¶ The preface of sir johan Bourchier knight lord berner's.  
Sith history (as I have in my Preface upon the first volume of this chronicles declared) is the witness of times/ the light of truth/ the life of remembrance/ the masters of the life/ the messenger of old season/ whereof innumerable commodities grown. I ne think the labours myspente/ that I at the high commandment of our most redoughted sovereign lord Henry the cyght/ king of England and of France/ high defender of the Christian faith. etc. have employed about the translation of now the four volumes of sir johan Froissa●t/ out of French in to our english tongue. Certainly not the bounty of the same chronicles/ in whom are conteyg●●d the wars of these parties: which wars (d●sc●yued in French by sir johan Froyssa●● right ornately) as many that have great understanding in divers tongues/ in whom wars are written/ plainly say: for knightly feats/ manhood/ and humanity/ pass right moche the wars of far countries: nor the great pleasure that thy noble country men of England took in reading the worthy and knightly deeds of their valiant ancestors/ encourageth me half so moche/ as the princely exhort/ which of all earthly kings the very worship and 〈◊〉/ ou● foresaid gracious sovereign gave me. He/ who forth manifold royal virtues in his highness found/ not of two or three small realms/ 〈◊〉 is worthy to reign and be king over the universal world/ ●elyteth in nothing 〈◊〉/ than to 〈…〉 I said/ the most famous 〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉 and subject 〈…〉 ou● with all 〈◊〉 So that it ●ought appear to every man's ●ight/ over what and how worthy people has 〈…〉/ and now his 〈…〉 lyaunt 〈◊〉/ contend by vigorous virtue and manhood to follow/ yea to pass them if they may. Truly/ the images as they used in old time to erect in worship and remembrance of them that were descended of noble blood/ he bear half the witness/ that the noble deeds set out in history done. Which well appeareth by the words of the prudent king Agesilaus/ who dying commanded/ that neither image nor picture to his resemblance should be made/ for if I have said he/ any noble thing famously done/ it shall bear witness enough of me: if I have nought done/ certainly all the images little aveylen/ as who saith/ such things inought be made in mind of them that were but dastards/ and never died worthy deed in all their life. Wherefore/ for the love and honour that I bear to our most puissant sovereign/ and to do pleasure to his subjects'/ both nobles and commons: I have endeavoured me to translate out of French (as said is) in to english/ the four volumes of sir johan Froissart/ and reduced them in to twain. Wherein if I have erred/ I pray them that shall default find/ to consider the greatness of the history and my good will that ask nothing else of them for my great labour/ but of their courtesy to amend where need shallbe/ and yet for their so doing/ I shall pray to god finally to send them the bliss of heaven. Amen.  
¶ Thus endeth the preface of sir johan Bourchier knight lord berners deputy of Calais/ translator of this present chronicle: and here after followeth the table with the chapters as they stand in the book by order. etc.   

¶ Hereafter followeth the table of this present volume.  

FIrst how sir johan Bourchyer governor of Gaunt during the truce/ had new victualed the town of Gaunt/ and how a manner of people called comporselles/ did moche hurt in the Country. Capitulo. primo.  
¶ How the bridge of Taylbourcke was won by the french men/ and how the englishmen fortified themself against the coming of the frenchmen/ and how the admiral of France and his rout arrived at ●●●nborowe in Scotland. Capi. two.  
¶ How the french men found a wild country of Scotland and were evil content with the admiral/ and how he pacified them with fair words: and how France's Atreman and his company/ had nerehande taken Ardenbourke in Flaunders. Cap. iii.  
¶ How the lord of saint Albyne and Enguerante zendequyn saved Ardenbourke fro taking/ and how the queen of Hungry sent ambassadors into France/ to marry thearl of Valois to her eldest daughter. Cap. iiii.  
¶ How the duchess of Brabant wrote to duke frederic of Bavyere of the marriage of the young french king/ with her sneeze Isabella of Bavyer/ and how the duke and the lady came to Quesnoy. Capi. v.  
¶ How Frances Atreman took the town of Dan/ and how the french king wedded the lady Isabella of Bavyere/ and after went and laid siege to Dan. Foyes vi  
¶ How divers burgesses of Sluse were beheaded/ and how Sluse was changed for the land of Bethune/ & how the siege of Dan continued long. Cap. seven.  
¶ How the gauntoyse fled out of Dan by night/ & how the french men took the town and destroyed it/ and also how the king destroyed the country of the four crafts. Capi. viii.  
¶ How the french king departed out of Flaunders/ and gave leave to his men to depart/ and how he came to Paris to treat with the ambassadors of Hungry/ and how the marquis of Blanqueforte took by strength to his wife the same lady/ 〈…〉. Cap. ix.  
¶ How the duke of Burbone took Bertuell in Poictou/ and also of the great assemble that the king of Scots made to enter in to England. Cap. x.  
¶ How the french men and scots was the castle of Vatley/ and destroyed divers other towns in Northumberlande/ and how they withdrew again in to scotland/ when they knew that the king of England was coming on them with a great puissance. Capi. xi.  
¶ How sir johan holland slew sir richard Stafforde/ and how the earl of Stafforde came to the king to demand justice. Capi. xii.  
¶ How the king of England caused to be destroyed the church of Mewreus in Scotland/ and how the barons of Scotland answered the admiral of France/ and devised to leave Scotland and to let the english men alone. Cap. xiii.  
¶ How the king of England took Edenborowe the chief title of Scotland/ & how the duke of Lancastre was in purpose to return in to Wales/ to close in the french men and the scots: and what the french men and scots did in the said country. Cap. xiiii.  
¶ How the earl of Oxenford broke the pursuit that the king of England had thought to have made into Wales after the frenchmen and scots/ and how the king returned the same way that he came/ and how the french men & scots determined to return again into Scotland. Cap. xv.  
¶ How the french lords were in great paryll in scotland/ and could not find the means to pass over these/ and how they showed the earls Douglas and Morette the hardness that they found in that country/ and what answer they made to them. Cap. xvi.  
¶ How the admiral informed the french king and his counsel of the state of Scotland/ and how the duke of Burgoyne had great desire to cause the french king to make a journey in to England. Cap. xvii.  
¶ how by the grace of god/ two burgesses of Gaunt entered to 〈◊〉 with the duke of Bu●goyne for peace/ & how they gave the charge thereof to a knight of Flaunders/ and what answer the duke gave unto them. Ca xviii.  
¶ How these two 〈…〉 burgesses assembled their friends to acomply●●● their enterprise/ and sent sir johan Delle 〈…〉 letters of peace. Cap. ●ii.  
¶ How sir johan Delle came to Gaunt to the market place/ where as Roger and jaques and the aldermen of the eytie were/ and how he delivered them letters fro the duke of Burgoyne/ and how they of Gaunt sent to Turney/ and of the confirmation of the peace/ and of the charters that were made thereof. Capi. xx.  
¶ How sir johan Froissart author of this chronicle/ departed out of France and went to the earl of Foyzland the manner of his voyage. Cap. xxi.  
¶ How the prince of Wales and the princess came to Tarbe/ and of the request that the countess of Armynake mad to the prince and princess/ and how the country of Gascoigne was newly again in war. Cap. xxii.  
¶ Of the wars that the duke of anjou made against the english men/ and how he recovered the Castle of Maluoysyn in Bygore/ which was afterward given to the Earl of Foize. Cap. xxiii.  
¶ How the garrison & castle of Lourde was cast down and discomfited/ by the great diligence that the earl of Foiz made. Ca xxiiii.  
¶ How the peace was made between the duke of Berrey and the earl of foyz/ and of the beginning of the war that was between the earl of Foiz & the earl of Armynake. Ca xxv.  
¶ Of the great virtuousness and largesse that was in the earl of Foize/ and the manner of the piteous death of Gascone the earls son. Capi. xxvi.  
¶ How sir Peter of Byerne had a strong disease/ and of the countess of Bysquay his wife. Cap. xxvii.  
¶ Of the great solemnity that the earl of Foiz made at the fyest of saint Nycholas/ and the tale that the ●●stot of Manlyon showed to sir johan Fro●●●rt. Cap. xxviii.  
¶ How divers captains english and other/ were dyscomfyted before the Town of Saxere by the french men. Cap. xxix.  
¶ How a squire called Lymosyn turned french/ and how he caused Joys Rambalt his company on in arms to be taken. Ca thirty.  
¶ Of the state or ordinance of the earl of Foiz and how the town of yran rebelled/ for the great travail/ damage/ and outrage that was done thereto. Cap. xxxi.  
¶ How the king of Castyle left the siege of ●●●bone/ and how they of saint prayne 〈…〉 self. Cap. xxxii.  
¶ 〈…〉 battle that was at 〈…〉 king of Castyle and king 〈◊〉 of Portugal. Cap. xxxiii.  
¶ Of the spaniards/ how they ordered themself and their battle. Cap. xxxiiii.  
¶ How the french knights and gascons/ such as were taken prisoners at juberoth by the portugaloyes/ were slain by their masters/ and none escaped. Cap. xxxv.  
¶ How the king of Castyle & all his great battle were discomfited by the king of Portugal/ before a village called juberothe. Capi. xxxvi.  
¶ How a spirit called Orthone/ served the lord of Corasse a long time/ and brought him ever tidings from all parts of the world. Cap. xxxvii.  
¶ How a siege was laid to Breast in Bretayne/ and how that divers english fortresses about the country of toulouse/ were recovered and turned french. Cap. xxxviii  
¶ How the castles of Conuall/ of Bygor● and of Nesuyll were taken/ & all they 〈◊〉 taken/ slain/ and hanged. Cap. xx●●  
¶ How the king of Cypress was slayn● 〈◊〉 murdered in his bed by his own bro●●● by exhortation and corruption of the in 〈…〉 for the bounty and hardiness that 〈…〉 him. Cap. 〈◊〉  
¶ How the king of Armony wa● 〈…〉/ and how lx M. turks were 〈…〉 destroyed in the realm of Hungry. Ca 〈◊〉  
¶ How pope Urban & pope Clement were at great discord together/ and how the christian kings were in variance for their lectyons'/ and of the wars between them. Cap. xlii.  
¶ How they of Portugal sent out messengers in to England/ to show tidings of their country to the king of England/ and to the great lords there. Cap. xliii.  
¶ How Laurens Fongase ambassador fro the king of Portugal in to England/ showed to the duke of Lancastre the manner of the discord that was between the realms of Castyle and Portyngale. Cap. xliiii.  
¶ How Laurence Fongase showed the duke of Lancastre the manner of the battle of juberothe/ between the kings of Castyle and Portyngale. Cap. xlv.  
¶ How the ambassadors of Portyngale had answer of the king of England/ and great gifts/ and how they took their leave and went into their countries. Cap. xlvi.  
¶ How the duke of Lancastre assailed the lords/ knights/ and squires that were in the bastides before Breast in Bretayne/ and how they defended themself. Cap. xlvii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancastre and his host whasie they had sojourned a month at Colongne/ than they departed and road toward saint james in Galyce. Cap. xlviii.  
¶ Of the great apparel and provyson/ that generally was made in the realm of France by the king there and by his counsel/ for a journey to be made in to England/ and also of the death of France's Atreman. Cap. lii.  
¶ How the king of Portyngale wrote amiably to the duke of Lancastre/ when he knew that he was arrived at saint james in Galyce/ and of the socours that the king of Castyle sent for into France/ and how the town of ruels in Galyce was taken by the english men. Cap. liii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancastres' marshal and his men assailed the town of Vieclope in Galyce/ which yielded by composition/ and of the ambassadors that the duke sent to the king of Portyngale. Cap. li.  
¶ How they of Bayon yielded them to the duke of Lancastre/ and how the marshal of his host entered in to the town and t●ke possession thereof. Cap. liii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancastre and the duchess held them at saint james in Galyce/ and of the comfort that the french knights gave to the king of Castyle. Cap. lxii.  
¶ Of the great apparel of ships and galeys that the French men made on the see to pass in to England. Cap. liii.  
¶ How the french king and his uncles arrived at Sluse in Flaunders. Cap. liv.  
¶ How the french king tarried at Sluse with his great host/ to the intent to enter in to England. Cap. lv.  
¶ How sir Simon Burle would have had by his counsel saint Thomas of Caunterburyes shrine removed to the castle of Dover/ whereby he achieved great hate. Cap. lv.  
¶ How the king of harmony passed in to England in trust to find some means of peace or good appointment between the king of England and the french king. Cap. lvi.  
¶ How the king of Armony returned out of England/ and of the answer that was made to him. Cap. lvii.  
¶ How the duke of Berrey departed fro Paris to come to Sluse/ and how the constable of France took the see/ and of the wind that was contrary to him. Cap. lviii.  
¶ How the voyage in to England was broken by reason of the winds & of winter/ and by counsel of the duke of Berrey. Ca lix.  
¶ How king Charles of France and the french lords returned evil content fro sluse and out of Flaunders/ where as their provisions were made to have gone in to England/ and of the feast that was made at London. Cap. lx.  
¶ How we a squire called jaques le Grise was acused in the parliament house at Paris before all the lords there present/ by a knight called johan of Carongne/ and what judgement was given upon them/ and how they jousted at utterance in Paris/ in a place called saint Katherine/ behind the temple/ & how jaques le Grise was confounded. Cap. lxi.  
¶ How the king of Arragon died/ and how the archbishop of Bordeaux was set in prison in Barcelona. Cap. lxi.  
¶ How a battle of arms was done in Bordeaux before the seneschal there/ and divers other. Cap. lxii.  
¶ How johan of Bretaygne son to sir Charles of Bloyes was delivered out of prison/ by the means of sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France. Cap. lxxii.  
¶ How the duke of Burbone was chosen to go in to castle/ and divers other/ and how sir johan Bucke admiral of Flaunders was token prisoner by the englishmen. Ca lxxii.  
¶ How the english men arrived and brent divers villages. Cap. lxxiii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancaster's marshal took the town of Rybadane/ which was strongly kept. Cap. xliii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancastre sent for the admiral and marshal/ and his other officers/ to come to the wedding of his daughter and the king of Portyngale. Cap. lxxiiii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancastre and his men road towards the city of Besances/ & how the town made composition with them. Capi. lxxv  
¶ How the duchess and her daughter went to see the king of Portyngale and the queen/ and how the town of Basances submitted them under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre. Cap. lxxvi.  
¶ How they of Basances that had been sent to the King of Castyle came home to their town/ after it was rendered up to the duke of Lancastre. Cap. lxxvii.  
¶ How sir johan holland and sir raynold de Roy fought together in lists before the duke of Lancastre in the town of Besances. Cap. lxxviii.  
¶ How the king of Portyngale and the duke of Lancastre determined to enter in to the realm of Castyle. Cap. lxxix.  
¶ How sir Wyllm of Lygnac and sir Gaultyer of Passac/ came to the aid of king johan of Castyle. Cap. lxxx.  
¶ How a great mischief fell in England between the gentlemen and commons/ for account of such money as had been raised of the commons. Cap. lxxxi.  
¶ Of the great discords that were in England/ after the breaking up of the french army/ and how the governors about the king were constrained by the commons of the good towns to make accounts/ of such money as was come in to their hands/ the season that they ruled. Cap. lxxxii.  
¶ How the constable of France and divers other lords and knights of the realm appareled great provisions to go in to England to win towns and castles. Cap. lxxxiii.  
¶ How the duke of Bretayne sent for all his lords and knights to come to counsel unto Wannes/ and after counsel he desired the constable to go and see his castle of ermine/ and how he took him there prisoner/ and the lord of Beaumanoyre with him. Ca lxxxiii.  
¶ How the constable of France was delivered at the request of the lord de la Vale/ parenge/ a certain ransom: and how the constable delivered to the duke three castles and a town/ and paid a hundred thousand franks. Cap. lxxxv.  
¶ How writings were made at the duke of Bretayns devise/ for the constable to render his town and castles to the duke and to his heirs for ever/ and how they were delivered to the duke. Cap. lxxxvi.  
¶ How tidings came to the french king fro the parties of Almaigne/ the which were to him right displeasant/ and unto his uncles Cap. lxxxvii.  
¶ How the duke of Lancaster's men assailed the town of Aurence/ and took it/ for it gave up as other did. Cap. lxxxviii.  
¶ How the king of Portyngale brent a town when he was departed fro port/ and besieged two castles. Cap. lxxxix.  
¶ How the king of Portyngale and his host came before Feroule and assaulted it/ and it was won and brought under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre. Cap. lxxxx.  
¶ How the french ambassadors came to the duke of Bretayne/ upon the taking of the constable of France/ and of the answer that was made to them. Cap. xci.  
¶ How the king of England's uncles were of one accord and alliance against the king and his counsel/ and of the murmuring of the people against the duke of Ireland/ and of the answer of the londoners to the duke of Gloucestre. Cap. xcii.  
¶ How the day of account came/ and there the officers appeared in the presence of the kings uncles/ and commons of England/ and how sir Simon Burle was prisoner in the tower of London/ and how sir Thomas trivet died. Cap. xciii.  
¶ How the king of England departed fro London/ and how sir Simon Burle was beheaded at London/ and his nephew also/ and how the duke of Lancastre was disposed. Cap. xciiii.  
¶ How the counsel drew together for the reformation of the king and of the realm/ and how by the counsel of the duke of Ireland/ the king was of the accord to make war against his uncles/ and against the cities and towns. Cap. xcv.  
¶ How the king of England made his ●ōmons to draw towards London/ and how sir Roberte Tryvylyen was taken at westminster and beheaded/ by the commandment of the kings uncles. Cap. xcvi.  
¶ How tidings came to the king of the death of his knight/ and demanunded counsel thereon/ and how he ordained the duke of Ireland sovereign of all his men of war. Capi. xcvii.  
¶ How the duke of Ireland sent three knights to London to know some tidings/ and how the kings uncles and they of London went in to the fields to fight with the duke of Ireland and his affinity. Cap. xcviii.  
¶ How the kings uncles won the journey against the duke of Ireland/ and how he fled/ and divers other of his company. Cap. xcix.  
¶ How the duke of Ireland and his company fled/ and how the kings uncles were at Oxenford/ and how sir Nycholas Bramble was beheaded/ and how the king was sent for by the bishop of Cannterbury. Capi. C.  
¶ how by the king and his uncles all the lords of England were sent for to come to westminster/ to a general counsel there to be holden. Cap. C i  
¶ How the king of Portyngale with his puissance assembled with the duke of Lancastre and his puissance/ and how they could not pass the river of Dierne/ and how a squire of Castyle showed them the passage. Capi. C ii  
¶ How the tidings spread abroad that the king of Portyngale and the duke of Lancastre were passed the river of dierne/ and how it came to the king of Castylles knowledge/ and how certain of the english knights came and toad before vile Arpent/ and how the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancastre determined there to tarry the coming of the duke of Bourbon. Cap. C iii  
¶ How the duke of Lancastre gave licence to his men/ and how an herald was sent to the king of Castyle/ and how three knights of England went to speak with the king of Castyle for a save conduct for the duke's men to pass thorough his country. Capi. C.iiii  
¶ How these three knights obtained a save conduct of the king of Castyle for their people to pass/ and how divers of the english men died in Castyle/ and how the Duke of Lancastre fell in a great sickness. Capi. C.u.  
¶ How sir johan holland the Duke of Lancaster's constable took his leave of the duke/ and he and his wife returned by the king of Castyle who made him good cheer: and how sir johan Dambrity court went to Paris to accomplish a deed of arms/ between him and sir Boucyquant. Cap. C vi  
¶ How the duke of Burbone departed fro Avignon to go into Castyle with all his host and came to Burgus in spain/ and there found the king of Castyle: And how the duke of Lancastre heard those tiding/ and how the duke of Burbone departed fro the king/ and went straight again in to France. Capi. C vii  
¶ How the earl of Foiz received honourably the duke of Bourbon/ and of the great gifts that he gave him/ and how sir William of Lygnac & sir Gaultyer of Passackes company departed out of Spain/ and of the incident that fortuned in the town of saint Phagon. Capi. C viii  
¶ How the king of Castyle and his counsel were evil content with sir William of Lygnac and sir Gaultier of Passackes company/ and how the duke of Lancastre departed fro saint jaques to Bayon. Cap. C ix  
¶ How the earl of Armynake took great pain to treat with the companions/ to depart out of the realm of France. Cap. C ten  
¶ How the earl reynold of Guerles/ who had laid all his lands in guage/ & wystenat what to do/ came for refuge to the archcbysshoppe of Coloygne his uncle/ who blamed him/ and how ambassadors went to Berthaulte of Malygnes. Cap. C xi  
¶ How the earl reynold of Guerles was married to Mary daughter to Berthalte of Malygnes/ by whom he had a daughter/ and after married again in England/ and had issue two sons and a daughter/ and how sir johan of Bloyes wedded the eldest daughter of the Earl of Guerles/ and how after the county of Guerles/ remained with the earl of Guerles' youngest daughter. Capi. C xii  
¶ How these castles of Gauleche/ Buthe/ and Null/ came to the duke of Brabant/ and how the duke of Julyers sustained the Lynfars in his country/ who rob all manner of people/ and of the great assemble that the duke of Brabante made to go to Julyers/ and how he was dyscomfyced. Cap. C xiii  
¶ How the duke of Brabant died/ and how the duke Guillyam of Guerles treated with the duchess of Brabante to have again the three castles/ and what answer he had/ and how he made alliance with the king of England. Cap. C xiiii  
¶ How the duchess of Brabante sent messengers to the french king/ complaining of the duke of Guerles/ and how the king and his counsel were sore busied with incydentes that fell in the realm of France/ as well for the defyaunces of Guerles/ as the business in Bretayne. Cap. C xu  
¶ how by a strange fortune the king of Naver died in the city of Pampylona/ and how Charles his son was crowned/ and how Vanchadore was besieged by the duke of Berrey/ and how the duke of Burgoyne sent to the Duchess of Brabante. Cap. C xvi  
¶ How the french men/ after they had brent and rifled the town of Seaull returned to their garrison/ and of the joy that the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess of Brabant made for that deed/ and how sir johan Boesme lance discomfited the english men. Capi. C xvii  
¶ How sir johan Boesme lance led these prisoners to Mount Ferante/ and how they of the country were glad when they heard of this enterprise/ and how Geronet and his company were set to ransom/ and delivered by the money that Perot of Bierne lent him. Cap. C xviii  
¶ How Geronet of Mandurant with twelve of his company returned to Mount ferant/ and how Perot of Bernoys with four hundred spears went to Mount Ferante/ and would not enter in to the town by none other way but in at the gate. Cap. C xix  
¶ How Geronet let in Perot le Bernoys and his company in to the town of Mount ferant/ whereof the country was afraid/ and how the king and his uncles being at Paris were therewith sore disposed/ and also the earl dolphin of Awergne. Cap. C twenty  
¶ How Perotte le Bernoys and his company took their counsel/ and determined not to keep the town of Mount ferant/ and how the said Perot and his company departed thence by night withal their pillage and prisoners/ and went and refreshed them in the town of Ousac. Cap. C xxi  
¶ How they of the town of Cleremounte made a skrimysshe with these pillars that had taken and rob the town of Mount ferant/ at the gates of the town. Cap. C xxii  
¶ How the duke of Berrey married the lady Mary his daughter/ to the earl of Bloyes son/ and how the same year the son of the duke of Berrey married the lady Mary of France/ sister to the young king Charles of France. Cap. C xxiii  
¶ How/ after the departing of the duke of Lancastre/ all that ever he had won in Galyce/ the french men recovered it in less than fifteen days/ and how the english men that had been there in that war/ defamed and spoke evil of the country of Galyce/ and how the French king sent for the duke of Ireland. Cap. C xxiiii  
¶ How the constable of France would not accord that the king should go in to almain/ because of the incydentes of the realm/ and how the duke of Bretaygne fournysshed his garrisons/ and made alliance with the king of England/ and with the king of Naverre/ and of the army made by the english men. Cap. C xxv  
¶ How the Brabansoyes laid siege to the town of Grave/ and how the Constable of France took saint Malo and saint Mathewes/ and set there men in garrison/ and how the duke of Lancastre was at Bayon/ greatly discomfited in that he could get no manner of aid. Cap. C xxvi  
¶ How the duke of Berrey sent letters to the duke of Lancastre to Bayon/ and how the duke sent the copy of the same letters in to Foyze and in to Naverre/ to the intent to have them published in Spain/ and how the duke of Bretaygne demanded counsel of his men in all his business. Capi. C xxvii  
¶ How the duke of Bretayne delivered up the three castles of sir Oliver of Clyssons/ and how he received joyously the lord of Coucy and his company ambassadors fro the french king/ and how the duke of Lancastre made great cheer to sir Helyon of Lignacke seneschal of Xaynton/ abmassadoure fro the duke of Berrey. Cap. C xxviii  
¶ Now the king of Castyle sent his ambassadors to the duke of Lancastre to treat for a marriage to be had between his son and the duke's daughter/ and how at the request of the duke of Berrey a truce was made by the duke of Lancastre in the countries of Tholousyn and Rovergne. Cap. C xxix  
¶ How the Dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne departed to go to Bloyes and how the duke of Bretayne came thither/ and how the dukes did so moche that they had him to Paris/ in manner against his will. Capi. C xxx  
¶ How Lewes king of Cycyle entered in to Paris in estate royal/ and how the duke of Bretayne entered on the night of saint Johan the baptist/ the year of grace a thousand three hundred/ fourscore and six/ and of a deed of arms done before the king at Moutereau fault yond/ between a knight of England called sir Thomas Harpyngham/ and a french knight named sir Johan de Bars. Capi. C xxxi  
¶ How the duke of Bretaygne entered in to Paris/ and came to the castle of Louvre to the french king. Cap. C xxxii  
¶ How the earl of Arundel being on the see more than a month/ came to the haven of Maraunt a little fro Rochel: and how he sent a messenger to Perot le Bernoys that he and other captains should keep the fields. Capi. C xxxiii  
¶ How they of Marroys and Rochelloys were sore afraid of the english men/ that were a land/ and how they of Rochel made ask rymysshe with them/ and how after the english men had pilled the country about Maraunt they drew again to the see/ with their pillage which was great. Capi. C xxxiiii  
¶ How Perot le Bernoys and his companions resorted again to their holds/ with great pillage/ and how the duke of Guerles could have no aid of the english men/ to raise the siege before Grave/ and how the brabansois made a brige over the river of meuse the which they of Guerles did break/ bryn/ and destroy/ as ye shall here after. Capi. C xxxv  
¶ How the Brabansoys passed the river through the town of Ravesten over the bridge there/ and so entered into Guerles. Than the duke departed fro Nymay with three hundred spears and came against them and discomfited them/ between Ravesten and the town of Grave. Cap C xxxvi  
¶ How the duke of Guerles after he had discomfited the brabansoys/ he went again to Nymay/ and how tidings came to the french king/ and how the king sent ambassadors to the king of Almaigne. Capi. C xxxvii  
¶ How the french king gave leave to the duke of Bretaygne to return in to his country/ and how the country of Brabant would not consent to the kings passage nor his army/ and how the ambassadors of France sped. Capi. C xxxviii  
¶ How the earl of Bloys sent to the french king two hundred spears/ and how the duke of Lorraine and the lord Henry of Bare came to the king/ and how the dukes of Julyers and of Guerles knew that the french king came on them. Capi. C xxxix  
¶ How sir Hellyon of Lygnacke made his report to the duke of Berrey/ and how the lords of Scotland assembled together in the city of Berdane/ and determined to raise up an army to enter into England/ and of an english squire who was taken by the scots/ who knew the secrets of both realms England and Scotland. Capi. C xl  
¶ How king Richard yielded himself to the earl of Derby to go to London. Cap. Fo. CCC xi  
¶ How the earl Douglas won the penon of sir Henry Percy/ at the barrier's upon New castle upon Tyne/ and how the scots brent the castle of Pondlen/ and how sir Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother took advise to follow the scots/ to conquer again the penon that was lost at the skirmish. Capi. C xli  
¶ Of the state of queen Isabella of England/ and how she had all new persons appointed to wait upon her/ and how king Richard was set in the tower of London. Capi. CC xlii  
¶ How sir Henry Percy and his brother with a good number of men of arms and archers/ went after the scots to win again his penon/ that the earl Douglas had won before. Newcastle upontyne: and how they assailed the scots before Mountberke in their lodgings. Cap. C xlii  
¶ How the earl James Douglas by his valiantness encouraged his men/ who were recoiled/ and in a manner disconfited/ and in his so doing he was wounded to death. Capi. C xliii  
¶ how in this battle sir Ralph Percy was sore hurt/ and taken prisoner by a scottiss he knight. Cap. C xliiii  
¶ How the scots wan the battle against the english men beside Ottebridge/ and there was taken prisoners sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy: & how an english squire would not yield him/ no more would a scottish squire/ and so were slain both: and how the bishop of Durham and his company were discomfited among themself. Capi. C xiu  
¶ How sir Mathewe Reedman debarred fro the battle to save himself/ and how sir James Lymsey was taken prisoner by the bishop of Durham: and how after the battle scurrers were sent forth to discover the country. Cap. C xlvi  
¶ How the scots departed & carried with them the earl Douglas deed/ and buried him in the abbey of Nimayes: and how sir Archambault Douglas and his company departed fro before Carlyle/ and returned in to Scotland. Cap. C xlvii  
¶ How the duke of Jullyers came and excused himself/ of the defiance that his son the duke of Guerles had made to the French king/ and so became his subiette: and of divers reates of arms done between the french men and the almaygnes/ before Rencongne. Cap. C xlviii  
¶ How the duke of Julyers and the archbishop of Coloygne departed fro the French king/ and went to Nimaye to the duke of Guerles: and how by their means he was reconciled/ and brought to peace with the French king and with the duchess of Brabant. Cap. C xlix  
¶ How the earl of Arundel and the knights of England being on the see/ by fortune of the wind came to the palace beside Rochel/ whose being there was signified to sir Joys of Xancere/ and of the departing of the earl of Arundel. Cap. C l  
¶ How the admiral of France was ordained by the French king and his counsel/ as ambassador to go to the king of Castille: and how the duke of Berrey sent to the earl of Foize/ to treat for a marriage between the duke of Berrey & the earls daughter of Bolonge. Cap C li  
¶ How Geffray Tete Noyre died chose a captain over his company/ and how he made his testament and so died: And how the duke of Guerles departed fro his country to go in to Pruce/ and of the incydence that fell to him in the land of the duke of Stulpe/ where he was taken prisoner and discomfited. Cap. C lii  
¶ How sir Johan of Vyen died his message to king Johan of Castyle fro the frenking and his counsel/ and what answers the king of Castyle made to him. Capi. C liii  
¶ How sir Joys of Xancere went to see the earl of Foize at Orthays: and how before the duke of Lancastre at Bordeaux there were deeds of arms done/ between five French men and five english men: and how the duchess of Lancastre went with her daughter in to castle to king John. Cap. c liiii  
¶ How the duchess of Lancastre departed fro the king of Castyle/ and went to Mantuell to bring her father's bones to civil: & how the French king sent ambassadors to the earl of Foize/ to treat for the marriage of the duke of Berrey his uncle/ with therie of Boloyns daughter. Cap. C lu  
¶ How certaygne wise men treated for a peace to endure for three year between France and England/ and all their alyes/ aswell on the one part as on the other/ by land and by see. Cap. C lvi  
¶ Of the ordinance/ of the entry of queen Isabella in to the town of Paris. Ca c lvii  
¶ How the lord of Castle morant/ whom th'earl of saint Poule had left behind him in England/ returned in to France with the charter of the truce/ sealed by king Richard his uncles/ to endure three year by see and by land. Cap. C lviii  
¶ The marriage of king Joys son to the duke of Anjou/ to the daughter of king Peter of Arragone/ and how he went with the queen of Naples his mother to avignon to see pope Clement. Cap. C lix  
¶ How the French king had desire to go and visit the far parts of his realm/ and how he went first in to Burgoyne/ and to Auignone to see pope Clement. Cap. c.lx  
¶ How sir Peter Courtney came in to France to do arms with sir guy of Tremoyle/ and how the lord of Clary conveyed him/ and by what occasion he died arms with him in the marchesse of Calis. Cap. c.lxi.  
¶ How the jousts at saint Inguelyert/ otherwise called Sandyngfelde/ were enterprised/ by sir raynold of Roye/ the young sir Bouciquaunt/ and the lord of saint Pye. Capi. C lxii  
¶ Of the complaints made to the French king by the people of Languedocke/ in the town of Besyers' against Beusache/ treasurer to the duke of Berrey/ of the great extortions that he had made/ and of his contessyon: and of the cruel death that he had in the said town. Cap. C.lxiii.  
¶ How the French king being at toulouse sent for the earl of Foize who came thither/ and did homage to the king for the county of Foize. Cap. C.lxiiii.  
¶ Of the feat and covenant that was done between the king and the duke of Thoutayne his brother/ which of them should soonest come to Paris fro Mountpellyer/ which is a hundred and fifty leagues a sunder/ each of them but with one knight. Capi. C .lxv.  
¶ Of the death of pope Vrbayne of Rome/ called the Antepape: & how pope Clement wrote to the French king and to his uncles and to the university/ and of the election of pope Bonyface by the cardinals of Rome. Capi. C lxvi  
¶ Of the yielding up and taking of the strong castle of Vanchadore in Lymosyn/ of old/ pertaining to sir Geffray Teate Noyre. Cap. C.lxvii.  
¶ Of the deeds of arms at saint Ingylbertes/ continuing thirty days/ against all comers of the realm of England/ & other countries: every man three courses. Capi. C lxviii  
¶ Of the enterprise and voyage of the knights of France and England/ and of the duke of Burbone/ who was as chief of that army/ at the request of the genovoys to go in to Barbary/ to besiege the strong town of africa. Cap. C.lxix.  
¶ Of a captain a robber and a pillar of the country called Aymergot marcel/ who held a strong castle in the marchesse of Rovergne/ called the Roche of Vandoys/ and how it was besieged by the viscount of Meavix/ and of the taking thereof: and how Aymergot was taken and brought to Paris. Capi. C lxx  
¶ How the Christian lords and the genoese being in the isle of Conymbres at anchor/ departed thence to go and lay siege to the strong city of africa in Barbary: & how they maintained the siege. Cap. C.lxxi.  
¶ how after this adventure and damage/ that fell to the christian men by reason of this assault/ before the town of africa/ & that so many knights and squires were deed/ they maynteygned themself more wiselyer after/ than they died before/ and continued their siege a long season after. Cap. c.lxxii.  
¶ Of a feast and jousts made by the king of England in London/ while the Christian knights and squires were at the siege before the town of africa against the sarazens/ and how this feast was published in divers countries & lands. Cap. C.lxxiii.  
¶ how and by what indydent the siege was raised before the town of africa/ and by what occasion/ and how every man recourned to their own countries. Cap. c.lxxiiii.  
¶ Of thenglish he knights that were sent to Paris to the French king/ fro the king of England and his uncles/ to treat for a peace. Capi. C.lxxv.  
¶ Of the death of king johan of Castyle/ and of the crowning of king Henry his son. Cap. C.lxxvi.  
¶ Of the army of the young earl johan of Armynake/ and of the voyege that he made in to Lombardy/ & how he died at the siege before the town of Alexander. Cap. c.lxxvii.  
¶ How sir Peter of Craon fell in the French kings displeasure and in the Duke of Thourayns/ and after he was received by the duke of Bretayne. Cap. C.lxxviii.  
¶ Of the death of the young earl Joys of Chastellon/ son to th'earl guy of Bloys. Cap. C.lxxix.  
¶ Of the sudden death of the earl Gascone of Foize/ and how the earl of Chastellon came to his inheritance. Cap. C.lxxx.  
¶ How the treaty of peace renewed at Towers in Thourayne/ between the French king and the duke of Bretayne/ and of the marriage of the daughter of France to the son of Bretayne/ and of johan of Bretayne earl of Ponthieur and the daughter of the duke of Bretayne. Cap. C.lxxxi.  
¶ How the earl of Bloyes & Mary of Namure his wife sold the county of Bloyes/ and all their lands to the duke of Thourayn the french kings brother. Capi. C lxxxii  
¶ How sir Roger of Spain and sir spain du Lion sped/ with the French king and his counsel/ for the viscount of Chastellons' business/ and how he was set in possession in the county of Foize/ and of the money that he paid. Cap. C.lxxxiii.  
¶ Of the great assemble that was made at amiens/ of the French king and his counsel/ and of the king of England's uncles on the treaty of peace. Cap. C.lxxxiiii.  
¶ How sir Peter of Craon through evil will/ by subtle craft/ beat down sir Oliver of Clysson/ wherewith the king and his counsel were sore displeased. Cap. C.lxxxv.  
¶ how in great diligence the Provost of Paris pursued sir Peter of Craon. Capi. C lxxxvi  
¶ Of the great army and voyage that the French king purposed to make in to Bretayngne against the duke/ because he sustained sir Peter of Craonne: and how in that voyage the king fell sick/ whereby the voyage broke. Cap. C.lxxxvii.  
¶ How the duke of Thourayne brother to the French king/ resigned the Duchy of Thouraing in to the kings hands/ and how by exchange the king gave him the duchy of orleans/ and so ever after he was called the duke of orleans. Cap. C.lxxxvii. for viii Fo. CC.xxxiii.  
¶ How the dukes of Burgoyn and of Berrey uncles to the French king had the governance of the realm: and how they chased and took such as governed the king b● fore. Cap. C.lxxxix.  
¶ How sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France departed out of Paris/ after the answer that the duke of Burgoyne had made him/ and went to Mount le Henry/ and ●●●thens in to Bretayne. Cap. C.xc  
¶ How the treatise which was accorded between England and France for three years was renewed. Cap. C.xci  
¶ Of the adventure of a Dance that was made at Paris in likeness of wodhouses/ wherein the French king was in paryll of death. Cap. C.xcii.  
¶ How pope Bonyface and the cardinals or Rome/ sent a Frere a wise clerk to the French king. Cap. C.xciii.  
¶ How the marriage was treased of the lord philip of Arthoyes' earl of Ewel and the lady Mary of Berrey widow/ daughter to the duke of Berrey/ and how he was admitted constable of France. Cap. C.xciiii.  
¶ Of the form of the peace/ made between the French king and the king of England by means of the four dukes/ uncles to both kings. Cap. 195  
¶ Of the death of pope Clement at Au●gnon and of the election of pope Benedic. Capi. C.xcvi.  
¶ Of a clerk named master johan of Warennes. Cap. C.xcvii.  
¶ How the king of England gave to the duke of Lancastre and to his heirs for ever the duchy of Acquitayner, and how the king prepared to go in to Ireland/ and the duke in to Acovitayne. Cap. C.xcviii.  
¶ Of the death of queen Anne of England wife to king richard/ daughter to the king of Boesme and Emperor of Almaigne. Cap. C.xcix.  
¶ How sir john Froissart arrived in England/ and of the gift of a book that he gave to the king. Capi. CC,  
¶ Of the refuse of them of Acquitayne made to the duke of Lancastre/ and how they sent in to England to the king and his counsel/ showing him the will of the hole country of Aequitayne. Cap. Cc.i  
¶ The devise/ and of the conquest that king Richard had made in Ireland/ & how he brought to his obeisance four kings of that country. Cap. Cc.ii  
¶ Of the ambassade that the king of England sent in to France/ to treat of the ●●●ryage between the lady Isabella the French kings eldest daughter/ and himself/ and of the loving answer they had. Cap. CC.iii.  
¶ Of a souper named Robert the 〈◊〉 how he was sent to the treaties of the peace holden at Balyngham/ and how he was after sent in to England to king richard and his uncles. Cap. CC.iiii.  
¶ Of the deliverance of the lord de la River and sir Iohn le Mercier/ and how they were put out of prison. Capi. CC.v  
¶ Of the peace that was had between the duke of Bretaing and sir Oliver of Clysson. Cap. Cc.vi  
¶ How the king of Hungry wort to the French king the state of the great Turk/ and how johan of Burgoyne eldest son to the duke of Burgoyne/ was chief & heed of the army that went thither. Foe cc.lxiii  
¶ How the earl of Ostrenaunt enterprised to go in to Fryse. Cap. cc.vii.  
¶ Of the judgement made in the parliament/ for the queen of Naples against sir Peter of Craon. Cap. Cc.ix  
¶ Of the conclusion of the marriage taken at Paris/ between the king of England and Isabella eldest daughter to the French king/ and how the duke of Lancastre remaryed. Cap. Cc.x  
¶ How the great turk desired the sultan and many other kings saracens to aid him with men of war to resist against the christian men/ and how many valiant saracens Came to him out of far countries. Cap. Cc.xi  
¶ How the lord of Eoucy and other lords of the christian men/ about a xu hundred spears discomfited a five thousand Turks/ during the the siege before Nicopoly. Cap. Cc.xii  
¶ How the peace between England and France continued/ and of the marriage of the king of England with the daughter of France. Cap. CC.xiii.  
¶ How the earl of Heynaulte and the Earl of Ostrenaunt his son/ made a great army of men of arms/ knights and squyets to go in to Fryse. Cap. CC.xiiii.  
¶ Of the army that the French king sent in to Fryse in the aid of his cousins/ and the lord Valeran earl of saint Poule and the lord Charles de la Brethe were captains. Cap. CC.xv.  
¶ How the marriage of the king of England to the daughter of France was ordered: and how the French king delivered his daughter to the king of England in his tent/ between Arde and Calais. Cap. Cc.xvi  
¶ How the siege before Nicopoly in Turkey was raised by Lamorabaquy/ and how the French men were discomfited: and how the hungaryons fled. Cap. CC.xvii.  
¶ Of the poverty and misery that the christian knights of France and other nations endured/ in the coming home to their countries. Cap. CC.xviii.  
¶ How the true tidings of the battle in Turkey was known in the French kings house. Cap. CC.xix.  
¶ How the duchess of orleans/ daughter to the duke of milan/ was had in suspect of the French kings sickness. Capi. Cc.xx  
¶ How the duke of Burgoyn & the duchess his wife took great diligence to find the means to redeem out of prison the Earl of Nevers their s●nne/ and the other prisoners being in Turkey. Cap. CC.xxi.  
¶ How the Duke of Gloucestre subtly sought out the means/ how to destroy king Richard of England his nephew. Cap. CC.xxii.  
¶ How the duke of Gloucestre was taken by the earl Martial/ by the commandment of the king. Cap. CC.xxiii.  
¶ How the lords of France returned by see to Venyce/ and of the isles they found by the way. Capi. CC.xxiiii.  
¶ how after the return of the lords of France/ the French king intended what he might to set a concord and peace in the church. Cap. CC.xxv.  
¶ Of the death of the duke of Gloucestre and of the earl of Arundel/ and how the kings uncles and the Londoners took the matter. Cap. CC.xxvi.  
¶ Of the great army that was made in the city of reins/ as well by the Emperor/ as of the realm of France/ on the state of holy church. Cap. CC.xxvii.  
¶ How the earl Martial in England apealed by guage of utterance th'earl of Derby son to the duke of Lancastre/ in the presence of the king and his counsel. Cap. CC.xxviii.  
¶ How king Richard gave sentence/ whereby he banished out of England the earl of Derby forten year/ and th'earl Marshal for ever. Cap. CC.xxix.  
¶ How the earl of Derby departed fro London to go in to France/ and the earl Martial went in to Flaunders and so in to Lombardy. Cap. Cc.xxx  
¶ How the lord Guyllyam earl of Ostrenaunt sent to his cousin the earl of Derby certain messengers/ and how the earl came to Paris/ and how he was received. Capi. CC.xxxi.  
¶ How the treaty that had been at reins between the French king and the king of almain/ concerning the unity of the church was followed: and how the bishop of Cambrey was sent by the said kings to Rome and to avignon/ to them that wrote themself pope's/ to th'intent that they should depose themself fro their papalytees/ & submit them to the order of these two kings. Cap. CC.xxxii.  
¶ How the French king assembled the prelate's and other noble men or his realm with the university of Paris/ to take counsel how they should order pope Benedic at Avignon. Cap. CC.xxxiii.  
¶ Of the answer of the duke of Lancastre to the knight sent to him fro his son th'earl of Derby/ and how the duke of Lancastre died. Capi. CC.xxxiiii.  
¶ How the death of the duke of Lancastre was known in France/ the king of England wrote in manner of joy to the French king thereof/ and wrote nothing thereof to th'earl of Derby/ who was the duke's son. Capi. CC.xxxv.  
¶ Of the treaty of a marriage between the earl of Derby & the duke of berry's daughter/ and how king Richard of England died let it/ by the earl of Salisbury. Cap. CC.xxxvi.  
¶ How king Richard ordained to go in to the marchesse of Ireland. Cap. CC.xxxvii.  
¶ How the archbishop of Caunterbury was sent in to France to th'earl of Derby/ fro the Londoners and other counsels of England/ to have him to return in to England. Cap. CC.xxxviii.  
¶ How the earl of Derby took leave of the French king/ and went to his cousin the duke of Bretayne. Cap. CC.xxxix.  
¶ How the earl of Derby arrived in England/ and how he was received of the Londoners. Capi. Cc.xl  
¶ How tidings came to kings richard or the coming of th'earl of Derby with great puissance. Capi. CC.xli.  
¶ How king Richard of England resined the crown and the realm in the hands of the earl of Derby duke of Lancastre. Cap. CC.xliiii.  
¶ Of the coronation of king Henry duke of Lancastre by the consent of the realm/ & the manner of the feast. Cap. CC.xlv.  
¶ How news of the taking of king richard was known in France/ by the coming thither of the lady Coucy/ and how the French king was displeased. Cap. CC.xlvi.  
¶ How the French king raised up an army to send upon the tronters of England. Cap. CC.xlviii.  
¶ Of the death of king Richard of England/ and how the ●reuse between England and France was renewed/ and also of the deposition of pope Benedic at Avignon. Cap. CC.xlix.   
¶ Finis.   

