverse parts, and a strong Corpse de Guard in the Market place. For the town being unwall, we were to suspect, that if we lay there open, and carelessly refreshing ourselves, and our soldiers scattered abroad in seeking for victuals, we might easily be surprised without good order, and directions given, before we fell to our repast, or rest. But this order being first performed, Their order for safety and booty. then were others at better liberty to search safely for booty. Therefore Proclamation was made, that upon pain of death none should straggle twenty score without the Town, and that not without the knowledge and leave of an Officer, and then to go upon their guard with fit weapon, and company. Having now refreshed and reposed ourselves all night without any trouble, more than two false alarms, that were given upon the sight of diverse of the inhabitants that approached towards the Town, to view the manner of our dealings with their buildings (which proved nothing, but mistrust of the worst) for which, all things were well provided to The Generals coming. withstand the enemy) the next morning being the 22. of September, even with the day break, we might see our General with his Fleet at hand, bearing in with all sails towards the Road of Fayall, who all this while had been beating up and down the Seas, looking about for the Adelantado, and other Adventures. Upon his arrival, our intent for attempting the high Fort was frustrated, and all our proceedings in Fayall were by Sir Guillie Merricke at large related, unto our General, Sir Guilly Mericks' uncharitable officiousnesie. and so aggravated, and wrested into an evil sense, by him, Sat Christopher Blunt, Sir Anthony Shirley, and others, by putting my Lord in the head, that these parts were played by the Rear Admiral only to steal honour, & reputation from him, and to set his own forwardness to the view of the world; which intimation of theirs, was an exception that they know our General was very apt of his own disposition to take hold of, being a man that did affect nothing in the world so Earl of Effe● his ambition of honour. much as Fame, and to be reputed matchless for magnanimity, and undertaking, and could hardly endure any that should obscure his glory in that kind, though otherwise he favoured them never so much. And that this is true, those that understand his humour best, cannot justly deny. The which (I protest) I do not speak, either out of any neglect of one that is dead, or to pick a thank of any that lines, but simply out of a resolution to write an unpartial truth, or else to be silent. For those spirits that base flattery, or servile fear doth transport in fashioning their Histories, are of all others to be reputed the unworthiest, and most pernicious in a well-pollicied Common wealth. For we see that those Heathens, which have written the stories of Cyrus Pyrrhus, Alexander, Hannibal, Scipio, Caesar, and of all other those great Kings, & renowned Heroes, do as well tax them for their vices, as glorify them for their virtues: For, who lives without fault? And so sincerely & boldly do they follow the truth in their writings, as that they are thereby freed from malice, or revenge, because they are free from all partiaelitie; or if any spleen arise, yet it is secret; for the prosecution of such sincerity, is reputed mere empierce in all sorts, and flat Tyranny in Princes. And to conclude, this impotent humour of enduring rivality, and other men's praises, is very incident to men in high places, especially if they be of great courage, or tickled with Ambition. It was be ●des alleged, that the presumption and scorn, to land such Forces without his Lordship's leave, was not to be passed over without severe punishment, and a marshal Court fit to be called, to censure the offence and breach of order, and discipline, with many other as bitter arguments, and devices, as their wits could compass, to aggravate the General's wrath against all that were in this Action, and especially the Rear Admiral. Against whom, they spared not so far to inveigh, as that they gave it out, that he was well worthy to lose his head for his labour. And so had they inveighed the General against us all, as that all the forenoon was spent in reprehending and displacing all the Land Captains, and Officers that accompanied the Reate Admiral in that Action, who being sent for to answer before the General aboard his ship, was before the Messenger came for him, gone in his Barge to see the General, and to guide him to the Land, not so much as suspecting that any thing had been ill taken for that matter, but rather Sir Walter Ral●igh cometh aboard the General. looking for great thanks at the General his hands. But so soon as he entered the General's ship, he found all men's countenances estranged, as he passed through them. And when he was entered into the General's cabin, after a faint welcome, the General began to challenge him of breach of order and Articles: To whom the Rear Admiral answered, that he knew not of any such breach: my Lord replied, that there was an article that none should land any of the Troops Accusation. without the General's presence, or his order. The Rear Admiral desired the General to give him leave to defend himself by those Laws, which himself as well as others had devised, and his Lordship with the Counsel of war had authorised, and that than his Lordship should find, that His answer. he had not committed any Error at all. For (saith he) there is an Article, that no Captain of any ship, nor Captain of any Company, if he be severed from the Fleet, shall land any where without direction, from the General, or some other principal Commander, upon pain of death, etc. But I take myself (said he) to be a principal Commander, under your Lordship, and therefore not subject to that Article, nor under the power of the law Martial because a successive commander of the whole Fleet in her Majesty's Letters Patents, your Lordship, and my Lord Thomas Howard failing. And besides your Lordship agreed that I should land at this Island, with your Lordship, whom I have attendea these four days, and finding that your Lordship came not, being in your way thitherwards half a dozen leagues before, I weighed anchor, I could not but think, that you thought me strong enough to take this Island, and that your Lordship was gone, with some of the rest to some of the other Islands. And stated so long from landing, at Sir Guillie Merrickes entreaty, as I heard mine own company, even at my back, murmur, and say, that I durst not adventure it. And to tell your Lordship a plain truth, my intent at first was only to water, until I saw them follow me in that braving manner, which with our reputations we could not then shun, and give over, being already in our Boats for that purpose. For if I had intended the taking of the Town, I would never have retired so far off from our first Road, that lay right before it. This dispute held some half hour, and then the General went ashore, and rested himself in the Rear Admiral's lodging, being well enough satisfied at that time. In so much as the Rear Admiral desired my Lord to ●up there, and that if his Lordship meant to call the matter further in question, he would claim no privilege nor favour thereby, but answer it in the morning. To which Sir Christopher Blunt (taking my Lords answer from him) said, that he thought my Lord would not sup at all. But the Rear Admiral finding Sir Christopher blunt's disposition, told him, that when he ●●uited him he might disable his own appetite, but if my Lord pleased to stay, he would be very glad of his presence. In this mean while my Lord Thomas Howard very nobly, Lord T. Howard (now Earl of Suffolk) his Christian and friendly mediation. and kindly taking care, that no wrong, nor disgrace might be offered to the Rear Admiral by any device, or practise of his Enemies, dealt with the General to find how he stood resolved, and the next morning assured the Rear Admiral, that my Lord sought nothing but a due acknowledgement of an offence, alleging that the rest would think him a very weak and came Commander, if he should receive no manner of satisfaction. The Rear Admiral hoping that he had done nothing uniustifiable, and well assured, that he was successively in the Commission, for the whole commandment of the Fleet (and therefore not subject to any corporal danger) as also because he assured himself of the Vice Admiral his honourable love, and sincere dealing, came again in the morning to visit the General. Otherwise (remembering the little trust that men ought to repose in reconciled enemies, and the strong malice borne him by others in greatest favour with my Lord) had meant to have put himself into his own Squadron, and so to have defended himself, or left my Lord. But my Lord Thomas Howard, persuading him to go, and satisfy the General (upon whose word only he made that adventure, after he had given him his honour, with great kindness, and resolution, that he would make himself a party, if any wrong or violence were offered, contrary to the General's promise unto him; he did as the Vice Admiral The General pacifed. advised him. And so all things after a little dispute came to a quiet end and conclusion. And within a day or two after, the General accompanied with the Vice Admiral, and other Lords, and Commanders dined aboard our ship, where he was exceedingly entertained, and contented. Only this I omitted that when the General committed Captain Bret, Berry, and Sidney, The Rear Admiral desired that those Gentlemen might receive no hard measure in his cause, for whatsoever his Lordship doth conceive to have been misdone, he must take it wholly on himself to answer, being at that time the Chief and Commander. This I have set down in manner as I heard it, then from men of good sort, not being present thereat myself, nor at that time able to wait on the General, by reason of the shot through my leg, which I had received but the day before, in this thankless service. Thus was the whole day spent in reprehending and disciplining us for our pains. And yet notwithstanding, these aggravators, and chief Instigators of our General, vouchsafed to take the benefit of our reproved Travails, in lodging, and refreshing themselves in this good Town, both this night, and three or four days after. But in the same day that our General arrived, about one of the clock after midnight, all the Portugal●, and Spaniards in the high Fort, with their High Fort abandoned. bag and baggage, abandoned the place, leaving behind them six pieces of great Artillery mounted. For when they saw the whole Fleet together, and so many gallant Troops land with our General, their hearts fainted, and so they fled into the Country, and woddy Mountains adjoining. Then in the morning when it was too late (although as yet we knew not so much) direction was given to certain troops, and companies, to guard all the foot of the high Fort, to stop, and stay them from stealing from thence, that were already gone, for it was given out, that if they did not presently surrender it, the place should be assailed. But when news was brought that they had abandoned the Fort, and carried all away, then was there much descanting of the foul oversight, so to suffer the Birds to escape out of the Cage, that might have been so surely kept, if we had not bestowed more labour in disciplining and correcting our own pretended faults for landing, than discretion or diligence in prosecuting Envy spieth more in pretended, then in professed enemies, and is always worst to itself, though bad to all. the Enemy, whom we had at an advantage. For presently upon their arrival, they did nothing but examine and discipline our offence. Whereas if they had gone in hand with the Fort, and cast a careful eye thereunto, we had not lost the ransoming of so many Spanish prisoners, nor the benefit of the spoil which they had carried out of the Town, for safety to that place. And at this gross error there was much muttering. But now diverse of the land officers (to colour and excuse their own default) laid this blame also on us, alleging that we should have left a good guard upon the Fort, if we had done like men of war, upon our first landing, and then all had been sure. And although this excuse passed at first for some payment, for the common and more ignorant sort, yet all men of judgement could easily perceive, how impossible a matter it was for us out of four hundred and sixty to spare so many, as should sufficiently guard two hundred soldiers, from sallying out of such a Fort, and yet proceed with the recovering of the other Fort, and Town that was before us. For the defence of both which, the Island was able and had in readiness (as our spies and guides assured us) above one thousand able men well furnished, upon whom we were to have a vigilant eye, and to keep a convenient strength after we had once possessed the Town. But after the General was come, this might easily have been performed, or if he had not come, they had not fled so suddenly, and the same morning, we ourselves had attempted the Fort, and made no doubt to carry it. But then with the presence of our General, upon his arrival, all our determinations, and authorities were conciuded. Afterwards when our men entered this Fort, which the Spaniards had abandoned, there they found diverse pieces of Artillery, and an English Gentleman whose name was Hart, and a Fleming with both their throats cut. Then were there certain companies sent abroad the Country, Hart and another left with throats cut. to trace those Spaniards and Portugals, and to make waste of all that lay in their way. But of the Garrison they could never recover one man. Now after three or four days the anger and dislikes of our General towards us, were well pacified, and upon further consideration and conference with the Rear Admiral of his doings, he grew again into very kind terms with him, and at his suit released and restored all the disgraced Captains that landed, and were in this service, and so having taken all the benefit, and refreshing of this Town, and Island that we could come by, our time being so short, on the foureteenth of September we were all commanded to go aboard. And so for a farewell, and for the funerals of our lost men, and those two that were so despitefully murdered in the high Fort, the Town was bravely set on fire, and all the Town fired. Ordnance of the Town, and Forts brought away with us. And I am persuaded that if the wars had not been by chance so began before by us, upon that Island by their own seeking, and foolish bravery, and afterwards aggravated by their cruelty in murdering so despitefully two of our company in the high Fort, Fayall had escaped as scotfree as did Cuor●o, Flores, Gratiosa, Saint Reward of cruelty is cruelty. michael's, or any of the other. For surely they were all at our mercy, the Fort of Tercera only excepted. But in all these Actions I observed, and well saw, that our General in his true disposition, affected rather to be renowned for bounty, clemency, and valour, then for the glory of a dreadful Conqueror. All this while the Flemings were playing their parts in the Isle of Pike, which was about a league from Fayall; where I leave them ransacking the Wines, and burning all that was within their power. The six and twentieth of September we made towards Gratiosa, where we cast anchor, and presently whilst we road before it, there came aboard our General, the chief men of the Island submitting themselves, and craving mercy of our General, alleging (as they of Flores Gra●iosa submitteth i● self. had done) that the inhabitants thereof were Portugals, and friends, and natural Enemies to the Spaniards, though they wanted means and force to show it, being held under them by strong hand, To this Island our General showed his accustomed mercy, and required of them some provisions of Wine, Fruits, and fresh victuals for the relieving of the Fleet; but of any other composition we heard not, although it was supposed they did, or might have yielded a better ransom: but this was very willingly sent by the inhabitants unto us. Here some of the Commandets went aboard the General, and besought him to go a land, and somewhat better to survey this Island, and for one day to let his Fleet anchor in that Road, which his Lordship showed great willingness unto. But the Master of the General's Ship, whose name was Grove (a dull and unlucky fellow) was utterly against that counsel, and alleged that the year was far spent, and the place of anchoring there not good for the ground tackle, protesting that it would be dangerous for the whole Fleet, and put it in hazard, and therefore very earnestly persuaded and urged the leaving of that Road; which advice of his, our General then followed, to our great l●sse, and hindrance, as afterwards it fell out. But Grave the Master must pardon me to say in m●ne opinion, that it was an undiscreet advice, so to divert our Fleet in such haste from that Grove taxed. Island, considering the long abode he made afterwards before Saint michael's, and at Villa Franca, to less purpose in as ill Roads as this, and later in the year. Hereupon we weighed, leaving Gratiosa upon Saint Michael's Eve, and made for Saint Michael's Island, and on Saint Michael's day, early in the morning, we made that land, and bare in with the shore. And as we came very Saint Michael. near unto it, two of the Sterne-most Ships of our Fleet, shot off twice or thrice, and bore up with all sails they could pack on, towards the Admiral's ship. These brought news of the Indian Fleet then by them discovered, coming directly from the Road of Gratiosa, that the General had so unwillingly left but the Evening before, by the News of the Indian Fleet. unlucky advice of Grove the Master of his ship. Upon the Intelligence given by these two ships, our Admiral shot off a piece, and presently cast about, and there withal, we in the other ships perceived casting up of Hats, and great shoots aboard the Admiral, for joy of this news. And the like afterwards was done in the Vice-admirals' ship, and so passed throughout all the Fleet. Within some few hours after, we encountered, and took three Spanish ships, coming from the Three Spanish ships taken. Havana, the greatest of them being about four hundred tons, and esteemed to be a very rich ship, as well for the lading, as for the passengers that were in her. To this Spaniard, our ship called the Wastspight being nearest, gave Chase, and caused her to strick, and yield: but yet my Lord General hasting after, would suffer none but his own Boat to go aboard her, being full of good prisoners, and pillage besides her lading, which was Cochynella, and other such rich Wares. This ship, and the other two that were in her company, being very good prizes also, made to the General a relation of forty sails of Indian men, whereof some eight were fraughted with the King's Treasure, that did dissenbarge with them from the Havana, bound for Spain. And as we after heard, the Garland, the Rainbow, the Dreadnaught, the Marigold, and others, fell amongst sixteen sail of the richest of this Indian Fleet, whereof they foundered one, and whilst they were busy in seeking to take the spoil of her (as it was credibly reported) all the rest did escape, and recover Tercera. But of this I speak as the general voice went, and not upon other assurance, for they were then separated from us, and the rest of the Fleet; And therefore I must add this conclusion, to desire that I may of the understanding sort be pardoned, if in these relations I cannot truly, nor at large write the accidents, and courses of all their ships in particular, being no eye witness thereof, nor possibly could so be. For to do that in a land army, or in a battle is very hard, and much more in a Sea Uoyage consisting of so many ships sometimes separated. Upon intelligence of this escaping, and passing by so unluckily of these Indian Ships, we were all much perplexed. For by that chance, and by our unfortunate haste from Gratiosa, but the very night before, we saw that Even, the wrath of destiny denied to make us so happy, as to be masters of so great a fortune, as then had fallen into our laps, if we had not still followed all those counsels that fell out to the worst. Notwithstanding, with all the speed we could make, we instantly Indian Fleet pursued to T 〈…〉 cera. followed after them to Tercera, where they were entered some six hours before us, and had moored their Ships fast under the Town and Fort, being one of the strongest peers of all Europe. There we might aloof behold them safe within the Road; which was a great Inlet environed with a high Land, in manner of Peninsula; so as the Ships lay under the command of The Peer described. two strong Fortifications, a place neither fit nor possible for our Ships to follow them, except we had meant, that they should have there stuck fast for coming out again. Now was there a general counsel called aboard the Admiral, what course to take herein, and many great adventures A Counsel. proposed and offered to be attempted, by some Colonels and Captains, with Boats and Pinnaces for the landing of men, to force those places, but all in vain, and altogether unseasonable. For whereas they, with one thousand five hundred men, offered to take both the Island and Forts, some others of the chiefest Sea-Commanders (in their judgements, well knowing the great difficulty to Land men, and Munitions on so disaduantagious a place, and in so evil a season of the year; besides the great strength of the Fortifications, so well furnished at that time by this new arrival) were utterly against it, as a matter frivolous, and of more apparent danger to ourselves, then to the Enemy, and for it yielded sundry reasons. All which these Colonels seemed to account light or, and would needs in great bravery, still urge the undertaking of it, if they might have but the proportion of one thousand five hundred men, before spoken of; which the General himself seemed greatly to allow, and insist upon, and therefore of necessity to be yielded unto by the inferior Commanders. But our Vice-admiral, the Lord Thomas Howard, finding indeed the mark whereat some of our great Captains shot, to wit, that it would have served their turns to have vaunted, that if the Vice-admiral, and Rear-admiral had been willing to this enterprise, and not crossed it by counter counsels, the Spanish Fleet and Treasure (by mastering the Lands of Tercera) might have been recovered, his Lordship resolved either to tie them to their pretended resolutions, or to make them see, that they could not serve themselves of him, by any such fineness & pretence. And therefore told the general plainly, that if indeed he would so willingly have it attempted, himself, and the Rear-admiral for their parts would be forward and ready to adventure as far as any others. And moreover, the better to enable the action, said, that they would undertake to find him three thousand strong and able men, to spare out of the Fleet, and yet leave the Navy sufficiently manned. And therefore (said they) if your Lordship see no other reasons to let or hinder this offered attempt, there shall be no want of so many men as we speak of, which is double the number that was demanded. But upon this constant offer, the matter was again debated, and grew somewhat colder, being better digested. So as in conclusion it was deemed inconvenient, and impossible to be effected, as our Forces and helps, and theirs at that time stood, and the time of the year so far spent, and the winds and the Seas grown so tempestuous for landing in Boats. But if this offer had not been made, then, the relinquishing of these glorious motions, and attempts, had been laid upon the backwardness and dissuasions of the Seamen, which was well enough perceived, and therefore accordingly answered. Digression touching rash on sets and bravadoes. Sir R. Greenuile his story you have before, which perhaps may somewhat better excuse him. These unseasonable offers, and Bravadoes, puts me in mind of the like inconsiderate unfortunate action of Sir R. Greenfield in the Revenge, who being Vice-admiral to the same Lord Thomas Howard Admiral in a journey to these Lands in certain of the Queen's Ships, they fortuned to meet with a great Fleet of the King of Spain's, near to the I'll of Flores, consisting of so many huge and mighty Galleons, as was no way fit for them to undertake, being in number and force three times as strong as ours was. And therefore f●●ter to be warily dealt withal, then rashly adventured upon. Wherefore the Admiral (out of the due consideration and judgement of the office, and place he held, as also for that at his return home, he was to give a strict account of the charge committed unto him) thought it fit to keep still aloof, and in the weather of this powerful Navy, and so to fight with them at his best advantage, off, and on, as occasion served, or else to free himself from them if need required: For his Ships being more n●mble, yare, and swift, than the Spaniards, it had been a gross error to have thrust himself wilfully in amongst them, and so to give them the advantage of boarding, being high and mighty built Ships, throughly manned and full of shot, and the manner of fight, by boarding most advantageous for those huge Galleons. Besides being, as they were all men of War, and thrice as many as the English, and no other benefit to be got by boarding them, but blows, and the hazard of battle, which is uncertain victory; it behoved Roman examples. him advisedly to carry himself, and rather to follow the heedy steps of a Fabius Maximus, than the ●eadie fury of a Terentius Varro. But his Vice-admiral, being indeed a man very wilful, and violent in his courses, could in no wise be persuaded to follow his Admiral, and his consorts. But thrusting himself rashly in amongst the Spaniards, those mighty Vessels being a Sea-boord, and some of them getting into the weather of him, so becalmed all his sails, as that he could not use the benefit of working upon a wind to his best advantage, nor free himself of them when he would, but was clapped aboard by two or three of them; where to redeem his error, seeing he had brought himself so undiscreetly into a desperate work, he very resolutely fought, and made long resistance, to the great annoyance and less of the Assailants. But in the end, being shaken and beaten to sitters with their great Ordnance, and oppressed with the multitude of them, coming in fresh upon him, was by main force mastered, and yet disdaining to yield, for that he had received his death's wound in the fight, sought by all means to have blown up his Ship, by setting fire on his own Powder 〈…〉 e, and therewithal to have destroyed as many of the Spaniards as lay aboard him; but by the care of his Captain (whose name was Laughorne) was withstood and prevented. Aright ancient Roman resolution, but somewhat too much varying from the true Christian Religion; to draw a violent and sudden death on so many souls, for the better gracing of his particular error. Revenge, the only Ship of the Navy Royal, possessed by the Spaniards and dearly bought. And in this sort by his own wilfulness, brought he one of the Royal Navy, into the power and possession of the Spaniards, which during all the Wars, never before nor after they could obtain. And a fair grace of God it was, that his fond example had not enticed more of them, at the same time to the like folly and ruin. Now the best that he could hope for, was after the exchanging of some great shot with them to have come of again if he could. A bravery to small purpose, for to subdue them, was not in the power of all the English, if they had been as many more in all likelihood and reason. Upon which grounds wise Commanders ought to build their resolutions, before they put themselves to the hazard of battle. Besides, in truth it was a very insolent and disorderly part, for a Vice-admiral, being a man of his years and experience, so wilfully without cause, against all discretion to vary from his Admiral's course, and from the opinion of all his Consorts, only to bid himself voluntarily to so foolish and bitter a banquet, wherein he could be but lost. And hard would it be for Generals, and Chief Commanders to fulfil their Instructions, or satisfy that which is expected at their hands, if they should be drawn on, or engage themselves, by the vain example of every one that is carried with a heady humour, to follow his own wilful conceit. For so was that noble Paulus Aemilius, and the Roman Army with him lost, at the Batta●le of Cannae, in being constrained to second the foolish bravery of Varro, his rash Colleague. And in the like unadvised desperate sort, did that valiant Duke of York, Richard Plantagenet, Father to Edward the Fourth, wilfully cast away himself, when with five thousand men only, contrary to the perswasiens and Rich. D. of York counsel of all his friends, out of the pride of his bravery, he would needs sally out of his Castle of Sandall, and give battle to the Queen's Army, that was twenty thousand strong: whereby his weak forces were quickly defeated, at Wakefield, and himself slain, with his young son the Earl of Rutland. It is said to be the duty of a great Captain, to seek victory with as little loss to himself, as may be, and more military discipline showed in making a fair and safe retreat, then in giving a furious and desperate charge. The experience whereof was well seen, in that gallant Soldier Sir john No●●is, who won as much Honour Sir Io. Nor●is. and Fame, by that brave, and well ordered retreat which he 〈◊〉 befor● Gaunt, as in any one piece of service that ever he did. We had also fresh in our memories, a Sea experiment of the very like tragical success of Sir Richard Greenfield, in the like rash attempt of Peter de Strosse, Admiral of a French 〈…〉ter Strosse. Fleet, against a mighty Spanish Navy, commanded by the marquis of Sancta Cruse, at these Lands. Where this Strosse out of a wilful bravery, contrary to the better advice of all his Captains, and Masters, having already landed many brave troops of Frenchmen, in the Lands, as assistant to Don Anthonio, named King of Portugal, upon the first view would needs lay the marquis and the Spanish Fleet aboard, being compassed of mighty huge Galleons, and the French but slender nimble Ships. By which unequal match, and foolish daring, he was beaten down 〈…〉 ght, all his Navy destroyed (saving the Count Brysack, and a few others of better judgement, that would not follow his vain course) and himself being taken prisoner, was alive most despitefully torn, and drawn asunder with two Ships. Thus lost Terribly executed. he himself, and his honour, brought many gallant Gentlemen and So●●diers to a butcherly execution, and utterly thrust Don Anthonio from the possession of the Isles of Asores, and confounded all those brave French troops, which a little before he had placed in them. But in another manner, and with better success were our affairs governed, in the year 88 when that mighty Fleet of Spain, which they termed invincible, came to invade us. For then I remember, amongst other good discipline, and instructions for the Example of 88 Sea fight; it was straight ordained, that none of our Ships should voluntarily (if they could by any means avoid it) lay any Spaniards aboard, but always to sight with them upon advantage, and endeavour by all means to keep into the weather of them, and so leave or take as occasion served, they coming to invade, and our end only to keep them from landing. The which direction was so well ebserued, as that this invincible Invincible fleet invisible. Fleet, for all their force and powerful appearance, proved at last invisible, left many of their Anchor's and good Ships behind them, got not, nor sunk any one of ours: but being sore gauled and beaten, with this manner of fight, and greatly affrighted with fire, and such like stratagems, were at last glad to pack away, as fast as they could out rt the back door. I mean by the North Seas, round about Scotland, and Ireland: wherein they found a miserable and tedious flight, never having gotten so much as a dish of our fresh water, nor ever landed one man (except prisoners) upon our Coast. Now, if our Admiral, the Lord Charles Howard had been a wilful Commander, standing upon those vain glorious terms of boarding and assaulting the enemy, and not have proceeded by counsel and policy temperately, than had he done that which the Spaniards expected and desired, their Ships being fit for the purpose, and coming to boarding and handy fight, might very well have distressed us, and so have hazarded both the Navy, and the Kingdom together. But this noble Lord, as he was very fortunate and judicious in Sea service, so L. Admiral commended. he truly and wisely considered, how great a weight and charge lay on his judgement and trust, and therefore did accordingly, with great wisdom and temper marshal his dffaires, to the overthrow of his Enemies, to the perpetual honour of his name, and the victorious serving of his Prince and Country. This therefore may may stand for a Maxim and Caveat, to all great and wise Commanders, that to whom a King or State commits the trust and direction of an Army: It bridles him in the free use of his own courage, or from expressing (upon every temptation) his particular valour. For that forward humour of daring, is to be used in younger years, before they arrive to these places of dignity or command; and then ever after, counsel should command their courage, always wrapping their heads in the Fur of the Fox, and their Arms seldom in the Lion's skin, setting aside all respects of braving or vain glory, as did that Fabius Cunctator, of whom Ennius in praise saith; Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem. And these precedents I have here taken occasion to record, thereby only to show what inconveniences and detriments do follow such unbridled heat, and heady humours, and to the contrary, what benefit and advantage is gained in the true use of timely and temperate proceedings. For surely, if these desperate offers, made by the Land Soldiers, instigating our forward General to the taking of the Tercera, had been then put in execution, the end had been, that many a valiant man had there left his bones, and the rest returned home with the scorn of a disgraced attempt. Besides, if the Adelantado with the Spanish Navy had then chanced to have come on our backs, whilst our best men were ashore engaged about this desperate and unfeasable enterprise, it might have turned to the destruction of the whole Fleet, or at the least to the assured loss of as many as were landed about that business. But (thanks be to God) good counsel prevailed, and prevented those hazards. After that this dispute was so calmly concluded; our General himself, and the Lord Mountioy in the Defiance, and two or three other tall Ships, bare in as close along the shore as they could, exchanging upon pleasure, some fifteen or twenty great shot with them, to very little purpose, and so left the I'll of Tercera, a place very strong both by Nature and Art, and at that time well stored with Men, Munition, and Treasure; by reason of the late arrival of those Indian Ships. From thence we returned again to the I'll of Saint michael, which before on Michaelmas day we made, and left then upon this Intelligence. And now as soon as we were They arrive at S. Micha●ls the second time. entered into the Road, that lies before Saint michael Town, we let fall our Anchor's, and there, the General accompanied with diverse of our chief Officers, coming aboard our Rear-admiral, hung out a Flag of Counsel, where it was consulted about landing, and the taking of this good Town, which lay ●o gloriously before our eyes, promising many rich rewards to the Victors: In the which there was a slight Fort towards the Sea side, but the Town unwall. The General appointed that all Companies should be made ready to land forthwith. But our Rear-admiral desired his Lordship; that he would first permit him to view the place, and to find out where the Army might best make a descent, because the Billows about those Lands do sometimes so roll from the Sea, as might easily overturn the best Boats we had, as we found by experience H●llow S●●. at Fayall, where we had two long Boats overturned in landing, and