¶ How sir Iohn Bourchier governor of Gaunt during the truce/ had new victualed the town of Gaunt/ And how a manner of people called comporsels died much hurt in the country. Capitulo Primo.  
SIr Iohn Bourchier who had the governing of Gaunt under king richard of England/ & the capiteyns of the commonty of the town/ as Peter de Boys/ frances Atreman/ and Peterle Myttre. They provided surely for the war/ and during the truce/ they had greatly victualed and refreshed the town with all provision pertaining to the war: and also the castle of Gauure/ and other places under their rule.  
In the same season there was a company of rutters gathered together in the wood of Respayle/ and there they had fortified a house/ so that it could not lightly be won. They were people chased out of Alos/ of Grantmount/ and out of other places in Flaunders/ and had lost all that ever they had and wist not how to live/ but by robbing and pilling/ wheresoever they could get it: so that there was as than no speaking but of these pigs of Respayle. This wood is between Reguays and Grauntmount/ Anghien and Lysen: they died much hurt in the lordship of Athe/ & in the land of Floberge and of Lyssues/ and in the land of Danghien. and these pillars were borne out by them of Gaunt/ for under the colour of them they died much hurt as in robbing and slaying. They would go in to Heynalte and take men and women in their beds/ and lead them to their fortress and ransom them at their pleasure: they made war to every man. The captain of A'the/ who was called Baudrius dela Mocte/ laid often times await for them/ but he could never trap them/ they knew so many shifts. They were so feared in the frontiers of Heynalte and Brabant/ that none durst go that way in to the country.  
THe duke of Burgoyne on the other part/ for the war● that he looked for/ he garnished and provided for all his towns in Flanders. There was captain of Bruges the lord of Guystelles/ and of country sir johan jeumount/ and sir William of Namure. As than sir Willm of Guystels was lord of Dan/ and of Courtray sir johan jeumount and sir Peter of Neyper. In likewise in all the towns on the fronter of France/ there were men of war set by the duke of Burgoyne. In the town of Ardenbourcke/ there was in garrison sir Guy of Pontaillyer marshal of Burgoyn/ sir Ryflarte of Flaunders/ sir johan of jeumont/ sir Henry of Coing/ the lord of Montigny in Ostrenant/ the lord of Longuevall/ sir johan Barnet/ sir Peter Baylleull/ Philpot Gany/ Raoleyn dela Foley/ and divers other. These men of arms were two hundred/ and so they took advise together/ and were in will to ride in to the four crafts and destroy that country/ for moche victual came fro thence in to Gaū●. And so on a day they departed and took that way/ and the same day that the french men were ridden forth/ there was ridden forth out of Gaunt a two thousand men meet for the war/ and France's Arreman was their captain/ And so suddenly they met with the frenchmen in a village: and when each of them knew other they saw well they should have battle. Than the frenchmen valiantly set foot to the earth and approached their enemies/ and the gauntoyse in likewise set on them. There they began to shoal and to fight each with other: they were on such a place that the gauntoyse could not pass at their advantage. there was a sore battle and many feats of arms done on both parts/ and divers cast to the ground. Sir Riflart of Flaunders was the● a good knight/ and did valiantly. The knights and squires fought valiantly with the Gauntoise/ & so it behoved them to do/ for there was no ransom. But finally the gauntoyse were of such number that they obtained the place/ and the frenchmen were constrained to leap on their horses or else they had been all lost/ for the gauntoyse surmounted them. And there was slain sir Iohn Varlet/ sir Peter of Bailleule Bell Forrier/ philip of Gancy/ Raolen dela Foley/ and divers other which was great damage. And the other were fain to fly and to enter in to Ardcmbourcke/ or else they had been deed without recovery. And after this adventure the viscount of Meaulx was sent in garrison to Ardenbourcke/ with a certain number of men of arms/ and they newly repaired the town: and he had with him a hundred soeares of good men of arms. And as than sir johan of jeumont was great bailiff of Flaunders/ & so he had been two year before. He was greatly doubted in all the country of Flaunders because of his valiantness/ And when he might get any of the gauntoyse/ there went no ransom for them: For he other put them to death/ or else cut of their hands and feet or put out their eyen and send them home/ to give ensample to the other gauntoyse. He was so renowned in Flaunders to do justice without pity/ in correcting the gauntoyse/ that there was no speaking in all Flaunders but of him.  
THus in every Realm the world was in trouble/ as well between France and England as Castle and Portyngale for the● the war was newly renewed. and the lady of Auiowe/ who wrote herself queen of Naples and of Jerusalem/ was come to Iuygnon to the pope/ and there kept her house and her son Joys with her/ who was called king of Cecyle/ the which his father had conquered. The queens intention was to make war in Provence/ without they of that country would take her for their lady/ and become under her obeisance. And sir bernard de la Salle was entered in to Pronence/ and made war there in her quarrel. The same season the lord of Coucy was also at Auygnon/ and had lain a xu weeks in his bed/ of a hurt that he had on his leg with running of a horse. And when he was hole/ than he oftentimes died visit the queen and recomforted her/ the which he could do rightwell. The queen tarried therefore to abide for the duke of Berrey/ who was also coming to Avignon to speak with the pope/ and to aid his sister the queen. The french king and his uncles had sent in to Provence/ sir Joys of Sanxere marshal of France with five hundred men of arms to war in that country/ without they would come to obeisance under the queen. Some submitted themself but not all/ how be it the city of marcel/ and the greatest part of the country yielded them to the queen/ but the city of Ayes in Provence/ and Tarraston/ and divers knights of the country would not yield them to the queen/ saying: how she had no right to demand the county of Provence/ till she were peaceably received for lady/ and her son as king of Pull and Calabre in Naples and Cecile. and when she hath possession of these/ than Provence shall obey her/ as reason requireth. In those matchesse there made war for the earl/ Sir Charles dela Pa●●e/ the earl Conversant/ and sir johan of Luzenbourge his son. And with me queen at Avignon as chief of her counsel was sir johan of Baylleule.  
IN the same season there fell in lombardy a marvelous insydence/ which was much spoken of/ through out all the world. and that was of the Earl of Vertus/ called sir Galeas/ and of his brother sir Barnabo/ the greatest in all Lombardy. They had reigned long and governed all Lombardy like two brethren. The one of them ruled nine cities and the otehr ten. & the city of milan was governed one yet by the one & tother year by the other. When sir Galeas died/ he left behind him a son/ who was than earl of Vertus/ & named like his father sir Galeas/ but than suaged the love between him and sir Barnabo his uncle/ for than sir Galeas doughted him of sir Barnabo his/ uncle least that he would take away his lands fro him/ like as he died fro his father. For his uncle of old time took away the land fro their brother sir Mauffe/ and caused him to die. So thus th'earl of Vertus doubted him greatly of his uncle. how be it he wrought subtly to bring himself insuretie/ I shall show you how. Sir Barnabo had in usage/ that all such lands as he had rule of/ he ransomed them so grievously and would tax the men two or three times in a year/ to pay the half or third part of their goods/ and none durst say against him for fear. And sir Galeas earl of Vertus died otherwise/ for the intent to get love he took none aid of his men/ but lived all only by his revenues/ And that rule he kept a five year after the death of his father/ so that he had the love of all Lombardy/ and every man said/ they would be glad to live under him. And every man spoke evil of sir Barnabo privily as they durst/ because he took so excessively of them. So finally the Earl of Vertus thought to execute his intent/ as he that doughted greatly his uncle/ and as it was said/ he saw some likelihood. On a day he sent secretly for such as he trusted best/ And to some he showed his intent/ but not to all/ for fear that his purpose should be known.  
And so it fortuned/ that sir Barnabo on a day road forth fro one Castle to another to sport him. The earl of Vertus his nephew knew thereof and laid for him three busshemeutes/ to the intent that his uncle should not scape/ for he must needs at least pass by one of them. The earl commanded to take him but not to slay him/ without he made great defence. So as sir Barnabo rood forth and thought none evil/ nor was in no fear of his nephew/ So he fell in the danger of one of the bushments/ the which opined and approached him with their spears couched in the rest. sir Barnabo had with him a squire of almain/ who came to him and said. Sir/ save yourself/ for yonder company maketh but evil countenance against you/ they are pertaining to your nephew sir Galeas/ Sir Barnabo answered/ I know not how to save myself/ if they own me any evil will/ But I have done no trespass to my nephew/ whereby that I ought to fly away. so always they of the bushment drew nearer & nearer straight upon him. There was a knight of almain with sir Barnabo/ and when he saw this company approach toward his master: He had sir Barnabos sword in his hand and drew it out of the sheath/ and took it his master and said. Sir/ defend yourself/ and than the knight drew out his own sword like a valiant man to stand at his defence/ how be it all availed him no thing/ For incontinent he was environed/ and his master also with their enemies. and the said knight was the● slain/ because he put himself to defence/ whereof sir Galeas was afterward right sore displeased. So sir Barnabo was there taken for he made no defence/ nor none of his men/ & so he was brought to a castle whe● his nephew was/ who was glad of his coming. The same day sir Barnabos wife and children were taken/ who were to marry/ and they were kept in milan in prison. Than sir Galeas took all the signories/ towns and castles/ that pertained to sir Barnabo in all Lombardy to his possession: and his uncle died I can not say how. I think he was let blood in the neck according to the blood letting in Lombardy when they will advance a man's end. Anon these tidings sprang abroad/ some were glad thereof and some were sort. For this sir Barnabo had done in his time/ many cruel and horrible deeds/ and piteous justice without reason/ so that but few people complained his trouble/ but said/ He had well deserved it. thus ended sir Barnabo/ who had in his days reigned puissauntly in Lombardy.  
¶ Now let us return to the duke of Bourbon's and the Earl of Marchesse army/ & what they died in Poictou and in Lymosyn.  
THey depted fro Moleyns' in Burbonoyse/ and so road forth with great revel: And the duke had in his company his nephew johan of Harcourte. The special number of his army came out of Berry/ Awergne/ Poictou/ Rovergue/ Xaynton/ and Lymosyn/ And they met together at Nyorte/ a xii leagues fro Poicters. In this mean season sir Wyllm of Lynacke/ a right valiant knight seneschal of Xaynton/ who was as than governor of milan (in those marchesse) and so he came in to Angoulinoys/ with a certain number of men of arms/ a two hundred: He rested before the castle of the Eagle/ in the which were Englishmen. And all the winter and summer passed before had greatly damaged the country. than this sir William lighted a foot/ and so did all his company/ and valiantly assailed the castle. It was a sore assault and well continued/ for they within defended themself for fear of their lives. Sir William himself that day died right nobly/ and gave ensample how his men should assail without any sparing. This assault was so well continued/ that the Castle was taken byforce: the French men entered in by ladders/ & all that were within slain and taken. Thus this sir William of Lygnac died the first enterprise in that season/ abiding for the duke of Burbone and his rout.  
when the duke of Burbone was come to Nyorte/ and his company: There he found a great number of men of war/ abiding for him. And there was ready his cousin the earl of March/ with a great number/ and also the viscount of Tonnere/ and sir Henry of Thovars' seneschal of Lymosyn/ the lord of Pons/ the lord of Parteney/ the lord of Thovars'/ the lord of puissance/ and divers other barons of Poytou and of Xaynton. And than sir William of Lignacke came to the duke/ who had newly won the Castle of the Eagle/ wherefore the duke gave him great thanks. When all these men of war were assembled together/ they were a seven hundred spears beside the Genevoys and other varlets: They were in number two thousand fighting men. Thasie they took advise whither they should go/ either to Vertuell or to Taylboure or to Mountlewe. And all things considered/ they determined to go to Mountlewe/ by cause it was a castle/ standing on the lands of Burdeaur. They thought if they might get that castell● all other should be the more easier to win. And also/ than should no man come out of Burdeaur without their knowledge. so they road thitherward and passed Angolesme and so came before Mountlewe/ and they laid their siege. The chief leaders of all the dukes host/ was sir james Pounsarte/ and johan Bonne lance. incontinent they made ready to assyle the castle/ and so environed the castle about/ and gave assault with great courage/ and they within defended themself valiantly. Surely there was an hard assault & well continued/ and many a proper deed of arms done/ For the frenchmen diligently mounted up on their ladders/ and fought with dagger's hand to hand on the walls. So moche died the french men/ that by pure assault they won the castle/ and they within slain/ There were but a few that were saved. When the fren the men had possession of Mountlewe/ they new lie furuysshed it with men of war and other provision. And than they took the way to tail bourcke/ of the which fortress Dynaudon of Perat was captain/ a proper man of arms he made but little count of the frenchmen. and while the duke lay at siege before this castle/ his company wan two little fortresses/ which had sore harryed the fronters of Poictou & Lymosyn/ by reason of the Englyss●men that were in them. These two fortresses were called Troucet and Archat/ and all that were within were slain/ and the castles delivered to them of the country/ and they died beat them down to the ground. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the bridge of Taylbourcke was won by the french men/ and how the english men fortified themself against the coming of the french men/ And how the admiral of France and his rout arrived at Edenborowe in Scotland. Cap. secundo.  
THus the siege was laid before Tailbourcke by four bastedes▪ there was in Tail bourcke a bridge on the river of Charent/ and the english men and gascoins had well fortified it/ so that all the season before they could no ship pass to Rochel nor in to Xaynton/ without danger or by truage. Than the french lords advised to win the bridge to have the less to do/ and to lie the more surer in their bastides. They caused to come to Rochellshippes by the river of Charent/ and in them certain Genevoys and crossbows/ and made them to scrymysshe with them of the bridge. There was a sore assault/ for the english men and gascons had right well fortified the bridge/ and valiantly died defend themselves/ So they were assailed by land and by river. ¶ johan the son of the earl of Harcourt was there made knight and raised his banner/ the duke of Burbone his uncle made him knight. This assault was well continued/ and many a feat of arms the● done the Genevoys and crossbows that were in the ships shot so rudely and so hold together at them on the bridge/ that none of them durst scantly show any defence. What should I make long tale? By force of assault the bridge on the river was won/ and all that were found thereon slain and drowned/ none scaped. thus the french men had the bridge of Taylbourc/ their siege was the easier. It was but three leagues fro faint Iohnns Dangle/ and two leagues fro Xauntes/ in the best country of the world.  
OF the loss of Tayllebourke/ they within Dynaudon & other were sore dismayed/ as they had good cause/ for they had lost thereby the passage of the river/ how be it yet they would not yield them. They thought themselves in a strong place/ and trusted on some rescue fro Bordeaux/ For it was showed in all those fronters and english forteresses/ that the duke of Lancastre/ or else the earl of Buckyngham with two thousand men of arms & four thousand archers/ should come to Bordeaux to fight with the french men/ and to raise all their siege. Of this they greatly trusted/ but it fortuned otherwise/ as I shall show you. It was ordained in England/ that the Duke of Lancastre and sit johan holland brother to the king/ Sir Thomas Percy/ six Thomas trivet/ the lord Fitz water/ six William windsor/ sit Iohn Fitzwaren/ and other barons knights and squires with a thousand spears and three thousand archers/ should have gone to Bordeaux to have been there all the summer/ and to have refreshed Mortayne/ Boutuyll/ and other fortresses in Gascoigne and Languedocke/ and to fight with the French men/ if they found them in the country. And after that they had tarried there a season/ than to have gone fro thence in to castle/ to Bayon/ and to Navarre: For they were in treaty with the king of Naver. This was imagined in England/ but all turned to nought/ for when they knew the certainty that the admiral of France/ with a thousand spears of chosen knights and squires were come in to Scotland. Than they changed their purpose/ and durst send none of their men out of the realm/ for they doughted greatly the deeds of the french men and Scots/ joined together. Also the same time there ran a voice through all England/ how they should be the same Summer assailed with the frenchmen in three ꝑtes. One by Bretaygne. for the duke there was become french: And another by normandy/ for the which (as it was said) The constable of France made his provision at Harflewe and Deep/ and so a long the Scesyde to saint Valeries and to Crotoy: And the third by the Scots so that for dought of this/ they would suffer no knights nor squires to go out of England/ but made provision to defend their havens & ports of the see. The same season the Earl of Arundel Richard was admiral of the See/ and was on the See/ with a three or fourscore great ships/ furnished with men of arms and archers. And he had small ships that ran in and out/ and viewed the bounds of the isles of Normandy to know tidings.  
¶ Now let us leave to speak of the duke of Burbone and of the siege of Tayllebourcke/ where as he lay a nine weeks: & let us show how the admiral of France took land in the realm of Scotland/ and what cheer they had made to them at their first lodging.  
tHe French army that went in to scotland had wind at will. It was in the month of may/ when the waters be peaceable and meek/ and the air soft and sweet. First they costed Flanders/ Holande zeland/ and Frise: and at last approached to the sight of Scotland. But are they arrived/ the● fell an hard adventure/ to a young knight of France a proper man of arms/ called sir Aubert Dangyers. The knight was young and of haute courage/ and to show his strength and lightness of body/ he leapt up clean armed on the wall of the ship/ and in the lighting/ his feet slipped/ and so fell over the board in to the see/ so that he could not be helped: For incontinent he sank down/ because of the weight of his harness/ & also the ship sailed ever forth. Of this knights adventure/ all the barownes and knights were sore disposed/ but there was no remedy. And so long they sailed that they arrived at Edenborowe/ the chief town in Scotland. And whe● as the king in time of peace most commonly lay. And as soon as the earl Douglas and the Earl Morette knew of their coming/ they went to the haven and met with them/ and received them sweetly: Saying/ how they were right welcome in to that country: And the barons of Scotland/ knew right well sir Geffray de Charney/ for he had been the summer before two months in their company: sir Geffray acquainted them with the admiral/ and the other knights of France. As at that time the king of Scots was not there/ for he was in the wild scottysshe: But it was showed these knights/ how the king would be there shortly/ wherewith they were well content: and so were lodged there about in the villages. For Edinburgh/ though the king kept there his chief residence and that it is Paris in Scotland/ yet it is not like Tourney or Valencennes/ for in all the town there is not four thousand houses. Therefore it behoved these lords and knights to be lodged about in villages: As at Donfer/ Me line/ castle/ Donbare/ Aluest/ and such other. Anon tidings sprang about in Scotland that a great number of men of arms of France were come into their country. Some thereat died murmur and grudge/ and said: Who the devil hath sent for them? What do they here? Can not we maintain our war with England well enough without their help? We shall do no good as long as they be with us? Let it be showed unto them/ that they may return again? And that we be strong enough in Scotland to maintain our war without them: And therefore we will none of their company. They understand not us nor we them/ therefore we can not speak together. They will anon ryffle/ and eat up all that ever we have in this country. They shall do us more dispytes and damages/ than though the english men should fight with us. For though the english men brinne our houses we care little therefore/ We shall make them again cheap enough/ We axe but three days to make them again/ if we may get four or five stakes and bows to cover them. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the French men found a wild country of Scotland/ and were evil content with th'admiral and how he pacified them with fair words: And how France's Atreman and his company had near hand taken Ardenbourcke in Flaunders. Cap. iii.  
THus the scots said in Scotland/ at the coming of the frenchmen thither/ for they died set nothing by them/ but hated them in their courage and diframed them in their language/ as moche as they might/ like rude people without honour as they be. All things considered/ It was to great an army of so many noble men to come in to scotland/ and knew no reason why/ a twenty or thrittie knights of France/ had been better than all that number of five hundred or a thousand/ and the cause why is this.  
¶ In Scotland ye shall find no man light/ lie of honour nor gentleness: They be like wild and savage people: They will be with no man acquainted/ and are greatly envious with the honour or profit of any other man/ and they dow ever to lose that they have/ for it is a poor country. And when the english men maketh any rood or voyage in to the country/ as they have done often before this time/ If they think to live/ they must cause their provision and victual to follow them at their back/ for they shall find nothing in that country but with moche pain. Nor they shall find none iron to show their horses/ nor leddar to make harness/ sadelles/ or bridles: For all such things cometh to them ready made out of Flaunders. And when that provision faileth/ there is none to get in the country.  
When the barownes and knights of France who were wont to find fair hostries/ halls hanged/ and goodly castles and soft beds to rest in: saw themself in that necessity: they began to smile/ and said to the admiral. Sir/ What pleasure hath brought us hither? We never knew what poverty meant till now? We find now/ the old sayings of our fathers and mother's true: when they would say. Go your way: and ye live long/ ye shall find hard and poor beds/ which now we find. Therefore/ let us go our voyage that we be come for. Let us ride in to England: The long tarrying here in Scotland/ is to us/ neither honourable nor profitable. The admiral appeased them as well as he might/ & said. Sirs/ it behoveth us to suffer a little/ and to speak fair/ sith we be in this danger. We have a great long way yet to pass/ and by England we can not return: Therefore let us take in gree that we find/ We can not be always at Paris or Dygeon/ at Beauty or at Chalous. It behoveth them that will live in this world/ thinking to have honour/ to suffer sometime as well poverty as wealth.  
THus sir johan of Vien admiral of France/ appeased to his companions/ with these words and such other/ which I can not all rehearse They acquainted them as moth as they might with the barownes of scotland/ but they were visited by them but very little: For as I have said before/ there is in them little honour/ & of all people evil to be acquainted withal. The most company that the french men had was the earl Douglas and the earl Morette. These two lords died them more solace/ than all the residue of Scotland. yet there was another thing that was right hard to the frenchmen/ For when they were in Scotland and would ride they found horses to dear for that that was not worth ten florins they could not buy under threescore or a hundred/ and yet with moche pain to get any for money/ and yet when they had any horses/ than had they neither harness/ saddle/ nor bridle/ without they had brought it with them out of Flaunders. In this trouble and danger were the frenchmen: yea and moreover/ when their varlets went forth a foraging/ and had charged their horses with such as they could get/ In their retouruing home/ the scots themself lay in wait for them/ and all that they had taken from them/ and they well beaten and some slain: so that there was none that durst go a foraging for fear to be slain. For in a month the french men lost of their varlets more than a hundred: For if they went forth three or four together/ they never returned again. Thus the french men were handled: And beside that/ the king of Scots was desired to comeforthe/ and so were the other lords/ knights/ and squires of the realm. But they answered and said: How they would make no war in to England/ as at that tyme. And that they said/ to th'intent that the French men should pay well for their coming. For or the king would come out of the wild scottysshe to Edenboroughe/ he demanded to have a great sum of money/ for him and for his people: And the admiral of France was sayne to promise and to seal/ that the king should have a certain some of money or he and his company avoided the Realm: It he had not done thus/ he should have had none aid of the scots: He was fain to make that merchandise or else a worse. And yet when he had made the best accord and a●oyntment that he could make with them/ he had by them but little profit nor help/ as ye shall here further in the history.  
¶ But now a little I will return and tell of the adventures of Flaunders and of the marriage of the young french king/ and how Ardenbourcke had near been taken by stealth/ where as the viscount of Meaulx and sir Iohn of jeumont lay in garrison.  
AFter the discomfiture that sir Ryflarte of Flaunders had made in the land of the four crafts with out Gaunt/ than he came to Ardembourcke: And thither was sent in garrison sir Robert of Bethune viscount of Meaulx/ and there he found sir johan of jumont and his company: And thither was sent a xl spears knights and squires/ such as desired to seek adventures. when the viscount was come thither/ he intended to fortify and repair the town in all points. France's Atreman and they of gaunt/ subtly imagined night and day/ how they might annoy and do damage to their enemies/ as they showed rightwell to their neighbours/ as And warp/ Teremonde Ardenbourcke/ Bruges/ Danne● and Scluse. They ever imagined/ how to win any of them by craft: And to say the troth/ they had such company as were meet to execute such deeds. So it fortuned/ about the end of may France's Atreman and a seven thousand with him departed fro Gaunt/ to th'intent to win Ardenbourke by stealth/ and all the knights and squires therein: And specially they desired to have the captain sir johan jumont/ because he had done them many great damages/ as in taking and slaying/ and putting out of their cyen/ and cutting of hands/ feet/ and ears of their men. So thus on a wednesday about the dawning of they day/ they came to Ardembourcke/ and had with them scaling leddars ready. The viscount of Meaulx/ sir johan jumount/ sir Ryflarte of Flaunders/ the lord of Damert/ sir Tercelette of Montigny/ and sir Parducas of Pount saint Mark/ the lord of Languevall and sir johan his son/ sir Hew Desnell/ the lord de Lalayne/ sir reynold of Lommye/ and divers other lay sleeping in their beds/ on trust of the watch. Now behold what adventure they were in. The watch that had watched all night/ was as than departed/ and their relief not come as than. The same season France's Atreman & the gauntoise with their ladders were ready come in to the dikes/ & so came to the walls & dressed up their ladders/ and began to mount. The same season by adventure/ there was walking within the wall/ the lord of saint Albyne/ and with him a squire of Picardy named Enguerant zendequyn a picarde with a morespike. I think they had been of the watch the same night/ & was not as than departed/ To say the truth and they had not been/ Ardenbourcke had been taken/ and all the knights in their beds. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the lord of saint Albyne & Enoverant zendequyn saved Ardenbourke fro taking/ & how the queen of Hungry sent ambassadors in to France/ to marry th'earl of Voloyes to her eldest daughter. Capi. iiii.  
When sir Gousseaux of saint Martyne and Enguerant zendequen: saw how the gauntoyse mounted up the walls by ladders/ and they saw where there was one putting his leg over the wall to have entered in to the town▪ they were than sore abashed/ but yet not so much but that they took comfort to themself: For they saw well if they fled/ the town were lost without recovery▪ for they perceived well that their entering was between the departing of the watch/ and the coming of the relief. Than Enguerant said to the moor pike: Seppe on forward: Behold yonder the gauntoyse are entering/ help to defend us/ or else the town is lost. And so they three went to the same place where as they saw the gauntoyse entering/ and the Pycarde with the mores pike/ struck him that was entering over the wall such a stroke/ that he hare him clean fro the wall and ladder/ and so fell down in to the dyke. & therewith the watch arose/ & saw how there were in the dykes and there about/ a great battle of the gauntoyse. than he swooned his trumpette: Treason treason. Therewith the town stirred every man out of their beds/ & hearkened to the cry/ and saw how the gaunt is would have stolen their town. Than they armed them as fast as they might: how be it for all this the gauntoyse died all their best to have entered in to their town. And the said three persons valiantly defended the walls/ more than the space of half an hour/ against all the comers the which turned to their great praise. than the other lords and knights came thither in good array/ as the viscount of Meaulx with his baver before him/ sir johan of jeumont his penon before him/ and sir Ryflarte of Flaunders/ and other: and they found the knight/ the squire/ and the mores pike/ fighting and defending the walls. than they cried their cries to the rescue. And when France's Atreman and the gauntoyse perceived the matter/ and how they had failed of their intents/ they withdrew themself fair and easily/ and recoiled their people/ and so departed and returned in to the rule of the four crafts. And so than they of the garrison of Ardenbourke took more heed to the keeping of the town than they died before/ and they honoured greatly among them/ the foresaid three persons/ for and they had not been/ the town had been lost and all their throats cut.  
you have herd here before/ how the duke of Anjou/ who called himself king of Naples/ of Cecyle/ and of Jerusalem/ made war three years/ In Pule/ Calabre/ and in Naples/ against sir Charles dela Paix: and in the making of that war he died/ and in likewise so died sir Charles dela Paix. Some said he was slain in the realm of Hungry by the consentment of the queen/ for after the death of the king of Hungry/ because this sir Charles was son to the kings brother/ therefore he maintained that the Realm should fall to him: For his uncle the king of Hungry after his death/ left behind him but daughters. So therefore the queen feared least he would disherit her daughters: And therefore (as it was said) she caused this sir Charles dela Paix to be slain/ of whose death there was had great marvel/ & so thereby the queen was sore enforced/ and of her young son the king being at Avignon/ & so they made wary in Provence/ the king of Hungry living. The barons and prelate's of Hungry counseled him to give Margarete his eldest daughter/ which was likely to be a great inheritor to Joys of France earl of Valois son/ & brother to the french king/ because they thought he should then abide among them in Hungry. And when the king was deed/ they sent ambassadors in to France to the king and to his uncles/ showing how the queen of Hungry would have for her eldest daughter the earl of Valois. This request seemed to the king and to his uncles and to the barons of France/ to be right noble and profitable/ except one thing. They thought thereby/ that the earl of Valois should be very far of fro his own nation/ how be it all things considered/ they thought it a noble and a right profitable thing for the earl of Valois to be king of Hungry/ the which is one of the greatest realms in christendom. So these ambassadors were greatly feasted and nobly received/ and to them given many great gifts: And so again with them there went to Hungry other ambass. out of France: As the bishop of Maylleretꝭ and sir Iohn la Parson/ who by procuration general/ when they were come in to Hungry/ he wedded in the name of the earl of Valois the lady Margarete/ and than the bishop returned in to France. And also sir johan Parson/ who had wedded the lady and lain by her a bed/ courteously/ according to the custom in such matters required. And of this when he came in to France/ he showed letters patents & public instruments/ so that they of France were well content. And so long after/ the earl of Valois wrote himself king of Hungry.  
ALso ye have heard/ how the duke of burgoyne and the duke Aubert of Bavier/ lord of Heynalte/ holland zeland/ & Frise/ had married their children at Cambray together/ At which marriage the french king was with great triumph. Some said/ how the same time that the french king and his uncles: the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Burbone/ and the duke Aubert were there at Cambray/ & the lady of Burgoyne/ the lady of Brabant/ and the lady of Heynalte. How that by the procurement of the duchess of Brabante/ there was secretly a treaty of marriage moved between the young king Charles of France and the lady Isabella/ daughter to duke Stephyn of Bavyer. For king Charles of France that last died before in his death bed/ he ordained/ that Charles his son should be married in to almain/ if they saw any place convenient/ whereby the almains should be allied to France: For he saw well/ how the king of England was married to the king of Almains sister/ whereby he sped much the better. This duchess of Brabant/ who was a right sore imaginative lady/ showed many reasons to the kings uncles/ and to his counsel: saying/ how this lady was daughter to a great lord in almain/ and the greatest of all the Bavyers. And how that thereby/ they should have great alliance in almain/ For duke Stephyn (she said) was so great a man/ that he might well break the purposes of the great lords of th'empire/ For he was as great or greater/ than the king of almain/ the which inclined soonest the counsel of France/ to parceyver in that matter/ how be it the matter was handled right secretly/ For there were but few that knew thereof till it were done: And the cause why this was. It is the usage in France/ that any lady daughter to any great lord/ if the King should marry her/ first she should be seen and viewed all naked/ by certain ladies thereto admitted/ to know if she were proper and meet to bring forth children: and also because this lady was of a far country/ so that if she should be pleasant to the king or not/ or else all were broken. for these causes the matter was kept secret/ but the lady about the feast of Penthecost after/ she was brought to Brabant to the duchess there/ who joyfully received her and ordered her/ according to the usage of France. And with her in company was duke frederic of Bavyer her uncle/ by whom to say truth the marriage was first procured/ by such ways as I shall show you. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duchess of Brabaunt wrote to duke frederic of Bavyer of the marriage of the young french king with her sneeze Isabella of Bavyer: And how the duke and the lady came to Quesnoy. Cap. v.  
When that duke frederic of Bavier came first in to France to serve the french: king in his journey that he made in to flanders/ and came to the siege of Boutbourcke. True it was/ he was feasted and received by the kings uncles/ because he was come so far of to serve the king/ as out of the country of Bavyer/ the which was more than two hundred leagues of. This was reputed for a great service/ and he was always lodged near to the king/ in token of good love and favour. And when he departed out of Bavyer he thought surly that there should be battle between the French king and the king of England/ in the marchesse of Flaunders or of france/ for so ran all the brute in all almain. Therefore the king and his uncles gave him the more thank. And thus as he was with the king in that voyage before Burbourke & Bergues/ the kings uncles courteously demanded on a day of him/ if he had any daughters to marry▪ saying/ how they lacked a wife for the king/ and how that they had rather the king should marry in Bavyer/ rather than in any other place/ For anciently the buyers were of the counsel of France. The duke answered and said: surely I have no daughter to marry/ but mine elder brother/ duke Stephyn of Bavyer hath a right fair Lady to his daughter. Of what age is she of quoth the lords? between. xiii. and fourteen quoth the duke. That is all that we desire/ quod the kings uncles. Therefore sir/ when ye do return home in to Bavyer speak to your brother of the matter: & bring your sneeze a pilgrimage to saint Iohnns of amiens/ & the king shallbe there if it please him. We drink he will desire it/ for he loveth gladly to see fair things. and if he wish to have her/ she shall be queen: So this was the first procurement: and as at that time there was no more done nor said. The king knew no thing of these words. And when this duke Federyke of Bavyer was returned home/ he showed all this matter to duke Stephyn of Bavyer his brother/ who studied somewhat at his words/ and at last said: Fair brother/ I believe well it is as ye say. My daughter should be happy if she might come to so high an honour/ as to be french queen: But France is very far of/ and it is a matter wisely to be regarded/ to make a Queen. I should be right sore displeased/ if my daughter should be carried in to France for such a purpose/ and than sent home again. yet I had rather marry her at mine ease/ nearer home. This was the answer that duke Stephyn gave to his brother duke frederic/ where with duke Frederyke was well content/ and wrote all his answer to France to the Kings uncles and to his uncle duke Auberte/ and to the Duchess of Brabant. They had went that duke frederic had forgotten the matter For they were about marriages for the king in other places. And the king was near agreed to the daughter of the duke of Lorraine/ for she was a fair damosel of her age, near to the kings age. She was of noble and great generation of the house of Bloyes. Also there was speaking for the daughter of the Duke of lancaster/ who was after queen of Portyngale: but there was no conclusion/ because of the war. Therefore the matter hanged still in suspense (& as ye have herd before) The duchess of Brabant when she was at Camb●ay/ at the marriages of Burgoyne & Heynalte: and that the french king was they and the duke of Burbone and Burgoyn were there/ Than she moved forth this marriage of Bavyer/ for the king affirming that it was most profitable and honourable for the king/ because of the alliance with almain. Madame quod the kings uncles/ we hear nothing thereof. Well quoth the duchess/ I warrant you ye shall here somewhat thereof/ or this summer be paste. Her promise was well fulfilled/ for she died so moche/ that duke frederic/ uncle to the damosel was so agreed with his brother duke Stephyn/ that he should be convey the lady in to France: And that it should be noised all the way/ that they went a pilgrimage to saint Iohans of amiens. Every man supposed the same/ for almains go the often on pilgrimage it is their usage.  
when duke frederic and his sneeze the lady Isabella of Bavyer/ had been three days at Brusels/ than they took leave/ but it was the duchess intensyon to be as soon at amiens/ or sooner than they. So than they came in to Heynaulte to Quesnoy/ where they found the duke and the duchess/ and sir William earl of Ostrenaunt and his wife. There thy were nobly received for duke Aubert was her uncle/ and had great marvel what brought them in to that country: And than demanded why they came thither? certainly quoth duke frederic/ I have had moche pain to bring the matter to this purpose: And so there he showed him all the matter/ and said. I have brought my brother in that mind/ that I have brought my sneeze hither as ye say/ but when I departed my brother said to me. Now Fredrick my fair brother/ ye lead with you Isabella my daughter without any sure estate/ For if the french king will refuse her/ than is she shamed for ever/ therefore advise you well: For if the matter come not well to pass/ ye shall have me your enemy for ever. Therefore fair uncle/ ye may see what danger I have put myself in. Than duke Aubert said: fair nephew be not dismayed/ for by the pleasure of god/ she shallbe the french queen/ and than shall ye be quite/ & have the love of duke Stephyn your brother.  
THus they tarried at Quesnoy the space of three weeks/ and the duchess who was sage/ endoctrined the young damosel of Bavyer/ in manner and in countenance/ and changed her appayrell/ for she was but simply arrayed/ after the state of France: then she arrayed her/ as though she had been her own daughter. And when every thing was ready/ the duchess and the damoselle road forth/ till they came to Amience. And by that time was come thither/ the duchess of Burgoyne and of Brabant/ and also the french king and his counsel/ The lord de la river and sit Guy de la Tremoyle. Barownes and knights issued out of amiens to meet and receive them of Heynalte. Thus they were brought in to amiens and had moche honour done to them/ and the lords and ladies each of them died visit other lovingly. But with moche pain the king might sleep/ for the inward desire that he had to see her that should be his wife. And he demanded of the lord de la river when he should see her. of those words the ladies had great sport so that the friday when the damosel was ready/ the three duchesses led the damosel to the king. and than she kneeled down/ but the king took her up by the hand and beheld her well by which regard/ love entered in to his herre. Than the constable of France said to the lor-Coucy. Sir/ by my faith this lady shall abide with us/ I see well by the king/ for his eyes goeth never from her. So when they had been with the king certain space/ the ladies took leave of the king and went to their lodgings as yet they knew not the kings intention. Than the duke of Burgoyn charged the lord de la river to inquire of the king his mind/ who died so right diligently/ saying. Sir/ & it like your grace/ how like you this young lady? Shall she abide with us? yea truly qd the king/ she right well pleaseth us. Therefore show? unto mine uncle of Burgoyne/ that she may be delyucred to us. When the lord de la river heard him say so/ he incontinent showed it to the duke of Burgoyne. And he straight way went and showed it to the ladies/ whereof they had great joy and cried No well. thus the lords and ladies were in great joy/ & the kings uncles were in mind to have had the marriage at Arras/ but it pleased not the king to go so far. Therefore he desired his uncle/ that it might be done ther. Well quoth the duke in a good hour be it/ so let it be.  
THan the duke of Burgoyne/ the constable/ the lord de la river/ and the lord de la Tremoyle/ and divers other in his company went to the lady of Heynault/ and found her with her sneeze by her/ There he showed them these tidings/ how the king had broken their purpose/ as the marriage to be had at Aras/ saying/ how the matter touched the king so near wherefore to morrow next we must heal him of his sickness/ the duchess began to smile. And so than they departed each fro other with great joy and solce. The same saturday at night France's Atreman and the gauntoyse/ with a seven thousand with him went out of the lands of the four crafts/ after he had failed of taking of Ardenbourke. and he promised to them of Gaunt at his departing that he would never return in to Gaunt/ till he had won some good town/ for the gauntoyse did what they might to put the french men to such business/ that they should send no more company in to Scotland to the admiral/ to make war against the englishmen/ for there was a common brute/ that the Constable and divers other men of arm/ & certain cross bows of Gene/ should enter into the see & go in to Scotland to recomfort their men that were there already/ making war against England. Frances Atreman who was a proper man of arms issued the said saturday out of the quarter called the four crafts/ and all night he went costing Bruges/ trusting to have won it/ but it would not be. When he saw that he failed there/ he went to Danne: and there his spies met with him/ and said. Sir/ it were good ye went to Danne/ for sir Roger of Guystelles who is captain there/ is not now in the town. and true it was/ he was gone to Bruges/ weening that the town of Dan had been strong enough for their defence/ but he was deceived. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How Frances Atreman took the town of Dan/ and how the french king wedded the lady Isabella of Bavyer: and after went and laid siege to Danne.  
When France's Atreman knew by his espies/ that sir Roger of Guystels was not in Dan/ he divided his company in two/ and took himself the less number/ & said. Sirs/ go you yonder ways to such a gate/ and whasie ye hear me blow go to the barrier's & back them down/ & I and my company shall beat down the gate/ for it will be over long or we enter by ladders/ the town shallbe ours I put no doubt: It was done as he ordained & so went with the less number. And so the first went with ladders in to the dykes. They found no withstanding/ and passed the mire and dressed up their ladders and so entered in to the town and came to the gate/ swooning their horns without any danger/ for the good men of the town were in their beds this was the xvii day of july. thus they came to the gate and broke the barriers/ & they without brake down the barriers there/ so that every man entered. Than they of the town began to stir but that was to late/ for they were taken in their houses/ & as many as were found in harness and at defence/ were slain with out mercy. Thus the good town of Dan was taken. wherein was found great richesses/ and specially the sellers full of Maluesey and wine Granade. And it was showed me/ how there was great richesses there of them of Bruges/ which they had brought thither/ for fear that they had of rebellion of the common people.  
Eraunces' Atreman/ when he saw that he was lord of Dan/ he was greatly rejoiced and said. Now have I well kept my promise with them of gaunt. This town shall serve us well to master Bruges/ Sluse/ & Ardenbourcke. Than incontinent he made a cry that no man should be so hardy to touch or do any displeasure to any lady or gentylwoman in the town. There was the same time there/ a six knights wives/ who were come thither to see the lady of Guystelles'/ she was ready to lie down a child been. Thus after they had peeled the town and slain all such as would not take their part/ than they went to repair the town again. when they of Bruges heard thereof they werefore displeased/ and not without a cause and armed them: And with banner displayed came before the town of Dan/ and began to skirmish/ and to assail the town/ but all was for nought. they lost more than they won/ & so returned again to Bruges. When these tidings came to Gaunt they were greatly rejoiced/ and reputed that enterprise for a noble deed/ and France's Atreman for a valiant man. ¶ Now let us return to the french kings wedding.  
when the duchess Margarete of Heynaulte, who had the young lady in her keeping. When she saw the day was come she appareled the lady honestly/ and to them came the duchess of Burgoyne and the duchess of Brabant/ accompanied with many ladies and damosels. These three ladies conveyed the lady Isabella of Baviers in a chair/ richly covered with a crown on her heed/ worth the richesse of a realm/ which the king had sent her before. and the bishop of the same place died wed them in the presence of all the lords and ladies. After the mass and solemnity finished the king and all they went to dyner/ which was great and sumptuous/ and earls and barownes served the king in rich array. Thus the day continued in great sport till it was night/ than the king went to bed with his new wife/ So the feast endured till the wednesday after. Than tidings came to the king and his counsel/ how France's Atreman had won the town of Danne. also there came an haraude from the duke of Burbone & brought letters to the king/ signifyeng him how Taylbourcke was won and turned french/ and how the duke of Burbone & his company was going to lay siege to Vertuell and how they had in Poyctou/ Xaynton/ and Limosyn/ reconquered six forteresses. These tidings somewhat rejoiced the court/ and set at nought the losing of Danne/ saving that it was concluded that the king should do no thing till he had been in Flaunders/ and won again Danne/ and to enter so far in to the four crafts/ out of the which all the venom issued/ that he should leave no house standing/ but to destroy all. Than messengers were sent over all the realm of France/ commanding all men of war to be by the first day of August in the marchesse of Picardy to lay siege to Dan. These tidings spread abroad in the realm of France/ and every knight and squire made them ready to come to the king/ as they were commanded. The same day duke Federyke of Bavyer and duke Aubert/ and all the barony took leave of the king/ and every man returned home to their own/ & left with the king the lady Isabella of Bavyer/ as than the french queen.  
THe french king/ who had made his commandment through all his realm/ said how he would never come in Paris till he had been before the town of Danne. And so the xxv day of july he departed fro amiens with the constable/ and divers other lords of his house and went to Arras/ where he tarried but one night/ and the next day he went to Lan in Atthoyse: and daily men of war came to him fro all ꝑtes/ and so at last he came to Iprso that by the first day of August he was before Dan/ and lay so near to it/ that the gone shot passed over his heed. A three days after came to the king William of Neynaulte/ who was right welcome to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne. So there they laid a goodly siege about Dan/ and therein was enclosed France's Atreman/ who bare himself valiantly/ for every day there was other scrimyshe or assault without it were truce. The lord of Clary who was master of the ordinance with the lord of Coucy/ was stricken with a quarrel out of the town: of which stroke he died/ which was great damage/ for he was a noble knight. To the siege of Danne there came men out of the good towns of Flaunders: as Ipre/ Bruges and out of Franke. At this siege were beyond a hundred thousand men. The king lay between Dan and gaunt: and captain of the flemings was the lord of saint pie and the lord of Guystels with a xxv spears/ and lay mids among them for fear of dissension.   

¶ How divers burgesses of Sluse were beheaded: & how Sluse was changed for the land of Bethune: and how the siege of Danne continued long. Cap. seven.  
AT an assault there was made knight by the king William of Heynalte: that day he reared up his banner/ and quit himself like a good knight: But at that assault the French men lost more than they wan/ for France's Atreman had with him certain archers of England/ who greatly grieved the assailants: Also he had great plenty of artillery/ for when the town was won it was well furnyssed: And also he caused moche to be brought fro Gaunt/ when he knew that he should have siege laid to the town. In the same season while the siege lay thus before Danne/ some of the greatest of the town of Sluse/ such as than bare most rule in the town/ were so wrapped with treason/ that they would have delivered the town to the kings enemies/ and to have murdered their captain and his company in their beds/ and to have set fire in the kings navy/ that lay there at anchor/ laded with provision for the king. Before he went to Danne/ he was in purpose to have gone in to Scotland after his admiral. And also these treators had thought to have broken down the see banks/ thereby to have drowned the greatest part of the kings host/ Of all this they had made merchandise with them of gaunt/ and all these treasons should have been done in one night: but there was a good man in the town as he was in an hostry heard all this treason/ that they were purposed to do/ And incontinent he went to the captain and showed him the matter/ and named to him certain of them that had thus conspired the treason. When the captain herd that he sore marveled/ and took a threescore spears of his company and went fro house to house of the traitors/ and so took and set them in divers prisons in sure keeping. Than he took his horse and road to the king and so came to his tent/ before him and the duke of Burgoyne: he showed all the matter how the town of Sluse was likely to have been lost/ and all the kings host likely to have been in the water to the breasts/ whereof the king and the lords had great marvel. And than the captain was commanded that he should return to Sluse/ and incontinent to strike of all their heeds without any respite/ thereby all other to take ensample. So the captain returned/ and incontinent struck of all their heeds/ This was the conclusion of that business. Than the duke of Burgoyne cast in his advise to find some means to entreat his cousin sir William of Namure/ to have of him the town of Sluse by exchange for other lands/ and to join that town to the county of Flaunders. And this was moche by th'advise of sir Guy de la Tremoyle/ who had the former before sojourned in Sluse with a certain number of men of war.  
when sir William of Namure heard first speaking of that matter/ he was marvelously displeased: for the town of Sluse/ with the apendauntes and profits of the see was a fair and a profitable heritage/ & it was fallen to him by his ancestors wherefore he loved it the better: How be it the duke of Burgoyne lay so sore on him therefore that there was no remedy/ but to make the exchange: For the duke's intention was to make there a strong castle/ to subdue all comes and goers by the see entering in to the haven of Sluse and to keep it with men of war/ so that none should enter by the see in those marchesse/ without their danger/ and to make a tower so high to see troentie leagues in to the see. So thus briefly this sir wylliam of Namure was so sore desired by the duke of Burgoyne and his counsel/ that he was content to exchange Sluse for the lands of Bethune/ which is a fair and a great heritage in that country/ he to have that to him and to his heirs for ever: And so than incontinent the duke of Burgoyn set work men a work to make the Castle of Sluse. ¶ Now let us speak of the siege of Danne.  
THere was near every day an assault/ & divers skirmishes at the gates & barriers/ so that divers were hurt and slain day lie. The frenchmen could not well come to the walls because of the dykes were full of mire/ for if it had been rainy wether/ the host should have had much a do/ and should have been fain to have dislodged whether they would or not But by the space of a month that the siege endured it never rained/ and they had victual enough: How be it because of the evil air & the stinking of deed beasts & horses the air was so corrupt/ that divers knights & squires were thereby sore sick/ so that divers went to refresh them at Bruges and other places/ to forsake the evil air.  
tHe king himself went and lay at Marles/ how be it his tents were still pight up in the field. The intent of France's Atreman was to hold still the town/ till socours came out of England to raise the siege/ and surely they of gaunt had send in to England for rescue/ and surely the king of England's uncles had come over the see sufficiently garnished with men of war and at tillarye to have raised the siege/ but that they were let because of the admirals being in Scotland/ with ascertain number of men of arms. And also it was said in the realm of England/ that the constable of France should come after in to Scotland with a great puissance for to make war into England/ whereby the gauntoyse were not resrued. Where fore it behoved them within the town of Dan to make an evil bargain. ⸪   

¶ Now the gauntoyse fled out of Dan by night/ and how the french men took the town and destroyed it And also how the king destroyed the country of the four crafts. Cap. viii.  
THe xxvii day of August the town of Dan was won For when France's Atreman perceived that he had no succour/ and that his artillery began to fail/ than he was some what discomforted in himself/ and said to them of his counsel. Sirs/ I will that we of Gaunt go our ways and let us show this one to another secretly for if they of the town knew of our departing/ to save themself/ their wives and children: Peradventure they will make a shrewdemar chaundyse for us. yea/ and deliver us to our enemies/ so that they may be in rest and peace/ and that should cost us our lives/ but I shall keep them well therefro. Wherefore let us keep us all together/ and let us go about the town to visit the watch/ and let us cause the men and women of the town to go in to the minster/ making them to believe that to morrow next we shall have a great assault/ and because we would that they should have no damage/ therefore we will have them in surety in the church out of the way. And we shall say to the watchmen/ that we will go out and make a skirmish with the host. And when we be in the fields/ let us ride on the spurs to gaunt. They of his counsel said: Sir ye have well said/ so let it be. And so every man ordained themself as they had purposed/ and in the evening they trussed ready all their goods/ such as they might carry away/ and put all women and children and other prisoners in to the minster/ and specially all ladies and gentle women/ Saying to them: Fair ladies/ we shall have to morrow in the morning a great assault/ and we would not that ye should be abashed/ or take any damage. So thus they left them in the church/ and at the first hour of the night the gauntoise went and died visit the watch and on the walls there were none but they of the town. Than France's Atreman said to them. Sirs/ make this night good watch/ & depart not fro the walls for any thing ye here orse/ for in the morning we shall have an assault/ but yet first this night I will awake the host/ his words were well believed every man went he had said truth. When he had ordained every thing according to his mind/ than he caused a gate to be opined/ and so he & all his company issued out/ & he was not half a league fro the town but it was day light. Than they of the town perceived well that France's Atremen and all his company were gone. Than they thought themself deceived/ than the thief of the town began to entreat with the men of the kings/ that were there as prisoners/ saying to them/ how they had slain France's Atreman the same night.  
when divers of the town of Dan understood how France's Atreman and his company were gone/ and how the gate was open/ they ran out of the town that best might: & when this was known in th'host the bretons and burgonions desiring to win/ mounted on their horses and fell in the chase/ & pursued the gauntoise till they came within two leagues of gaunt. So in the chase there were many slain and taken more than five hundred/ but of them were but few gauntoise/ but most of Danne/ that fled out of the town. In the mean season the town was assailed/ where was made no defence. So the french men entered on every side by ladders/ and had passed the dykes with moche pain. And when they were within/ they had wend to have won great riches/ but they found there nothing but poor people/ men women & children/ and great plenty of good wines/ and so for despite and displeasure they set fire in the town/ so that it was nigh all brent/ whereof the king and the duke of Burgone was sore displeased/ but they could not amend it: How be it the ladies & gentle women with moche pain were saved fro hurt of their bodies or loss of their goods.  
AFter the taking of Dan/ the king was counseled to dissodge and so the king went and lodged a two leagues fro Gaunte/ at a town called Artulle/ and whiles the king lay there/ his men of arms road in the country of the four crafts & destroyed all the country: because in time past/ the gauntoysehad chief comfort ever fro them. Therefore they brent down towers/ churches/ and houses/ and chased the men women/ and children in to the woods. When the Frenchmen had done that destruction/ than it was ordained to go and lay siege to the castle of Gaure and than after to gaunt/ but all that turned to nothing/ for tidings came to the king being at Artuelle fro the queen of Hungry/ by the bishop of Wasselure/ the said queens ambassador with divers knights & squires in his company: and they brought letters of credence/ certifyeng how the said queen was coming in to France/ to fetch Lewes of France earl of Valois/ to have him in to Hungry to her daughter/ Whom sir johan lafoy Parson had wedded by procuration in the name of the earl of Valois. These tidings pleased greatly the king and his counsel/ and so it was thought that for the honour of the young Lewes' earl of Valois/ that they should return in to France/ and thought they had done enough for that season in the country of Flaunders.   

¶ Now the french king departed out of Flaunders/ and gave leave to his men to depart/ and how he came to Paris to treat with the ambassadors of Hungry: & how the Marquis of Blanquefort took by strength to his wife the same lady inheritor of Hungry. Cap. ix.  
THan the french king departed fro Artuell the. xii day of Septembre/ & gave leave to all men of war to return to their own houses/ of the which departing the Gauntoyse were right glad. Than the king went to Craye where the queen his wife was/ for when he went fro Amiens to Flaunders/ he sent her thither to keep her estate/ and so he tarried they certain days and so the king went to Paris and the queen to Boyse de Vyncens. And they the king & his counsel intended for the ordering of the young earl of Valois for he would that he should go nobly in to Hungry/ where as they took him for king. But the matter changed otherwise mashorte season after in the realm of Hungry as ye shall here after. It is of truth that the queen of Hungry mother to the young lady/ whom the earl of Valois had wedded by ꝓeuration (as ye have herd before) had all her intent to make that if god be pleased they would make such a voyage/ that should be to their honour and perfect The king than sent out his commandment to assemble his power/ and so at the day assigned he had ready a xxx thousand men all on horse back/ and as they came/ they lodged according to the usage of their country/ I think not all at their ease.  
SIr johan de Vyen who had great desire to ride/ and to employ his time in to England/ to do some great enterprise/ When he saw the scots were come he said. Sirs/ now it is time to ride/ we have lain to long still: so than the setting for ward was published to every man/ than they took their way to Rosebourcke. In this journey the king was not/ he abode still at Edemborow but all his sons were in the army. The thou sand complete harness that the French men brought with them/ was delivered to the knights of Scotland and of Norwiche/ who were before but evil harnessed/ of the which harness they had great joy/ And so they road toward Northumberlande: And so long they road that they came to the abbey of Maws/ & there they lodged all about the river of Tymbre/ and the next day they came to Morlane and than before Roseboucke. The kepar of Roseboure under the lord Montagu/ was a knight called sir Edward Clyfforde. The admiral of France and the scots tarried and beheld well the castle/ and all things considered/ they saw well to assail it should little aucyle them for the castle was strong and well furnished with artillery. And so than they passed by and drew a long the river side approaching to Berwyke. And so long they road that they came to two towers right strong/ which were kept by two knights/ the Father and the son/ both were called sir johan Strande. About these towers were fair lands and a fair place/ the which incontinent were brent/ & the two towers assailed. There was many feats of arms showed: and divers scots hurt with shot and cast of stones/ Finally the towers were won/ and the knights within by plain assault/ yet they defended them as long as they might endure. ⸪   

¶ How the frenchmen and scots wan the castle of Varley/ and destroyed divers other towns in Nor thumberlande/ and how they with drew again in to Scotland when they knew that the king of England came on them with a great puissance. Cap. xi.  
AFter the conquest of thes two towers/ than they went to another castle called Varley/ pertaining to the heritage of sir john Montagu and captain there under him was sir johan of Lussenborne/ who had there with him his wife & his children/ and all his good. He knew well before that the scots would come thither/ therefore he had purneyed the castle to the best of his power to abide the assault. So about this castle tarried all the army. This castle stood in a fair country/ by a fair river which cometh out of timber/ and runneth in to the see. So on a day there was a great assault/ and the french men bore them well the same day/ moche better than the scots did/ for they entered in to the dykes/ and passed through with moche pain/ There was many feats of arms done/ what by them above and them beneath: The french men mounted up by ladders and fought hand to hand with daggars on the walls. Sir johan Lussemborne did quite himself like a valiant knight/ and fought with the french men hand to hand on the ladders. At this assault there was slain a knight of almain called sir Bleres Gastelayne/ which was great damage. There were many hurt that day/ but finally there was so moche people and thassault so well continued/ that the castle was won/ and the knight/ his wife and children taken/ & a xl other prisoners. And than the castle was brent and razed down/ for they saw well that it was not to be kept/ seeing that it was so far in England as it was. Than the admiral & scots road toward Auwike in the land of the lord Percy/ & lodged there about/ & brent certain villages: and so came to another castle of th'earl of Northumberlandes/ standing on the see side/ but they assailed it not/ for they knew well they should lose their pain. And so they road all about that fronter/ halfwaye between Berwyke & Newcastle on the river of Tyne/ and there they understood/ how that the duke of Lancastre/ th'earl of Northumberland/ the earl of Nottingham/ the lord Nevell/ and the barons of those marches of Northumberland/ & of the bysshoprikes of york & Dyrham/ were coming on them with a great power. When th'admiral of France knew thereof he was right joy full/ and so were all the barons of France that were in his company/ for they desired to have battle/ but the scots cared jytell therefore. there they were counseled to return again toward Berwyke/ because of their provision that followed them: & also to be near their own country/ and there to abide for their enemies. So th'admiral believed them/ and returned toward Berwyke/ whereof sir Thomas Redman was captain/ & with him right good men of arms. So the french men and scots lay before the town/ but assailed it not/ & so passed by the next day and took the way to Burbourcke/ to return to their own countries.  
Tidings was brought anon in to England how the frenchmen & scots were in Northum berlande/ & destroyed and brent the country. The king of England knew rightwell before of their coming/ wherefore the lords were ready in the field/ & took their way toward the scots. ThEnglishmen had made that summer the greatest provision/ that ever they made to go in to Scotland both by land & water. They had a xxvi vessels on the fee charged with provision costing the frontiers of England/ ready to enter in to every haven of Scotland. And the king came himself accompanied with his uncles/ th'earl of Cambridge & sir Thoinns Holland: There was also th'earl of Salisbury/ th'earl of Atundell/ the young earl of Penbroke/ the young lord Spensar th'earl of Stafforde/ & th'earl Mysien/ & so many barons & knights that they were four. M. spears/ beside them that were before with the duke of Lancastre/ th'earl of Northumberland/ th'earl th'earl of Notynghm/ the lord Lucy/ the lord Nevell. The lords & barons that were on before pursuing the scots/ were a two. M. spears & xu M. archers/ And the king & the lords were fifty. M. archers beside varlets.  
The king followed the duke of Lancastre so fast/ that he and all his host came in to the marches about york: for on the way tidings came to the king/ how that his people that were before/ were likely to fight with the scots in the marches of Northumberland/ therefore he made the greater haste. & so the king came at last to saint johnns of Beverley in the marches of Dyrhin/ And their tidings came to the king/ how that the scots were returned in to their own country: so all the men of war lodged about in the marches of Northumberland. ¶ Now shall I show you of an adventure that fell in thenglysshe host/ whereby that voyage was broken & mortal war between certain of the lords.   