Master Thomas Rugway also thrown with a Sea on the Rocks in his Boat. Our General at first, yielded to the Reare-Admiralls request, for viewing a fit place. But as he was putting off, and scarce gone from the Ships side twenty paces, my Lord, standing in the Gallery with Sir Christopher Bl●nt, called him back again in great haste, and said that he would go himself, and view it. Whereupon the Rear-admiral returned again, as my Lord commanded; and as his Lordship went out of the Ship into his Barge unarmed altogether, but with his Choler and Sword, and without either Shot or Pike to wait on him, the Rear-admiral called aloud unto him, and desired his Lordship to take his Cask, and Target proof with him, if he purposed to go near the shore, seeing Boldness by some esteemed fortitude. there lay so many Muskets on the rest, there to receive him. Whereunto my Lord answered, That he would none, because he disdained to take any advantage of the Watermen that rowed him. But (in my opinion) though that answer much showed his valour, yet became it not the place that my Lord held, for in truth a General ought not to be so adventurous, and careless of himself upon every slight occasion, nor to goe●●armed to places of in 〈…〉 t peril. Homer describes the valiant Heroes, and bravest Leaders of the greeks to be best armed: As Achilles, an excellent Armour framed by Vulcan, at the request of Thetis his mother, and Aiax with his sevenfold shield. Insomuch as their very arms are famous even to these days, the use whereof now we make scornful. But they are no beaten Soldiers in the wars, that hold these opinions: for it is truly said, that a great and wise General should dye old. And I have read that famous Epaminondas, was fined by his Countrymen the Thebans, for being too forward, and serving in a battle ill armed, although he wa● the victory. But to our matter: After that these landing places were viewed a far off, and were not well liked, nor yet so nearly approached at that time, as within Culverin Shot (for there lay all alongst the shore above four hundred Shot upon the rest, entrenched to beat on our Boats;) in conclusion, after many offers and surueies made a loof, the conveniences of that place, for landing was excepted against. Albeit in truth it was a fair and sandy beach (as all the Fleet might well perceive) and some four or five miles from the Town, and Fort, and much more easy than that of Fayall, where we before won our landing. And that this is most true, many that were present (now living) and saw both, can justly affirm. And although our General himself, was very resolute and apt to undertake any good occasion of service, yet he was then so led and accompanied with such politic Land Captains, as that of all the services which fell into consultations and deliberations, those most commonly, which were unfeasable, were offered to be undertaken, and things more likely and reasonable neglected. Whereby out affairs speed accordingly. And in this regard that this descent was not by my Lord General his viewers, allowed of, as fit for the Army to land at, so many Ensigns being placed and entrenched there to impeach us, it was presently by another consultation agreed, that the Rear-admiral should with all the strength of the Fleet, lie as near before the Town of Saint Michael, as conveniently they could, to hold them in expectation, whilst my Lord General and the rest, with two thousand men embarked into small Barks and Pinnaces, secretly in the night did convey themselves about the point, to land at a Town called Villa Villa 〈◊〉. Franca, some six miles further than the first determinate landing. And for that purpose, they had most of all our Boats with them, and three English men for their guides, that perfectly knew all the Lands and the Towns, by long trade and living amongst them. These three guides assured our General both of a quiet landing, and of a very fair and secret way, to march from thence to Saint Michael's Town. Our troops being thus shipped, and our General also, they made haste towards Villa Franca, where they arrived safe, & were all landed by the next morning, without any manner of resistance. For most of all the Town upon their arrival abandoned the Town, and we that were left under They land at Villa Franca. the command of the Rear-admiral, in the best Ships before the Town of Saint michael, did all the night give them perpetual Alarms, with Shot, Drums, and Trumpets, in such Boats as were left, sometimes in one place, sometimes in another, alongst the shore, where the Spaniards kept their Corpse de Guards, and fires, who were often in great amazements, calling, and running to and fro, thinking verily that we were landing in that place or about it. And thus we did, to give our Army the better, and more secret means to make their descent, and so to come unlooked for on their backs, as their very way did lie, and might in truth very conveniently have been performed. They being thus landed, we in the Ships did all the next day look out apace, hoping to see our troops come marching over the Hills and Plains, that were perfect in our view; for the most part of the way that they were to come, being all alongst the Sea side, was in our sight more brim from the Ships by far, then if we had been ashore. But this good Town of Villa Franca, had so welcomed and entertained our men, (being seated in a pleasant soil, full of fruits, wines, and fresh victuals, and the Sellars stuffed so full of Oade and Wheat) as that our Army was content there to ingarrison, without any further pursuit of Saint Michael's Hanibals Capua. Town, and there for six days together they lay feasting, and carrying aboard of Oade, Wheat, Salt, and other merchandise, into certain private men's Ships that followed the Fleet, for such purposes. Whilst we all in vain still gaped for their coming, which we the rather thought would have been at the last, for that in all this time, they never so much as sent word, to make us partakers of their determination to the contrary, whereby they would be sure we should neither participate any of their Commodities, nor see the disposure of them; although ●wee cast many conjectures and aimed near the mark, finding this lingering very strange. But, to do right to every man, I assure myself, our General had no benefit of these wares and commodities, being of a disposition too noble and bountiful to valiew such trifles worth his regard. For it had been The Earl excused. easy for him to have abounded with wealth and possessions, without following the fortune of the wars, or the hazard of the Seas, if he had aimed at such common marks. But in this mean while, as we in the great Ships, ancored in Saint Michael's Road, there came in about the Point that lies westwards from the Town, a small Brasil man, and let fall his Anchor in the midst of us all. A little after him, we might discern aloof off a mighty huge Carack, bearing in with A Brasil man. all sails toward us, whom she took to be the Spanish Armada. And the Brasil man confessed that he thought the same also: for the King of Spain's men of War (when he makes Fleets) A mighty Carack. are compounded of the shipping of diverse Nations, and therefore the more hardly to be distinguished from ours, which was at that time compounded of English, and Holland Bottoms; besides one great Spanish Gallion, called the Saint Andrew, and some other lesser Spanish Vessels that we had taken before. Now there blew a stiff gale from the Land, over Saint Michael's Town, in such sort, that she must either put room into the Sea, or fall upon us. For as the wind then stood, she could not run in with the Town or Fort by no means, neither was it any part of their meaning. As soon as we had made her to be a Carack, we took in all our Flags by a general commandment from our Reare-Admiral: and withal directions were given, that no man should once weigh an Anchor, or shoot off a Piece, or put off a Boat, but with leave or order. All this while she still bare in with us, with all sails to the Boats end, when suddenly one of the Holland Squadron (contrary to all discretion & the direction before) weighed his Anchor's, hoist his top sails, & made towards this Carack, now ready to double the Point that entered the Road where we lay: Greediness loseth his morsel. and when the Hollander came near the Carack, he presently made two or three Shot at her. Whereupon she discovering us to be Enemies, changed her course, and at the very instant (in the view of us all that observed it, as if she had had the wind at her devotion) the gale changed, & came full of the Seas: with the help whereof, and with the fear of falling into our hands, she took a resolutiou to run herself a ground, hard under the Town and Fort. Which done, from thence there presently came multitudes of Boats, fetching away their men and best wares, and The Carack ran herself on ground. She was set on fire. Examples of Cades voyage. that done, she was instantly by them set on fire in many places at once, being full of great Ordnance, as appeared by the report they made. Such is now the custom and obstinacy of all those Seafaring men under the Spanish jurisdiction, as that by reason of the severe order, set down by the King to that effect, they will carelessly burn their Ships, and wares, if they can escape themselves, rather than to grow to any composition to save half thereby. And the like was seen at Cades, by the Fleet that was outwards bound for the Indies: who after they had entertained a parley with us, to compound for their Ships, and all the merchandise, at a ransom of half the value: whilst they amused us with this colourable pretence, thereby they gained time to steal out some of their goods, and afterwards set the Ships on fire, where they road. But this argueth as great severity in the Sovereign, as slavery in the subject. This Carack was a Ship of infinite wealth, that at Saint Helen's watering as she came from the East Indies, put over to Brasil, and so coasted alongst the West Indies, and was fraughted with the riches and wares both of the East and West. We hasted all we could when we saw her a ground, tottering and reeling, with those few Boats we had left, to have entered her. But before we could make us ready, or come near her, being three miles off, she was on light fire in many places, her Ordnance thundering off apace, and too hot to be approached, much less to be entered at that time, without inevitable destruction. And yet such haste was made to have prevented this mischief, that diverse had like by overcharging Boats and Pinnaces, to to have foundered in the Seas, the Billows going very high. And in that case was our Rear-admiral amongst others, who for haste to this banquet took his Row Barge, and was so ill able in her to endure the Seas that were rough, and went high at that time, as that I by chance seeing him so ill bestead, & in danger was fain to clap him aboard with a good stout shipboat that I was in, having made hast also to that feast as fast as I could. But in conclusion we came all too late, for the broth was grown to hot for our supping. To behold her thus flaming was a grievous sight to us, but a most wretched spectacle for the portugals, so to see their goods by their own deeds and fury, to perish with fire and water in a goodly vessel, judged to be 1800. Tons at the least. She Carack of 1800. Tun●. was a whole night, and all the next day in burning, and in beholding her, you might have seen the very shape, Cordage, Masts, and Furniture of a Ship so perfectly in fire, as no Painter could have half so well resembled it with Art, or Colours. And when she was clean consumed to the water, there arose still a great smoke out of the Sea for many hours after, by reason of some close Decks full of Spices and Sugar under water, which the fire had taken hold of. This Tragedy overpast, we then fell again to look out for our Army coming, but all in vain. For if in any time, for six days together after their landing, they had come forwards from Villa Franca, the Town of Saint michael's, and the Carack also had been our own, safe without question. For if our forces had in all that time invested themselves of the Town (which they might have done, there being 〈◊〉 her Walls nor Bulwarks to hold them out) the Carack would 〈◊〉 run herself a ground, under the Town as she did 〈…〉 f she had, than had she fallen into the hand of our General, and his T 〈…〉 f she had 〈◊〉 Sea-boord, than had she fallen into the mercy of our Fleet, which by no means she could have escaped. But it was a loss them as inexcusable, as lamentable, for that no good reason could be yielded (as was thought) nor durst be demanded, why so gallant a Company, so easily landed for so good a purpose, should so long linger in a little Town, f 〈…〉 g themselves and the whole Army, upon Fruits and Wine, to the neglecting of the service determined. But it was manifest, that besides their pleasure and good cheer, the great store of Oade, Corn, and Salt, did entice some Land men of good credit, (who had Ships there of their own) rather to take the penceable, and private benefit thereof, then to undergo some pain and peril, for the winning of Saint Michael's Town, for the public good. And this was a piece of service very unfortunately neglected, but upon what good reason I could never learn. And I am persuaded, that if his Lordship had built less upon some men's violent counsels, and vain conceits, he might have done many things better, and long have lived in great prosperity. But all his care was to content and win unto him, certain Politicians and marshal men, whom not withstanding (according to the custom of the world) he found many times ungratefully to deal with him, to serve their own turns, drawing him withal into ambitious humours, and affect at ion of popularity, which, with our Great men rarely succeeds well. And very strange it was, to see so many great fortunes lost in this one journey; but that the very Heavens did in them (like Comets) foreshow the heavy and lamentable destiny, that traced our General towards his end, whose bright shining felicity was some after eclipsed, and admirably metamorphosed into ruin and destruction. Only this comfort remained to his friends, that he ended his life with as great resolution, piety, and penetencie, as was possible to be expressed in the countenance or words of a man, utterly divorced from the world, and wholly devoted to celestial Contemplation, to the undoubted comfort of his Soul. We, from the ships looking thus still in vain, for those that neither came nor sent unto us, whereby we lost all opportunity of watering and refreshing ourselves: for we in the Wastspite, and diverse of our Comforts, had not watered since our setting out from Plymouth) began to resolve to go to our General, seeing we could never hear from him in all that time. And as we were entering into this deliberation, we might perceive the Admiral's Ship by her Flag turning out from the point of Villa Franca: And two days before, many of our great Ships had left the Rear-admiral, contrary to the General his order, which we durst not break in the Wastspite, by a late caveat, because it was flat contrary to that which was appointed by a Council, and the General his command. But as soon as we had descried the Admiral (by his Flag) putting room; our Rear-admiral took his Barge, and Captain Morgan with him, and rowed to him: and the same night sent Captain Morgan back again, with directions in the General's name, to command all the Fleet to weigh, and to come for Villa Franca. This was no little grief to us all, that had so long and diligently waited on Saint Michael's Town, and looked to have had a better account of that place, than so barely and abruptly to leave it after all these offers. And (to say the truth) it was either a gross oversight, or a wilful fault unexcusable to the State, that it was not in better sort managed. For (no doubt) they would willingly have ransomed their Town, rather than have abidden the fortune of the Wars by Sword and Fire, and we had amongst us, men of sufficient experience to deal in such compositions, which (for aught I know) they might do. Thus, with grief and discontent we left Saint Michael's good Town, the Inhabitants whereof waving their Ancients, and shooting off their Ordnance, in great joy triumphed to see this unexpected modest departure of the whole Fleet, on a sudden without any further trouble: And to me it was strange to see the Colonels and Captains, that a little before were so forward and violent to have landed at the Tercera, being a place so difficult to attempt, and of so great strength, to be now so slow to come forwards to Saint Michael's Town, that had neither Ditch nor Wall about it, they being already landed for that purpose. But now approached the time of the year, that brings with it violent storms, and extreme foul weather to those Lands. In regard whereof, as also for that opportunity was now past of doing any more good to ourselves, or damage to our Enemies; upon the meeting of the whole Fleet before Villa Franca, a general commandment was given, that all sorts should with all speed repair aboard their own Ships, for the Wind and Seas began to rise too high to ride there any longer. And now our last work, was to provide for our returning again into England: And thereupon all the haste and preparation that could be, was made with the help of the small Pinnaces and Boats to convey all our troops aboard. Wherein, the best sort of Commanders spared Preparation for return. no pains nor travail, and especially our General himself, who in his own person was twice in very great danger of tumbing into the Seas, about the embarking of the Soldiers, in overcharging his own Boat with those unruly people, amongst whom at such times, it is hard to keep any order or moderation. And much trouble there was (considering the rough weather, and how the Seas rolled) to get all our Land men aboard. Besides, our Ships began to find more tickle riding in that wild Road, than we should have done eight days before at Gratiosa, where we lost the Indian Fleet by tarrying one night. But now at our departure from Villa Franca, for a farewell the Spaniards and Portuguese presented us with a brave skirmish, which being throughly answered, the General there did make certain Knights. Our Army being thus brought aboard, and Knights, made. many sick men amongst them, by reason of their lavish diet ashore, where they more weakened themselves then the Enemy. This Town also was left entire, neither fired not demolished. But upon what considerations I know not, unless out of gratitude for the hospitality, Oade, Corn, and Salt, which it had already yielded: or else out of a provident regard to leave them in case to be able to entertain us another time, or rather for some petty ransom to some particular persons that were more capable than our General, in vouchsafing to take any benefit whatsoever. For sure I am, that some reason there was, if I could light on it, wherein the Oademongers, and Corn Merchants might do well to help me, for they (I think) can aim nearest to the mark. The ninth of October, 1597. we set sail from Villa Franca for England, with a fair leading Their return. wind for three or four days together, and then it grew scanter and scanter, and at last stark nought and flat in our teeth, with such great storms, foul weather, and exceeding high grown Seas, as that many of our Fleet were much puzzeled in the nights in falling foul one of another. Insomuch that the Mary Rose, by mere carelessness: of the Master, and his Mates, had like to have stemmed the Wastspite, if we had not been very careful and diligent to avoid the sudden and eminent danger: which, yet we escaped so narrowly, as that the Mary Rose, with her Beak head, tore away all the Gallery on the Lardboord side of the Wastspite. This storm on a sudden separated all the Fleet, and we in the Wastspite after this shock, had sundry dangerous leaks break out upon us, in such sort, as that much to do we had by pumping and all other means to keep her above water, being a very new ship, but withal the weakest built Vessel that ever swum in the Seas of her burden, and carrying such great store of huge Ordnance as she did, most of the which we were enforced to strike down into hold, to ease her labouring sides that hourly were like to fly asunder. Besides all this, we were in so great want of Freshwater and drink, as that I offered to give to one of the Victuallers of the Fleet, six Chests of Sugar, for six Hogsheads of Freshwater, and yet could not have it at any hand: Insomuch as we Want of water. were fain to begin to set our great Stills on work, to provide for the worst the best we could. For if the storm had longer held in that violence, we might have taken the choice, whether we Stills. would have been drenched in the Salt-water, or choked aboard our Ship for want of fresh. For with the extremity of this Northeasterly storm, we were put back clean from our course and coast, into no little despair. And as we in the Wastspite, so were all the rest of the Fleet (as I after learned) dispersed a sunder, insomuch that scarcesly two ships in all the Navy kept company together. But at last it pleased God, to send us more fair and fit winds, wherewith we brought ourselves again into our due course, and within three or four days we began to meet with one another, straggling and ranging in the Seas. And after that, we in the Wastspight chanced also to descry our General, by his main Flag (as far as we could ken) waited on only with two little Barks, who six or seven days before, was attended with fourscore sail of good Ships. A true type of this world's inconstant pomp, which the wind and Seas did faithfully teach us not to build too much upon. And I would our noble General, for his own sake and better fortune, had made that good observation thereof. When we had thus met our General, land had hailed and saluted one another, with all the joy that might be, we conferred of our course, and began to consult thereof with the advice of our Masters and Pilots. Wherein, ours in the Wastspight somewhat varied from the opinion of the General's Navigatours, but yet we submitted ourselves, and our skill, to the wisdom and authority of his Ship, whose Directions we were to follow. And withal, we made known unto his Lordship our great leaks, and scarcity of Drink, who told us very Honourably, that we should want no help that he could yield us, and therefore he straightly charged us to keep his course, and to follow his Light, which we did observe, though our Master was very unwilling thereunto, assuring himself, that our General's Master was mistaken, and besides his course, by too much crediting the persuasions and Art of one john Davis' a great Navigator reputed, who at that time failed much of his Pilotage, and conjecture for the Sleeve, to the no little hazard of the whole Fleet, as afterwards was seen. During this forenamed Storm, sundry Birds came flying into our Ships, when we were two hundred leagues from our own Coast. First, there fell into us an Owl, than a Tassel, and a Falcon, one of the which we took, and brought Birds. into England, then at the last a Done lighted on our Mainyard, which we all liked well, and took it as a presage of fair weather towards, and so (thanks be to God) it succeeded presently after two days. After we had thus met with our General, and being well advanced on our way for the Sleeve, and as we conjectured not far from the entrance of the Channel, we began of all hands to fall a sounding for ground, and the next day found it, though indeed by that sounding I saw few the wiser, or the more assured of the Coast. For it was the Bank of S●●ey● but none could say so, nor then so judge it, but only the Master of our Ship, whose name was Broadbaut, a careful man and a right good Mariner. For in the General's ship, they were all of a contrary opinion, and according to their Error shaped their course, with strait commandment given to us, and to the rest that were in his train, to follow his Light and course. The which we did very diligently, myself indeed being most in fault for it. For the Master was joath so to do, but that I urged our duty to the General's commandment, and our danger in breaking it by former experience. And therefore I watched, and stood by the Helm, and Bitackle, most part of that night, to see it performed, though with much repining of the Master, and his Mates, against this dangerous Course as they term it. This sounding of ours, so much in practice, and yet many times bringing no great certainty withal, makes me now call to mind, an odd conceit and speech of a Spanish Prisoner, which the General gave me in this journey, but never yielded me other Ransom than some fair promises, and smooth discourses: For he after cozened or bribed his keeper (a Captain of a Pinnace) to whom I had committed him in charge, and very cleanly conveyed himself away, without ever bidding me farewell. Howbeit uther's found better fruits of their Prisoners, which the General gave unto them. This Spaniard of mine was a Gentleman, and a Soldier, but had of late years, traded the West Indies by way of Merchandise: With whom I one day talking and discoursing of their Voyages and Navigations (wherein he was very well experienced) amongst other things he told me, that in their Navigation from the Indies, they sought out Spain in a more certain and gallant manner, than we did England. For (said he) we seek out our Coast aloft with our Eyes, by the Heavens, by the Sun, and Stars, and with the use of Art, and Instruments, which seldom or never fails. But you (said he) that seek for England, when you are to run into narrow Seas, are (as I hear say) enforced for your surest Directions (like men blindfold) to search under the water, and to scrape with Lead and Tallow to the bottom for Banks, Sands, and Shelves, as if you would rake Hell for instructions; to find out the Channel, which you call the Sleeve, and yet for all your soundings, are oftentimes mistaken. I answered him again, indeed it was true, that our Humility taught us, to go by the ground: Whereas their Pride led them to gaze above the Clouds, and by that means so dazzled their Eyes, as that they did often stumble upon such men of War, that now used as well to sound Spanish Pockets, as the English Sleeve. Whereat my Spaniard smiling, and shaking his Head, said, he could not well deny it, having so lately made too true experience thereof, For indeed he was throughly rifled and ransacked of good short Wares, before that ever he came to my hands. These words of his I remembered, and found true upon our soundings, and the uncertain conjectures thereof, with varieties of opinions. For after we had all found ground, all that Night we held on so precisely in following our General's light, as that very early in the Morning, with the first peep of day, we in the Wastspight looking about, found ourselves on the North-side of Sylley. Which when with cold comfort we had perfectly made, and perceived with all our narrow escapes in that dark Night, hard alongst the Rocks called the Bishop, and his Clerks: we began of all hands to look out for our comforts. And then we descried our General and diverse with him, advanced some three leagues before us, bearing in with all Sails towards the Coast of Wales. The morning was very close and foggy, and the General steering North-east, in stead of East and by North, ran right with the Sands of the Welsh Coast, on which in that dark weather he had stricken; and perished, if he had held on, but a few hours longer. But on the contrary, although we resclued not to lose the sight of his Lantern, yet we kept ourselves as far to the East as we could, and yet we were scarce able to double Silley, but fell close aboard it, and a little to the North of it, at the break of day. All which when I perceived (〈◊〉 later Watch being mine, and the Rear Admiral, being gone to rest) I did instantly come 〈…〉 the Master Gunner to shoot off a great Piece to cause them to look about, but both our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Master Gunner were so mad at me for forcing them to follow this course, as that 〈◊〉 hardly have suffered a warning Piece to be shot, but said, they deserved to taste the 〈◊〉 their own wilfulness, having brought themselves and all the Fleet, clean out of the 〈…〉 to this danger. And out of very rage and discontent, these men had quite forgotten all 〈◊〉 Charity, and would by no means have bestowed a shot upon them, to alter them from that unsafe course, but that I urged their Duty, and enforced them to shoot, and shoot again three or four times, one after another, much against their wills. Whereupon we might within a little time, plainly perceive our Admiral with all his Train, to tack about, finding their own Errors, as afterwards they confessed. And therefore presently they beat it up, to double the Cape of Silley, thereby to enter the Sleeve, which with much ado they performed. But we in the Wastspight, being now by this time shot in alongst the North side of Cornwall, almost as far as Saint Iues, our ship being extreme weak and leaky, and our Drink and Water come to the last cast, at very bare allowance, we durst not again put to the Seas in these wants, and in a Vessel so ill able to beat it up against the wind, to double again the Point of Silley, whereby to recover the Sleeve. And therefore stood alongst the Coast, and that night anchored before Saint Iues, where we found sundry Spanish Caravels, and Flee-boates of the Spanish Fleet, which was set out under the Adelantado, to have encountered us at our return 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dispersed. from the Lands, but were all dispersed and tossed with the same Storm, that before had scattered us, which fell out very happily. For if we had met, we must have tried the Battle, chiefly by Boarding, or else trusted to our Sails, for that our best and greatest Ordnance (for the ease of our Ships in these storms) were stricken down under hold. So that we should have found great disadvantage, to have encountered with a Navy, coming strong and fresh from the Main, and we tired, and scattered a sunder, with a long and painful Voyage. Herein was God's favour and mercy mightily showed towards all sides: For by this Storm, which so furiously for the time afflicted us, were we, and that Spanish Fleet under the Adelantado severed, and kept from encountering, which had cost much blood, and mischief: and to say a truth, in all likelihood, the worst might have fallen to our shares. For when we had left the Lands and were once cross sailed for England, I observed, that before the Storm, diverse of our best Ships, made all the haste they could homewards, never following nor attending the Admiral's course, nor light. Which is an Error too much used amongst us, and very disorderly and dangerous; as would have been well found, if the Adelantado had Disorderly haste homewards. then met with any of those stragglers, or with the Admiral himself homewards bound, so stenderly accompanied. Which manner of disorder and scattering, in the Conduct of a Royal Navy, especially in so long a Voyage, is very fit to be straightly reform. These Spanish Flee-boates and Caravels, had made many landings by stealth, on that side of Cornwall, and put the Country in great frights, and amazements: especially, upon the report of a great Fleet, that was coming after them for England. Whereupon our Rear Admiral from before the Saint Iues, left the Seas, and went a Land, to take some order for the Country of Cornwall, whereof he was then her Majesty's Lieutenant, seeing it then in much amazement and fear, and so meant to go over land to Plymouth, there to meet with our General. From the Road of Saint Iues, the next morning, we in the Wastspight set sail for Kingroad, and met with such foul weather, as that over against the flat Holmes, she broke again her Main yard, which was before broken, and new fished in the beginning of this Voyage. But at last, with much ado we brought her about, to Kingroad, and within a few days after moored her safe in Hungread; where I took speedy order for the paying, and discharging of her men, at the Spaniards cost, and also for the repairing of her decays. By this time we also had news, that our Admiral and the rest of our Fleet, were safely met, and arrived at Plymouth. And at the same instant also we had intelligence, by a small man of Brasill, but newly come from Cork in Ireland, that Sir john Norris Precedent of Munster, and Death of Sir Ioh● Norris and Lord Bargh. the Lord Burgh Deputy of Ireland, were both lately deceased. Of which two men, her Majesty and the Realm had no small loss, being both Martial men of as great worth, and service, as England bred in many years before. And although it be no part of this matter to speak of them, yet their Deaths, being diuulged to us at the same time, cannot be thought unfit, or unworthy (by the way) here to be remembered and lamented. After I had thus taken order with the Officers of the Ship at Bristol, I received Letters from the Lord Treasurer, and the Lord Admiral, for the accomplishing of that, which I had already (out of due consideration) gone in hand withal: I mean the discharging and paying of the Mariners and Soldiers, being to the number of four hundred men, which would have grown to a great, and needless expense, to have kept them in pay and victuals until such time as I could have sent unto the Court, to receive directions back again for the same. And therefore did first take up moneys upon credit, and then by the Drum make known in Bristol, that there were Sugars, Brasil wood, and Fernanbuck aboard o r Ships, which I would presently make sale of, to those that would give most for it, and not merchand it under hand, nor in secret, to the prejudice and deceiving of her Majesty. And therefore with the knowledge and advice of the Master, the Purser, and Boatswain of the Ship, and the Customer, and Searcher of B●●stow, I landed those Wares in safe Cellars, and sold them to the best Chapmen in public, testified under the hands of these Officers of the City, and of the Ship, for my discharge in that beha●●e, and made thereof five hundred pounds. The which sum I delivered to one Askew than Purser of the Wastspight, to the end that he by his Book might pay the Mariners; and the Soldiers by the paul, as a care of mine for those poormen under my Charge, which was duly performed. The which I have been the more precise to remember and notify, for that I took no small pains and care, in getting those Sugars, and Brasill wood aboard us, out of a torn Brasill 〈◊〉, that was ready to founder in the Sea● before Saint michael's, and abandoned to any that would adventure to go aboard her, to fetch away the lading. Which business (in that vacant time that the Are 〈…〉 e lay at Villa Franca, and we before S. Michael's Town) 〈◊〉 put myself, and my Mariners unto. And I had not so much pains and travel in the getting, as trouble and vexation afterwards to preserve it, whilst it was aboard, when we came to Kingroad, from the purloining and stealing of the Mariners, and Officers of the Ship. And to say no more but a truth, I dare thus much anouch, and justify, that if there had been in some other of her Majesty's ships the like regard for these goods that were gotten, and of the Prizes taken in this journey, and as faithfully answered as were these, that then for all the crosses and errors, that had happened, it had fully returned to her Majesty, the double value of all the Charges, she had been at for this Voyage. But it was strange to see what careless courses were held in all such actions, as were set out by the State, and what poor returns were made again into the Exchequer. And therefore more Note touching private gains and public loss in many Expeditions. strange, that the Prince could subsist so often to set out, such chargeable Voyages, without any manner of getting, more than to particular persons. For so fell it out before in the Indian Voyage, when Sancto Domingo, and Cartagena were taken, and sacks by Sir Francis Drake, and when Cades in Spain was surprised, and sacked by the English Army, where was infinite wealth. But that of Lisbona in Portugal, undertaken by Sir john Norris, where the Suburbs did so abound with Merchandise and Spicery, being wholly at the mercy and disposition of our Army, was to be excused; for that our Shops kept not promise with him, in coming up the River, that should have both assisted the land Army with Munition and Victuals, and also carried away those Spiceries and rich Merchandise: wherein the Seamen were greatly wanting, and taxed by the general voice. But in this Voyage, we all saw and knew, that there were besides Brasill men, three good Prizes taken that came from the Havana, laden with Cochynella, and other rich Merchandise, besides the Silver, Gold, Pearl, Civet, Musk, Ambergris, which was amongst the Passengers. And those three Prizes (whereof one was about 400. Tons, by the report of those Merchants that came in them) were said, and valued to be richly worth above four hundred thousand Ducats. At the taking of them I stood in our Gallery in the Wastspight, with the Rear Admiral, and we halled and called unto some, to inquire of their lading and Merchandise, and from what places they came, whereby we learned, that they were come from the Havana, very rich, and at the least to the value above said. Whereupon our Rear Aamirall said unto me in private, that, although we should be little the better for these rich Prizes, yet he was heartily glad for our General's sake: because they would in good sort give contentment to her Majesty, so that there should be no repining against the poor Lord, for the expense of the Voyage. And for my better satisfaction in the value of them, I had caused mine own Prisoner to give me notice of the Ships, wherein he had Adventures, and according to the Rates thereof set down upon his own knowledge: those three Ships could not be so little worth, as they all had formerly affirmed. Now if we do but look into the husbandry and providence of former Ages, and of the mightiest Empire, and best governed State that ever was, we shall plainly see, that they ever scoke a more strict and just account of the benefit of their gettings and Victories. And that it was an especial Roman policy. regard of the Roman Consuls, and Generals, at their return from a prosperous War, to render a plentiful gain into the public Treasury, which made their State still able to subsist in their great actions. And many times their greatest and worthiest Captains were deeply called in question, for imbeseling any part of such gettings, as amongst others, was that famous Scipio, surnamed Africanus, prosecuted in that kind by the Petil●j, notwithstanding his many great services to the Commonwealth. But what became of all these our gettings God knows. Only I hear, that there was a Composition made afterwards with her Majesty for the Cochynella, and other Merchandise, not to a third part of that it was worth. For neither that, nor yet any of the other riches, could truly come to light or public knowledge, because they were never faithfully certified under the hands and testimonies of sufficient Officers, when they were first taken: nor any of that which was preserved fold when we came home, but only to the Buyers advantage. And yet in Conclusion, they that had so played the wise Stewards, in so providing for themselves, and their followers, had all the grace and gain, from those that had more carefully and justly intended the public Service. But this general neglect of truth and merit throughout the world, is the cause, that so few do apply to follow those sincere and unprofitable courses: especially, seeing how many do daily, by fraud and flattery, find shorter and smother ways to Honours, wealth, and preferment: Even beyond all measure and expectation. The Conclusion of the Work, with some later Advertisements touching His Majesty's Care for VIRGINIA. WE have now compassed the World in the Courses of so many Planets, every of which had a peculiar wandering, and yet none erring from the public benefit of the Universe. And as in Geometrical compasses one foot is fixed in the Centre, whiles the other moveth in the Circumference, so is it with Purchas and his Pilgrims, in this Geographical compass: they have their own motions, but ordered in this Circumference, from, for, and by him which abideth at home in his Centre, and never traveled two hundred miles from Thaxted in Essex (lately adorned and augmented with Franchises by his Majesty) where he was borne. All their lines tend to this Centre, and this Centre to the Basis and Ground thereof, that is to his Country, to the honour and benefit whereof, he and all his are due. All Nations dance in this Round to do the English service, and English Travellers here enjoy the Main, others the By, to attend, and with their Travels to perfect the English, at lest the knowledge of the World to the English. The Map of England. ANGLIA Yea, in this English Centre also I have chosen the Centre of that Centre, the Renowned Name of Queen ELIZABETH, to which, because Mortality hath deprived us of Her Person, we have added that of King JAMES, the All that is left us of Queen ELIZABETH, and more than that All in further perfection of Sex and Arts. With those auspicious Names, as the fair Stars in the Constellations of both Poles, our Pilgrims began their Progress; by the Light of those two Eyes of Great Britain, they have taken view of the World, and therefore here we end in our Pilgrimage with those two auspicious Names. His Majesty first (for Brute is uncertain) hath combined a Trinity of Kingdoms into an Unity, Fecit eos in gentem unam, & made the Ocean the Wall to his Inheritance, hath rooted out the wont barbarism of Borderers, of Scottish Feuds, of English Duels, of Irish Bogs; hath confirmed and settled those cruder and more indigested beginnings of our prosperity; hath enjoyed sovereignty longer than ever did any of Britain's Sovereign's (and still o still may we long long enjoy him) hath given so manifold security against the extremest and most fatal rigour, both in number, weight and worth of Royal pledges. The Map of Great Britain and Ireland. ANGLIA SCOTIA et HIBERNIA He is beyond comparison compared with others, a mere transcendent; beyond all his Predecessors, Princes of this Realm; beyond the neighbouring Princes of his own times, beyond the conceits of subjects dazzled with such brightness: Beyond our victorious Deborah not in sex alone, but as Peace is more excellent than War, and Solomon then David, in this also that He is, and we enjoy his present Sunshine; in regard of posterity not only sowing thereto the fruit of his body, but of his learned mind, like a Solomon indeed by voluminous Writings, and not (which is more usesuall to Princes, with apophthegme-flashes, recorded by others like Saul sometime among the Prophets; a Miracle and Oracle both, this in polemical, political, problematical, apocalyptical, positive Theology, and Books of devotion 1. Sam. 10. also; that, in that his Royal body hath had the honour not to be polluted with women; above men, above Solomon. And as we have traveled abroad that we may bring foreign rarities home, we find no greater rarity abroad or at home then his Majesty, the Father of the Clergy, the raiser of so many Families to honour, and of honours to Families; whose bounty and clemency none deny, (let others beware lest they perhaps have evil eyes, because his is good) so honoured of his Subjects with awful love, with loving awe, that himself hath professed no King herein his superior: and we can, and all History will profess with us, that England never enjoyed better days then under her deceased Mother, and the present Pater Patriae, who hath secured Britain in peace and prosperity, whiles all Christian Kingdoms have been shaken with wars: and that which alone hath escaped the Lions, hath been bitten by the Adder, the Spanish Dominions being coasted, braved, spoiled of thousands of their people, besides wealth and security, by the basest of enemies, the Algiers Pirates. Thus at home doth Great Britain enjoy this Gem of Goodness, the best part of the Ring of the world's Greatness: & abroad, we see that as God's Steward to others also, His Majesty hath balanced the nearer World by his prudence, by justice of commerce visited the remoter, by truest fortitude without wrong to any man conquered the furthest North, and by justest temperance disposed the overflowing numbers of his Subjects, not in Intrusions and Invasions of weaker Neighbours, but in the spacious American Regions, (some thinly, others not all inhabited) to breed New Britain's in another World. We have given Voyages thorough this Book, and being now returned home and fixed on so illustrious a Name, I mean to travel no more, here I hang up my Pilgrim's weeds; here I fix my Tabernacle, it is good to be here: we have brought all the World to England, England itself to the greatest of her Sovereigns, King JAMES. But yet the mention of his Majesty's Plantations, makes me gratefully to mention his gracious care of the same, even since the former Virginian Relations were printed. I than left Virginia with some grief and sorrow, because of her distracted Children and Fathers, the divisions and mutual distastes of the Company here and Planters there, sighing to God for them, who hath put in his Majesty's heart to compassionate these his Subjects, and having appointed the Government to be according to a Commission in that Case directed, hath to further Virginia's gain been content to suffer the loss of many thousands yearly in his Royal Customs arising out of Tobacco (so I have heard delivered in open Court) that so only that of the New Plantations may be vendible till the Colony may recover greater strength. His Majesty is also pleased to send a Running Army of Soldiers to scour the Country of the unneighbourly malicious Naturals; and to secure the planters from their privy ambushments. For openly they dare not attempt, but lurking in secret places attend advantages. I fear not but so bright a Sunshine will quickly produce blessed effects. Of their undertakers for three years' Tobacco, I lust not to speak, because I wish, and even from that undertaking, shortly expect better commodities from thence then Tobacco. I cannot but magnify His Majesty's care, and manifest that also of the Honourable Lords of the Council, who after diligent search of Virginian Affairs the last year 1623. appointed Captain john Harvey, Master john Porey, Master Abraham Persey, Master Samuel Matihews to search further into the diseases and possible remedies of that plantation. In February and March last a general Assembly was summoned, and questions propounded to Sir Francis Wyatt Governor and the said Assembly: First, what places in the Country were best and most proper to be fortified or maintained both against Indians or other Enemies. Secondly, concerning the present state of the Colony in reference to the Savages. Thirdly, touching the hopes really to be conceived of the Plantation, and fourthly touching the Means thereunto, etc. Their answer I know not whether I may publish in other things; In this one I presume, for better confirmation of what hath been said before to incite and confirm men's affections to Virginia; namely their answer to the third, subscribed (as the rest) by about thirty chief men's hands. We hold it to be one of the goodliest parts of the Earth, abounding with Navigable rivers full of variety of Fish and Fowl; falling from high and sleep Mountains, which by general relation of the Indians are rich with Mines of Gold, Silver, and Copper: another Sea lying within six days journey beyond them, into which other Rivers descend. The soil fruitful and apt to produce the best sorts of commodities, replenished with many Trees for several uses, Gums, Dyes, Earth's and Simples of admirable virtues; Vines and Mulberry Trees growing wild in great quantities; the Woods full of Dear, Turkeys, and other Beasts and Birds. Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Thomas Dales reports to the Company, concerning those praises were in no part hyperbolical, nor any Country more worthy of a Prince's care and supportance. Other reports concerning the healthfulness of the air (especially where the ground is cleared of woods) and other needful provisions of the plantation in numbers of Men and Arms (which some had hyperbolically disgraced) and in all other necessaries, seeing the late massacre hath not permitted it better, I am glad & rejoice that it is no worse, and hope and pray for the fortunate increase thereof daily. I rejoice also to hear (by one lately returned thence, Master morel a Minister and man of credit) that the affairs of New England are There is report also of an English Colony left by C. North in Guiana still continuing. Ruth. 4. 11. thriving and hopeful, which two Colonies of Virginia and New England (with all their Neighbours) God make as Rachel and Leah, which two did build the house of Israel, that they may multiply into thousands, and there enlarge the Israel of God, and the Churches Catholic confines, doing worthily in America, and being famous in Great Britain. These, with the rest of his Majesty's Dominions, and his nearest and dearest possession, Prince Charles his Highness, the Count Palatine, the Lady Elizabeth (more shining, more pure in her fiery trials, and like the pressed palm, and her Royal Godmother, spreading her boughs the more by greater weight) with the sweet and princely Fruits of her womb, still multiplied (like the Israelites under the Cross) God preserve and prosper unto the Majesty of our Dread Sovereign, the mighty Defender of the True Faith, KING JAMES; Amen O AMEN. The end of the tenth Book. FINIS. AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF THE PRINCIPAL things contained in the five Books of the fourth Part of Purchas his Pilgrims. A AAys a Province in Florida, 1553 Abay●a formozo, a Harbour in Brasile, where is found great store of Amber greice, Coral, Brasil-wood, Fish, etc. 1240 Abausango Retambuero a great mountain in Brasile, 1240 Abausanga, the name of a valiant Cannibal, 1228 Abermot, a great Lord of Mawooshen, 1874 Aborollas, dangerous Sands & cliffs in the West-Indies between the Cape and Spirito Santo, 1222 Abraham Cock an Englishman married in America, 1141 Abrioio great Shoalds in the Latitude of 21 and 22 Degrees from Hispaniola westward, 1834 Acara a town in Peru, 1446 Acacoustomed a River in Mawooshen, 1874 Acapulea, the situation and description thereof, 1418. 1446. 1562 Acarewanas, Indian Kings & Lords so called, 1247 Acari, a Town, where is made the best and greatest store of wine in all Peru, 1446 Accomack, a River in Virginia, 1694 Acela, a Town in Florida, 1531 Achese, a Town in Florida, 1536 Achneres, a certain people so called: their natures, habitations, fashions, and commodities, 1357 Acle, a Gulf so called, 1244 Acoma, a Town of 6000 Indians, the passage to which is by stairs ●●wen out of a rock, 1561, 1562 Acuco, a Province in America, 1560 Acus, a Province in America, 1560 Acuti, a beast of Brasile, like a Coney, 1301 adam's Tree in Brasile, 1310 L. Admiral of England his deserved commendations, 1962 Adultely, how punished by the Indians, 1159. by the Aethiopians, 1234. by the Guianians, 1272 Aquacay, a Province in Florida, 1553 Aquatorke, a place situate in the Coast of China, on the North, 1433 Age reverenced among the Savages, 1333 Ague, a special medicine for the same, 1311 Aio, an Island in Orenoco, 1248 Air causing swelling in the legs, 1222 Alaqua, a river in Brasile, the depth thereof, and how passed, 1239 Alimama, a Town in Florida, 1545 Allcatrace a ravenous Sea-fowle described, 1376 Alegranca, one of the most northerly Lands of the Canaries, 1155. the inhabitants and commodities thereof, 1267 St. Alexio an Island described. 1238 Alexandro Vrsino his relations of Terra Firma, and Peru, 1418, etc. Alexander. viz. Sir William Alexander Knight, his patent for the Plantation of Nova Scotia, 1871 Alfonso Gabrero his coming to the river of Plate, 1350 Algernoone-Fort in Virginia kept by Captain Davies, 1748 All Nesico, a tree in Brasil very precious and rich, good against bruises, 1239 Allen the Cardinal promiseth the Crown of England to the Duke of Parma, 1907 Alo, a kind of drink used by the Spaniards in the West Indies, like Bragget, made of hot spices, 1174 Altamaca-towne, 1536 Aluarez Nunnez, made General of the Spaniards in Brasile, his memorable exploits, etc. 1356, & sequ. His shipwreck, land-travell, and famine, ibid. His disrespect among his soldiers, 1357. sedition among his men, 1359. His dissembled sickness and treacherous cruelty toward the Indians, 1360. He is captivated and sent into Spain, and the dissension ensuing, ibid. Vide Nunnez. Amaie, a town in Florida, 1553 Amam Buquano, two Lands in Brasile, 1241 Amapajo River, 1248 Amana River, 1247 Amariocapana valleys, and the inhabitants thereof, 1248 Amazons country, 1559, 1218. The names of all the Rivers and Nations between it and the Brabisses, 1286. The description of their nature, country, customs, and commodities at large, 1287 Amazon women, their fashions, and country, 1358. Vide Women. Amber, how called by the Indians, 1241 Ambergris where found, 1224, 1237, 1240, 1313, 1377, 1796 Ambition among Savages, 1212 Ambroa, a beast in Aethiopia, 1233 Ambush of the Caribes, 1256 Amecaxo, Indians of Brasyle, 1310 Amiebas-towne in the river Marwin, 1283 America, 1223. How divided between the Sparke 〈…〉ds and Portugeses, 1435. The strife about it, 1437 Americaes strange beasts, plants, &c 1325, 1326. & sequ. Strange Birds, 1329, 1330. Bees and Butterflies, ibid. The envy of the Americans, 1330. Americaes medicinable plants, and venomous, 1330. With leaves of incredible bigness, 1332. The cause of their wars, 1333. Their irreconciliation with their adversaries ibid. Their assemblies, weapons, skill, archery, stratagems, their clamorous fierceness, captines, 1335, 1336. vid. Indians and Brasilians. Anato, a berry or cod wherewith the Indians paint, 1251 Anapermia a river, how situate, 1247 Anaquia, savages so called, 1299 Ancica, a place in Africa, 1234 The inhabitants thereof, the stubbornest under the Sun; most black of any, their religion, concubines, country, and commodities; they are right under the line, 1237 Anebas, a place in the Indies, 1248. certain Moors so called, 1250 Angola, a place in Aethiopia, 1212 The inhabitants, markets, laws, King, pomp, & rites of obeisance, controversies, etc. 1233. Their Religion, ibid. Description of the Country, their slavery to the Portugeses, their coloured clothes, greatest disgrace, their feeding & lodging, 1233, 1234. their manner of taking Elephants, their coal-black colour, stature, punishment of adultery, circumcision, how easily their country may be taken from the Portugeses, 1234. yearly shipped from it 28000 slaves, 1243 Anhelim, Savages in the Main of Brasile, 1299 Anchors that are unserniceable, how mended without iron, 1390 Angra, the chief town of Tercera, one of the Azores, the description and fortification thereof, 1668, 1143 Anima, a bird in Brasile, that hath on his beak a medicinable horn, 1306 Anneda, a tree very sovereign against the scurvy, 1625 Annes Hill the situation of it, 1242 S. Anne's Island, 1379 Anoixi, a Town in Florida, the inhabitants whereof were taken by the Spaniards, 1550 Ant-Beare, a beast with a nose of a yard long, deceiving Ants with putting forth his tongue, 1214. It is also called Tamandros, 1216, 1301 Ant, a place in Florida, the commodities thereof, 1503, 1504 Anteperistase, and the effects thereof, 1627. S. Anthony, a garrison town of the Spaniards in Florida, 1182 Sr. Antony Ralife forced to return for England, 1941 St Antonio, a River, 1223. the description, commodities, etc. 1239 Antis, a Province near Peru, whose inhabitants worshipped Tigers and great Snakes of 25 and 30 foot long, and harmless, 1457 Apalachen a place supposed very well stored with gold, in Florida, 1501 The chief town thereof described, their manner of building, and fortification, their commodities of beasts, fowls, and plants: a geographical description of their country, their assault of the Spaniards, etc. 1502, 1503 Apamatica, a country in Uirginia, 1688 Apamatucke-river, 1692 Apanawaspek, a great river in Mawooshen, lying West and by South of Ramassoc, 1874 Apanmenseck, a great river in Mawooshen, ibid. Apes with beards and moustaches, 1243 Apetupa, certain Indians so called, 1299 Apigapigtanga, certain savages so called in Brasile, 1298 Aponig, a great river not far from Aponik, 1874 Aponik, a great river in Mawooshen, ibid. Appisham, a town on the river Aponik, ibid. Apples of America, 1332 Apples at Angola and Auanas, pleasant and wholesome but eating iron like Aquafortis, 1243. Apples in Guiana causing sleep to death, 1276 Aquirini Indians, 1299 Aquiguira-Brasilians, 1299 Aquixo, a great Lord in Florida, 1546 Aracawa River, 1251. The commodities and inhabitants thereabout, 1251, 1263 Aracuaiati, certain Indian savages, 1299 Araomi, an Island in Orenoco, 1248 Ararape, certain Brasilian inhabitants, 1298 Arawagatoes, certain Indians near Orenoco, 1248 Arbadaos-Indians, their hungry life, 1517 Archers, very expert and strong, 1503. Archers that kill birds flying, fishes swimming, beasts running, 1771 Archers-hope, a point of land in Virginia so called, 1688. Archers relation of a Fleet sent to Virginia, 1733, 1734 Arecias, certain cliffs in Brasile so called, 1238 Capt. Argals voyage and success, 1758, & seq. His relation of his acts in Virginia, anno 1613. his getting store of corn for the plantation, 1764, 1765. His taking prisoner Powhatons daughter, and freeing Englishmen, 1765. his return, ibid. His valour in displating the French, 1768, 1808 Armada furnished against the English in the West Indies, their fight, 1398, & seq. An armada prepared against the Lord Howard, Admiral of her Majesty's fleet at the Azores, 1144 Arrow running in at the mouth of a man, and coming out at his pole, yet the man saved, 1206. Arrows five or six in one body escaping, ibid. One and twenty arrows in one man that lived after 4 hours, 1219. A hundred arrows in two men before they fell, 1256. Arrows of Indians that run through a Target Pistol. proof, 1688 Arrowhotacks, certain Indians of Virginia, having but 30 fight men, 1692 Sr. Arthur Gorge, his relation of a voyage to the Isles of Azores, 1938 Articles offered to Port Ricco-men by the Earl of Cumberland, 1163. And received. 1164 Articles propounded by Mr. More to the Company planted in the Bermudas to he subscribed to generally, 1795 Arraroopana, an entrance into the river Orenoco, 1248 Arms used by the Indians, 1261 Aruba Island described, 1146, 1246 Aruburguary, a town of the Epeuremii in the Indies, 1285 Arwarcas, certain Indians so called that dwell in the Wyapoco, 1253 Assapana, the first Island in Orenoque, 1●48 Assaccona, a Province in Guiana, 1285 Assawais, certain Indian● inhabiting the Plains of Samia, 1●48 Ashamabaga, a river in Mawooshen westward from Sagodok, 1875 Asshaw a town on the river Aponeg in Mawooshen, 1874 Aspiner a Governor in Nausset under the great Massasoye, his good entertainment of our English forces, 1853 Assumption, a place erected by the Spaniards in the West Indies. 1352 Asticon, a great Lord in Mawooshen, 1874 Atabalipa Prince of Peru craftily taken by the Spaniards, and afterwards perfidiously slain, 1445, 1452, 1490, 1491 Atacames Bay, the situation thereof, 1401 Atacama, a town in Peru, 1443 Athul, a pleasant Country near the River Orenoco, 1248 Atuhualpa, or Atabalipa, Emperer of Peru, his wars with his brother, his victory. cruelty, etc. 1483, 1484, 1485 Ataios-Indians, 1516 Atri●co, a place five leagues from Mexico, 1414 Attoca-river, 1248 Atturari, certain inhabitauts of the West Indies, 1299 Anasalii, spirits possessing and vexing the inhabitants of West India, 1213 Auavares, certain Indians so called, 1514 Aubri a French Priest, lost in New France, and after many days found again, being almost starved, all his food being a fruit worse than wild cherries. 1623. Audacity of the English Admiral in the voyage to the Azores, 1943 Augurari Brasilians, 1299 Autiamque a Province in Florida described, with the commodity's thereof, 1550, 1551 Axa a place in America, 1561 Aximocuntla, a place in New Spain, 1558 Azores Lands, their number and nomination in particular, why called Azores, and why the Flemish Lands, 1667, 1668. Azores Iles situated in the Atlantic and Western Oceans, between 37 and 40 Degrees, 1938. the inhabitant Port 〈…〉 hate the Sparke 〈…〉ds, and would be freed from them, if they might fall with a Governor that could protect them from the Sparke 〈…〉. 1952 Aztatlan a Province near New-Spaine. 1559 Ayard, Indian wood so called. 1251 Air, a disease in Tereeta. 1671 Aygas Indians, than nature and commodities described, 1351 Ay 〈…〉 y a Town in Florida, called by the Spaniards The town of relief: the commodities and description thereof. 1537 B BAgres, a very strange Fish in RioGrand in Florida. 1548 Bahia a Town in the West-Indies near the Line. 1189 Baldivia, his death by a cup of molten Gold which the India●● forced him to drink, saying, Now glut thyself with gold. 1443 Baldivia, a places name near the South-sea. 1391. Baldivia Port 1442. 1443 Balparizo, a place in America. 1399 Balsamum, of three sorts in T●ppan Basse near Brasile, white, red & black, all very odoriferous. 1189 Bank in the Newfound Land known by Mariners to be near by the testimony of Birds, 1628. The description of it, and the fishing there, ibid. Banner of a Spanish ship, hung up in one of the Churches of Leyden, in token of triumph, 1909 Baptism of Spaniards leaveth no character in the Indians, 1323 Baptism forbidden by the Devil to the Savages, 1564 Baratta, a delicate perfume, and admirable in curing green wounds, 1276 Barbudos Island, the description and commodities thereof, 1255, 1256 Ba●ede, an Indian town, 1364 Bareras Mermethues hills in Pareyna, 1237 Capt. Barker of bristol navigations, 1180 Capt. Barker slain in Brasile, 1195 Barkley, viz. Sir john Barkley his noble resolution, ambition and courage, 1151 Baroti, an India town, 1364 Barrenness of women how dispelled by the Indians, 1303 Bartennis Indian inhabitants, 1349 Bartholomew de las Casas his discovery of Spanish cruelties in the Indies, 1569, & sequ, his disputations with Doctor Sepulueda concerning the same point, 1631. Saint Bartholomew Valley in New Biscany, 1562 Bascherepos Indians, 1357 Baseness of the Spaniards in refusing the Earl of Essex his challenge, 1924 Basse, great plenty summer and winter taken at Mattachiest, 1859 Bastimento Lands, 1244 A Bath temperately hot in Dominica, 1158 A Bath caring diverse diseases, 1281, 1282. Baths boiling meat, 1685 Batiscan-river in Canada, 1611 Battle of Savages, 1218, 1224, 1272, 1272, 1273, 1348. Battle of Savages with Span●ards, 1360, 1361 Bats very great and noxious, 1284 Baximete a place fertile with fine gold, 1413 Bay of Cod in Canada, 1616 Bay of heat, ibid. Bay●, a town in Brasile, 1142, 1438 Bayama, a Gulf in the West Indies, 1241 Bayamond, a river in Port-Ricco, 1169 Bayas de Sant Antonio, sands on the coasts of Brasile, 1238 Bayshas de Ambrobrio, certain cliffs so called, 1223 Bears tame taught by Savages in stead of Ladders, to carry the climbers up on trees, 1644 Bears that swim 14 Leagues from the Continent to feed on Birds, 1605 Beasts with armed scales repelling Iron in America, 1326 A Beast called Hay that liveth upon hair, 1328 A Beast with a monstrous snout, ibid. Beasts hideously howling, 1381 Beasts that carry their young ones in a bag under their belly, 1502. A beasts hide of strange forms and fashion, 1560 Beds of what kind used among the Savages, 1188 Beef how kept in the Lands of Mona and Savona, etc. 1146 Beefs infinitely plentiful, 1171, 1421 Bees without stings, 1364 Bell a voire, a river of Florida, discovered by the French, 1603 Belligods, 1202 Bengula in Africa, 1234 Saint Bend, an Island in Brasile, 1240 Bermuda plantation distressed by Rats in infinite number, 1796. Their devouring their fruits, ibid. The weakness and mortality succeeding, ibid. & 1797. The prediction thereof portended by Ravens, 1797. Bermudas Plantation under the government of Master Moor, ibid. Under Captain Tucker, ibid. Its growth in benefit and commodities, 1798. It's government by Captain Kendal and Captain Butler, ibid. Its Forts built by Master Moor, 1802. It's government by a triumvirate, ibid. A Church built, with supplies of all necessaries, ib. Bermudas plantation-affaires under diverse Governors, and the fortification thereof at large, 1804 1805, 1811. Bermudas impregnability, 1823. England's natural and national right to plant in Bermudas, 1811 Bermuda Lands infamous for storms and thunder, their situation, 1169. Called the Devil's Lands, 1737. Opinions of their number, magnitude, circuit, and latitude, seasons and climate, 1738 Pearle-fishing there, ibid. The danger of arrival thither by ships; their soil, want of venomous beasts, fruits, Cedars, 1739. Palms there, and their commodities; trees, Silkworms, ibid. The reason why they were not formerly inhabited, ibid. Their want of fresh water, fish great store, m●king of salt there. 1740 The wholesomeness of the fish, and its cau●e; store of Whales. Fowls, ibid. Wild Hogs and Tortoises, 1741. Bermudas liked by Sir Thomas Gates, and other Mariners, and preferred before Virginia, 1745. The religions orders in Bermudas under the said Governor. 1746. Bermudas possession taken, their solemnities, Preaching, Administration of the Sacraments, marriage rites, etc. 1746. Bermudas, cross erected by Sir Thomas 〈◊〉 in memorial of his delivery, the inscription, 1747. Bermudas plantation by the English, 1793, 1794. Articles proposed to the plantationers, 1795. Bermudas store of Ambergris, 1796. Bermudas geographically described, 1798. The soil, ibid. With other commodities at large, 1799, 1800. & seq. Another description of its ●auer all excellencies. 1806 Bermuda City in Virginia, 1767, 1768 Berrias making drink, of a restrictive operation. 1739 Berria, a River, 1206 Bever-skins very plentiful in Canada and New England, 1842 Bevers burnt by Savages, 1644 Biarataca, a beast in Brasile that killeth with his stinking smell men and dogs, 1303 Biesaie a nation near the River Parana in the West Indies, 1364 Bigrorgia, Indians of Brasile, 1300 Bird-land, one of the Virgin Lands in the West Indies, 1159 Birds incredibly plentiful there, 1159, 1160 Birds strange in Brasile, 1305, 1306 Birds that have two generations, that dance, that sound like bells, that have three skins, that have horns, ibid. Birds that bring tidings of ships arrival, whose fat is good for looseness; birds that die and live again: their several names, 1316, 1317. Birds in America very delicate and glittering, their natures, names, and diversities, 1329. A bird of a most monstrous bill, 1330. A bird no bigger than a Drone Bee, that makes most harmonious melody, 1330. Birds believed by the Barbarians to be sent from their friends with news, 1330. Birds like Snipes that discover dangerous sheales, 1374. Birds taken with hook and live, 1383. Their d●scription, ibid. Birds worshipped as gods. 1560 Birds strangely taken in the Bermudas, by men yelling, and howling, 1741 Biscayne's, a savage people inhabiting near Grand Bay, on the north of Newfound Land, 1882 Biscovers use to fight well, 1150 Bishop of Cusco taken prisoner by the English at Cadiz; he is set at liberty without ransom, 1933 Bishop and his Clerks, certain Rocks on the north side of Silley so called, 1967 Blanches Bay, 1386 Blank, a place whither the French Biscayne's, and Portugals yearly repair for Fish, near the South Cape of Newfound Land, 1886 Blacke-Pinace sunk, 1167 Blacke-Rocke, a place yearly fished by three or four hundred sail of Spaniards, 1837 Blanco Island, 1●66 Blas●●, a Friar of the Order of Franciseus of Seville, being in great extremity through the slavish bondage of the Spaniards, was relieved by the Savages of the I'll of Dominica, 1833 A Blazing-star in the year 1590. Over Tercera, 1678. Another over England Anno 1606, page 1685 Bloody fi●x rife, and the causes thereof, 1149 Blew-be●ds well sold for two or three hundred bushels of corn, 1710 Boars in Brasile that have their navels on their backs, by the sent of which the Dogs hunt and desiroy them, 1301 Boats of strange form and fashion, 1504 B●ates only of ●ollowed trees by the Indians of New France. 1633 A Boat that sailed from the Bermudas to Ireland 1803. And there hanged up for a monument. ibid. Bo●eyua; Snakes among the Savages, 1210 Bogs and watery places engendering evil diseases, 1623., 1624. Boicupecanga, a kind of Snake that hath venomous prickles on his back, 1303 Bolus, a River in Virginia, the commodities, and inhabitants, 1693 Bonas Airs, a place in the river of Plate, 1218 Bonito or Spanish Mackerell, 1376 Boarding how to be avoided in a Sea-fight, 1405 Borsis a town taken by Captain Petuin in the Portugal voyage, 1926 Boybona an Indian name of a mountain in Brasile, in English the Rotten Whale, 1240 Boycininga and Boiciningpeba, certain snakes in Brasile that have bells in their tails, and are very poisonous, 1304 Boys of the Indians not suffered to take Tobacco, their reverence to their elders, their habit, etc. 1869 Boytiapua, a Frog-eating Snake or Serpent, wherewith if a barren woman's hips be struck, the Indians say she presently conceives with child, 1303 Boynara, a place in the Indies, 1246 Boisterous Seas, not agreeable to London delicacy. 1941 Brabisse River, and the particular names of the Rivers between it and the Amazons, and Nations, 1286 Bracheo, near the Paretaes' in the West Indies. 1246 Branco de Malambo, 1434 Brasile, the Rivers, Capes, and Ports thereof described: their danger or safety for Navigators, 1237, 1238. & seq. Brasile when first found and discovered, and by whom, 1437. The controversy concerning it, between the Spaniards and Portugals, 1437 Brasile, the difficulty of sailing thither some times of the year, 1156, 1157 A Brasilian brought to K. Henry the eighth in his wild accoutrements, 1179 Brasile is six hundred leagues from the straits of M●gellane. 1193 Brasilian coasts full of Shoales, 1195 Brasilian Savages, 1225, 1226. seq. strange and monstrous Beasts in Brasile, their names, 1242, 1243. Brasilians their nature, sub●●ction, man-eating, shooting, nakedness, flat-heads, 1243. plenty of mines, 1243. Brasil, and Brasilians, described, 1289, & seq their opinion of an Island of God. of their soul and paradise, ibid. Their mariages-rites, drink, diet, ruling children, liberality, drunkenness, rudeness, manner of eating, 1290. Their lodging, nakedness, modesty, hair, houses, childbirth, ceremonies, love of children, and education, 1291. Their entertaining strangers with weeping welcome, their hospitality, their drinking smoke of Petigina, their traffiquing ornaments, the usage of their wives, jealousy, music, 1292. Singing, instruments, love of poetry, their burials, and excessive lamentation, tools, weapons, archery, their arts, quick-sightedness, travels, swimming, fishing, swords, 1293, 1294. Their manner of eating man's flesh, and divers their ceremonies at large, 1295, 1296, 1297. Their creating Gentlemen, the badges thereof, and their three titles, Abaetes, Murubixab●, Moçacara, 1297. Their languages and nations, ibid. The climate, seasons, nature of the soil, 1300▪ Variety of strange wild beasts, 1301, 1302, & 1303. Diversity of fearful Serpents, and the venom of ●hat climate, 1303, 1304. The variety of P●●ats, and strangeness of other Bird, 1305, 1306. Diversities and wonders of their trees and fruits for Physic, and 〈◊〉 h 〈…〉 se: the several names of their trees and plants, 1307, 1308, 1309. Rare and admirable plants, their several names and wonders at large, 1310, 1311, 1312. Their multitude and singularity of fishes, and their names at large, 1314, 1315 & seq. Their Fish that liveth altogether in Salt-water, and their names, 1316, 1317. The delicate freshwater of Brasile, and Rivers, ibid. Thei● strange, vast, and fearful sea-serpents, and their several names, 1317, 1318, What Portugal commodities in Brasile, 1319. Brasile hath few Lice and Fleas, but infinite store of venomous gnats, ibid. Articles for the good of Brasile to the Spanish King, 1320, & seq. The want of justice, and the irregularity: of those parts, 1321. Their disrespect of the jesuits in the matters of counsel, ibid. How cruelly the Brasilians are dealt with by the Portugals, 1321. & seq. Their want of instruction, and inhuman slavery, 1324. Brasils' beasts, plants, and other living things described, 1325, 1326. & seq. Brasile wood, ibid. Difference of plants, beasts, and commodities from ours, and their several description, 1325. & seq. Their astonishment at the hearing of God: Their inconstancy, natural parts, etc. 1340. Their marriages, and polygamy, the manners of women with child, etc. 1341. The destruction of families, and bounds of their possessions, 1342. Their household stuff. 