¶ How sir Iohn holland slew sir richard Stafforde/ & how th'earl of Stafforde came to the king to demand justice. Cap. xii.  
IN the marches of saint Iohn of Beverley in the dyoces of york/ The king of England was lodged with a great number of earls/ barons/ and knights/ for every man lay as near the king as they might/ and specially his two uncles/ sir Thomas Holande earl of Lien and sir johan Holande his brother. In the kings company there was a knight of Boesme was come to see the queen of England/ and for love of the queen the king and the lords made him good cheer. His name was sir Miles/ he was a fresh lusty knight after the usage of almain. And so it fortuned beside a village near to saint Iohans of Beverley/ that there fell words between this knight & two squires of sir johan of Hollandes' brother to the king/ and to the words there came two archers of sir johan Staffordes. The words so multiplied/ that the two archers took part with the stranger/ and blamed the two squires/ saying: Sirs/ yedo wrong to meddle with this knight/ for ye know he is belonging to the queen/ and of her country. ye ought rather to support him than otherwise Than one of the squires said: What envious knave? Hast thou to do though I blame him for his folly. What have I to do quoth the archer? I have right well to do therewith/ for he is companion to my master/ Therefore I will not be in the place/ to suffer him to receive any villainy. yea quod the squire/ if I thought thou wouldest aid him against me/ I would put this sword through thy body/ & made countenance/ as though he would have stricken him. The archer stepped back with his bow/ which was ready bent: And set an arrow therein and drew it up/ and shot against the squire that the arrow pierced thorough body & heart/ and so fell down deed. When the other squire saw his fellow deed he fled away/ and sir Miles returned to his lodging. The two archers went to their master and showed him all the adventure. Sir Richard Stafforde said/ Thou hast done right evil. Sir quoth the archer/ I could do none otherwise without I would have been slain myself/ and I had rather have slain him than he should have slain me. Well quoth sir richard/ God thy way that thou be not found/ and I shall entreat for thy peace with sir johan of Holande/ by my father or by some other. So the archer departed.  
Tidings anon was brought to sir johan of Holande/ that an archer of sir Richard Staffordes/ had slain a squire of his/ that man that he loved best in all the world/ and it was showed him the manner how: And that it was for the cause of sir Miles the stranger. When sir johan of Holande was well informed of this adventure/ he was right sore displeased and said. I shall never eat nor drike till it be revenged. Than he leapt on his horse and took certain of his men with him/ and departed fro his own lodging. It was as than right late and so road in to the fields/ and enquered/ Where sir Miles was lodged. It was showed him/ he was lodged in the reregarde with the earl of Dewrynters and th'earl of Stafforde. Than sir johan holland took the way thither ward/ and sought to find sir Miles: And as he and his men road up & down among the hedges and bushes/ in a strait way he met at adventure with sir Richard Stafforde/ and because it was night he demanded who was there? I am quod he richard Stafforde. And I am holland quoth the other/ and I seek for the. One of thy servants hath slain my best beloved squire: And therewith drew out his sword and struck Richard Stafforde/ so that he slew him & fell down deed/ which was great pity. So he passed for the and knew not well what he had done/ but he saw well one fall to the ground. Sir Richard Staffordes men were sore dismayed when they saw their master deed. than they cried: A Holande Holande/ ye have slain the son of th'earl of Stafforde. This will be heavy tidings to the father when he knoweth thereof. Some of sir johan of Holandes' servants heard well these words/ and said to their master. Sir/ ye have slain sir richard Stafforde. Well quoth sir johan Hollade/ what than? I had leaver have slain him than a worse: The better have I revenged the death of my squire. Than sir johan of holland went straight to saint Iohans of Beverley/ and took the franchise of the town and abode there still/ For he knew well there would be much a do in the host/ for the death of that knight: And he wist not what the king would say or do in the matter. So to eschew all paryllce/ he took sentuarye in the town of saint Iohans of Beverley.  
Tidings anon came to the Earl of Stafforde/ how his son was slain by evil adventure. Thafie the earl demanded who had slain him: And such as were by him when he was slain said. sir/ the kings brother/ sir johen of Holande did slay him: And showed him the cause why/ and how it was. ye may well know/ that he that loved entirely his son and had no more but him/ and was a fair young knight and a coutagyous/ was marvelously sore disposed/ and sent incontinent for all his friends to have their counsel/ how he should use him self in the revenging of his death. The most wisest man of his counsel said. Sir/ to morrow in the morning/ show all the matter to the king/ and desire him to have law and justice. Thus they suaged some what his ire/ and so passed that night. And the next morning richard Stafforde was buried in the church of the village thereby. And at his burying were all those of his lineage/ barons/ knights and squires that were in army. And the obsequy done/ the earl of Stafforde and a three score of his lineage mounted on their horses and so came to the king/ who was well informed of that evil adventure. And so the Earl found the king and his uncles together/ and a great number of knights with them. When the earl came before the king he kneeled down/ and all weeping/ said with a sorrowful heart. Sir/ ye are king of England/ and have solemnly sworn to keep England in all right/ & to do justice. sir/ ye know how your brother without any title of reason hath slain my son and air. Sir/ I require you do me right and justice/ or else ye shall have no worse enemy than I will be. And sir/ I will ye know/ the death of my son toucheth me so near/ that and it were not for breaking of this voyage that we be in/ I should bring the host in to such trouble/ that with honour it should be amended/ and so counteruenged/ that it should be spoken of a hundred years hereafter in England: But as now I will cease till this voyage in to Scotland be done/ for our enemies shall not rejoice of the trouble of the earl of Stafforde. The king answered. Know for truth that I shall do you justice and reason/ as fatforthe as all my barons will judge. I shall not fail thereof/ for no brother that I have. Than they of the earls lineage said. Sir/ ye have said well/ we thank you thereof. Thus the lineage of sir Richard Stafforde was appeased/ and so held on their journey in to Scotland. And all the journey the earl of Stafforde made no semblant of the death of his son/ wherein all the barons reputed him right sage. ⸪ ⸫   

¶ How the king of England caused to be destroyed the church of meurous in Scotland/ and how the barons of Scotland answered the admiral of France/ and devyied to leave Scotland/ and to let the Englesshe men alone. Cap. xiii.  
THus advanced forth the king of England with seven thousand men of arms and threescore thousand archers. All the strength of the realm of England was there: For it was said how the admiral of France would fight with them/ and in deed he had great desire and will so to do/ for he said to the barons of Scotland or they came forth. Sirs/ make your summons to get as much strength as ye can/ for if the english men come in to scotland/ I will surely fight with them. The scots said as than how they were content therewith/ how be it after they took other advise. The king of England passed forth so fairy/ that he passed Duresme and New castle on the river of Tyne/ and all the land of Northumberlande: and so at last came to Berwyke/ whereof sir Mathue Redman was captain who received the king joyfully/ and the king tarried not there long/ but passed forth over the river of tweed/ and took his lodging at the abbey of Mewrous/ the which for all the wars that had been between England and Scotland had never no hurt nor damage but as than it was clean brnet and exiled: For it was th'intent of the english men not to return again in to England/ till they had destroyed all Scotland/ because they were fortified at that time by the french men. when the admiral of France/ knew that the king of England was passed the river of tweed/ and was entered in to Morlane in Scotland: Than he said to the barons of Scotland. Sirs/ why do we sit still? Let us go forth and advise our enemies & fight with them. It was showed us or we came here that if ye had out of France but one thousand of good men of arms/ ye should be strong enough to fight with the english men. And I ensure you/ ye have more than a thousand and five hundred cror bows. And surely the knights and squires that be here in my company are perfit men of arms/ and the flower of chivalry/ and will not fly/ but abide such adventure as god will send you and them.  
TO these words answered the barons of scotland/ who knew so well the puissance of the english men/ that they had no will to fight with them: Wherefore they said Sirs/ we believe well that ye and your company be chosen men and of great valour: But sir we have knowledge that all the power of England is here/ there were never so many english men together assembled/ as be now/ And ye will/ we shall bring you in to such a place/ that ye shall well see and advise them. And than if ye counsel that they shall be fought with all/ it shall not be refused by us. For surely sir/ all such words as ye have said we died speak them. A god's name quoth the admiral/ let me once see them. And so anon after th'earl Dugles and other barons of Scotland brought th'admiral unto a high mountain/ and under the hill there was a passage/ whereby thenglysshe host must pass: on this hill was th'admiral/ with divers knights of France in his company/ And there clearly they saw the english men and all their puissance/ and there they numbered them as near as they could to be a sire thousand men of arms/ & threescore thousand archers and other. Than all things considered they said how they were not of puissance sufficient to fight with the englishmen/ for they passed not a thousand spears & a xxx thousand of all other men/ and but evil armed. Than the admiral said to the etle Douglas and to th'earl Morette. Sirs/ ye say but good reason/ though ye have no will to fight with the english men. Therefore advise you what ye will do/ they are strong enough to over ride all your country/ and to destroy it. And sith ye may not fight with them/ I pray you bring me through your country/ by some privy way in to England if it may be: and we shall make them war in some other part as they do to us here. Sir qd the barons/ that shall we well do/ for we know divers ways.  
TO thus the admiral and the barons of Scotland determined to forsake Scotland/ and to let the english men alone/ and to go & enter into Wales/ and to go to the city of Carlyle and there to revenge them. So they left the english men and took the forests and mountains/ and as they road through out scotland/ they destroyed all as they went and brent towns/ villages/ and manners: and caused all the men/ women/ & children of the country to drive all their cattle/ and to go into that wild forests/ for they knew well the english men would not follow them thither. And the king of Scots went in to the wild scottish/ because he wes not in good point to ride a warfare/ and they he tarried all the war during/ and let his men alone. So the French men and Scots passed the high mountains/ between. Northumberland and Scotland/ and entered in to the land of Wales/ and began to burn villages/ and did much hurt in the Mombrayes lands. And the earl of Notyngham/ the earl of Stafforde/ and the baron of Grasoppe/ and the Mosgr●ues lands/ and so they took the way to the city of Carlyle.   

¶ How the king of England took Edinborough the chief city of Scotland: and how the duke of Lancastre was in purpose to return in to wales/ to close in the frenchmen and scots: and what the french men & the scots died in the said country. Cap. xiiii.  
THe admiral of France was the earl of Grant Pre/ and the lord of saint Croix/ sir Geffray of Charney/ sir Will lyam de Brume/ sir james of Boesme/ the lord of Pegny/ the lord of he's/ the lord of Marnell/ sir Valeran of Ravenall/ the baron D●●ery/ the barone of fountains/ the lord of Croye/ sir Broke of Braquemont/ the lord of Landury/ and well a thousand spears of barons & knights of France. And so they and the lords of Scotland road in Northumberland between the mountains on the fronters of Wales/ brenning towns/ manners/ and countries: And the king of England and his uncles/ with barons and knights of England and their companies entered in to scotland/ and brent and exiled on their part. And so the king came and lodged in Edenborowe/ the chief town in all Scotland/ and there tarried five days/ and at his departing it was set a fire & brent up clean/ but the castle had no hurt/ for it was strong enough and well kept. While the king lay at Edenborowe/ th'Englishmen road abroad in the country and did moche/ hurt/ but they found neither man nor be'st abroad/ for all was withdrawn in to the forests. In the english host were more than a hundred thousand men/ and well as many horse/ whereof they had need of great provision/ and they found none in Scotland/ but out of England there came to them great plenty/ both by land and by see. Than the king departed fro Edinborough and road toward Estruleyn a good town/ wherein there was a great abbey of black monks/ and most commonly the kings of Scotland are there buried. The king lay in the abbey & at their departing/ abbey & all was brent. Than they passed the river of Tax/ which runneth to saint Iohnns town/ at the castle of Strulyn there was a great assault/ but it would not be won: yet the town and all the lands of the lord Vercy they brent.  
THe intent of the duke of Lancastre and of his brethren/ was to pass through Scotland and to pursue the scots and french men/ for, they knew well they were gone the way to Wales to go to Carlyle: And so they thought to enclose them between England and Scotland/ and to fight with them at their advantage. This purpose they thought verily to hold. Thenglish men spread abroad in Scotland/ there was no resistance against them for the country was void of all men of war: they were gone in to England with the admiral of France. And so there the englishmen brent the town of saint Iohnns/ where as the river of Tax rynneth/ and there is a good haven to sail thence over all the world/ and after they brent the town of Donde. The english men spared neither abbeys nor ministers but set all on fire. And so they of the vanward ran to Bredan/ which is a city on the see side/ It is on th'entry of the wild scottish/ but they did no hurt thereto/ how be it they of the country were right sore afraid. They of that city thought to have assault/ for they feared least the king of England would have come thither/ and have over run all that country.  
THus in likewise as the englishmen died in Scotland/ so did the french men and scots in England/ in the marchesse of Northumberlande and Wales. & they brent a great country as they went out of Northumberlande and entered in to Wales/ which was otherwise called Wynslande/ and passed by the lands of the lords of Graystocke and Clyfforde/ and brent in their voyage divers great villages/ for they were no men of war in that country as than/ for they were all with the king. So they came to the city of Catlyle in Wales/ which was well closed with gatis/ walls/ & dikes: It was a place that of ancient time king Arthure loved rightwell/ because that there were great woods/ and many deeds of arms there was done. There lay in Carlyle in garrison sir Lewes Clyfforde/ brother to sir Wyllm Nevell/ and with him sir Thomas Mosgrave and Davy Holgrave his son/ and sir Dongorsse/ and divers other of the marchesse and fronters of Wales/ for the city of Carlyle was chief city of all that country/ and it was need full for good men of war to be the●: for when the admiral of France came thither he assailed the city by great force/ the which assault was cruel and fierce. So thus before the city there were many noble deeds of arms done. ⸪   

¶ How the earl of Oxenford broke the pursuit that the king of England had thought to have made in to wales after the french men and scots And how the king returned the same way that he came/ and how the french men and scots determined to return again in to Scotland. Cap. xv.  
THe king of England's uncles knew well what way the admiral of France and the scots held/ & said how they thought it for the best to follow them/ and to search till they might find them/ and so to fight with them: Saying/ how they could in no wise escape them. In this purpose was the duke of Lancastre and his brethren/ and divers other of the great barons of England/ and the most part of the commons of the host. And as than all their provision was come as well by land as by see/ and the king also was agreed to the same purpose and than on a night the earl of Oxenford/ who was as than chief of counsel with the king & bore all the rule: the king trusted no man so moche. He turned the king cleave fro his purpose I can not show you for what cause/ but the informed the king as it was known after/ and said: sir What think ye to do? Will ye follow the way that your uncles hath counseled? Sir know for troth that if ye do so/ ye shall never return again. For sir/ the duke of Lancastre desireth none other thing but that ye were deed/ that he might be king. How dared he counsel your grace to go this winter season in to a strange country? Sir/ I would not counsel you to pass the mountains of Northumberlande/ for there be more than xxx straits and passages/ that if ye were closed in them/ ye should never come out again without danger of the scots. Sir/ put not yourself in to that danger/ what soever they say to you. If the duke of Lancastre will go let him go/ and have the charge thereof/ but by my counsel ye/ shall not go. Sir/ ye have done enough for this one tyme. your father was never so far within Scotland/ nor yet King Edward your grant father. Therefore sir/ this ought to content you/ and save your own person. ye be young and lusty: And such there be/ that showeth you fair semblant and loveth you but lytell. The king gave such audience to the saying of this earl/ that it went never out of his mind/ as ye shall hereafter.  
THe next morning the lords of England and their people/ ordered themself to depart out of scotland/ and to follow their enemies to fight with them: as it was concluded the night before. Than the duke of Lancastre came to the king his nephew/ not knowing of the trouble and change of his purpose▪ and the king being in his melancholy/ assoon as he saw him/ he said in great ire. certess uncle of Lancastre/ ye shall not attain as yet to your intent. Think you for all your words/ that we will lose ourself foolishly? I will not believe you nor yet your counsel? for I see thereby more damage than profit/ to us and to our people. For if ye will make this voyage/ do it and ye list/ but as for me I will not: For I will return into England the next way/ and all such as love us will follow us. Than the duke of Lancastre said: Sir/ I shall follow you for ye have never a man in your company/ that loveth you so well as I do/ & also my brethren And if there be any man will say (except your person) that I would any thing otherwise than well to you or to your people/ here is my guage to the contrary. So there was none that would speak any word: And the king held his peace and spoke to other of his servants of other matters/ and ordering himself to return into England the same way that he came/ and the duke of Lancastre departed fro the king right sore troubled in his mind/ and returned to his company/ and made new ordinance/ for in the morning they had thought to have followed the frenchmen in to the marches of Wales/ but they died not so for they returned the next way in to England. Lo/ thus ye may see how thearl of Oxenford who was great with the king broke all this voyage/ and divers of the great lords/ said that the king was evil counseled/ saying/ that all the provision was come/ For they said they might well have followed the scots in to Wales/ For in their so doing/ they should ever have drawn in to England ward. And some persons that were weary of pain and travel said/ how that all things considered/ they were better to return than to go any further: Saying/ how a great provision must be had to screw such an host/ & how it was evil to pass the mountains that winter season/ whereby they said they might rather lose than win.  
THus in his season broke up the journey and army of England: and the king and his lords returned in to England/ the same way they came/ but they had destroyed the most part of the realm of Scotland. These tidings came to the admiral of France and to the scots/ than they took counsel what was best for them to do/ and so concluded to return again in to scotland/ for their victuals began to fail and they were in a poor country/ for they had destroyed the marches of Carlyle/ and the lands of the barone of Clyfforde/ the lord Maubray/ and the bishopric of Carlyle/ but the city they could not win. And the french men said/ how they had brent and destroyed in the bysshorike of Dyrhame & Carlyle/ that was better worth than all the towns in Scotland. So the frenchmen and scots returned in to Scotland the same way they came: And when they came into Scotland they found the country destroyed/ but the people of the country died set but little thereby and said/ how with three or four poles/ shortly they would make again their houses/ for they had saved moche of their cattle in the forests: But all that the french men took they were fain to pay truly therefore/ and dear. The french men were often in great danger/ for the scots and they were at many debates for victual: And the scotes said/ how the french men died them more demage than the english men had done: & when it was demanded of them why so they answered and said: how the french men as they road abroad they beat down & desoyled their corns/ as wheat barley/ and oats: and would not keep the high ways/ but rather ride through the corn. Of which demages/ they said they would have of them a true recompense or they departed out of Scotland: & said/ How they should neither have ship nor mariner to pass than over the see/ without their leave and licence. and divers other knights and squires complained/ that their woods were cut down by the french men to make their lodgings.   

¶ How the French lords were in great paryll in Scotland/ and could not find the means to pass over the see: & how they showed th'earls Douglas and Morette/ the hardness that they found in that country/ and what answer they made to them. Cap. xvi.  
When the admiral and his company were returned in to scotland/ and were come to Edenborowe/ they had endured great pain/ & as than they could find nothing to buy for their money wines they had but little/ and but small ale or bear/ and their bred was of barley or of oats/ and their horses were deed for hunger and foundered for poverty. And when they would have sold them they wist not to whom/ nor there was none would give them one penny/ neither for horse nor for harness. The soldiers showed to their captains how they were dealt with all/ and they knew it right well by experience of themself: And their men said/ how they could not long endure in that pain: They said that the realm of Scotland was such a country not to keep an host in winter/ and if they should abide there till summer they should be deed for poverty. And if they should depart a sunder and search for their living abroad in the country/ they doubted that the scots would slay them in their beds. The admiral considered well all these things: and saw clearly how it was likely to be as they said/ how be it he was in purpose to abide there all the winter/ & to send to the french king and to the duke of Burgoyne/ certifyeng them what case they were in/ and to have new provision of money and victuals/ and to make a new fresh war again the next summer to in England/ how be it he saw well the evils of the scots/ and considered the yell of his people. Than he gave leave to depart/ all such as would/ but at their departing was the mischief/ for the lords could find no passage for themselves nor for their men. The scots would that such knights and squires as were but poor should depart/ to th'intent that they might rule the remnant at more ease: and said to the admiral. Sir/ let your men depart when they will/ but as for yourself/ ye shall not depart out of this country/ till we be full satisfied of all such charges as we have borne all this season for your army.  
THese tidings were right hard to the admiral & to the other barons of France/ and showed all the matter to the earl Douglas and to the earl Morette/ who dreaming were right sore displeased/ that they were so hardly dalte with all/ and said: We be right sorry/ For this dealing will cause that never scottish knight shall come in to France to have good there. And so these two earls spoke to the other earls & barons of Scotland/ who said/ how they had lost as well as they/ wherefore dissimule you with them/ for we will be recompensed Than these two earls said to the admiral and to the other lords of France/ how they could not rule the other lords nor the commons/ Wherefore it behoved them if they purposed to go out of the realm/ to satisfy the commons & to restore again all their damages. And when the admiral saw that it would be none otherwise/ he thought he would not lose the more for the less. He considered well/ how he was without comfort and closed in with the see/ and saw how the scots were of a wild opinion/ wherefore they were fain to agree to the scots intent & caused a cry to be made/ that all manner of persons should come to the admiral of France & prove that any of his men had done them any damage/ and he would recompense them to the value thereof/ which cry appeased the scots▪ and so the admiral became debtor to them all and said/ how he would not depart out of Scotland till all the complaynantes were fully satisfied and paid. Than divers knights & squires had passage and so returned some in to Flaunders/ and as wind & weather would brive them/ without horse and harness right poor and feeble/ cursing the day that ever they came in Scotland. Saying/ how there were never men had so hard a voyage, wysshing that the french king had peace with England one year or two/ and so both kings together to go in to scotland/ utterly to destroy that realm for ever: For they said/ they never saw so evil people nor so false traitors/ nor more foolish people in feats of war.  
THe admiral of France by them that departed first/ wrote letters to the french king and to the duke of Burgoyne/ certifyeng them what case he was in/ and how the scots dealt with him/ & that if they would have him to come home/ they must send thither such sums of money as he was become debtor/ for to be paid to the knights/ squires/ and commons of scotland/ for the scots said plainly/ that the war that they made in to England at that season/ was for France and not for themself. therefore all such damages as they have taken by that journey/ they would be fully recompensed again or he departed out of scotland/ to the which he had sworn and agreed The french king & his counsel were bound to redeem again the admiral/ for they send him thither. than the sums of money were ordained for/ and the money paid by exchange in the town of Bruges/ so that the scottis were content. Than the admiral departed out of Scotland when all things was paid/ and so took his leave of the king who was in the wild scottish/ and of the earls Douglas and Morette/ who conueye● them to the seaside/ & so he took shiping at Edenborowe and had wind at will and arrived at Sluse in Flaunders. Some knights and squires of his company returned not again with him/ they thought they would see other countries/ and so they went in to divers parts. The most part returned in to France so poor/ that they were not able to get themself any horse. some bought them horses/ & specially the burgonions/ the campenoise/ the barroise/ and the lorayns. ⸪ ⸫   

¶ How the admiral informed the french king and his counsel of the state of Scotland/ & how the duke of Burgoyne had great desire to cause the french king to make a journey in to England. Cap. xvii.  
When the admiral was returned in to France to the young king Charles & to the duke of Burgoyne they made him good cheer/ as it was reason/ and demanded of him the condition of the king & of the lords of Scotland: He said/ how the scots somewhat resembled, the english men/ because they be envious over strangers: And moreover he said/ that he had rather be earl of Savoy or earl of Arthoyse than to be king of scots/ and said/ how he had seen all the power of Scotland in one day to guider/ as the scots said themself/ and yeche never saw together past five hundred spears and about a xxx thousand other men of war the which number against english archers or against a thousand of other good men of arms could not long endure. Than the admiral was demanded/ if he had seen the puissance of England. He answered yea. For on a day quod he/ when I saw the scots fly away for fear of the englishmen/ I desired them to bring me where as I might see and advise the english host/ and so they died/ I was set in a strait passage where as they must needs pass/ and to my deeming/ they were a ix thousand men of war. And the scots said that it was all the power of England/ and that there were none abiding behind. Than the king and his counsel studied a little/ and at last said. It is a great thing of threescore thousand archers & of six or seven thousand men of arms. It may well be quod the Constable that they may make that number/ but yet I had rather fight with them at home in their own marches than with half the number here/ and so I heard my master say often times when I was young. By my faith quoth the admiral/ if ye had been there with a great number of men of arms as I supposed ye should have been I think we had famished all Scotland. Thus the constable and admiral devised together/ and they set the duke of Burgoyne in great desire to make an army in to England. ¶ Now let us leave a little to speak of them and return to the business of Flaunders.  
IT is of truth/ the duke of Burgoyn had imagined in his mind to make the next Summer following/ which should be in the year of our lord god/ a thousand three hundred fourscore and five/ a great army/ and to move the french king as much as he might to go into England. And also the constable of France/ who was an expert knight and well beloved in the realm of France/ and had been brought up in his youth in the realm of England: He in likewise gave counsel to the same enterprise/ and so died the lord dela T●emoyle. And because that the duke of Berrey was in Poictou and Lymosyn/ and knew nothing of this counsel/ the duke of Burgoyne who was chief about the king/ he had divers imaginations. he thought well that as long as the war continued in Flaunders/ the voyage over the see in to England/ could not well be done: Wherefore he was more troubled with them of gaunt/ and inclined rather to their desires. for he knew well how they were allied to th'English men. And how they had in gaunt a knight of England called sir johan Bourchier/ sent thither by king Richard to govern the town and to counsel them: How be it the gauntoyse desired to have peace for they were so overlaid by the war/ that the most rich and notablest persons of the town/ were not masters of their own goods for the wild soldiers governed them. And the wise men saw well/ that at length it could not endure/ but that they were all in great apparel. And when they were together/ divers of ten times marveled/ how they had endured so long as they had done: they saw well it was rather by force than by love/ For Peter de Boyse always persevered in his evil opinions and damages/ So that none durst speak before him of peace/ for if he knew any person though he were never so sage that spoke of any treaty of peace/ incontinent he was slain and murdered without pity or remedy.  
THis war that they of gaunt had maintained against their lord th'earl Joys of Flaunders and the Duke of Bourgoyne had/ endured a six year/ whereby there was such hurt done/ that it were great marvel to rehearse. The turks/ paynims/ and sarazens sorrowed that war: For of truth the merchandises of eighteen realms/ arrived lightly at Sluse/ and had their deliverance at Danne or at Bruges/ which was all let by this war. Than behold and consider if these far ꝑties' sorrowed this war: Moche more aught to be sorry the lands next adjoining thereto/ & there was none could find any mean of peace. And so first by the grace of god & divine inspiration/ and by the humble prayers of good folks/ that god opened their ears/ & had pity of the poor people of Flaunders. And how the peace came by them I shall show you fro point to point/ as I showed you before the beginning/ so shall I declare the ending. The beginning of the hat was by Iohn de Bare/ johan Piet/ Gylbert Mathue/ johan Lion and such other/ and I desire you to hearken thereunto.   

¶ How by the grace of god two burgesses of Gaunt enteredde to treat with the duke of Burgoyne for peace: And how they gave the charge thereof to a knight of Flaunders/ and what answer the duke gave unto them. Cap. xviii.  
IN this season in the town of Gaunt was sir johan Bourchyer ruler there under the king of England/ and Peter de Boyse did assist him and susteygned all their evil opinions. There were some wisemen right sore displeased with the dyscention between their natural lord and the town: how be it they durst not show forth the intents of their hearts/ but one of them to another as they durst secretly. For if Peter de Boyse had known that they had made any ●●blant of peace/ they should have been slain without mercy. In like manner as he and philip Dartuell had slain sir Simon Bec●e and sir Gylbert Brute/ and to keep the people of Gaunt in fear: He had caused divers to be slain in that season. In that season afore or Frances Atremau was put out of the town of Dan by the french king/ and had destroyed the country of the four masters/ and that the king was returned again in to France (as ye have herd before) They of Gaunt began to doubt and the notable men of the town supposed/ that the next Summer the french king would return again and besiege the town/ but Peter de Boyse and such other of his sect made but light thereof: saying/ how they would gladly see the king before their town/ for they said/ they had such alliance with the king of England/ that they should soon be aided and comforted. In this season there was in the town two valiant men of good life and of good conversation/ of a mean lineage/ not of the best nor of the worst. Which persons were sore displeased to see the discord between the town and their natural lord/ how be it they durst not speak thereof for fear of Peter de Boyse/ One of them was a mariner & the other a bocher/ the one called Roger de Crevyn/ and the other jaques Dardenbourke.  
●I these two persons the matter was first set a work/ and with them a wise knight of Flaunders called sir johan Delle/ who took great pain therein: But he nor all the knights in Flaunders could never have brought it to pass/ and it had not been by the means of these two persons. This knight sir johan Delle was well-beloved in the town of Gaunt/ and came and went at his pleasure without any suspection. These two foresaid persons had great displeasure of this debate● and spoke privily together thereof: And Roger said to jaques. Will there be no remedy found between the town of gaunt (in the which we were borne/ and is now in a hard case) & the duke of Burgoyn our natural lord? It were a great alms deed to make a peace's & they that so could do/ should have thank of god & great praise of the world: for by that means the trouble should be ceased for ever, ye say truth qd jaques: But it is a hard thing to bring about: for Peter de Boyse is a perilous man/ there is none dare speak of peace for fear of him. Well qd Roger/ yet it can not be always thus/ at last it must needs have an end. Show me quod jaques by what means it might be/ & I will gladly here you. Than quoth Roger/ ye be the chief of all the bochery/ and most beloved and dread. ye might secretly show your courage and intent to them that be your friends/ and as ye see how they incline/ ye may speak further little and little. And on the other side/ I that am a mariner and beloved with all manner of men. and I know some of their coragꝭ how that the war displeaseth them/ for they have great damage thereby. And I shall show my mind to some/ who shall draw other to the same purpose. And if we may get these two crafts of our accord/ the other crafts & other good people such as desireth peace/ wyllnsone euclyne to us. Well quoth jaques/ and I shall speak gladly to them of my craft/ and speak you to yours. And as they devised so it was done/ right secretly and wisely/ so that by the grace of the Holygost/ jaques Dardenboure found all though of the bochery well inclined to his will And Roger on his part by means of his fair language/ found the mariners right well agreed thereto/ for their craft was near lost for lack of usage.  
Hus these two wise men showed each to other/ how they found their people disposed to have peace. Than they said/ how they must have some other sage person to show all this matter to their lord. At last they remembered them of a knight called sir johan del/ and so they went to him and discovered to him all their intents secretly/ and said. Sir/ we have laboured so moche to them of our crafts/ that they be well inclined to have peace/ so that our lord the duke of burgoyn would pardon them/ and to grant us our ancient franchises/ according to the tenors of our charters and bulls. Than this sir johan said/ I shall gladly go and entreat him. And so this knight went out of the town to the duke/ who was in France with the king/ and he showed him all the foresaid matter/ & did so moche with his fair language/ that the duke inclined to here what he would say: And for the desire that the duke had to make a voyage in to England/ the lightlier he condescended to have peace with them of Gaunt: And also his counsel sir Guy de la Tremoyle and sir johan de Vyen/ and the constable and the lord Coucy/ counseled him to take peace with them: than the duke answered and said to sir Iohn Delle I am content to do in this matter as ye will devise/ and so return ye again to them that sent you hither: And the duke demanded of him/ if France's Atreman were a counsel of this treaty or not. Sir quoth he/ I think he knoweth nothing thereof/ he keepeth the Castle of Gaure/ and I know not if they that sent me hither/ would that he should know it or not. Tell them quoth the duke that they speak hardly with him in the matter/ for I think he will not be against me/ for as I understand he desireth greatly to be at peace with me. as the duke commanded so this knight did/ and returned to Gaunt & brought these good tidings. And than he went to the castle of Gaure to speak with France's Atreman/ and discovered all his intent secretly to him. And when Frances had a little studied/ merely he said. And if my lord the duke will pardon them of Gaunt and uphold their franchises/ I shall not be rebel against him but be right diligent to have peace. Than this knight departed fro him and went again in to France to the duke/ and showed him all the matter. The duke heard him gladly/ and wrote letters open & close sealed with his seal/ to them of gaunt. And this knight with those letters returned in to Flaunders/ & so came to Gaunt/ but he showed not the letters as than/ but he promised Roger and jaques to accomplish their intents. Behold now what ꝑell this knight and they were in: For if sir johan Bourchier and Peter de Boyse had known of the matter all the world should not have saved their lives. ⸫ ⸪   

¶ How these two foresaid burgesses assembled their friends to accomplish their enterprise/ and sent sir johan Delle for the duke's letters of peace. Cap. nineteen.  
then Roger and jaques said to sir Iohn del/ Sir/ ye shall come on monday next coming in to this town at nine of the clock/ and bring with you the duke's letters/ and show them openly to the commons of gaunt/ whereby they shall give the more credence/ for by that hour/ we will be lords of the town/ or else slain in the quarrel. Well quoth sir johan/ be it as ye say: and so ended their counsel for that time And sir johan Delle went out of the town to accomplish his purpose. These other two wisemen studied how to bring about their purpose/ and so spoke with some of their friends and aldermen of the crafts/ so that they had a great number of their accord: And determined that on the next monday at nine of the clock/ they should depart out of their houses/ with the banner of Flaunders before them: crying the Lion of Flaunders/ the lord of the country/ hath given peace to the good town of gaunt/ and hath pardoned clearly all trespasses. For all this matter was sagely handled yet it came to the knowledge of Peter de Boise. And as soon as he knew thereof/ he went straight to sir johan Bourchyer/ who was sovereign captain there under the king of England/ and said to him: Roger Crevyn and jaques Dardembourke/ will be to morrow by nine of the clock in the market place/ with the banner of Flaunders before them: And they will cry through the town/ the Lion of Flaunders lord of this country/ hath given peace to the town of gaunt/ and hath pardoned all trespasses. What shall we do? The king of England shall not be than obeyed/ without we prevent them/ and put them out of our iurysdyctions. What is best than to do quod sir johan Bourchier? Than answered Peter and said. It behoveth/ that to morrow in the morning/ we assemble in harness all our men in the house de la Vale: And than let us go through the town with the king of England's banner before us/ and let us cry also: The Lion of Flaunders king of England/ lord of this country and town of gaunt. And when we come in to the market place/ such as be on our party will draw to us/ and than let us flee all the other traitors. It is well devised qd sir johan Bourchier/ let it so be done.  
¶ Now behold/ if god died not much for these two/ Roger and jaques: For they were informed of Peter de Boyse devise. & when they knew it they were not abashed: But late in the evening they sent to all their friends/ that where as they should be the next day in the market place by eight of the cloak/ in any wise they desired them to be there by seven of the clock/ and that they died to prevent Peter de Boyse. To this pointment every man was agreed/ and on the monday in the morning sir johan Bourchyer and his company came to the house called de la Vale/ & with him a threescore/ and Peter de Boyse came thither with a xl. there they armed them/ & in good ordinance set themself forward. And Roger and jaques assembled their friends together/ and the most part of the aldermen and burgesses of Gaunt came to them. Than they took the earls banner and went through the town/ crying the foresaid cry/ and such as heard the cry/ and saw the aldermen of their crafts and the banners of the earl/ they followed after and came to the same company: And so by seven of the clock they came to the market place/ and there set themself in good order/ with th'earls banners before them/ and ever there came more and more to them. These tidings came anon to sir john Bourchier and to Peter de Boyse/ who were assembling of their people. Than they went forth with the banners of England before them/ and as they went/ they cried their cries before devised. And so they came to the said market place/ and there arranged themself before the other/ but ever such as came/ the most part went to the Earls banners/ so that if a hundred came fourscore went thither: In so much/ that all the place was full of men of arms/ and so they stood each regarding other.  
When Peter de Boyse/ saw how the aldermen of the crafts drew to Roger and jaques he was sore abashed and doubted greatly of his life: For he saw such as were wont to serve him/ fly away fro him: and so privily he stolen away out of the press/ and hid himself for fear of death. And when Roger and jaques saw that/ nigh all the people drew to their part/ they were right joyous and well comforted/ and not without good cause: For than they saw well/ that the people of Gaunt would be in peace with their lord/ Than they departed with a certain of their company/ with the banners of Flaunders before them/ and so came to sir johan Bourchyer and to the englishmen/ who were not very sure of their lives/ when they saw them come toward them. Than Roger demanded of sir johan Bourchier/ where Peter de boyse was and what was his intent/ and whither he was their friend or enemy. The knight answered and said. I think Peter de Boyse be here by me/ and when he saw that he was gone/ he said. I know not where he is become: I went he had been in my company. But as for me/ I am and will be servant to my natural lord the king of England/ who send me hither at your own desires/ if ye well remember. It is true quoth they/ for if ye had not been desired to come hither by the town of gaunt/ ye should have been slain. But for the honour of the king of England who send you hither at our request/ ye shall not need to fear nor non of yo●s ye shall have no hurt. We shall save you from all damages/ and conduct you to the town of Calayes: Wherefore depart to your lodgings peaceably/ and ●lyrre not for any thing ye here or see/ For we will be under the obeisance of our natural lord the duke of Burgoyne/ and will make no more war. The knight was right joyous of that answer to be so quite/ and said. Sir/ sith it will be none otherwise so be it: and I thank you of that ye offer me at this tyme. ⸪ ⸫   

¶ How sir johan del came to gaunt to the market place: where as Roger and jaques and the aldermen of the city: where and how he delivered them letters fro the duke of Burgoyne: and how they of Gaunt sent to Turney/ and of the confirmation of the peace and of the charters that were made thereof. Cap. xx.  
THan sir johan Bourchier departed peaceably fro the place with all thenglish men/ and such Gauntoyse as were in his Company fled away and hid themself. And anon after entered in to the town sir johan Delle/ and came in to the market place with the duke's letters/ send thither by the duke: And there they were opined and reed to all the people/ which greatly pleased them. Than France's Atreman was sent for fro the castle of Gaure/ who incontinent came to them and agreed to the treaty/ and said it was well: And so thereupon sir johan Delle was scent again to the duke/ who was as than at Arras/ & showed him all the demeanour of the gauntoyse: And how that Peter de Boyse had as than no rule nor audience in the town: and how that if he had been found he had been slain: and how that France's Atreman died acquit himself valiantly and confirmable to the Peace. All these things pleased much the duke: and so he sealed a charter of peace and a truce to endure/ until the first day of january/ and in the mean season a counsel to be had for that matter in the city of Tourney/ And all the sir Iohn Delle brought again with him to gaunt/ whereof all the people had great joy/ For they showed than how they had great desire to have peace All this season sir johan Bowser and the english men and Peter de Boyse were still in gaunt/ but there was no man would do any thing after them: and Peter de Boyse lived still in rest. With that he swore that he should not procure nor move any thing that should cause any war between the town and their natural lord. And thus was done by the means of France's Atreman who spoke for him whereby Peter lived in rest/ for they knew well that Peter always held with their opinions/ and was a true and a good captain.  
THis truce during/ they of gaunt appointed them that should go to Tourney to conclude this treaty/ And France's Atreman was sent thither as chief/ because he was a man reasonable and well known with all lords/ and with him went Roger Crevyn and jaques Dardembourke/ and they came to Turney in the utas of saint Andrew with a fifty horse/ and were all lodged together at the sign of the Salmon/ in the street of saint Brise And the .v. day of Decembre/ thither came the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess his wife/ and the lady of Nevers their daughter/ & they entered into Turney at the gate toward Lyle And against their entering the Gauntoise that were there issued out to meet with them. And when they saw the duke/ they inclined themself on their horses bore heeded: And the duke passed lightly by them/ for he made haste to mere with the duchess of Brabante/ who was coming to the city by the gate of Malynes/ and she was lodged in the bishops palace. So thus began the treaty between the Duke and the town of Gaunt/ and sir johan Delle took great pain to go and come between the parties/ and at the desire of the duchess of Bourgoyne & of the lady Nevers/ the duke forgave all his evil will: And the peace was made/ cried/ accorded/ written/ and sealed between the parties/ in manner as followeth. ⸪  

¶ Here after ensueth the tenor of the letters and charters of peace. ⸪  
philip the son of France's duke of Burgoyn earl of Flaunders/ Artois/ and Palatyne/ lord of Selynes/ earl of Rethell & Malynes/ and Margarete duchess and countess of the said cositreis'. To all them that heateth or saith this present writing/ we send greeting. We will that it be known/ that our well-beloved subjects/ aldermen and commons of our good town of gaunt/ hath right humbly required our lord the king & us/ that we should have pity and mercy on them/ and to pardon all offences by them or any for them done to the king or to us/ and for pity and compassion of our said subjects by our letters/ we have pardoned them. And also we have confirmed their ancient privileges/ franchises/ customs/ and usage/ in case that they will plainly obey the king and us. Which pardon they of gaunt and their part takers/ have received right humbly by such letters & messengers as they sent to us in great number to Turney/ and they have clean tenounsed all debates and wars/ and with good hearts are returned to true obeisance to the king and to us. promising from hens forth to be true friends & faith full to the king and to us/ to the king as their sovereign lord/ & to us as their natural lord/ by reason of Margarete our wife as their natural lady & heretour. Wherefore the king & we have received to our grace our said subjects/ & have given them letters of pardon & pure remission/ with restitution of their privileges/ customs/ and usages/ the which more at large appeareth/ by the content of our letters. After which pardons our said subjects have made to us divers supplications/ the which we have received & have caused them by good delyberation to be seen/ visited/ & examined/ by our counsel/ the which well seen/ & for the comen perfect of all the country/ & to eschew all discensions that hereafter might fall. of our special grace/ & by the contemplation of our good subjects/ we have ordered and determined in manner as followeth. first where as they desire that we should confirm their ancient privileges of Tourney/ Danduarde/ Grauntmont/ Meule Teremounde/ Ruplemount/ Abste/ Atharcle/ Brevelies/ Douse and of the Chateleyns'/ and plain country/ pertaining to the same towns. We have ordained that the inhabitants of the said towns should come to us/ bringing with them their privileges/ which shallbe seen by our counsel: And that done/ we shall so do that our said subjects of Gaunt and they of the said good towns/ shall by reason hold them content. And if any of the said privileges be lost by any case/ fortune/ or otherwise/ we shall make good reformation thereof. Also where as they have desired for the course of merchandise/ we have consented/ that they have all their ancient course paying their custom of old time continued. Also where as they desire/ that if any of the inhabytauntes of our town of Gaunt/ or any of their adherentes/ hap to be arrested in time to come in any country/ out of the country of Flaunders/ for the occasion of the debates and foresaid discensyons/ that than we should cause them to be released/ and to live in rest. And in that case/ we have granted/ that if any of them be arrested for that cause/ We shall aid/ comfort/ and defend them with our power/ against any that so should trouble them/ as we be bound to defend our good and true subjects. Also they require/ that all such prisoners as we have/ which were of their party/ that they should be delivered. We have ordained & do ordain/ that all such prisoners/ if they be put to their ransom/ that they pay their ransom and be delivered/ paying also their reasonable expenses/ So that if any of these prisoners or their friends or kin/ have in their hands any fortresses of ours keeping it against us/ First that they deliver such forteresses in to our hands/ and also in likewise/ that they deliver all such prisoners as they have in their hands.  
Moreover by our abundant grace/ we have ordained and do ordain/ that all such as by the occasions of the debates and dissensions that were last in our country of Flaunders/ and have been banished out of our good towns/ of Bruges/ Ipre/ the country of Francke and other towns and places: And also/ all such as hath been banished by justice of the law out of Gaunt/ or put out or judged without law and be absent/ that all such be restored and may return and dwell in the said town/ and all such as hath taken their part/ to be restored again at their pleasure/ to such places as they came fro. & when they enter again in to any of the said towns that they swear to our officers to be true to us/ and to keep the peace/ and surety of the said towns/ nor that they bear any evil will privily nor a part/ to any of the inhabytauntes of the said towns/ nor to do them any evil or damage. And that all such as enter in to any town/ shall swear to obey the king and us: & such as be absent the time hereafter lymitted/ shallbe restored to all the fees/ houses/ rents/ & herytages'/ wheresoever they be: notwithstanding/ any forfeiture done by them/ by the occasion of the said discensyons/ but they to enjoy them as in their primer state. Also if any of the said inhabytauntes of the town of gaunt or any of their adherentes be out of the town and be in the countries/ of Brabant/ Holande/ zeland/ or in Cambres/ or in the bishopric of Liege: That they come and submit themself to us/ or to such as we shall appoint/ within the space of two months/ after the publication of this peace: that than/ they to enjoy the pardon and foresaid grace. And such as be in the realm of England/ or in Fryselande/ Almaigne/ and other on that side the great see/ they to come and submit themself within four months after notifycation of this peace. And such as be beyond the great. See/ at Rome or at saint james/ they to have respite of their submissyon a hole year after knowledge of this peace: And than they thus sworn/ may enjoy this our said pardon. And also/ all such as hath been banished or judged out of our said town by the said occasion/ that they be restored to their fees/ houses/ rents/ and heritages/ when soever they will at their pleasure As for movable goods that hath been taken of either party/ there shallbe no restytuition made thereof/ but every party to bequyte thereof. Also if any oblygations be made for any movable goods/ taken for the said occasions for discharging of their conscience/ to render them again. And all such houses as shall be delivered again to the owners/ that nothing be taken out of them/ nailed or pinned with iron or lead: And fro thence forth the revenwes to be payable to the owners. and also though it be so/ that some of our subjects of Gaunt have done homage/ for such lands as they hold to other lords than to the true owners/ whereby their lands might be fortified: notwithstanding/ we of our special grace/ will that they shall still enjoy such lands/ in doing to us homage/ for that they hold of us without and to other mean for that they hold of them. And also we grant all disenherytaunces and recognysaunces done by the law/ between any parts to stand/ so that our subjects of Gaunt aldermen/ counsellors/ & commons of the same and their adherentes/ by their own good wills renounce all their alliances/ promises/ oblygations made/ and homage that they or any of them have done or made to the king of England/ or to any of his deputies or officers/ or to any other that be no good willers to the king or to us: And frohens forward to swear to be true to the king/ as to their severaygne lord/ and to his successors kings of France/ and to us as their right lord and lady/ and to our successors earls of Flaunders: & to us do service as true subjects ought to do to their lord & lady: As to defend our persons/ honour's/ heritages/ and rights/ and to let to their powers/ all such as would the contrary/ and to give knowledge thereof to us or to our officers saving always their privileges and franchise. Also to the intent that our subjects of the town of Gaunt/ should be always in good peace and true obeisance to the king/ and to us and to our heirs earls of Flaunders/ and to eschew all discensyons & debates that might fall: We will and ordain/ that all these said articles be surely kept without breaking. & straightly we command all our subjects on pain to lose that they may lose to us/ that for any occasion of the said debates or discensyons/ that they do nothing openly nor privily in word nor deed/ that should be preiudicall to them of gaunt nor to rebuke/ or to give them any evil language. And if any do contrary to these said articles/ or do any injury or damage to them of gaunt or to any of their alyes/ or any that held on our party/ by occasion of any of the said debates or dissensions/ do any such offence/ that by such knowledge of the lords officers/ and by the laws to whom it appertaineth that the deed be cremenell/ the doers/ aiders/ and counsel keepers without fraud/ be punished by their bodies and goods/ as brekers of the peace/ as well by justice of our officers as of our lords officers/ by the laws of the country to whom it appertaineth/ and reasonable satisfaction made to the party hurt/ of the goods of the trespasar/ and the resudue to us or to the lords of the soil: saving ever to all towns their privileges. And if any of our burgesses of the said town of gaunt though they be not banished by the law/ and if they be guilty for breaking of this peace/ & think by reason of the privylegꝭ of old time thereby to be saved/ and not to lose any of their goods. yet now we will by this present treaty/ that they shall lose their goods/ and the party hurt satisfied thereof/ as is said before/ and the residue to come to the right heirs/ as though they were deed in all other cases/ saving the privileges of the town of gaunt. And if such evil doers can not be taken/ than they to be banished and deprived fro their goods. Also if there be any that in words or otherwise/ do contrary to this our said ordinance/ and come to the knowledge of our officers. We will that all such be punished and to make amends/ in such manner/ that they may be ensample to all other: The punishment to be done by the officers of the law/ & by them to whom the right appertaineth: notwithstanding/ any privilege or franchise of any place. Also if any person of the church do against this ordynasice/ than he to be delivered to his ordinary: he to take such vengeance on him as a breaker of the peace/ and as the case requireth. Also we will that this said peace between us and our subjects/ be cried and published solemnly in this town/ and in all other towns of Flaunders: And hereafter if any doubt be made in any of the said articles or circumstances thereof: We shall then declare & cause to be declared by our counsel every thing/ that all parties shall of reason hold them content. And we aldermen/ burgesses/ and commonties of the town of Gaunt/ for us and all our adherentes/ We receive and have received humbly the said graces/ pardons/ and benefits to us done by king Charles our sovereign lord and by the said duke and duchess/ earl and countess of Flaunders/ our natural lord and lady: of the which graces and pardons/ we thank with all our hearts the king our sovereign lord and his successors/ and our natural lord and lady aforesaid earl and countess of Flaunders. And we make and shall make promise/ as true and faithful subjects ought to do/ and we shall keep and defend their personages and honours. In witness of the which things/ we the said duke and duchess have put our seals to these present letters. And we sheriffs aldermen/ burgesses/ and commons of the said town of Gaunt/ have also put to the seal of the town of gaunt. And moreover/ we the said duke and duchess/ pray and require our well-beloved Aunt/ duchess of Lusenbourcke and of Brabant/ and our right well-beloved brother the duke jubert of Bavyer: And also the aldermen/ commonty/ and counsel of Gaunt. And also we the duke & duchess of Burgoyne/ and our aldermen/ counsel/ and commonties of Gaunt/ require and pray the barons and nobles of the country of Flaunders here after following/ and to all good towns: As Bruges/ Ipre/ the ferrover of Frank/ and the good towns of Malynes and Awers: That what for the well of the peace/ and knowledge of surety of the foresaid things/ and of each of them we desire them to set to their seals. And we jane by the grace of god/ duchess of Lusenbourcke/ of Brabaunt/ and of Lancbourcke. And we duke Aubert of Bavyere/ bailiff and governor of the country of Heynaulte/ holland/ and zeland/ and of the signory of Frise. And we William eldest son of the earl of Namure lord of Sluse. And Hugh lord dancoyne Chateleyne of Gaunt: And Iohn lord of Guystelles and of Harues. Henry de Bures lord of Dysqueme we and of Haure. johan lord of Gonuseberge and of jentoyse. arnold of joust lord of Estornay. philip lord Daxalle. Loyse of the Halse bastard of Flaunders. Gyrarde of Rasenhen lord of Baserode. gualtier lord of Halme. philip of Namure lord of Eque. Iohn Villain lord of saint Iohans without the Chatcllayne of Ipre. And Loyse lord of Lambres knight. And we the borrow masters and aldermen of Bruges and Ipre. We philip of Redehen/ Mountferant aldermen of Mountfranke/ and of Mountamare knight shyrife of terrover of Frank: for and in the name of the said Terrover which hath no seal/ and the commons and counsels of the towns of Malynes and Awers: Have by the foresaid prayers and request for the wealth of the peace. And in witness of the truth/ and for more surety of the said things/ and of each of them/ we have put to the Seals of the said towns to this present treaty/ made at Tourney the eighteen day of the month of Decembre/ in the year of grace a thousand three hundred fourscore and five.  
AFter the making of these present letters and charters of peace/ and engrossed and Sealed they were published/ and the duke had the one part of them/ and the town of Gaunt the other part. Than France's Atreman & the commons of the town of Gaunt being there/ took their leave humbly of the duke and of the duchess/ and also of the lady of Brabant/ Thanking her a thousand times of her aid and help/ in making of their peace/ and offered themself ever to be ready to do her service The good lady thanked them right sweetly/ and exhorted them ever to keep firmly the peace/ and so to stir the people/ that they never rebel against their lord and lady: So than every body departed and went home to their own. The duke and duchess returned to Lyle/ and they of Gaunt returned to their town. When Peter de Boise saw the sure confirmation of the peace/ and that all the people of Gaunt had great joy thereof/ and were in mind and will never to rebel more nor to have war/ he was thereof greatly abashed/ and had divers imaginations/ whether he should abide still in gaunt (for all things was pardoned by the duke's charter sealed with his seal) or else to depart in to England with sir johan Bourchier and with the english men/ who appareled them to go. And all things considered/ he thought in himself/ that he could not trust this peace nor to abide in gaunt. And when France's Atreman saw that he would not abide/ he said to him: Peter/ what think ye to do? Why do ye fear? ye know well/ that by this treaty sealed by the duke that for any thing that is passed/ there shall never challenge be made to you for that. Than Peter answered & said. yea. in letters written lieth not all true pardons. Some pardoneth well by mouth and giveth writing thereof/ but yet the hatred remaineth still in their courages: As for me I am a man of the town of Gaunt of small reputation/ and of base lineage/ & to my power I have sustained the rights/ liberties/ & francheses of the town. Think you that within this two or three year the people will remember it? I fear nay: There be great lineages in the town of Gylbert Mathewes and his brethren/ They will return and they were enemies to my master johan Leon/ gladly I would never see them/ nor the parents of sir Gylbert Brute nor of sir Simon/ Becte/ who were by me slain/ wherefore in this case I can not be sure of my life. And as for you France's Atreman will you abide among such a sort of traitors/ who have so falsely broken their oath and promise to the king of England? I swear to you truly ye will repent it/ for it will cost you your life. I can not say quoth Fraunces/ but I trust so well in this peace/ and in the duke and duchesses promise/ that I will jeopardy to abide.  
THan Peter de Boyse made a request to the aldermen and counsel of the town: Saying/ Fair lords/ to my power I have truly served the town of Gaunt and have been in many an hard adventure in that be half. And for all the good service that I have done/ In the name of reward/ I ask none other thing/ but that I may be safely conducted with sir johan Bourchier/ whom ye send in to England: This is all that I demand. And they all answered/ it should be done. And as for sir Roger Emeryne and jaques Dardenbourcke/ by whom this treaty was first moved/ they were right glad of his departure/ and so were divers other notable persons in Gaunt/ such as loved the peace. So thus Peter de Boyse departed from gaunt in the company of sir johan Bourchier/ and took with him all the substance that he had: He was well furnished of gold/ silver/ and ieowelles. And sir johan Delle died conduct them under the duke's salve conduct to the town of Calais/ and than the gauntoise returned. Sir johan Bourchier and Peter de Boyse as soon as they might they went in to England/ and came to the king and to his uncles/ and showed them the deeds of them of gaunt. The king made Peter de Boyse good cheer/ and so died the duke of Lancastre and his brethren/ and gave him great thank in that he was come to them/ and had abandoned them of gaunt to come in to England. The king incontinent retaygned him & gave him an hundred mark sterling/ yearly to be paid out of the Staple of the wols in London. Thus Peter de Boyse abode still in England/ and the good town of Gaunt in peace And sir Roger Emeryn was made chief alder man of the fleet of Gaunt/ which was a good office and of great profit/ when the ships might have their course with merchandise: And sir jaques Dardembourc was made chief ruler of all the mean Crafts in the town of gaunt/ which also was a great and a profitable office. ⸫ ⸪    