1343. Their entertainment. 1344, 1345. Their Physic and demeanour towards the sick, their burial attended with devilish rites. 1346. Brasils' description and chief Havens. 1382. A Brasile Ship taken by Sir Water Raleigh, 1938. Brasile commodities sent for Spain, not only gold, but much other treasures, as Ginger, Sugar, Hides, Tobacco, etc. 1817 Bravadoes are sometimes the hinderers of success in great projects, 194● Bravery of the English turneth to beggary. 1942 Bridegroom's th●● give the fi●st handsel of their spous●● to their hindered and friends. 1481 Brigalian Island the situation thereof 1240 Buena Ventura, a River in the West Indies, the description thereof, 1413, 1414 Bueno● Aeres, a t●●ne in the River of Plate, 1●41 Buccaw ganecants, a town under the dominion of Bashabez Sagamo of Mawooshen. 1873 Building without tools or engines, miraculous by the Indians of Peru, 1477, 1478 Burdones, a place so called, 126● Burkes rebellion in Ireland, 1893 The Burlings, an Island so called: 〈◊〉 soil, commodi 〈…〉, and inhabitants described, 1155 Butter how made by the Indians. 1539 C. CAbot, viz. Sir Sebastian Cabot his American travels, 1177, 1178, & seq. he discovered so much of the continent of the New World, that it deserved to be called Cabo●iana. rather than America, 1177, 1112 Cabusto, a town in Florida, 1544 Caa●t●, certain Brasilians so called. 1298 C●era River, 1248 Cadiz taken by the English, the Castle surrendered, &c 1931. Cadi● described, 1932. It is set ●●fir● and razed to the ground. 1933 Caiama Island, the description thereof, 1248 Caiocame, a town in Mawocshen, 1874 Caioses, Cannibals so called, living in Brasile, 1241 Caivari, certain Savages of Brasile living in Caves, 1●99 Cale, a town of Florida, 1532 Caleformia, a sea so called, 1560 or an Island, or many Lands, as others say, 1562 Calenture, 1181, 1182 Caliane, a River in Guiana, very abundant with gold and silver, ●●60 Caliquen town, 1533 Callipuny, a mountain in Guyana. 1●71 Calais taken by the Spaniards, 1927 Calms, the strange effects thereof in the Sea, and in men's bodies, 1373 Camalaha, a Fair in the Indies near Orenoco, where women are sold. 1248 Cama●uiars, certain Savages that have paps reaching under their waste. 1299 Camena, a road in Brasile, 1142 as also a town in Peru, 1446 Campseau, a Port in New-France, described, 1639 Camarijiwa, a River, how situate, 1223. It's danger or ease for Navigation, and the commodities thereof, 1238 Camo a Hill on the coasts of Brasile, 1240 Camoni, Indians, 1514 Campeche the chief town of jacatan, 1186 Canacum the Governor of Manomet, his friendly entertainment to the English, 1858 Canada River, 1606. The adjoining Country, the Inhabitants, description, feasts, fights, lodging, houses, Canons, with other customs, 1606, 1607. They endure great famine, lie, and are falsehearted, their belief, and ridiculous relation of God, ibid. & 1609. vide Indians of Canada. Canasagua, a town in Florida, 1539 Canaverall, where, 1247 Canary Lands, their number, and description, 1369, 1370 Canariagranda, 1185, 1369, et seq. Candish his Voyage, 1971. & seq. he takes the town Santos, and Saint Vincent, 1191. Loseth Captain Davies, ibid. His arrival at Port-desire, and the Magellane Streights, ibid. His mutinous company, 1192. and distress in the straits, 1193. Return for Brasil, 1194. His company slain, 1195. His valour and projects, ibid. Loss of men by Indians and Portugeses, 1197. Loss of the Roebuck, 1200. Severity, ibid. His weakness, and unwillingness of his company, for going to the straits, 1200. His voyage further discovered by Anthony ●niuer, 1201, 1202. & seq. The supposed overthrow of his voyage, 1203 Canduacu, Brasilian beast's that dart their bristles through a man's skin, 1302 Canari, a Province of Morequito, 1248 Cannete, i● town in Peru, 1446 Canri, a town in the River Marwin in America, 1283 Cannibals with faces like dogs at Ports-desire, 1191. Other strange and valorous Caunibals. 1208 Cannibals proffer fa 〈…〉 to Candish in Santos, 1203. Cannibals naked and fearful, 1204. called Pories, 1208. Their strange entertainment of strangers, 1208. Cannibals called Tamoyes, 1228, 1240. vid. Savages. Canon, a famous Navigator, 1191 Canoas' or boats of threescore foot long with 80 men in them, 1380 Cape Blanco, 1379 Cape Saint Francisco, 1400 Cape Saint Antonio, 1147 Capawucke a place in the Ind●●s, stored with gold, 1841 Cape bona Esper●nza, the danger of the passage there, 1151, 1152 Cape Rico, 1170 Cape Verdi, 1181 Cape de la vela, 118●, 1244 Cape Frio, or cold Cape, its situation, 1202. It's Navigation, 1240 Cape Saint Augustine, 1238 Cape Caldera, 1●46 Cape de verde, its unhealthinesse, 1370. Its Lands, 1371 Capignramirinij a place in Brasile 1238. Cape Agreda, cape froward, 1386 Cape chiqui-towne, 1535. Cape Francois, 1603 Cape Saint mary's, Cape de Rare, Cape Saint Laurence, 1606 Caperrocca, a Savage town, 1285 Capitua a flat land in Brasile, 1238 Cape-cod, 1647. Cape Charles, 1691. Cape Henry in Virginia, 1687. Cape Laware in Virginia, 1762. It's adjoining Shoales, ibid. Captains for narres, how chosen among the Indians, 1262 Captains errors checked, 1397. patience commendable in a Captain, 1153 Captain Lister's dingerous attempt in my Lord of Cumberlands voyage, 1143. He is drowned and his Ship in his return, ibid. Captain Bayly slain, 1144 Captain Munson taken captive, 1144 Captain Nortons' Uoyage, ibid. Captain Caves' surprisal of in Are gosie of Lisbon. ibid. Captain Nortons' assailing a Fortingall, ibid. Capt. Cave, Admiral in the eighth Uoyage of the Lord of Cumberland, slain, 1147 Captain Antony killed, ibid. Captain Dounton wounded, 1148 Capurisell a River, 1250 Capucaras, water-Serpents in the Indies, 1211 Capari, a River near Orenoque, 1247 Carrabouca, a place in India, 1249 Carcocies, Indians so called, 1365 Carder, viz. Peter Carder a Cornish man, his hard fortune and escapes, 1187. The loss of his company. 1188. His living two months upon a fruit like Oranges, and his drinking of his own Urine, ibid. His conversing with Indians, abide. Teacheth them to mar. 1189. His departure from them, ibid. His imprisonment, deliverance, 1189, 1190. His employment, 1190. His escape from the Portugeses, and arrival to England after nine years' voyage, 1190 Carigue, a Beast in Brasile that that carteth her young ones in a bag about with her, 1301 Cari-River, 1248 A Carrak runneth a shore to avoid the English, 1938 Caripo a town in Guiana, 1268 Caroli, a pleasant River near Orenoco, 1248 Carraemba, Savages so called, 1299 Carapana, a place in the Province of Emeria, 1247 Carraibas, certain Ingglers in Brasile. 1290 Carracus a place in the Indies, 1242, 1248 Caredenas, a Province in America, 1560 Carripapoory Lands near Guiana. 1268 Carendies a fierce Nation of the Indies, near the River, of Plate● their nature, warlikenesse, and description, 1348 A Carack runneth herself on ground for fear of the English, 1964 Carracks taken and burnt by English Captains, 1145, 1147, 1148 Carracks not so great as wealthy, 1150 Carracks used to return from the Indies, at the Acores by September, 1169 A Carack with four millions and a half of treasure burnt in Port-Ricco, 1171 Great Carack fired, 1182. Another taken, 1183 Carchconos Indians, 1364 Carcariso, Indians so called, 1353 Caribes near Orenoco, 1249 great enemies to the Indians, 1261 Carios Savages, their nature, commodities, customs, town, fortification, etc. described, 1351 Captain Car slain in the Portugal Voyage, 1924 Caruolos Savages, their nature, and description, 1232 Carruco, certain Savages in Florida, 1510 Capt. Carsey slain in the Portugal Voyage, 1924 Cartagena assaulted and taken, 1182, Its description and force, 1419, 1434. 'tis massacred by Spaniards, 1584. A Carvel stolen by English captives, 1151 Cascais, a town of Portugal forsaken at the approach of the English, 1923 Casiste, a great Floridan town, 1541 Casuero River, 1248 Casqui a great Governor in America, his large dominions, and towns, 1547, 1548 Cassavi bread, 1146. The manner of making it, the goodness and description of it, 1173, 1251 Cassia Fistula in Brasile, 1308 Castro, a place on the coast of Chili, 1442 Castro his discovery, 1447 Casuays, a River in the Indies, 1223 Cassipa River, 1248 Cassipogotos Indians, near Orenoco 1248 Castle of Cascais yielded to the English, 1924 Castle of Saint Philip, near Porto Bello, 1244 Catalte, a Province in Florida, 1553 Catagua Indians, 1300 Saint Catalina Island, 1438 Caturi River, 1248 Catamaya, a town in Florida, 1550 Cattle infinite store in Port-Ricco, 1171 Cat of the Mountain, called by the Indians, Marcayahite, store in Brasile, 1229 Cavoques, a language of some Indians in Florida, 1519 Cawas a Mountain in Port Ricco, 1170 Caxamalca, a large Indian City, described, with its chief ornaments, 1489 Cayas, a town of Florida, 1549 Caycooscoocooro, a town in the River Marwin, inhabited by the Arwaccas Savages, 1283 Cazique, a Title of dignity among the Savages, as much as to say, a Lord. 1502 Cedars, in New-France, 1622. In the Bermudas, 1739. Cedars in Alexandria, reported by the jews to be them of Libanus, that bear old and new fruit all the year, ibid. Cedars ill for shipping. 1747 Cevola, a Province, 1560. In it are seven Cities near together, their manner of making houses, for summer and winter, their commodities of Turquoises and Emeralds, their beasts, and climate, ibid. Chachapuya, a Province in America of valiant men, and fair women, that worship Snakes, 1478 Chagre, a River in the Indies, 1180 Chagnate a town in Florida, 1553 Captain Chalons his voyage to the Northern parts, his unfortunate hap to the loss of the whole adventure, 1827 Mr Henry Chaltons voyage to the North of Virginia, his commiseration towards a distressed Friar, his taking captive by the Spaniards, his goods divided into the Spanish Ships, 1834 Chalaque Province, 1539 Champlains voyage into Canada in the year 1603, 1605 His arrival at Canada: 1606. His discovering of divers Lands there, ibid. His return, 1619 Chauca, a valiant Indian Nation, descending as they suppose from a a Lion, which they worship for a god, 1457, 1641 Charges of certain voyages to Virginia, little gain for loss of life, 1842 Charity, a great Ship landing at Plymouth in New England, 1856. Charity of the Indians toward th●se which are impoverished by sickness, 1869. Charity and courtesy among savages, 1345 Chawonock in Virginia, its different languages mentioned, 1694 Chereno, a great Commander in Port Ricco, 1169 Chebegnadoes, a town in Mawooshen, 1874 Cherente, a River in Florida, 1603 Chiaza, a Province in Florida, 1538 Chickhahamania, a River in Virginia, 1692. The inhabitants governed by Priests, 1692 Chicaca, a town in Florida, 1544 Chichilcale, a Province in America, 1560 M. Chidleys' voyage for the Magellane Streights, 1187 Children thrown to dogs, 1582 Childbirth, how and with what ease among the Indians, 1263, 1868 Chile, a rich Country in the Indies, 1232. It's description and discovery by some Spaniards, 1442. The taking thereof by the Spaniards, and the town first inhabited by them, 1442 China hath two ways to it through the straits of Magellane, and Caput bonae spei, 1193 Chirihuana brutish Indians so called, 1475 Chiriguana, a Province subject to Peru, 1419 A Chirurgeon curing with words, 1205 Chisaptack a brook in Virginia, 1692 Chischa, a Floridan Province, 1540 Choamo, a country in Port Ricco 1169 Chesepian-Bay, 1658 Chesupioc-Bay, 1686 Chily, a Province subject to Peru, its several towns, 1419 Chilca, a place in America. 1398 Chinca, a place in the South Sea, 1416 Chinchilla, a beast of wondrous estimation by reason of a rich Furr, 1395 Cholupaha, a town of Florida, 1333 Chovakoet-bay in New France, 1626. Choosa, a valley in the South sea, 1416 Christ's name blasphemed by the perfidy of Spanish-Christians, 1450 Christians cruelty to each other exceeding savages, 1623. Christians deservedly controlled by the Indians, 1449. How thought of by them, an Indian definition of a Christian. 1450. Christians eat one another, 1508 Crystal. 1230 Crystal Rock in Virginia. 1772 Crystal Mountain. 1231 Cholula, a part of New Spain ruinated, in respect of the inhabitants, by Spaniards. 1577, 1578 Chullula, a place in the South Sea. 1418 Chule, an Island poorly inhabited by the Sparke 〈…〉 in the South See, 〈◊〉 rich with ●●ld. 1392 Churches prof 〈…〉 punished. 1163 Ci●, 〈◊〉 town. 1561 Cibola, a Province in America, discovered by the Spaniards. 1560 Cicu, Indians of Brasile. 1299 Cicuic, a town in America. 1561 Cilicedemo, a mountain in Guyana. 1272 Cinque Llagas, a great Carack fired. 1148 Circumcision among Aethiopians. 1234 Civet Cats. 1372 Civil dissensions. 1452, 1453 Si● Nicholas Clifford's death by a shot, as he was at supper. 1184 A Climate unsufferably hot, and within six miles again intolerably cold. 1420 Coaio's, or Couchoes, Indians. 1516 Cobe, a place near Havana in the West Indies. 1246 Cobrus, vide Serpent. Coca, a Floridan Country, the towns and commodities therein. 1540 Coche, an I'll near Margarita. 1186 A Cock treading a sow, another crowing clearly within twelve hours it was hatched. 1805 Cocos trees, and their fruit described. 1371, 1372, 1173 Corwina a town, 1279 Coiula, a Province in New-Spain. 1558 Cold very extreme freezing men to death. 1204, & 1205. vid. winter. Colic how cured. 1308 Colliman a precious gu●●e in Guiana, for sundry diseases. 1276 Colonies in Virginia the first. 1645, 1683, 1684 Colonies plantation, requireth first affair land, and a safe harbour. 1664. Colonies in Virginia on what conditions granted, as it appeareth by the Patent, 1683, 1684 Colonel Bret, slain in the Portugal Voyage. 1924 Comana a town's name. 1266. It's description and climate. ibid. Coman Ibes, Inhabitants in the Indies. 1248 Commanders, how far to trust Officers. 1402 Comorratty, a town in the River Ma●win in America. 1283 Compass used in travelling sandy Countries. 1242 Compostella City. 1528 Conduit-head. 1384 Conde de Andrada his Army. 1920 Conception, a town in Chili. 1443 Concoere, a town in America inhabited by Savages. 1283 Congo, a Region in Africa, the King thereof: his great strength, his Christian Religion, guard, pomp, riding on Elephants, rites of State. 1234 Conibas lake. 1566. near it a stately City of Indians, their ornament and great fortification. 1566 Coneys of two sorts in Florida, the manner how they are taken by the Indians there. 1551 Conavacus, chief Prince of the great people of Nanohigganset, his challenge to the English men, he is terrified by a present of powder and shot. 1854 Conjuration used of the Indians, being in distress for want of rain. 1867 Conversion of sinners, a work meritorious, witness a Spanish Captain, 1558 Content, a small Ship of Sir George carew's, fought with three great Spanish Ships of six hundred tuns a piece, 1186 Cooligoa, a Province in Florida, 1549 Cocunibo, an excellent and safe harbour in the West Indies, 1394. The marks whereby to find it. ibid. Cordova-towne. 1446 Cooropan, a place ten days journey from the head of the River Marrawin, 1285. Directions for the journey betwixt Marrawin, and Cooropan, ibid. Directions to Cooropan from the head of the River Sehnama. 1286 Cooshebery, a Province in Guiana: the description, pleasantness, healthiness, and commodities thereof, 7171 Corburrimore, a town of the Epuremei in the Indies. 1285 Cape Corientes, 1147 Corn how kept in Tercera, 1669 Cornhill, a place in New-England, where the Savages were went to hide their corn, 1845. Corn much increaseth in New-England, 1871 Coro, a town in America, 1258 The fruitfulness & commodities thereof. 1258 Coral, 1516 Combination of the English forces is New-England, 1843 Complaint of a Savage woman for her son's loss, stolen away by Hunt an Englishman, 1853 Copiapo a town of Chili, in the Indies, 144● Coquinibo, an American town, 144● Coresao Island, how situate, 1146 Coro, a town and Castle, burnt by Captain. Preston, and Captains Summers, 1186 Cororoespe, or the River of Toads in America, 1223 Cortes a Spaniard, contesteth with Don Antonio de Mendoza, for discoveries of land, sendeth forth Francis ullua with a Fleet of three Ships for that purpose. 1560 Corupeo, a spirit using to possess and vex the Americans, 1213 Casnero River, 1248 Costa Ricca, a West Indian town, copious with gold, 1419, 1446 Covetousness the cause of the dispeopling the Indies by the Spaniards, 1569 Covetousness is an Idol, unto which the Spaniards have sacrificed millions of Indians, 1602, 1603, Covetousness reproved by a Savage, 1331 A provincial Council held at Lyma. 1421 Counsel used among the Indians, 1270 Countries unhealthy. 1360 Countries very healthy, 1274 Countries unknown, and description of them, 1383, 1334 Cowab, a Mountain, 1271 Cowardliness of the Indians, 1154 Cowardliness of the Master of the Ree-Bucke in Brasile, 1197 Cozco, the Imperial City of Peru, the opinion the Inhabitants have of it, the admire able Temple of the Sun in it, rich hangings, images, profuse ornaments, Chapels, roofs, plates, gardens, heaps, all Church-instruments in gold, their priests, and chariness of their Temple, 1464, 1465. Their divers Monasteries, their riches, manner in marriages, care of Infants, 1457. Their supper stition, feasts, bravery, fasts, solemn feasts for the Sun, 1472. Their adoration, & sacrifices solemnised at the rising thereof, holy fire, festival eating, drunkenness, 1473 Their sooth-saying, ibid. Manner of creating Knights, and Ceremonies, 1474. Cozco, also described, with its situation, fortification and splendour, 1496, 1497 Crabs on the land in great abundance, 1172, 1330: Ten or twelve sorts of Crabs, 1315 Crocodiles by the Indians called Aligartos, 1228. Their description, and manner of fishing for them, and bait. ib. His Cod are musk, ib. Crocodiles in America harmless, and kept tame, 1326. Crocodiles in great Scoules, 1400. Saint Croix point, and the country described, 1611, & 1622 Crooroorere, a Suppay town in the Indies, 1285 Crosses erected by the Spaniards in New-Spaine intoken of possession, 1557 The Crozier, a Star near the Pole antarctic, 1157 Crokemago, a Province in Mawooshen, near the River Shawakotoc. 1875 Cruelty is companion of cowardice, 1395. And fear, ibid. Requited in the Spanish Governor by the Indians, 1449. Cruelty cruelly rewarded, 1959 Cuba, an Island described, 1147. It's want of fortification, the chief Port Lahavana, wherein is a castle of Spaniards, 1415. The length and breadth thereof, and the Christian towns thereof named, 1529. The King, commonalty, men, women, and sucking children, how many murdered by Spaniards, 1572 Cueremagbas, Indians so called, their nature, strength, courtesic, and commodities, 1351 Cueruo, one of the Azories Isles, taking its name from the multitude of Crows breeding in that place, 1939 Cuigbe Indians, 1299 Cuigtaio, Brasilians so called, 1299 Cuimechi, warlike Indians that wander in droves in the mountains to seek food, 1561 Cuinao Province, 1557 Cuinquiro, a place in New Spain, 1557 Cuiseo Province taken by the Spaniards, 1558 Culiazzon, a Nation in the Indies, 1527 Cultalculebes, Indians of Florida, 1519 Cumberlands first Voyage discovered, 1141. The time when they set forth, his ships and company, ib. His arrival at Brasile, 1142. He taketh four Ships from the Portugal, ibid. The hindrance of his Voyage for the South sea, his disastrous loss of a Hulk, men, and goods, his return to England, ibid. His second voyage, his acts at Sluice, the 88 service, his company return, 1142 His third voyage, ibid. His arrival at Saint Michael, and attempt there, danger by a Fish, ibid. Taketh a prize from the Spaniards, the evasion of some of his men with a small Boat, 1143. His surpriz all of Fiall, a town in Tercera, ibid. His loss of men, and danger of his person, ibid. His great want of drink, his clemency, and equity. ibid. The number of his prizes taken in the voyage, his return, 1144. His fourth voyage, purchase, loss, return for England. ibid. His fifth voyage, hindrances, defeating, retiring to London, and committing the charge to Captain Norton, ibid. His gains by the Portugal Carack taken in that voyage, 1145, 1146. His sixth voyage, purchases, sickness, return, ibid. The seventh voyage, ibid. The eighth voyage, and the surprizo of a Carack, 1147. The ninth voyages success, 1148. The tenth voyage, ibid. Eleventh voyage, 1149. Twelfth voyage its preparation, company, and ships, ibid. His means to get intelligence, ill success of his plot, 1150. Arrives at the Canaries, 1151. His care and government of his company, 1151. His discreetness, and guidance by reason, 1152. His projects, ibid. His arrival at Dominica, and entertainment, ibid. His coming to Port-Ricco, 1153, 1160. To the Canaries, 1155. His peril at the assault of Port-Ricco, 1161. Besicging Fort-Mora, his justice, severity, and taking the fortress, 1162, 1163. Offers the ransoming of Port-Ricco, departeth hence, 1168, 1169. Meets with his Fleet by Flores, 1176. His return and danger on the coast of Normandy, 1176, His unfortunate missing the Spanish ships at the Azores, where he lost forty millions, 1673. And others of five millions, ibid. Cumana, a town, 1186, 1248 Cumpehe, Brasilian Savages so called, 1299 Cunames, Indians in New Mexico, their towns, and faculties of painting described, 1561 Cunarreo sands, 1500 Curenda, a populous Indian nation in the River Parana described, their apparel, ornament, and commodities, 1350 Cutes wrought by prayers, 1515 Curewapori Lands, 1279 Curiadan, a place in Trinidad, the inhabitants called Saluages, 1247 Curiapan, a place near Orenoque, 1247 A Current in the Sea, under thirty two degrees, 1174 Currents that set East or West may breed mistake in Navigators, ibid. Other uncertain currents, 1400, 1373 A Current setting to the Northward in forty degrees, 1759 Curucucu, Snakes in Brasile of 15 spans long very venomous, 1304 Curupija, Indians of Brasile, 1299 Cusco, a place in the South Sea, 1416. A City as big as Rome, it hath in it a thousand Spaniards, 1420 Customs of fishing, of wonderful gain to the towns of Lubeck, Hamborough, and Embden, 1837 Customs paiá yearly to the Prince of the Indians, 1869 Cutifachiqui, a Province in Florida, 1537 Caynaccaro a Province, 1558 D. DAinty, a Ship of Sir Richard Hawkins, fortunate in voyage for her Majesty, unfortunate for the owners, 1367 Dale, viz, Sir Tho: Dales arivali at Virginia, 1733. His relation of the passages there, and how the affairs stood, An. 1614 p. 1768, & seq. His commendation. 1770 Damarius Cove, a place near Munhiggen, forty leagues from Plymouth in New-England, North-east-ward, 1856 Dancing, distinguishing nations in the Indies, 1480 Dancing of the Virginians, 1687, 1573, 1574 Dariene, a Sound in the Indies, 1180 Sir Ber. Drake, his arrive at the newfoundland. 1883 Captain Darmers fishing voyage, his coasting the shore till he came to Virginia, his men fall sick, his return to the newfoundland, his discovery of many fruitful Coasts, and pleasant Rivers from Hudsons' River to Cape James. 1830 The prosperous success he had in procuring a truce between us and the Savages: is treacherously betrayed, wounded, and flieth to Virginia for succour, and there dyeth, 1831 Capt. Davies voyage to the South Sea, 1191. & seq. His loss of Cap. Candish success, ibid. & seq. Accused for treachery, 1193 Candishes opinion of him, 1194 Daycao, a river in Florida, 1554 Days of public Thanks giving instituted in New-England, 1867 Days length in New-England, 1871 Dead, not lamented by some Indians, 1523 Dews very unhealthy to Englishmen, and Indians, 1250 Dear worshipped by some Indians, 1479. Dear of several sorts bringing forth two, three or four at once, 1831. Decree good store in New-England, and the manner of taking them, 1845. Deeres-flesh dried in the wind, food of the Indians, 1881 Dermers resolution by letter, of some passages in Virginia, 1778 1779 Description of the King of Spain's invincible Armada, 1897 De Todos los Santos, a town in the West Indies near the line, 1189 D●vill consulted withal by ●he Indians of Wy●poco: they call him Peyar, 1263. As also Watup●, who beat● them sometimes black and blue, 1274. The Brasilians call him Curupira, Taguain, Pigtangu●, Machchera, & Anhanga, they fear him much, and think their souls after death are tured into Devils, 1290 The Devils, illuding, wounding, and tormenting the Savages of Florida, 1516, 1517. The Devil worshipped by New-Spaniards, that is, in Nova Hispania: their delusion by him, 1558. Temples built for him, and an oratory made, and meat given him by them of new Mexico, 1561 The Devil forbids Baptism to the Indians, 1564 The devil's policy in keeping the Indians poor, 1868. His try all of those which are dedicated to him. ibid. His being worshipped by the Virginians, his images, fear, and name of Oak, 1701 Dial's, how admired by the Virginian Savages, 1708 Diamonds in Brasile, 1230, In Canada, 1612. in New France, 1611 Difference between Camp and garrison Soldiers, 1944 Diego Flores de Valdes, a Spaniard sent with a Fleet to Brasile, and the success, 1440, 1441 Diego de Almagro, the first Spanish discoverer of Chili, 1475. The next Pedro de Maldivia, 1476 Discoveries of divers Lands, and Lakes in Canada, 1614 & seq. A Discovery of the English full of danger. Discoveries prove best, when least discovered, 1955 First discoveries of America the new World by English, and Spanish, 1812 Diseases very strange, 1191, 1214, 1258 Disorder, the forerunner of ill success in Cand●shes Fleet, 1202 Disorder more weakencth the English, than the enemy, 1966 Dispenations touching Spanish cruelty in the Indies, 1601, 1602, 1603 Dissequebe an Indian River, 1269 Dogs worshipped, 1471. Ravenous dogs, 1172. Terrible to the Indians, 1327, 1328 Great dogs that fight with Bulls and carry fifty pound on their back in hunting, 1561 Dogs that devour men, first taught by Spaniards, 1582 Dogs that cannot bark, 1696 Dolphin described, his love to mankind, 1375 Saint Domingo, 1146. The description, riches, and fortification thereof, 1418 Dominica, 1152. The inhabitants described, with their brutishness, 1685. The inhabitants hate the Spaniards, love the English, their presents, trade, and commodities, ibid. Want of clothes, ornaments, Canons. Merchandise, and red painting, 1158. More copious description of the soil, woods, mountains, town, woe 〈…〉, modesty, King, familiarity of their maids, chastity, desire of clothes, 1158, 1159. Their common fare, state, meat, hair, desire to learn English, 1159. Distinction of maids and wives, 1159 Dominica assaulted, and taken by Sir Francis Drake, 1182. Inhabited by Spaniards, the sand of the Rivers mixed with gold, great plenty of Roots, and Sugar Canes, 1833 Don Alfonso Perez de Guzman, Commander of the Spanish Fleet in 88 1901 Don Antonio de Mendoza, his strife with Cortes, for most discoveries, and sending forth divers by sea and land for that purpose, 1560 Don Diego de P●mentell, taken prisoner in Zealand, 1911 Don john of Austria defeated of his intended treachery, to get to himself Marry Queen of Scots his wife, 1893 Does Patos, a River in America, 1218 Don Pedro and his company taken prisoners by Sir Francis D●ake, 1905 Dover-cliff-sound, on the North of Virginia, 1648 A Dove lighted on the Masts of English Ships, 1967 Dragnanes, a certain kind of Indians in Florida, 1510 Drake, viz. Sir Francis Drakes first discovery of the Southermost land, 1391. His treacherous usage by the Indians, 1392. His expedition with a great Fleet, 1434. His riches gotten by his voyages, 1439 Sir Fra●. Drakes original parentage, education, progress, first voyage, surprising of the town of Nombre de Dios, 1179. His burning 200000 Ducats in Merchandise, and protestation for the South sea, 1180. His circumnavigation, the opinion of his riches, ibid. Which were sequestered to the Queen, his voyage to Domingo, company and ships, arrives at Saint jago, and takes it, 1181. His coming to Dominica, and Saint Christopher, 1181. Takes Saint Domingo, 1182. And Cartagena, ib. Fireth two Spanish fortresses, ibid. His return, benefit, loss of men, ibid. His voyage at Calz, his Fleet, and Prizes, ibid. Takes a Carack, 1183. His going for the Azores, ibid. His last voyage, His fellow Commissioner, his taking Rio de la Hacha, Rancheria, Tapia, S. Martha, and Nombre de Dios, his death, successor, and Fleets arrival at Plymouth, 1183. His disagreeing with Sir john Hawkins, 1184. His comparison with him, 1185. 1186. His burial, 1245. His clemency to conquered foe. 1905 john Drake lived 15 months with the savages, 1186. His mishaps, 1440, 1441. His fame gotten by his journey to the West Indies, and about the World. 1916 Drano, a River near Orenoco. It's unhealthy passage, 1250 Dreams sceming ominous, 1191 Drink to some poison, to other bodies beneficial, although the very same, 1173. Great drinkingmatch by the Indians, 1285. Drink made of roots great want of drink, 1364. It's quality and variety among the Indians, 1381. Drinking esteemed by those of Peru the greatest courtesy that can be offered by King, or Subject, 1473. Strange drinking, 1519. Drink made of Berries at the Bermudas, 1739. Drink made of Plums in Virginia, 1784. Scarcity of drink, 1143 Drowth extraordinary in New-England. 1866 Drugs in Guiana, 1276 Drunkenness, a vice of Savages, 1189, 1473. Drunkenness like to overthrow an English Army, 1916 Ducks, the curiousness of making their nests in the Magellane Streights, 1385 Dudley, viz. Sir Robert Dudley his voyage, and success to Trinidada, and the coast of Paria, etc. 1186 Duke of Medina his kindness to the English, 1834. His yearly tribute of the Fishers of Tunny-Mullit, and Purgos, 1837. His preparation, for the Spanish Fleet in Anno 1588., 1895 Duke of Parma his forces in 88, 1902. His apparel for horses, 1903. His vain hope of the Crown of England, 1907 Duke of Medina is prohibited the Court, because he returned without the English Crown, 1910 Duke of Parma's force against England, 1895 Capt. Du Pont his voyages into the New-found-lands, 1643 A Dutchmans' courtesy to the English, 1261. Dutchman's treachery to the Englishmens inhabiting Virginia, 1841 Dutchman's falsheartednesse, 1721 And abuse of Capt. Smith, by joining to Powhatan, 1723. Their treachery frustrateth his attempt for the surprisal of Powhatans' house, 1725. Their plot to kill Capt. Smith, and fruitless issue, 1726. Their continued base treachery, and deserved pension; one coming to a miserable and among the English; the others having their brains beaten out by Savages, 1729 E. Earl of Essex, his worthy acts, 1917. His valorous challenge in Portugal Voyage, 1924. His voyage to the Iles. of Azores, 1935. His trouble, travel, and arrival: He taketh three Spanish Ships, 1937 Earth medicinable: earth like gum in Virginia, 1765. Earth red like terra sigillata, 1765 Earthquakes, 1476 Earthquakes frequent in Tercera, 1670. A terrible Earthquake in S, michael's I'll, and the dreadful effects thereof, 1678, 1679 Ease and efferainate life, enemies to great practices, 1436 East-India wars, disburden the Spaniard of West India gold and silver, 1815 Ecatepeck, supposed the highest mountain in the world, from the top whereof are discerned the north and South seas, 1177 Eclipses, what conceited to be by some Americans, 1462 Echro, an Island near Port-Ricco, 1267 Eggs very hard; and sounding like Bells, 1306 Ekinnick, a kind of worm that poisoneth the water, 1286 Elephants, how taken by the Aethiopians, 1234 El estado de Arauco, the description thereof, the fierceness of the inhabitants, and their opinion of the Spaniards, 1442 El Ca●●o, the Port of Lima, 1446 Capt. Ellis his relation of Sir Richard Hawkins his voyage, 1416 Q. Elizabeth's providence in repairing her Army Royal, 1903 Q. Elizabeth denounced excommunicate by Pope 〈◊〉, her subjects are discharged from loyalty and allegiance, 1892. Her enemies abroad are disappointed, traitors at home taken in their own p●t, abide. Her triumph after the deliverance in 88 1912 Q. Elizabeth's Encomium. 1823 Q. Elizabeth's martial affairs, 1181 Elizabeth-Bay, 1386 Elizabeth's Isle in Virginia, 1648 Its description, being thought fit and commodious for plantation, 1649. At large, 1651. vide Ile of Elizabeth. Elizabeth her manifold dangers, and gracious deliverances, 1890 Elizabeth Isles, inhabitants, described: their ornaments, nature, proportion, wittiness, courtesy, yet thievery, 1651. The description of the climate, ibid. Embalming by the Indians, how well performed, 1459 Embassage from the English to the Massasoyt, chief Commander of the Savages in Pacanokick, 1851 Embroidery exercised among the Savages, 1560 Emeralds of inestimable worth, 1420 1446. An Emerald as big as an Ostriches Egg, and therefore was adored by the Indians, 1481. Emerald store, 1560 Emeria the easter most part of Dorado, 1247 Enemies to be kept in awe, as the Spaniards by the Earl of Cumberland at Port-Ricco, who though he meant not to spoil their town, yet told them not so much, 1186 Enemies taken among the Savages are commonly killed and eaten, 1217, 1218 Engines in war by the Indians performed, 1361 Englishmens discoveries of America, 1813 An English Pilots treachery, and adherence to the Spaniards, 1773 England's gain by Saltfish, Poore-Iohn, Salmonds, and Pilchards, 1837 Englishmen rather desirous to be renowned for mercy and clemency, then for dreadful conquest, 1959 English miracles by Captain Smith in Virginia, such as the Spaniard used in the Indies, 1727 English-Bay in the Magellane straits, the description of the inhabitants, 1388 English Captives delivered by the Duke of Medina, 1934 English Navy returneth from Azores Isles, 1968 English forces mustered, 1903 English gallants reprehended for their unprovidence in going to war, 1942 English inhabiting the River Wiapoco. 1270 Englishmen choosing rather to trust God and the Sea, than the devil, and the Spaniards, 1186 Englishmen striking terror in the Charibes, 1273. Take possession of the Mountain Gomerigo, 1278 English men's nature. 1440 Englishmen slain in Virginia by the treachery of the Indians, and the cause why, 1841 Englishmens encounters in New-England, 1841 Englishmen cheat the Indian of their victuals, and turn savage, 1865 Englishmens throats cut by the Portugeses, 1959 English fugitives appointed to give the first onset against their own Nation, 1908 Englishmen sink the Spanish ships, or take them, 1673, 1674 English Fleet set forth, and success, 1676 English return from the pursuit of the Spaniards, 1910 English ships by their nimbleness far exceeding the Spanish Galliass, 1905 English victory, joined with courtesy, 1677 English famine and mortality in Virginia, 1690 English soldiers die with drinking of water, 1927 E 〈…〉sh desire a battle with the Portugeses, 1924 English forbidden to furnish the Spaniard with munition, 1927 Enmity imparted by sending a rattle, Snakes-skinne full of arrows, 1854 Entertainment, how strange among the Savages of Pores, 1208, 1292. Among Brasilians, Envy espieth more inpretended, then in professed enemies, 1959 Eparigotos, enemies to the Epuremi in India, 1248 Epeoya, a great Island in Brasile, 1241. Called by the Indians Sapeawera, ibid. Epuremi, Indians near the River Orenoco, 1248 Equibone, a town at the foot of Marwin in America, inhabited by the Arwaccas, and Parawagotos' Savages, 1283 Eregooda, a place near Orenoco, 1248 Escudo, an Island, 1185 Estanca, that is, a farm place, where slaves keep cattle, and make Cassani bread among the Indians, 1146 Estechemins, Savages in Canada, enemies to the Irocois. 1607 Ostriches tame, 1230 Eteowbo, a mountain in America, 1214 Etepararange, a mountain abounding with gold, 1229 Etaoca, a place in America, 1219 Etapuca, a great mountain in America, 1214 Etamatiqua, a Cape in Brasile, its fitness for Navigation, 1238. And description, ibid. Etapusick, a place in the Indies, with singular mines of gold, 1222 Etechemins, Savages of New-France, that are thieves and treacherous, 1626. Etoica, a River in Brasile, its dangerous Navigation, 1240 Euill-peace, a town so named by the Spaniards in Florida, and the reason thereof, 1533 Europa, a River that cometh into Orenoco, 1248 Example prevaileth more than precept. 