¶ How sir Iohn froissart author of this chronicle/ departed out of France and went to the earl of Foiz/ and the manner of his voyage. Cap. xxi.  
IT is long now sith I made any mention of the businesses of far Countries/ for the businesses nearer home hath been so fresh that I lafte all other matters to write thereof: How be it all this season valiant men desiring to advance themself on the realm of Castle and Portyngale: In Gascoigne/ in Rovergue/ in Quercy/ in Lymosyn/ and in Bygore: Every day they imagined/ by what subtlety they could get one of another by deeds of arms/ or by stealing of towns/ castles/ & fortresses. And therefore I Iohn froissart/ who have taken on me to chronicle this present history/ at the request of the high renowned prince sir Guy of Chatellon earl of Bloyse/ lord of Davesnes/ Beawoys/ Destonhon/ & of la Guede/ my sovereign master & good lord. considering in myself/ how there was no great deeds of arms likely toward in the parties of Picardy or Flaunders/ Seeing the peace was made between the duke and them of Gaunt. And it greatly annoyed me to be idle/ for I knew well that after my death this noble and high history should have his course/ wherein divers noble men should have great pleasure and delight. And as yet/ I thank god I have understanding and remembrance of all things passed/ and my wit quick and sharp enough to conceive all things showed unto me/ touching my principal matter/ & my body as yet able to endure and to suffer pain. All things considered/ I thought I would not let to pursue my said first purpose. And to ●●tent to know the truth of deeds done in 〈◊〉 country's/ I found occasion to go to the ●●ghe and mighty prince Gascone earl of Foiz and of Byerne/ for I knew well that if I might have that grace to come in to his house and to be there/ at leisure I could not be so well informed to my purpose/ in none other place of the world for thither resorted all manner of knights and strange squires/ for the great nobleness of the said earl/ and as I imagined so I did/ And showed to my redoubted lord the Earl of Bloyes mine intent/ and he gave me letters of recommendations to th'earl of Foiz. And so rung I toad without apparel or damage that I came to his house called Ortaise/ in the country of Berne on saint Katheryns day/ the year of grace. M. three hundred fourscore and eight. And the said earl as soon as he saw me/ he made me good cheer and smiling said/ how he knew me/ & yet he never saw me before/ but he had often heard speaking of me/ and so he retained me in his house to my great ease/ with the help of the letters of credence that I brought unto him/ so that I might tarry there at my pleasure. & there I was informed of the business of the realms of Castyle/ Portyngale/ Navarre/ and Arragon/ yea and of the realm of England/ & country of Burbonoyse and Galcoyne. And the earl himself if I did demand any thing of him he died show me all that he knew/ saying to me how thy story that I had begun should hereafter be more praised than any other/ and the reason he said why/ was this. How that l year passed/ there had been done more marvelous deeds of arms in the world/ than in three hundred year before that. Thus was I in the court of the earl of Foiz/ well cherished and at my pleasure/ it was the thing that I most desired to knew news/ as touching my matter. And I had at my will lords/ knights/ & squires ever to inform me/ and also the gentle earl himself. I shall now declare in fair language all that I was informed of/ to increase thereby my matter/ and to give ensample to them that list to advance themself. Here before I have recounted great deeds of arms/ taking and sauting towns and castles/ and battles and hard encountrynges/ and yet here after ye shall here of many more/ the which by the grace of god I shall make just narration.  
ye have herd here before/ that when the lord Edmonde/ son to the king of England earl of Cambridge/ was deerted fro the realm of Portugal and had take shipping at Lustbourke/ and how he had made c●u●nant that johan to recover our heritage. So thus we become byder/ peradventure not so many as ye wrote for: but such as I have here be of such good wills/ that they dare well abide the adventure of battle against all those that be now present with the earl of Tryslmate/ and surely we shall not be content with you without we have battle. Such words or like/ the earl of Cambridge showed to the king of Portugal or he departed/ the which king heard them well/ how be it he never durst give battle on the plain of Saluence/ whafic he was before the spaniards/ nor they of the country would not give him counsel thereto/ but said to him. Sir/ the puissance of the king of Castle is as now so great/ and that by fortune or mysad ●enture that ye lose the ●elde/ ye lose than your realm for ever. Wherefore it were better ye suffered than to do a thing whereby ye should have damage and apparel. And when t●e earl of Cambridge saw it would be none otherwise/ Here turned to Lusenborne and appareled his ships and took leave of the king of Portyngale/ and so took the see with his company/ & would not leave johan his son in Portugal with the king/ nor with the lady that he should marry with all: The child was but young/ and so thus the earl returned in to England. Thus was the dealing as than of the journey in Portyngale.  
THe earl of Cambridge returned in to England on the manner as ye have heard before, and showed his brother the Duke of Lancastre all the dealing of king Ferant of Portyngale. The duke was sorry thereof, for he saw thereby that his conquest of Castle was far of/ and also king Richard of England had about h●m counsel that were not after his appetite/ and specially the●le of Or●forde/ who was chief in the kings favour. This earl did set as great trouble between the king and his uncles as he might/ and said oftentimes to the king. sir/ ●fye will follow the minds of your uncles the duke of Lancastre & the crle of Cambridge/ it shall well cost all the treasure in England about their war in Spain/ and yet they shall cenquere nothing. It were better for you to keep your own people and your money than to spend it abroad where as ye can get no profit/ and keep and defend your own he rytage/ wherein ye have war●e on all sides/ as well by France as by Scotland/ rather than to enploy your time in other countries. The young king inclined lightly to his words/ for he loved him with all his heart because they had been nourished up together. And this earl had great alliances/ with divers lords and knights of England/ for he died all his matters by the counsel of sir Simon Burle/ sir Robert Trevelyen/ sir Nicholas Brambre/ sir johan Beauchampe/ sir johan Salisbury/ and sir Mychaell de la pole. And also sir Thomas trivet and sir William Helmon/ were named to be of the same part/ so that by the dyffernes and discord between the king and his uncles/ and the nobles and commons of the realm/ many yvels came thereby in England/ as ye shall here hereafter in this history.  
IT was not long after that the earl of Cambridge departed out of Portyngale/ but that the king Feraunt fell sick/ and so continued a hole year and died. & than he had no more children but the Queen of Spain. Than king johan of castle was informed of his death/ and how that the realm of Portyngale was fallen in to his hands/ and how that he was rightful heir thereunto/ by reason of the death of the king. Sother was divers counsels kept on that matter/ and some said/ how that the Portugese's were so hard hearted people/ that they would not be had without it were by conquest. And in deed when the portingalings saw how they were without a king than they determined by counsel to send to a bastard brother of the kings/ a sage and a valiant man called devise/ but he was a man of relygton/ and was master of the hospitals in all the realm/ They said they had rather be under the rule of this master Denyse than under the rule of the king of Castle/ for they reputed him no bastard/ that hath good courage to do well. When this master Denyse understood the commons will of four chief cities of Portyngale (for they had great affection to crown him king) whereof he had great joy/ and so wrote secretly to his friends and came to Lurbone/ which is the key of the realm. The people of the town received him with great joy and demanded of him/ if they crowned him king: whether he would be good to them or not/ and keep the land in their fraunchese. And he answered and said/ he would be to them as they desired/ and that they had never a better king than he would be. Than they of Luxbone wrote to Connubres/ to Pount de portugal/ and to them of Dourke: These were the keys of the Realm/ and so they determined to crown to their king this master Denyse/ who was a sage & a valiant man and of good governance/ and was brother to king Ferant for they saw well the realm could not be long without a king/ as well for fear of the spay mardes as of the myscreantes of Granado and of Bongie/ who marched on them. So these said towns and certain of the lords of the land inclined to him/ but some of the lord said that it was not meet a bastard to be crowned king: And the people of the good towns said that it should be so: for of necessity they must so do/ sith they had none other/ and seeing that he was a valiant and a sage man/ both in wyste and in deeds of arms. And they took ensample by king Henry/ who was crowned king of Castle by election of the country/ and for the common profit/ and that was done king Peter being a live. So thus the election abode on this master Denyse/ and solemynely he was crowned in the Cathedral church of Connubres/ by the accord and puissance of the commons of the realm. And there he swore to keep justice & to do right to his people/ and to keep and maintain their franchises/ and to live and die with them/ whereof they had great joy.  
When these tidings came to the hearing of don johan king of Castle/ he was sore displeased therewith/ and for two causes. The one was because his wife was enheryter there/ & the other because the people by election had crowned master Denyse king there. Wherefore this king johan took title to make war and to demand of them of Luxbone the some of two hundred thousand florins/ which Ferant promised him when he took his daughter to his wife. So than he send the Earl of Term/ th'earl of Ribydea/ and the bishop of Burges in to Portyngale/ as his ambassadors to them of Luxbone. & when they were at saint prayne/ the last town of Castle toward Luxbone: Than they sent an herald to the king and to them of Luxbone/ to have a save conduct to go and come and to furnish their voyage/ which was granted lightly/ & so they came to Luxbone/ and so the town assembled their counsel together/ and the ambassadors showed why they were come thither/ and finally said. ye sirs of Luxbone/ ye ought justly not to marvel/ if the king our sovereign lord demandeth of you the sum of money that ye are bound for: And is not content that ye have given the noble crown of Portyngale to a clerk a man of religion and a bastard: It is a thing not to be suffered/ for by rightful election/ there is non nearer to the crown than he: And also/ ye have done this without the assent of the nobles of the realm. Wherefore the king our master saith/ that ye have done evil. And without that ye shortly do remedy the make/ he will make you sharp war●. To the which words don Feraunt Gallopes de vile fois/ a notable burgess of the city/ answered and said. Sirs/ ye reproach us greatly for our election but your own election is as much reprovable/ for ye crowned in spain a bastard/ son to a jew: And it is clearly known, that to the rightful election/ your king hath no right to the realem of Portyngale/ for the right resteth in the daughters of king Peter/ who be in England married/ both constance and Isabella/ married to the duke of I an castre & to th'earl of Cambridge. Wherefore sers/ ye may depart when ye will/ and return to them that sent you hither/ and say that our election is good/ which we will keep/ and other king we will have none/ as long as he list to be our king. And as for the sum of money that ye demand of us/ we say we are nothing bound thereto/ take it of them that were bound therefore/ and of such as had the profit thereof. At this answer the king of Portyngall was not presents howbeit he knew well what should be said. And when these ambassadors saw they could have non other answer/ they took their leave and departed/ and returned to Cyvell/ where they lafte the king and his counsel/ to whom they showed all the said answer. Than the king of Spain took counsel what was best to do in this matter. Than it was determined that the king of Portyngale should be defied/ and how that the king of Spain had a good quarrel to move the war for divers reasons. So than king Denyse was defied & all his helpers in Portyngale. Than the king of Spain made a great summons of men of war● to lay siege to the city of Luxbone/ & the king said/ he would never depart thence till he had it/ for they had answered him so proudly/ that they should dearly repent it/ if he might overcome them. Thus the king of Castle with all his puissance came to saint yrayne. At that season there was a knight chased ●ut of his court/ who was called sir Nauret/ For if the king might have get him/ it should have cost him his h●ed. the knight had knowledge thereof/ for he had many good friends. So he avoided the Realm of Castle and came to Luxbone to the king of Portyngale/ who had great joy of his coming/ and retained him & made him a great captain/ and he died after much hurt to the spayniardes. The king of Castle departed fro saint yrayne/ and came and laid siege before the city of Luxbone/ and enclosed therein the king of Portyngale. The siege endured more than a hole year/ and constable of the host was the earl of Longuevyll/ and Marshal of the host was sir Raynolde Lymosyn/ he was a knight of Limosyn/ who long before came in to spain with sir Bertram of Clesquy in the first wars that he made in spain. This sir raynold was a valiant knight and well proved/ And the king had well married him to a fair lady/ & to a fair heritage: And by her he had two sons raynold and Henry. And he was greatly praised in the realm of Castle for his prows/ and with the king of Castle there was Dagheynes Mandake/ sir Dygo Persement/ done Peter Roseament/ done Maryche de Versaulx portugaleys/ who were turned spaynisshe/ and the great master of Calestrane and his brother/ a young knight called done Dighemeres/ Pier Goussart of selme/ johan Radigo de Hoys/ & the great master of saint jaques. The king had well with him a thirty thousand men. There were divers assaults and skirmishes/ and many feats of arms done/ on the one part and on the other. The spaygnierdes knew well that the king of Portyngale should have none aid of the nobles of his realm, for the commons had made him king against their wills. So the king of Castle had intensyon to conquer Luxbone and all the country/ or he returned/ for he saw well they should have none aid without it were out of England/ whereof he had most doubt. And yet when he had well imagined▪ he saw well the english men were far of/ and he had herd how they king of England and his uncles were not all of the best accord. wherefore he thought himself the more of surety at his siege/ which siege was right plentiful of all things. There was in no market in Castle more plenty than was ther. And the king of Portyngale lay still in the city of Luxbone at his case/ for they could not take the See fro him. And he deimyned to send in to England to the king and to the duke of Lancastre trusty ambassadors/ to renew the alliances made before/ between the king and king Ferant his brother: And also the ambassadors had in charge to show the duke of Lancastre/ that in marriage he would gladly have his daughter philip/ and to make her queen of Portyngale/ and to swear and seal a perpetual peace and alliance between them: And also promising him (that if he would come thither with two or three thousand men of war/ and as many archers) to help and aid him to conquer his inheritance of Castle. On this message was appointed two knights/ sir johan Rade go & sir Iohn Tetedore/ and an archedeaken of Luxbone/ called March de la Fugyre. So they made them ready and took the see and had good wind/ and so sailed toward the fronters of England. On the other part the king of Castle lay a siege/ and he was counseled to write in to France and in to Gascoigne/ for some aid of knights & squires. for the spaniards supposed well/ that the king of Portyngale had send for succour in to England/ to raise their siege: & they thought they would not be so taken/ but that their puissance might be strong enough to resist the englishmen and portugaleyse. And as he was counseled so he died/ and send letters and messengers in to France/ to divers knights and squires/ such as desired deeds of arms/ and specially in the country of By●rne in the county of Foiz/ for there were plenty of good knights desiring deeds of arms: For though they had been brought up with the earl of Foiz/ as than there was good peace between him and th'earl of Armynake. So these messages of these two kings were not soon brought about/ how be it the wars in other places ceased nevertheless as in Awergne/ in Tholousyn/ in Rovergue/ and in the land of Bygore. ¶ Now let us leave to speak of the business of Portyngale a little/ and speak of other matters.   

¶ How the prince of wales and the princes came to Tarbe/ and of the request that the countess of Armynake made to the prince and princess: and how the country of Gascoigne was newly again in war. Cap xxii  
between the county of foiz and the country of Bierne/ lieth the county of Bigore/ which county pertained to France/ and marchesed on the country of Tholousin on the one part/ and on the county of Con●uges and of Bierne on the other part. And in the county of Bygore lieth the strong castle of Lourde/ which was english ever sith that the county of Bigore was yielded to the king of England and to the prince/ for the redemption of king johan of France/ by the treaty and peace made at Bertigny before Charters/ and after confirmed at Calais/ as it hath been showed before in the other history. When the prince of Wales was come out of England/ and that the king his father bade given him in heritage/ all the land and duchy of Acqustayne/ wherein there were two archbishops and xxii other bishops/ & that he was come to Burdea●x on the river of Gyrone/ & had taken the possessions of all these landis and lain there a year. Than he & the princess were desired by the earl johan of Armynake/ that they would come in to the country of Bigore/ in to the city of Tarbe to see that country which as than he had not seen before. And the earl of Armynake thought that if the prince and princess were in Bygore/ that the Earl of Foiz would come and see them: and where as he did owe him for his ransom two hundred & fifty thousand franks/ he thought he would desire the prince and princess to require the earl of Foiz/ to forgive him the same sum or part thereof. So moche did the earl of Armynake that at his instance/ the prince and prince's came to the city of Tarbe. This town is fair and standeth in a plain country/ among the fair wines: And it is a town/ city/ and castle/ closed with gates and walls/ and separated each fro other. from the mountains of Byerne and Catheloyne cometh the fair river of Lysse/ which runneth through Tarbe/ and is as clear as a fountain. And a five leagues thence is the town of Morlance/ pertaining to the earl of Foiz/ at the entry of the county of Bierne/ and under the mountain/ a site leagues fro Tarbe is the town of Pan/ which also pertaineth to the said earl. The same time that the prince & princes was at Tarbe/ th'earl of Foiz was at Pan. He was there building of a fair castle/ joining to the town without on the river of Grane. Assoon as he knew the coming of the prince and princess being at Tarbe/ He ordained to go and see them in great estate/ with more than six hundred horses and threescore knights in his company. And of his coming to Tarbe/ was the prince and princess right joyous and made him good cheer: and there was the earl of Armynake & the lord Dalbret/ and they desired the price to require the earl of Foiz to forgive th'earl of Armynake all/ or else part of the some of florins that he ought to have. And the prince who was wise and sage/ considering all things/ thought that be might not do so/ and said. Sir earl of Armynake/ ye were taken by arms in that journey of battle/ and ye died put my cousin the earl of Foiz in adventure against you. And though fortune were favourable to him and against you/ his valour ought not than to be made less. By like deeds/ my lord my father nor I would not be content that we should be desired to leave that we have won by good adventure/ at the battle of Poicters/ whereof we thank god. when the earl of Armynake heard that he was a bashed/ for he failed of his intent: How be it/ yet the left not of so/ But than he reared the princess/ who with a good heart/ desired th'earl of Foiz to give her a gift. Madame quod the●le/ I am but a mean man therefore I can give no great gifts. But madame/ if the thing that ye desire pass not the valour of threescore thousand franks/ I will give it you with a glad cheer. yet the princess assayed again/ if she could cause him to grant her full desire. But the ●rle was sage and subtle/ and thought verily that her desire was to have him to forgive clearly the Earl of Armynake all his debt. And than he said again. Madame/ for a poor knight as I am/ who buildeth towns and castles/ the gift that I have granted you ought to suffice. the princess could bring him no farther: & when she saw that/ she said. gentle earl of Foiz/ the request that I desire of you/ is to forgive clearly the earl of Armynake. Madame quod the earl to your request I ought well to condescends. I have said to you/ that if your desire pass not the valour of threescore thousand franks/ that I would grant it you. But madame/ the earl of Armynake oweth me two hundred and fifty thousand franks: and at your request/ I forgave him thereof threescore thousand franks. Thus the matter stood in that case/ and the earl of Armynake/ at the request of the princes won the forgyveng of threescore thousand franks. And anon after the earl of Foiz returned to his own country.  
I Sir johan Froissarde make narration of this business/ because when I was in the county of Foyz and of Bierne/ I passed by the county of Bygore. and I demanded and inquired of the news of that country/ such as I knew not before: And it was showed me/ how the prince of wales and of Aquitaine/ while he was at Tarbe/ he had great will to go see the castle of Lourde/ which was a three leagues of/ near to the entry of the mountain/ And when he was there/ and had well advised the town/ the castle/ and the country/ he praised it greatly: aswell for the strength of the castle/ as because it stood on the fronter of divers countries/ For the garrison there/ might run well in to the realm of Arragon/ in to Catellon/ and to Barselon. Than the prince called to him a knight of his household/ in whom he had great trust/ and loved him entirely: and he had served him truly/ and was called sir Pyer Ernalde/ of the country of Bierne/ a expert man of arms and cousin to the earl of Foiz. Than the prince said to him. sir Ernalde/ I instytue and make you Chateleyn and captain of Lourde/ & governor of the country of Bygore. Look that ye keep this castle/ se well that ye make a good account there of/ to the king my father and to me. Sir quoth the knight I thank you/ and I shall observe your commandment. There he died homage to the prince/ and the prince put him in possession. It is to be known/ that when the war began to renew between England & France as it hath been showed before: The earl Guy of saint Poule and sir Hugh of Chatellon master of the crossbows in France/ in that time besieged the town of Abuyle/ and won it/ with all the country of Poitou. The same time two great barons of Bigore/ th'one called sir Marnalte Barbesan and the lord Danchyn turned french/ and took the town/ city/ and castle of Tarbe/ which was but easily kept for the king of England: But still the castle of Lourde/ was in the hands of sir Pier Ernalt of Bierne/ who would in no wise yield up the castle/ but made ever great war against the realm of France/ and sent for great company of adventurers in to Bierne and Gascoigne/ to help and to aid him to make war/ so that he had together many good men of arms. and he had with him six captains/ & every man fifty spears under him.  
The first was his brother johan of Bierne a right expert squire/ and Pier Danchyne of Bygore/ brother germayne to the lord Danchyne/ he would never turn french/ Nandon of saint Colombe/ Ermalton of mount Ague of saint basil/ and the Bourge of Carnela. These captains made divers journeys in to Bygore/ in to Tholousyn/ in to Carcassene/ & in to Albygoise: For ever assoon as they were out of Lourde/ they were in the land of their enemies/ and sometime they would adventure thirty leagues of fro their hold. And in their going/ they would take nothing/ but in their return there was nothing could scape them. Sometime they brought home so great plenty of beasts & prisoners/ that they wist not how to keep them. Thus they ransomed all the country except the earl of Foiz lands/ For in his lands they durst not take a chicken/ without they paid truly therefore: For if they had displeased the earl/ they could not long have endured. These companions of Lourde ran over all the country at their pleasure/ & I road not far fro them. Thus the city of Tarbe was in great doubt/ so that they were fain to make covenant with them. And between Tarbe and Lourde/ there was a great village and a good abbey called Gynors/ who in likewise were fain to agree with them. Also on the other part on the river of Lysse/ there was a great town called Bagueres/ they of that town had a hard season/ for they were so harried by the garrison of Maluoysen standing on a hill/ and the river of Lysse running underneath/ unto a walled town called Turney/ in to the which town they of Lourde and of Maluoysen had ever their recourse/ to the which town they died no hurt/ because they had their resort thither: And they of the town had ever a good market of their pillage/ and so dissimuled ever with them/ which they were fain to do/ or else they could not have lived/ for they had no aid nor succour of any person: the captain of Maluoysen was a gascoyne/ & his name was Remonet de Lespe/ a expert man of arms. He and his company & they of Lourde/ ransomed as well the merchants of Arragon and Catheloyne as of France/ without they agreed with them.  
In the season that I enterprised to go see the earl of Foiz/ and to see the diversities of the countries/ where as I had never been before. When I departed fro Carcassene/ I left the way to toulouse and went to Monterorall and so to Fonges/ than to Bell/ and than to the first town of th'earl of Foiz/ and than to Masters/ and so to the castle of Sanredyn. And than I came to the good city of Pavyers/ pertaining to the earl of foiz/ and there I tarried/ abiding for some company going in to the country of Byerne/ where the earl was: And when I had tarried there a three days in great pleasure/ for that city was deleetable/ standing among the fair wines/ and environed with a fair river large & clear/ called Liege. And on a day it so fortuned/ that thither came a knight of the earl of Foiz fro avignon ward/ called sir Espaenge de Lion/ a valiant & an expert man of arms/ about the age of l years. And so I gate me in to his company/ and he was greatly desirous to here of the matters of France/ & so we were a six days in our journey/ or we came to Ortayse. And this knight every day after he had said his prayers most part all the day after/ he took his pastime with me/ in demanding of tidings: and also when I demanded any thing of him/ he would answer me to my purpose. And when we departed fro Pavyers we passed by the mount of Cease/ which was an evil passage/ and so we came to the town & castle of Ortayse which was french/ but we passed by it/ and so came to dinner to a castle of the●le of Foiz half a league thence called Carlat/ standing high on a mountain. and after dinner the knight said to me. sir/ let us ride together fair & easily/ we have but two leagues to ride to our lodging/ & so I was content to do. than the knight said/ we have this day passed by the castle of Ortayse/ which doth moche damage in this country. Peter Danchyn keepeth it/ and bathe taken and stolen out of the realm of France/ more than threescore thousand franks. than I demanded how that might be. I shall show you quoth the knight. On our lady day in August there is ever a great fair/ and all the country resorteth thither/ for there is moche merchandise. That day Pier Danchyn and his companions of Lourde had taken their advise/ & were determined to get this town and castle. And so they sent two simple varlettis (by seeming) to the said town in the month of may/ to get themself some service in the town/ & so they died/ and were retained with two masters/ & they died right diligent service to their masters. And so went in and out on their masters busynesse● without any suspeciousnes of them. & so on our lady day in August there were many merchants strangers. of Foiz/ of Bierne/ & of France. And as ye know well/ when machantes do meet that saw not together long before/ they will make good cheer together. & so in the same houses where as these two varlettis were in service/ were many merchants drinking and making good cheer/ & their ostes with them. & by appointment about midnight/ Pier Danchin and his company came to Ortaise/ & enbusshed themselves in a wood which passed through. And so they sent six varlettis to the town with ii ladders/ & they passed the dykes & came to the walls and reared up their ladders/ & the other ii varlets that were in service in the town did aid them/ while their maysts sat making good cheer: so these said varlets died put themself in adventure/ and one of the said two varlets brought the other six to the gate within/ where there was two men keeping the keys/ than this varlet said to the other six. sirs▪ keep yourself here privy & close/ and stir not till ye here me whistle. I trust to make the porters to open the gate of their ward/ they have the keys of the great gate/ & therefore assoon as they have opined their ward I will whystle: Than step forth & slay the porters/ I know well enough the keys of the gate/ for I have oft times helped to keep the gate with my master/ & as they devised so they did. & so the varlet went to the gate/ and saw & heard how the porters were drinking within their ward: than he called them by their names & said. sirs open your door/ I have brought you of the best wine that ever you drank/ which my master hath sent you/ to the intent you should keep your watch the better. And they who knew right well the varlet/ believed that he had said truth & opined the door/ and than he whistled/ & tother six stepped forth and entered in at the door/ & there they slew the porters so privily/ that none knew thereof. than they took the keys & went and opined the gate/ and let down the bridge easily that none knew thereof: Than they blewe a blast in a horn/ so that they that were enbusshed mounted on their horses/ & came on the spurs & entered on the bridge & come in to the town: & so took all the men of the town sitting drinking or●ls in their beds. Thus was Ortayse taken by Pier Danchin of Bigore & by his companions of Lourde/ than I demanded of the knight how they got the castle/ I shall show you qd he. The same time that Ortaise was thus taken/ the capiten of the castle by his evil adventure was in the town & supped with certain merchants of Carcassen/ and was there taken among other: and in the next morning Pier Danchyn brought him before the castle/ where as his wife & children were/ & made them believe that he would strike of his heed/ without his wife would deliver up the castle. & if she would so do/ he promised to deliver her husband quite/ & to suffer him & all his to depart with bag & baggage without any hurt. and the lady who saw herself in a hard case/ & saw she was not able to make ware herself/ & for saving of her husbands life/ she yielded up the castle: & so her husband and she & all theirs/ departed & went to Paviers. Thus had Pier Danchin the town & castle of Ortayse. & the same time that they entered/ he & his company won above xxx M. franks/ what in merchandise & prisoners of France: but all such as were of the county of Foiz or of B●erne/ were clean delivered without any damage. & this Pier Danchyn kept Ortaise after/ the space of .v. year: & he & his company oft-times would run to the gatis of Carcasson/ which was a six leagues thence and died great damage to the country/ as well by raunsoming of the towns/ as by pillage over all the country.  
In the mean season that Pier Danchin was in the garrison of Ortaise/ On. a night certain of his company went out & came to a castle called Paiel●er a good league thence/ whereof a french knight called Raymon du Pailier was owner they had been there often before & failed of their purpose but as than their hap was such that they scaled the castle & took it/ & the knight and the lady in their beds: And let the lady & her children go free/ but they kept still the knight in his own castle the space of four months/ & at last he paid a. M. franks for his ransom. And finally when they had sore overryden the country they sold these two castles/ Ortaise and Paielier to them of the country for viii M. franks/ & than they went to Lourde their principal garrison. So thus in this adventure knights did put themself daily. also the same time there was an expert man of arms in the castle of lourde a gascone borne/ he was called le Mengeant of saint basil: On a time he & xxx with him departed fro Lourde & road at all adventuree in to Tho●ousyn/ & had thought to have got the castle of Pen in Allugois/ but he mist of his ●●●ent. and when he saw that he failed of his purpose/ he came to the gate & made a great scrymisshe: and the same proper hour the seneschal of toulouse road forth & with him sir Hugh de Froid will and a lx spears/ & came by adventure to Pan while the said skirmish was in doing. Than incontinent they set foot to the earth & came to the barrier's: and so than the Mengeant was over matched/ but there he fought valiantly hand to hand/ and wounded the other knight in two or three places/ how be it finally he was taken by force/ & his men other taken or slain/ there were but a few that scaped. So this Mengeant was led to toulouse/ and than the commons of the town would have slain him between the handis of the seneschal/ he had moche pain to save his life/ & so brought him in to the castle/ for he was right evil beloved in toulouse. yet after it happened so well for him/ that the duke of Berry came thither/ and this knight had such friends that he was delivered/ & the seneschal had a thousand franks for his ransom: and when he was delivered he returned to Lourde/ and began again to make new enterprises. And so on a time he departed fro Lourde & five with him without any armour/ and he died on the abbyt of a monk & like other three monks with him/ and they had all shaven crowns/ so that every man that saw them/ wend surely that they had been monks/ the abbit and gesture be came them so well. And in this manner he came to Mountpellyer and took up his lodging at the sign of the Eagle/ and said how he was an abbot of high Gascon/ & was going to Paris on certain business pertaining to his house. & so he gate familiar acquaintance with a rich man of the town called Barenger/ who had also to do at Paris for certain business. Than this abbot said how he would pay for his costis if he list to go in his company Whereof the good man was right joyous/ in that he should have his charges borne/ & so he and one varlet with him went forth with this monk. And when they had riden a three leagis/ this counterfeit monk sir Mengeant took him prisoner/ & led him secret ways to his garrison of Lourde/ & after did ransom him at .v. M. franks. than I said ah saint Marry/ was this Mengeant such an expert man of arme●▪ ye truly sir qd he/ & in war he died/ in a place where as we shall pass with in this three days/ in a country called the Layre in Bigore/ by a town called Lachmache. well sir quoth I/ & I shall remember you thereof when we come ther. & so we road till we came to Monste que● a good town closed/ pertaining to th'earl of Foiz/ which the Armynagois & the labrisyence took by stealth on a season/ but they kept it not but three days. & in the morning we departed fro Monstequen & road to the town of Palamuche a good town closed on the river of Garon/ pertaining to th'earl of Foiz: And when we were almost there we had thought to have passed the bridge of Garon/ to have entered in to the town/ but we could not/ for the day before it had so sore rained fro the mountains of Chataloyne & Arragon/ whereby another river was so increased which was called Saluz & ran so fast/ that it raised up the river of Garon in such wise/ that it broke one of the arches of the bridge/ which was of timber/ wherefore we returned again to Montestquen/ and tarried there all the day. Than the next day the knight had counsel to pass the river by boats by the town of Casseres: so we road thither & did so moche that we passed the river of Garon with great pain & peril/ for the boat that we were in was not very great/ it could not take at one time but two horses and their keepers/ & they that ruled the boat: and so when we were over we road to Casseres and abode there all that day/ & in the mean time that our supper was a dressing/ this knight said to me. sir johan/ let us go & see the town: & so we passed a long through the town and came to the gate toward Palamuche and went out thereat and came to the dykes: Than the knight showed me a pane of the wall and said. sir/ see you yonder par●e of the wall which is newer than all the remnant? yea sir qd I▪ well qd he/ I shall show you why it is so/ it is a ten year past sith it fortuned. ye have herd or this/ of the war that was between the earl of armagnac and th'earl of Foiz/ how be it now they are in peace: But the armynagoise and Labrisience won but little by that war. For on a saint Nycholas even/ the year of our lord a thousand three hundred threescore and two: th'earl of Foiz took in battle th'earl of Armynake & the lord Dalbret his nephew/ and all the noble men that were with them/ and so led them as prisoners to Ortaise/ whereby the earl of Foiz hath received ten times a hundred thousand franks. And it fortuned after/ that the father of the earl of Armynake now living/ called sir johan of Armynake/ made a journey & took this town of Casseres/ and they had with them a ii hundred men of arms/ and so thought to keep the town by strength. These tidings when they came to the knowledge of the earl of Foiz/ being as tha●●e at Pan. He like a sage and a valiant knight/ called to him two bastard brethren of his▪ called ● Arnalt Guyllam and sir Pier de Bierne/ and said to them. sirs/ I will ye ride incontinent to Cass●eres/ I shall send you men on every side/ and within three days I shallbe with you myself: and let none come out of the town/ but that ye fight with them/ for ye shallbe strong enough. And when ye come there/ cause the men of the country to bring thither great plenty of wood/ bushes/ and fagottꝭ and choke the gates therewith: and than without that/ make strong barrier's/ for I will that they that be within be so enclosed/ that they issue not out of the gares/ I shall cause them to take another way. These two knights did his commandment and so went to Palamuche/ & all men of war of Bierne followed them/ and so they came before this town of Casseres. they that were within set little by them/ but they were not were how they were enclosed within the town/ so that they could not issue out at any gate. And the third day/ the earl of Foiz came thither with five hundred men of arms: and as soon as he came/ he caused barrier's to be made round about the town/ & also barriers round about his host/ because they should not be troubled in the night tyme. so in this case they lay long without any assault/ in so much that victual began to fail them within/ for though they had wine great plenty they had nothing to eat: Nor they could not fly away by the river/ for it was as than to deep. Than they thought it were better to yield themself as prisoners/ than to die so shamefully for famine/ & so fell in treaty. th'earl of Foiz agreed to their treaty/ so that they should not issue out at no gate/ but to make a hole in the wall and go out thereat/ to come one by one without armour/ & so to yield them as prisoners. It behoved them to take this way/ and so made a hole in the wall and issued out one by one. And there was the earl ready and all his people in order of battle to receive them as prisoners. and ever as they came out/ the earl sent them to divers castles as prisoners: and his cousin sir Iohn of Armynake/ sir bernard Dalbret/ and sir Manalt of Barlabason/ sir Raymond de Benache sir Benedick de la Corneyle/ and a twenty of the best personages he led with him to Ortaise/ and or they departed/ he had of them two hundred thousand trāke●: and thus was this hole in the wall made/ & than we went to our supper. And the next day we road a long by the river of Garon and passed by Palamuche and than we entered in to the land of the earl of comings and Armynake/ and on the other side was the river of Garon/ and the land of th'earl of Foiz. And as we road/ this knight showed me a strong town called Marteras the Toussa●/ ꝑteyninge to th'earl of comings/ & on the other side of the river on the mountain He showed me two castles pertaining to the earl of Foiz/ the one called Mountarall and the other Mountclare. And as we road between these towns and castles a long by the river of Garon in a fair meadow/ this knight said to me. sir johan/ I have seen here many fair skirmishes and encountrynges/ between the foizois and armagnacs/ for as than there was no town nor castle but that was well furnished with men of war/ & so they warred each upon other. The armagnacs against yonder two castles made a bastide/ and kept it with men of war/ and died moche hurt in the earl of Foiz land: But I shall show you how it fortuned. The earl of Foiz on a night sent his brother Peter de Bierne with two hundred spears/ and with them a four hundred villains of the country/ charged with fagottꝭ moche wood and bushes/ and brought it to the bastide. and than set fire thereon and so brent the bastide/ and all them that were within without mercy. and sith it was never made again. So in such devices we road all that day a long by the river of Garon/ and what on the one side and on the other/ we saw many fair castles and fortresses. All that were on our lift hand pertained to th'earl of Foiz/ and the other side pertained to th'earl of Armynake. And so thus we passed by Montpesac a fair castle & a strong standing on an high rock/ & underneath was the town and the high way: and without the town a little/ there was a place called ala gardea/ and a tower between the rock and the river/ which tower had a gate and a portcolyse of iron. six men might well keep this passage against all the world/ for there could no man pass but two on a front/ what for the tower on the one side & the river on the other side. than I said to the knight/ sir/ here is a strong passage and a mighty country/ it is true quoth the knight: and though th'entry be strong/ yet the earl of Foiz died conquer it once/ and he & all his passed the same way with the help of the archers of England/ that he had as than in his company/ and the great desire that they had to pass in to the country. Come ride near me sir quoth he/ & I shall show you how it was/ and so I road just by him ● and than he said: Sir/ on a time the Earl of Armynake and the lord Dalbret with a five hundred men of war/ came in to the country of Foiz and to the marches of Pavyers. And this was in the beginning of August/ when men did gather in their corns and the grapes were ripe/ at which time there was great abundance in the country. Than sir johan of Armynake and his company lodged before the town Sauredun/ a little league fro the city of Pavyers. And he sent to them of Pavyers/ that without they would buy their corns and wines/ and pay for them: they said else they would brinne and destroy all together. Than they of Paviers were in great fear/ for the Earl their lord was far of fro them: for he was as than in Byerne. And so they were fain to buy their own corns/ and paid for them five thousand franks/ but they desired fifteen days of respite/ which was granted them. Than the earl of Foiz was informed of all this bunsynesse/ and he hasted him as much as he might/ and assembled together his men and came suddenly in to the city of Pavyers with xii hundred spears. And so had fought with sir johan of Armynake if he had tarried/ but he departed and went in to the county of comings. So he had no money of them of Pavyers/ for they had no leisure to tarry therefore. But than th'earl of Foiz claimed the same some/ for he said he was come/ and saved their money and corn: and had put away all their enemies. And so he had it to pay his men of war therewith/ and there he tarried till they had inned all their corn and vintage. And so we passed than foreby a castle called Bretytte/ and also by another castle called Bacelles/ all pertaining to the earl of comings: and as we road a long by the river/ I saw a fair castle and a great town/ & I demanded of the knight what the castle was called. and he said it was named Montesplayne/ pertaining to a cousin of the earl of Foiz/ called sir Roger Despaygne/ a great baron in the country/ and in Tholousyn: and as than was seneschal of Carcassoney. Than I demanded of this knight/ if he were a kin to sir Charles of Spain/ who was constable of France: and he answered and said/ no/ he is not of that blood. For sir Joys of spain and this sir Charles that ye speak of●came both out of the realm of Spain/ & were lynially extraught of spain and of France/ by their mother's side/ & were cousin germans to king Alphons of spain: and I served in my youth/ sir Joys of spain in the wars of Bretaygne/ for he was always on the party of sir Charles of Bloyes/ against the earl Mountford. And so we left spcking of that matter/ and road to saint Gouffens/ a good town of the Earl of Foiz. and the next day we dined at Monreyle a good strong town of the French kings/ and sir Roger de spain kept it. And after dinner we road the way towards Lourde and so road through a great land/ enduring a fifteen leagues/ called the lands Lann● de vous/ wherein were many dangerous passages/ for thieves and evil doers. And in this land stood the castle of Mesere/ pertaining to the earl of Foiz/ a good league fro the town of Tourney/ the which castle the knight showed me and said. Sir/ behold yonder is Maluoysen/ But sir/ have ye heard here before how the duke of Anjou/ when he was in this country and went to Lourde? What he died in this country/ & how he laid siege to Lourde/ and wan it. And also the castle of Gryngalet/ on the river side that ye see yonder before us/ pertaineth to the lord de la bat. Than I remembered myself/ and said. Sir/ I trow I never heard thereof as yet/ therefore I pray● you show me the matter. But sir/ I pray you show me where is the river of Garon become for I can see it no more. ye say truth quoth the knight/ it departeth here/ in th'entering of these mountains/ and it groweth and cometh out of a fountain a three leagues hens/ the way to Chatelomy/ by a castle called saint Bear't/ the fronter of the realm of France toward Arragon: And there is as now/ a squire called Ermalton/ otherwise called Bourge de spain. He is lord thereof/ and ●hatelayne of all the country/ and he is cousin germayne to sir Roger de Spain/ if we see him I shall show you him. He is a goodly person and a good man of arms/ and he hath done more damage to them of Lourde/ than any other knight or squire of all the country: and the earl of Foiz loveth him rightwell/ for he is his companion in arms. ¶ I will leave to speak of him/ for I think at this feast of Christmas/ ye shall see him in the earl of Foiz house: but now I shall show you of the duke of Anjou how he came in to this country/ and what he died. Than we road forth fair and easily/ and he began to say as followeth. ⸪   

¶ Of the War is that the duke of An ●●u made against the englishmen and how he recovered the castle of Maluoysen in Bigore: which was afterward given to th'earl of Foiz. Cap xxiii ⸪ ⸫  
AFter the beginning of the wars/ when they began to win on the english men/ that they held in Acquitayne/ and that sir Oliver ¶ lesquyn was become french. He led the duke of Anjou in to Bretaygne/ on the lands of sir Robert Canoll▪ who was at the siege before Dyrivall/ as ye have herd before: as I think and of the treaty that six Hugh Br●ce his cousin made to the duke of Antou/ as to render the castle and deliver good hostages/ so that the duke of Anjou should not come to raise the siege But when sir Robert Canoll was within the castle of Durivall/ than he would hold no treaty. All this is true sir quoth I. well quoth he/ but have you heard of the skirmish that was before the castle/ where a● sir Ol●uer de Clesquyn was wounded? Sir I can not tell you quoth I/ I can not remember all. Wherefore sir I pray you show me of the skirmish/ and of the siege what came thereof/ For paraduentureye know it some other ways than I do/ and ye shall return again well enough to your purpose of them of Lourde and of Maluoysen. It is true quoth the knight: it was so that sir Garses of the castella right valiant knight of the country and good french/ went to the duke of Anjou/ to cause him to come before Beawosyn. The duke had made his summons to hold his journey before Durivall/ & made this sir Garses for his valiantness marshal of his host▪ and true it is as I heard say/ that when he saw that sir Robert Canoll would not keep the treaty that was made before/ nor would not deliver the castle of Durivall. Than he came to the duke and said. Sir What shall we do with these hostages? It is no fault in them that the castle is not given up/ & it were great pity that they should die/ for they be gentlemen and have deserved no death. Than the duke said: Were it good than to deliver them? yea truly sir quoth the knight/ it were great ●ytie otherwise. Well quoth the duke/ do therein as ye list. Than this sir Garses went to deliver them/ and as he went/ sir Oliver Clesquyn met him & demanded whether he went and fro whence he came. I come fro my lord the duke of Anjou/ and am going to deliver the hostages. To deliver them quoth sir Oliver abide a little and return again with me to the duke. and so they came to the duke who was in his lodging in a great study sir Oliver saluted him and said. Sir/ What is your intent? Shall not these hostages suffer death? By my faith they shall/ in the despite of sir Robert Canoll & sir Byrre/ who hath falsed their faith. Wherefore sir I will ye know without they die/ I shall wear no armure this hole year after/ in none of your waters. If they should scape thus it were good cheap. The siege hath cost you threescore. M. franks/ and new you will show grace to your enemies, who keepeth with you neither faith nor truth. With those words the duke began to chafe and said▪ sir Oliver do therein as ye think best. Than quoth sir Oliver/ I will that they lose their lives/ there is good cause why/ sith they keep not their promise. Than sir Oliver departed fro the duke and came to a place before the Castle/ and sir Garses durst not speak one word for them/ for if he had/ he should have lost his labour/ sith sir Oliver had taken on him the enterprise, than he called the hangman/ & made him strike of the heeds of two knights and two squires/ which was great pity/ & there were more than two hundred in the ho●st that wept/ for them. And incontinent sir Robert Canoll opined a postern gate/ and on the brim of the dykes in despite of the french men/ he caused to strike of the heeds of all the prisoners that he had without any respite/ and incentynent opined the castle gate and let down the bridge/ and issued out and 〈◊〉 to the barrier's/ and scrymysshed with the french men. And as sir Garses showed me/ they was a sore skirmish/ and there sir Oliver Cl●squyn was hurt/ and so returned to his lodging. There were three good men of arms (two squires of the country of B●erne) Bettram de Baruge and Eualton de pain/ and they were both sore hurt. and the next day the duke dislodged and went fro Dyryvall to toulouse to the intent to destroy Lourde/ for they of toulouse complained greatly of the garrison of Lourde.  
¶ So than the duke went first and laid siege to Maluoysen/ which we may see yonder before us: and the duke had in his company an vi●i. thousand men of war/ beside the genevoys and the commons of the good towns. captain as than of Maluoysen/ was a squire of Gascoigne called Raymonde de Lesp●an expert man of arms. Every day at the barriers there was skirmishes and goodly feats of arms done: & the duke lay in yonder fair meadows/ between the town of Turney and the castle by the river side of Lysse. This siege enduring sir Garses' marshal of th'host/ went with five hundred men of arms and two hundred archers and crossbows/ and a two thousand of other commons/ and laid siege to the castle of Trygalet/ which we have left here be hind us/ which castle a squire of Gascoigne kept/ for the lord de la Bard: for he was his cousin/ and was called the Bastot of Manlyon and he had within the castella xl companions and they did in that country such masteries/ that none could go that way but they were taken prisoners/ without it were the pilgrims that went to saint james/ with the aid of another fortress called Nemeluz. In these two garrisons all the robbers and pillars of the country assembled/ And ever they were against the earl of Foiz/ and also against the earl of Army take/ wherefore they cared not/ though the duke of Anjou came in to that country. And when sir Garses was come before the castle of Trygalet/ he could not approach on the one part for the river/ and so gave a great assault/ & many men hurt both within and without with shot and five days together this sir Garses made assaults/ so that at last the artillery within began to fail them/ and the french men perceived it very well. Than by gentleness/ sir Garses' caused the captain to come & speak with him under save conduct/ and said to him. Bastot I know well what case ye be in. ye have no artillery within/ nor nothing to defend you fro the sante/ but spears. Know for truth/ that if ye be taken by force/ I can not save your life nor none of your company/ for the commons of the country will slay you all/ which I would be loath to see/ for ye are my cousin. Therefore I counsel you to yield up the fortress: And sith that I desire you so to do/ ye can bear no blame in your so doing/ and depart hens whether as ye list/ for ye have kept this castle long enough Sir quoth the squire/ I would gladly follow your counsel/ if it were out of deeds of arms for in deed I am your cousin. But sir/ I can not yield up this fortress all alone/ for such as be within/ have as good part thereof as I have/ though they hold me for their captain. Sir I shall go to them and show them as ye have said/ if they accord to render it up/ I shall not say nay: and if they will keep it still whatsoever adventure fall/ I shall take such part as they do. It is well said quod sir Garses/ depart when ye will/ I know your intent. Than the Bastot of Manlyon returned to the castle of Trygalet/ and called all his company together/ and there showed them all the saying of sir Garses/ and so demanded of them what they thought was best to do. And so they counseled together a long space/ some would abide the adventure and said/ how they were strong enough: and some would depart and said/ how it was a good time so to do/ saying that they had no more artillery/ & saw well how the duke of Anjou was cruel/ and the commons of Thoulous/ of Carcasson●y/ & of other towns there about/ sore displeased with them/ for the great damages that they had done to them. So all things considered/ they concluded to yield up the castle/ so that they might be safely conducted and all theirs to the castle Culyer/ the which was kept by some of their companions/ on the fronter of Tholousin. So thus the captain returned again to the host to speak with sir Garses/ and he agreed to their desires: For he saw well the castle would not lightly be won by assault/ without loss of moche people. So than they prepared to depart & trussed all their baggage/ for they had moche pillage/ they took with them the best & left the residue. And sit Garses conveyed them to Culyer without danger. Thus the french men at that time gate this castle Trygalette. Than sir Garses did give the castle to the commons of the country/ and they did raze it down/ as ye see: so that there was never none sith that would re-edify it again. And so fro thence sit Garses went toward the castle Nantylleur/ standing on these lands near to the castle Lameu. And as he went thitherward/ one showed him that the castle Nantylleur was void/ and they departed that kept it. than sir Garses tarried in the seld & devised what was best than to do. Than the seneschal of No besen said. sir/ this castle of Nantylleur is in my bayliwyke/ and it ought to pertain to the earl of Foiz. I pray you let me have it/ and I shall make it to be so kept/ on my proper cost and charge/ that no man that will any hurt to the contrary shall never enter therein. Sir quoth they of toulouse/ he sayeth well/ and he is a valiant man/ it were better he had it than another. Well quoth sir Garses I am content. Thus the castle of Nantylleur was delivered to the seneschal of Nobesen/ who incontinent road thither and found it clean void. Than he newly fortified that was broken/ and heset therein a captain/ a squire of the country called Fortefey saint Poule/ & than he returned to the siege of Maluoysen/ where the duke was and also thither was come sir Garses & all his company/ and showed the duke all that he had done. This siege endured about a vi weeks and nigh every day there was scrimysshinge at the barrier's/ at last they without stopped their water/ so that their sesterns began to dry and in six weeks their fell not a drop of rain/ the season was so dry and hot/ and they without had ease enough by reason of the fair river. When they within saw what case they were in/ they were sore abashed/ for they saw well they could not long endure. Wine they had plenty/ but fresh water failed them: than they advised to fall in treaty with the duke/ & so they died: And Raymonde de lespee purchased a save conduct to go in to the host to speak with the duke/ and so he did/ and said. Sir/ if ye will be courtesy to me and to my company/ I shall render in to your hands the castle of Maluoysen. What courtesy would ye quoth the duke/ that I should show you? Depart your way/ you and all yours in to your own countries/ and enter not in to no fortress that holdeth against us/ for if ye do: and if I get you or any of you/ I shall deliver you to joselyn/ that shall make your beerdes without any rasor. Sir quod Raymonde/ if we shall depart shall we have with us all our bags and baggages/ for that we have won it by arms/ & in great adventure? Than the duke studied a little and said. I am content that ye bear with you/ as moche as ye may bear in males and summer's/ and none otherwise. And if ye have any prisoners/ that ye deliver them to us. I am content qd Raymonde. Thus all they within departed and yielded up the castle to the duke of Anto we: But Raymonde de lespe turned and be came french/ and served the duke of Aniowe long time after/ and went with him in to Italy/ and there died in ascrimysshe before Naples/ when the duke of Anjou & the duke of/ Savoy made their voyage.   