1743 F. Falls of water very violent and strange, 1610 false-heartedness how avoided in the treacherous Indians by Spanish policy. 1552 false-heartedness of the Savages, called Massacheusets, 1859 Of the Indians towards Master weston's men, 1865 Famine very urgent in the Indies, 1214. Miserable in the same country, 1258 Famine among the Frenchmen, 1325. Among the Dutch and Spaniards, at the River of Plate, the unnatural, effects thereof, 1348. Famine among Spaniards, 1401, 1477, 1508. Among the Indians, and some few hungry Spaniards, 1517, 1518. Incredible famine, 1526. Famine and mortality of the English in Virginia, 1690. Famine in great extremity, enforcing manslaughter, and man-eating, 1732 Famishing strangely escaped, by Andrew Hillyard, all his fellows perishing, 1802, 1803 Faraon, a town burnt up by the English, in their return from Cadiz, 1934 Fast, publicly instituted, and observed, by the English in New England, being in distress for want of rain, 1867 Fasts instituted in England, and Zealand, for God's gracious deliverance in 88 1911 Father Martin Perez, of the society of jesus, his relation of his travels, and description of Ginoloa, 1562, 1563, & seq. His baptising many Indians, and instructing them in a known tongue, etc. 1564. What kind of Christianity he taught them, 1564, 1565 Fayael, one of the Lands of the Azores, the description and taking thereof by the Earl of Cumberland, 1672. Their fear of the English Navy, 1676 The Feags a strange sickness in the Bermudas, much annoying the English, 1797 Fear, the cause of Tyranny, 1437 Fear, causing death in the Indians, 1522 Feasts of Savages, 1607 Feathers used for clothes, 1212 Fevers, how eased by plants, 1311 How got in hot Countries and avoided, 1370, 1371 Febacco Island, 1266 Ferdinando Gorge, his employment in the plantation of New-Scotland, 1842 Captain Fenton his expedition and overthrow, 1141, 1142 Fernambue, aport in America, 1190, 1202, 1438 Fernandes Gires his discovery of a Land in the south Sea, with the rare commodities thereof, 1422 Fetherstons Bay in Virginia, why so called, 1716 Figs of Brasile, 1332 Fight between the English and and Spaniards in Saint john Port-Ricco, 1161. Between English and Indians with Portugeses, 1197. Fight against a native country rewarded, 1404 Fight between two Indian nations in Peru very extreme and bloody, 1458. Between the English and Spaniards in the narrow Seas, 1906. A fight between the English and Spaniards before Greeveling, 1908. A fight by sea between the English and Spanish before Cadiz, 1930 Fire burning in the woods for the space of three days, 1890. Great danger by fire, 1145, 1918 A Fish endangering a boat and men, 1142. Fishes flying, 1157, 1314 Their danger of devouring in Sea or Air, 1376 Fishing of New England very commodious to the plantation of Virginia, 1842 Fishing how commodious, and especially to the Hollanders, 1821 Fishing with swords, 1714 Fishing with golden hooks, 1216 Fishing with wood, 1251 Fish great store in Guiana, 1275. A fish with four eyes, two above water, and two under: a fish also with warm blood like flesh. ibid. Fish made drunk with wood, 1276 Fish like beef in taste and proportion, 1283. It is called the Ox-fish, the description thereof at large, 1313 1314. It hath eyes which it may close and shut at will, arms, and hands, in his head it hath 2 stones of approved soveraignnesse for the stone in the body. ibid. A Fish that snorteth, and thereby is apprehended, ibid. A fish that hath two broad stones in his mouth ibid. fish good against the poison of a Snake, and very wholesome, 1313. Fish that maketh the holder's hands benumbed, or shaking as one that hath the palsy: Fish that maketh all that touch it to stick fast unto it: Fishes like men and women; their fearfulness to the Indians, their manner of kill men: Fish that dies the water, and evadeth the Fisher: Fish that proves a remedy for the Spleen: a Fish that east's his mouth, shell and feet, 1314, 1315 & seq. A Fish with fingers, and uttering a squeaking sound, 1331 Fish so plentiful that it may be killed in the water with clubs, 1549 Fishes that have voices like Owls, 1639. Good fishing, 1640 Fits-Morrice slain in Ireland, 1893 Flatterers, base kind of people, 1957 A Flemish Ship burnt at the fight before Cadiz, 1930 Flores, a place in the Azores, 1144 The description thereof, 1175, 1672 Florida possessed by the Spaniards, 1501. The inhabitants many of them tall of stature, and expert archers, 1503. The towns and inhabitants thereof variously described, 1503, 1504 & seq. Florida hath gold and precious stones on the sea coast, 1554. The distance of sundry places one from the other, necessary for travellers, 1556. Loss of inhabitants in Florida by Spanish cruelty, 1589. The great age of some men there, 1604. They live in the woods 3 months in the year, upon hunting, 1604. English men the first discoverers of Florida, 1813 Flutes made of Reeds, 1687 Fluxes stayed by fruits, as Guianas' Papaias, and wild Grapes, 1172. by a berry, 1276, 1308. by a plant 1311 Fooles-coat, a livery of the Spanish Inquisition, 1179 Forests traveled by compass, 1636 Fort Mora summoned, besieged, and taken by the Lord of Cumberland, 1163, 1164. The strength and danger of passage for ships by it, 1164 Fort St. john of the Spaniards in Florida, 1182 Fortileza, a town in Port-Ricco, 1164 Fountains of pitchy substance very hot, that serve to calk ships withal, 1481 A Fountain that turneth wood into stone, 1670 Fox-Iland, on the north of Virginia, 1654. Francis Bovadilla chief Marshal of the Fleet in 88 sent for England, 1901 Francisco de Zeres his relation of the conquest of Peru and Cusco, called New Castille, 1491. & sequ. Francisco Pizarro a Spaniard, his discovery of Peru, and success, 1444, 1451, 1452, 1489, 1490, 1491, 1492, 1493, 1494. St. Francis a river in America, ●●23 A town there with Ch●●●ery, Bishop, Deane, and University of Spaniards, 1421 Franciscan Friars of great esteem in the West Indies, 1242 French-Bay in New France, 1621. French-Pox cured with Sassafras, 1655 French navigations to the north America, 1603. Their discovery of Cape Francois, the River Moy, taking possession there, and discovering eight rivers more, their dissension and overthrow, ibid. French famine on the Seat their miserable distressed scarcity in Florida, mutiny and ease by Sir john Hawkins, 1604. Frenchmen remove their plantation from St. Croix to Port Royal, 1626. Frenchmen settle themselves within the limits of the English in the Newfoundland, though to their small advantage, 1828. Frenchmens' courtesy to the English nation, 1834. Frenchmens covetousness, and their infamy in that regard, 1638. Frenchmens mutiny against their Captain, discovered and revenged, 1624. Frenchmen baptise Indians, 1644. French yearly repair to the Newfound Land for train-oil, 1884. French Kings wrongs to England. 1892. French Ambassador plotteth with Moody about the death of Queen Elizabeth, 1893. Frenchmen displanted from Uirginia by Captain Argall, 1808, 1809. Frenchmen seize on part of the King of Spain's Armada, 1910 Fresh-water-springs in the Newfound Land, 1886 Friar Marco de Niza accompanied with diverse other, their voyage into New Mexico, and the adjoining coasts and lands, 1560, 1561 & seq. Friars that showed more charity to the Indians then some mariners of our English nation, 1828 Captain Frobisher his 〈◊〉 and prosperous conflict with the Spanish Armada in 88, and rewarded with the order of Knighthood, 1907 Fruits poisonous 1213. Good fruits how discerned from the bad in the Indies, 1379. Fruits gathered 3 times in the year, 1527 Fuego, one of the Lands of Gape Verde, the fruit● therein, fiery ●●ll, and natural fortification, 1371 Funerals among the Indians of Wiapoco, 1264 Furs very good bought for knives, 1●●2 Furs rich and sweetest of any thing 1505 Fyall or Fayall, a town in the Azores, the fertility, bigness, dwellings, and taking thereof by the Lord of Cumberland, 1143 G. GAboretho, an Indian town, 1364 Gachepe, a high land near the entrance into the river Canada, 1606. The description and bigness thereof, 1616 Galliaces in number 4 in the fleet in 88, under the command of Dom Vgo de Moncada, 1900. They are described, 1901 Galleys, and their power in fight, 1183. Galleys of Anda-luzia seize on a Bark of Plymouth, 1925 Galleons coming to the West Indies were cast away on the I'll Guaddop●, 1833. Galleons of the Fleet in 88 described, 1901. A Gallion burnt in the Portugal voyage, 1918 Games used among the Massasoyts, 1852 Garcillasco de la Voga, his relation of the ancient Kings, and Laws of Peru before the Spanish conquest, 1454, & seq. Gardens of Gold, 1465, 1466 Garone a river in Florida, 1603 Gates, viz. Sir Thomas Gates his arrival in Virginia, 1732 Gates his Bay in the Bermudas, 1739. Sir Thomas Gates wrack and redemption on the Island Bermudas, largely related, 1734, & seq. His endurance of a grievous storm, 1734, 1735, 1736. Arrival at the Island, 1737. His care for the Virginian Colony, sending Ravens there, and care and toil to furnish Pinnaces for a voyage, 1742, 1743. His punishment and pardon of mutinies, and conspiracy against him, 1743. His crosses by a second mutiny, 1744. By a third, ibid. His punishing of a factious fellow, 1745. His Letters to Sir George Summer, containing his desire of furthering a Plantation, and reclaiming the factions, 1745, 1746. His religious orders in Bermudas, 1746, and possessing it for the King of England's, with good rites and ceremonies, ibid., & 1747. His setting sail for Virginia, and arrival there, 1748. His miserable welcome, ibid. His assuming the Presidency there, 1749. His speech to the distressed Company, with its acceptation, 1749. his proposing orders to the Colony, 1749. His aliotting times of labour, 1750. Purpose to leave the Country, 1751. Resigning the Presidency, 1754 unto the Lord De la Ware, ibid. His return for England. 1756. His testimony under oath of the state of Virginia, 1757, 1758 Gawa●ba, the north west point of Port-Ricco, somewhat dangerous for navigation, 1170 A General should be courageous in fight, and courteous in victory, 1411 The General's authority among the Spaniards, 1413 Genevera River, 1416 Gentlemen, in what manner made known and styled among the Brasilians, 1297 Sir George Carow his valour in the voyage to the Az●res Isles, 1840 Master George P●rcies relation of the south colony of Virginia, 1685 et se qu. He is Deputy Governor in the absence of the Lord De la Ware, 1763 Master George Thorpe too courteous to the Savage-uirginians, cruelly repaid, 1789 Saint George, one of the Lands of the Azores, the situation and description thereof, 1672 S. George, one of the Bermudas or Sommer Lands, 1794 George Fenner, his valorous encounter with the Spanish Armada 1906 George's Fort, a plantation near the river Sagado● in Mawooshen, 1874 Giboya, a great land Snake without poison, in Brasile, 1303 Gilbert, viz. Sir Humphrey Gilbert his arrive at the Newfound land, 1882. Lost one of his Ships at the Isles of Canady, and returning for England was overwhelmed in the Sea, ibid. Captain Bartholomew Gilbert his voyage to Uirginia, with the occurrents therein, 1656, 1657, et seq. He is slain and four men more by the Indians, 1658 Gilbert-point, on the coast of the Newfound Lands, 1648 Ging a town of Savages in the Indies, 1364 Ginoloa, an Indian Province, the description and situation thereof, 1563. The fruitfulness thereof, commodities, inhabitants, and their workmanship and apparel, their long hair, tall stature, great valour, and weapons, 1563, 1564 readiness in them to hear the Gospel, their Baptism, and Ca 〈…〉 sme, subjection to the Devil, and familiarity with him, their houses, ingenuity, and adoration of Castles, with Mats, and coverings of Reeds, 1564. Their forms of marriages, and Polygamy, education of children, fashions in making Knights, adopting sons, manner of burials, ibid. et 1565 Ginger plentiful in Port-Ricco, 1171 Ginger how it groweth, 1178 Gironde, a river of Florida, discovered by the French, 1603 Glasses sold dear, 1232 Guamanga, a City in the south sea, 60 leagues from Lima, 1416 Gnats, 1359 Goavar River, 1248 God acknowledged by the Aethiopians, and called Cari-pongoa, 1233. by the Brasilians Tupan, 1290 Godwin-sands, 1149 Gomeribo, a mountain in Guiana very fruitful possessed by the English, 1278. delivery thereof to an Indian as tenant to the King of England, 1279 Gomorrah, one of the Canary Lands, 1833 john Goodman's voyage and distress in New England, 1848 Gold (which is strange) very much dispraised, 1814, 1815. Gold in Port-Ricco, 1165, 1170. In Topimo, 1560 Gold-getters shall have many corrivals, ibid. Gold ready tried of great value in the Rivers of Port-Ricco, 1170 Gold in no value, 1189 Gold among the Topinaques, 1229 among the Pories, store, 1229. Gold, 1230, 1231 1232, 1358. In Africa, 1237. The manner of purifying it in the Indies, 1242. and plenty there, ibid. Gold in Guiana how, and how pure, 1249 1261. Gold in show, 1255. in the River Aracow, 1263. Gold how greedily desired, 1277. Gold store in the mountain Oraddo, and plain of Mumpara, 1284. Gold gathered two ways, 1395. Plenty of gold, ibid. Gold procureth treachery, 1415. Gold great store, 1419. Gold shipped from Cartagena for the Spaniard every year, how much, 1420 Gold is not always the greatest elevation of the Country where it is, 1814, 1815 A Gold-desirer how served by the Indians, 1391. The desire of gold makes Christians infamous among Pagans, 1449. Gold called by them the Christians god, 1450. Gold not valued, 1526 Golden Country, 1231 A golden chain of incredible weight and bigness, 1480. Infinite store of gold in Per●, 1490. 1491, 1494. A gold-w●dge, the greatest that ever was naturally found, lost in the Sea, 1571 Gosnols voyage to Uirginia, their resolution to plant, and breaking off again, 1647, et seq. Gosnols' hope, 1648 Gotierez his converting the Indians after the Spanish fashion, 1449 Government necessary by Land or Sea, 1156 Governours-iland, a little Island near Port Ricco, abounding with store of Pigeons, 1172 Cap. Gourgues, a Frenchman's navigation into Florida, his revenge on the Spaniards, for the wrongs his Countrymen sustained by them, 1604, 1605 Grampus, a Bay in New England so called by reason of the multitude of Grampuses sound in that place, all kind of hearber, roots, and trees, and a very fertile soil, 1846, 1847 Granada, a new Kingdom of the Spaniards in America, the plenty of gold, chief City, and several Provinces thereof, 1419. Extreme desolation and loss of inhabitants by the savage tortures and cruelties of the Spaniards, 1591., 1592. 1593., 1594, 1595 Granata Isles, 1186 Grandee, a river in Florida, 1603 Grand Bay, a Harbour on the north of the Newfound Land, 1882 Grapes good against the flux, 1172, Grapes in New France, 1622 Grass wanting in a black champion country of the Indies, 1214 Gratiosa, one of the Isles of the Azores, 1671. It submitteth itself to the English Admiral, 1960 Gregory 13. his rage against Q. Elizabeth, 1893 Greediness a dangerous enemy, 1152, 1393. Greediness loseth his prey, 1964. Greediness of Mariners a main prejudice to the Virginian Colony, 1751 Sir Richard Greenuile General of Virginia, his voyage and acts, 1645, his desperateness against the Spanish Armadas, 1961 Sir R●chard Greenuiles' fight with the too unequal Spanish Fleet his stout resistance, and great prejudice the Spaniards sustained by him, his taking and death, with his Encomium, 1678 Guamimbique strange small birds in Brasile, of admired colour, hatched as some think of bubbles of water, 1305 Guacapo, drink made of the coorsest Sugar called Molasses, and hot spices, in the Indies, 1174 Guacoya, a town in Florida near the river Rio grand, the inhabitants and commodities thereof, 1552 Guadalcanal, one of the Isles of Solomon, 1447 Guadalupa-Ile, wherein is a Bathe so hot, that meat may be seethed in it, 1685 Guiahate, a town in Florida, well peopled, and plentiful with Maiz 1550 Guaiacatu, Savages of Brasile, 1299 Guaiacones-Indians, 1519 Gualua a strange Spring in Terce●a, 1670 Guaniguanico, 1501 Guarionix, a Realm in Hispaniola, the King pitifully abi 〈…〉ed by Spaniards, 1751 Guanos', a fruit in S. Lucia which eaten ripe sets a man a scouring, but green, stays from scouring 1265 Guatatlan, a province in New Spain 1559 Guayanaguacu, cave-inhabiting Savages, 1299 Guayo, Brasilias: Indians, 1299 Gu●yayaquill a river with 〈◊〉 Lands in the ●o●th, 〈◊〉 1446 Guasco, a Province in Florida, 1554 Guatimala, a Province in America dispeopled by Spanish cruelty, 1579 1580 Guaracayo, inhabitants of part of Brasile, 1298 Guaitaca-Indians, 1300 Guatalca, a principal Port Town, 1446 Guadianilla, a river in Port-Ricco, 1170 Guaire, Brasile Indians, 1300 Guirapanga, a bird that makes a sound as hard as a Bell, 1306 Gulgaifi, Indians near the river of Plate, their description, 1350 Gums of rare operation for sund●y diseases in Guyana. 1276 A Gunners carelessness, 1402 Gunpowder sown by Savages, 1709 Guacovelica, a place rich with silver Mynes, 1421 Gusts on the West Indian shores, 1157 john Guy his Letter from the New found Land, 18●6 Guyan●o, a great mountain in Po●t Ricco, 1169 Guyavas, a little excellent fruit as big as a Peach, with little seeds in them like Goosberies, 1172 It is good against the flux, 1172 Guyana, a river in America, not that of Sir Walte Raleighs, the store of cattle, Sugar-mills commodities, and inhabitants thereof. 1238 Guyrig Brasilians, 1300 Guansa Tomasongano, a river in Africa, 1220 Guyana, 1247, & seq. The rivers and countries adjoining, 1249. The bounds and limits, 1270. Rivers and Provinces. 1271, 1272. the government thereof, justice, jealousy, marriages, ibid. Their diverse languages, ancient inhabitants Caribes, 1272. Artillery, order in the wars, 1272, 1273. Policy, seasons, accounts of time by the Moon, religion, rites at burying Captains, 1273, 1274. Their drunkenness, opinion of the dead, Priests, and conference with the Devil, 1274. The quality of the Climate, 1274. their provision, bread, drink honey, possibility of vines, beasts, fish, fowl, fruits, 1274, 1275. Its commodities of Merchandise, as Sugarcanes, cotton-wool, wood for dyers of cloth, 1275. Sweet gums very precious in Physic and Chirurgery, drugs, medicinal plants, strange wood, Tobacco, 1276, 1277. the things these Indians most desire to trade for, ibid. 1277. hopes of gold, ibid. Guyaxule-province, 1539 Guyraupiaguara, a great land-snake that goeth as fast on tops of trees as a man on the ground, 1303 Guyranhe eng era, an excellent speaking Bird in Brasile, 1305 A Giants Anatomy sent from China to the King of Spain, of wondrous greatness, 1178 Giants at Port-Desire, their length, bigness, slinging-stones, 1232 Giants at Brasile, 1243. of twelve foot height, ibid. Giants in Peru, of whom one eats as much as fifty men, 1481 H. HAbetebin, a Plain in the West Indies between Marwin and Coorepan, 1285 Harbours in Virginia very safe and admirable, 1664 Harbour of Pentecost, its description, and commendation, preferred before the river Orenoco, and others, 1664. It's several beneficial matters of worth largely, 1665, 1666 Harbour of Frenchmen, called by the Indians Aiurema Piasave in Brasile, its passage for navigators, 1239 Capt. Mich. Harcourt, his taking possession of Arrawary, 1278 Capt. Harcourts' voyage 1267, & seq. His company, and departing from Dartmouth, 1267. His arrival at the Canaries, and from thence to Wiapoco, and Guiana, 1267, 1268. cometh to Caripo, converseth with the Indians, 1268, 1269. agreeth and resideth with them, 1270. taketh possession of the mountain Gomerigo, 1278 The loss of his voyage, 1279. leaveth Guiana, 1281. Returneth home, his small losses of men by the voyage, ibid. & 1282 Harris, one that blew off his nose in frosty weather, at the Straits of Magellane, 1204 Hadarinner, a town of Suppay-savages in the Indies, 1286 Hail as big as Oranges, 1561 Hair as big as a man's finger, 1560 Halo, the circle seen about the Moon very strange and large in the Bermudas Lands, 1738 Hamaca-beds, 1256 Hamburgers ships surprised by the English, 1929 Han, a Language of the Indians in Florida, 1519 Hanamob, a town of the Arwac-savages in the Indies, 1286 Haps hill in Uirginia, 3649 Hapaluia, a great Floridan town, and its commodities, 1534 Harbouring in enemy's ports is very dangerous, 1378 Hardoo an Arwacca town in the West Indies, 1285 Hatuncolla, Pancarcolla, Indians that have diverse fables of their Original; they worship a Ram, and sacrifice unto him, 1461 Hawkins Mayden-land, 1384 Sir john Hawkins his courtesy to the French, 1604. Sr. joh. Hawkins voyage, 1177. His courtesy to the Spaniards repaid with treachery, ibid. & seq. his misfortune, 1179. Death, 1183. A comparing of him with Sr. Fran. Drake 1185, 1186 Master Will. Hawkins men perfidiously slain at Playa, 1181 Sir Richard Hawkins his voyage, 1367, & seq. His coming to the Canaries, Lands of Cape Verde, the West Indies, and accidents there & by the way, ibid. at large: the overthrow of his voyage, 1383 His coming to the Straits of Magellane, 1384. the danger of his ship upon a rock there, 1388. their strange deliverance again from shipwreck, 1389. His coming into the Straits of Magellane, 1391. His taking five ships, 1393. His fight with the Spanish Armada, his dangerous wounds, 1403, 1404, 1405, 1406 The success and accidents of this fight at large, ibid. & 1407, 1408. His surrendering the Ship, 1410. His courteous usage by the Spanish General, 1413. et seq. Imprisonment, etc. 1415. his respect with the Spaniards, 1417 Havana, where situate, 124●, 1501 Hay, a beast in Brasile feeding on air and leaves of trees, 1243 Headache cured by a leaf, 1276 Herbs very medicinable in Brasile, their names and qualities, 1310, et seq. Herbs good against the poison of Snakes, against the stone, but hurtful to fevers; others good for fevers, with leaves of a fathom long, for ulcers and the Pox, for the stone, and liver, ibid. Good herbs against the ague, for a purge, for the bloody-fluxe, for poison, for fevers, for the worms, for a womanish flux, for wounds, for old sores, for the cough and rheums, for the scabs, for abortion, 1311. An herb that openeth or shutteth with the Sun, that is sensible, that hath no smell, 1312 Herb that seemeth to have the sense of feeling, 1174 Herdsmen of Port-Ricco, their thankfulness to Master Chalons for giving them a poor Friar 1833 Heaven refused by some Indians, and why, 1574 Heaven angry with the English polices, 1942 St. Helena a Spanish garrison towns in Florida, 1182, 1200 Henrico, a town in Virginia, the description and situation thereof, 1767 Henry Earl of Northumberland murthereth himself, being committed for treason, 1893 Highney, a realm in Hispanicla, the Queen and inhabitants burnt, hanged, torn in pieces, or otherwise tortured by the Spaniards, 1572 Andrew Hilliard his strange and miraculous preservation from famishing, 1802. His sustenance for eleven days on his flesh, and a spoonful or two of water, with a littleblood, ibid. et 1803 Hills-hap, a place so named in the North part of Virginia, 1646 Three Hills, marks of Navigators on the coast of Brasile, called by the Indians, Aquare, Wason, Remitum, 1238 Hills worshipped by some Indians, 1459 A strange Hill in Saint Michael an Island of the Azores, wanting fire, and the Air cold, yet having hot fountains near it, 1243. A smoky fiery Hill in Fuego, 1371 Hirara, a beast in Brafile like a Civetcat, that eateth nothing but honey, 1302 Hispania Nova described, the inhabitants, riches, and commodities thereof, 1432, 1433. Discoveries of divers Provinces thereabout, with their names, 1556, 1557. & seq. The time when first it was begun to be inhabited by the Spaniards, 1577. The fertility thereof, ibid. The cruelty committed by them on the poor Indians, 1577 Hispaniola described, 1146. Inhabited only by Spaniards without one natural, 1419. The number of inhabitants consumed by the drowning, roasting, paunching, strangling, and other unknown butchering of the Spaniards, 1570. & seq. Hispaniola hath twenty five thousand Rivers plenteous with gold, the Realms thereof, 1571, 1572. The innocence of the Inhabitants, and undeserved Spanish tortures, 1572 Hobbamoqui, a Power worshipped of the Indians of New-England, the same which we call Devil, 1867. His illusion, wherewith he deceiveth that blind and superstitious people, 1867, 1868. His appearing to the Indians in sundry shapes, but usually in the form of a Snake, ibid. Captain Hobson his voyage being directed by two Indians, the treachery of his Indians, and his return with the loss of the whole adventure, 1828, 1829 Hollanders trade in Hudsons' River, 1830. Their yearly revenues by the commodities of fishing, the number of their fishing boats, their industry in providing Ships, 1837 Hollanders and Spaniards enmity each to the other is implacable, 1951 Honduras a Bay, 1147 Honesty of certain Indians, in restoring such things as they found in the woods, 1850 Honey, abundance thereof in certain Trees, 1363 Honour preferred before life, 1944 Stephen Hopkins a factious fellow condemned, yet pardoned for mutiny in Bermudas, 1744 Horrura, a mountain, 1285 Horses cast overboard, 1910 Horses all trotters, 1171 Horses shooed with gold, 1490 Horses eaten, 1504 Io. Hortops relation of adventures, 1178 Hospitality of the Indians to travellers, 1869 Hospitality among Savages, 1188, 1209 Hot-countries agree not with idelers, 1370 Houses of two Bow-shot in length, 1188. Houses on tops of trees, 1285. Houses without roofs, in Regions without Rain, 1420. Houses of great men, how distinguished from those of inferior rank, among the Florida-Americans, 1536 Houses of the Savages in New-England, the manner of their building, and description of their household stuff, 1846 Lord Howard, Admiral of her Majesty's Fleet to surprise the Indian Fleet, 1144. His valorous conflicts with the Spanish Armada, 1905 Huamachucu, Indians near Peru, that worship particoloured stones and sacrifice man's flesh, conquered, and reform by the Emperor of Peru, 1471 Hunapampa, Indians that go naked, worshipping birds, beasts, or plants, 1478 Huana Cupac, sometimes an Emperor in Peru, his worth, valour, conquest, enlargement of his Dominions, his subdued nations, clemency, courtesy to women, 1480, 1481. Further conquests, and acts, his discreet conjecture of a power supremer than the Sun, 1481. His fear, will, and prophesy of the Spanish invasion, his death, 1482, 1483 Hubates, a well-peopled Province, 1562 Hugo de Moncada, slain by the English in the narrow seas, 1908 An Hulk with nine ton of gold, 1223. Threescore Hulks laden with provision for Spain, taken by the English, 1924 Humanity among Savages of Florida, to the distressed Spaniards, 1507 Hungry fare of the Savages inhabiting New-England, 1852 Hunt, a worthless fellow of the English Nation, his cruelty and treacherous usage of the Savages, to the great disadvantage of many of our countrymen, 1828 Hunting, how handsomely performed by the Indians in Florida, 1521 Hunting the wild Boar, how achieved by the English at the Bermudas, 174● Huntly wasteth the enemies in the Portugal voyage, 1918 I. SAint jago, a town taken by Sir Francis Drake, and other English, 1181. The fruits fortification, commodities, and inhabitants thereof, 1371, 1529 jaguacini beasts that are killed by their sleepiness, 1303 jacoes Indians, their desire of Religion, 1251 jamaica, the situation and description thereof, 1147, 1185, 1419. possessed by the Spaniards; out of which were slaughtered by them six hundred thousand guiltless souls without faith or Sacraments, 1573 S. james Lands, 1379. The commodities thereof, ibid. james town in Virginia, how situate, 1692. The first founding thereof, 1707. The burning and repairing thereof, 1710, 1711. The abandoning, and reassuming thereof by the English, 1732. The description, situation, fortification, temple, building, and unhealthinesse thereof, 1752, 1753 jangathus, things made of Canes, and tied together with ●●ths●, in stead of boats, 1213 jaquerequere, a town near Saint Sebastian, 1211, 1212. The Inhabitants thereof, 1300 jaquereasick, an American River, 1223. In what manner navigable, 1239 jaquetyva, a Tree growing in the mountains in America, 1214 jaques Carters navigations to newfoundland, & Bird-Iland, 1605 jarraraca, venomous Serpents in Brasile, whereof there be four kinds there mentioned, 1303, 1304 jararaques, Serpents that use the water amongst the Indians, 1211 jawayri, a River in America issuing from Potosin a mountain in Peru, 1214 jawayrippo, a town in the West-Indies, 1208, 1212 Iberacua, a Snake whose vehement poison maketh the hurt persons blood distil through all the passages of his body, 1304 Ibiboca, a Snake very fair to look on, and of most vehement poison, but very plentiful in Brasile, 1304 Ice-mountaines of eight leagues, 1606. Ices of the Newfoundland, how caused, 1627. Idolatry how caused among the Indians, 1558 Idols sold to the Indians by Spaniards, 1583 jealousy of Savages, 1662., 1272 jenero, a river near the Line in the West Indies, 1190. the description thereof, 1240. three hundred houses on it, its description, 1438 jeperos, Indians so called, 1361 jeronimo-river, 1386 Jerome Benzoes' relation of the new World, 1448, & seq. jesuits College at Santos, 1203. jesuits friends to Savages, 1243 jesuits bring up the children of the Brasilians, 1292. are of great esteem among them, 1298. jesuits acts in the Indies, 1564, 1565. jesuits exploits and travels, either for devotion or ambition, 1807. their pride, ibid. Igwabes Indians of Florida, 1511 Ilha grande, a place near Brasile, 1202 Lands on the North of Virginia, their description and commodities for fish and salt, 1654. Isles of Solomon, their discovery and description, 1447 I'll Malhado in Florida, 1508. the inhabitants, description, and commodities: extreme mourning for children, and the neglect of age, their burials, and marriage-rites, their Physicians, their houses, beds, sports, manner of curing the sick, 1508, 1509 Isles of Saint Peter, near Canada 1606 Isles of Saint Paul, near Canada 1606 Island of Pearls in the South Sea, 1180 Isle Francisco, 1180, 1411 Fair Island, 1384 Island of Cockles. 1439 Island of Birds innumerable, 1605 Isle of the Hare in the River Sagevay, 1610 Isle of Filbeards, ibid. I'll of Orleans in Canada, encompassed with dangerous flats and sands, its description, 1611 Thirty Lands full of Walnuts near Canada, 1612 Isle of Saint Eloy, the fertility of the soil adjoining, fitness to be planted, 1611, 1612 Isles near the Sault, or fall of Canada, description, various fertility of beasts, trees, and fruits, 1613. I'll Percee in Canada, 1616 Isle de Bonadventure, ib. I'll of St. Croix in New France, its description and fertility in diverse kinds, 1622. its three discommodities that hinder good wintering in it, 1623. an Island of Vines thereabout, 1633. Isles very commodious and harbourous, 1884 Island voyage under the Earl of Essex, 1935, & seq. Illas de Lobos, desert Lands in the Indies abounding with Seals, 1400 Illas de los Galapagos, desert Lands and fruitless, 1400 Isle of Elizabeth, the Trees, Fowls, Beasts, Fruits, Fishes, Snakes, Colours, Metals, and Stones, thereof described, 1651, 1652, & 1653 Image of our Lady at Mexico, 1178 Images of gold among the Indians, 1285 Imperial, a City of Spaniards, the inhabitants samisht, 1477 Inca Roca, a Peruan Emperor, his acts and conquests, repairing Schools for proficiency in Arts, his death and successor, 1457 Incas, the name of the Emperors of Peru before the Spanish invasion, 1458. their Sacrifices to the Sun, their ceremonies, conceit of sicknesses, idolatry, Priests, Monasteries, division of Empires, tithings, tything-men, officers, education of children, 1460 their judges, and manner of deciding of controversies, Counsellors of War, Privy Councillors, and pretended conversion of their neighbours, 1461. their Astrology, opinion of Eclipses, Thunder, and Rainbow, their Dreams, Geometry, Chorography, Arithmetic, Music, Poetry, Comedies, Handicraftmen, 1462, 1463. The Incas, their Monasteries, and precious golden ornaments, their life, chastity, and employment, 1466. their manner of sharing of tillage, care of widows and soldiers, tributes, freedoms, want of Beggars, Inns, hospitals, treasuries, courses after victories, 1469, 1470. stupendious riches and pomp of their Princely houses, and admired superfluity of gold on their ornaments, officers, hunting, and Posts, 1470, 1471. triumphs and ceremonies, 1471. the Incas marry their own Sisters, 1479. their abuse, banishment, treacherous conquest, and final extirpation by the Spaniards 1487, 1488 Indians killing themselves because they would not serve the Spaniards, 1415. A stratagem of theirs against the Spaniards, 1442, 1443. Indians how dealt with by the Spaniards, 1448. their abusing all Christians for their sake, 1449. their magnanimity, and fear of horses, 1449. their discreet reproof of unchristian Christians, 1450. and opinion of them, their name for them, the promulgation of their liberty, 1453, 1454. Indians worshipping high mountains 1459. Indians that worship the sea, because it yields them fish, and the Whale because of his greatness, 1471. Indian policy and overthrow of the Spaniards, 1476. Indian victories, 1477. their valour and dexterity in arms, ibid. Indians names beyond Moreshego, 1280. Indian nations and languages almost innumerable in Florida, 1521. Indian superstition, 1522. Indians country's dispeopled by the Spaniards, the fear they bear toward them, they are sooner reclaimed by love then cruelty, 1525. Indians lazy life, 1154. Indian Sodomy, 1519 West Indians described, 1158. Cannibal- Indians afraid to eat a man, lest he should have the Pox, 1177 Indians at least thirty thousand slain and captived by the Portugeses at one time, 1219 An Indians courage and Christian desire at his death, 1219. Indian, a Fish in the Sea, and Fox in the wood, 1243 Indians artillery, 1261 Indians manner of punishing murder and adultery, their jealousy of their wives, 1272 Policy in their wars, 1273 Indians avoiding the sight of Christians, and other Indians, 1271 Indians with rough skins like buff, 1280. Names of Indian Rivers, 1281. et 1282. names of Nations, 1280 et 1282. Indians how bruitishly and treacherously dealt withal by the Caniball-Portingals, choosing rather to fly to the mercy of their flesh-devouring enemies, than these Christian-Antichristian Savages 1322. Their fruitless baptism by the Portugeses, 1323. the Indians religion of Brasile, or rather irreligion, the fear they have of the Devil, 1336, 1337. their solemn assembly, singing, 1337, & sequ. dancing, ibid. Ceremonies, superstition, idolatry, ibid. Indian valour, 1395. Indians worse than slaves to the Spaniards, 1398. Indians government, disposition, and state in general, 1421. Indians valour, 1557. and simplicity in matters of knowledge and religion, ibid. Indians in New England very tractible, their manner of hunting the beast called Moss, 1832. Indians of Dominica taught to drive their Canoas' with sails, 1833. Indians sore terrified at the sight of some Englishmen, 1843. Indians drinking only at the Spring head, 1852. their fear of the English, upon report that they kept the plague buried in a store-house, permitting it to infect as it pleased them, 1855 they buy men's lives for Bevers skins, ibid. Indians of Mattachiest, their kind usage of the English, 1858. Indians of Manomet much given to gaming, will play for the skin on their wife's backs, 1859. their joyful receiving some religious precepts, 1862 Indians in port-royal, their courtesy in getting provision for the French Plantation, 1632. Indians oration and eloquence, courtesy, nobleness, liberality upon what terms, 1633. Indians of the Northern America, their playing & music their customs in curing wounds, their simplicity and ignorance, yet subtlety, theevishnesse, and traiterousnesse, 1634. they must not be depended on, but swayed with severity. ibid. an Indian woman's present ibid. the Indians disapproofe of garments, ibid. Indians of diverse languages, not understanding one another in New France, 1635. Indians how they may best be terrified, 1635. you must not express any security, but always seem to be wary, resolute, and prepared for them, 1635. Indians of New France their warfare, 1638. Indian