How the garrison & castle of Lourde was cast down and discomfited by/ the great diligence that the Earl of Foiz made. Cap. xxiiii.  
THus quoth the knight the duke of Anjou got the castle of Maluoysen/ whereof he great joy/ and made it to be kept by a knight of Bygore/ called sir Cyquart of Luperier/ & after he gave it to the earl of Foiz who keepeth it yet/ and will do as long as he liveth: And he hath made captain there a knight of Bygore/ one of his own lineage/ called sir Raymon de Lane/ and when the duke of Anjou had the possession of Maluoysen/ and had delivered his country fro the englishmen/ and fro the pillars of the conntre. Than he went and laid siege before the castle of Lourde. Than th'earl of Foiz doubted greatly the duke of Anjou/ because he came so near him/ and wist not what he intended. Than th'earl of Foiz assembled together knights and squires/ and sent them about to divers garrisons/ and set his Brother sir Arnolde Guyllame in the town of Morlens with two hundred spears in the town of Pan/ and sir Peter of Cabeston in to the cite of Lestrade with other two hundred spears/ and sir Monant of Nonnalles went in to the town of Hart let with a hundred spears/ and arnold Gehe rell in to the town of Montgeberell with a hundred spears/ sit Foulquant Dortery in to the town of Sanetere with a hundred spears/ & I spain of Lion was sent to the Mount Marson with two hundred spears. There was no castle in all Bierne/ but that was well provided with men of war/ and the earl himself lay still at his Castle of Ortayse by his florins. Why sir quoth I/ hath he so great plenty of florins? sir quod he at this hour/ I think he hath well to the number of xxx times a hundred thousand. There is no lord lyvenge as now/ that is so large and liberal in giving of gifts/ as he is. Than I demanded of him to what manner of people he was so liberal/ he answered and said/ to strangers/ to knights and squires coming through his country/ and to heralds and mynstrels/ and to every man that speaketh with him/ there is none departeth fro him without some reward/ for if any refuse his gift he is not content. A saint marry sir qd I/ to what intent keepeth he so much money/ & where doth he get it. Is his revenues so great to gather together such treasure? sir/ I would gladly know this/ if it pleased you. Well sir qd the knight ye shall know it/ but ye have demanded of metwo things. First ye have demanded of me/ to what intent he keepeth such treasure/ I shall show you. th'earl of Foiz always doubteth of the war that he had with th'earl of Arminake/ & also for the business of his neighbours/ the french king and the king of England/ whom he would not willingly displease: For he hath always dissimuled between them/ during all the wary season unto this present time/ for he never armed himself for any of their parties/ He hath always been ever in good case with both parties I say to you: & so ye shall say yourself when ye have one's knowledge of him and heard him speak/ & ones know the order and state of his house/ ye shall see that he is at this day/ the most sage prince in the world. And there is none so great a lord/ neither the french king nor the king of England/ that will willingly have his evil will: as for his other neighbours/ as the king of Arragon or the king of Naver/ he esteemeth them but little/ for he will find more men of arms (by reason of such friends as he hath goat with his gifts/ and money that he hath in treasure) than both those kings can do: For I have heard him say/ that when the king of Cyper was in his country of Byerne/ and moved him to have gone to the voyage of the holy Sepulture. He had thought the same time to have made such a journey/ that if the french king or the king of England had taken that enterprise/ how there should have been no lord should have brought such a company as he would have done/ and as yet he is of the same mind: and in part/ that is one of the causes that he gathereth such treasure.  
tHe prince of Wales/ the season that he reigned in the country of Acquitayne being at Bordeaux on the river of Geronde/ thought to have made him war. The prince manassyde him for the country of Bierne and would have had him to have hold his country of him/ and the earl said he would not: and said/ how his country of Bierne was so free a land/ that it ought to do homage to no man of the world. And the prince/ who at that time was great and sore feared/ said how he would compel him perfoce/ for th'earl of Armynake & the lord Dalbret who loved not th'earl of Foiz because of such victories as he had won on them before. They titled the prince ever in his ear/ and enticed him to have made war against the earl of Foiz/ but the voyage that the prince made in to Spain broke his purpose. Also sir Iohn Chandos/ who was chief of counsel with the Prince was against it/ that the prince should make any water to the earl. The earl of Foiz loved right well sir johan Chandos and he him/ but the earl doubted the prince/ because he was fierce and courageous. and therefore he gathered together as much treasure as he could get/ to th'intent therewith to defend him if need were. And so he set great tails & taxes in all his country and in every town/ which as yet endureth/ and shall do as long as he liveth. He had of every fire every year two franks/ and the rich to bear out the poor/ thereby he gathered and yet doth great riches/ and the people payeth it with a marvelous good will. For by reason thereof/ there is neither english nor french/ nor robbers nor reyvers/ that doth them any hurt/ to the value of one penny. And so his country is in safeguard and justice truly kept/ for in doing of justice he is right cruel: he is the most rightful lord that is now living. And so with these words we came to the town of Turney/ where as we should rest all night. So than the knight seized of his talking/ and I remembered well where we left against the next day/ and we were lodged at the sign of the Star and took our ease. And at supper time the captain of malvoisin/ called sir Raymonde of Lane/ came to see us & supped with us/ and brought with him four flagons of the best wine that I drank of in all my journey: those two knights talked long together: and when it was late the knight departed and returned to the castle of malvoisin. and the next morning we mounted on out horses/ and departed fro Tourney & passed by a guide the river of Lysse/ and road toward the city of Tarbe/ & entered in to Bigore: And we left the way to Lourde/ to Bagueres/ and to the castle of Mountgaylliard on the lift hand. And we road toward a village called Teracimytat/ and did cost it/ and came to a wood in the land of the lord of Barbasan/ and we came near to a castle called Matheras/ at the entry of the country of Layre. Than the knight said to me. Sir johan/ behold here the place of Layre/ and behold it well & advise the country/ which seemed to me right strange/ I thought myself but as lost there/ if I had not been in the company with that knight. Than I remembered the words that this knight had showed me ii or three days before of that country of Layre/ and of the Mengeant of Lourde. Than I said to him. Sir/ ye showed me the last day/ that when we should be in the country of Layre/ that ye would show me the manner of the Mengeant of Lourde/ and how he died. It is true sir qd the knight/ come on & ride by me and I shall show you. Than I road near him to here his words/ and than he said. Sir/ in the season that Peter Danchyne held the castle and castle of Ortyngas/ as I have showed you before this tyme. They of the garrison of Lourde sometime road forth at adventure far fro their garrison/ how be it they had not always the advantage/ for ye may behold here the castle of Barbason and the Castle of Martheras/ wherein there was always many men of war there/ and in other garrisons/ as Bagueces/ Tourney/ Mountgalyarde/ Salenges/ Benache/ Gorre/ and Tarbe/ all french towns and garrisons. And when these garrisons knew that they of Lourde road other towards toulouse or Carcassone: Than they would lay busshementes for them/ and sometime take fro them of Lourde their pray and pillage/ & sometime they scaped without any rencounter. And on a time it fortuned/ that Eruaulton of saint Colombe and the Mengeant of saint Cornyle/ and to the number of sixscore spears of good men of war departed fro Lourde/ about the mountains/ between these two rivers Lysse and Less/ and so road near to toulouse/ and at their returning they found in the meadows a great number of beasts/ oxen & keen/ hogs/ mottons/ and lambs: and also they took divers of the good men of the country prisoners/ and so drove all their prey before them. Than it was showed to the captain of Tarbe a squire of Gascoigne/ called Erualton Bysette/ a expert man of arms/ How they of the garrison of Lourde were abroad/ and were coming homeward with a great pray: than he sent to the lord of Benache and to Enguerose's/ eldest son to sir Raymonde/ and also to the lord of Barbason/ Certifyeng them how he would ride out against them of Lourde. The knights and squires of the country of Bigore agreed to ride forth/ and assembled to guider at Tourney/ and with them there was the Bourcke of spain/ who came fro his garrison of saint Bearte. So they were to the number of two hundred spears/ and they had their spies abroad in the Country/ to know what they of Lourde died. On the other side/ they of Lourd had abroad their spies to know if any men of war were abroad to let them of their enterprise. And so moche died these that either party knew what other died. when they of Lourde knew how they of the french garrisons were abroad and tarried for them at Tourney/ Than they were in doubt/ and took counsel what they might best do/ to save their prey. Than they determined to depart their company in two. The one company to drive before them their pray with all their varlettis/ and to go covertly by the lane of Bourge/ and so to pass the way by the bridge of Tourney and to pass the river of Less/ between Tourney and Lymosyn. And the other company to ride in battle by the mountains/ and to make show to go again in to the country of Layre by Martheras/ & so to fall in between Barbason and Mountgalyarde: And said/ that if they meet together about Mountgaylliarde/ than they should be in safeguard/ for than we shall be soon at Lourde. Thus as they ordained so they died. And the bastard of Caruyllacke/ Guyllonet of Harmyes/ and Perot Burcyer/ Iohn Callevyn of Basile/ the reed squire and forty spears with all their varlettis with all their pray/ took the way by the lane of Burge/ & so to pass the river at the bridge between Tourney and Maluoysin/ thinking to meet all together between Eynitat and Mountgaylyarde: and so they departed/ and the other company as Erualton of Restue/ Erualton of saint Colombe/ and the Mengeant of saint Coruyle with fourscore men of arms/ there was not ten varlets among them. So they made themself ready and road close together/ ever looking for their enemies: For they knew well they were abroad to watch for them. In like manner as they of Lourde had taken their advise and counsel how to return/ in likewise the french men took counsel how they might encounter their enemies/ and sir Monant of Barbasan and Erualton Bysset/ said to their company. Sirs/ we know well how they of Lourde are abroad in the fields/ and driveth before them great pray and many prisoners. It should be a great displeasure to us/ if they should scape: Therefore let us put ourself in to two busshementes/ we are company enough so to do. Than it was ordained that Erualton and the Bourge of Spain/ sir Raymonde of Benache and Anguerot Lane with a hundred spears/ should keep the passage at Tourney: For they knew well that they of Lourd with their pray must needs pass the river of Lysse. and it was ordained/ that the lord of Barbasone and Erualton Beset with a hundred spears/ should ride at adventures. So this they departed/ and the lord of Benache and the Bourge of spain put themself in a bushment/ between malvoisin and Turney/ and the other company road and took the same way that we be now in/ which is called the Layre/ and here they met with them of Lourde. And when each of them saw other/ they a lighted and made them ready to fight/ And so came each against other crying their cries/ saint George Lourd and the other our lady of Bigore. and so there each came to other with hand strokes/ foyninge with their spears each at other a great space/ and as I heard reported of them that were theridamas/ at the first brunt there was none overthrown. And so when each of them had a great space foined each at other/ they cast down their spears and took their axes and gave therewith each to other great and horrible strokes/ every man with his match/ and in that manner they fought together more than two hours: And when any of them had fought so long that they lacked breath/ than they would fair and easily depart/ and go sit down by a dyke side that was full of water/ and put of their bassenettes and refresh themself. And when they were well refreshed/ they put on their bassenetes and returned again to fight. I believe there was not such a business nor a battle so well fought (sith the battle that was in Bretayne of xxx against as many) As this was here at Martheras in Bigore. Thus they fought hand to hand/ and Erualton of saint Colombe was at the point to have been discomfited by asquyer of the country called Guyllonet of Salynges. This Erualton of saint Colombe had a varlet/ who stood by and saw the battle and fought not/ for there was none that said any thing to him. And when he saw his master almost at utterance he was sorry/ and so came to his master and took his axe out of his hands and said. Erualton/ go your way and rest you/ ye can no lengar fight. And than he with the axe went to the squire & gave him such a stroke on the heed that he was astonished and had near hand fallen to the earth. when Guyllonet felt himself stricken he was sore displeased/ and came against the varlet to have stricken him/ but the varlet stepped under the stroke and embraced the squire/ who was sore travailed with so long fighting/ & so the varlet overthrew him wrestling under him. than the varlet said. I shall slay thee/ without thou wilt yield thyself to my master. Who is thy master quoth the squire? Erualton of saint Colombe quoth the varlette/ with whom thou haste fought all this season. The squire saw that he had not the vantage/ but that he was under the varlette/ who had a dagger ready to strike him. So he yielded him to render his body prisoner at Lourde within fifteen days after/ rescue or no rescues. This service did this varlet to his master. And sir Iohn/ I assure you/ there were many feats of arms done and many overthrown and taken prisoners/ some to yield themself in a certain space at Tarbe/ and some to come to Lourde. They fought this day hand to hand/ Erualton By set with the Mengeant of saint basil/ they died many a feat of arms between them: and they fought so long till they were so weary/ that they could aid themself no lengar. and there was slain on the place two captains/ the men giant of Lourde/ and on the other part Erualton Bysset. Than ceased the battle by agreement of both parties/ for they were so weary/ that they could scant hold their axes in their hands. Some unarmed them to refresh themself/ and left their armure in the place. They of Lourde bare away with them the Mengeant slain/ and the french men bare Erualton Bysset to Tarbe. And to th'intent that this battle should be had in remembrance where as the two squires fought/ there was set a Cross of stone/ behold yonder is the Cross. & with those words we came to the Cross/ and there we said for their souls a Pater noster and an ave maria. By my faith sir quoth I/ I am glad I have heard this/ for this was a sharp business of so little people. But sir/ what became of them that went with the pray? I shall show you quoth he. They came to the part of Tourney beside malvoisin/ to have passed there as they had ordained/ And there they found the bushment of the Bourge of spain/ who broke out of their bushment/ & they of Lourde could not recule back/ they had no remedy/ but to adventure their self. And I tell you truth/ there was as sore a fight and as long endured or lengar/ than that at Martheras: and there Erualton of Spain died marvelous in arms/ He had an axe in his hand/ who soever he struck therewith went to the earth for he was big and well made/ and not over charged with moche flesh. He took there with his own hands the two captains/ the Burge of Coruyle and Perot Palatyne of Bierne and there was slain a squire of Navarre called Ferando of Myrando/ who was an expert man of arms. some that were at the business said that the Bourge of spain slew him/ and some said he was overcome for heat in his harness. Finally the pray was rescued/ and all taken or slain that went therewith/ there were but three saved themself/ and they were varlettes● who departed and went over the river of Lysse. Thus became of this adventure: They of Lourde never lost before so much as they died than: They were courteously ransomed/ and divers delivered by exchange one for another/ For divers of them that fought here at the place of Layre/ were taken by them of Lourd Therefore every part were courteyse one to another/ in ransoming of their companions. Ah saint Marry sir quoth I/ is the Bourge of spain so big a man as ye speak of? yea sir truly quoth he/ for in all Gascoigne there is none like him in strength of body/ therefore the earl of Foiz hath him ever in his company. It paste not a three year that he died in a sport a great deed/ as I shall show you.  
So it was on a Christmas day/ the earl of Foiz held a great feast and a plentiful of knights and squires/ as it is his usage: And it was a cold day/ and the earl dined in the hall/ and with him great company of lords. And after dinner he departed out of the hall and went up in to a galarye of xxiiii stairs of height/ in which galarye there was a great Chimney wherein they made fire/ when th'earl was ther. and at that time there was but a small fire/ for the earl loved no great fire/ how be it he had wood enough there about/ and in Bierne is wood enough. The same day it was a great frost and very cold: And when the earl was in the galarye and saw the fire so little/ he said to the knights and squires about him. Sirs this is but a small fire/ & the day so cold: than Erualton of Spain went down the stairs and beneath in the court he saw a great many of Asses laden with wood to serve the house/ Than he went and took one of the greatest Asses with all the Wood and laid him on his back/ and went up all the stairs in to the galary/ and died cast down the Ass with all the wood in to the chimney/ and the Ass' feet upward/ Whereof the earl of Foiz had great joy and so had all they that were there/ and had marvel of his strength/ how he alone came up all the stairs with the Ass and the wood in his neck. I took great pleasure in this tale and in other that this knight sir spain de Leon showed me/ whereby I thought my journey much the shorter. And in showing of these matters/ we passed the pace of Layre and the castle of Martheras/ where as the battle was/ and so we road near to the castle of Barbason/ which is strong & fair/ and is within a league of Tarbe/ which we saw before us/ and a fair way costing the river of Lysse coming fro the mountains. Than we road fair and easily at our leisure to refresh our horses. and there he showed me the river/ the castle/ & the town of Mountgalyarde/ and the way that lay to Lourde. than it came to my remembrance to demand the knight/ how the duke of Anjou when he was in the country/ and that the castle of malvoisin was yielded to him/ came before Lourde/ and what he did there. & with right a good will he showed me and said. when the duke of anjou departed from malvoisin withal his host/ he passed over the river of Lysse at the bridge of Tourney/ and went and lodged at Baguiers/ where as is a good river going to Tarbe/ for this river of Tourney cometh not thither/ but falleth in to the river of Garon beside Mountunllyon/ and so the duke went and laid siege to Lourde. sir Peter Erualton of Bierne and johan his brother/ Peter Danchyn/ Erualton of Restue/ Erualton of saint Colombe/ and the Mengeant/ who as than was living/ and Ferando of Myrando with Oliver Barb/ the Burge of Coruyllacke/ and the Burge Canuse/ and certain other companions being within Lourde. When they were well informed of the duke's coming thither/ they fortified them and their garrison against him/ & held the town of Lourde for all the sautes that the duke made/ Which fifteen days continually endured/ and there were many feats of arms done. The duke ordained many Instruments of war for the assault/ so that finally the town was won/ but they lost neither man/ woman/ nor good: for they were all withdrawn in to the castle/ For they knew well at length the town would not hold/ for it was closed but with dykes and pales. When the town of Lourde was won the French men had great joy/ and so lodged in the town round about the castle/ which was not prignable without it were with long siege There the duke tarried more than six weeks/ and lost more than he wan/ for they without could do no hurt to them within/ for the Castle standeth on a round rock/ made in such manner/ that no man could approach it by scaling nor other wise/ but by one enter: And there at the barrier's were many skirmishes & many feats of arms done/ and divers knights and squires of France were hurt/ such as would press to near. When the duke saw how he could not have his intent to get the castle of Lourde/ than he fell in treaty with the captain within/ and offered him moche money to give up the garrison. The knight who was of great valyantesse excused himself and said. How the garrison was not his/ but it pertained to the heritage of the king of England/ and said: How he could not sell it nor give it nor put it away/ without he should be a trey tower/ which in no wise he would be/ but true to his natural lord during his life: & moreover said/ that when the castle was delivered him/ it was on a condition/ which he swore solemnly by his faith in the prince of Wales hand/ that he should keep the castle of Lourde against all men during his life/ except it were against the king of England. The duke could never have other answer of him/ for gift nor promise that he could make. And when the duke of Anjou and his counsel saw how they could have nothing else/ and saw that they lost their pain/ they dislodged/ and at their departing they clean brent the town. Than the duke of anjou drew back in coasting Bierne/ and road toward the Mount Marsen/ and had knowledge how the earl of Foiz had fortified all his garrisons with men of war/ whereof he was nothing discontent/ but he was displeased/ in that the knights and squires of Bierne held Lourde against him The earl of Foyz (as I have showed you here before) doughted greatly the duke of anjou/ though the duke died him no hurt: But the earl of Arminake and the lord Dalbret would have had the Duke to have made him war/ but the duke had no will there to: But while he lodged between Mount Marsen and the Boce Dalbret/ he sent to the earl to Ortaise sir Peter of Beule/ whom the earl received honourably and lodged him in the castle of Ortaise/ and made him as good cheer as he could/ and gave him mulettes and coursers/ & to his men great gifts. And he sent by him to the duke of anjou four coursers and two alan of spain/ fair and good. And there were secret treaties between the earl and this sir Peter of Beule: of which treaties no man knew the intent thereof of a good space after. But after by such evident tokens as appeared we supposed somewhat/ and the matter I shall show you/ and by that time we shall come to Tarbe.  
Anon after that the duke of Anjou had made his voyage/ and that he was at Tholous/ Than the earl of Foiz send by his letters/ certain messengers to Lourde to his cousin sir Peter Erualton of Bierne/ desiring him to come and speak with him at Ortayse. And when the knight had reed th'earls letters/ and saw his notable message/ he had divers imaginations/ and wist not whether he might go or abide. All things considered/ he said he would go/ because in no wise he would displease the earl. And when he departed fro Lourde/ he said to johan of Bierne his brother/ in the presence of all the companions of the garrison. Brother johan/ the earl of Foyz hath sent for me/ I can not tell you why/ But sith it is his pleasure to speak with me I will go to him. I fear me greatly that I shallbe required to give up this fortress of Lourde: For the duke of Anjou when he was in the country he costed Bierne/ and entered not therein. And the earl of Foyz hath long intended to have the castle of malvoisin/ to the intent to be lord of the lanede Bourge/ and of the fronters of comings and of Bigore. I know not what treaty there is made/ between him and the duke of Anjou/ But one thing I say plainly: as long as I live/ I shall never yield up the garrison/ but to mine own natural lord the king of England. Wherefore brother johan/ in case that I stablysshe you in mine absence to be captain here/ that ye shall swear to me by the faith of your gentleness/ that ye shall keep this castle/ in like manner and form as I do/ and that for life or death ye fail not. And johan of byerne swore to fulfil his desire: Than sir Peter Erualton went to Ortayse and a lighted at the sign of the Moon/ And when he thought it was time/ he went to the castle of Ortayse to th'earl/ who with great joy received him and made him sit at his board/ and showed him as great semblant of love as he could. And after dinner he said. Cousin Peter/ I have to speak with you of divers things/ wherefore I will that ye depart not without my leave. The knight an swered and said. sir/ I shall not depart till it be your pleasure. Than the third day after the earl of Foiz said unto him/ in the presence of the viscount of Gousserant his brother/ and before the lord Danchyn of Bigore/ and divers other knights and squires. The earl said a loud that every man might hear him: Peter I send for you and ye become. I will ye know/ the duke of Anjou would me much evil because of the garrison of Lourde/ which ye keep: for the which cause my land was near hand overrun and good friends had not been. And it is his opinion and divers other of his company/ that he hateth me/ because (as they say) how I maintain & sustain yond/ because ye be of Byerne: And it is not meet for me to have the evil will of so great a prince/ as the duke of anjou is. Wherefore I command you as ye will eschew my displeasure/ and by the faith and lineage that ye own to me/ that ye yield up the garrison of Lourde in to my hands. When the knight heard these words he was sore abashed/ & studied a little/ remembering what answer he might make/ for he saw well the Earl spoke in good faith. How be it all things considered he said. Sir/ true it is I own to you faith & homage/ for I am a poor knight of yo● blood and of your country: But as for the castle of Lourde/ I will not deliver it to you/ ye have sent for me/ do with me as ye list. I hold it of the king of England he set me there/ and to none other living will I deliver it. When the earl of Foyz heard that answer his blood chafed for ire/ and said drawing out his dagger: A traitor/ sayest thou nay? By my heed thou hast not said that for nought: and so therewith struck the knight that he wounded him in five places/ and there was no knight nor baron that durst step between them: Than the knight said. Ah sit/ ye do me no gentleness/ to send for me and slay me. And yet for all the strokes that he had with the dagger/ th'earl commanded to cast him in prison down in to a deep dyke/ & so he was and there died/ for his woundis were but evil looked unto. Ah saint Mary quoth I to the knight/ Was not this a great cruelty? Whatsoever it was qd the knight thus it was. Let one advise him well or he displease him/ for and he be angry there is no pardon. He held once his cousin germayne the viscount of Chateau Bein/ who is his heryter eight months in the tower of Ortaise in prison/ and after ransomed him at forty thousand franks. Why sir quoth I/ hath the earl of Foyz no children? No truly sir quoth he by any wife/ but he hath two young knights that be his bastards/ whom ye shall see/ and he loveth them as well as himself/ they be called sir johan and sir Gracyen/ Than I demanded if ever he were married. yea truly quoth he/ and is yet/ but his wife is not with him. Why sir where is she? Sir quoth he she is in Navarre/ for the king there is her cousin/ she was daughter to king Joys of Navarre. yet than I demanded if ever the earl had any children. yes sir qd he/ he had a fair son who had the father's heart/ and all the country loved him/ for by him all the country of Biern was in rest and peace/ where as it hath been sith in debate and strife/ for he had married the sister of th'earl of Armynake. Sir quoth I/ what became of that son/ and it may be known? Sir qd he I shall show you/ but not as now/ for the matter is over long/ and we are near the town/ as ye see. Therewith I left the knight in peace and so we came to Tarbe/ and took our lodging at the Star/ and there tarried all that day/ for it was a town of great easement/ both for man and horse/ with good hay & oats and a fair river.  
THe next day after mass we mounted a horseback/ and departed fro Tarbe/ & came to a town called jorre/ which valiantly always held against them of Lourde: & so we passed by the town without/ and than entered in to the country of Bierne. Than the knight stood still and said. Sir/ behold here is Bierne/ and we stood in a cross way: The knight advised bym which way to take/ either to Morlens or to Pan. At last we took the way to Morlens/ riding over the lands of Bierne/ which were right plain. Thafie I demanded of him/ if the town of Pan were near us/ and he said yes: and so he showed me the steeple. How be it the distance was farther of than it seemed/ for it was anyvel way to ride because of the mires/ to them that knew not the country/ and not far thence was the castle of Lourde: and I demanded who was as than captain there/ He said. that as than the seneschal of Bigore was captain there/ admitted by the king of England/ brother to sir Peter of Bierne (as ye have herd before) That is true sir quoth I: But died he never after go to see the earl of Foiz/ He answered and said. Scythe the death of his brother he never came there/ but other of his company hath been often with the earl/ as Peter Dauchyn/ Erualton of Restue/ Erualton of saint Colome/ and other. Sir quoth I/ hath the earl of Foiz made any amends for the death of that knight/ or sorry for his death? yes truly sir quoth he/ he was right sorry for his death/ but as for amends I know of none/ without it be by secret penance/ masses/ or prayers: He hath with him the same knights son called johan of Byerne a gracious squire/ & the earl loveth him right well. Ah sir quoth I/ the duke of anjou who that would so fain have the castle of Lourde/ aught to be well content with the earl of Foyz/ when he slew such a knight his own cousin/ for to accomplish his desire. By my faith sir quoth he/ so he was: For anon after that the duke came to the French king/ the king sent in to this country sir Roger of spain/ and a president of the parliament chamber of Paris/ and letters sealed/ making mention how the king died give to the earl of Foiz the county of Bygore/ during his life/ to hold the same of the crown of France. The Earl thanked greatly the king/ for the great love that he showed him/ and for that great gift/ without any request making. But for all that the said sir Roger of Spaygne could do● say/ or show/ the earl in no wise would take the gift/ but he took the castle of malvoisin/ because it was a free land: For that castle and the purteynaunce holdeth of no man/ but of God: and also anciently it pertaineth to his inheritance. The french king by the means of the duke of anjou/ did give it him: And the earl swore and promised to take it on a condition/ that he should never set man there that should do any evil to the realm of France: and so he died/ For such as were there feared as much thenglish men/ as any other French garrisons in Gascoigne/ but the Bernoyse durst not ton in to the country of Foyz. ⸪   

How the peace was made between the duke of Berry and th'earl of Foiz and of the beginning of the war/ that was between th'earl of Foiz and the earl of Armynake. Cap. xxv.  
ALl these matters that sir Espayne de Leon showed me/ right well contented me/ & every night assoon as we were at our lodgings/ I wrote ever al●●hat I heard in the day/ the better thereby to have than in remembrance/ for writing is the best remembrance that may be● & so we road the said morning to Morlens but are we came there I said. sir/ I have forget to demand of you/ when ye showed me the adventures of Foiz/ died dissimule with the duke of Berrey/ who had to wives/ the daughter and sister of th'earl of Armynake/ and whether that the duke of Berry made him any war/ & how he did: How he did quoth the knight I shall show you. In time past the duke of Berrey would him as moche evil as he could imagine/ but as now/ by means which ye shall hereof when ye come to Ortaise/ they be accorded. Why sir qd I/ was there any cause why the duke should be displeased with him? As help me god qd the knight non/ but I shall show you the cause. When Charles the french king/ father to king Charles that now is was dyssessed/ the realm of France was divided in two parts/ as in the governing thereof. For the duke of Anjou who intended to go in to Italy as he did/ he gave us the rule: & than his two brethren the duke of Berry and the duke of Burgoyne had the rule. The duke of Berry had the governing of Languedocke/ and the duke of Burgoyne ruled Languedoyle and Picardy. When they of Languedocke understood that the duke of Berry had the governing over them/ they were sore abashed/ and specially they of toulouse/ for they knew well that the duke was a sore taker of gold and silver/ and a sore oppressar of the people. Also there was in Carcassone and in Rovergue/ bretons and tholousins which the duke of Anjou had left in the country and they rob & pilled: & the brute ran/ that the duke of Berry maintained them/ to th'intent to over master the good towns. but in this season that I speak of/ the duke of Berrey was not in the country there/ he was with the king in Flaunders. They of toulouse who be great and puissant/ perceived how the french king was young/ and was greatly busied in Flaunders/ for the aid of his uncle the duke of Burgoyn. And they saw well how they were daily rob and pilled by the britons and other/ so that they wist not what to do. Than they sent and treated with the earl of Foiz/ desiring him for a certain sum of money that they offered him every month to be paid/ that he would take on him the governing of toulouse/ and of the country of Tholousin: and also he was desired of other towns in likewise. they desired him because they knew him for a just man and a rightwise in justice/ redoubted of his enemies/ and fortunate in all his business/ and also they of toulouse loved him/ for he had been ever to them a good neighbour. Thus he took on him the charge and the governing/ and swore to maintain and keep the country in their right against all men that would do any wrong thereto/ reserving all only the french kings person. Than he set men of war to watch the ways and passages/ where as these robbers & pillars used to pass/ & on a day he took/ slew and drowned of them at Robeston in Tholousin more than four hundred/ whereby he gate great grace and honour of them of toulouse and of Carcassone of Besyers'/ and Mountpellyer/ and of other good towns there about/ so that the renome ran in France/ how they of Languedoke were turned/ and had taken to their lord the earl of Foyz. And the duke of Berry who was sovereign there/ took thereat great displeasure: and had th'earl of Foiz in great hate/ because he meddled so far in the business of France/ and whereby he maintained them of toulouse/ still in their rebellion against him. Than he sent men of war in to the country/ but they were fiercely driven back again by the earls men/ so that whether they would or no they were fain to draw back/ or else they had lost more than they should have won. With this the duke of Berrey was sore displeased with the earl of Foiz/ & he said: How th'earl of Foiz was the most presumptuous & proudest knight of all the world: The duke as then could suffer no good to be spoken of him/ how be it he made him no war/ for the earl of Foiz had always his towns and castles so well provided for/ that none durst enter in to his land. But when the duke of Berry came in to Languedocke than he left his rule/ for he would than no lengar exercise against the duke/ but the displeasure rested still after a certain space: But now shall I show you by what means the peace was nourished between them.  
IT was a ten year paste that the lady Ellyanour of comings/ as now countess of Bouloyne/ and near cousin to th'earl of Foiz/ and right inheritor to the county of comings/ though that the earl of Armynake had it in possession. She came to Ortaise to th'earl of Foiz/ and brought with her a young daughter of three year of age. th'earl her cousin made her good cheer/ and he demanded her of her busynesse●and whether she was going. Sir quoth she/ I am going in to Arragon to mine uncle and Aunt/ the earl of vrgel/ and there I purpose to abide: For I have great displeasure to abide with my husband sir johan of Boloyne/ for I thought he would have recovered mine inheritance of comings fro the earl of Armynake/ who keepeth it fro me: And he hath my sister in prison/ and he will do no thing in the matter: He is so soft a knight that he will do nothing/ but take his ease and eat and drink/ and to spend that he hath folysshlye: and I think when he is earl/ he will take his pleasure more. Therefore I will no lengar abide with him/ and I have brought with me my daughter/ whom I will deliver in to your hands/ praying you to keep and to nourish her up/ for I trust by reason of her lineage/ ye will not fail thus to do/ for I have hoop in you that ye will keep her. I had moche pain to get her away out of the country/ and out of the hands of my husband her father: But because I take them of Armynake mine adversaries and yours● who would gladly steal my daughter away/ because she is inheritor of comings/ therefore I have brought her unto you. Wherefore sir/ I require you fail me not at this business: And I am sure her father my husband when he knoweth that I have left her with you/ he will be right joyful▪ For he hath said often times to me/ that this his daughter should put him to great doubt. And when the earl had well heard the words of the lady Elyanour his cousin he was right joyful: And imagined in himself/ how that child after should do him some pleasure/ as by the means of her mother/ to have a firm peace with his enemies/ or else to marry her in so high a place/ that his enemies should doubt him thereby: Than he answered the lady and said. Madam and cousin/ all that ye desire I shall do it with right a good will/ for I am bound thereto by lineage: and as for your daughter my cousin I shall keep her as well/ as though she were mine own proper child. Sir quoth she/ I thank you. Thus the young daughter of Bouloyne abode with the earl of Foiz at Ortaise/ and she never departed thence scythe: and the lady her mother went to Arragon. She hath been sith one's or twice tose her daughter/ but she never desired to have her again/ for th'earl kept her as well as if she were his own child. And to the purpose as to the mean of the peace that I showed you/ the earl imagined to get by her/ the love again of the duke of Berrey: And as now at this present time the duke of Berry hath great desire to be married: and I think by that I heard at Auygnon by the Pope/ who is cousin germayne to the ladies father. He showed me how the duke of Berrey desireth to have her in marriage. Ah saint Marry sir quoth I/ how your words be to me right agreeable/ for it hath done me great pleasure/ all that ever ye have showed me which shall not be lost/ for it shall be put in remembrance and cronycled/ if god will send me the grace to return to the town of Valencennes/ where as I was borne. But sir/ I am sore displeased of one thing. What is that qd he? I shall show you. By my faith that so high and valiant a prince as the Earl of Foiz is/ should be without lawful issue. sir quoth the knight/ if he had one as ones he had/ he should be the most joyous prince of the world/ and so would be all the country. Why sir than quoth I/ is his land than without an heir? Nay sir qd he/ the viscount of the castle Bone his cousin germayne is his heir. Is he a valiant man in arms quoth I? Nay be my faith sir quoth he/ and therefore the Earl loveth him not/ and thinketh to make his two bastard sons/ who be right valiant/ his heirs. & thinketh to marry them in an high lineage/ for he hath gold and silver enough/ whereby he thinketh to get them wives/ such as shall aid and comfort them. Sir quoth I/ it may well be. How be it the thing is not reasonable/ that bastards should be made herytours of lands Wherefore not sir quoth he/ if there lack good heirs. See you not how the spaniards have crowned Henry a bastard to be king? and also they of Portyngale crowned a bastard to their king. It hath been seen in the world in divers realms/ that bastards by force hath reigned. Was not William Conqueror bastard son to a duke of Normandy/ who conquered all England/ and was king there/ so that all the kings sith are descended fro him? Sir quoth I/ all this might well be/ there is no thing but that may fall/ but they of Armynake are right strong: and so thereby this country shallbe ever in war and strife. but sir/ I pray you show me the just cause why the war first moved between them of Foiz and Armynake. I will show you qd the knight. I ensure you it is a marvelous war/ for as they say/ each of them have cause. Sir anciently about a hundred year past/ there was a lord in Byerne called Gascone/ a right valiant man in arms/ & is buried in the freres right solemnly at Ortaise/ and there ye may see what person he was of stature and of body/ for in his life time his picture was made in latin/ the which is yet there. This Gascone lord of Bierne had two daughters/ the eldest was married to the earl of Armynake that was than/ and the youngest to the earl of Foiz/ who as than was nephew to the king of Arragon/ and as yet th'earl of Foiz beareth his arms/ for he descended out of Arragon his arms are pall gold and goules: And so it fortuned/ that this lord of Biern had a great war against the king of Spain that was than/ who came through all Bisquay with a great number of men of war to enter in to Bierne. The lord Gascone of Bierne when he was informed of his coming/ he assembled people on all sides/ where he might get men of war/ & wrote letters to his two sons in law/ th'earl of Armynake and th'earl of Foiz/ that they should come to serve and aid him to defend his heritage. These letters seen/ the earl of Foiz as soon as he might assembled his people/ & prayed all his friends/ so moche/ that he had a five hundred knights and squires armed/ and two thousand varlets with spears/ darts/ & pavesses/ all a foot: And so he came in to the country of Bierne to serve his father/ who had of him great joy. And so all they passed the bridge at Ortaise over the river/ & lodged between Sanetere and thospital. & the king of Spain/ who had twenty M. men was lodged not far thence and there the lord Gascon of Bierne & th'earl of foiz tarried for th'earl of Armynac/ & thought ever that he would come. & so tarried for high three days and on the four day th'earl of Armynac sent his letters by an herald to the lord Gascoine of Bierne/ and sent him word how he might not come/ nor how he had nothing to do to bear arms for the country of Bierne. When the lord Gascoigne heard those tidings of excusations/ and saw how heshulde have none aid nor comfort of the Earl of Armynake/ he was sore abashed/ and demanded counsel of the earl of Foiz/ and of the other barons of Bierue/ how they should maintain themself. Sir quoth the earl of Foiz/ sith we be here assembled let us go and fight with our enemies. this counsel was taken/ than they ordained their people/ they were a twelve hundred men of arms and six thousand men a foot. The earl of Foiz took the first battle/ and so came on the king of spain and set on his lodgings. And there was a great battle and a fierce and slain more than ten thousand spayniardꝭ/ and there th'earl of Foiz took prisoners the king of Spaygnes son and his brother/ & sent them to his father in law the lord Gascoigne of Bierne/ who was in the areregarde. & there the spaynyerdes were so discomfited/ that the earl of Foiz chased them to the port saint Adrian in Bisquay/ and the king of Spain took the abbey/ and died on the vesture of a monk or else he had been taken. Than the earl of Foiz returned to the lord Gascone of Bierne/ who made him good cheer/ as it was reason/ for he had saved his honour and kept his country of Bierne/ the which else was likely to have been lost/ because of this battle and discomfiture that the earl of Foiz made on the spaygnierdes and for the taking of the kings son and brother/ and the lord of Bierne had peace with the spaygnierdes/ at his own will: And when the lord Gascoigne was returned to Ortaise/ there before all the barons of Foiz and Bierne/ that were there present: Hesayd to his son of Foiz. Fair son/ ye are my true and faithful son/ ye have saved mine honour and my country. The earl of Armynake who hath married mine eldest daughter/ hath ercused himself fro this business/ and would not come to defend mine heritage wherein he should have part/ Wherefore I say/ that such part as he should have by reason of my daughter/ he hath forfeit and lost it/ And here clearly I inherit you my son of Foiz after my disease of all the hole land/ and to your heirs for ever. And I desire/ will/ and command all my subjects/ to seal/ accord/ and agre to the same. And all answered/ how they were well content so to do. Thus by this means/ as I have showed you/ anciently the earls of Foiz were lords of the country of Bierne/ and bare the cry/ arms/ & name: and had the profit thereof. How be it/ for all this they of Arminake had not their clay me quite. This is the cause of the war bytwene/ Foiz and Armynake. By my faith sir than quoth I/ ye have well declared the matter; I never heard it before. And now that I know it/ I shall put it in perpetual memory/ if god give me grace to return in to my country. But sir/ if I durst I would fain demand of you one thing. by what insydent the earl of Foiz son died? Thafie the knight studied a little and said. Sir/ the manner of his death is right piteous/ I will not speak thereof: When ye come to Ortaise/ ye shall find them that will show you if ye demand it: And than I held my peace/ and we road till we came to Morlens. ⸪ ⸫   

Of the great virtuousness and largesse that was in th'earl of Foiz/ and the manner of the piteous death of Gascone the earls son. Cap. xxvi.  
THe next day we departed and rood to dinner to Mountgarbell and so to Ercye/ & there we drank: And by son setting we came to Ortaise. The knight a lighted at his own lodging & I a lighted at the Moon/ where dwelt a squire of the earls Erualton de pine/ who well received me/ because I was of France. Sir Spain of Leon went to the castle to th'earl and found him in his galarye/ for he had but dined a little before: For the earls usage was always/ that it was high noon or he arose out of his bed/ and supped ever at midnight The knight showed him how I was come thither/ and incontinent I was sent for to my ladging/ for he was the lord of all the world that most desired to speak with strangers/ to here tidings. When the earl saw me he made me good cheer & retained me as of his house/ where me was/ because I had brought with me a book/ which I made at the contemplation of Vmslance of Boesme/ duke of Luzenbourge and of Brabant: Which book was called the Melyader/ containing all the songs/ baladdes/ rundeaux/ and vyrelayes/ which the gentle duke had made in his time/ which by imagination I had gathered together/ which book the earl of Foiz was glad to see. And every night after supper I read thereon to him/ and while I read/ there was none durst speak any word/ because he would I should be well understand/ wherein he took great solace. And when it came to any matter of question/ than he would speak to me/ not in Gascoigne/ but in good and fair french. And of his estate and house I shall somewhat record/ for I tarried thereso long/ that I might well perceive and know moche. This earl Gascone of Foiz with whom I was/ at that time he was of a fifty year of age and nine: and I say/ I have in my time seen many knights/ kings/ princes & other/ but I never saw none like him/ of parsonage nor of so fair form/ nor so well made. His visage fair/ sanguyne/ & smiling: his eyen grey and amorous/ where as he list to set his regard: in every thing he was so perfect that he can not be praised to much. He loved that aught to be beloved/ & hated that aught to be hated: He was a wise knight/ of high enterprise/ and of good counsel: he never had myscreant with him: He said many orisons/ every day a nocturne of the psalter/ matins of our lady/ of the holy ghost/ and of the cross: and dirige every day. he gave five florins in small money at his gate to poor folks/ for the love of god: he was large and courtesy in gifts: He could right well take where it pertained to him/ and to deliver again where as he ought: He loved hounds of all beasts winter and summer: He loved hunting: he never loved folly outrage nor folly largesse: Every month he would know what he spended. He took in his country to receive his revenues and to serve him notable persons/ that is to say xii receyvouts/ and ever fro ii months to two months/ two of them should serve for his receit: For at the two months end/ he would change and put other two in to that office/ and one that he trusted best should be his controller/ and to him all other should account: and the controller should account to him by rolls and books written/ and thaccomptesaccounts to remain still with th'earl. he had certain coffers in his chamber/ out of the which oft times he would take money to give to lord/ knights/ and squires/ such as came to him: for none should depart fro him without some gift and yet daily multiplied his treasure/ to resist the adventures and fortunes that he doubted: He was of good and easy acquaintance with every man/ and amorously would speak to them: He was short in counsel and answers: He had four secretaries/ and at his rising they must ever be ready at his hand without any calling. And when any letter were delivered him/ and that he had read it/ than he would call them to write again/ or else for some other thing. In this estate th'earl of Foiz lived/ & at midnight when he came out of his chamber in to the hall to supper/ he had ever before him xii torches brenning/ borne by xii varlets standing before his table all supper: they gave a great light/ and the hall ever full of knights and squires/ & many other tables dressed to sup who would: There was none should speak to him at his table but if he were called: his meat was lightly wild soul/ the legs and wyngis alonely/ and in the day he did but little eat and drike: He had great pleasure in armony of instruments/ he could do it right well himself: he would have songs sung before him: he would gladly see conseytes and fantesies at his table. And when he had seen it/ than he would send it to the other tables/ bruely all this I considered & advised. And or I came to his court I had been in many courts of kings/ duke's/ princes/ earls and great ladies/ but I was never in none that so well liked me/ nor there was none more rejoiced deeds of arms/ than the earl died. There was seen in his hall/ chamber/ and court/ knights and squires of honour going up & down/ and talking of arms and of amours. All honour there was found/ all manner of tidings of every realm and country there might be herd for out of every country there was resort/ for the valiantness of this earl. There I was informed of the most part of the deeds of arms that was done in Spain/ in Portyngale/ in Arragon/ in Navarre/ in England/ & in Scotland and in the fronters and limitations of Langue dock: For I saw come thither to th'earl while I was there/ knights and squires of all nations: And so I was informed by them & by the earl himself of all things that I demanded. There I enqred how Gascon th'earls son died for sir Espayn of Leon would not show me any thing thereof. & somoch I enqred/ that an ancient squire & a notable manshewed the matter to me/ & began thus. True it is quoth he/ that the earl of Foiz and my lady of Foiz his wife agreeth not well together/ nor have not done of a long season. And the discord between them first moved by the king of Navarre/ who was brother to the lady: For the king of Navarre pledged him self for the lord Dalbret/ whom the earl of Foiz had in prison/ for the sum of fifty thousand franks. And the earl of Foiz/ who knew that the king of navarre was crafty & malicious/ in the beginning would not trust him/ wherewith the countess of Foiz had great displeasure and indignation against the earl her husband/ & said to him. Sir/ ye repute but small honour in the king of Navarre my brother/ when ye will not trust him for fifty. M. franks/ though ye have no more of the armagnacs nor of the labrisyence than ye have/ it aught to suffice. & also ser/ ye know well ye should assign out my dower/ which mounteth to fifty thousand franks/ which ye should put in to the hands of my brother the king of navarre: Wherefore sir/ ye can not be evil paid. Dame quod he ye say truth/ but if I thought that the king of navarre would stop the payment for that cause/ the lord Dalbret should never have gone out of Ortayse/ and so I should have been paid to the last penny. And sith ye desire it I will do it/ not for the love of you but for the love of my son. So by these words and by the king of Navars' obligation/ who became debtor to the earl of Foiz/ the lord Dalbret was delivered quite and became french/ & was married in France/ to the suffer of the duke of Burbone and paid at his ease to the king of Navarre the some of fifty thousand franks for his ransom: For the which some the king was bound to th'earl of Foiz/ but he would not send it to the earl. Than the earl of Foiz said to his wife Dame/ ye must go in to Navarre to the king your brother/ and show him how I am not well content with him/ that he will not send me that he hath received of mine. the lady answered/ how she was ready to go at his commandment. And so she departed and road to Panpylone to the king her brother/ who received her with moche joy/ the lady did her message fro point to point. Than the king answered/ fair sister/ the sum of money is yours/ th'earl should give it for your dower/ it shall never go out of the realm of navarre/ sith I have it in possession. Ah sir quod the lady/ by this ye shall set great hate between th'earl my husband & you/ & if ye hold your purpose/ I dare not retoure again in to the county of Foiz/ for my husband will slay me/ he will say I have deceived him. I can not tell quod the king what ye will do/ either tarry or depart/ but as for the money I will not depart fro it/ it pertaineth to me to keep it for you/ but it shall never go out of Naver. the countess could have none other answer of the king her brother. And so she tarried still in Navarre and durst not return again. The earl of Foiz when he saw the dealing of the king of Navarre/ he began to hate his wife and was evil content with her/ how be it she was in no fault/ but that she returned not again when she had done her message/ but she durst not: for she knew well th'earl her husband was cruel where he took displeasure. Thus the matter standeth. The earls son called Gascone/ grew and waxed goodly/ & was married to the daughter of th'earl of Armynake a fair lady/ sister to th'earl that now is/ The lord Bertrande of Armynake. and by the contunctyon of that marriage/ there should have been peace between Foiz & Armynake. The child was a fifteen or sixteen year of age/ and resembled rightwell to his father: On a time he desired to go into Navarre to see his mother and his uncle the king of navarre/ which was in anyvell hour for him & for all this country. When he was come in to Navarre/ he had there good there/ and tarried with his mother a certain space and than took his leave: but for all that he could do/ he could not get his mother out of Naver/ to have gone with him in to Foiz/ for she demannded if the earl had commanded him so to do or no: and he answered/ that when he departed/ th'earl spoke nothing thereof. Therefore the lady durst not go thither/ but so tarried still/ Than the child went to Panpylone to take his leave of the king his uncle. The king made him great cheer and tarried him there a ten days/ and gave to him great gifts and to his men: also the last gift that the king gave him was his death. I shall show you how.  
When this gentleman should depte/ the king drew him a part in to his chamber and gave him a little purse full of powder/ which powder was such/ that if any creature living did eat thereof/ he should incontinent die without remedy: Than the king said/ Gascone fair nephew/ ye shall do as I shall show to you: ye see how the earl of Foiz your father/ wrongfully hath your mother my sister in great hate/ where of I am sore displeased/ and so ought ye to be: How be it to perform all the matter/ and that your father should love again your mother/ to that intent ye shall take a little of this powder/ and put it on some meat that your father may eat it/ but beware that no man see you. & as soon as he hath eaten it/ he shall intend to nothing/ but to have again his wife/ and so to love her ever after/ which ye ought greatly to desire: And of this that I show you let no man know/ but keep it secret/ or else ye lose all the deed. The child who thought all that the king said to him had been true/ said. Sir/ it shallbe done as ye have devised/ and so departed fro Panpylone and returned to Ortayse/ the earl his father made him good cheer/ & demanded tidings of the king of Navarre/ and what gifts he had given him. And the child showed him how he had given him divers/ and showed him all except the purse with the powder. Oft times this young Gascone & yvan his bastard brother lay together/ for they loved together like brethren/ and were like arrayed and appareled/ for they were near of a greatness and of one age. And it happened on a time as their clothes lay together on their beds/ yuan saw a purse at Gascons cote/ & said. What thing is this that ye bear ever about you? Whereof Gascoigne had no joy/ and said. yuan/ give me my cote/ ye have nothing to do therewith: and all that day after Gascone was pensive. And it fortuned a three days after/ as god would/ that the earl should be saved. Gascone and his brother yvan fell out together playing at tens/ and Gascone gave him a blow: and the child went in to his father's chamber and wept/ and the earl as than had herd mass. And when the earl saw him weep he said. Son yuan/ What ailest thou? Sir quoth he/ Gascone hath beaten me/ but he were more worthy to be beaten than I. Why so quoth th'earl? and incontinent suspected some thing. By my faith sir qd he/ sith he returned out of Navarre/ he beareth privily at his breast a purse full of powder/ I wot not what it is/ nor what he will do therewith. But he hath said to me once or twice/ that my lady his mother should shortly be again in your grace/ and better be loved than ever she was. Peace quoth the earl and speak no more/ and show this to no man living. Sir quoth he no more I shall. Than the earl entered in to ymaginacyon● and so came to the hour of his dinner/ and washed and sat down at his table in the hall. Gascone his son was used to set down all his service/ and to give the says. And when he had set down the first course/ the earl cast his eyen on him/ & saw the strings of the purse hanging at his bosom: Than his blood changed & said. Gascone come byder/ I will speak with the in thine ear. The child came to him/ and the earl took him by the bosom and found out the purse/ & with his knife cut it fro his bosom. the child was abashed & stood still and spoke no word and looked as pale as ashes for fear/ & began to tremble. The earl of Foiz opined the purse and took of the powder/ and laid it on a trencher of bred/ and called to him a dog and gave it him to eat: and assoon as the dog had eaten the first morsel/ he turned his eyen in his heed and died incontynent●. And when the earl saw that he was sore displeased/ & also he had good cause: and so rose fro the table and took his knife/ and would have stricken his son. Than the knights and squires ran between them and said. Sir/ for god's sake have mercy/ and be not so hasty: Be well informed first of the matter/ or ye do any evil to your child. And the first word that th'earl said was. A Gascon traitor/ for to increase thine heritage that should come to thee/ I have had war and hatred/ of the French king/ of the king of England/ of the king of Spain/ of the king of Navarre/ and of the king of Arragon. and as yet I have borne all their malesses/ and now thou wouldest murder me/ it moveth of an evil nature/ but first thou shalt die with this stroke/ and so stepped forth with his knife & would have slain him/ but than all the knights and squires kneeled down before him weeping/ and said. Ah sir/ have mercy for god's sake/ ●●ee not Gascone your son/ remember/ ye have d● more children. Sir/ cause him to be kept/ & take good information of the matter. Paradnenfure he knew not what he bore/ and peradventure is nothing guilty of the deed. Well quoth the earl incontinent put him in prison/ and let him be so kept/ that I may have a reckoning of him. Than the child was put in to the tower. & the earl took a great many of them that served his son/ and some of them departed/ and as yet the bishop of Lascalle is at Pan out of the country/ for he was had in suspect/ and so were divers other. th'earl caused to be put to death a fifteen right horribly/ and the cause that the earl laid to them was/ he said. It could be none otherwise/ but that they knew of the child's secrets/ wherefore they ought to have showed it to him/ and to have said. Sir/ Gascone your son beareth a purse at his bosom. Because they died not thus/ they died horribly/ whereof it was great pity/ for some of them were as fresh and as jolly squires/ as were any in all the country/ for ever the earl was served with good men. This thing touched the earl near to the heart/ and that he well showed: For on a day he assembled at Ortaise/ all the nobles and prelate's of Foiz and of Bierne/ and all the notable persons of his country. And when they were all assembled/ he showed them wherefore he sent for them/ as how he had found his son in this default: For the which he said/ his intent was to put him to death/ as he had well deserved. Than all the people answered to that case with one voice/ and said. Sir/ saving your grace/ we will not that Gascoigne should die/ he is your heir/ and ye have no more. And when the earl heard the people how they desired for his son/ he somewhat refrained his ire. Than he thought to chastise him in prison a month or two/ and than to send him on some voyage for two or three year/ till he might somewhat forget his evil will/ and that the child might be of greater age & of more knowledge Than he gave leave to all the people to departed but they of Foiz would not depart fro Ortaise till the earl should assure them/ that Gascoigne should not die: they loved the child so well. Than the earl promised them/ but he said: he would keep him in prison a certain space to chastise him. And so upon this promise every man departed/ and Gascone abode still in prison. These tidings spread abroad in to divers places/ and at that time pope Gregory the xi was at Auygnon. Than he sent the cardinal of Amiens in legation in to Byerne: to have come to th'earl of Foiz for that business. & by that time he came to Besiers he heard such tidings/ that he needed not to go any further for that matter/ for there he heard how Gascon son to the earl of Foyz was deed. Sith I have showed you so much/ now shall I show you how he died.  
THe earl of Foyz caused his son to be kept in a dark chamber/ in the tower of Ortayse a ten days/ little died he eat or drink/ yet he had enough brought him every day: but when he saw it he would go therefro/ and set little thereby. And some said/ that all the meat that had been brought him stood hole and entire/ the day of his death: wherefore it was great marvel that he lived so long/ for divers reasons. The earl caused him to be kept in the chamber alone without any company/ either to counsel or comfort him. And all that season the child lay in his clothes as he came in/ and he argued in himself and was full of melancholy/ and cursed the time that ever he was borne and engendered/ to come to such an end. The same day that he died they that served him of meat & drink/ when they came to him/ they said. Gascone/ here is meat for you: he made no care thereof/ and said: Set it down there. He that served him/ regarded and saw in the prison all the meat stand hole as it had been brought him before: And so departed and closed the chamber door/ and went to the earl and said. Sir/ for god's sake have mercy on your son Gascone/ for he is near famished in prison there he lieth. I think he never died eat any thing sith he came in to prison/ for I have seen there this day/ all that ever I brought him before/ lying together in a corner. Of those words the Earl was sore disposed/ and without any word speaking went out of his chamber/ and came to the prison where his some was/ and in anyvell hour. He had the same time a little knife in his hand to pair withal his nails: He opined the prison door and came to his son and had the little knife in his hand/ not an inch out of his hand. And in great displeasure he thrust his hand to his sons throat/ and the point of the knife a little entered in to his throat in to a certain vain/ and said. Ah traitor/ Why dost not thou eat thy meat? And therewith the Earl departed without any more doing or saying/ and went in to his own chamber. The child was abashed and afraid of the coming of his father/ and also was feeble of fasting/ and the point of the knife a little entered in to a vain of his throat/ & so fell down suddenly and died. The earl was scant in his chamber/ but the kepar of the child came to him and said. Sir/ Gascone your son is deed. Deed quoth the Earl? yea truly sir quoth he. The earl would not believe it/ but sent thither a squire that was by him/ and he went and came again and said. Sir/ surely he is deed. Than the Earl was sore displeased/ and made great complaint for his son/ & said. A Gascone: What a poor aducnture is this for the & for me? In an evil hour thou wentest to Navarre to see thy mother: I shall never have the joy that I had before. Than th'earl caused his barber to shave him/ and clothed himself in black/ and all his house. and with moche sore weeping/ the child was borne to the Freres in Ortaise/ and there buried. Thus as I have showed you/ the earl of Foyz slew Gascoigne his son/ but the king of Navarre gave the occasion of his death.   

¶ How sir Peter of Byerne had a strong disease/ and of the countess of Bisquay his wife. Cap. xxvii.  
When I had heard this tale of the death of Gascone son to the earl of Foyz/ I had great pity thereof/ for the love of th'earl his father/ whom I found a lord of high recommendation/ noble/ liberal/ and curtess: And also for love of the country/ that should be in great strife tor lack of an heir. Than I thanked the squire and so departed fro him/ but after I saw him divers times in the earls house/ and talked often times with him. And on a time I demanded of him of sir Peter of Byerne/ bastard brother to th'earl of Foyz (because he seemed to me a knight of great valour) whether he were rich/ and married or no. The squire answered & said. Truly he is married/ but his wife and children be not in his company: And why sir quoth I? I shall show you quoth the squire. ¶ This sir Peter of Bierne hath an usage/ that in the night time while he sleepeth/ he will rise & arm himself/ and draw out his sword and fight all about the house/ and can not tell with whom/ and than goeth to bed again. And when he is waking/ his seruautes do show him how he died: And he would say/ he knew nothymg thereof/ and how they lied. sometime his servants would leave non armure nor sword in his chamber. & when he would thus rise & find non armour/ he would make such a noise and rumour/ as though all the devils of hell had been in his chamber. Than I demanded if he had great lands by his wife. yes truly sir quoth he: But the lady by whom cometh the land/ joyeth of the profits thereof. This sir Peter of Bierne hath but the fourth part. Sir quoth I/ where is his wife? sir qd he she is in Castle with the king her cousin. her father was earl of Bisquay/ and was cousin germayne to king Dampeter who slew him: and also he would have had the lady to have put her in prison. And he took the possession of all the land/ and as long as he lived the lady had nothing there. And it was said to this lady/ who was countess of Bisquay/ after the disease of her father. Madame/ save yourself/ for king Dampeter if he may get you/ will cause you to die/ or else put you in prison. He is so sore displeased with you/ because he saith ye should report and bear witness/ that he caused the queen his wife to die in her bed/ who was sister to the duke of Burbone and sister to the french queen/ & your words (he saith) are believed/ rather than another/ because ye were privy of her chamber. And for this cause/ the lady florence countess of Bisquay/ departed out of her country with a small company/ as the common usage is: to fly fro death as near as men can. So she went in to the country of Bascles and passed through it/ and so came hither to Ortayse to the Earl/ and showed him all her adventure. The earl who had ever pity of ladies and damoselles/ retained her: and so she abode with the lady of Carase/ a great lady in his country. As than this sir Peter of byerne his brother was but a young knight/ and had not than/ this usage to rise a nights/ as he doth now. The earl loved him well and married him to this lady/ and recovered her land▪ And so this sir Peter had by this lady a son and a daughter/ but they be with their mother in Castle/ who be as yet but young/ therefore the lady would not leave them with their father. Ah saint Mary quoth I/ how died sir Peter of Bierne take this fantasy? First that he dare not sleep alone in his chamber/ and that when he is a sleep/ riseth thus and maketh all that be synesse/ they are things to be marveled at. By my faith quoth the squire/ he hath been often demanded thereof/ but he saith he can not tell whereof it cometh. The first time that ever he died so/ was the night after that he had been on a day a hunting in the woods of Bisquay/ and chased a marvelous great Bear: and the bear had slain four of his hounds/ and hurt divers/ so that none durst come near him. than this sir Peter took a sword of Burdeanx and came in great ire/ for because of his hounds/ and assails the bear and fought long with him/ and was in great apparel/ and took great pain or he could overcome him. Finally he slew the bear/ and than returned to his lodging to the castle of Languedon in Bisquay/ & made the bear to be brought with him. Every man had marvel of the greatness of the be'st and of the hardness of the knight/ how he durst assail the bear. And when the countess of Bisquayes wife saw the bear/ she fell in a sown and had great dolour/ and so she was borne in to her chamber/ and so all that day/ the night after/ and the next day she was sore discomforted/ and would not show what she ailed. On the third dayeshe said to her husband: Sir/ I shall not be hole/ till I have been a pilgrimage at saint james. Sir/ I pray you give me leave to go thither/ and to have with me my son and Adrian my daughter: her husband agreed thereto. She took all her gold/ towels/ and treasure with her/ for she thought never to return again/ where of her husband took no heed. So the lady died her pilgrimage/ and made an errand to go and see the king of Castle her cousin/ and the queen. They made her good cheer/ and there she is yet/ and will not return again/ nor send her children. And so thus the next night that this sir Peter had thus chased the bear and slain him/ while he slept in his bed/ this fantasy took him. And it was said/ that the countess his wife knew well/ as soon as she saw the bear/ that it was the same that her father died ones chase. And in his chasing/ he heard a voice and saw nothing/ that said to him. Thou chastest me and I would the no hurt/ therefore thou shalt die any evil death. Of this the lady had remembrance/ when she saw the bear/ by that she had heard her father say before: and she remembered well how king dan Peter struck of her father's heed/ without any cause/ & in likewise she feared her husband. And yet she say the and maintaineth/ that he shall die of an evil death/ and that he doth nothing as yet/ to that he shall do hereafter.  
Now sir/ I have showed you of sir Peter of Byerue/ as ye have demanded of me/ and this is a true tale/ for thus it is/ & thus it be fell. How think you quoth he thereby? & I who mused on the great marvel said. sir/ I believe it well/ that it is as ye have said. sir/ we sinned in old writing/ that anciently such as were called gods and goddesses/ at their pleasure/ would change and transform men in to beasts and in to fowls/ and in likewise women. And it might be so/ that this ●ere was before some knight chasing in the forest of Bisquay/ and peradventure displeased in that time/ some god or gods/ whereby he was transformed unto a bear/ to do there his penance/ as anciently Actaeon was changed unto an heart. Actaeon quoth the squire/ I pray you show me that story/ I would fain here it. Sir quoth I according to the ancient writings/ we find how Actaeon was a jolly & an expert knight and loved the sport of hunting above all games. And on a day he chased in the woods/ and an Heart arose before him/ marvelous great and fair: he hunted him all the day/ and lost all his company/ servants/ and hounds/ and he was right desirous to follow his prey. And followed the few of the Harttyll he came in to a little meadow/ closed round about with woods and high trees. And in the meadow there was a fair fountain/ in the which Dyana/ goddess of chastity was bayninge herself/ and her damoselles about her. The knight came suddenly on them or he was ware/ and he was so far forward/ that he could not go back. And the damoselles were abasshad to see a stranger/ and ran to their lady and showed her/ who was a shamed/ because she was naked. & when she saw the Knight she said. Actaeon/ they that sent the hither/ loved the but little. I will not that when thou art gone hens in other places/ that thou shouldest report that thou haste seen me naked/ and my damoselles. and for the outrage that thou hast done/ thou mayst have penance. Therefore I will that thou be tranformed in the likeness of the Iame Harte/ that thou haste chased all this day, and incontinent Actaeon was turned unto an Heart/ who naturally loveth the water. In likewise it might be of the bear of Bisquay: and how that the lady knew peradventure/ more than she would speak of at that time/ therefore she ought the better to be excused. The squire answered & said. Sir/ it may well be. Than we left our talking for that tyme. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ Of the great solemynetie that the earl of Foyz made at the feast of faint Nycholas: and the tale that the Mastot of Banlyon showed to sir Iohn froissart. Cap. xxviii.  
Among other solemynities that the earl of Foyz kept on the high feestes of the year/ he kept ever the fest of saint Nycholas in great solemynytie/ he and all his land/ as great as at the fest of Ester. And this was showed me by a squire of his house the third day that I came hither/ and I saw it myself right well apparent/ for I was there on the same day. First all the clergy of the town of Ortayse/ and all the people/ men/ women/ & children with procession came to the castle to fetch the earl/ who all a foot departed fro his castle/ and went with the clergy a procession to the church of saint Nycholas/ and there the clergy sang a psalm of the psalter. Benedictus dominus deus meus, qui docet manus meas ad praelium, et digitos meos ad bell lum. etc. And when this psalm was song/ than they began to sing as they died on Christmas day or Easter day/ in the pope's chapel or in the French kings/ for he had with him many syngars/ the bishop of Pavyers sang the mass/ and there I heard as good playing at organs/ as ever I heard in any place. to speak briefly and according to reason/ the earl of Foiz than was right perfit in all things/ and as sage and as perceiving/ as any high prince in his days. There was none could compare with him in wit/ honour/ nor in largesse At the feestis of Christmas which he kept ever right solemyne/ came to his house many knights and squires of Gascone/ and to every man he made good there. There I saw the Burge of Spain/ who laid the wood and the Ass on the fire together/ of whom sir Espayne de Lion showed of his force/ and I was glad to see him: and th'earl of Foiz made him good semblant. There I saw also knights of Arragon & of England of the duke of Lancastres' house/ who as than lay at Bordeaux. The earl made them good cheer and gave them great gifts/ I acquainted myself with those knights/ & by them I was informed of many things that fell in Castle/ in Navarre/ & in Portyngale: of the which I shall speak of when time re●reth hereafter. And on a day I saw asquyer of Gascone called the Bastot of Manlyon/ a man of a fifty year of age/ a expert man of arms and a hardy/ be seeming. He a lighted at my lodging in Ortaise at the sign of the Moon/ at Erualton de Pin's. He brought with him his summer's and carriages/ as though he had been a great baron/ & was served both he & his servants in silver vessel. and when I heard his name and saw th'earl of Foiz and every man do him so much honour. than I demanded of sir spain de Lion/ and said. Sir/ is not this the squire that departed fro the castle of Trygalet/ when the duke of Anjou lay at siege before malvoisin? yes truly quoth he it is the same/ and he is a good man of arms & a good captain. and so than I fell in acquaintance with him/ for he was lodged there as I was. & a cousin of his called Erualton capitain of Carlate in Awergne/ with whom I was well acquainted/ helped me to be acquainted with him and in likewise so did the Burge of Compare and at a time as we were talking & devising of arms/ sitting by the fire abiding for midnight/ that th'earl should go to supper/ than this squires cousin began to reckon up his life/ and of the deeds of arms that he had been at. saying/ how he had endured as much loss as profit Than he demanded of me and said. sir Iohn have ye in your history/ any thing of this matters that I speak of? and I answered & said. I could not tell/ till I hear them/ show forth your matter and I will gladly here you: For peradventure I have heard some what but not all. that is true quoth the squire/ than he began to say thus. The first time that I bare armure was under the captal of Beufz at the battle of poitiers. and as it was my hap/ I had that day three prisoners/ a knight & two squires/ of whom I had one with another four. E. thousand franks. The next year after I was in Pruce with the earl of Foyz and the captal his son/ under whom I was/ & our return at Meulx in Brye/ we found the duchess of Normandy that was than/ and the duchess of orleans/ & a great number of ladies and damoselles/ who were closed in and besieged by them of the jaquery: and if god had not helped them/ they had been enforced & defouled/ for they were of great puissance/ and in number more than ten thousand and the ladies were alone/ and so we in the aid of those ladies did set on them/ and there were slain of the jaquery more than six thousand/ and they rebelled never sith. at that time it was truce between France and England/ but the king of Navarre made war in his own quarrel/ against the french king and Regent. the earl of Foiz returned in to his own country/ but my master the captal and I & other abode still with the king of Navarre for his wages. & than we & other that aided us made great way in France/ and specially in Picardy/ and took many towns and castles in the bishopric/ these of Beawoise and Amien's/ and as than we were lords of the fields and rivers/ & conquered great fynance. And when the truce failed between England and France/ than the 〈◊〉 of Navarre seized his war/ and took a peace between the Regent and him. Than the king of England with a great puissance passed the see/ and came and laid siege to the town of Remus. Than the king of England sent for my master who was at Clerimont in Beamoysin/ and there made war for the king against all the country. Than we came to the king of England and to his children. & than ●●od the squire to me. Sir johan/ I think ye know all ready all that matter/ and how the king of England wedded his wife/ and how he came before Charters/ and how the peace was made there between these two kings. That is true sir quoth I in writing I have it/ and the continue of all the treaties. Than the Bastot of Manlyon spoke again and said. when this peace was thus made between these two kings/ It was ordained/ that all men of war and companions should a void/ & leave their fortresses and castles that they held. than all manner of men of war and poor companions drew together/ and the captains took counsel what they should do. And than they said. Though these two kings have taken peace together/ yet we must live. Than they went in to Burgoyne/ & there were captains of all nations/ english/ Gascons/ Spany/ ardes/ Naue●o●se/ almains/ Scots/ and of all manner of nations: and there I was as a captain/ and there we found in Burgoyne and about the river of Loire of our company/ a xii thousand of one and other. And in the same company there were a three or four thousand of good and chosen men of war/ and as subtle in all deeds of arms as might be/ and apt to advise a battle/ and to take their advantage/ and as hardy to scale and assail town or castle. and that was well seen at the battle of Brinay/ where as we overthrow the constable of france & th'earl of Forestz/ and two thousand spears knights and squires. This vataile did great profit to the companions/ for before they were but poor/ and than they were all rich by reason of good prisoners/ towns and castles that they won in the bishopric of L●on/ & on the river of Rone and when they had ●he ꝓont saint Esprite they departed their war/ & made war to the pope and to the cardinals/ who could not be quite of them/ nor had not been till they found another remedy. The pope sent in to Lombardy for the Marquis of Mountferant a right valiant knight/ who had war with the lord of milan. When he was come to avignon the pope and the cardinals spoke to him in such wise/ that he entreated with the captains/ english gascons/ and almains for threescore thousand franks/ that the pope and cardinals should pay to certain of these captains and to their companies/ as sir johan Hastourde a valiant english knight/ sir Robert Briquet/ Carsnell nandon le bagerant/ the bourge Camus/ & divers other: & so than went in to Lombardy/ and gave up the pount saint Esprite. & of all their routs they took but the vi part/ but we tarried be hind. sir Seguin of Bate●oile/ sir John ioell sir James Planchyn/ sir John Aymery/ the burge of Piergourt/ Espiot/ Joys Rambalt/ Lymosyn/ jaques tryturell/ I/ & divers other. & we kept still & lay at saint Clement/ at Barrel/ at Terrare/ at Brinay/ at the pont saint Denys/ at thospital of Ortifart/ for we had more than xl fortresses & houses/ in the conutreis' of forestz/ Velay/ base Burgoyn/ & on the river of Loire and we ransomed all the country/ they could not be quite of us/ neither for paying well nor otherwise. & in a night we took the fortress of charity/ and there we abode a year & a half & all was ours fro charity to Puy in Awergne: sir Seguyn of Batefoile had left his garrison of anse & held Bride in Auverne/ whereby he had great profit/ what there & in the country/ to the value of a. C.M. franks/ & on the river of Loire to Orlians & the river of Dalyer was all ours. & the archprest who was captain of Nevars & was good french could not remedy the country/ but in that he knew many of the companions and so by his desire sometime the less hurt was done/ & the archprest did the same time much good in Nevernoise/ for he caused the cite of Nevers to be closed/ else it had been overrun & rob divers times/ for we had in those marches towns/ & castles/ more than xxvi There was neither knight nor squire nor rich man/ with out he were agreed with us/ that durst look out of his house. And this war we made in the title of the king of Navar.  
¶ How divers captains english and other were discomfited before the town of Sanxere by the frenchmen.  
IN the same season fell the battle of cocherel/ where the captal of Beufz was captain: for the king of Navarre & divers knights and squires of our company went to him. sir jaques Planchyn & sir johan joel went to serve him with two hundred spears. The same season I kept a castle called the Beck Dalyer near to charity/ going toward Barbanoise/ and I had under me a xl spears/ and I made in the country mills greatly to my profit/ about saint Purcyn and saint Peter de moustier. & when I heard how the captal my master was in Constantyne and assembled men of war. for the great desire that I had to see him/ I departed fro my garrison with a xii spears/ and I fell in company with sir johan joel & sir jaques Planchyn/ And without any business or reencounter we came to the captal. I think sir johan ye have all ready the knowledge what became of that business: That is true quoth I/ for there was taken the captal of Beusz/ and sir johan joel slain and sir jaques Planchyn: That is true quoth the B●tefoyle of Manlyon/ there I was also taken/ how be it I fortuned meetly well: there was a cousin of mine who was called Bernard of Terryde/ he died after in Portyngale at the battle of juberot. & this bernard who was as than under sir Aymenon of Pomyers/ he took me and ransomed me in the field at a thousand franks/ & gave me a good saveconducte to return to my garrison of Bec Dalyer. assoon as I came to my castle I sent a servant of mine with a thousand franks/ to my cousin to Paris/ and had my quytaunce for the same. The same season sir johan Aymery an english knight and the greatest captain that we had road forth/ costing the river of Loire to come to charity/ and he was encountered by abusshment of the lord Rugemont and the lord of Wodnay/ & by some of the archprestes men. They were far stronger than he and so there he was taken and overthrown/ & ransomed to a xxx thousand franks/ which he paid incontinent. Of his taking and loss he was sore displeased and swore/ that he would never enter in to his own garrison/ till he had won again as much as he had lost. Than he assembled together a great number of companions/ and came to charity on Loire/ and desired the captains there/ as Lamyt and Carsnell and the burge of Piergourt and me/ for I was there as than to sport me. There he desired us all to ride forth with him: We demanded of him whether he would ride? By my faith qd he/ we will pass the river of Loire at saint Thybalte: and let us scale and assail the town & castle of Sanxere. For quoth he/ I have sworn and avowed/ that I will not enter in to no fortress that I have/ till I have seen the children of Sanxere. And if we may get that garrison and the earls children within/ Iohn/ Joys/ and Robert: Than we shall be well revenged/ and thereby we shallbe lords of the country/ and I think we shall lightly come to our intent/ for they take no heed of us/ and this lying still here doth us no manner of perfect. That is true sir quoth we/ & so all we promised to ride with him/ and incontinent we made us ready. And so it fortwed/ the all our purpose was known in the town of Sanxere. The same time there was▪ there a capitain a valiant squire of But goyne of the low marchesse called Guyssharte Albygon/ who took great heed to keep well the town and castle of Sanxer/ and the children within. This sir Guysshart had a monk to his brother/ of the abbey of saint Thybalt/ which is near to Sanxere. This monk was sent to charity on the river of Loire for his brother/ to bear a certain ransom thither that the towns owed by covynant. so we took no heed to him & he knew all our intents/ how I can not tell/ and all our names that were captains there/ and what number we were of/ and what hour we should depart/ and how we were determined to pass the river at the port of saint Thybalte: And so he returned and went to Sanxere/ and showed his brother all our minds. Than th'earl there and his brethren provided for remedy/ and they sent for knights & squires of Berry and Burbonoyse/ and to the captains & garrisons thereabout/ so that they were a four hundred spears of good men of war and made abusshment of two hundred spears without the town of Sanxere in a wood. and we knew nothing of all this/ and at the son going down/ we departed fro charity and road a good pace till we came to Penly/ and at the port there/ we had ready boots & barges to pass us over & our horses. And so we paste over the river of Loire as we had ordained/ and we were over by midnight/ and because the day came on/ we ordained a hundred spears to abide there to keep our horses and boots/ and the remynaunt of us passed forth/ for● by the french bushment. When we were passed a quarter of a mile/ than they broke out of their bushment/ and road to them that we had left behind us at the river side. & anon they had discomfited them and all slain or taken/ & our horses won/ and the boats arrested. and than they mounted on our horses and came after us on the spurs/ and were as soon in the town as we. They cried our lady of Sanxere for the earl was there himself with his men/ and his brethren/ sir Joys and sir Robert had made the bushment. So thus we were enclosed on all parts/ for they a horse back assoon as they came to us/ they a lighted afote and assailed us fiercely. And the thing that most grieved us/ was we could not enlarge ourself to fight/ we were in such a narrow way closed on both sides/ with hay/ hedges/ and vyngardes/ & also some of our enemies such as knew the country were ridden about and get in to the vyngardes/ and did hurt us sore with casting of stones and we could not go back/ & moche pain to get to the town/ it stood so high on a mountain. So we were sore travailed/ & sir Iohn Aymery was hurt our sovereign capitain/ by the hands of sir Guysshart Albygon/ who took him prisoner & had much a do to save his life he put him in to a house in the town/ and made him to be laid on a bed/ and said to the owner of the house. keep well this prisoner/ and/ see his wounds staunched/ for if he live/ he shall pay me twenty thousand franks. & so sir Guysshart left his prisoner and returned to the battle/ and quit himself like a good man of arms. & there was with the children of Sanxere/ come thider to their aid and to the countries/ sir Guysshart dalphyn/ the lord Marney/ sir Gerarde and sir William Burbone/ the lord of Cousant/ the lord de la Pier/ the lord de la Palys/ the lord of Neutry/ the lord de la coise and the lord of Syette/ and divers other. I say sir to you/ this was a battle right fell and cruel. we defended ourself as long as we might so that on both partis there were slain divers persons/ and many hurt: for by that they showed they had rather have taken us a live than to slay us/ and finally we were all taken/ Carsayle launt/ Nandon/ le bourge de Pyergourt Espyot/ the burge of Lespare/ Angerot le mount guise/ philip of Roe/ Peter of Corthue/ the Pesat of Palyviers/ the bourge of Darusen/ & all our capitayns● and I myself and we were brought to the castle of Sanxere. Never before in the realm of France/ the companions lost so moche as they died at that journey/ how be it Guysshart Albygon lost his prisoner by negligence/ he bled so sore that he dyed● for default of looking unto. Thus ended johan Aymery/ by this journey that was thus done beside Sanxere/ charity was delivered/ & all the garrisons thereabout by composition/ that we should be quite out of prison/ and so we had save conduct to depart out of the country whider we list. And it fortuned as than for us/ that the same season sir Bertram of Clesquy/ the lord of Beayne/ sir arnold Dandrehen/ and the earl of March/ they took their voyage to go in to spain to aid the king Dampeter/ but first I was in Bretayne at the battle of Alroy under sir Hugh Caurell/ and there I recovered my loss/ for the journey was ours. and I had to my part good prisoners/ by whom I had two. M. franks. Than I went with ten spears with sir Hugh Caurell in to Spain/ and there helped to put king Dampeter out of his realm. And than when the alliances were made between the king Dampeter and the prince of Wales/ and that he would abide in Castle/ I was there in the company of sir Hugh Caurell and I returned with him in to Acquitayne. Than the war renewed between the french king and the prince: than we had much a do/ for we had sore war/ and many captains english and gascoins were slain/ and yet I thank god I am a live. There died sir Robert Briquet between the land of the duke of Orliance and the country of Bloyse/ in a place called Olivet/ and there he & all his company were overthrown by asquyer of Heynalt a valiant man of arms & a good captain/ called Alars Doustienes/ surnamed Barbason/ for he was of that lineage. He was as than governor of Bloys/ and kepar of all the country/ set there by the lords thereof/ as Joys/ Iohn/ and Guy. So it was his fortune to encounter with sir Robert Briquet & sir Robert Cheney. & they and all their company were slain/ for there were none taken to ransom. and at the battle of Nyorthe in Xayntaine/ Carsnell was slain by sir Bertram of Clesquy/ and a seven. C. english men were slain there/ & at saint Severe were slain other english captains/ as Richard Elys and Richard Helyn. I knew but few expert myself but that were slain. I have hold fronter & made war for the king of England for mine heritage lieth in Burdelois. Sometime I have been so overthrown and pulled down/ that I had not wherewith to leap a horse back. And another time I have been rich enough when good fortunes came/ & in a season I and Raymonet de la Pee were companions together: and we had in Tholousyn on the frontiers of Bygore. The castle of malvoisin/ the castle of Trygalet/ and the castle of Vāteulx/ which as than died us great profit. than the duke of Anion took them fro us/ byforce of puissance. but than Raymonet de Pee turned French/ and I abide still good english and shall do while I live. True it was/ when I had lost the castle of Trygalet/ and was conducted to the castle Cuyllet/ and that the duke was gone back again in to France/ I determined to do somewhat/ either to get some profit or else to lose all/ or to die in the pain. I caused by espial/ the town & castle of Thury in Albygo is to be well a viewed/ which castle after availed to me/ what by good fortunes and ●atesfyeng of the country a hundred thousand franks. I shall show you how I wan it.  
WIthout the town there is a fair fountain/ and of usage every morning/ the women of the town would come thither with pots and other vessels on their heeds/ to fetch of the clear water ther. Than I took fifty companions of the garrison of Cuillet/ and we road all a day through woods & bushes/ and the next night about midnight/ I set a bushment near to Thury/ and I and a six other all only/ died on us women's array and with pots in our hands. And so we came to a meadow right near to the town/ and hid ourself behind great cocks of hay that were there standing/ for it was about the feast of saint johan/ when they make hay. & when the hour came that the gate was opined to let the women go out for water/ we six took our pottis and filled them at the fountain and went toward the town/ our faces wrapped in kerchers/ so that we could not be known: the women that we met going for water said to us. Ah saint Mary gosseppes/ ye were up be times: We answered in their language with a faint voice/ that is true. And so passed by them and came to the gate/ and we found no body there but a souter dressing forth of his baggage. Than one of us blewe a horn to draw thither out company out of the bushment. The souter took no heed but when he hard the horn blow he demanded of them. What is this? Who was that blewe the horn? One answered and said. It was a priest went into the fields. Ah that is true quoth the souter/ it was sir Frances our priest/ gladly he goeth a mornyngꝭ to seek for an Hare. Than our company came and we entered in to the town/ where we found no man to draw his sword to make any defence. thus I took the town and castle of Thury/ whereby I have had great profit yearly/ more than the castle of Trygalet with the appurtenance is worth. But as now I wot not what to do for I am in a treaty with th'earl of Armynake and with the dolphin of Awergne/ who hath express authority by the French king/ to buy all towns and fortresses of the companions/ such as they hold in their hands wheresoever they be/ either in Awergne/ Rouerg●e/ Lymosyn/ Quercy/ Pyergourt/ Albegois/ Again & of all such as hath or doth make any war in the king of England's title/ and many are departed and have rendered their fortresses/ I can not tell if I will render my or not: With that word said the Burge of company. Cousin/ it is true: For of Carlat which I hold in Awergne/ I am come hither to here some tidings/ For sir Joys of Sanxere marshal of France will be here shortly/ he is as now at Tarbe/ as I have herd of such as come thence. with these words they called for wine and drank. Than the Bastot said to me. sir johan/ are ye well informed of my life? yet I have had other adventures which I have not showed/ nor will not speak of all. sir qd I/ I have well heard you.   

¶ How a squire called Limosin turned french/ & how he caused Joys Rambalt his companion in arms to be taken. Cap. thirty.  
THan again I demanded of him/ where Rambalt an expert squire and a great captain of men of War was become/ because I saw him once in Avignon in great array. I shall show you quoth the Bastot of Manlyon. In time past when sir Seguyn of Batefoyle held Bride in Velay/ a ten mile fro Puy in Awergne/ and that he had made war in the country & conquered moche/ than he returned in to Gascon & gave to Joys Rambalt & to another companion of his called Lymosin/ Bride & Anse/ on the water of Some/ the country as than was so desolate & full of companions in every corner/ that none durst go out of their houses/ & between Bride in Auverne & Anse/ is more than xxvi mile/ a country full of mountains. and when Joys Rambalt would ride for his pleasure fro Bride to Anse/ he road without doubt or fear/ for he held divers fortresses in the county of Forestes/ and thereabout/ where he refreshed him: For as than the gentlemen of Awergne/ of Forestz/ of Velaye/ and the fronters were sore travailed/ and over laid with the war. they were so taken and ransomed that they doughted the war/ For there was none of the great lords of France that sent any men of war in to the country/ for the french king was young/ and had much a do in divers ꝑtes of the realm/ for in every part/ the companions and companies road and did moche hurt/ so that the realm could not be quite of them/ And also divers of the lords of France were in England in hostage/ and in the mean season their countries & men were pilled and rob/ and had no remedy: for the men of the country were without courage to defend themself. And so it was/ that Rambalte and Lymosin/ who were companions in arms fell out/ I shall show you how.  
Joys Rambalte had at Bride a fair woman to his lover/ whom he loved perfectly: and when he road fro bride to Anse/ he commanded Lymosin to take good heed to her. And Lymosin who was his companion in arms/ and in whom he most trusted/ he took so good heed to the damosel/ that he had his pleasure of her when he list/ so that Joys Rambalte was informed thereof/ and he could suffer it no lengar: So that he took such a hate against his companion/ that he caused him to be taken by his servants/ & made him to be driven all naked save a breach: about the town/ and beaten with scourges/ and trumpettꝭ to be blown before him: And at certain places his deed to be openly cried & than banished the town like a traitor/ and in a simple cote put out. This despite did Joys Rambalte to Lymosin/ which despite Lymosin took grievously/ and said: How he would be revenged if ever it lay in his power/ as he was anon after. And this Lymosin while he was in prosperity/ in riding between Bride and Anse he ever forbore the lands of the lord of Voult dwelling on the river of Rone/ for he had served him in his youth. Than he thought to go to him and to cry him mercy/ & to desire him to make his peace in France. and so in his cote a foot he went to Voulte/ for he he knew right well the way/ and so went in to a house/ & when he saw his time he went to the castle/ and the porter would not suffer him to enter/ but at last he spoke so fair/ that the porter died let him in/ and commanded him to go no farther in without he were commanded/ and he obeyed. When the lord was up he went down in to the court to sport him/ and so came to the gate: Than Lymosin fell down on his knees/ and said. sir/ do ye not know me? by my faith quoth the lord no: He thought little it should have been Lymosin: and when he had well advised him he said. Thou resemblest well Lymosin/ who was once my servant. Sir quoth he ● Lymosyn I am and your servant. than he cried him mercy for all things passed before/ and showed him fro point to point all his business/ and how Joys Rambalte had dalte with him at the end. Than the lord said. Lymosyn/ Is it as though sayest/ and that thou wilt become good french I shall make thy peace. By my faith sir quoth he/ I never died so much hurt to the realm of France/ but I shall do again more perfect thereto/ that would I see gladly quoth the lord of Voult. the lord kept him in his house till he had made his peace in every place. and when Lymosin might in surety ride/ than the lord of Voult armed him/ and brought him to the seneschal of Velay and acquainted him there. and there he was examined of the state of bride and of Joys Rambalte/ and when he rideth what way he taketh: and than he said. When Joys rideth he hath not with him past a xxx or a xl spears: and the ways that he keepeth I know them by heart. For with him & without him/ I have ridden them oft times. And sir/ if ye will send forth a company of men of arms/ on jeopardy of my heed/ ye shall have him within fifteen days. The captains there took heed to his saying and sent out spies/ and Rambaulte was spied as he was riding fro Bride to Anse beside Lion/ on the river of Rone. When Lymosin knew it/ he showed it to the lord of Voult and said. Sir/ Joys Rambalte is now at Anse/ and at his returning I shall bring you to a straight/ where as he must needs pass by. Than the lord of Voult made an assemble and was captain himself/ and sent for the bailie of Velay/ the lord of Mountelan sir Gerarde of Salyers and his son/ sir Planseart of Vernet/ the lord of Newcastle/ & for other men of arms thereabout: so that he was a three. C. spears/ and they all assembled at Nonnay/ and by the counsel of Lymosin they made two bushments. the viscount of Polygnac & the lord of Chalencon had the rule of the one/ and the lord Voulte and the lord of Mount Clan had the guiding of the other bushment/ and with them sir Joys of Tornon/ and the lord of Salyers: and they had equally divided their company. The first company kept the pace near to saint Rambart in Forestes/ where as Joys Rambalte should pass the river of Loire/ or else he must have gone by Guide or Pin. And when Joys Rambalt had done that he came for to Anse/ he departed with a xl spears/ and thought not to have any rencounter/ and doubted nothing of Lymosin/ it was the least thought he had. And lightly ever the way that he road outward he would not come homeward. And as he came outward he came by saint Rambalte/ and at his return he took another way/ & took the mountains above Lion and above Vyenne/ and under the Burge Darlentall/ And road straight toward the Mounastier/ a three little mile fro Puye. And he had passed between the castle of Monestrole and Mountfaucon/ and so came about the country/ toward a village called Batery/ between Nonnay and saint Julian. And in the wood there was a straight passage/ which he muste● needs pass/ or else to go by Nonnay. at which straight lay the lord of Voult with two hundred spears/ and Joys Rambalt took no heed till he was among them. Than the lord of Voulte/ who was ready to do his enterprise/ laid the spear in the rest and came crying lafoy Voulte/ and dashed in among the companions/ who road abroad without good array. And so at the first meeting/ many of them were overthrown to the earth/ and Joys Rambaulte was stricken fro his horse/ by a squire of Awergne called Amblardon: & so he took him prisoner/ and all other taken or slain none scaped. And there they found in boiettes a three. M. franks/ which Joys Rambalte had received at Anse/ for tribute of certain villages thereabout/ whereof they were glad/ for every man had his part. And when Lymosin saw Rambalt this trapped he came before him/ and said in reproach. Joys Joys: here fauteth company. Remember ye of the blame & shame that ye died put me to at Bride for your master? I would have thought little for a woman/ ye would have put me to that ye did. For if ye had done as much to me/ I would not have been so angry. for two such companions in arms as we were/ might have passed our time well enough with one woman. With those words the lord laughed/ but Joys Rambalt had no sport herat. By the taking thus of this Joys Rambalte Bride was delivered to the seneschal of Awergne/ for after they had lost their captain and the chief men they had/ they would keep it no lengar: And in likewise so died they of Anse/ and other fortresses in Velay & Forestes/ that was on their part. for they within any of these for/ tresses were right joyous to yield up their holds to save their lives. Than Joys Rambalte was brought to Nonnay and there set in prison/ and the french king had great joy of his taking. & as I heard reported/ he was beheaded at Newcastle beside Auygnon. Thus Joys Rambalt died/ god have mercy on him. Thus sir quoth the Bastot of Manlyon/ I have hold you with talking/ to pass away the night/ how be it sir/ all that I have said is true Sir quoth I/ with all my heart I thank you. Sir/ I trust your sayings shall not be lost. For sir/ & god suffer me to return in to mine own country/ all that I have heard you say/ and all that I have seen and found in my voyage/ I shall put it in remembrance/ in the noble chronicle that the earl of Bloys hath set me a work on: For I shall write it & chronicle it by the grace of god/ to the intent it shallbe in perpetual remembrance. Than the Bourge of company/ called Erualton began to speak/ & would gladly that I should perceive by him/ that he would I should record his life/ and of the Bourge english his brother/ and how they had done in Awergne/ and in other places. But as than he had no leisure/ for the watch of the castle swooned to assemble all men that were in the town to come up to the Castle/ to sup with the earl of Foiz. then these two squires made them ready and lighted up torches/ and so we went up to the Castle/ and so died all other knights and squires that were lodged in the town. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ Of the state or ordinance of the earl of Foyz: and how the town of yran rebelled/ for the great travail/ damage/ and outrage that was done there to. Cap. xxxi.  
OF the estate and order of the earl of Foiz can not be to much spoken nor praised: For the season that I was at Ortaise/ I found him such/ and moche more than I can speak of: But while I was there/ I saw & heard many things that turned me to great pleasure. I saw on a Christemmas day sitting at his board/ four bishops of his country/ two clementines and two Vrbanystes: the bishop of Pavyers & the bishop of Lescalle clementines/ they sat highest. Than the bishop of Dayre and the bishop of Rone on the fronters of Burdeloys and Bayon/ Vrbanestes: Than sat th'earl of Foiz/ and than the viscount of Roquebertyn of Gascone/ and the viscount of Brunyquell/ the viscount of josseraunt/ and a knight of England of the duke of Lancaster's/ who as than lay at Narbone/ the duke had sent him thither: The knight was called sir William Wylloughby. And at another table sat five abbots & two knights of Arragon/ called sir Raymonde de Mount florentyne and sir Marten de Ruane: And at another table sat knights and squires of Gascone and of Bigore. First the lord of Daychin/ than sir Gaylari de la Mote/ sir Raymond of Newcastle/ the lord of Chamont/ Gascone/ the lord of Compane/ the lord de la lain/ the lord of Mountferant/ sir William bernard/ sir Peter of Corton/ the lord of Valenchyn/ and sir Aungalle named the basel. & at other table's knights of Bierne a great number/ and the chief stewards of the hall were sir spain of Leon sir Siquart de Boys Verdune/ sir Nonnans of Nonnallies/ and sir Peter of Vaulx of Bierne/ and the two Earls bastard brethren served at the table/ sir Erualton Guyllame and sir Peter of Byerne: And the earls two sons. sir yvan of Leschell was shower and sir Gracyen bare his cup. And there were many Mynsttelles'/ as well of his own as of strangers/ and each of them died their devoir in their faculties. The same day th'earl of Foiz gave to heralds and minstrels/ the sum of five hundred franks: and gave to the duke of Tourayns minstrels gowns of cloth of gold furred with Ermyns/ valued at two hundred franks. This dinner endured four hours. Thus I am glad to speak of the earl of Foyz/ for I was there in his house a xii. weeks/ and well entreated in all things/ & while I was there/ I might learn and here tidings of all countries. And also the gentle knight sir spain of Leon/ in whose company I entered in to the country: He caused me to be acquainted with knights and squires/ such as could declare to me any thing that I roude demand: For I was informed of the business of Portugal and of Castle/ & what manner of war they had made/ and of the battles and rencounters between those two kings and their assysters/ of which businesses I shall make just report.  
yE have herd here before: How king done johan of castle had besieged the castle of Luxbone/ & the king johan of Portyngale therein/ whom the good towns had crowned to their king for his valiantness/ how be it in deed he was a bastard. And also ye have herd how the same king send in to England to the duke of Lancastre and to the earl of Cambridge/ who had in marriage his cousins/ to have succour of them. These messengers were two knights and a clerk/ sir johan Radyngos and sir Iohn Dore/ and with them a clerk lycensiate in the law/ arch deacon of Lysbone. These messengers did so moche by the see/ that they came to Hampton and there tarried a day/ and there gate horses for they had none of their own/ and so road to London. This was in the month of August. And the king was in the marches of Wales a hunting at his pleasure/ & his uncles/ the duke of Lancastre/ th'earl of Cambridge/ sir Edmonde and sir Thomas earl of Buckyngham/ were also in their own countries a sporting/ wherefore the king of portingalings messengers had more to do: so first they spoke with the duke of Lancastre/ who was at Hertforde/ a twenty mile fro London. The duke received them joyously/ and opyned the letters that they brought him/ and the duke read them three times/ the better to understand than/ and than he said. Sirs/ ye be right welcome in to this country/ but ye be come in the worst time of the year/ to have speedy deliverance of your ambassade/ for the king and my brethren are sparkled abroad here and the●/ and ye can have no full answer till the counsel come together at London at the feast of saint Mighaell: But sith the great part of your message toucheth me and my brother/ therefore I will write to him/ that he and I shallbe shortly at London/ or thereabout: and than we shall take counsel/ together. Wherefore as now ye shall return to London/ & when my brother is come near ye shall have tidings fro us. The ambassadors of Portyngale were content/ and so returned to London and were well lodged and took their ease. The duke of Lancastre forgot not that they had said to him/ and so incontinent wrote to his brother th'earl of Cambridge of that business. and when th'earl had read his brother's letters/ he prepared himself and road to Hertforde beside Ware whe● the duke was/ and there they were three days together in counsel. and so ordained to go to London as the duke had promised to the ambassadors/ and so they came to London. Than these two lord and they of Portyngale had great counsels between them/ For the earl of Cambridge who had been before in Portyngale/ was nothing content with king Ferant of Portyngale last deed/ for he said he made his war but slackly. and also against t●●wyll of him and all the english men/ he took peace with the spaniards/ wherefore the earl said/ he had doubt that at the counsel at michaelmas/ the commonty would not agree lightly to make another viage in to Portyngale/ for the journey thither before had cost greatly the realm of England/ and no perfect thereby. The ambassadors conceived well the earls words/ and said. Sir/ than was then and now is now. The king whom god pardon/ redoubted greatly the fortunes of the world but the king our master that now is/ hath another mind & imagination/ For if he find in the field his enemies/ though he be less of power/ yet he will give the setting on/ whatso ever fall thereby. And this sir/ we dare faithfully assure you. and my lords beside/ that your quarrel is clear to overrun and to conquer the realm of Castle/ for the inheritance pertaineth to you and to your wives/ & to your children. & to conquer it/ ye can not have so good an entry in to castle/ as by Portyngale/ sith ye have all that realm according thereto. Therefore sir/ and one of you will come thither with such a sufficient number/ and by the aid ye shall have there/ ye shallbe able to keep the field The duke of Lancastre answered. Sirs/ this lieth not in us/ but in the king & in the realm/ but we shall do our good wills/ ye may be sure thereof. Thus they ended their counsel/ and the portyngalo is lay still at London abiding Mighelmas/ and the duke of Lancastre and the earl of Cambridge returned in to their own countries on the marches of the north. Than came michaelmas and the parliament at Westmynster/ and the king approached and came to windsor and so to Chertsey/ and the queen with him/ and than to Stanes/ and also his chief of counsel the earl of Oxenford/ for by him every thing was done/ and without him nothing. The same season there was in Flaunders between the duke of Burgoyne and the gauntoise great war. And the● were newly returned out of Flaunders in to England the bishop of Norwiche/ sir Hugh Caurell/ sir William Helman/ sir Thomas trivet/ & other/ who had in the same summer been at the siege with the gauntoise before Ipre/ Than came the french king and closed them in/ in Burbonoise (as is rehearsed here before in this history) but as than there was truce between France/ England/ and Flaunders/ to endure till midsummer after/ but the scots had moche to do. also there was at London the counsel of Gaunt/ and they desired to have a governor to help to sustain the keeping of their town: They desired one of the kings uncles/ or else the earl of Salisbury. So at this counsel at London there were many counsels/ as well for the flemings as for Portyngale & Scotland/ who made them war. The duke of Lancastre drew to that part that he might have a number of men of war and archers/ to go in to Portyngale. And he showed the lords/ prelatis/ and commons/ how they were all bound by faith and oath/ to aid him and his brother to win the heritage in Castle: and that he said/ they promised when the king his nephew was crowned. & it appeared by their letters sealed. and moreover/ the duke complained him how they of the realm did him and his brother wrong/ in that when his brother th'earl of Cambridge was in Portyngale/ that they kept but smally the covenant that they had promised: For he said/ it was promised to send to him thither two thousand spears and as many archers/ & nothing was done/ Whereby their quarrel of the right of their inheritance was greatly hindered. The duke's words were well hard/ as it was reason/ And the most notablest persons of that counsel said/ how he had right to speak as he did how be it they said/ that the businesses of the realm that touched them near/ must first be ꝓferred. Some would that his will should have been accomplished/ and some other said/ that it should be a great outrage to send out of the realm two thousand men of war & four thousand archers/ to so long a journey as in to Portugal/ for the fortunes of the see be dangerous and the air of Portyngale marvelous hot/ saying/ that if the realm of England should lose such a company/ it should be a damage irrecuparable: How be it all things alleged/ finally it was ordained/ that the duke of Lancastre should pass the See with seven hundred spears and four thousand archers/ and every man paid for a quarter of a year. How be it they reserved/ that if any accident touching the realm of England by the means of France or Scotland/ should happen to fall before their departure in to Portugal/ than to tarry. The duke agreed thereto sith he saw it would be none otherwise: And than as ye have herd before/ when the duke of Lancastre was ready with all his men at Hampton/ to take his voyage in to Portyngale/ & that the ambassadurs were returned and had brought word in to Portyngale/ how the duke of Lancastre was coming with such a number of men of war/ Than the portugalois had great joy. So it fortuned than that a let fell in England/ which tarried the duke of Lancastre for a season/ for the admiral of France sir johan of Vien with a thousand spears of good men of arms/ took shipping at Scluse and sailed in to Scotland and made war in to England/ so that all the realm came to resist them. All this is showed here before in this history/ wherefore I need not to speak thereof again/ but I will speak of the siege of Lixbone and of the king of Spain/ of whom I shall make true relation/ according as I was informed.  
King don johan of castle being at siege before Lixbone/ tidings came in to his host by merchants of his country that came fro Flaunders/ how the duke of Lancastre with a great number of men of war were coming thitherward/ to raise the siege the●. These tidings were well believed/ for the spaniards knew well/ how the duke of Lancastre would do his pain and diligence to make war on the realm of Castle/ because he claimed part thereof by the right of his wife/ how be it the king held still his siege/ and he had sent messengers and letters to have aid out of France and specially he sent in to the country of Bierne/ and in to the land of the earl of Foiz. And out of Byerne there issued in a four days respite/ a three hundred spears of chosen men of arms and there was come to Ortaise out of the realm of France to go into Castle to serve the king there/ Sir johan of Rue burgonion/ and sir Geffray Richon breton/ & sir Geffray de Partenay/ and each of them had a company by themself. Than they of Bierne made them ready/ as the lord of Lynguasshe a great baron/ & companion to the earl of Foiz/ and sir Peter Liar/ sir johan de Lespres/ the lord of Boards/ sir Bertrande of Baruge/ the lord of Moriage/ sir Raymonde Dansac/ sir Iohn of Salagre/ sir Monan of Saruen/ sir Pyer of Robier/ sir Stephyn of Valentyne/ and sir Raymonde of Rarasse/ sir Peter of Hanefan/ sir Ogert of domesson/ and divers other. And sir Espayngnolet of spain eldest son to sir Roger of spain/ cousin of lineage and arms to the earl of Foiz/ he went in the company of them of Bierne. These lords and knights of Bierne made their assemble at Ortaise and thereabout/ and it was showed me by them that saw them depart fro Ortaise. how that they were the best armed and appointed company/ that went out of Byerne many a day before. And when the earl of Foiz saw surely how they would depart to go in to spain (though at the beginning he somewhat consented thereto/ and that they should receive the king of Castles wages) yet he was angry and sorrowful of their departing/ for he saw well that his country was sore feebled thereby. Than he sent sir spain de Leon and sir Cabestan to these said lords knights and squires/ desiring them to come together to his castle of Ortaise/ to the intent to give them a diver to their farewell. The knights obeyed as it was reason/ and came to Ortaise to see the earl/ who received them with glad cheer/ and after mass caused them all to come to him in to his secret chamber/ and than in manner of counsel he said to them. sirs/ it is than your intents to depart out of my country/ and to leave in my hands the war with the earl of Armynake/ and ye to go & make war for the king of Spain. This departure toucheth me right near. Sir quoth they/ we must needs go/ for to that intent we have received the king of Castles wages. And sir/ the war between Spain & Portyngale once achieved/ than we shall return again in safeguard. achieved qd th'earl/ nay not so soon: for as now it doth but begin/ for there is a new king in Portyngale/ and he hath sent for aid in to England: therefore this war is likely to endure a long season/ & ye to keep the field/ for ye shall not be fought with/ till the duke of Lancastre and his company be come thither: and so ye shall dearly buy the wages ye have received. Sir qd they/ sith we have done so moche we must needs perform our voyage. Well god speed you quoth the earl/ let us go to dinner it is tyme. and than th'earl with these lords and knights went in to his hall/ and there the tables were. There they had a great dinner at great leaser/ and was served with every thing that to that day pertained. And after dinner th'earl led with him all this company in to the galarye/ than he entered in to communing with them and said. Fair lord and friends/ it shall grieve me to see your departing out of my country/ not for that I am disposed with your advancements & honours/ for in all cases I would gladly augment and exalt your honours & profit: But I have great pity of you/ for ye are the chief flower of chivalry of my country of Bierne. and ye thus to go in to a strange country/ I would counsel you yet again to leave this voyage/ and to let the king of Castle and the king of Portyngale make their war between themself/ for ye are not bound none otherwise. Sir qd they/ saving your displeasure/ we can not do thus. And sir/ ye know more than ye speak of. We have taken wages and gifts of the king of Castle/ wherefore we must needs deserve it. Well quoth th'earl yespeke well/ but I shall show you what shall come of this viage: either ye shall return so poor and so naked that life shall strangle you/ or else ye shallbe all slain or taken. The knights began to laugh and said. Sir we must abide the adventure. Than th'earl fell in other talking and left that in rest/ and that than he showed them in manner of communycasion/ all the nature of the spaniards/ how they be sluttysshe and lousy/ and envious of other men's wealth. Wherefore quoth he/ I read you take good counsel/ and than he demanded for wine and spice/ and he made every man drink: and than took every man by the hand and bad them farewell/ and departed fro them and went in to his chamber. And at the foot of the castle the knights mounted on their horses and so road to Sanetere/ and the● lodged that night. And the next day they departed and entered in to the land of Baseles & took the way to Panpylone/ and they passed surely/ for they paid truly for all that they took. And in the same season while the king lay in Lixbone/ & had lain there the space of a year: Than they of the town of saint yrayne rebelled against the king of Castle/ and closed their gates & said. that neither French nor spaynisshe should enter in to their town/ because of the damage that they had done to them/ and oppressions. And some said/ it was in the fault of Geffray Rycous' company and sir Parteney/ who had a company of bretons/ who took ever that they might get/ for they set nothing by peace. Than the cytezins took the two castles & said/ how they would keep them and their town against all persons that would do them any hurt. and the same day that they rebelled/ they slew more than threescore bretons/ and had near slain sir Geffray Partenay/ but that he saved himself under the walls of the town that were near his lodging. Than the frenchmen & bretons that were there fiercely assaulted them of saint yrayne/ but they lost more than they won/ and so did nothing. These tidings came in to the host to the king of Castle/ how that they of saint yrayn were tourued portugalois/ & how they were in mind to deliver the town and castles to the king of Portyngale. Of which news the king was not content/ and called to him his marshal sir raynold Lymosin and said. take a hundred or two hundred spears & go to saint yrayne/ and know why the men of the town do rebel/ and what occasion they have to do as they have done. So the marshal road forth & with him a two hundred spears and came to saint yrayne: & he sent before him an herald to show them of his coming/ & how he would speak with them at the barrier's/ and so he died his message: and it was answered him by them of the town/ saying. Sir harald/ we know right well/ Sir Raynolde Lymosin is a gentleman and a valiant knight/ and is marshal with the king/ he may rightwell come hither if it please him unarmed in to the town/ or else not. This was all the message that the harald brought to his master. than sir raynold said/ I am not come hither to do them any damage/ but to know their intents. It is all one to me to enter armed or unarmed/ to know their wills. And so he and six with him road thither unarmed/ and left all his company behind him: and so he a lighted before the barrier's/ & when they within saw him in that estate/ they opined the gate & received him in to the town and made him good cheer/ and than he assembled the people in the market place and said. Sirs/ all ye that dwell in this town take heed what I say. I am sent hither by the king of Castle to demand of you/ for what intention ye do rebel & close your gates/ and have slain of them that be come hither to serve the king. Know for truth/ the king is sore displeased with you/ and also he is informed/ how that ye have taken in possession the two castles of this town/ which pertaineth to his inheritance/ and how that ye will deliver them to his adversary the king of Portyngale. Than they answered and said. Sir raynold/ saving the kings grace we are not so disposed nor to render them to any man's hands/ but to our king. The king of Castle of whom we hold them/ so that he govern us in peace & justice and that we do or have done/ was in the fault of these robbers and pillars the bretons/ who were lodged in this town/ for if we had been saracens or worse people/ we could not have been worse dalte withal than we were. as in ravishing of our wives and daughters breaking up our coffers/ and breaking out of the heeds of our vessels of wine/ beating and meaming of us/ when we speak any word to them. Therefore it can not be marveled (when we saw these outrages done to us and to ours by them that should defend us) though we were displeased. Men will be displeased for less cause. Sir/ ye may show all this if it please you/ for we be of one accord: that whosoever come/ we will receive in to our town neither french nor breton/ nor none but the kings own person/ with such as shall please him/ so that we be not travailed nor put to violence. when sir Raynolde herd them say so/ he was a peased: for it seemed to him/ that they did no wrong to put out of their town their enemies/ & than he said. O ye good people/ I have well heard you and well understand you. ye shall abide in peace/ and I will return to the king/ and show him all that ye have said/ and in good faith I shall do for you as much as in me is possible to do. Sir we thank you quoth they/ and we trust in you that if the king have any evil information of us/ that ye will be our good mean. And than sir raynold took his leave and departed and returned to his company/ who abode for him in the fields. And so he road till he came to the host before Lixbone and lighted at his lodging/ and went to the king and showed him all that he had hard and found with them of yrayne. When the king knew the truth he said: By my faith they have done wisely/ for no man can be sure of thes robbets.  
And when sir Geffray Richone and sir Geffray Partenay & their companies/ saw how they could have none other remedy of them of saint yrayne/ and that the king of Castle dissimuled with them: They were sore displeased and said among themself. We have well left the realm of France to come hither/ to serve the king of spain/ thus to be shamed & damaged by a sort of villains/ and we can have no right. We trust shortly hither will come a sort of knights of Gascone/ we will suffer till they come/ And than we will all agree together/ and revenge our companions that they have slain and evil entreated. Tidings came in to the host to the king and to his counsel/ that the bretons sore manasshed them of saint yrayne/ and maketh their avaunt/ that the gascoins ones come/ how they should dearly pay for that is done. Wherefore the king was counseled to depart fro the siege/ and to go & refresh him a season at saint yrayns/ and to set the matter in a good way/ and so the● to tarry the coming of the gascoins/ of whom there were a four hundred spears of good men of war. Whereof they king was joyful/ and would not that they should find the country in trouble at their coming. And also moche of his people desired to refresh them/ for there they had lain long/ and nothing done. Than it was commanded every man to dislodge/ and to draw toward saint yrayne. Than the spaniards dislodged and all other/ and so came in to the marchesse of saint yrayne. When they of saint yrayne knew how the king of Castle was coming toward their town/ They ordained twelve men/ the most notablest persons of their town to mount on their horses/ & so they died/ and road till they came where the king was to know his pleasure. And the king was a lighted under the shadow of olive trees/ to refresh him/ for the great heat that was than: And this was a two leagues fro saint yrayne. & there was sir Raynolde Lymosin marshal of the host/ who knew of their coming. and so he was present by the king when they came and kneeled down/ and said as followeth. ⸪   