soothsaying, and supposed treachery, 1639. Indians love to their children, ibid. they are preferred before Christians, ibid. Indians weep at the departure of the French from their coasts, 1640. Indians christened in New France by the Frenchmen, 1644. Indian battle, victory, and the consequents thereof, ibid. Indians of Virginia, their strange apparel, and other description, 1647 Their great delight in music, dances, weapons, ornaments, boats, gardens, etc. 1655. treachery, and discovery, 1656. Indians disposition and treachery, ceremonies, idolatry, women, and their nature, their ornaments, 1662., 1663. & seq. Indian Virginian words of language used amongst them, 1667. Indians in Virginia creeping upon all four, with their bows in their mouths, desperate and hara 〈…〉, 1686. their women and maids habit, and other customs, 1689. An Indian 160 years old, with a long white beard very lusty, which is even a wonder amongst them, 1689. Indians subtlety and rebellion to the Spaniards in Florida, their slaughter by them, after slavery, 1533, 1534. their murder by the Spanish servility, 1535. an Indian Lady that swayed a Nation of them in Florida, the commodities of her country, and the courtesy she showed the Spaniards, 1537, 1538. an Indian burned, ibid. another christened by the Spaniards, 1538. Indian stratagem against the Spaniards, 1544. their sudden slaughter, and endangered utmost overthrow of them, 1545. Indians paint themselves with terrible colour, to strike terror in their adversaries, 1546. their treachery, ibid. Indian eloquence, 1550. an Indians valiant and witty answer to an imperious Spaniard, 1552. Indians ridiculous custom at the death of their Catique, 1553. Indians how they are wont to express obedience to some of their superiors in Florida 1553. An Indian thrown to the dogs by a Spaniard, 1554. Indians conspiracy against the Spaniards in Florida discovered, the actors cruelly dealt withal, having their right hands cut off, 1555. An Indian burnt for heresy, and conspiracy, by a Spanish judge in New Spain 1557. Indian idolatry and worship of the Devil, 1558. they must be brought to Christianity by fear, as saith a Spanish Preacher, 1559. Indian hypocrisy, 1558. linea ultima. Indians so courageous and valiant, that armed most with poor clubs, they contest bravely with strongly armed Spaniards on horse back, 1558. Indians worshipping plants, and birds, and singing songs unto them: and that sacrifice one man yearly to a painted Serpent, which the sacrificed man taketh patiently, 1560. Indian embroidery, 1560. Indian want of Mass and instructing Ministers, 1563. Indians capable of religion, and their baptism and instruction, 1564 Indian secrets smothered by Spaniards lest they should come to light with their disadvantage, 1567. Indies discovered by the Spaniards, Anno 1492. the first Land inhabited the I'll of H●spaniola, 1569. The nature of the Indians in general thereabout their simplicity, patience, meekness, innocency, ingenuity, and tender breeding, 1569. Three Millions of Indians perish by the Spaniards in Hispaniola, five hundred thousand in the Lucayos, in all thereabouts twelve or fifteen Millions, 1569, 1570 Indians to the number of a Million slain and consumed by them in john and lamaica Lands, 1573. Indians suppose Gold to be the Spaniards God, 1573. Indians refuse heaven, fearing to meet the Spaniards there, 1574. Indians how many in the I'll Cuba devoured by Spaniards, 1574. Indians destroyed by Spaniards in Terra Firma, and their multitude, 1575., 1526. Indians in Nicaragua consumed by the Spaniards five hundred thousand, 1577. Indians in New Spain, and its several Provinces, devoured by the Spaniards to two or three Millions, 1577, 1578. Indians in Guatymala, dispatched by Spaniards innumerablie, 1579 1580, and Spanish Man-eaters, that is, Spaniards allowing sharables of Mans-flesh for food, 1580. Indians tortured and slain abundantly by Spaniards in Panuco, Mechuacham, and Xalisco, 1580, 1581. Indians to the number of eight hundred sold for one horse by a Spaniard, 1580. Indians sold for infamous Merchandise, 1581., 1582. Indians how many were slain in Yucatan, 1581., 1582, 1583. What store in Saint Martha by Spaniards, 1583, 1584. In Carthagena, 1584. On the coast of Pearls, Paria, and the I'll of Trinity, 1586. In Yuia pari, and Venesuela, Indians slain in number four or five thousand thousand, 1587. In Florida, the River La Plata, in divers Provinces of Peru, 1589, 1590., 1591. Indians in new Cranada, dispatched by sundry cruelties of the Spaniards, 1592., 1593., 1594, 1595. In divers other places, by divers devilish stratagems, 1596, 1597, 1598., 1599, 1600, 1601, 1602. Indians worship a Pillar of stone in Florida, 1603. Indian subjection to the Englishmen in Virginia, 1841 Indians of New-England, their care in preserving the carkeises of their dead friends in sepulchers, full stuffed with sweet powders, 1846. Their encounter with the English, the manner of inciting their men to Battle, 1847. Their habit and manner of welcoming forrenners, 1849. Indians glory, in the weakness of the English forces, 1856. An Indian plotting treachery is taken prisoner, 1864. Indians terrified in conscience, for sake their houses, and fly into the deserts and thickets, 1866. Indians opinion concerning the Creation, that all men descend from the loins of one man, and one woman, which were first created, the cause of their dispersions, being as yet unknown, 1867. Indians of New-England witty and laborious in diverse arts, 1870. Indians described both in habit, and nature, their manner of salutation, 1881. Indians of Canada, 1609. Their speaking with the Devil, their painting themselves, apparel, device to go on snow, marriages, licentiousness of young Wenches, and burials, with their belief of the soul, 1609, 1610 Industry of the English, in the discovery and plantation of New-England, 1848 Infants slain by the Savages to do sacrifice to their god Habbamok, 1868 Inquisition in New-Spaine, the punishment of two Italians there, 1177. Inquisitions barbarous cruelty, 1178 Insolency of the Indians of Massachaoset, 1864 Interpreters so necessary to a land-travell in a strange country, that without them it cannot be effected, 1554 joancho de Luyando, a Myntmaster in Port-Ricco, hisriches, and plenty of gold, 1170 john Ortis a Spaniard, his taking by the Indians in Pamphilo de Naruaez, his voyage, his sundry misfortunes, and escapes, with a happy meeting his countrymen, 1531. His large travails with Captain Soto, his death, and the discontent thence issuing to the Captain, 1551 Saint john's River in New-France, its beauty, store of fish, vines, with other commodities, 1622 Saint john de Port-Ricco, a City in the West Indies, taken by the English, its description, air, dews, greatness, Church, want of Glass-windows, doors, standing of their Choir in the lowest part of the Church, 1144. Fortification, 1165. healthiness, ibid. Its situation, 1169 And fortification, 1418 Saint john's head, the easterly part of Port-Ricco, 1169 Captain john Smith his discovery of russel's Iles, Point-Ployer, and Limbo Isles in Virginia, 1712. His entertainment by the Savages, with courtesic, and trcacherie, his men's desire of return, 1713. His many Savage bicker, endanger by a stinging Fish, and safe return, 1714. His setting forth again, and encounter with the Savages, 1714, 1715. The love he received from Moscow that Savage, ibid. His fight with the Tapahonecks, 1716. His great tempests, yet safe return, 1716. His assuming the presidency of Virginia, 1716. His opposition by the Council, journey to Powhatan only with four, 1717. His strange entertainment, ibid. His provision for Nansamund, project for Powhatan, and setting forth, 1720. His discourse, and passages with Powhatan, 1721, 1722. His escaping death amidst his treacherous vassals, ibid. His abuse by some treacherous Dutchmen, 1723. His great danger with fifteen men, by a multitude of Indians, ibid. His valiant evasion, and forcing them to composition, captinating their King in the midst of them, ibid. & 1724. His poisoning by the Vassals of Powhatan and escape, 1725. His death plotted by Dutchmen, his escape, encounter, and captivating the King of Paspahigh, and other bicker, 1726. His progress in the plantation, hindrance, and desire of removal thereof, 1727, 1728. His hatred by upstart plantationers, escaping their plots, and revenge on them, 1729. His suppressing mutinies, appeasing, concluding peace, endanger by powder, 1730, 1731. His endanger of murder, grievous torture, return for England, and the cause, with the consequents. 1731, 1732. His accusers, and accusation, 1731. His innocence, 1732 Master jones his endeavours, furthering the plantation of New-England, 1867 Ippoa, a place near the great Island in America, 1212 Irasing, a place seven leagues from Mexico, 1414 Irocois, Savages in Canada, 1607 Their River, and manner of fortification with stakes, 1612. Their further description, provision, and towns, and wars, with their vanquishment, and affrighting with a musket-shot, 1643 Iron extolled above gold, 1814 Isla del Gallo, an Island, 1444 Itshuera, a town of the Caribes, one days journey from the head of the River Marwin, 1285 Saint juan de Lua, achiefe part in Nova Hispania, 1432 juan de Ofnate, his discovery of the North from old Mexico, his army and preparation, 1563. His loss and revenge of his Nephew, his building a town, and possession for Spain, 1566 juan Fernandes Lands, their situation and plenty, 1393 jucatan, how so called, 1455. The inhabitants tortured, and consumed, by the Spaniards, 1581., 1582, 1583 jumanos Indians, 1561 Saint Iuo de ullua, a Port town, 1418 juana the second Island in Orenoque 1248 Ixtatlan, a place in New-Spaine, 1558 jyanough, a Governor among the Savages of Pechanochick, 1853 Saint Izabella, one of the Isles of Solomon, 1447 K. KAiwaire, a town inhabited by the Careebees, in the River Marwin in America, 1283 Kebec, a place in New-France, wherein was a plantation of the French begun by Capt. Champlaine, 1642. The natural fruit and commodities thereof, ibid. Kecoughtan, a town of Savages in Virginia, 1687. The inhabitants, manner of entertainment, dancing, Orations, 1687 Kenebek, a town under the Dominion of Apomhamen in Mawooshen, 1874 Ketangheanycke, a town under the Sagamos Octoworth, 1875 Capt. Keymish his voyage to Guiana, 1269 Kiarno, a town of the Savages, 1286 Kietitan, a god of the Savages, 1862 Kine very strange in Brasile, living in water, without horns or udders, 1243. Kine strange near Quivira, with bunched backs, 1561 A King's distinction from others among the Amazons, is by a crown of feathers, a wooden sword, or a chain of Lion's teeth, 1288 Kings bodies how bestowed after death by the Peruans, before the Spanish conquest, 1464 Kings dying among the Floridan Indians, and Tartarians, two young men are slain, to wait upon them in the next world, 1553 King james his name nothing respected among the Spaniards, 1834. His faithfulness to the Queen of England, his wise answer to her Ambassador, 1912. His gracious letters to the Earl of Southampton, touching the Silkworms, and Silke-grasse in Virginia, 1787 I0. King Englishman, one that lived fifteen years at Santos, 1203 Kimbeki, a River in New-France, 1625 Knaw-saw an Island, how situate, 1184 Knights, how chosen and created among the ancient Emperors of Peru, and who thought worthy of Knighthood, 1474 Knivets adventures, accidents, 1192 He finds a chest of Rials, 1203. Loseth his toes by frost; 1204. Narrow scaping death, 1205, 1206. His danger by a Sea-Monster, 1207. Eateth Whale, 1207. His escaping (all his fellows slain) 1207. His coming to the River janero, and escaping from drowning by a woman, his life there, 1208. His slavery in a Sugar-mill, nakedness, shame, and flight to the wilderness, his life there, 1208. His peril by a Savage, 1208. By a Sharke-fish, 1209. His disastrous flight and wrack, 1209. In danger of starving, ibid. His imprisonment, condemnation, pardon, 1210. His wounding the Factor, flight, journey, and fortune, 1210. His fearful travels through the wilderness, and manifold dangers there, 1210, 1211. His return to his old master after many perils, 1212. Kills a great dangerous Snake, 1215. Is stocked, and brought to execution, saved, 1216 Passeth in a weak vessel through a River that ran underground, 1217. His escape, all his fellows devoured, ibid. His nakedness, 1218. Return again to his Portugal Master, his danger, ibid. & 1219. His adventure under-water, 1220. His escape and voyage to Angola in Africa, his sending back again, ibid. His plot and dangerous discovery, 1221. Saveth his master from drowning, ibid. Is imprisoned, 1222. Escapeth drowning, 1223. Ariveth at Lisbon, his sickness there, 1224. One and twenty times let blood, 1225. His recovery, employment, and imprisonment, ibid. Knives and Hatchets dear sold amongst the Indians, 1229, 1208 A Knife bought eight women, 1249 Kuskara waock, a river in Virginia, the inhabitants thereof, 1694 L. LAbour well employed hath its reward one time or other, 1832 La Buena Ventura, an unhealthy place in Peru, 1446 La Canela, a Country in Peru, 1415 Lacana, a miserable town in Florida, 1553 Laguada, a towns in Port-Ricco, 1170 Lake of a hundred leagues in length, 1644 A Lake wondrous great, 1612. A Lake of 80 leagues, 1614 Many others, ib. & 1615. One of three hundred leagues, 1616. La Loma de Camena, a very fertile soil in America, the description thereof, 1420 La Mocha an Island in America, 1443 Lampere, a fortified City of the Carios in the Indies, taken by the Spaniards, 1352 Lancerota, the town and Castle taken by the Earl of Cumberland, 1151, 1155. It is one of the greatest Lands of the Canaries, 1155 The chief town in it described, 1156. The inhabitants, arms, situation, commodities, latitude, their several harvests, Church, Religion, ibid. Language of Savages, 1237. A thousand languages of Savages, 1524. Language words of Virginian Savages, 1667. Language very copious and difficult, 1870 La Pacheta, a small Island, 1414 Laquedambaras, Nut-trees among the Indians, 1502 La para jua, a place in the Indies taken by French from the Spanish, and repossessed by them, 1438 Las Cabecas, Iles so called, 1244 Las Ilhas, an American town, 1438 Layfield, viz. Doctor Layfield his relation of Port-Ricco voyage, 1155. & seq. His employment under the Lord of Cumberland, 1169 Leaf in Guiana called Kellette curing poisoned wounds, and the headache, 1276. Apparel made of leaves, 1213 League between the Mussasois and the English, 1850 Leaks, how stopped under-water without aboard, 1394 Leagh, viz. Sir Oliph Leagh, the traitorous massacring of three score and seven of his men, in an Island of the West-Indies, 1255, 1256. & seq. Captain Leighs voyage to Orenoque, 1156. To Guiana, and plantation there, 1250 His coming to Wyapogo, and Aracawa, 1251, 1252. his death, & the danger of his men, 1621., 1622 Leopards called by the Indians jawarile, 1229 Le Equille, a River in New-France, 1621. Lepos Tomienos a kind of Cannibals, 1216 Lerius his relation of Brasile, 1325. & seq. 1836 Letters sent from the Colony in New-England, Anno 1622. 1840. From newfoundland, 1889 Lice, 1205 Leyhannos, a Savage people of the West-Indies, 1364 Lignum Vitae, 1657 Lightning kills two men, 1672 Lightning in a great tempest saves Mariners from shipwreck. 1716 Light at sea seen on the Shrouds in a hell dark night, conceits and names thereof, 1737 Lima Indians of Peru, 1365. Their City, bigness, and inhabitants, 1416, 1421 Limbo-Iles in Virginia, 1712 Lime made of Oysters, 1315 Limo River, 1248 Line, how and when most safely to be passed, 1377 Listers dangerous attempt, 1143 Liver, by what means corroborated and preserved, 1310 Lizards eaten in America, 1326 A monstrous Lizard, 1327 Master Locks death near the Line, the only friend of Captain Candish in his last voyage, 1201 Lomioo, a town in the Indies, inhabited by Arwacca Savages, 1285 Londoners voyage to New-England, Anno 1616. p. 1838. To the Canaries from London, An. 1616. p. 1839. From London to New-England again, An. 1620 overthrown by the rage of divers tempests, to the loss of goods and men, 1840 Long-Ile in New-France, 1622 Long-reach a place in the Straits of Magellane, 1389 Lopez de Agira, a mutinous Soldier among the Spaniards, his extreme cruelty, and event, 1436, 1437. His plot to poison Queen Elizabeth, 1894 Lopez Vaz, a Portugal, his voyage and History touching places and discoveries in America, 1432 & t seq. Loquilla, A hill famous for mines in Port-Ricco, 1171 Lopos Savages in Brasile, called by the Portugeses Bilreros: their houses, wildness, harmlessness, shamelessness, beastliness, women, complexion, 1230. Store of gold, ibid. Lord de la Ware his happy arrival at the distressed Colony in Virginia, 1732. His presidency there, 1754. his first Acts, and the constitution of Officers, his council, ibid. His sending Sir George Summer to the Bermudas for provision, ibid. His wrongs by Powhatan, and revenge, with a message to him, 1755. It's success and his punishing an Indian, 1756 His relation to the Lords and the Council of Virginia, touching his return thence, 1762. & seq. His sundry sicknesses, ibid. & 1763 His death in a voyage to Virginia, 1774 Lord of Southampton Treasurer of Virginia, 1783. His provision and supply of it, ibid. His letters to the Colony touching silk-plants. 1787, 1788 Lottery set up in London, for the Colony in Virginia. 1773 Lots cast for every man's several logding in New-England, 1848 Low-Countries supposed to have Ships great and small of all sorts, 20000 1821 Saint Lucia, 1146. The description and commodities thereof, 1265 Lukes-Bay, a pleasant harbour in New-Scotland, 1873 Lutherans thought a title of ignominy to the Spaniards, though they confessed God took part with them, 1680 Luysa, a town near Port-R●cco, 1170 Lewis de Moscoso made Governor of Cuba, and Adelantado of Florida after Sotoes' death, 1552. His and his companies resolution to travel by Land West ward in that country, his arrival at several Indian towns, and entertainment, 1553. His being in danger of losing himself, and his company in the desert-countreys', ibid. His uncomfortable travels in the deserts, & endurance of scarcity there, his returning the same way he came, 1554. And taking passage down a River to the sea, the whole remainder of his company, their dangerous storm, and peril by the Indians in the River, 1555. His arrival at Panuco, 1556 Lying, how punished by some Indians, 1451 Lyma, a place in the West-Indies, 1242, 1393. The description of the Bay that leadeth to it, 1394 Lions in the West Indies, 1211. They call them jawarosou, 1229. are worshipped in Peru, 1457 M. MAcanao, the westermost point of Margarita, 1266 Mace, his voyage to Virginia, in a bark sent by Sir Walter Raleigh, 1653 Machaseis, a river in the West Indies, 1265 Maccah, a small River near Orenoco, and Guyana, 1246 Macucagua, a Bird resembling the Feasant, and hath three skins one over another, 1306 Macurio, a River, 1247 Macuerendas, a Nation in the River Parana in the Indies, populous and fierce, their description, 1350 Macuta Indians in Brasile, 1299 Madalena, a River in Florida, 1504 Madera Lands, their description, division, and commodities, 1369 Madera Ile discovered by Master Challons, in his voyage to the North of Virginia, 1833 Madiopuera, a venomous plum, 1230 Magalines, a Portugal Navigator, 1191 M●guana, a Province in Hispaniola, 1572 Magdalene River, 1434 Magellane Straits described, 1384. vide straits. Magellane straits extreme winter, 1193 Maguey, a tree yielding Wine, Vinegar, Honey, beds, threads, needles, tables, and hafts of knives, besides many medicinable uses, 1421 Maiz of two sorts, the one like Rice, the other like Ginny Wheat, 1173 1851. Maketh strong drink, 1258 Malabrigo Port, 1399 Manco King of Peru, his distress by the faithless Spaniards, and the issue, 1486, 1487 Mammeiss, an excellent kind of fruit, 1172 Manarippano, an Island in the midst of the River Orenoco, 1249 Manilla Island. 1446 Mandioco, the ordinary food of the inhabitants of Brasile, which serveth for bread: the strange effects thereof, 1214, 1309, 1310. Wine made of the root Mandioco, which preserveth the Liver, 1310 Man-eaters, vid. Cannibals. Man's inconstancy, 1190, 1191 Mapies, certain Indians so called, their description, country, and commodities, they are a very warlike Nation, and treacherous, 1362, 1363. Their overthrow by the Spaniards, ibid. Marble Rock of half a mile in length, 1761 Marchin-Bay, how situate, and why so called, 1626. Marcomwin, a village in the River Marwin, 1283 Saint Mary's Island, the situation and description thereof, 1393, 1143, 1671 Marriages how undertaken and solemnised by the Inhabitants of Peru, 1457. Marriage forbidden to him that hath not taken his enemy, 1290 Mariquites, certain Cannibals so called, their stature, women, dwellings, religion, language, clothing, etc. 1226, 1227 Maroer, a Brasilian River, 1242 Mariners, their duty and disposition, 1368, 1403 Martha, a Province in America very rich in gold and other commodities, 1583. It is now changed from a peopled Country to a desert, by Spanish cruelty, 1583, 1584. Martha's Uineyard, a dis-inhabited Ile. 1648 Saint Martha, a town taken by Sir Francis Drake, 1183 Marwin River, and the Regions thereunto adjoining, 1283 Massasoys, a company of Savages in New-England, 1849 Massasoyt, his acknowledgement of King james to be the Governor of his Country, and himself his man: his kind entertainment of English, and prohibiting the French, 1852, 1862 Massangono, a Portugal Fort in Africa, the description thereof, 1220, 1234. Gold therein taken by the Portugeses, 1237 Mastiffs much regarded in Virgins, 1655 Matauzas, the situation and description thereof, 1246, 1247 Matini●, a haven in America, 1146, 1157 Saint Matthews Bay. 1401 Matta diabolo, a Fort in Port-Ricco, 1162 Mattaick, a Rock which with the brightness thereof dazzleth the eyes, 1285 Mattouri an Ilandin Guiana, 1272 Mauriapigtanga, Inhabitants of Brasile, 1298 Mawooshen, a Country discovered by the English, Anno 1622. 1873 Maids how distinguished from married women in Virginia, 1689. Their habit and behaviour when they are to be taken to marriage, 1869, 1159 Henry Mays his voyage and shipwreck on the Bermudas, or Summer-Ilands, 1795. The loss and saving of some men. ibid. Meat made of Snakes, 1210. Meat how kept from corrupting among the Savages, 1326. Meat not eaten by the Indians, unless sanctified by the Spaniards, 1522 Meecombe, a town on the River Apanawapesk. 1874 Mechuacan, a place in New-Spaine, 1557, 1580 Mechuacan, a place near the South Sea, 1559 Mecola, the situation thereof, 1246 Mendozaes' Indian voyage and success, 1347, 1348. & seq. He builds the city Buenos Ayres, the miserable famine there, and wars with the Indians, the death of his soldiers: his returning and death by the way, 1348, 1349, 1350 Men of three hundred years' age in Florida, 1604 Mendoza his intended treason against Queen Elizabeth, 1892. He being Ambassador from Spain is commanded to depart the English coast, 1893 Menehighon Island, how situate, 1829 Mepenes, a Nation in the River Parana in the Indies, their description, strength, and multitude, 1351 Mermaids seen in Brasile, 1240 on the coast of newfoundland, 1887 Mermen, or men of the Sea that kill men with embracing, and then seem to sigh, 1315. Some are as little as children, and do no hurt, 1318 Mesquiquez an Indian fruit, 1519, 1520 Mestizo, one that is half a Savage, and half a Portugal, 1207 Metal like Lead found in Canada, on the South, 1618. Mevis Ile the situation, excellent baths, and commodities thereof, 1685 Mexico Navigations, 1177. The bigness of the City, the nature and docibilitie of the naturals, the company of Spaniards there, 1421 The populousness thereof, 1432. Mexico and all the adjoining Provinces unpeopled by Spanish cruelty, 1578. Two millions of Indians slain by them there, ibid. Saint Michael a place in the Azores, 1142. A strange Hill, and wells there, 1142. It's description, 1671 Saint Michael, a River in America, near the River of Toads, 1223. It is dangerous for Navigation, 1239 Saint Michael's Straight in Florida, 1505 Saint Michael's town triumpheth at the departure of the English, 1966 Mico, a river in Florida, which at the mouth is called Rio Grand, 1552 middleton's voyage, 1246. & 1247 Miles Standish his travel in newfoundland, 1848 Military orders established in New-England, 1849. Military discipline as well showed in making a fair and safe retreat, as in giving a fierce and furious onset, 1962 Will. Millington drawn into the Sea by a Fish, and never seen more, 1802 Mines of gold in Port-Ricco, 1165. Where the richest Mines, 1177. At Etapusick very rich Mines of gold and silver, 1222, 1229. Mines in plenty, 1230. Likewise, 1231, 1248. Mines of Apalatci in Florida, 1604. Mines of Copper, of a metal like silver in Canada, 1617. Other Mines there, & where to be found, 1618., 1619. Mine of Steel, 1639 Minoya, a place in Florida, 1554 Miracles wrought by the Spaniards (as themselves report) in the West Indies. 1516 Mirth, a preservative against the scurvy, 1625 Mists, store and thick, near the Bank very cold, and the cause thereof, 1628. It is then fair at land, though at sea foggy, 1629 Mocha, an Island in the South sea, 1391. The description and commodities thereof, 1392 Mochocho, an Indian Governor in Florida, 1531, 1532 Mogador, a place on the coast of Barbary, 1250 Mehotses, a populous Indian Province, 1562 Melopaques, certain Savages of Brasile, 1229. They have store of gold, but esteem it not, except to fish withal, ibid. A Monastery in Saint john de Port Ricco, 1165. Monasteries in Peru and Cozco, 1456, 1457 Moneta Ile, its difficult landing, and unspeakable abundance of Fowl, 1686 Monkeys roasted and eaten, 1213 Monkeys in Brasile called Wariva by the Inhabitants as big as a spaniel, with long broad beards, 1226, 1302. Their King, his fashion, and other seats of activity, ibid. Some that are men-devourers, ibid. Their care in providing the safety of their young, 1328 Monserotta Island, 1281 Monseur de Montz voyages related, 1620. & seq. His society broken, and is envied at, 1638 Monte Christo, a weak town of the Spaniards in the Indies, 1418 Monte de Plata, 1432 Mooremoreno Island, 1397. Its inhabitants, description, their love to the English, and hate of Spaniards, 1398 Master Moors Plantation and government in the Bermudas Lands, 1802. His building Forts, ibid. dispelling Spanish ships, and other acts, ibid. His death, and disposition, ibid. Moratiggon, an I'll about a day's sail from New-England, 1849 Morecapana Road, the situation thereof, 1246 Moreeshego, a place in the River Marwin, 1283 Morrequito, a certain country near Orenoco, 1248 Morou, a town of Cannibals, 1227 Morrowina, a Guyanian Province, 1271 Captain Morgan slain in Brasile, 1197 Morovishava the King's name among some Savages of Brasile, 1229 Moscow a Savage, famous for his love to the English, 1715 Moss, a certain beast as big as an Ox, headed like a Deer, with a broad Palm, which he mews every year: his hair is long like an Elk, he hath a great bunch under his throat, his legs long, his skin maketh very good Buff, his flesh is excellent food, very useful to the Savages in New-England, 1832 Motto of the King of Spain in Saint Domingo, 1182 Mottayas certain Cannibals in Brasile their love to the English, feeding on Frogs, Snakes, Monkeys, and Dogs, their man eating, hair, beasts, and commodities, 1229, 1230 Mourning expressed by cutting of the hair among Indians, 1291 Mourning of the Indians for those that die, 1869 Mount-mansell, an Island on the coast of New-England, abounding with the Beast called M●ss●, 1832 Mount Howard, 1260, 1254 Mount Huntly, 1261 Mount Aldworth in Virginia, 1655 Mountainiers, Savages so called in Canada, that make wars with the Irocos, 1607 Mountains stored with gold, 1284. A mighty mountain snowy on the top, and torrid at the foot, 1156. A mountain exceeding steep, 1214. A glittering mountain, 1216. A mountain of Crab-lices, 1228. Mountain of metals, 1232. Mountains abounding with silver and gold, 1248. Mountains covered with Snow, that for their height may be seen thirty leagues into the Sea, 1434 Moyemon, a large town in the River Marwin, 1283 Muccambro, an Island and Mountain in Guiana, 1272 Mumpara a plain, abounding with grains of gold, 1284 Murder, how punished in Guiana, 1272. In Brasile, 1342 Murder punished by the Indians, with present death, 1870 Muskitoes, their venomous stinging, 1556 Muso, a town in new Granada; the exceeding benefit thereof, to the King of Spain, 1420 Musk of a Crocodiles Cod, 1228 Muske-Snake, a sweet smelling Serpent of Brasile, 130● Mutiny like to receive its deserved reward, 1201 Mutiny, the overthrow of a voyage, 1260 Mutiny among the Spaniards, 1436 Among the French in Florida, 1603. Among the English in Virginia, 1729, 1730. In the Bermudas, 1743 Mutinga aboundeth with Myves, 1203 Mutton-Port, 1620 N. NAguatex, a town in Florida, 1553 Namaschet, a town under Massasoyt, 1851. The Namaschets courteous entertainment of the English, ibid. Names increased, according to the number of persons, slaughtered among the Indians, 1226 Names altered amongst the Indians according to their acts and disposition, 1869. Names of certain Englishmen assistants in the Plantation of the newfoundland, 1888 Names of the English Knights fight at the siege of Cadiz, 1933. Names of the Captains and chief officers in the Voyage to Azores, 1939 Nansamund, a River in Virginia, 1692 Nanohiggansets threaten the English, 1853. Their great superstition in doing sacrifice to their god Habbamoqui, 1868 Naruaez, his voyage, arrival at Dominica, Saint jago. The Trinity, his shipwreck there, his coming to the land of Marles, 1500, 1501, 1499. His taking possession of a town in Florida for the King of Spain, 1501. His arrival at Apalachen, and entertainment there, his surprisal by other Indians, his coming to Ant, 1502, 1503. His distressed success, 1504 And loss of men by the Indians, ibid. His misery by thirst, 1505. His companies extreme weakness, 1509. With insufferable famine and mortality, 1508 Napetuca, a town in Florida, 1533 Naragooc, a town in Mawooshen, 1875 Nations that are barbarous, licenced by the Pope's Bull to be subdued by violence, 1602 Navarre overthroweth the forces of the French King at the battle of Courtras, 1942 Navy of Queen Elizabeth sent to the Azores, 1939 Navigation the advancement of Nations, 1820 Navigators instructions, 1368, 1373 Nausets, a company of the Savages in New-England a hundred strong, 1849 Nebamocago, a town bordering on the River Aponeg, in Mawooshen, 1874 Negligence like to endanger the loss of a great prize, 1145 The Portugeses for the West- Negroes rebelling against the Spaniards, 1434 Neguiwo, an I'll near the River Sagodohoc in Mawooshen, 1874 Nepios certain inhabitants of Trinidad 1247 Niewoc an Isle in Mawooshen, 1874 Neredoshan, a town on the River Aponeg, 1874 Nets made to carry travelling strangers from town to town in Brasile, 1242 New-France, a great part of it thought to be sandy ground as far as Virginia, 1634, 1635. New-Frances commodities presented the King of France, 1641. The inhabitants when first christened, 1644 New-France inhabited by the Frenchmen, because they hope to get a passage thence to China, 1642, 1644. The manner of trading in New-France, 1626. New-Frances diseases how they may be escaped, 1624., 1625. New France, the bounds thereof, 1603. The probabilities of gold Mines there, 1621. Diamonds & Turkey stones there, 1621. Grapes, Fish, and Cedars, 1622 New-Mexico the towns thereof, and building the inhabitants, and their worshipping the Devil, 1561 Capt: Newports voyage to Virginia, and return for England, 1186, 1705, 1706. His supposed prejudice to the English plantation there, 1717. His opposing Capt. Smith, ibid. His proceeding to discover Monacan in Virginia, and success, 1778 New-England & the newfoundland discovered and implanted by the English, 1827. The climate very temperate, agreeable to the bodies of the English, making them live longer then in other countries, the soil fertile, variety of nourishing herbs, and roots, the coast full of commodious harbours and havens, many Isles fit for plantation, wood of all sorts in abundance, 1831. The people have our English Nation in good estimation, and are tractable in trading, the Sea is stored with all kind of Fish, diversity of wild foul, Doves in great abundance in time of Strawberries, abundance of rich Furs, 1831, 1832. Great shows of Ambergris and Pearl, store of Whales in the Sea thereabout, ibid. New-England described, 1870. English corn and cattle prosper there, 1878 newfoundland described, the fertility of the soil, the temperature of the air, conveniency of the Bayss, the inhabitants, their nature and customs, 1885. Herbs and flowers pleasant and medicinable, great increase of corn, store of Deer and other beasts: great store of land and water-foule, 1885. Store of trees fit to build with, 1886. Great probability of mines, and fish in great abundance, ibid. New-Plimmouth abounding with divers commodities of great worth, and very necessary for man's sustenance: Timber of all sorts, diverse Mines of unknown worth, store of fish, Beavers, and others, 1840 Nicaragua Province, 1446, 1576 Saint Nicholas Bay, 1146 Nicholas Sanders his slanders against Q. Elizabeth; He obtaineth to be the Pope's Nuncio; entereth Ireland, winneth Desmon: runneth mad, and dyeth miserably, 1893 Nicorago, a River, 1185 Nilco, a Province or territory in Florida, one of the richest in all that country, the towns, inhabitants, and commodities thereof, 155● Noblemen employed in the voyage to the Azores, 1939 Noble Personages voluntaries in 88 under the King of Spain's banner, 1901 Nondacao, a province in Florida well inhabited, the commodities thereof, 1553 Norrack, a Province near the River Arwi in Guiana, 1271 Gen. Norris his material education, General of all the English Forces● Marshal in the field under Conte Hohenlo, Marshal of the field in England; General of the Army in Friesland, Lord Precedent of Munster in Ireland, 1916. Winneth great honour & fame by his well ordered retreat in the service before Gaunt, 1962. His death, 1968 Mr Norwoods' relation of the Bermudas, and the English plantation there, 1797. & seq. Noert, a famous Navigator among the Dutch, 1191 Norumbega River, and the fabulous narrations thereof, 1625 Nose lost in cold weather, 1●05 Nova Galitia, 1526 Nova Scotia, a prosperous plantation, by the dexterity of Sir Samuel Argall, 1828. Nova Scotia, a plantation in America, 1871. Abundance of Strawberries and all kind of wild foul, and very pleasant country, 1873 Nunnez his relation of the Fleet which Pamphilo Naruaez was governor of in India, 1499. & seq. His shipwreck, 1500. His disastrous fortune by famine, sickness, labour, and nakedness, am●ng the Indians, 1509, 1510. His coming after divers perils to the Indians-auavarez, 1514. His mishaps there, and dangerous escaping of burning, 1515. His curing the sick by prayer and raising one from the dead, 1516. His coming to the Harbudaos, and the hungry shifts he made there, 1517, 1518. His repute among the Savages, their fear and admiration of him, 1521, 1522, 1323. His travel to the South Sea, and occurrents, 1524, etc. His meeting with his countrymen, 1526. His arrival at Compostella and Mexico, 1528 Nunno de Guzman's his expeditions, 1556. & seq. His taking possession for the King of Spain in the River of Purification, his erecting crosses, killing, and converting Indians, burning heretics, 1556, 1557. Travels and discoveries of divers Provinces, bicker with Indians coming near the South Sea, and purpose touching the Amazons, 1558, 1559 Nutmeg-trees, 1309 Nuts in the ground, 1650 O. Oars of what fashion among the West-Indians, 1158. Oars of the Indians of the newfoundland, 1880 Oaths and Blasphemy against God, and our Lady, forbidden in the Spanish Armado, 1902. Oaths how punished among the English in Virginia, 1719 Ocagna a place in America where is abundance of gold, 1419 Ocawita, a pretty big Island in Orenoque, 1248 Ochete town, 1534 Ochus, a Floridan Province, 15●5 Ocoa, a town in Hipaniola, 1186, 1418 Ocute a town in Florida, 1556 Oecope, a high mountain, 1●48 Offerings amongst the Indians to the Devil by the intercession of their Priest Powah, 1868 Olmoleigh River, 1254 Olynda a town in Brasile, 1238 Olypho a mount in the Indies. 1253 Omitlan, a Province of the greater Spain in America: the description of the country, soil, and noisome serpents, the discovery and taking possession thereof by the Spaniards, 1559 Opechankanow, a great King amongst the Indians taken by an Englishman in the midst of his army, 1841. And in his own house, 1723, 172●. His plots and perfidy against Captain Smith handsomely repelled, ibid. Opportunities neglected, 1196 Oraddo, a mountain plentiful for gold, 1284 Oranges their sovereign virtue, 1378. Good against the scurvy, 1763 Order observed in the Spanish Fleet, 1●05 Ordnances best for Ships: whether long or short pieces, 1403 Oren●que a River in Americ● described, 1156, 1247, 1248, 1249, & seq. Organs, a place in the West-Indies abounding with gold mines, 1222, 1242 Orillano a Spanish Captain, his discoveries, 1415 Orange, a strange kind of disease, 1671 Ostriches as tall as a man, 1189 Ouercharging pieces of Ordnance, and other pieces how prejudicial, 1397, 1398 Ouigondi a town of Savages in the Northern America, 1638 Oxenhams voyage to the West-Indies, his attempts and travels to the South Sea, his prizes and misfortune,, 1180, 1414 Oxen wooled like shear in Florida, 1550 Oxen Bunch-backed and very strang● described, which are meat drink 〈◊〉, houses, fire, vessels, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m●●sters whole substance 1561 Ox●● 〈◊〉 by their name in in T 〈…〉 like men 1●69, 1670 Oxefi 〈…〉, 1313 1314 Oyste 〈…〉 g 〈…〉 t and hav●n● Pearls in th●m 131●. Oysters the 〈◊〉 sustenance of am 〈…〉 I 〈…〉 〈◊〉 for a quarter of a ye●r● together, 1●09 P. PA 〈…〉 〈◊〉 E 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 his Acts, Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 1471 1472 Pacaba Province, 1549 Pafallaya Province 1644 Pa●embos, or Piembos, an Indian Savage Nation, 1●53 Palisema Province, 1●49 Palma one of the Canary Lands, 1833 Palmeto tree, and the fruit thereof described, 1173, 1375 Palms excellent to cure the Haemeroides, 1332 Pamau●ke River, 1692 Panaçe yvawe apacone, a gre●t Mountain so called, 1●13 Panama the situation, description, ●nd riches thereof, 1180, 1418, 1444 Pan●co a Province dispeopled by the Spaniards, 1580 Panaguiri Indians ●f B●a●lle, 1000 Panobscot, a town upon the River Ramassoc, 1874 Paoo River, 1248 Paps which certain people have reaching under their waist, and near to th●ir knees, 1299 Papayes a kin●e of fruit like an Apple of a waterish taste, good against the Flux, 1172 Papemena River, 1248 Parabol River, 1351 Paracuona River, 1213 Paratee Port, 1212 Paraeyva River, 1209, 1211, 1213 1237, 1242. Paramaree, a town in the River Marwin, 1283 Paranapiacano, a Mountain full of Snakes and wild beasts, 1210, 1212 Parker, viz. Capt. William Parker his voyage and taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello, 1243 1244, 1245 Parrots & Parochettoes wonderful plentiful, 1172, 1264, 1304, 1305, 1372. A strange relation of a Parrot in America, 1329 Par●y his treason against Queen Elizabeth in what manner revealed, 1893 Partridges as big as Geese, 1329 Pasini a town in the River Marwin, 1283 Passaos Cape, 1400 Patogones, people of great stature like Giants, 138● Pato●a Province described, 1536 Patawomeck, a River six or seven miles in breadth, and navigable an hundred and forty miles, 1693 Patent of the French King to Monseur de Monts, for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia Canada, and other places in New-France, 1619, 1620. New Patents thought on concerning the plantation of New-England, 1830 A patent for the plantation of newfoundland. An. 1610, 1876 Patents granted by his Majesty of England for Virginia's plantation, 1683, 1684, 1787, 1777 Pat xet a border of New-England inhabited by the English, 1849 Painting much used by the Indians, 1229, 1358 pay River, 1285 Payta Island how situate, 1400, 446 Peace: Musical signs thereof amongst the Indians, 1533 Pearls plentiful, 1419, 1560, 1661., 1843. Pearle-fishing performed with incredible torture of the Indians, 1586. Pearls of wonderful bigness, 1411. The best Pearls where found, and how known, ibid. Pearls found in Muscles and Oysters, 1205, 1235, 1315, 1316 Pease which are venomous, 1206 Pedro Sermiento a town in the Straits of Magellane, 1416 Pedro Ordonnes de Cevallos, a Spanish Priest his observations concerning the West-Indies, 1420, 1421. & seq. Peionas' a Savage Nation, 1363 Pemaquid River, 1874 Pemptegoet, 1625 Penguin Island, the situation and description thereof, 1187, 1191, 1384, 1385 Penguins described, and how taken, 1385 Pentecost Harbour, 1660 People of the Kine, certain Indians so called, their admirable proportion, agility, beauty, behaviour, etc. 1523 People of Hearts, other Indians so called, 1524, 1525 Pepper hotter and stronger than the black Pepper used with us, 1173 Peritoqua, a River that goeth to Saint Vincent Island in Brasile, 1241 Pert, viz. Sir Thomas Pert his American travels, 1177. & seq. Peru language and letters, 1454 The original, lines, conquests, laws and Idolatries of the ancient Kings of Peru. 1454, 1455. & seq. The first voyage to Peru, 1455. Names and traditions of Peru, ibid. The wrongs which the inhabitants of Peru have sustained by Spanish cruelty, 1590. Spanish forces, forts, and towns in Peru, 1418, 1419. The discovery, commodities, and Provinces of Peru, 1419, 1443, 1444, 1445. Never any rain in some parts of Peru, and the cause thereof, 1444 The admired plenty of gold in Peru, 1490. Peruan expeditions by the Spaniards, and their success in such enterprises, 1450, 1451. The Peruans their opinion of God, and reverence in the very naming of him, 1450 Petivares or Petiwares, certain Savages in the Indies, their nature, stature, region, religion, superstition, diet, rites of childbirth, etc. 1225, 1226. Their man-eating, butchering Captives, and the manner thereof, 1226. Their language, and how to trade safely with them, 1237 Petutan River, 1525 Philippina Lands discovered, 1446 Phili● and jacob town, 1563 Physic hath the same operation in England, and under the L●ne, 1157. Indian Physicians their esteem, and manner of curing, 1509 Piache town and River, 1542 Pianita town, 1211 Pico, one of the Lands of the Azores, the description and commodities thereof, 1672, 1638. The high hill of Pico, which is more than fifteen miles in length, out of the top whereof issue often flames of fire like Aetna, and is thought to be higher than the Pike of the Canaries, 1672 Pigs without tails, 1189 Pigmies of Brasile dwelling in Caves, 1231, 1300 Pigru, certain Indians of Brasile, 1299 Pillars of stone, which are worshipped by certain Indians, 1603 Pines, an excellent and delicious fruit, 1172 Pinos, an Island on the South side of Cuba, 1836, 1185 Pipicorwarra Mountain, 1285 Pirates English and Spanish, 1412. Misprision of that term Pirates, and what a Pirate is, ibid. Pitch plentiful, and how made, 1556, 1281 Plantines, a fruit growing on a shrub betwixt an herb and a tree, in taste like an Apple- john, 1173, 1371 Plants adored by Indians, 1479, 1560. Plants that have the sense of feeling, 1280. Venomous plants 1525 Plantations in New-England, 1832. In New-Plimouth, 1842. The necessaries required for plantation, 1621., 1631 Plate River, 1141, 12●2 Plumbe-drinke, 1784 Plumbs that are venomous, 1230 Pocahontas, daughter to King Powhatan, her being baptised and married to an Englishman, 1841, 1760. Her virtuous life and death, 1774 Poetical Savages, 1292 Polizado, a Port in New-England, 1844 Pomecitrons so great as that two or three of them will load a horse, 1173 Pomegranates medicinable, 1794 Popaian Province, 1446 Pope's authority derided by the King of Peru, 1445, 1452 Porco, a place plentiful for Gold, 1419 Pories certain Savages so called, 1213. Their stature, diet, complexion, habitation, lodging, etc. 1229 Portugeses their cruelty to the Savages, 1297, 1321. & seq. Divers of them massacred by Savages, 1189, 1117. Portugal Ships surpriz●d by Sir Bernard D●ake, and brought into England laden with Fish, 1883. The Portugeses exquisiteness in steering, 1379 Port-Ricco the situation and description thereof, 1153, 1169. & seq. 1415. It is the key of the West-Indies, 1166. The fortification thereof, 1161. Fight betwixt the inhabitants thereof, and the English, 1162 Port St julian, 1187, 1194, 1383 Port-Famine lying at the mouth of the Straits of Magellane, 1204, 1233. The inhabitants, their commodities, coldness of the climate, etc. 1232, 1233 Porto Bello, the situation and description thereof, 1601, 1245. The surprising thereof by Captain Parker, 1245 Porta la Spaniola, 1247 Port de la Heue, 1640 Po●t Savalet, 1640 Port-desire, 1193, 1194, 1232, 1391 Port-Royal, 1621., 1631, 163●. The French plantation removed from Saint Croix thither, 1626. Porto Sequero, 1438. Porto o● Plata, 1418. Port Fortune, 1635 Porto Real, 1418. Port Calua, 1224. Port Negro, 1873. Port Valparizo, 1393. Porto Docalno, 12●8. Port du Rossignoll, 1630. Port du Mouton, 1630. Port-Folly, 1873 Possession Bay, 1261 Possowne, a strange beast which reassumes her young ones into her belly at pleasure, 1772 Potos●i a mountain in Peru, the inhabitants thereof, rich mines, multitude of Spanish treasure, and Spaniards there, 1214, 1420, 1421, 1365 Potossi a place rich in Mines, yielding great store of treasure to the King of Spain, 1419 Powah an Indian Priest, 1868. The Powahs' invocation of the Devil, and offering sacrifices to him, ibid. powel's voyage from the Summer-Ilands to the Indies, 1804 Powder and shot, how abominable to some Savages, 1854. Straw-powder eaten by some Indians, and needy Spaniards, 1524 Powhatan River, 1689 Powhatan the Virginian Empero 〈…〉 his subtlety, flattery, practices, etc. 1721, 1722. He becomes subject to the English governor, 1841. His person, attendance, guard, treasure, wines, authority, laws, 1703, 1704. His policy and Coronation, 1778. His diverse treacherous practices against the English, 1711, 1722, 1724, 1725, 1756. His envy to the English plantation, 1750. His death, 1775 Pox how cured, 1308, 1310 Point of St Matthew 1606. Point of all the Devils, Point-Care, 1648. Point-Comfort, 1687 Poison on trees, 1525. Poison cured by a certain leaf, 1276. by a plant, 1310, 1311 Prayer made by Q. Elizabeth, after her delivery from the Spanish invasion, 1928 Pretious-stones variety and abundance, 1224, 1231 Priests and jesuits always chief actors in projecting and effecting treasons, 1894. Virginian Priests, 1358, 1701, 1274. their authority and manner of life, 1771 Precedent of Seville his cruelty to the English Captives, 1835 Priguica, a beast like a shag-haird dog, in face like a woman, the laziest of all beasts, 1303 Pringe his voyage set forth by the Merchants of Bristol to Uirginia 1654., & sequ. his discovery of Fox-Island, Whitson-Bay, and Mount Aldworth, 1654., 1655. his danger by Savages and safe return, 1656 Prodigies portending desolation of the ancient inhabitants of Peru, 1482 Prophecy amongst the Indians concerning the destruction of their country, 1482 Prosperity, the effects thereof, 1192 Providence of the English in New England, in hoarding up corn under ground, 1844 Provisions soundness or defect proveth the furtherance or overthrow of a voyage, 1396. the mischief of corrupt or scanty provisions, 1396, 1397 Pueblo de los Angelos, 1418 Puerto Vici●, 1400 Puerto Seguro, 1190 Puerto Santo, 1186 Puerto Vieio, 1446, 1481 Puma Island, the place where the Spaniards build their principal shipping in the Indies, 1400. near it is the River Lima, which is medicinable, ibid. The inhabitants gross Idolaters, worshipping Lions, Tigers, and other beasts, 1480 Punta de Olynda, 1238. Punta de laraya, 1242. Punta de Santa Elena, 1400. Punta de Augussa, ibid. Purging plants in the Bermudas, 1801. A purge for the Ague, 1311, 1379 Purification of Mary, a River so called in New-Spaine, 1556 Putapayma, an Island far up within the River of Orenoco, 1248 Q. QVebec straight, 1611. Along the coa 〈…〉 of Quebec are Diamonds in the Rocks of Slate, ibid. Quereiu●, a Bird of admirable beauty, and great esteem amongst the Indians, 1305, 1306 Querna Vaca, a town in the Marquesado of Hernan Cortes, thirteen leagues from Mexico, 1418 Quibiquesson, a famous River in Mawooshen, 1873 Quigaute a great Province, and a very plentiful Country, 1548 Quillacu, the most miserable of all Nations, neither having good land, nor Air, nor water, whence grows a Proverb applied to covetous Misers; He is a ve●y Quillacu, 1479 Quillacena, or Iron-nose Province, a vile brutish lousy people without Religion, eating any Carrion, 1479 Quintera Bay, a place of good anchoring, but an open Bay, 1394 Quipana, a town five days journey from Tulla, 1550 Quires Province, 1561 Quiriciguig, and Quirigma, certain Indians of Brasile so called, 1300 Quito the first City of the Kingdom of Peru, 1419, 1420, 1479 Quivira Province, the situation and description thereof, 1561 Quiyoughcohanocke, two Rivers so called; and how situate, 1692 Quizquiz Province, 1546 R. Reins very unwholesome, happening in the way betwixt the Canaries, and West-Indies, 1157. Continual reins at some times of the year upon the coast of Guiana, 1270. Country's where it never raineth, 1420. Prodigious reins of sand and ashes, 1476. Exceeding cold reins, 1554 A Rainbow appearing by Moonlight, and differing in colour from those of the Sun, 1949, 1951. The form of a Rainbow under a Cave, 1631 Ramassoc, a great River in Mawooshen, 1874 Rancheria, an excellent place for Pearle-fishing, 1146. It is assaulted and taken by the English, ibid. Rapahanna, a town in Virginia, 1687, 1688 Rapahanock River, 1694 Rashness in great erterprises greatly blamed, 1961 Ratliffe, alias Sicklemore, slain by Powhatan, 1732 Rats of twelve kinds, 1303. R●ts that sleep all day, and wake all night, 1316. Danger by Rats, and the preventing thereof in ships, 1391. Rat's innumerable in the Bermudas, 1796, 1797. A strange Rat-plague, 1727 Henry Ravens, his voyage from Bermuda to Virginia, 1742 Ravens in Bermudas, which seemed to portend a sequel of mortality. 1797 Raleighs, viz. Sir Walter Raleighs his acts and esteem at Orenoco, 1269. His furnishing Ships for the first Discovery of Virginia, 1645. For a second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth voyage, 1645, 1646. He is accused of breach of Articles, in the voyage to the Isles of Azores, he answereth for himself, 1958. His men left in Virginia, and what became of them, 1728 Recibo, a town in Port-Ricco, 1170 Red-Reed, a plant in the Bermudas causing a forcible vomit, and effectually purging the stomach, 1801 Registers observed by the Indians, and their manner of registering, 1870 Richard Duke of York, father to Plantagenet, his wilful casting away himself, 1962 Richard Sanders and his companions, their coming from the Bermudas to Ireland in a small boat without any instrument, in a direct line, 1803 Rind of a tree which is more strong than any spice, in Virginia, 1653 Rio del Oro River, the breadth and depth thereof, 1141 Rio de la Hacha, a place taken by the English, 1183. The riches and strength thereof, 1419 Rio grand, an American River, the situation, description, and commodities thereof, 1224, 1237, 1552 Rivers of gold, 1216. A River running underground, 1217. Names of Rivers in America, 1282, 1286. A medicinable River, 1400. Rivers that increase very much, and overflow the banks in dry weather, without the flowing of the Sea, 1553. River of Toads, 1223. 1240. River of Stones, 1223, 1238. River of Palms, 1505. River of Kine, 1562. River of Saint Crosses, 1562. River Saint Margaret in Canada, 1617. River Canada, 1631. River de Carinas, from the end of which if there were a channel made of four leagues in length, there would be a passage to the South Sea through it, without passing the perilous straits of Magellane, 1433 Lord of Robewall Lieutenant to the French King, in the Countries of Canada, Saguenay, and Hochelaga, 1605 Rock of Crystal, which if a man look on in a Sunshine day, will dazzle his eyes, 1285 Roecrafts' Voyage to the newfoundland, his surprising of a French-Barke, the conspiracy of his own Mariners against him. the discovery of the conspiracy, etc. 1829. his voyage to Virginia, kind usage by Sir Samuel argol, the distress he suffered in a tempest, his death in a private quarrel, 1830 Romans custom in managing of Martial affairs, 1942 Rome, a City of murderers and haters of Kings, 1894. New Rome much more drunken with the blood of Christians, then heathenish Rome with the blood of Ethnics, 1894. Roman policy, 1669 Rosier, his relation of a voyage to Virginia, 1651, & seq. Ruminnavi, an Indian Captain, his cruel tyranny in Peru, 1486 russel's Isles in Virginia, 1712 Russia, a little village in the River Marwin, 1283 S. SAbbath, 1163, 1657 Sabuco, a River and Town in Port-Ricco, 1170 Sacatekas, the richest mines in the Indies, 1177 Sachim of Mattachuest acknowledgeth the power of the English God, 1866 Sacrifices, and Sacrificers, 1472, 1531, 1557 Sacrifices to the Devil, 1531, 1868 Sacrifices to the water, 1702 Sacrilege punished, 1163 Sagenay-river, and the adjoining Countries described, 1606, 1610 Sails of cotton cloth, 1394 Sagadohoc, a river in Mawooshen, 1874 Sagamos, the name of a Captain among the Northern Americans, 1633 Saint Lucia, one of the Ant-Iles in the latitude of 14 degrees, and 20 minutes, 1833 Salma river, 1248 Salomon's Lands, their situation, discovery, and loss, 1399 Salt how made and purified by the Indians, 1550 Saltcountrie, 1365. Salt made in Newfound Land, 1889 Salt-water dangerous to drink, 1143 Salt-water made drinkeable, 1378 Samuel Champlain a Frenchman, his taking upon him the plantation of Kebec in New France, 1642. a conspiracy against him, ibid. his advice for a further discovery, 1642, 1643. his fight with the Savages, and return for France, 1643. another voyage, ibid. & 1644 Samia-plains, near the river Orenoque, 1248. Indians inhabiting those Plains, 1248 Samambaia, a Tree in America, 1213 Sambo Bay, 1245 Sanctifying meat used by the Portugeses in the Indies, 1522 Sands reigned down in Peru, 1476, Sands dangerous for navigation in Brasil, called by the Portugeses Bayhas de Saint Antonio, 1238 Sandy places traveled by Compass, 1242 Sandy Cape, 1620 Santa Port, 1399 Santa Maria, one of the Azores Lands, 1834 Santa Cruse, a Carrack surprised by Captain Norton and St. john Burroughs, 1144, 1145. is burn by the Portugeses, ibid. Santa Fe del Nuevo regno di Granada, the chief City in new Granada, 1419 Santas, a town, 1438 Sapparow, the high country of Guiana, 1280 Saquarema, a navigable river in Brasile, its description and commodities, 1240 Sassafrage, 1649. its medicinable virtue, 1655 Sasquesahunock, certain Indian Giants, their description, 1693 Sausages made of the heart and guts of Cod and Lord spiced, 1628. Savage-rocke, 1647 Savage and his crew plotted the death of Q. Elizabeth, 1893 Savages have their goods interred with them, and why, 1605 Savages fight with the English, 1187. Savages of Tuppan Bass 1188. Savage town described, ibid. their manners, wars, and usage of their captives, 1188, 1218. drunkenness, 1189. their religion, commodities, they esteem not gold, ibid. their hospital fidelity to Anthony Knivet Englishman, 1209. their infidelity, 1211. their ambition, 1212. Savages called Carijos, and their battles, 1218. Savages called Petivares, 1225. Mariquites, 1226. Topinambazes, 1227. Tomominos, Waytaquazes, ibid. Waymores, ibid. Abasanguaretam, 1228. Wayanasses, ibid. Topinaques, ibid. called Pories, Molopaques, Motayas, 1229 Lopos, Wayanawazons, 1230. Savages their religious desires, 1251. Savages that make flat their children's faces, that live in hollow trees, quartering their faces into four colours yellow, azure, particoloured, and black, 1481. Savages very courteous, and weeping at the distress of Christians, 1507. Savages that kill their children left they should marry with their adversaries, that eat any kind of Serpents, that are great thieves, liars, & drunkards, their tormenting Flies, 1512, 1513. their drinking only rainwater, 1514. Other Savages strange customs, fights, fear of horses, quicke-sensed, 1518, 1519 Savage strange fashions in Florida, 1520, 1521. Forty English slain by the Savages of St. Lucia, Anno 1605. 1833 Saugaleon Cape, 1398 Savalet a Frenchman, making two and forty voyages to newfoundland, 1605 Savona Island, 1141 Sausa, a Province in the Indies, whose inhabitants worship the picture of Dog, 1471 Scorpions not deadly, 1304 Scourge of Malice, a fortunate ship, 1148 Schnirdels travels to Peru, and accidents there, 1347, & 1362 Schenetveba, a large town in the Indies, 1364 Scouring or flux, how it may be provoked or stayed, 1265 Scooadodepon, a town of the Caribes in the Indies, 1286 Scriveners voyage to Werawocamoco, 1719. his death by drowning in the passage from james Town in Virginia, to the I'll of Hogs, 1724 Scurvy, reigning in New France, 1642. and under the Equinoctial, 1202. its cause, effects, signs, and remedy, 1373, 1374. great reigning of it among Mariners, 1374. the things that are discommodious or beneficial to the patient, 1623., 1763 Scurvygrass, 1191. its medicinable operations, 1624. Sea black in colour beyond the line, 1157. a Sea-monster like a man, of complexion like a tawny Indian, 1187. another strange Sea-monster, 1207 Sea-water warm, the air being cold, 1627. Sea made fresh by a violent intermixture of rivers in Florida, 1555. Sea-scum like pitch, and used like pitch, called Coper in Florida, 1556. Sea discommodious for meats in sickness, 1624. Sea danger, 1223 Sea-fire, a meteor seen commonly in temposts, the diverse opinions and names thereof, 1737 The Sea worshipped by some Indians, 1471 Seafaring men's errors, 1368 Sea-fights, 1183, 1186, 1402, & seq. the requisiteness of armour in Sea-fights, 1408. a Sea-fight between the Spanish and English, at unequal hand, the success largely related, 1780, 1781, 1784 Sea-hawking, 1376 Sea-voyages require a Prince's purse, 1942 Sea-stratagem of the English, having good effect, 1908 Sea-snakes, 1315 Seale-land, 1440 Seals great store, 1187. their nature and description, 1386 Seasons falling unequally under the same parallel, 1637 Seamen, their several offices, 1403 Seminaries erected at Rome and Rheims, 1893 Security is dangerous, 1635 St. Sebastian Island, 1200 Seedtime in New England, 1866 Segouni, abeast in Brasile, 1243 Selinama river, 1284. directions to travel there, 1286 Seralta, an ancient Commander in Port R●cco, 1166 Serpents called jebua, 1226. a serpent called Cobrus in Brasile, as big as a man, twenty foot long, his strange feeding, rotting, and reviving, 1243. A Serpent called Cururijuba, thirty foot long, its description, 1317, 1318. Serpents that are armed with plates not pierceable by an arrow, ibid. Serpents called Guararici, which being heard sing by the indian's, causeth them to dye, so strong is their imagination, 1318. a huge Serpent, 1350. two great Serpents, 1603 Shadden a town of the Arwaccas in the West Indies, 1285 Shambles of man's flesh among the Spaniards in the Indies, 1280 Shark, a fish so called, described, 1376 Sheathing of Ships requisite, 1387 Shawakotoc a river in Mawooshen, 1875 Sheep why s 〈…〉 in Port-Ricco, 1172. Sheep used for carriages as horses, in the Indies, called Amidas, 1362. Sheep as big as horses, with huge horns, and small tails, near Mexico, 1560, one horn weigheth 50 pound, 1561 Shells of Pearl curiously wrought by nature, 1381 Sherleys voyage, 1168 Showers of gold, 1395 Shooting at Sea how advisedly to be undertaken, 1369 Sickness, its cause and remedy, 1251. Sicknesses unknown in New France, 1623., Sickness in Guiana 1261. Sickness prevented by good diet, 1624. sickness destroying the whole Country in Patax●t in New England, 1849 Sickene Mountain, 1286 Sierra Leona, a country so called, 1141 Shipwrecks, 1355, 1356, 1440, 1560, 1673, 1674, 1676, 1677 Ships, how most conveniently built for wars or Merchandise, 1405 1406. ships unprofitably built of Cedar in the Bermudas, 1747. ships taken by Sr. Francis Drake at the Cascois in the Portugal voyage, 1923. ships of great worth taken by the English at the fight before Cadiz, 1930. in ships whether race-building be commodious for men of war, 1409 Silk-wormes in Florida, 1603. in the Bermudas, 1739 Silk-grasse in Virginia, 1758 Silley, an I'll on the west of England 1247 Silver in Florida presented to the French by the Inhabitants, 1603 Smiarra, a town near the Fort of Marwin, inhabited by the Arwacca Savages, 1283 Sir Samuel Argal by virtue of commission with much valour and discretion dispossessed the French of their usurped possession in the New found Land, 1828. his departure from the coasts of Virginia, 1830. His invention of trade with the Uirginia Savages, 1763 Skin as ruff as Buff, on men, 1280 Skulls of dead men laid in the windows of houses among some Indians perchance to put them in mind of mortality, 1560 Slate good store in Canada, affording Diamonds, 1610, 1611 Sleeping-hearbe, 1312 Smiths Isles before Uirginia, 1691 Capt. Smith of Plymouth his disastrous voyage, with sudden return by the unmercifulness of a raging tempest, his second adventures to the Western Lands, he is chased by the French Pirates, is taken prisoner, and the voyage overthrown, 1829. Captain Smith's suspicion by the Council of Virginia, his behaviour and clearing there from, 1706. his care for the Plantation and furtherance thereof, his discovery of the river, 1707. he fights and kills savages, is taken by them, brought to the Emperor, threatened death, and saved by the King's daughter, returneth to the Plantation, 1708, 1709. his second arrival at Powhatans' court, 1710. his better desire than power, to benefit the plantation, 1711. his striking terror in the Savages, ibid. his departure for a discovery, 1712 john Smith his voyage to New-England finished in the space of 6 months, with gain of fifteen hundred pounds, 1838 Snakes-hearb excellent good against the poison of Snakes, 1311 Snakes eaten, 1210. snakes very venomous, 1212. A dangerous snake killed, 1215. its quality. ib. name Sorocueu, 1230, its description, 1231. Snakes without poison, 1303. their plenty and diversity in Brasile, 1303, 1304. with their names, ibid. & 1317, 1318 Snakes of thirty foot long called Amara, worshipped 1457, 1478. Snakes worshipped in Topira, 1560. Snakes worn about the necks of the Virginians, 1698 Snows exceeding great in Florida 1551. Snowes made use of in stead of drink, 1561. Snows as good as a furred-gown for fruits, 1636 Soacatino, a town in Florida, very poor and destitute of provision, 1554 Sock river, 11●6 Sodomites burnt by the Indians, 1558 Somme-river in Florida discovered by the French, 1603 Sommerset-Iland in the Bermudas, 1796 Sir George Summer arrival at the Bermudas, and death, 1733. his care for the survey of those Lands, 1738. his departure from Uirginia to the Bermudas, 1754 Summer Lands commodities at large, 1794, 1795. Vide Bermudas. Somma, a place in America, 1222 Soto a Spaniard, his parentage time of his flourishing, nature, and dignity, 1528, 1529. his voyage to Florida at large related, and discovery, 1530 the company of his ships, and number of his S 〈…〉 iers, his arrival at Florida and at the town V●●● and meeting with Indianized Christians there, 1530, 1531. his coming to Paracossi, Acela, Tocaste, Cale, towns in Florida, his news of Gold, and Maiz, 1532. his approach at other several towns in America-Florida, and severity to the Indians, 1533, 1534. his many bicker with the Indians, his resolution for the Province of Ochus, 1535. he pretends himself to be the son of the Sun, 1536. his ingratitude to an Indian Princess that had used him & his company kindly, 1538, 1539. burieth a letter near a Pinetree, to give direction to his lost followers, 1537. carrieth the Caciques with them, till he was out of their countries, 1541. the course of his travels, 1542. his skirmish and loss by the Indians, 1543. his other Indian occurrents, 1546, 1547, 1548, 1549, et seq. his arrival at several Floridan towns, or cottages, his weakness and loss of his company. 1550. his hindrance by the loss of john O●tiz, his dangerous passages over rivers and snows, his courteous entertainment by the Inhabitants of Nilco, 1551. his distress, grief, sickness, death, praise, titles, and substituting Luis de Moscoso in his room, 1552 Soory-soory, a town inhabited by Savages near Marwin in America, 1283 Soul, the Brasilians opinion thereof, 1290. the opinion of the Indians of Canada, 1610 South-sea passage hoped through Uirginia, 1822 South Sea discovered more largely than heretofore, 1566 Souricova, a river in Canada passable with Canoas', 1616, 1617. Soynoone, a town of the Indians near Marwin river, 1285 Spain is said to yield the King (the King himself, Duke's Marquises, and F 〈…〉 rle with their retinue excepted, 〈◊〉 from 18 〈…〉 re old to 50, but 1125390 men, pag 1817 Spaniards how esteemed of by the Floridans, 1524 Spanish pretended cures of the sick in the Indies, 1515. Spanish possession of Peru, and its wealth, 1495, 1496. they eat one another, 1512. Spaniards unspeakable treasure in Peru, 1487 Spaniards preaching to the Indians, 1485. Spaniards Ecclesiastical revenues in the Indies, want of Bishops, holding Counsels, the King's revenues yearly out of the Indies. twelve, Millions and whence it issueth, 1422. Spanish destruction of some Indians from off their country altogether, 1415 Spanish Fleet for the Indies, and shipwreck, 1440. Spaniard's treacherously circumvent the inhabitants and King of Peru, 1445. Spanish cruelty to their prostrate slaves, 1448. Spaniard's came to the Indies for converting, but not of Indians, but gold to their own uses, 1449. Spanish civil disagreements in Peru, 1453. usage of the inhabitants, 1453, 1454. Spaniard's called by the Indians Vitacochie, that is Sea-froth, supposing such could not be borne of a woman, 1454. Spaniard's loss of four ships, 1142. Spanish Galleons taken, 1144. Spaniard's assault and repulse. 1149. Spaniards yeela to the English, 1164. their envy or desperateness, 1166 Spaniards best ruled with severity, 1168, their ungrateful treachery, 1177. their perfidious insulting cruelty, 1178, and abuse of the English in Mexico, ibid. et 1179. Spanish distress in Chili, 1476, 1477. Spaniards very rich in the Indies, 1242. Spanish attempts defeated 1475. they are called in Triaidada, Conquerabians, 1247. Spaniards dare not but by stealth traffic with the English; the best things for traffic with them, 1266. they are molested by the Caribes, 1281. their taking Lampere, an Indian fortified town, 1352. Spaniards like to be devoured by the Indians, 1354. their fight and overcoming them, 1355, 1356. they strive to discover the Amazons, 1359. Spanish cruelty and treachery towards the harmless Indians 1354, 1360, 1361. they destroy the Indians called Mapais, 1362, 1363. Spoils of Spaniards in Peru, 1478. Spanish civil disagreements in the Indies, 1364. Spanish perjury, 1378. a treacherous and ungrateful Spaniard issue, 1394. Spanish light with the English unequally, 1404 Spanish discipline in fights by sea, their several offices and authority, their prying and imitating English orders, 1404. their carefulness in being armed, 1408. wherein they only overcome the English, ibid. a noble Spaniard, 1410. Spaniard's carelessness for good Surgeons in fights, 1412. Spanish intelligence by treacherous Englishmen, 1415. Spanish forces how strong or weak in several places of Peru and thereabout, their treasure, when, where, and whence conveyed into Spain, 1419, 1420. the Spaniards lives and government in the Indies, 1421. their courtesy, and conversion of them as they call it, 1448. their hatred of gold, 1449, 1454. Spaniards why called Viracoche 1458. Spaniard's ransacking of our English ships, putting the men to most cruel bondage, 1834. the Spaniards cruelty to the dead carcase of an Englishman, holding him to he a Lutheran, 1835. They deny to do justice, are very willing the English should serve their state, ibid. They betray and take prisoner the men of Captain Legat, 1836. Spanish pride and its issue in an Indian Governor, 1677. Spanish ships of great worth sunk near Tercera, coming from the Indies, 1673. another ship of good strength sunk by an Englishman of a great deal smaller force, ibid. Spanish ships taken by the English, ibid. Spanish ships, riches, and shipwreck of some, 1673. Spanish Fleet cast away, great and rich, 1674. Others taken, ibid. Spanish cowardice, and insulting cruelty, 1675. Spaniard's smart for the cruelty and dissension with the English, 1676. Spaniard's quelled by the English, 1677. Spanish shipwreck a just plague upon them, 1679, 1680. Spanish infidelity worse than Pagan, 1527. Spanish manner of preaching to the Indians with the issue thereof, 1528. Spaniards eat dogs in Florida, and there dye like dogs for want of victuals, 1536. Spaniards think it a work meritorious to convert the Indians, that is, with the sword, 1558. Spaniard's contest each with other for superiority in discovering foreign Countries, 1560. Spaniard's first discovery of the Indies and possession thereof, their cruelty and covetousness related by a Friar, the Millions of Indians slain by them, for their gold, 1569, 1570. Spanish cowardice and cruelty in broiling, burning, drowning, and twenty ways else murdering them of Hispaniola, 1570. & seq. Spanish torturing undeserved by the harmless Indians, having not committed any thing against them punishable by the law of man, 1572. Spanish slaughter of a million in St. John and jamaica, 1573. Spanish invention to dispeople those Nations, ibid. The Spaniards god, 1574 Spaniards kill many in Cuba, men, women, and children, 1573, 1574. Spaniards dispeopling Terra Firma, 1576. They murder in the Province of Nicaragua 500000 men, 1576, 1577. Spaniards kill two or three millions in Nova Hispanis, and its several Provinces, 1577, 1578. an infinite number in Guatimula, 1576. Spanish Anthropophagis, 1580. Spanish torturing and destroying the Indians in Panucha, Machuachan, and Xalisco, 1580 1581., of Yucatan, 1581., 1582, 1583. Spaniards sell the Indians Idols, 1583. devour the Indians of S. Martha, ibid. & 1584. as also of Cartagena, 1584. of the Coast of Pearls, the Coast of Paria, and the I'll of Trinity, 1585., 1586, 1587. Indians how used at Sea by Spaniards, and at landing, 1586. at the fishing for Pearls, 1587., Spanish gluttony, 1588. Cruelty in Yuiapari and Venesula, to the ruin of four or five millions of Indians, 1587., 1588. in Florida, River de la Plata, and the kingdoms of Peru, 1589, 1590., 1591. Spanish conversion of the Indians how weakly followed, 1594. their diverse feats of cruelty and inhumanity to the poor Christians of New Granado, and the several provinces thereof, 1591., 1592., 1593., 1594, 1595. Spanish gold thirstiness, and thence issuing bloodthirstiness of the Indians, 1596, 1597. Spanish reformation of cruelties and wrongs in the Indies ought to be performed, and upon what reasons, 1598., 1599, 1600, 1601, 1692. a repetition of sundry butcheries, ibid. Spanish reasons moving them to a possession of the Indies, 1603. Spanish cruelty hath killed and destroyed in all the Indies 20 millions, ibid. Spaniards massacre the French in Florida, and plant themselves, 1604. are massacred again by the French is they deserved, 1605 Spanish irregularity in the Indies derided by a French Catholic, 1621. Spaniards arrest English Ships, 1893. Spanish preparation against England, Anno 1588. p. 1895. Spanish policy, 1897. The Spanish A 〈…〉 ada setteth fail, is discomfited by a tempest; is at last descried by an English Pirate. 1903 Spaniards vain opinion concerning the English Fleet, 1907 Spaniards fire their own ships, 1931. Span: Armadas cut their Cables, 1908. They fly for to save their lives, 1910. They suffer miserable shipwreck on the Irish Sea. They seize on some Scottish Fisher-boats, ib. Spanish plagues and miseries by the English, 1680 There flight for fear of the English, 1932. Spanish Fly-boats molest the English, about the coasts of Cornwall, 1698. Spanish Carvels dispersed, 1698. Spanish ships at Sea, for the discovery of the state of Virginia's Colony, 1773. Spaniard's hated by the Portugeses, 1952. Spaniard's variety of dispositions in various fortunes. 