¶ How the king of Castle left the siege of Lixbone: and how they of saint yrayne excused themself. Cap. xxxii.  
RIght redoubted prince and noble king of Castle/ we are come hither to your presence/ send fro the poor commonalty of your poor town & bayliwike of saint yrayne. To them it is given to understand/ how ye be greatly with them displeased. And sir/ whether it be thus or shallbe right redoubted sir/ the fault came not by them/ but by reason of the injuries and oppressions that the bretons hath done to them/ such as were in their town. Sir/ all their evil deeds can not come to knowledge. sir/ we blame not the masters/ squires/ nor knights/ nor capitens/ but all only them that dyded us hurt. For sir/ these pillars and robbers bretons/ have done with us such deeds/ that it were marvel to think or to record it. Sir/ they held a season in subjection/ the town and country about saint yrayne/ so that we heard of them many great complaints. And sir/ in the despite of us/ they would break up our coffers/ and take all that we had: and violate our wives & our daughters before our faces. And when we spoke any word/ we were beaten/ maimed/ or slain: In this poverty we were a two months or more: wherefore right redoubted & noble king/ we beseech your grace/ if we have displeased you for this cause or for any other/ that it may please you/ that we may have true justice/ and lawful information/ and to maynteygne us in our right/ as ye promised and swore to us/ to keep us in our liberties/ the first time we swore you king/ in the town of saint yrayne. sir/ ye shall do great alms on us. For sir/ when ye be come thither/ we trust in you and in your counsel to be such nobleness/ that the town of saint yrayne shallbe opined against your coming. And that it may please your grace/ your poor people there crying for mercy/ and complaining of their injuries and oppressions done to them. That your royal majesty and your noble counsel/ will grant them grace and remission of that is passed/ and to remedy their wrongs. The king stood still a little: & sir Raynolde Lymosin kneeled down and said. Dear sir/ ye have herd your people of saint yrayns complaint/ showing what hath been done to them: Wherefore may it please you to answer them. Raynold quoth the king/ we know well they had a just cause to do as they died. Go to them and bid them rise and go their ways to saint yrayne/ and make ready for my coming for the● we will lie this night: And also show them/ how they shallbe well maintained in their right. Than sir Raynolde rose and went to them and said. Sirs a rise/ the king hath well conceived your saying/ ye desire but right and justice/ & that ye shall have. Go your ways and apparel as ye ought to do the town of saint yrayns against the kings coming/ and do so that he may give you thank: your matters shall come well to pass/ by such means as ye shall have in your aid. Sir quoth they we thank you: Than they took their leave of the king & returned to their town/ and showed all that they had herd of the king/ & the answer that sir raynold Lymosin made them/ on the kings behalf/ whereof all they of the town were glad. Than they appareled their town richly against the kings coming/ and strawed the streets with fresh green herbs. So the king entered in the evening/ and lodged at the castle called the Lion/ and his men in the town as many as might/ and the most part in the fields and in the villages thereabout. The● the king was well a month/ and so the matter stood/ for if they had done more/ more had they lost. ⸫ ⸪   

¶ Of the marvelous battle that was at juberoth/ between the king of Castle and king Iohn of Portyngale Cap. xxxiii.  
While the king of Castle was at saint yrayns/ the● come to him the gascons of Bierne with a fair company sir raynold Lymosin road to receive them and welcomed them right sweetly/ as he that could right well do it/ and brought them to the king/ who had great joy of their coming/ and commanded sir raynold Lymosin to see them well lodged at their ease/ and he died so that they were contented. Thus these businesses rested/ & the king lay still at saint yrayns and his people there about. The king of Castle had as than abroad lodged in the fields and thereabout/ a four thousand men of arms and xxx thousand of other. And on a day he called the barons of France to counsel to know their minds/ how he should maintain forth his war/ for he had lain at great cost before Li●bone and had done nothing. And surely if the gascons had not come and encouraged the king/ he had departed fro saint yrayns and gone other to Bergus or into Galice/ for his people were sore annoyed to lie so long in the fields. When the knights of France and of Bierne were come before the king/ he said. Fair sirs/ ye be all good men of war/ wherefore I would have your counsel/ how I may maintain my war against the lyxbonoyes and portyngaloyes/ that have kept me here in the field a year/ and yet I have done nothing to them. I had thought to have got them out of Lixbone to have fought with them/ but they would in no wise issue out/ wherefore my people give me counsel/ to give every man leave to depart to their own houses/ wherefore I pray you give me your advise. The knights of France and of Byerne who were but newly come/ and desired arms/ and as than had nothing done/ thinking to deserve their wages that they had received/ answered and said. Sir/ ye be a puissant man of lands/ and little costeth you the pain and travail of your people/ and specially sith they be in their own country. We would not say so moche if they were in a strange country clean without provision/ but as now we say/ they ought not to give you any such counsel/ for they be here in as great ease/ as we see/ as though they were at home. Sir/ we say to you not in manner of a determinate counsel/ for ye are wise enough but we think by your high prudence/ the best were to choose/ as yet to keep the field. ye may well keep it till the feast of saint Michael/ and peradventure by that time your enemies will assemble together and draw out in to the field when ye take least heed thereto/ and so than without fail they shallbe fought withal. Sir/ we have great desire to win somewhat/ for this journey hath cost us moche/ and great pain & travail/ both to ourself and to our horses/ or we came in to this country. Therefore sir/ it shall not be the opinion of our company thus to depart again. By my faith quoth the king/ ye speak well and truly. In this war & other/ I shall use fro hens forth after your counsel: for the king my father & I also/ have found always in your countries great truth and faithfulness. And god have mercy of sir Bertram of Clesquyes soul/ for he was a true knight/ by whom in his time we had many recoveraunses/ and good journeys.  
THe words and counsels that the king had of them of France and of Bierne/ were anon known among the lords & knights of spain/ wherewith they were sore displeased/ for two causes. One/ because it seemed to them/ that their king had more trust and confidence in strangers/ than in them who were his liege men/ and had crowned him king. the second was/ in that they of France counseled the king to keep still his war/ and they feeling themself so weary of the war: & so spoke among themself in divers manners/ not openly but privily. They would say the king could make no war but by the frenchmen/ and in likewise no more could his father. so they had great envy at the french men/ which well appeared: For when the french varlets went out a foraging/ if the spaynisshe foreigners were stronger/ than they would take their forage fro them and beat them and maim them/ so that complaints came thereof to the king/ and he blamed therefore his marshal sir Raynolde Lymosyn/ and said. Why have ye not provided for this matter? The marshal excused him and said: As god might help him/ he knew nothing thereof/ and that he would provide a remedy fro thence forth. incontinent he stablished men of arms to keep the fields/ that the french foreigners road at their surety/ and also he made a cry and a commandment/ that every man that had any victual or provision to sell that they should bring it to the field before saint yrayns/ and they should have a prize reasonable for every thing. So than the strangers had largely their part/ for the king ordained that they should be served before all other/ whereof the spaniards had great despite.  
So it was the same week/ that the king of Castle departed fro the siege of Lixbone: three great ships of men of war and english archers arrived at Lixbone/ they were to the number of five hundred one & other: And the third part of them were of the companions adventurers/ having no wages of no man. some were of Calys/ of Chierburge/ of Breast in Bretayne of Mortaygne in Poytou: They had herd of the war between castle and Portyngale/ & they came to Bordeaux and theridamas assembled and said. Let us go at adventure in to Portyngale we shall find them there that will receive us and set us awarke. Sir johan Harpedan/ who as than was marshal of Bordeaux/ counseled them greatly thereto/ for he would not they should abide in burdeloys/ for they might there have done more hurt than good/ because they were companions adventurers/ and had nothing to lose. Of them that arrived at Lixbon I can not name all. There were three squires english that were their captains: One was called Northbery/ and another Morbery/ and the third Huguelyn of Harcerell. And there were none of them passed the age of fifty year/ and good men of arms/ & well used in the feats of war●. Of the coming of these english men they of Lixbone were right glad/ and so was the king of Portyngale who would see them and so they went to the palace where the king was/ who made them great cheer: And demanded of them/ if the duke of Lancastre had sent them thither. Sir quod Northbery/ it is a long season sith he had any knowledge of us or we of him. Sir/ we be men of divers sorts/ seeking for adventures/ here be some are come to serve you fro the town of calais. By my faith quoth the king/ you and they both are right heartily welcome/ your coming doth me great good and joy/ and shortly I shall set you a work. We have been here enclosed a great season/ so that we be weary thereof/ but now we will be at large in the field/ as well as our enemies hath been. Sir quoth they/ we desire nothing else: and sir/ we desire you that shortly we may see your enemies. The king made them a dinner in his palace at Lixbone/ and commanded that they should all be lodged in the city at their ease/ and to be paid for their wages for three months. Than the king set his clerks awarke and made letters/ and sent them over all his realm/ commanding every man able to bear harness to draw to Lixbone.  
ALl such as these letters came unto obeyed not/ for many abode still in their houses/ for three parts of the Realm dissimuled with the king/ and with them of Lixbone/ because they had crowned king/ a bastard/ and spoke great words there against privily: And because of the great trouble and difference that the king of Castle and his counsel saw in the realm of Portyngale/ made him to advance himself/ to the intent to have conquered the country: saying/ how all should be won with one days journey of battle/ and that if they of Lixbone might be overthrown/ the residue of the country would not be sorry of it/ but put out of the realm that master Denyce/ or else slay him/ and than it should be a land of conquest for him/ for his wife was right inheritor. yet with a good will king johan of castle would have left the war/ but his people would not suffer him for they ever gave him courage: Saying/ how his quarrel and cause was just. And when the king of Portyngale saw that his commandment was not observed/ and that moche of his people disobeyed to serve him/ he was right pensive and malencolyous: He called to him such as he trusted best of Lixbone/ and of the knights of his house/ who died their pain to crown him/ and also they had served king Ferant: As sir johan Radygos and sir Iohn Teatedore: the lord of Siegere/ and sir Gomme of Tabeston/ Ambrise Condricho and Peter his brother/ sir Ouges of Nauaret a knight of Castle/ who was turned Portyngaloyes/ for king johan had chased him out of his realm/ and the king of Portyngale had retained him and made him a chief captain. At this counsel the king showed many things and said. Sirs/ ye that be here I know well ye be my friends/ for ye have made me king. Behold now/ how divers folks of my realm excuseth themself/ so that I can not get them to the field/ for if they had as good will to fight with our enemies/ as I have/ I would be right glad thereof/ but they be not so disposed: I see how they refrain and dissimule the matter/ wherefore I have need of counsel on this matter/ how I may order myself: and therefore I pray you let me have your advise. Than sir Gomme of Tabeston a knight of Portyngale said. Sir/ I counsel you for your honour/ that as soon as ye may/ draw yourself and all your people in to the field/ and adventure you and we also/ and we shall aid you to die in the quarrel/ for ye be our king/ And if there be any in Portyngale rebels and disdainful to serve you. I say and so saith divers of this town/ that it is because ye have not issued out to show your face against your enemies. ye have the grace as yet to be reputed a valiant man in arms: and they say/ that now at need your valiantness faileth you. This it is that hath set your enemies in pride/ and hath cooled your subjects/ For if they saw in you deeds of valour & of prows/ they would obey and doubt you/ & so would do yo● enemies. by my heed qd the king ye say well/ and so it is. wherefore sir I will incontinent/ that every man make him redyn for we will ride out shortly and look on our enemies/ either we will win all at this time or lose all. Sir quoth the knight/ it shallbe done: for if the journey be yours/ and god send you good fortune/ ye shall be king of Portyngale for ever/ and ye shall be praised in all strange realms/ where as the knowledge thereof shall come. and to the perfit heritage of Portyngale ye can not attain/ but by battle. ye may take ensample of king done Henry your cousin/ father to king johan that now is king of Castle/ of Spaygne/ of Tolle●/ of Galyce/ of Corduane/ and of Sibyle. He came to all these herytagis by battle/ otherwise he had never had them. For ye know how the puissance of the prince of Wales and of Acquitayne put king done Peter yo● cousin in to possession o● all these heritages and lands closed within Spain/ and afterward by a journey of battle that don Henry had at Nauntuell against don Peter/ who there lost all again/ and don Henry put in possession as he was before/ at which journey he adventured himself and his/ or else he had not been king ther. In likewise sir ye must adventure if ye think to live with honour. sir quoth the king ye say true/ I will have none other counsel but this/ for this is profitable for us.  
THus departed that counsel/ & than it was ordained that within three days/ every man should draw in to the feldis and there to take some ground to abide their enemies. Those three days they kept the gates so close of Lixbone/ that neither man nor woman could issue out/ for they would not that their enemies should be privy of their intention. & when the englishmen that were there understood that they should issue out and draw towards saint yrayns to look on their enemies/ they were joyful. Than every man made him ready/ and the archers dressed ready their bows and arrows and all other/ in every thing that they needed. And on a thursday they departed out of Lixbone/ and that day they lodged by a little river side a two leagues fro Lixbone/ with their faces toward saint yrayns. And every man said with good heart and will/ that they would never return to Lixbone/ till they had seen their enemies: Saying/ how it was better for them that they should go and require battle of their enemies/ rather than they should come on them. For they said/ they had seen and heard divers ensamples of requyrers and not requyrers: and ever of five/ four hath obtained/ and in a manner all the victories that the englishmen have had in France/ they were ever the requyrers. For naturally the secars for battle are more stronger and courageous in assaylinge/ than the defendars be. Of this opinion they were near all and some of the burgesses of Lixbone said. We were at Bruges in Flaunders when the gauntoyse came before the town/ and required battle against the Earl of Flaunders/ and all his puissance. And we know well that philip Dartuell/ Petre de Boyse/ johan Clyquetiell/ Frances Atreman and Peter le Myttier/ who as than were captains of the gauntoyse. They brought out of gaunt no more but seven thousand men/ & yet they required battle of their enemies/ & over came and discomfited a xi thousand. This is true/ and this was without any treason/ but by clean fortune of battle. This was done on a saturday a league fro Bruges/ as we heard reported the next day when they had won the town of Bruges. So thus they died put in adventure/ either to win or to lose: and thus must we do if we think to have any good speed. Thus these lixbonoyse that thursday spoke one to another: and when the king was informed of their words and of their great comfort he had great joy.  
ANd on the Friday in the morning/ they swooned their trumpets and made them ready/ and took the way on the right hand following the river and the plain country/ for their carriage that followed them/ & so road that day four leagues. That day tidings came to the king of Castle where he lay at saint yrayns/ that the Portyngalois and the Lixbonoyes were coming towards him. These tidings anon were spread abroad in the host/ whereof the Spaygniardes/ French men/ and gascoins had great joy/ and said: Behold yonder Lixbonoyes be valiant men/ sith they come to seek for battle. Shortly let us go in to the fields/ and let us close them among us and we way/ to the intent that they return not again. than it was ordained and published in the host/ that every man the saturday in the morning a foot and a horseback/ should issue out of saint yrayns/ & draw towards their enemies to fight with them/ every man made him ready and were joyful of that journey. And on the saturday in the morning they swooned their trumpets: And the king heard mass in the castle and drank/ and than leapt on his horse/ & every man with him/ and so drew in to the field/ in good array of battle. Sir raynold Limosin marshal of the host formast/ and he sent forth scurrers to advise the dealing of their enemies/ and to see where they were/ and what number they were of: and the frenchmen sent forth two squires one a Burgonion and the other a Gascone. the burgonion was called William of Montigny/ and he was there with sir johan of Rey: and they of Gascoigne and Bierne sent forth Bertrande of Barge/ and they were both the same day made knights. And with them road forth a Chatellayne of Castle a good man of arms called Peter Ferant of Medyne. He was on a marvelous light Jennet. and while these three road forth to advise their enemies/ the residue of the host road a soft pace/ and they were in number two thousand spears knights and squires/ gascoins/ burgonions/ Frenchmen Picardes/ and Bretons: as well appointed and armed as any men might be/ and a twenty thousand spaniards all a horseback/ they had not ridden forth a vow shot but they stood still On the other side the king of Portyngale in likewise had sent forth three scurrers to a vieu justly the demeaning of the spaniards/ whereof two of them were english squires/ expert men of arms/ one called jaquyne Dartebery and the other Philippe Barqueston/ and with them Ferrant de la gross of Portugal. they were all well horsed & road forth till they came to a little hill/ and there they might well see the behaving of the spaniards. Than they returned to the king of Portyngale and to his counsel/ and their made relation of that they had done/ and said. Sir/ we have been so far forward that we have seen your enemies. sir/ surely they be a great number/ they are well a thirty thousand horse. Therefore sir/ take your advise. than the king demanded if they road all in one battle or not. Sir quoth they/ sutelye they be in two battles. Than the king turned him toward his people/ and said a loud Sirs/ now advise you well/ for there needeth now no cowardness/ for we shall fight shortly/ for our enemies be coming/ and hath great desire to find us. and so they shall/ for we can not fly nor return: We are issued out of Lixbone a great number of people. Think sirs to do well/ and let us sell our lives dear. ye have made me king. This day shall I see if the crown of Portyngale will abide with me peaceably or not. And sirs/ of one thing be yesure/ I shall not fly/ but abide the adventure with you: than they all answered/ with a good will so be it/ and we shall all abide with you. Than the english captains were called forth/ as Northbery and Hartefell/ and other of them that were most expert in arms. The king demanded of them what counsel they would give him: how to abide the adventure of the battle. for he said/ he knew well they must needs fight/ for his enemies approached fast/ and they be in number four against one of us. than the englishmen said. Sir/ sith we shall have battle/ and that they be greater in number than we be/ wherefore it is a hard party/ we can not conquer/ without we take some advantage of some hedges or bushes. Let us take such a ground as we may fortify/ and that they shall not enter upon us so lightly/ as they should do on the plain field. Sirs quoth the king/ ye speak wisely/ and it shallbe as ye have devised.  
On this counsel of the englishmen/ the king rested and there took advise what ground they might take: and not far of fro them was the town of juberothe a great village. thither the Lixbonoyes had sent all their provision summer's and carriages: For it was their entension that night to lodge there/ whether they had battle or no/ if they might scape with honour And without the town a quarter of a league or thereabout/ there was a great abbey of monks whereout they of juberothe and of other villages were wont to come to here mass. And the church standeth a little out of the way in a moot/ environed about with great trees/ hedges/ and bushes: it was a strong place with a little help. Than the englishmen were called to counsel to the king/ for though they were but few/ yet the king would follow much their advise: than they said. Sir/ we know hereby a place/ the minster without juberoth among the trees/ it standeth in a strong place/ with a little amendment and help. and such as knew the country said. sir/ it is true. Than the king said/ let us draw thither and let us order there ourself/ as men of war ought to do/ so that when our enemies come/ let them not find us unprovided. incontinent it was done/ & so they came where as the church was. Than when the english men and sir Monges of Naueret/ and divers other valiant men of Portugal and of Lixbone/ had well advised the place round about: they said. This place is strong enough with a little help/ so that we may here abide the adventure. Than on the side next the fields they cut down the trees and laid them one over another/ to th'intent that horsemen should not come with full course on them/ They lafte one way open not very large/ and such archers and cross bows as they had/ they set them on every side of the way/ & their men of arms all a foot in a plain within the way/ and the church on their one side/ and there was the kings banners pight up. And when they had thus ordered every thing they were in great joy & said. That if it pleased god they were well/ and in such a place to keep long/ and to make a good journey. than the king said. Fair sirs/ this day every man do his part and think not to fly/ for that can not avail us. We are far of fro Lixbone/ and also in the chase there is no recovering/ for three will slay and beat down xii that be flying. Therefore show this day that ye be men of prows/ and sell dearly your lives/ and imagine in yourself/ how the journey shallbe ours/ as it shallbe if god be pleased/ and than shall we be much honoured and spoken of in strange countries/ where as the tidings shall come/ for always the victors be exalted/ and they that be discomfited dispraised. & sirs/ think how ye have made me king/ wherefore ye ought to be the more hardy & courageous. And of one thing be ye sure/ that as long as this axe endureth in my hands I shall fight/ and if it fail orbreke I shall get another/ & show myself/ that I will mentayne & defend the crown of Portyngale for myself/ and for the right that I have by succession of my brother/ the which I take on my soul that mine enemies traveleth me wrong fully/ and that the quarrel is mine.  
Than all such as hard the king said/ sir of your grace and mercy/ ye admonest us wisely. And sir/ we shall help to aid and maintain that we have given you/ which is your own. Sir/ we shall all abide with you here in this same place/ and shall not depart/ without god depart us. Sir/ make a cry to all your people/ for every man hath not heard you speak commanding on pain of death no man to fly And sir/ if there be any that are faint hearted to abide the battle/ let them come forth/ & give them leave to depart fro the other/ for one faint heart may discourage two dosyn of good men or else strike of their heeds in your presence/ to give ensample to other. The king answered/ I will it be so. Than there were two knights ordained to go and sertche every company/ and to demand if any were abashed to abide the battle. The messengers reported to the king when they returned/ that they could find no man but that was ready to abide the adventure of battle. It is so much the better quoth the king. Than the king caused all that would be made knights to come before him/ & he would give them the order of knighthod/ in the name of god & of saint George. and as I understand there were made a threescore new knights/ whereof the king had great joy/ and did set them in the front of the battle/ and said to them. sirs the order of knighthood is as noble and high/ as any heart can think. and there is no knight that ought to be a coward nor shameful/ but aught to be fierce and hardy as a lion/ when his helm is on his heed and saith his enemies. & because I would ye should this day show prows/ where it ought to be showed: therefore I ordain you in the first front of the battle. & sirs do so that we may have honour and you also/ otherwise your spurs are but evil set on. & every knight answered as his turn fell/ as he passed by the king. Sir/ with the pleasure of god we shall so do/ to have your grace and love Thus the porting alois ordered themself/ and fortified them beside the church of juberoth in Portyngale. That day there was no Englisshman that would be made knight/ yet they were desired of the king and other/ but they excused themself for that day.   

¶ Of the spaniards/ how they ordered themself and their battle. Cap. xxxiiii.  
Now let us return to the king don johan of Castle/ and of the knights and squires of France and of Gascone/ who were there with him: And such as they had sent to advise their enemies/ returned again and said. Sir king/ and ye lords and knights here present/ we have ridded so forward/ that we have seen our enemies. And according as we can judge/ they be not passed ten thousand men in all/ one and other/ and they be about the minster of juberothe/ and there they be rested and set in order of battle/ and there they shall be found/ who soever will seek for them. Than the king called to him his counsel/ and specially the barons and knights of France/ and demanded of them what was best to do: They answered and said. Sir/ we think it were best let them be fought with all incontinent/ we see nothing else. For by that is reported/ they be afraid & in great doubt/ because they be so far of fro any fortress. Lixbone is far of a six leagues/ they can not run thither with their ease/ but they shallbe overtaken by the way/ without they take the advantage of the night. Therefore sir/ we counsel sith ye know where they be/ order your battles and go and fight with them/ while your people be of good will to do well. Than the king demanded of them of his own country their opinions/ as of sir Dangonyes' Mendant/ sir Dygo Parsement/ Pier Goussart of Moūtdasque/ and Pier Ferrant of Valesque/ and of the great master of Caletrane: They answered the king and said. Sir/ we have well hard the knights of France/ how they would have you hotly to set on your enemies. Sir/ we will that ye know and they also/ that are we can come to them it will be night/ for ye see the son draweth down ward/ and as yet ye have not ordered your battles. Sir/ therefore we think it were good ye tarried till the morning/ and let us draw so near them and lay so good espial in divers places/ that if they would dislodge about midnight and depart/ than let us also dislodge/ for they can not fly nor scape us/ the country is so plain. & there is no place to hide them by Lixbone/ which we can not get with our ease. sir this counsel we gyne you. Than the king stood still a little and cast down his look to the earth/ and after he turned his regard on the strangers. Than the marshal sir raynold Lymosin said to please the frenchmen/ in the language of spain/ to the intent he might the better be understand of every man: and so turned him to the spaniards/ such as had given the king that counsel/ Saying and calling every man by his name. sirs/ how can ye be more sage in battles or more used in arms/ than these valiant knights be that be here present? How can ye devise any thing beyond them/ that should be of any valour? for they have done nothing else all their life days/ but travail fro realm to realm to find and to do deeds of arms. How can you or durst you devise any thing against their words/ which are so noble and so high for to keep the honour of the king and of his realm/ wherein ye have greater part than they? For ye have there your heritages and your bodies/ and they have nothing there but now all only their bodies/ which they will first and formast put in adventure: and so they have desired of the king to have the first battle/ and the king hath granted them. Than regard their great and noble courage/ when they will first of all adventure themself for you. It should seem that ye have envy at them/ & that ye would that profit nor honour should come to them/ which ye ought not to do/ but to be all of one accord and will. And also/ by you and by your counsel/ the king hath been here in the fields long at great cost and charge/ for him & for all his/ and lain at siege before Lixbone/ & could never have the adventure of battle till now with him that writeth himself king of Portyngale/ wherein he hath no right/ for he is a bastard and not dispensed with all: and now he is in the field with such friends as he hath/ which is no great number. And if now by craft he should again withdraw himself and not fought with all/ ye put yourself than in adventure/ that all the hole host should rise on you & slay you/ or else that the king should repute you for traitors/ and strike of your heeds and confyske all your lands. Therefore I see no better way for you than to be still/ and let them alone that hath seen more than you in such businesses/ for ye never saw that they have done nor never shall. And than the king looked up and by seeming was glad with those words/ & the spanyardis were abashed/ and feared they had done greater trespass than they did/ for though the marshal reproved them and spoke against them/ yet they had well spoken and truly counseled the king/ but what for valiantness & to please the strangers/ who desired battle/ the marshal spoke as he died.  
Than every man was still/ and the king said. I will in the name of god and saint james/ that our enemies be fought with all: and all such as will be made knights to come forth before me/ for I will give them th'order of knighthode/ in the honour of god and saint George. Than there came forth many squires of France and of Byerne/ & there they were made knights of the kings hand: as sir Roger of spain/ Edmond son to sir Roger of the county of foiz/ sir Bertrand of Barroge/ sir Peter of Salebere/ sir Peter of Valentyne/ sir William of Quere sir Angers of Sollenayre/ sir Peter of Vande sir William of Montigny/ and of one & other/ to the number of a hundred and xl and there were certain barons of Bierne that raised up their first their banners/ and also divers of Castle/ & also sir johan of Rey. There might have been seen among these new knights great nobleness/ and they maintained themself so goodly/ that it was pleasure to behold them/ for they were a fair battle. Than the lord of Loyngiache came before the king/ and all other that were strangers/ what soever nation they were of/ so they were no spanyardis/ they were all named in the name of strangers. Than they said to the king. Sir/ we become fro far parts to serve you. Sir/ we require you do us that grace/ to let us have the first battle. I am content quoth the king/ in the name of god and saint james/ & saint George be in your aid. than the spaniards said one to another softly/ behold for godsake behold/ how our king putteth all his trust in these frenchmen. He hath no perfit trust in none other: they shall have the first battle/ they praise us not so moche that they will take us with them/ they will do their deed by themself/ and than let us do ours be ourself/ let us let them alone with their enterprise: they have made their avaunt/ how they be strong enough to discomfit the Portugaloys. Let it be so we are content/ but it were good we demanded of the king/ whether he will abide with us/ or else go with the frenchmen. So thereupon they were long in murmuring/ whether they should demand it or else be still/ for they doubted greatly the words of sir raynold Lymosin/ how be it all things considered/ they thought it none evil to demand him the question. Than six of the most notablest of them went to the king/ and inclined themself and said.  
RIght noble king/ we se & understand well by apparent signs/ that this day ye shall have battle with your enemies/ god send grace it be to your honour & victory/ as we greatly desire. Sir/ we would know whether your pleasure lieth/ to be among the fenenchmen or else with us. Fair sirs qd the king/ though I have granted the first battle to these knights and squires strangers/ who are come far of to serve me/ and are valiant and expert men in wars/ yet for all that I renounce you not/ for I will be and abide among you: therefore sirs/ help to defend me. Of this answer the spaniards had great joy and were well contented and said. sir/ so shall we do/ and not to fail to die in the quarrel. for sir/ we are sworn to you and so have promised by the faith of our bodies when ye were crowned. For sir/ we loved so well the king your father/ that we can not sail you in any wise. that is our trust quoth the king. So thus the king of Spain abode among his own men/ who were well a twenty thousand horsemen/ all covered in steel. Sir raynold Lymosin was in the first battle/ for it was his right so to be/ by cause he was marshal.  
The same saturday was a fair day/ & the son was turned toward evynsong. Than the first battle came before juberoth/ where the king of Portugal and his men were ready to receive them. Of these french knights there were a two thousand spears/ as fresh and as well ordered men as could be devised. And as soon as they saw their enemies/ they joined together like men of war/ and approached in good order till they came within a bow shot And at their first coming there was a hard rencounter/ for such as desired to assail to win grace and praise/ entered in to the straight way/ where the englishmen by their policy had fortified them. And because th'entry was so narrow there was great press and great mischief to the assaylantes/ for such english archers as were there shot so wholly together/ that their arrows pierced men & horse/ and when the horses were full of arrows they fell one upon another. than the englishmen of arms/ the portugaloys/ & Lyxbonoyes/ came on them crying their cries our lady of Portugal/ with good spears and sharp heeds/ wherewith they struck and hurt many knights and squires. There was the lord of Lanache of Bierne beaten down/ and his banner won and he taken prisoner/ and many of his men taken and slain. also sir johan of Ree/ sir Geffray Richon/ sir Geffray of parteney/ and all their companies that were entered within the straight/ There horses were so hurt with tharchers/ that they fell on their masters and one upon another. There these frenchmen were in great danger/ for they could not help one another/ for they had no room to enlarge themself/ nor to fight at their will. And when the portugaloys saw that mischief fall on the first assailers they were glad/ and as fresh and courageous to fight as any men might be. There was the king of Portugal with his banners before him/ mounted on a good horse/ trapped with the arms of Portugal/ and he had great joy to see that mischief fall on his enemies: and to comfort his people he laughed & said a high. On forth good men/ defend you and fight with good will/ for if there be no more but these we need not to fear/ and if I knew ever any thing in battle/ all these be ours. Thus the king of Portugal reconforted his people who fought valiantly/ and had enclosed in the straight all the first assailers/ of whom there were many slain. True it was that this first battle which these knights of France and of Bierne led/ had thought to have been quickelyer aided of the spaynerdes than they were/ For if the king of Castyle and his company/ who were a twenty thousand men/ had come by another part and assailed the portugaloys/ it had been likely the journey to have been theirs/ but they died nothing/ wherefore they were to blame and received damage. Also in deed the frenchmen set on to soon/ but they died it to th'intent to have won honour/ and to maintain the words they had spoken before the king: and also as I was informed/ the spaniards would not set on so soon/ for they loved not the frenchmen/ for they had said before: Let them alone/ they shall find right well to whom to speak/ these frenchmen are great vantours and high minded/ & also our king hath no perfect trust but in them/ and sigh the king would they should have the honour of the journey/ let us suffer them to take it/ or else we shall have all at our intents. Thus by these means the spanynierdes stood still in a great battle/ and would not go forward/ which was right displeasant to the king/ but he could not amend it/ but the spaniards said/ because there was none returned fro the battle. sir/ surely these knights of France have discomfited your enemies/ th'honour of this journey is theirs/ God give grace quoth the king that it be so/ Let us ride than somewhat forward/ that they road a crossbow shot forward and than again rested: It was a great beauty to see them/ they were so well mounted & armed/ and in the mean season the frenchmen fought/ and such as had leisure to a light fought valiantly. divers knights and squires of either party did many feats of arms one upon another/ & when their spears failed/ they took axes and gave many great strokes on the helms/ slaying and mayming each other.  
Who soever were in such case of arms as the frenchmen and portugaloys were at juberoth/ must abide the adventure as they died/ without they would fly away/ and in flying there is more paryll than to abide the battle/ for in flying lightly are most slain/ & in battle when one saith he is overmatched he yieldeth himself prisoner: It can not be said but that the knights of France/ of Bretayne/ of Burgoyne/ and of Byerne/ but that right valiantly fought/ but at their first encounter they were hardly handled/ and all that was by the counsel of the englishmen to fortify their place. So at this first batyle the portugaloys were stronger than their enemies/ so they were all taken or slain/ but few that were saved/ so that there were at that first brunt a thousand knights and squires taken prisoners/ whereof the portugaloys were joyful/ and thought as that day to have no more battle/ & so made good cheer to their prisoners/ and every man said to their prisoners. Sirs be not abashed for ye are won by clean feat of arms/ we shall keep you good company as we would ye should do/ if ye had us in like case/ ye shall come to Lixbone and refresh you there/ and shallbe at your ease/ and they thanked them when they saw none other boat. & so there some were put to their finance incontinent/ and some would abide their adventure/ for they imagined that the king of spain with his great army would shortly come and deliver them. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the french knights & gascoins such as were taken prisoners at juberoth by the portugaloys were slain of their masters & none escaped. Cap. xxxv.  
Tidings came in to the field to the king of Castyle and to his company/ who were approaching to juberoth by them that fled/ who came crying with great fear and said. sir king advance yourself/ for all they of the vanward are other taken or slain/ there is no remedy of their deliverance/ without it be by your puissance/ And when the king of Castyle heard those tidings he was sore displeased/ for he had good cause/ for it touched him near. Than he commanded to ride on and said advance for the banners/ in the name of god and saint George/ let us ride to the rescue/ sith our men have need thereof. Than the spaniards began to ride a better pace close together in good order/ and by that time the son was near down/ than some said it were best to abide till the morning/ because it was so near night/ they said they could make but an easy journey. The king would they should set on incontinent/ and laid his reasons and said. What/ shall we leave our enemies in rest now they be weary/ to give them leisure te refresh themself/ whosoever do give that counsel loveth not mine honour. Than they road forth making great noise & brunt/ with sownyng of trumpets & tabours to abash therewith their enemies. now shall I show you what the king of Portugal did and his company.  
AS soon as they had discomfited the vanward and taken their prisoners/ and that they saw none other battle coming within their sight yet for all that they would put no trust in their first victory. Therefore they sent six notable persons to go and aui●we the country/ to see if they should have any more to do: They that road forth came and saw the king of Castles great battle coming to them ward/ fast approaching to juberothe/ more than twenty thousand horsemen. Than they returned as fast as they might/ and said all an high to the people. Sirs advise you well for as yet we have done nothing. behold yonder cometh the king of Castyle with his great battle/ with more than twenty thousand men there is none tarried behind. When they heard those tidings they took short counsel which was of necessity. Than incontinent they ordained a piteous deed. for every man was commanded on pain of death to slay their prisoners without mercy/ noble/ gentle/ rich/ nor other/ none except. Than the lords/ knights/ and squires that were prisoners were in a hard case/ for there was no prayer that availed them fro the death/ and so they were slain some in one place and some in another as they were spread abroad unarmed/ weening to have been saved but they were not. To say troth it was great pity for every man slew his prisoner/ and he that did not/ other men slew th● in their hands: And the portugaloys and the englishmen who had given that counsel/ said it was better to slay than to be slain/ For if we kill them not/ while we be a fighting they will escape and slay us/ for the● is no trust in a man's enemy. thus was slain by great mischief the lord of Longnache/ sir Peter of Byerne/ the lord of Lespres/ the lord of By●rne/ the lord of Boards/ sir Bertrande of Bergues/ the lord of Morayne/ sir Raymond of Douzanche/ sir johan of Fologe/ sir Manant of Sarenen/ sir Peter of Salybers'/ sir Stephyn Valentyne/ sir Raymon Courase/ sir Peter Hansame/ and to the number of three hundred squires of Byerne and of France/ sir johan of Rue/ sir Geffray Richon/ sir Geffray Partenay/ and divers other. Lo/ behold the great evil adventure that fell that saturday/ for they slew as many good prisoners as would well have been worth one with another/ four hundred thousand franks.   

¶ How the king of Castle and all his great battle were discomfited by the king of Portugal/ before a village called juberoth. Cap. xxxvi.  
When the lixbonoise/ english/ and Portugaloyse/ had delivered the place and slain all their prisoners/ never a one scaped without he were before conveyed to the village of juberoth/ where as all their carriages were. Than they drew all together with a feirse will/ on the same place where as they were first assailed/ & as than the son was going down. Than the king of Castle in a puissant array with his banners and pennons displayed and mounted on their horses well covered/ came on crying Castle/ & began to enter in to the place that was fortified/ and there they were received with spears and axes/ and at the first coming the shot of arrows grieved sore their horses/ so that many thereby were slain and overthrown. And all that season the king of Castle nor his men. knew not of the mischief that was fallen to the vanward/ not how they were all slain/ but he believed they had been still prisoners/ thinking to recover them again/ as ye have herd.  
There was a hard battle and a fierce/ and many a man cast to the earth/ the portugalois had no such advantage/ but and they had not fought valiantly they had been lost and discomfited: that saved them/ was their enemies could not come on them but by one narrow way. There the king of Portyngale lighted a foot and took an axe in his hand and did marvelous in arms/ and beat down a three or four with his own hands/ so that he was feared/ that none durst approach near him. I shall show some part of the conditions of the spaniardes.  
True it is/ at their first setting on they are fierce and courageous/ and of great advantage/ and high minded if they have advantage: They fight well a horse back/ but as soon as they have cast two or three darts/ and given a stroke with their sword/ and se that their enemies be not discomfited therewith/ than they fear and turn their horses and fly away to save themself that best may. And at this battle of juberoth they used the same play/ for they found their enemies hard and strong/ and as fresh in the battle as though they had done nothing of all the day before/ whereof they had marvel/ and also that they hard no tidings of the vanward/ nor where they were become. There the spayniardꝭ that evening were in the hard fortune of battle and perilous for them/ for as many as entered into their strength/ were by valiantness and feats of arms all slain. They took no man to ransom whatsoever he were noble or other. so the Lixbonoys had ordained/ for they would not be charged with prisoners: The● were slain of them of Castle such as followeth. Sir Dangonnes Nendreche/ sir Digo Persement/ sir don Peter of Rosermont/ sir Mare of Versaux/ the great master of Calestrane & his brother/ who was that day made knight/ called sir Dygomor/ sir Peter Goussart of mondesque/ done Peter Goussart of Sonuyll/ done johan Radigo of Rousell/ and a threescore baronnes and knights of spain. At the battle of Naders/ where the prince of Wales discomfited king done Henry of Castle/ there were not slain so many noble men of Castle/ as there was at this battle of juberoth which was the year of grace/ a thousand three hundred fourscore and five/ on a saturday on our lady day in August.  
When the king of Castle understood and saw how his men were thus discomfited/ and how that his vanward was clean discomfited without recovery/ and that sir Raynalt Lymosin was deed/ who was his marshal/ & saw how all his noble chivalty were lost/ as well of his own realm as of France/ & else where/ such as were come thither to serve him with their good wills: He was than sore displeased and wist not what counsel to take/ for he saw his men began to fly on every side/ and he heard how some said to him/ sir depart hens it is time/ the matter is in a herd case. ye can not alone discomfit your enemies/ nor recover your damages: your people flieth all about/ every man intendeth to save himself. Sir/ save yourself and ye do wisely/ if fortune be this day against you/ another time it shall be better. The king of Castyle believed counsel & than changed his horse & mounted on a fresh courser/ strong and light/ whereon no man had ridden before of all day. Than the king struck the horse with his spurs/ and turned his back toward his enemies/ and took the way toward saint yrayne/ whither all such as would save themself fled. The same time the king of Castle had a knight of his house who bore his bassenet/ whereupon there was a sercle of gold and stones/ valued to twenty thousand franks. It was ordained or they went out of saint yrayne/ that this knight should bear it till they came to the business/ and than to deliver it to the king to wear on his heed/ but this knight did not so/ For when they came to the joining of the battle the press was so great/ that this knight could not come to the king/ nor also he was not called for/ wherefore he approached not to the king. And when he saw how his company were discomfited/ and that the portugaloys obtained the victory/ and saw how every man fled on every side/ he feared than the losing of such a rich iowell/ and set than the bassenet on his own heed and so fled/ but he took not the way to saint yrayne/ but took another way to the town of Arpent. Thus some fled this way and some that way/ like people sore discomfited and abashed/ but the most part fled to saint yrayne: and that evening thither came the king sore abashed.  
AT this discomfiture of the spaniards at juberothe/ where the Portugaloys and lixbonoys obtained the place/ the● was a great slaughter of men/ and it had been greater if they had followed in the chase/ but thenglish men when they saw the spaygniardes turn their backs/ they said to the king of Portugal and to his men. Sirs/ demand for yo● horses and follow the chase/ and all they that be fled shallbe other taken or slain. Nay not so quoth the king/ it sufficeth that we have done/ our men be weary and sore travailed and it is near hand night/ we shall not know whither to go. And though they fly yet they be a great number/ and peradventure they do it to draw us out of our strength/ and so to have us at their ease: Let us this day keep them that be deed/ and to morrow take other counsel. By my faith sir quoth Hartesell an Englysshman/ the deed bodies are easy to be kept they shall never do us any hurt/ nor we shall have of them no profit. We have slain many good prisoners/ and we be strangers and are come far of to serve you/ therefore we would fain win somewhat of these calves that fly without wings/ with their banners waving with the wind. Fair brother quoth the king/ they that all coveteth all loseth: It is better we be sure/ sith the honour of the victory is ours/ & that god hath send it us rather than to put ourself in paryll/ when it needeth not: We thank god we have enough to make you all rich. Thus in this case the business rested.  
THus as I have showed you/ fell of the business at juberothe/ where as the king of Portugal obtained the victory: & the● were slain a five hundred knights and as many squires/ which was great pity and damage/ and about a six or seven thousand of other men/ god have mercy on their souls. And all that night till on the sunday to the hour of prime/ the king of Portugal and his men removed not fro the place that they were in nor never unarmed them/ but eat a little and drank every man as they stood/ which was brought them fro the village of juberothe. And on the sunday in the morning after the son rising the king caused twelve knights to mount on their horses/ and to ride forth to sertche the felde● to see if there were any new assemble and when they had ●ydden here and there/ they returned and showed how they found no body but deed men. Well quoth the king of them we need not to doubt. Than it was published to depart thence and to go to the village of jube rothe thereto abide all that day and night till monday in the morning. So thus they departed and left the church of juberothe/ and went to the village and there lodged/ and tarried out all that sunday and the next night: And on the monday in the morning they counseled to draw toward Lixbone/ Than they swooned trumpets to dislodge/ and so in good order they departed and road toward Lixbone/ and the tuesday the king entered into the town with moche people/ glory/ and triumph/ and was received with procession and so brought to his palace: And in riding through the streets the people and children made feast and reverence/ and cried with high voice. Live the noble king of Portugal/ to whom god hath given that grace to have victory of the puissant king of Castyle/ and hath discomfited his enemies.  
by this journey that the king of Portugal had of the king of Castyle/ he fell in to such grace and love of his country and realm of Portugal/ so that all such as before the battle did dissimule with him/ than came all to him to Lixbone to do to him their homage: saying/ how he was well worthy to live/ and how that god loved him/ in that he had discomfited a more puissant king than he was himself/ wherefore he was worthy to bear a crown. Thus the king got the grace of his people/ and specially of all the commons of the realm. ¶ Now let us a little speak of the king of Castyle/ who after he was thus discomfited/ went to saint yrayn we ping and lamenting for his people/ and cursing his hard fortune/ that so many noble men of his own country & of France were slain in the field.  
THe same time that he entered in to saint yrayne/ yet he knew not the damage that he had/ but on the sondaye he knew it/ for he had send his haraldꝭ to sertche out the deed bodies. And he thought before/ that the most part of all such as the heralds found deed/ had been but prisoners & saved a live/ but they were not as it appeared. than he was so sore displeased and sorry/ that no man could comfort him. When he heard the report of the heralds/ and knew the certainty of them that were deed/ Than he said and swore/ that he should never have joy sith so many noble men were deed in his quarrel. And after the third day that the king had tarried at saint yrayne/ there came to him his knight with his bassenet/ who was called sir Martin Haren/ and delivered the bassenet to the king/ which was valued as ye have herd before: And before there had been herd words spoken of him. Some said that falsely he was run away fro the king and would never return again. Than the knight kneeled down before the king and excused himself so largely/ that the king & his counsel were well content with him. Than a fifteen days after the king of Castyle returned to Bergus in Spain/ and gave every man leave to depart. Than after the● was means and treaties made between the king of Castyle and the king of Portugal: Than a truce was taken fro the feast of saint Mychaell to the first day of May/ both by land and by See. And the deed bodies slain at juberothe/ were buried in the church of juberoth and in mother churches there about: and the bones of divers carried by their servants in to their own countries. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How a spirit called Orthone served the lord of Corasse a long time and brought him ever tidings from all parts of the world. Cap. xxxvii.  
IT is great marvel to consider one thing/ the which was showed me in th'earl of Foiz house at Ortayse/ of him that informed me of the business at juberothe/ He showed me one thing that I have oftentimes thought on scythe/ and shall do as long as I live. As this squire told me/ that of truth the next day after the battle was thus fought at juberoth the earl of Foiz knew it/ whereof I had great marvel: For the said sunday/ monday/ and tuesday/ th'earl was very pensive/ and so sad of cheer/ that no man could here a word of him. And all the same three days he would not issue out of his chamber/ nor speak to any man though they were never so near about him. And on the Tuesday at night he called to him his brother Arnault Guyllyam/ and said to him with a soft voice. Our men hath had to do whereof I am sorry/ for it is come of them by their voyage/ as I said or they departed. Arnault Guyllyam who was a sage knight/ and knew right well his brother's conditions/ stood still and gave none answer. And than th'earl who thought to declare his mind more plainly (for long he had borne the trouble thereof in his heart) spoke again more higher than he did before/ and said. By god sir Arnault it is as I say/ and shortly ye shall here tidings thereof/ but the country of Bierne this hundred year/ never lost such a loss at no journey/ as they have done now in Portugal. divers knights and squires that were there present and heard him say so/ stood still and durst not speak but remembered his words. And within a ten days after they knew the truth thereof by such as had been at the business/ and there they showed every thing as it was fortuned at juberothe. Than th'earl renewed again his dolour and all the country were in sorrow/ for they had lost their parent's/ brethren/ children/ and friends. Saint Mary quoth I to the squire that showed me this tale. How is it that th'earl of Foiz could know on one day/ what was done within a day or two before/ being so far of? By my faith sir quoth he as it appeared well/ he knew it. Than he is a devyner quod I/ or else he hath messengers that flieth with the wind/ or he must needs have some craft: The squire began to laugh and said. Surely he must know it by some art of Nigromansye/ or otherwise. To say the truth we can not tell how it is/ but by our imaginations. Sir quoth I/ such imagination as ye have therein/ if it please you to show me I would be glad thereof: & if it be such a thing as aught to be secret/ I shall not publish it/ nor as long as I am in this country I shall never speak word thereof. I pray you thereof qd the squire/ for I would not it should be known that I should speak thereof/ But I shall show you as divers men speaketh secretly/ when they be together as friends. Than he drew me a part into a corner of the chapel at Ortayse/ and than began his tale and said.  
IT is well a twenty years paste/ that there was in this country a barone/ called Raymon lord of Corasse/ which is a six leagues fro this town of Ortaise This lord of Corasse had that same time a plea at Auygnon before the pope/ for the dimes of his church/ against a clerk curate there: the which priest was of Cateloygne. He was a great cleke/ and claimed to have right of the dimes in the town of Corasse/ which was valued to a hundred florins by the year/ and the right that he had he showed and proved it. And by sentence diffynityve/ pope Urban the fift in consistory general/ condemned the knight and gave judgement with the priest. and of this last judgement he had letters of the pope for his possession/ & so road till he came in to Bierne/ and there showed his letters & bulls of the pope's for his possession of his dimes. The lord of Corase had great indignation at this priest and came to him & said. master Pe● or master Marten/ as his name was: thinkest thou that by reason of thy letters/ that I will lose mine heritage? Nat so hardy that thou take any thing that is mine/ if thou do it shall cost the thy life/ Go thy way in to some other place to get the a benefice/ for of mine heritage thou gettest no part/ and ones for always I defend the. The clerk doubted the knight for he was a cruel man/ therefore he durst not parceyver. Than he thought to return to Auygnon as he died/ but when he departed he came to the knight the lord of Corasse and said. Sir/ by force and not by right/ ye take away fro me the right of my church/ wherein ye greatly hurt your conscience. I am not so strong in this country as ye be. But sir/ know for truth/ that as soon as I may/ I shall send to you such a champion/ whom ye shall doubt more than me. the knight who doubted nothing his threatenings said: God be with thee/ do what thou mayst/ I doubt no more death than life/ for all thy words/ I will not lose mine heritage. Thus the clerk departed fro the lord of Corasse/ and went I can not tell whether/ to Auygnon or into Cateloygne/ and forgot not the promise that he had made to the lord of Corasse or he departed. For afterward when the knight thought least on him/ about a three months after/ as the knight lay on a night a bed in his castle of Corasse with the lady his wife/ there came to him messengers in visible/ and made a marvelous tempest & noise in the castle/ that it seemed/ as though the castle should have fallen down/ and struck great strokes at his chamber door/ that the good lady his wife was sore afraid. The knight heard all but he spoke no word thereof/ because he would show no abashed courage/ for he was hardy to abide all adventures. This noise & tempest was in sundry places of ● castle/ and dured a long space/ and at last cessed for that night. Than the next morning/ all the seryauntes of the house came to the lord when he was risen and said. Sir/ have you not heard this night that we have done? The lord dissimuled and said no/ I heard nothing. What have you heard. Than they showed him what noise they had heard/ and how all the vessel in the kitchen was overturned. Than the lord began to laugh and said. yea sirs/ ye dreamed/ it was nothing but the wind. In the name of god quoth the lady/ I heard it well. The next night there was as great noise and greater/ and such strokes given at his chamber door and windows/ as all should have broken in pieces. The knight start up out of his bed/ and would not let to demand who was at his chamber door that time of the night: and anon he was answered by a voice that said/ I am here. Quod the knight/ who sent the hither? The clerk of Catelloygne sent me hither quoth the voice/ to whom thou dost great wrong/ for thou hast taken fro him the rights of his benefice/ I will not leave the in rest till thou hast made him a good account/ so that he be pleased. Quod the knight/ what is thy name/ that art so good a messangere? qd be I am called Orthone. Orthone quoth the knight/ the service of a clerk is little profit for thee/ He will put the to/ to moche pain if thou believe him. I pray the leave him & come and serve me/ & I shall give the good thank. Orthone was ready to answer/ for he was in amouts with the knight and said. wouldest thou fain have my service? yea truly quoth the knight/ so thou do not hurt to any person in this house. No more I will do quod Orthon for I have no power to do any other evil but to awake the out of thy sleep or some other Well quoth the knight do as I tell thee/ and we shall soon agree/ and leave the evil clerk for there is no good thing in him/ but to put the to pain/ therefore come and serve me. well qd orthon and sith thou wilt have me we are agreed.  
SO this spirit Orthone loved so the knight/ that often times he would come and visit him/ while he lay in his bed a sleep/ and either pull him by the care or else strike at his chamber door or window/ to awake him. And when the knight awoke than he would say. Orthon let me sleep. Nay quod Orthone that will I not do/ till I have showed the such tidings as are fallen a late. The lady the knights wife would be sore afraid that her here would stand up/ and hide herself under the clothes. than the knight would say. Why/ what tidings hast thou brought me? Quod Orthone/ I am come out of England or out of Hungry/ or some other place/ and yesterday I came thence/ and such things are fallen or such other. So thus the lord of Corasse knew by Orthon every thing that was done in any part of the world. And in this case he continued a five year and could not keep his own counsel/ but at last discovered it to the earl of Foiz/ I shall show you how.  
THe first year the lord of Corasse came on a day to Orthayse to the earl of Foiz/ and said to him. sir such things are done in England/ or in Scotland/ or in almain/ or in any other country. and ever the earl of Foiz found his saying true/ and had great marvel how he should know such things so shortly. And on a time th'earl of Foiz examined him so straightly/ that the lord of Corase showed him all together how he knew it/ and how he came to him first. When the Earl of Foiz heard that he was joyful and said. Sir/ of Corasse/ keep him well in your love/ I would I had such a messangere: He costeth you nothing/ and ye know by him every thing that is done in the world: The knight answered and said. sir/ that is true. Thus the lord of Corasse was served with Orthon a long season/ I can not say if this Orthone had any more masters or not. But every week twice or thrice he would come and visit the lord of Corasse/ and would show him such tidings of any thing that was fallen fro whence he came. And ever the lord of Corasse when he knew any thing/ he wrote thereof ever to the Earl of Foiz/ who had great joy thereof/ for he was the lord of the world that most desired to here news out of strange places. And on a time the lord of Corasse was with the earl of Foiz/ and the earl demanded of him and said. Sir of Corasse/ did ye ever as yet see your messangere? Nay surely sir quoth the knight/ nor I never desired it. That is marvel quoth the Earl/ if I were as well acquainted with him as ye be/ I would have desired to have seen him/ wherefore I pray you desire it of him/ & than to tell me whet form and fashion he is of: I have heard you say how he speaketh as good gascone as other you or I. Truly sir quoth the knight so it is/ he speaketh as well and as fair as any of us both do. And surely sir/ sith ye counsel me I shall do my pain to see him & I can. And so on a night as he lay in his bed with the lady his wife/ who was so enured to here Orthon/ that she was no more afraid of him. Than came Orthon and pulled the lord by the ear/ who was fast a sleep/ and therewith he awoke and asked who was the●. I am here quoth Orthon. Than he demanded/ fro whence comest thou now? I come qd Orthon fro Prage in Boesme. How far is that hens quoth the knight? A threescore days journey quod Orthone. and art thou come thence so soon quoth the knight? ye truly quoth Orthon/ I came as fast as the wind or faster. hast thou than wings quoth the knight? Nay truly qd he. How canst thou than fly so fast quoth the knight? ye have nothing to do to know that quod Orthone. No quoth the knight/ I would gladly see thee/ to know what form thou art of. Well qd Orthon/ ye have nothing to do to know/ it sufficeth you to hear me/ & I to show you tidings In faith qd the knight/ I would love the moche better and I might see the ones. Well qd Orthone. sir scythe ye have so great desire to seem/ the first thing that ye see to morrow when it rise out of your bed/ the same shallbe I. that is sufficient quoth the lord. Go thy way I give the leave to depart for this night. And the next morning the lord rose/ and the lady his wife was so afraid that she durst not rise/ but feigned herself sick/ & said she would not rise Her husband would have had her to have risen. sir quoth she than I shall see Orthone/ & I would not see him by my good will. Well qd the knight I would gladly see him. and so he arose fair and easily out of his bed/ & sat down on his bed side/ weening to have seen orthon in his own ꝓperforme/ but he saw nothing whereby he might say/ Loyonder is Orthon/ So that day passed and the next night came and when the knight was in his bed orthon came and began to speak/ as he was accustomed. Go thy way quoth the knight/ thou art but alyer: Thou promisest that I should have seen thee/ and it was not so. No quoth he/ & I showed myself to the. that is not so qd the lord. why qd Orthon/ when ye rose out of your bed saw you nothing? Than the lord studied a little and advised himself well. yes truly quoth the knight now I remember me/ as I sat on my beds side/ thinking on thee/ I saw two straws on the pavement tumbling one upon another. That same was I qd Orthone/ in to that form I died put myself as than/ That is not enough to me quoth the lord. I pray the put thyself in to some other form/ that I may better see and know the. Well qd Orthon/ ye will do so much that ye will lose me and I go fro you/ for ye desire to much of me. Nay quoth the knight thou shalt not go fro me/ let me see the ones and I will desire no more. Well quoth Orthone ye shall see me to morrow/ take heed/ the first thing that ye see after ye be out of your chamber it shallbe 1 Well quoth the knight I am than content/ go thy way let me sleep. And so Orthone departed/ and the next morning the lord a rose and issued out of his chamber and went to a window/ & looked down in to the court of the castle/ and cast about his eyen. And the first thing he saw was a Sow/ the greatest that ever he saw/ and she seemed to be so lean and evil favoured/ that there was nothing on her but the skin & the bones/ with long ears and a long lean snout. The lord of Corasse had marvel of that lean Sow/ and was weary of the sight of her/ and commanded his men to fetch his hounds/ and said. Let the dogs hunt her to death/ and devour her. His servants opined the kenelles and let out his hounds/ and died set them on this sow. And at the last the sow made a great cry/ and looked up to the lord of Corasse as he looked out at a window/ and so suddenly vanished away no man wist how. Than the lord of Corasse entered in to his chamber right pensive: & than he remembered him of Orthon his messangere and said. I repent me that I set my hounds on him: It is an adventure and ever I here any more of him/ for he said to me often times that if I displeased him I should lose him. the lord said truth/ for never after he came in to the castle of Corasse/ and also the knight died the same year next following. Lo sir quoth the squire/ thus I have showed you the life of Orthone/ and how a season he served the lord of Corasse with new tidings. It is true sir qd I/ but now as to your first purpose/ Is the earl of Foiz served with such a messangere? Surely quoth the squire it is the imagination of many that he hath such messengers/ for the● is nothing done in any place/ but and he set his mind thereto he will know it/ and when men think least thereof. And so died he when the good knights and squires of this country were slain in Portugal at juberothe. Some saith the knowledge of such things hath done him much profit/ for and there be but the value of a Spoon lost in his house/ a none he will know whe● it is. So thus than I took leave of the squire and went to other company/ but I bore well away his tale.  
¶ Now I will leave to speak of the business of Portugal and of spain/ and speak of the business in Languedocke and in France. ⸫ ⸪   