1954. Their nature in general. ibid. Sparries' relations of the I'll of Trinidad, Guiana, and the River Orenoco, 1247, 1248, & seq. Spices excellent good, hot, and comfortable in the Magellane straits, 1390 Spiders with silken webs, and little eggs like Quicksilver in the Bermudas, 1899. Not found to be venomous, ibid. Spignard whereof is a precious ointment made, 1264 Spilpergen a famous Navigator among the Dutck, 1191 Spirito Santo a Port in the West-Indies neerè the Live, 1190, 1196. It's description, and fortification, 1197 Spleen, how cased, 1315 Squanto a Savage of the company of the Massasoyts, very helpful and commodious to the English, 1851 Squasachin wife to the great governor of the Savages, 1861 Squirrels flying in Virginia, 1695 Capt. Standish his training up his men in New-England to military affairs, 1854. His journey to the Masachevasets, 1863. He encountreth with a Savage, and putteth him to flight. 1865 teth him to flight, 1865 Stars observed by the Indians, 1870 Stately Statues in the Indies, 1463 Steering a ship requireth exquisite care. 1378, 1379 Stills set on work for want of water 1967 Stingeray Ile so named of a stinging Ray, 1714 Stomaccace a strange disease, its cause, and cure by scurvie-grasse, 1624. The Stone how and with what cured 1310. An approved medicine for it. 1312 Stones like Crystal, 1216 Rich Stones, 1276 Stones transparent, 1284 No Stones in some part of Florida, 1504 Stones medicinable, 1509 Stones how necessary in new France 1624. The benefit of them in general, ibid. Straits of Magellane, how dangerous a passage 1439 Strawberries of rare bigness in Virginia, 1686 A Stratagem of the Indians. 1442 1443, Peter Strosse in his desperate bravery taken by the Spaniards, to the loss of his navy. 1962 Tho. Stuk●ley, an English fugitine his fair promise to the Pope's bastard, 1893 Stuesia an Indian river, 1362 Sturgeon store in Virginia, 1758 Suboris certain Indians so called, 1364 Earl of Suffolk's setting forth a Fleet, 1186 Sugarcanes, 1171 Sulphry smells issuing from rain, 1157 Cap. Summer's voyage, 1186 Sun and Moon worshipped, 1233, 1464. 1465. Suppayas' certain Indians inhabiting Wiapoco river, their description, 1263. Their nakedness, painting, childbirth, Funerals, etc. ibid. Supply to the Plantation in Virginia by the English 1841. Supply to the plantation of New-England 1867 Superstition among Savages, 1226 Surarer a town of Savages called Araccaws in America, 1283 Sarcucuses a Savage nation their commodities 1356 Susolas-Indians, 1516 Swearing forbidden amongst the Inhabitants of Peru, 1451 Swearers punished in the King of Spain's Armada, 1902 Swearing and blaspheming, its ill event, 1805 Sweeting used by the Indians, to expel diseases, 1624. Swine with holes in their backs. 1326 Swordfish, 1266 Symamios, Savages in the West-Indies so called, 1364 Symarons fugitive Negroes in the West-Indies, 1414. Their habitation called St. jago de los Negro, ibid. T. TAbaga Island, 1415 Tac●ia Savages, 1299 Tagrona one of the richest valleys in the Indies, 1434 Tali a Floridan Town, 1540 Tamgara a dancing bird, troubled with some disease like the falling sickness, 1305 Tamos a populous Province, 1562 Tamkings a piece of wood of great moment for shooting in pieces of Ordnance, 1413 Taminna a mountain in America, signifying the mountain of gold, 1217 Tapatu a Floridan river, 1552 Tapecuia Savages, 1299 Tapetijwason, a strange beast in in Port-famine in the straits of Magellane, 1233. Portugals call them Gombe, 1233 Tapati, a Brasilian beast that barketh like a dog, 1393 Tapia taken by Sir Francis Drake, 1183 Tapuyas certain Savages so called 1213. Many Nations under that name, 1298 & seq. Their speech cannot be understood, 1299. The several nations, ibid. Tapyrousoa, au Indian beast whose skin makes Targets, 1325 Taragavig Brasilians that fight with envenomed arrows, 1299 Tar or Taroo a place near Orenoco 1249 Targets of Cow hides 1560 Targets made of Buff-skins eaten, 1214. Targets beneficial against Savage arrows, 1716 Tarcaluca-province, 1541 Taru a beast of Brasil that hath scales like plates on her back which no arrow may enter, 1302 Tatalacoya a town of the Indians, in Florida surprised by Spaniards, 1549 Tatarcax a rich King in America, 1561 Tauparamunni a town inhabited by Caribes in the river Marwin, 1283 Taymayas the name of some Indian Savages, 1211, 1213. Tamoyes description, their infinite store of gold and precius stones, their nature and civility, 1231 Tecoantepeck the first Town in New Spain, 1177 Teeth shedding by drinking a kind of water near the River Rhine, 1622 Teixo a wood as hard as stone, 1670 Temples covered with straw in Topira, 1560. Temples to the Sun, Moon and Stars, richly adorned in the ancient City Cozco of Peru, which women might not enter, 1465 A horrible Tempest, 1175. Extreme Tempests, 1193, 1194, 1223, 1500. Frequent Tempests, 1502, A dreadful Tempest near Tercera, throwing fishes on the ground, over exceeding high cliffs, its pitiful effects, 1679, 1680. An extreme Tempest bravely related, 1735, 1736, 1737 Tenaserea a Mountatine in the East-Indies, where Diamonds are found, 1271 Teneriffa an Island in the Canaries, it's exceeding high mountains, great riches, store of Sack, 1156 1369, 1370 Tepique a Province near New-Spaine, taken possession of by Spaniards, 1559 Tercera one of the Azores Lands, 1143. The description thereof, its forts & fortification, mountain and sudden discovery of ships, its chief Town, wines; provision, fruits, 1668. The chief traffic, woad, 1669. Its birds seasons, Stones, ibid. Corn, Uines, Oxen called by names like men, ibid. Subject to earthquakes, strange fountain and wood, Inhabitants are all Portingalls or Spaniards, 1670, its strange diseases, strong winds, and other villages, 1671. Whence so called, and the store of Oade growing there, 1938 Terra-Australis incognita, its description at large, 1423, & seq. its bigness, situation, diversity of inhabitants their manner and disposition described, 1423. its commodities of fruits, beasts, fishes, silver, pearl, probability of gold, spices, etc. 1424 Rivers, and other commodity, at large, its possession for the King of Spain, 1425 1426 Terra Firma, 1146. it hath on the coast 70 Lands, 1434 the publication of God there after the Spaniards manner, eight hundred thousand inhabitants made away by Spanish cruelty, the women there were murdered, which the Indians thought great cowardice, 1575., 1576 Tetitlan, a Province in New Spain, 1559 Teulnicham-province, 1559 Tharletons' perfidy, 1382, 1383 Testogos, a place so called, 1242 Tetattecoumoynetto, a town of the Charibes, near the river Marwin in America, 1285 Thefts baseness, 1153 Theft severely punished by the Indians, 1870 Theft punished in the English army, 1921 Thimogoa, Inhahitants of Florida, 1604 Thirst in great extremity, 1505. Thirst breeding faintness and death, 1686 Thirty sail of Ships sent to fit there the plantation in New England, 1832 Thought slayeth a man, 1878 St Thomas fabled by the Indians to preach to their ancestors, his Chapel, and miracle, 1219 Three Spanish ships taken by the English Admiral, 1960 Three Armadaes of the King of Spain cast away on the should called Osca copos, or Catch-chops 1836 Three Spanish ships surprised by the English, 1908 Thunders strange effects, 1405 Thunders horrid and predigious in the Bermudas, 1738 Thunderbolts frequent in the Indies, they often clean great trees, 150● Tiembos, fierce and populous Indians near the river of Plate, their nature, fashion, description, 1349 Tiguez, a Province in America, 1561 Tillage, more necessary than mines for a new Plantation, 1631 Timimino, Indians consumed by the Portugeses in Brasile, 1298 Tipi, Indians in Brasile, that fight with venomed arrows, 1299 Titicaca, an Island in Peru, of infinite riches, their precious Temple, worship, and conceit of the Sun, 1465 Tivitinas, Inhabitants near Orenoco, two sorts of them, 1247 1285 Toads and Frogs eaten, 1214, 1229 1230, 1327 The Toad fish, 1315 Toalli, a Floridan town, and its description, its inhabitants and their disposition, 1536 Tobaccoes first bringers in use, 1182. Tobacco, 1228, 1230, 1264, 1271. Tobacco save men's lives 1258. Tobacco store. 1276 1277. its effects in Physic, and abuse, its name of the Holy herb, and the manner how the Indians drink it, 1311. how they blow it in canes one on another, to increase valour, 1238. a strange kind of tobacco, 1392. Tobacco not profitable in New England, the cause why 1871. Tobacco pipe of a Lobsters claw, 1662. Tobacco of Virginia how disparaged by Tobaccomongers. 1775, Tobacco worth to Spain 100000 pound yearly, 1821 Tobosoes Indians, 1561 Tobyas Bay in the Straits of Magellane, 1205, 1388 Tockwhogh river in Virginia, 1694 Tocaste town in America, 1531 Tocoman, a place in the Indies inhabited by Pigmies, 1231. 'tis esteemed to be the uttermost part of Brasile where it joins to Peru, ibid. & 1242 Tocoya, a town in the Indies, 1258 Tocu●, a place of America, fertile with gold, 1419 Tolisbay straits, 1233 Tohanna, Indians so called, 1363 Tonola, a province in New Spain, 1558 Tomomimos, Savages so called, 1217. they live at Moregoge, their towns, and wars with the Portugeses, 1227 Tooth ache cured, 1308 To●ira, an Indian province abounding with gold and emeralds, armour made of silver, the inhabitants worship birds and herbs, they sacrifice to a serpent, 1560 Tortoise, its description in Bermudas, it lives 24 hours after its head is off, 1800, a Tortoise with 700 eggs in his belly, taken and eaten, 1255. they lay two or three hundred eggs at once, 1314 Tortoise nor fish nor flesh, 1741 Topinan bases, Savages like the Petivares, their carving, hair, singing, 1227. Vide Petivares. Toupin Indians near the river jenero, 1347 Travelling very easy and strange for a small value in the Indies, 1242. Travell-direction in the Indies, 1285. more directions for travel, 1286. Travelling in hot water, 1359 A Tree that yieldeth the inhabitants most of the water they have, 1370 Trees, their nature and abundance in Dominica, 1158. T 〈…〉 es strange and unknown in Port-Ricco, 1165. Trees that bear buds, green fruit, and ripe fruit, with seeds all together, 1173. Trees having the sense of feeling, 1280. Trees good against bruise●, and distilling Balsam, 1239 trees of exceeding hard wood, exceeding great, 1256. Trees that have always green leaves, that bear fruit twice in a year called Mangaba trees, flowing with milk that might serve for hara Wax, called Marve●ge. Trees that cause (th●ir fruit being eaten) teeth to fall, Trees whose fruit makes hair fall, their strange nature and several names in Brasile, 1307, 1308, 1309. Trees that serve to cure green wounds, having good Balm, 1308. For the Colic, for the bloody Flux, for cold diseases, for the Pox, for the Toothache, ibid. Trees fruit that killeth any fish in the water, that change leaves every month, that make Ink, that hath in it a river of water, such strangeness of trees, se● 1309. and their names ibid. Trees in Salt-water, 1316. vide Plant. ●ase Treachery in an Irishman, 1200. man Englishman, 1●20. Whose miserable end, 1221. In a Savage, 1251. In the Indians, 1256, 1258. To themselves, 1361. Treach●r●e the loss of a voyage, 1●83. Treachery in the Indians, 1392. vide P 〈…〉 fidie, Triana, a town taken and fired by Capt. Parker, 1244 Trinity I'll pestered with Spanish cruelty, and robbea of inhabitants, 1584., 1585. Trinity harbour Ahanan in the Newfound Land, 1882 Tripassey, a harbour commodious and temperate in the latitude of 46 degrees, 1885 Trinidada, 1186. the Indians there have 4 names, their commanders now called Captains, inhabited by the Spaniards, 1247 Trinity, a haven in Cuba, 1500 Trugillo, the utmost town of the Province Valenzuola in America, 1419 Truxillo, a place in America, 1399 Triumphal Verses of the English delivery in 88, 1912 Cap: Tuberone, 11●6 Tuberones, the name of Dogfish by the Portugeses, 1209 Tucana, a bird like a Pie, with a bill a span long, very big, 1306 Tucanucu Savage Brasilians, 1299 Tuccaman, a town in the river of Plate, 230 miles from the entrance, its fruitfulness, its want of gold, 1141 Tuckers-terror, a shoal on the coast of Uirginia, 1648 Capt. Tucker, governor of the plantation in the Bermudas, his acts there, 1803 Tulahe, a fruitful country near Guiana, 1248 Tulla, a place in Florida, 1550 Tullumuchase, a great Town in Florida, 1541 Tu'u, a place inhabited by the Spaniards near Cartagena, its force, 1419 Tumbez, a plain country in Peru, 1444. its inhabitants are vicious and luxurious, people that idolise Tigers and Lions, 1480 Tune, a fruit in Florida, on which only the inhabitants live three months in a year, 1511 Tunsteroito, a town of Savages in the West Indies, 1285 Tunza, a place in America, 1419 Tupiguae, Brasilians devoured by the slavery of the Portugeses, 1298 Tupinaba, Indians so called, 1298 Tupinaquin, Indians inhabiting Brasile, 1298 Tuppac Inca Yupanqui, Emperor sometime of Peru, his valiant acts and attempts, conquests and enlarging his Empire, civilising many savage nations, his progeny, death, and successor, 1478, 1479 Tuppan Bass, Savages so called near Brasile, 1188. their mirth, habit, life, and lodging, ibid. Tupac Amaru, heir to the Empire of Peru falsely accused, and cruelly executed by the Spanish Uiceroy, 1488. his well deserved issue, ibid. Tupan-boyera, a place inhabited by Cannibals in Brasile, 1227. the Portugeses call it Organs, ibid. Tupijo, Brasilian Sa●ages, 1299 Tuquema, a Province subject to Peru, its several towns of government, 1419 Turks taken by the Spaniards, and made Galleyslaves, rescued by the English, and set at liberty, 1933 Turky-stenes in New France, 1621. 1622 Turnips a remedy against the scur●ie, 1880 Master Turner's relation of Brasile, &c, 1243 Turner's relation, voyage, success, at large, 1265, 1266 Turtles innumerable, 1306 Tutelpinco, a forsaken town in Florida, left by the inhabitants, and destitute of provision, 1551 Tigers worshipped, 1457 V. VAcupa, a Province in America, 1560 Vahuar huacac, an Emperor in Peru, his acts and conquest, he wept blood at his nativity, 1457 1458 Valenzuola, a golden place in America, 1419 Valpariso, a pla●e in the south Sea, 1416 Valuation of the voyages of fishing Boats, to the coast of New found Land, 1886 Varava, a fish in Brasile as big as an Ox, 1239 Vaytacasses, a kind of Savages, 1219 Vbra River, 1248 Vcita, a town in Florida, its description, and commodities, 1530 Vela Pampilona, an American place, 1419 A Venetian ship taken by the English, 1906 Venter-haven, a place in the west parts of Ireland, 1144 Veragua, a town in the West Indies plenteous of gold, 1419. it never raines there, an unhealthy country 1433 V●●u Cruz, a new town, 1418 Virginia, its hopeful commodities, the inhabitants idolatry and worship of the Sun, their oaths and fidelity thereupon, 1690. 〈…〉 their customs, 1690. plantation there, and mortality, accompanied with famine, 1689. 1690. Virginia's bounds, temperature, winds, entrance, mountains, soil, 1691. valleys, and 5 fair delicate navigable Rivers near the English Plantation, 1692. its several and different languages thereabout, 1694. Vide Virginia. Via tuna, Indians in Brasile de●●●red by the Portugeses, 1298 Victuals very scarce in Plymouth in New England, 1856. Victuals of the Spanish Fleet sent for England, Anno 1588. 1901 Vigo, a town taken by the English in the Portugal voyage, 1926 Villa de Praya, a town in Tercera, one of the Lands of Azores, 1668 Villa Franca, a town of St Michel's one of the Azores Isles, 1963. the situation, fertility of the soil, and fruits of the Land, 1964 Vines store in Canada Lands, 1612 vines naturally growing in New England, 1844 St Vincent a port in the West Indies, 1190. called by the Indian's Warapuimama, its description, 1242, 1438 Virachocha, an Emperor of Peru, his first conquest, 1458, his several acts, and death, with his successor, 1459 The V 〈…〉 'gins Land's not inhabited, and description, 1159 Virginia Companies adventures in fi●●ing ships, one of them being taken by the Turks, 1836. V●rginia despised of the very abjects, 1841. fruitfulness of the Land, store of fish and Fowl, ibid. Virginia why so called, the praise thereof, the first voyages and discoveries there, with their colonies, 1645, 1646. Virginia's healthiness, ibid. a Virginian yellow haired, and fair, 1689. Virginia's natural commodities, trees, among which, cypress, vines, wines, fruits, gums sassafras, nourishable roots, raw, they are poison, roasted, not so; but otherwise used for bread, medicinable plants, beasts in variety, 1694. 1695. birds, fishes, and minerals, 1696. fruits that are plantedin Virginia, the seasons there, their use of corn, of flesh, the airs mildness, and commodities for traffic with France, Swethland, Spain, & Holland, 1696, 1697. the commodities that may redound thence to the industrious, ibid. Virginians number, nations, languages, their description, constitution, Barbers, apparel, women, shamefastness, attire, ornaments, 1697, 1698. their building, lodging, bedding, gardens, exercise for men or women, childbirth, naming children, easy delivery, their manner of striking fire, of making bows and arrows, 1698 their swords and targets, boats, fishing, spinning, fishhooks, hunting, either in companies or alone, consultations before battle, 1699. Virginians near the English Plantation, their enemies, their manner of embattelling, stratagems, ambuscadoes, painting to make themselves look terrible, singing and yelling in their combat, music, and entertainment of great men, 1700. their trade, Physic, Chirurgery, charming, 1701. their Religion, and adoration of any thing that can hurt them without their prevention, worshipping the Devil called Oak, burial of their Kings, their ordinary burials, and mourning for the dead, their Temples, their supposed sanctity, Priests, and their habit, times for solemnities, ibid. their conjuration, altars, sacrifices to the water, their solemn customs for the making Soothsayers, their opinion of their Kings and Priests souls, and the common peoples after death, their opinion of the Christians God, 1702. manner of government which is monarchical, their King's pomp described, 1703, 1704. Virginian punishment of offenders, 1703. Virginia by whom discommended, the misery it sustained by effeminate idlers, 1704. Virginian dissensions in the English plantationers, 1706. The Planters nominated, and their first employment, ibid. their misery, famine, and sickness, with mortality, caused by the Precedents avarice, 1706, 1707. with unexpected remedy, ibid., seconded by the care of Captain Smith, ibid. Virginian plots for the leaving the Plantation, 1707, 1709. Virginian plantation and trading endamaged by the ambition of the Company, 1710. by desire of gain in some private persons, 1711. Virginia's golden hopes frustrate, ibid. Virginia its want of a good Precedent, 1712. Virginia's plantation supposed overthrow, 1717. Virgina- Tavern, the abuse of trading among Sailors there, 1719. Virginian first marriage of the English, 1720. Virginian Plantations supply, 1708, 1716, 1719. Gold as easy to be gotten as corn there, from the needy Savages, 1725. Virginian planters loss of arms by the treachery of Dutchmen, 1725. Virginia's buildings repaired, but by want of provision not prosecuted, the cause of such want, 1727. and the misery sustained by laziness, ibid. Virginia's unprofitable planters checked by the Precedents speech, 1728. Virginia's healthiness, and the care taken for sick men there by the English, 1728. the Plantations third supply, 1729. the change of government and Captains, the prejudice of the plantation, and mutiny seconding the supply 1729. Virginia Plantation at the Falls, and Nan●amund, 1729. Virginia planters break peace with the Savages, 1730. Virg 〈…〉 〈◊〉 of Precedents, losing Captain Smith, the misery, famine, and discomfort it sustained by his absence, 1732. its supply by the arrival of the Lord La Ware, Sir Thomas Dale, 1732, 1733. Virginia's innovation in government, whether mutinous or no, 1734. Vi●ginias dispraise by idle fellows, 1743. the Presidency of Virginia assumed by St Thomas Gates, 1749 the misery of it at that time, ibid. the causes thereof, ibid. & 1750. Virginia's hopes and advancement 1750. other causes of its distress, and the distress itself, 1751. more at large, 1756, 1757. its commodities, 1757. Virginians triumphs after victory, feasting, simplicity, fear, horrible and prodigious rites of soothsaying, their judgement of powder, and other customs, 1708, 1709. Virginians are all of all occupations, 1709 a Virginian exchanged for a Christian, 1710. Virginia Savages strange mortality, 1712. Virginians courtesy to the English, 1713. and treacherous projects ibid. exceeding fear of Muskets, ibid. how Virginian Savages may be dealt withal, 1714. Virginia Savages fight disguised like bushes, 1716. Virginians made proud, not awed by courtesy and benignity, 1717. Virginians in want and poverty, 1725. a Virginian Savages his Oration to Captain Smith, 1727. a Virginian smothered at james town, and recovered, lunatic, and restored, 1726, 1727. Virgina Savages offer to fight under English banners, 1729. Virginian Savages brought perforce to peace with the English, 1769, 1770. Virginia Savages religion and disposition, 1771. their countries described, seasons, climate, beasts, birds, fishes and other rarities, 1771, 1772, 1773. Virginian account of years, 1774. Virginians kill some English, ibid. their treacherous and bloody nature, 1788, 1789. Virginians worship the Devil, but love him not, 1790. their fearing the shadow of a Piece or Musket, with their sowing gunpowder, ibid. Virginians possess some Pieces, with munition after the massacre, destroyed cattle, ibid. Virginian plantations Presidency assumed by the Lord De la Ware, its first success, 1754. 1755, 1756. in what case it was left by the said Lord, and the cause why he left it, 1763. its commodities, ibid. & 1764. Virginia's plantations benefit of corn by Captain Argall, 1765. its rarities, ibid. Virginian affairs variety, by the approach of diverse Captains there, 1766, 1767, 1768. its commodities, unworthy English inhabitants, ibid. chief places the Bermuda City and Henrico, ibid. its Forts, 1768. Virginia's elevation above many countries, 1770. Virginian affairs, Anno 1617., 1618., page 1774. Anno 1619, page 1775. the profits that may be derived thence, ibid. Anno 1619 et 1620 page 1775, 1775. the supplies from England in that time, ibid. with Ships, men, and their employments there, on what commodities for trading, 1776; 1777. Virginian benefactors, 1777. Virginian affairs in the year 1621., page 1783. with the supply of men, goods, and Ships then sent, with other accidents, ibid. 〈◊〉 1784. and supplies, with relation of matters of trading there, 1784. Virginia's praises farther related, 1717, with the hopes to paxss thence to China. 1786. Virginia's state before the massacre, 1788. The massacre itself, the plot and execution, 1788, 1789, 1790. 1347. The Englishmen basely murdered in it, ibid. A Virginian converted, discovers the plots, 1790. Virginia's plantations necessaries, without which it may not so well be effected, 1791 Virginia's massacre supposed ca●se, seconded by a sickness, 1792. It's author's end, ibid. The supply thereof by King james, 1793. Virginia commended and discommended, according to men's diverse humours, discovered in Letters, 1806, 1807. Virginia planted by French men, 1807. They afterwards displanted by Sir Samuel Argall, 1808. Virginia's possession and plantation, by the English, sound and largely proved to be lawful, by a natural, and national right, 1809, 1810, 1811. Virginia's first discovery, and discoverers, 1812. Virginia rightly possessed by the English, by acknowledgement of the Prince there, 1813. By buying, selling, session, forfeiture, ib. Virginia's plantation advanceth God's glory, 1817, 1818. Virginia's want of good exeused, 1814, 1815. Virginia-plantations loss by the massacre, 1816. The number there since, ibid. Virginia's plantation to the prosecuted, and for what reasons, 1826. & seq. As first Religion, honour of the Nation, etc. 1816 Virginia deserves plantation for the profit, 1817. For disburdening multitudes, 1818. For a temperate climate, ibid. For largeness, ibid. Commodious Rivers whose sliding embracements of the earth are fivently described, ibid. Si●kes, Wines, Mines, drugs, etc. ibid. Materials for shipping, 1820. Fishing, 1821. Tobacco trading, ibid. Hopes of passage to the South Sea, 1822. For other reasons & advantages, 1824. For being a refreshment to ships tired with long voyages. ibid. & 1825 Virguano, a town inhabited by Savages in America near Marwin, 1285 A Vision, 14●8 Visitation of the sick among the Indians, the horrible hideous noise used by those miserable comforters, 1860 Vitachaco, a town in Florida, 1534 Vlissingers take one of the Portugal Galleons, 1909 Vllibaholi a walled town of the Indians in Florida, and the fashion of those walls, 1541 Undermining of towns, 1919 Unicorn's horn saveth many from poison, 1213 Vno a River, 1223 Vomiting to death, 1214. Vomiting procured by what Plants in Bermuda Lands, 1801 una, a mountain in the West-Indies, 1285 A Unicorn with a strange horn, 1560. With hair as big as a finger. ibid. Unthankfulness in Spaniards towards their Indian Benefactors, 1526 Voyages are commonly overthrown by the Captains giving way, or too much yielding lenity, 1389. Voyages by the Lord of Cumberland, 1141. 1142 & seq. Voyages by Sir Sebastian Cabot, Sir Thomas Pert, 1177. By Sir john Hawkins, Sir Fran. Drake, ibid. & seq. Voyages by Capt. Michelson, Capt. Newport, Earl of Suffolk, Sir Robert Dudley, ibid. Voyages by Captain Preston, Capt. Summer. Sir Anthony Shirley, Capt. Parker, Sir Walter Raleigh, Mr Will. Hawkins, ibid. Capt. Parker, 1243, 1244, & seq. M●ddleton, 1246, 1247. Voyages by Reniger, Borey, Pudsey, Steven, Hare, Fenton, Ward, and john Drake, 1186. Voyages by Captain Candish, and Capt. Davies, 1191, 1192, etc. By Sir Richard Hawkins, 1367. etc. By Pamphilo Naruaez Spaniard, 1500, 1501, & seq. By Francisco Pizarro, 1489, & seq. Voyages by Nunno de Guzman Spaniard, 1556. & seq. Soto his Voyages and discoveries of Florida, 1530. at large in seq. Voyages by the the French, and discoveries of Florida, and Canada, 1603. & seq. Voyages by Monseur de Montz, 1620. & seq. Voyages from England, the ships being furnished with two hundred pounds in Cash, 1838. From Plymouth to Bilboa with dry fish, 1839. A voyage of seven sail from the West-country, 1839. Voyages to Virginia furnished by Sir Walter Raleigh, 16●5, 1646. Voyage of Captain Gosnol to Virginia, Anno 1602. pag. 1647. & seq. Voyage by Mr Pringe to Virginia, 1654. & seq. By Captain Gilbert to the same, 1656. & seq. By Capt. Weymouth to Virginia, 1659. & seq Avoyage to the I●e of Azores by the Right Honourable Rob. Earl of Essex, 1935. Voyages by Sir Thomas Gates, 1734▪ & seq. By Captain Argall, 1758. Voyages to Sommer-Iland by the English, 1793. & seq. An admirable voyage from the Bermudas to Ireland in a small boat, 1803 Vparason, a River navigable in Brasile, 1●40 Vpanason, a River in the Ind●●s, very commodious for watering, 1223 Vpsegon, a town in Mawooshen, under the Lord Bashabes, 1874 Vrarino town, a town of A●waccas, and ●a●awogoto, Savages in America, 1283 Vra●itan an Island in Brasile, called by the Portugeses Alqua 〈…〉, 1241. It's description for Navigators, ibid. Vrapo, and Arieppo, two Indian woods, 1251 Urine drunk for want of water, 1188 Vrokere, Indians so called, 1286 Vrquam River, 1364 Vtinama, a Floridan town: 1533 A Vulcan, a most dreadful thing casting forth fire, & stones as great as a house causing unwholsomnesse of thence-issuing waters, 15●9 Vupanqui his reign over the inhabitants of Peru, his acts and conquests his making a bridge of Oziers' beautifying the Sun's temple, extent of his dominions, transplantation of countries, 1463, 1464 Vzela, a town in Florida in America, 1534 W. WAboc●●yaway an Arwacca town in America, 1286 Wacarimock mountains near the river O. enoco, 1248 Walnuts, thirty Lands of th●m, 1612 Wancoobanova, a valley abounding with gold-grains was●ed from the mountains, 1284 Wages detaining, how turbulent 〈◊〉 a yoyage, 1●96 Want of water in New-England, causing some of our men to famish, 1844 Warativa, a river in Brasile, its description for Navigation, 1440 Want of bread in the English Army, 1921 Io. Want, a schismatical and seditious fellow in the Bermudas, 1743 Wareteena, a place in America, 1212 Warooca, a town of the Arwacca 〈◊〉 Savages in the Indies, 1285 Warraskoyat, Indian-Virginians, 1692 Wars between the Portugeses, and the Indians; its effects, 1321 Wars made for the water, 1364 Wars between the Indians and Spaniards in Chili, 1443 Warriors that have killed men among the Savages of Tuppan, have as many holes board through their visage in token of honour, 1189 Warlike Fleets set forth by the English Deborah, the Q. Elizabeth, 1891 Water that is salt dangerously drunk, 1143. Strange kind of watering, 1146. Water-drinking endangereth many, 1178. Want of freshwater, 1188. Water too much drunk kills Will. Pitcher, ibid. Salt-water cureth sores, 1207 Water unwholesome and deadly, 1248 Water burning and tasting like brimstone, 1●75. Water venomous, 1379. Water very hot in a lake of Florida, 1549. Bad waters breeding sundry diseases, 1623. Waters that being drunk, caused teeth to fall in two hours' space, 1624. Watery ground the supposed cause of unhealthinesse in port-royal among the French, 1632. Water sacrificed to by the Virginians in time of tempest, 1702. Water want in Virginie, 1712. Water wanting in the English army, 1966 Watery journeys, 1359 Wayanasses, Savages so called in the West-Indies, 1211. Their complexion, cowardliness, painting, lodging, Tobacco, chief town, 1228 Waanawazons, Cannibals in America, 1213. Their simplicity, stature, feeding, laziness, women, 12●0 Waymores' Savages in Brasile, their stature, valour, rudeness, swiftness, man-eating, 1227. Way●●quazons, called by the Indidians jocoex, are Brasilian Savages, their habitation, stature, women-warriours, lodging, jars, man-eating, 1228 Weakness of the English in New-England, causing the Indians to insult, 1848 Wealth bred ambition among Captains, 1145 Weannocks, Indians in Virginia, their number of fight men, 1692 Weea●opona, a town of the Arwaccas in America, 1285 Weeping in salutation, an expression of obedience in some Indians of Florida, 1553 Three Wells, one very hot, another scalding hot, a third temperate, near a cold Hill, 1243 Werowances, the title of a King in Virginia, 1692 Werawocomoco River in Virginia, 1692 West-winds constantly, 1658 Master west's plantation at the Falls in Virginia, 1730 West-country voyage in twelve ships with a good return, 1840 weston's men abuse the Savages of Massacheusets, which caused much unkindness to the English, 1857. Their misery among the Savages, 1863 Capt. Weymoths voyage to Virginia, 1659. & seq His danger by sandy, and rocky Shoales, escape and arrival at Pentecost. harbour, 1659., 1660 A Whale very great, eaten by Anthony Knivet, 1207. Whales have open heads, whereat they breathe, their battle with the Swordfish, 1313, 1376, 1377, 1685 A Whale worshipped 1471 Whalefishing in the Bermudas, and its benefit, 1797 Whitson-Bay in Virginia, 1654. Capt. Rich. Whitbornes' Voyages to the newfoundland, 1882. His voyage to Lisbon, is taken by a French Pirate. 1883 Whelps dressed and eaten, 1202 Whittingtons' communication with the Indians, 1881 Wia a River in Guiar●a, 1261 Wiapogo River, 1250. Its commodities, 1261, 1263, 1264. at large. threescore leagues broad, supposed the biggest in the world, 1267, 1268. It's situation and strength, 1270. English plant there, ibid. Wiaumli, a River to the North of Orenoco, 1249 Wiawia, a town in the West-Indies, 1280. Or Wia Wiam, 1283. 'tis inhabited by the Yaios and other Savages, 1283 Wighcocamoco river in Virginia, 1694 Wighsacan, a medicinable plant in Virginia, 1695 Wikeries are Indians that inhabit the Plains of Samia, 1248 Mr Will. Strachy his relation of Sir Tho: Gates voyage, and of the Colony of Virginia, 1734: & seq. William Morgan his happy & most strange deliverance, 1943 Wild-geese in great Shoales, 1845 Willows 1316 Mr wilson's relations at large, 1661., 1262. & seq. Wine overthroweth more than the enemy, 1349. The Wine of the Navy in 88 1991 Wine causeth ambition & dissension, 1151 Extreme winds, 1175. In the straits of Magellane, 1194. An exceeding wind by Sea and Land, 1500. Winds that pi●●●● iron and stone, 1671 Winter not durable by Christians, Witawamack, an insulting slave among the Savages, opprobrious to the English, 1859 Wines connted a dignity among the Savages, the having of many of them only permitted to the King, and those that have proved themselves brave fellows, 1188, 1217. Wives and children sold for Hatchets and Knives, 1208. Wives put away for adultery, 1870 Sir Io. Winkfield dyeth at the fight in Cadiz, in warlike manner buried, 1932 Wolves in New-England pursuing our English Dogs, 1849. Wolves in the newfoundland faning and playing with English masty dogs, 1885 women's strange entertaining straners among Savages, 1717. Women dancing stark naked, 1618. Indian women's modesty, yet familiarity, 1158, 1159. Women got by valour among the Savages, 1209. Women Archers, 1226. 1228. Women with ugly bodies and good faces, 1228. Eight women bought for a red-hasted knife, 1249. A woman roasied, 1272. Women stark naked, 1268 Women go before men in Brasile, 1292. Their agreement there among themselves, their chastity if married, but looseness unmarried, 1341. A woman's price amongst the Carios of the West Indies, 1357. Women toil among some Indians. 1382. Women that revenge the wrong of their husbands, not solitarily by themselves called Amazon's, 1437. Women (n● not Kings daughters) might not enter the Temple of the Sun among the ancient inhabitants of Peru, 1465. women's usage and habit among some Indians of Florida, 1524. Women amongst the Indians put to vile slavery, 1869. Women not suffered to enter any of the Ships of the King of Spain's Armada, 1901 Wonders of the new World, 1477. Woodbine, a plant running on trees like a Vine, that causeth a vehement and harmless purging, 1801 Wood that maketh fish drunk, 1●72 Wood of all colours, 1670 Wood as hard as iron, ibid. Words of the Savages language in Virginia, 1667 Worms how killed in the body, 1311 Worms breeding great-torment, 1251. Very pernicious in Brasile, but killed by Garlic, 1382. Worms poisoning water, 1286. Worms devouring the flesh, 1365. Worm's very prejudicial to ships without sheathing, under the Equinoctial, 1387 Wounds, how cured, 1310, 1311 Wyanesses, a town in the West-Indies, 1208 Wyapocoories, inhabitants in a Province of Guiana, 〈…〉 1 Wywaypanami Indians with 〈…〉 ulders higher than their heads, 〈…〉 85 X XAlisco, a Province near the South Sea, 1559. The great loss of inhabitants in it by the Spanish inhuman cruelty, 1581. Eight hundred towns burned in those Realms by Spaniards, ibid. Xalpa Province discovered by the Spaniards, 1559 Xaltenango Province, 1559 Xaqua, a harbour in the Island of Cuba, 1500 Xaragua, a dominion in the I'll Hispaniola, its King and Lords traitorously burnt by the Spaniards, th● Queen hanged, the youths thrust through, or having their legs cut off, they that fled condemned to perpetual slavery, 1572 Xualla, a Province in Florida, 1539 Y. Yaes', Indians near the River Wyapoco, their nature and description, 1263 Yaguiana, a town in Hispaniola, 1186 Capt. Yerdly Deputy Governor in Virginia, 1773. His acts and exploits there, ibid. & 1774 Yerua viva, an herb that is senssble, and shrinks at any man's touch, not resprouting till his departure, 1174 Youghtanund, inhabitants of Virginia, 16●2 Youwalprenay, a town of the Caribes, 1285 Ytara an America Floridan town, 1533 Ytava, a town in Florida, 1541 Yupaha, an Indian country in Florida, ruled by a woman, her great town, commodities, and abundance of gold, 1535 Yupanqui an Emperor of Peru, before the Spanish conquest, his difficult attempts, 1474. He subdued the Chunchus, and so extended his Empire, ibid. & 1475. His assault of the Chirihuana. a Savage Nation, and success, his proceeding to conquer Chili, 1475 his miraculous Fort and buildings, other acts and death, 1477, 1478 Yuia Pari, a River in America, th● inhabitants thereabout tortured by the Spaniards, 1587. Z. ZAcheo, a place so called, 1186 Zapatula, a place of New-Spaine, 1558 Zemie, an Indian Nation near the River of Plate, 1363 Zemais Saluaisco, Indians so called in the River Pa●ana, their description, 1350, 1351 Zumpanga, a town of Indians, 1418 FINIS.