¶ How a siege was laid to Breast in Bretaygne/ and how divers english fortresses about the country of toulouse were recovered and turned french. Cap. xxxviii.  
IN the season while these adventures thus fell in Castyle and in far● marchesse/ it was ordained by sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France/ to make a bastide before the strong castle of Breast in Bretaygne/ which the englishmen held and had done long/ & would not depart/ neither for the french king nor for the duke of Bretayne/ to whom the castle should pertain. The duke of Berrey and the duke of Burgoyne/ and the french kings counsel/ had oftentimes written to the duke of Bretayne/ desiring him to put to his pain and diligence to get again his inheritance the castle of Breast/ for it was greatly to his prejudice to suffer the englishmen to enjoy it. And the duke/ what for the prayer of the said lords/ and also because he would gladly have had the possession of Breast in his own hands. On a time he laid siege thereto but nothing he won there/ and so departed thence & said/ how he could do nothing the●/ whereat some knights & squires murmured and said/ how the duke did but dissimule/ for such as were the● he took them not for his friends/ nor would not/ for all the Peace that was made/ that the castle of Breast should be in the french kings hands/ for if the frenchmen held it/ he should not be lord thereof/ yet he had rather it were in the english mens hands/ for the english men durst not displease him. wherefore all things considered/ the constable of France thought that the castle of breast and the town/ were not meet to be enemy to the realm of France/ And thought it not honourable for the duke nor for the knights of Bretaygne/ to suffer it as they died. Therefore he ordained to lay siege thereto/ with a great number of knights and squires of Bretaygne: and he made chief captains of them/ the lord of Molestroyt/ the viscount of Barleere/ Morfane/ and the lord of Roche Duraunt: These four valiant men went and laid siege as near to Breast as they might/ and made a bastide and closed it about with pales and stones/ and took fro Breast all their issues/ except the See/ which was not in their power to close fro them. And often times there were skirmishes and feats of arms done before the barrier's/ for such as were without/ desiring deeds of arms/ would come valiantly to the barrier's/ and they within received them as valiantly/ so that often there were divers hurt on both parties. There were but few days but that some deeds of arms were done.  
THe same season there was in the marchesse of Tholousyn a valiant knight of France/ called sir Galtier Paschac/ a good captain of men of war/ he was of the nation of Berrey/ on the fronters of Lymosyn/ and or his coming/ the seneschal of toulouse sir Roger of spain/ and sir Hugh of Frodeuyll/ and the seneschal of Carcassone/ had written in to France to the Constable there/ of the state of the country of toulouse and Robestan/ and how that divers of the companions adventurers/ such as were issued out of Lourde and of castle Cuyllet/ and had made war for the englishmen/ held in their hands the fortresses following. As saint Forget/ the Bassere/ the Mesuylle Purpuron/ Convall Roch●fort/Th●dos Iulyen/ Naveret/ and divers other/ whereby they had so environed the city of toulouse/ that the people could not issue out to labour their wines and lands/ nor go on merchandise/ but in great paryll/ without they had truce/ or patesed with them. And of all these castles/ the chief captain was an expert man of war of Basque/ called Espaigoullet/ he did many marvelous deeds in arms. He took on a time by scaling the castle of Armayle/ while the lord thereof/ sir Raymonde was gone to toulouse/ and he kept it more than a year. & in the mean season while he kept it/ he caused to be made a mine and a cave/ which went out of the castle in to the fields: And when the cave was made/ he closed up the entry with stones/ so that it could not be perceived that any way was there under the earth. And in the same mean season the lord Raymonde of Armayle treated with Espayguollet/ to have again his castle for money. When the cave was finysshed/ he agreed with the lord to deliver up the castle for two thousand franks/ and he and all his to depart Than the lord entered again in to his castle and repaired it where it was in default. And a fifteen days after Espaiguollet with his company in a night came to the wood where the issue of the cave was/ and entered in to it. And so at the hour of midnight they took the castle/ & the lord dying in his bed/ and ransomed him again at two thousand franks/ & than let him go/ but Espayguollet kept still the castle and a good garrison/ which after sore travailed the country with other of his alliance and company.  
FOr these manner of people that rob & pilled thus in the marches of toulouse/ of Rovergue/ and there about/ under the colour of the englishmen/ Therefore thither was sent sir Gaultier of Paschac with a certain number of men of arms/ to deliver the country fro their enemies. And so he came to toulouse/ & sent for the knights and squires thereabout/ and wrote to sir Roger of Spaygne seneschal of Carcassone who came to serve him/ for sir Gaultier had a commission general over all the officers of Languedocke and so all such as were sent for/ came with such numbers as they might make. Sir Roger of Spain came with a threescore spears and a hundred pavesses/ and the seneschal of Rovergue and sir Hugh Frodeuyll came with as many or more. So when they were all together/ they were a four. C. spears & a. M. pavesses. And also there was the son of th'earl of Tereache with a fair company/ the lord of barbason sir Benedic of Faguell/ & Willm Caudron breto● & their companies: so one day they departed fro toulouse and came before saint Forget/ and there rested: & there was captain a man of Bierne a great robber/ called the bourge of Taylsacke. When these lords and their companies were come before Forget/ they incontinent went to the assault/ and the Genoese began sore to shoot/ so that scant they within durst apere at their defence/ but the frenchmen mist of their purpose at this first assault▪ & so there they lodged all night & took their ease/ for they had enough wherewith. In the morning betimes they armed them through the host/ and swooned their trumpets to the assault/ and so they came in good order to the foot of the dyke/ he that had seen than (the men of arms enter in to the dykes with their targets over their heeds/ and tasted the dyke with their spears and passed over to the foot of the wall) would have taken great pleasure. When the first were passed over the dyke/ and had showed the way to other: than other followed with great will/ for it had been great blame to them/ if they had than tarried behind/ and their company before. and such as followed them had matockes and pikes in their hands to pierce withal the walls/ and covered their heeds with targets to receive the stones that were cast down/ which were no great plenty/ for the Genoese shot so surely with their crossbows/ that non durst put out their heeds to their defence/ for the genoese crossbows shot so surely/ that lightly they mist not of their level/ so that there were many within sore hurt with their quarrels/ in so much that they doughted sore the shot. This saute was so sore continued that the minors overthrew a pane of the wall: Than they within were sore abashed & would then have yielded them their/ lives saved/ but their enemies had no lust thereto/ for they fell in to so good hands that they were all slain. for sir Galtier their captain commanded that it should so be. so there were none taken to mercy/ but all slain/ not one that scaped. Thus these lords of France at their first coming had the castle of Forget/ and sir Gaultier delivered it to the owner thereof/ who lost it the same year before for lack of good keeping/ as divers other castles had been before in France. ⸪  
AFter the taking of the castle of Forge● and that sir Gaultier had delivered it to the owner/ the knight new repaired it where as need was/ for the french men had sore destroyed it in the assailing thereof or it were won. Than they went to the castle of Basse/ of which Erualton of Batefoyle was capitain/ and had greatly fortified it/ for he thought the french men would visit him/ as they died. And when the french men came thither they laid siege thereto/ and than advised on which part they might best for their advantage give assault/ and determined on a place/ and so on a day they came to the saut on that part as they thought most feeble. There the Genoese crossbows were ordained to shoot/ and the assauters behind them/ and they acquitted themself truly in doing of their feat/ for they shot so rudely at them within/ that non durst show themselves. Erualton of Batefoyle was at the gate where there was a great assault/ and there he died marvelous in arms/ so moche/ that his enemies said among themself. Behold yonder is a squire of great heart/ on whom his harness is well employed/ for he valiantly defended himself. It were well done some body to show him/ that it were best for him to yield up the castle/ and to depart some where else/ And to show him that if sir Gaultier of Paschac win him parforce/ there is no man can save him fro the death/ for he hath sworn as many as he winneth parforce/ shall all die or be hanged. Than the seneschal of toulouse commanded a squire of Gascoigne called William Alyedell/ who knew right well Erualton/ for he had been divers times with him in arms as his companion/ and he was glad to go/ for he was loath that Erualton should have had any damage/ if he might do him any good: And so he came to the assault and made token/ that he would speak with Erualton for his great profit/ and he answered he was content. Than the saut rested on that side but not on the other part: Than this William said. Erualton ye are happy/ for certain of yonder lords have send me to you for they have pity on you/ for if ye be taken parforce there is no remedy but death: Our sovereign captain hath so ordained/ that you nor none of yours shall scape death/ but to be served as they were of saint Forget. therefore they & I also would counsel you to yield up the fortress/ rather than to abide th aduenture: for of one thing ye may be/ sure/ we shall not depart hens till ye be taken/ Than Erualton said/ William/ I know well though at this time ye be against me/ that ye would not counsel me to any thing to my dishonour. Know for truth that if I render up the hold/ it shallbe so that I and all mine may safely depart/ and carry with us as much as we may/ and to be safely conducted to the castle of Lourde. On this condition I will her ken to you or else not. Sir quod William/ I have not so far charge to comen with you/ but gladly I shall speak for you to my masters And so he returned to the seneschal of toulouse and showed him all these words/ Than sir Hugh of Frodeuyll said. Let us go and speak with sir Gaultier/ for I can not tell what he will do/ sith I have gone so far in the matter I will see what he will do. Than they came to sir Gaultier who was still at the saute/ and sir Hugh of Frodeuyll said. Sir Gaultier/ I have treated with the captain of the castle and he is well willing to yield up the castle to us as it is/ so that he & all his may go quite with all that they may carry with them/ and to be safely conducted to the castle of Lourde. Therefore now sir look what ye will do/ if we should lose one of our knights or squires/ either by shot or cast of stones/ or by any perilous accident it should be greater damage than we can have any profit by putting of them to death when we have won them/ which is not yet/ for or they be won it will cost us some of our people. sir that is true quoth the seneschal of Carcassone/ such assaults can not be without some death and sore hurting.  
TO those words sir Galtier of paschac said. I am well content/ cease the assault we have more to do in other places. Thus little and little we shall win the castles that these pillars hold/ though they depart now with a good market. Peradventure hereafter they may fall again in our hands/ and than one time they shall pay for all/ ever evil deeds come to an evil end. In my days I have hanged and drowned of such robbers five hundred/ and hereafter they shall come to the fame prick. Than they that went on this treaty/ came again to the barrier's to Erualton Batefoyle: Than William said/ by my faith Erualton/ you and all yours may thank god and sir Hugh of Frodeuyll/ for he hath made your treaty as ye demand. ye may depart safely and all yours/ and bear away as much as ye can/ and ye shall be safely brought to Lourde. Well quoth Erualton I am content/ sith it will be no better. Know for truth William/ I shall depart fro this fortress sore against my will/ for I have had great profit thereby/ sith I was taken at the bridge at Turnay beside malvoisin/ by the Burge of spain/ who had of me for my ransom two thousand franks. To say truth/ I have well recovered myself here/ and ever have been here in these fronters which I love well/ for when so ever I road forth/ lightly I found some good adventure/ either by some merchant of Robeston of toulouse/ or of Rhodes/ for the most part ever I got somewhat: Than William said/ sir I believe you well/ but and ye will become french I undertake ye shallbe clean pardoned/ and to have a thousand franks given you/ and I will become your surety that ye shallbe ever good french/ if ye will swear yourself so to be. Sir qd Erualton I thank you/ but as for that I will not/ for I will be still as yet english: as god help me I can not find in my heart to be good french. Return to your company and show them that this day we will order our business/ and to morrow in the morning we shall deliver up the castle/ and depart/ Wherefore see that our conduct be ready.  
So than ceased the saute and the frenchmen went to their lodgings/ and so passed the night at their ease/ they had well wherewith. and in the morning when every man was ready in the host/ & that they were ready that should conduct the companions to the castle of lourde Than sir Hugh Frodeuyll seneschal of toulouse went to take possession of the castle: and when he came to the castle/ he found Erualton of Batefoyle and his company ready to depart/ and had trussed all that they would carry Than a knight of Lourde called sir Monant of Salenges conveyed them safely whether they would. Thus the castle of Basse was won/ and a squire of the country had the keeping thereof given him/ and of the country/ who was called Bertram of Montesquyen. Than these frenchmen went forth and came to the castle of Pulpuron/ whereof the little Mechyne was sovereign capitain/ who had done great damage to the country thereabout/ wherefore sir Galter of paschac swore by his father's soul that non theridamas should be take to 〈◊〉 nor ransom but all to be hanged if he might get them/ & so there 〈◊〉 his siege. This castle stood on a rock a goodly castle to look on/ and there sir Gaultier swore never to depart thence till he had them at his pleasure/ the● were many assaults but they won but little/ for the castle was well defended. Well quoth sir Galtier/ I can not tell how it will be. The french king is rich enough to keep a siege here/ but as for me I will not depart in one year/ without I have the castle at my pleasure/ & such as were with him believed him well/ and ordered themself thereafter: And I shall show you how it fortued. When the captains within saw surely how the frenchmen would not depart thence till they had the castle/ what soever it cost them: Than they doubted them/ and advised to depart thence whether the frenchmen would or not/ which they might well do/ for they had a cave that went out of the castle under the ground in to a wood half a league of: so when Angerot capiteyne of the castle saw the dealing of the frenchmen/ and knew how they had promised not to depart thence till they had the castle/ either by famine or otherwise/ than he doubted and said to his company. Sirs/ IIse well sir Gaultier of Paschac hath us greatly in hatred/ & I fear by long siege he should famish us/ & that to do he needeth not/ but to make a bastide & let it be kept but with a hundred spears so that none of us than dare depart: Therefore I shall show you what we shall do Let us take all that we have and in the night we will depart by this cave under the earth/ which is fair and great and without fault it shall bring us in to a wooed a league hens/ than shall we be out of all apparel/ for there is no man in the host that knoweth it. They all agreed to his counsel/ & in a night when they had all trussed than they took torches and faggots & entered in to the cave/ which was fair and clear/ and so they issued out thereof in to a wood half a league fro the castle/ Than the● were enough that knew the ways to other forteresses in Lymosin and in Rovergue/ and some of them when they were out of all parels/ took other ways and said/ How they would follow the wars no lengar/ Angerot and five with him went to a town and a castle in Piergourt called Mountroyall/ and the lord thereof received him sweetly/ for he & all his lands were good english/ nor he would never turn french when other did howbeit there were divers other of his opinion. ⸪  
THus they of the garrison of Pulpuron saved themself/ and left no person be hind them/ and were near the● as they would be/ or the frenchmen knew of their departing/ The third day after their departing/ the frenchemen ordained to give assault/ and they had made an ingyn with four stages/ and in every stage there might be twenty cross bows: And when all was ready they set forth this ingyn/ the which they named/ Pass on before to the weykest side of the castle/ and the geno ways within the ingyn: & when it was there as they would have it/ there they shot against the castle & no body died appear. Than anon they perceived that the castle was void/ because no body came to their defence/ than they ceased their shot because they would not lose their quarrels. Than they came down fro the ingyn & came to the captains who had marvel what they meant/ and than they said. Sirs/ without fail there is no body within the castle. How know you that quoth sir Gaultier? Sir quoth they we know it/ for there is none appeareth at their defence for all our shot. Than the● were ordained ladders to set up against the walls/ and they that mounted on them passed over the walls and entered in to the castle/ & found no creature therein: And than they went to the gate and there they found a great bundle of keys/ and among other they found the kaye of the gate and opined it/ and than all the barrier's one after another/ whereof the lords had great marvel/ and specially sir Gaultier of Paschac/ he wend they had been departed out of the castle by enchantment/ & than demanded of them that were about him how it might be The seneschal of toulouse said to him. Sir surely they can not be thus gone without they have some secret way under the earth/ which I think there be. then all the castle was sought in every corner/ where any such way should be. There they found in a Cellar the mouth of the alley open/ and there all the lords died behold it/ and sir Galtier had great marvel thereof/ and demanded of the Seneschal of toulouse if he knew before of any 〈…〉 sir qd he/ I have herd or this thereof/ but I thought nothing that they would have thus departed by that way. By my faith quoth sir Gaultier/ they begun the same way Have the castles of this country such ordinance: Sir quod sir Hugh/ there be divers such castles as of old time pertained to Raynalt of Montabon/ that hath such conveyance/ for when he and his brethren kept war against king Charlemagne of france they were made all after this manner by the counsel and advise of Maugis their cousin/ for when the king besieged them by puissance and that they saw they could not resist him than they would depart without any leave taking by means of these passages under the earth. Surely said sir Brews I laud greatly that ordinance/ I can not say if ever I shall have any war against me or not other by king duke/ or by any other neighbour that I have/ but as soon as I am returned in to my country I shall cause such a my to be made in my castle of Pasac. So thus they took possession of the castle and set therein men of war to keep there a garrison/ and so then they went further towards the castle of Conuall where Espaygnolet of papereaw basque was capitain & with him a good number of these pillars and robbers.  
SO these lords and their company came to the garrison of Conuall in Robestan and laid siege thereto/ & then sir Gaultyer demanded of the seneschal of toulouse if Conuall anciently pertained to raynalte of Monutalban/ & he said yes/ then there is a cave under the ground said sir Gaultyer/ sir that is true said sir Brews for by reason there of Espaygnolet wan it the second time & the owner within it/ then fyr Gaultyer sent for the knight that was owner thereof & said to him/ sir it were good ye informed us of the mine that is out of this castle & the issue thereof Then sir Raymonde of Conuall said/ sir surely there is a way under the ground for there by I was taken and lost this my castle/ it was before of long time decayed & destroyed but these robbers new repaired it/ and by that way they came on me/ and sir the issue thereof is in a wood not far hence/ well said sir Gaultyer all is well/ and so four days after he went to the same wood & had with him. CC. men well armed/ and when he saw the hole where the issue was he caused the earth and bushes to be avoided/ and than he lighted up many faggots and said to them that were ordained to go into the cave/ sir follow this cave & it shall bring you in to the hall of Conuall and there ye shall find a door break it up ye are strong enough so to do and to fight with them with in/ so they entered and came to the grece near to the hall door in the castle/ then with great axes they struck at the door & by that time it was near night/ they within the castle made good watch & perceived how by the mine they would have entered in to the castle and Espaygnolet was going to his rest/ then he came thither/ and there they cast stones/ benches/ and timber before the cave door to the intent that none should enter there though the door were broken up. This was done for other shift had they none of defence/ but for all that they with in the mine anon broke the door all to pieces/ and yet were. never the near/ for than they had more to do then they had before/ and when they saw it was impossible for them to enter there they returned again to the host/ and by that time it was myduyght/ then they showed what they had found & how they of Conuall had perceived them and had so fortified the cave door that it was not possible to enter by that way in to the castle.   

¶ How the castles of Conuall/ of Bygore and of Mesnyll were taken and all they within taken slain and hanged. Ca xxxix.  
THen sir Gaultyer of Paschat sent to Basse for the great engine which was taken down and brought thither & raised up on his wheels as it should be/ and also they appareled other instruments for the assawre/ and when all was ready than sir Gaultyer who greatly desired to win this castle caused his Trumpets to sown to the assault/ there was the seneschal of Tholouse with his company on the one side and sir Roger of spain seneshal of Carcasson on the other side/ also there was the lord of Barbaran/ sir Benedic and lord of Benoch/ the lord of the county of Desterac/ sir Raymonde of lysle and other knights and squires of the country/ then they began the assault and they within to defend themself which was need for they saw themself in a hard part/ they knew well how sir Gaultyer would take none to mercy/ therefore they thought to defend themself as long as they might & to sell their lives dearly/ there the Geneways cross bows shot sore and hurt many within so that there were none within but doubted greatly/ and there sir Gaultyer of Pasac did marvels in arms and said to his company/ what syr● shall these rascals hold us in hand all this day thus/ if it were against good men of arms I would not marvel/ for in them were more feaces of war then in these rascals that be within. It is mine intent to dine within the castle. Now it shall be seen if ye will accomplish my desire/ with those words such as desired his good will advanced themself forth/ they took many ladders & set them up against the wall where as the engine stood with the cross bows/ who shot so fiercely that none within durst show themself Thus by clean assault the french men entered in to the castle of Conual their sword in their hands chasing their enemies/ & there were many slain & the other taken/ then every man entered in at the gates/ then it was demanded of sir Gaultyer what should be done with them that were taken. By saint George said he/ I will they be all hanged/ and incontinent his commandment was done/ and Espaygnoy let began first. So the lords dined in the castle/ and the other people in the town/ & there they tarried all that day●. And sir Gaultyer delivered again to the lord of Conuall his town & castle/ & then ordained to depart thence.  
THus after the taking of the castle of Conuall as ye have heard/ the french men went to another hold called Mastull which had done great damage to the country with other & there they made assault/ & they within defended themself/ but that was not long for by clean assault they were won and the castle also/ and all that was within slain & hanged up. And when they of Ratchfort and of other castles knew how sir Gaultyer had won so many castles/ and that he took none to mercy/ but either slain or hanged/ they doubted moche for coming to the same end/ wherefore they departed in the night time I can not tell whether they went under the ground or above/ for between the castle of Rochefort and the castle of Royr were caves under the earth/ for anciently they pertained to Raynolde of Mountalban. So the frenchmen found these castles clean void when they came thither/ then they newly repeopled it with men of war & provision. Then they took their way toward toulouse to go in to Bygore/ for on the fronter of Tarbe there were two castles the one called Thedos julyan/ and the other Nauaret which greatly travailed the country and the good town of Tarbe and the lands of the lord Dauchyn.  
WHen sir Gaultyer of Pasac and the lords of France and of Languedoc had well refreshed them in the city of toulouse than they departed & took the way in to Bygore/ and so came before the castle of ledoes july Turrian/ & there tarried & said they would go no further till they had won it/ thither came to sir Gaultyer of Pasac the Seneshal of Nob●san pertaining to the Earl of Foys for sir Gaultyer had sent for him to help to drive out of the country the pillars and robbers who had run as well in the country of Nobessan as in other places. Also the earl of Foys consented that he should so do/ or else he durst not have done so/ they were before does julyan xv. days or they had it/ that castle was strong and a good capitain therein a squire of Gascoyn called Bruer de Brome. ¶ Howbeit they at the last had it/ not by assault/ but by treaty/ they within departed their lives and goods saved. And also they were falsely conveyed to Powered by a squire called Bertram of Mountdyghen. And when these lords of France had Does Iulyen then they took advise whether they might keep it still or raze it down to the earth/ then it was counseled to beat it down because of them of Powered who were crafty and subtile/ fearing that when they should be gone that they would win it again/ so it was better down and as yet the stones lie on a heap & likely never to be builded again/ thus became of Does julyan/ then they went before Nauaret wherein there was also companions adventurers who had kept it more than a year/ & when they knew how they of does julyan were departed in like wise died they and had a saufconduyte & went to powered which was their chief refuge for they knew well no man would seek them there with out they would lose their pain for the castle of Powered was impossible to be taken by force.  
WHen the french men had razed the castle of Does julyan/ then they went to Nauaret and found it all void/ then it was ordained to be beaten down & so it was/ Whereof they of Tarbe were nothing miscontent/ for that garrison had done them great damage/ then they went to the castle of Dauchen in Bygore standing among the mountains in the entry of Byerne. And there they were a xu days and in that season made divers assawtes and wan the base court and all their horses/ but there was a strong tower on the rock that could not be won. And when the lords saw how they lost there but their pain/ & that William Morenton who kept the hold would not yield it up/ nor sell it/ nor hearken to no treaty/ then they departed & returned to Tarbe/ & then sir Ganltyer of Passac gave leave to all his men of war to depart/ & they were paid of their wages/ or had sufficient sygnement/ so that they were pleased/ & he went to Carcasson and thereabout/ and refreshed him. And while he lay there/ tidings came to him out of France and a commandment fro the king that he should draw to the garrison of Bountevyll Xainton on the marches of Burdeloys & Poyctou/ which garrison was kept by a capitain called Saint Foy a gascoyne. And it was said in france that sir Iohn Harpedan seneschal of Burdeaus made a great assemble of men of war at Lyborne to raise the bastides that they of Poictou & of Xainton had laid before Bountevyll. To the kings commandment obeyed sir Gaultyer as it was reason and took with him a lx spears and a. C. cross bows Genevoys/ and so departed fro Carcasson/ & passed by Rovergue/ Again/ and costed Pierregourt and so came to Bountevyll and found there the seneshalles of Rochel/ of Poictou/ of Pierregourt/ and of Dagen and a great number of men of war. ¶ In far countries it may be well marveled of the noble royalme of France/ therein is so many cities/ towns/ castles/ which be without number/ and that as well in far parties thereof/ as in the heart of the royalme/ ye shall find going from the city of toulouse to the city of Burdeaus standing on the river of Garon. first Langurant/ Rions'/ Caldiac/ Bangou/ saint Macayre/ the castle of Dorthe/ Candoch/ Geronde/ larull myllant/ saint Basyll/ Marmande/ Commont/ Tannus Lemnas/ Dagenes/ Montour/ Agyllon/ thouars/ port saint Marry/ clermont/ Again/ ambyllart/ castle saracene/ jehedo/ verdun/ and well moat/ and then taking the way by the river of Dordone which falleth in to Garon/ ye shall find these castles on the one side & on the other. Brovech/ Frousach/ liborne/ saint Million/ Chatellon/ the moat/ saint Peasant/ Montremell/ & saint Foy/ Bergerach/ Mortquinormons/ and the castle often. And these castles some were english & some french & so continued all the war season/ the Gascoynes would have had it none otherwise to have chosen/ for in twenty year they never made oath nor promise to any man/ true it was of the Gascoynes. first by their means king Edward had chief possession of Gascoigne/ and also the prince his son and after they put the again fro it as it is clearly contained in this history/ & by the good wit & advice of king Charles son to king Iohn/ he drew to his love by fair means & great gifts the greatest lords of all Gascoigne/ as the earl of Armynake & the lord Dalbret. The prince lost them by pride/ for I johan Froysarde who wrote this history the same season that I was at Buroeaus/ & that the prince went in to Spain the english men were so proud that they set nothing by any nation but by their own/ for the gentlemen of Gascoigne & of Acquitayne such as lost their goods in the war/ yet they could get no manner of office in their coun●rees/ for the englishmen said they were not worthy nor able to have any wherewith they were sore grudged in their minds/ and when they might they showed it for because of the hardness that the earl of armagnac & the lord Dalbret found in the prince/ they forsook him & became french/ & so died divers other knights & squires of Gascoigne/ king Phylyp of France/ & king Iohn his son had lost them by pride & high mind/ in like wise so died the prince & king Charles win them by fairness/ by largesse and humility/ for so would Gascoynes be dealt withal/ & king Charles to the intent that the love of these lords should the longer continue/ he made a marriage between the sister of the lady Isabella of Bourbon/ & the lord Dalbret/ & between them were fair children/ & for this cause the love endured the longer/ & on a time at Paris where as I was I heard the lord Dalbret speak a word/ which I well noted/ but I believe he spoke it but in sport/ howbeit he spoke it in great sadness to a knight of britain who had served him before/ for the knight had demanded him of the business of his country/ & how he was content to be french/ he answered and said/ I thank god I do meetly well/ howbeit I had more money/ & my men also/ when we made war for the king of England than we have now for when we road forth at adventure we found ever some rich merchant other of toulouse/ Condon/ or Bergerath lightly there was no day but we gate cuer some good pray Then we were fresh & jolly/ & now we be as deed then the knight began to laugh and said truly this is a life of Gascoyne's/ lightly they would ever have other men's damage Therefore I that hard these words say as I thought that the lord Dalbret repented him in that he was become french as the lord of Musydent Gascoigne who was taken at the battle of Anne●/ & swore in to the hands of the duke of Anjou that he would come to Paris/ and become french ever after/ so he came to Paris & king Charles made him good cheer/ but for all that ever the king did/ the lord of Musydent departed again fro Paris without any leave & went in to his country & became again english/ & broke all the promises that he had made with the duke of Anjou. In likewise so died the lord of Rousen/ the lord of Duras/ & the lord of Languerant. Such is the nation of Gascoigne they be not stable/ for they love yet the english men better than the frensshemen for their war against the french men were more profytabe for them then against the english men/ this is the principal incident that most inclineth them thereto.   

¶ How the king of Cypress was slain and murdered in his bed by his own brother by exhortation and corruption of the infidels/ for the bounty & hardness that was in him Capitulum xl  
IN this same season there came other tidings in to frauncefor th●der came king Lion of Armony/ not with no great company/ but as a man chased out of his royalme whereof he was king/ by the turks/ & all his royalme was won/ except one castle standing on the see/ called Courthe/ which was kept by the Gen●uoys/ because that castle was the key/ issue & enter by the see/ to go to Alexandria/ & in to the sultans land for these Genevoys goeth a merchandise by the means of truage that they pay in to Rude/ & in to Prester Iohnns land/ and in every place they are welcome/ because of the gold & silver that they brought thither/ & for other merchandise that they exchange in Alexandria/ in Cayr/ in Damas'/ & in other places among the Sara sins/ for in such manner the world is goverued/ for that is not in one country is in another & thereby every thing is known/ & the Genevoys be those that furthest doth adventure their merchandise. They be lords of the ports of these above the Venisians/ & more feared & doubted among the saracens than any other people on the see/ they be valiant men & of great enterprise. A Galy well furnished of the Genevoys dare well assay four Galeys of the saracens The turk & Tartaryes should do moche damage to christendom if the Genevoys were not/ because they be renowned to be chief lords of the see/ marching on infidels/ therefore they have ever l Galeys & great ships running on the see to defend the Isles/ as the isle of Cypress the isle of Rhodes/ the isle dostye & all the bounds of the see & Grece unto Turkey/ & they have the town & castle of Pere standing on the see before Constantyne le noble/ which is kept at their cost & charge/ & iii or iiii. times every year it is refreshed with that/ that is necessary/ the Tartaryes & Turks have divers times assayed to get it/ but they could never attain thereto/ for they have ever lost there more than they have won/ for the castle of Pere standeth on a rock/ & there is but one enter/ which the Genevoys greatly died fortify. Also the Genevoys have the town & castle of jason/ which is right noble & a great profit to them & to other near countries of christendom/ for if Pere/ jason/ Stycye/ & Rhodes were not with the aid of the Genevoys/ the infidels would soon come to Gaiet/ yea & to Naples/ to the port of Cornet/ & to Rome but the said garrisons/ which always be well provided for with men of war/ & Genevoys with the ships & galeys are ever ready to defend them/ wherefore the Turks dare not adventure on that parties/ but that they do is on the fronters of Constantyne le noble/ & toward Hungry/ if the noble king of Cypress Peter of Liesieguen who was so noble & valynnt a prince & had conquered the great city of Alexandrie & Satalye if he had lived longer he would have given the sultan & Turks so much a do/ that sith Godfrey of Boloyns days they had never so much/ & that right well knew the Turks/ & Tartaryes/ & infidels/ such as knew his prows & high deeds/ & therefore to have him destroyed they made merchandise with the kings brother called jaquet that he should slay the king his brother/ & so he did for he slew him in his bed/ which was a fowl deed for blood/ to slay so valiant a man as was the king of Cypress/ who intended and ymagened night & day on none other thing but how he might win the holy land/ & to have it out of the hands of the infidels/ & sir Phelyp of Maysyeres chancellor to Peter of Liesiegnen king of Cypress wrote on his tomb as it followeth/ the copy whereof is in the chapter house of the freer Celestynes in Paris Peter of Liesiegnen the vi king latin of Iherusalem after Godfrey of Boloyne/ & king of Cypress/ who by his great prows & high emprise took by battle at his cost these cities. Alexandrie in Egypte/ Triple in Surie Layas in Armony/ Sytalie in Turkey/ & divers other cities & castles on the infidels & enemies of the law of Ihesu Cryst (Animaeius requiescat in pace) ¶ And when the Genevoys who loved him greatly as it was reason/ when they knew of his death they prepared vii Galyes & sent them in to Cypress & took there perforce the city of Samagose & jaquet within it/ & over ran the best part of the royalme/ & would have destroyed the royalme but because there were strong towns & fortresses to keep fronter war against the turks/ therefore they left them still in the men's hands of the country/ except the city of Samagose/ which they kept still & fortified it/ but when they wan it first they had there great riches/ & so they led with them to Genes this jaquet who had murdered his brother True it was this king of Cypress had a fair son whom they married & crowned king/ & put this jaquet in to straight prison/ & would not put him to death/ & kept still in their hands Samagose/ I know not if they keep it as yet or no/ then within a season after the young king of Cypress died in his bed/ whereof the Genevoys were sore disposed/ but they could not amend it/ so the land was without any heir/ I can not tell who governeth it now/ but the same year that I was in the earl of Foys house/ it was showed me by a knight of Biern the lord of Valenchyn/ how the Genevoys had a great part of the land/ & held still Samagose/ & how they of the country had crowned to their king/ the said jaquet for lack of other heir/ I can not tell by what means he came out of prison & out of the hands of the Genevoys/ when the said king Lion of Armony came first in to France/ the king there & the lords made him good cheer/ as it was reason/ for he was come thither out of a far country/ & so by him & his was known tidings of the royalme of Grece/ & of the Empire of Constantyne le noble/ for he was examined of the puissance of the Turks & of the Tarcaries who had put him out of his royalme/ he answered & said that the great Tacon of Tarcarie had always made him war/ & it was he that had put him out of his royalme/ then he was demanded if that Tacon of Tartary were puys; saunt/ ye truly said he/ for by his puissance with the puissance of the sultan he hath subdued the emperor of Constantyne le noble kept the laws of the Tartaries. The king answered & said nay. But the Tacon of Tactarie & the sultan have long made war against the Emperor of Constantyne le noble/ at the last he was fain to make his end or else he could have no peace/ which emperor of Constantyne le noble was son to my lady Mary of Bourbon/ & soon to the emperor Hugues of lesiegnen/ which emperor was fain to give his daughter in marriage ●o the son of the Tacon of Tarcarie. Howbeit the emperor abideth still in his cry●ten law/ & all is by reason of comyctyon of this marriage. Then it was demanded of him what the earl Co●●er of Savoy did in that country seeing he was so valiant a man & had so great a puissance/ then the king answered & said/ that when the earl of Savoy was in the empire of Hungry & made war against the turks & tartaryes/ there by his valiantness he conquered on the Tartaryes/ & on the sultans land two good towns/ as Calipole/ & Lobeme/ & left men there to keep them & after the return of the earl of Savoy/ the towns were kept still crysten as long as the good king of Cypress lived/ but as soon as the sultan & the Tacon of Tartary knew of his death/ they feared nothing the Empeof Constantyne le noble/ but raised an army of a. C.M. horsemen/ & so came & ran before Constantyne le noble/ & fro thence they went & besieged Calipole/ & conquered it perforce/ & slew all the christian men that were within it/ & had made so great war against the Emperor of Constantyne le noble that all his puissance could not resist them/ but they forbore him by reason of his daughter whom the son of the great tacon coveted to have in marriage/ which is a hard case for the time to come/ for the officers of the Tacon be as now in the city of Constantyne le noble/ so that the greeks there live under them/ & by truage/ & if the kings christian put not thereto a remedy/ or at length the matter shall go so evil that the Turks & Tartaries shall conquer all Grece/ & turn it to their believe/ for so they make their avauntes/ they do mock the pope's/ whereof one is at Rome/ & another at Auignyon. They say that the ii gods of christendom warreth each against other/ whereby they affirm our law to be the more feeble & the lighter to be destroyed/ & condemned/ they lay thereto reason in that they that should cxalte the christian faith/ are the first that minisheth it/ & destroy it/ then it was demanded of the king of Armony whether that the sultan/ & the Tacon of tartary were ii of the greatest princes among the infidels that were known with the Greeks/ the king answered & said/ nay surely/ they be not the greatest for always the turks are more noble/ more greater/ more sage/ & more redoubted in war as long as they have a good heed and governor/ as they have had this. C. year/ for though the Tacon of Tartary hold in subjection the Emperor of Constantyne le noble/ yet the lord of Turkey holdeth in likewise the Tacon & this lord of Turkey is called Lamorabaqum/ & to say the truth he is a valiant man in arms/ & a wise man in his law of Lamorabaquin I complain me not/ for he never did me hurt/ for he hath always kept his war against the Emperor of Hungry. Then the lords of France demanded of him if this Lamorabaqum were so great/ & so feared as he said/ ye truly said the king of Armony/ and more than I speak of/ for the Emperor of Constantyne le noble/ & the Emperor of Hungry feareth him in likewise doth the sultan of Babylon/ & the Tacon of Tartary/ & as I have herd say of the Tartaryes/ that Tacon would or this time further have put under the Emperor of Constantyne le noble/ but for doubt of Lamorabaqum/ the Tacon knoweth him & his nature so well/ for as soon as he knoweth one greater than himself/ he will never have joy till he have put him under/ Wherefore the Tacon will not do to Constantyne le noble that he might well do if he would/ then he was demanded if this Lamorabaquin had any great power of men/ the king said/ ye surely/ for in xxx year where soever he went/ he had ever in his company a. C.M. horses always lodged in the fields/ and never entereth in to any town/ & for his guard he hath ever twenty M. turks ● whereso ever he goeth he hath his father with him/ & he himself is of a lx year of age/ & his father lxxx & ten & he loveth moche the frenshe language/ & such as cometh thence/ he desireth to see all the great lords of the world/ & the french king & his estate & order/ & one speak to him of France he is well content. Then the king was demanded why the Lamorabaqum suffered the Tacon in peace sith he was so great an Emperor/ because said the king that the Tacon feareth him & dare make him no war/ & also there be certain towns & ports in Tartary that yearly payeth tribute to Lamorabaquin/ & also they are all of one law/ & they will not lightly destroy their own law/ & he marveleth greatly of the war among crysten men how each of them destroyeth other/ wherefore he is often in mind to come in to cristendom & to win all before him I would he had won my land rather than the Tacon/ for it had been better for me/ he was demanded why/ & he answeswered & said. Lamorabaquin is a lord of noble condition/ & if he were xxx year younger he were likely to make great conquests where as he would employ his war/ for when he hath won a country/ town/ or signory/ he desireth nothing but truage/ & leaveth still every man in his own believe/ & he putteth never no man fro his heritage/ he desireth nothing but the sovereign domination/ Wherefore I say if he had conquered the royalme of Armony/ as the Tartaries have suffered me in peace/ & my royalme still in our own believe by knowled ging him as my sovereign/ as other great lords do/ that march near him/ as the Greeks & Tracyens who take him for their sovereign lord/ whereby they are out of doubt of the sovereignty of the sultan/ & of the Tacon of Tartary/ the lord of Satalie/ & the lord dela palace/ & the lord of Hawlte lodge/ these iii lords & their lands are in peace by reason of a truage that they pay to Lamorabaquin/ theridamas is no Turk nor Tartarien that dare do them any wrong or damage/ then it was demanded of the king of Armony if his land were so clearly lost that it might not be recovered again/ truly said the king it is without recovery/ without the puissance of christendom come thither stronger than the Turks & Tartaries for as I have said/ the ferther they come forward/ more they are likely to conquer/ for except one town called Courth/ which is the first town of the royalme of Armony/ & is as yet in the christian men's hands/ all the residue of the royalme is in the infidels hands/ & where as the churches were wont to be/ there they set up their idols & their mammets/ then it was demanded if the town of Courth were strong/ ye truly said the king/ it will not be won without it be by long siege/ or else betrayed/ for it standeth near to the see in a dry place between ii rocks/ which can not be approached/ for if that Turks or Tartaries had it in their hands & another good town not far thence called Adelphe/ all Grece were destroyed/ & Hungry should have much a do. Then it was demanded if Hungry marched near to Tartary & to the Turks/ the king said/ ye truly & nearer to the Turks & Lamorabaquin then to any other/ then the lords said/ it is great marvel the Lamorabaquin suffereth him to be in rest sith he marcheth so near to Hungry/ & he being so valiant a man & so great a conqueror. In the name of god said the king of Armony/ or this time he hath studied as much as he might how to have done damage to the royalme of Hungry/ & if an incident had not been or this/ he had been far in the country of Hungry/ he was demanded what incident it was/ & the king said I shall show you.   

¶ How the king of Armony was examined/ & how xxx M. Turks were slain & destroyed in the royalme of Hungry. Ca xli.  
WHen Lamordbaquin saw that all the lords that marched near to him feared & doubted him what for his conquests & prows/ & how that all the bounds of the see to hungry obeyed to him/ also he saw well how the valiant king of Hungry Frederycke was deed/ & how the royalme was fallen to a woman/ wherefore he advised him to conquer that royalme/ & so made a great somons in Turkey/ and such as he sent for came to him/ & so then this Lamorabaquin went forth & lodged in the plains of Satalie between palace & Haulte lodge/ to give more fear to his enemies/ & his intention was to enter in to the royalme of Hungry/ & because that Hungry is a royalme & country closed & en●yronned with high rocks & mountains/ whereby it is the stronger/ then he sent before him his ambassadors & heralds with a mulet charged with will/ & he commanded them to go in to Hungry to the earl of Lazaran whose lands lieth between the mountains of Melcabe & of Robee/ which way he purposed his army should pass & to show him how he commanded him if he think to live in rest/ and to have his land in peace that he obey to us/ in likewise as the lord of palace & the lord of Satalie/ & the lord of Haulte lodge hath done/ & that he open & give us free passage through his lands/ & if he say s●ay & be rebel against us/ then show him on our behalf that I shall bring as many men to destroy his country as there be grains of mylle in the sack. The ambassadors departed well instructed of that they should do/ & so road by their journeys till they came in to Hungry in to the land of the earl Lazaran/ & sound him in a castle of his called Archforme/ & the earl like a sage lord received these ambassadors right sweetly & made them/ good cheer/ but he had marvel when he saw entry in to his court the mule charged with a sack/ & wist not what it was/ he thought it had been gold or precious stones that Lamorabaquin had sent to him/ to draw him thereby to consent to suffer him to have free passage through his country/ howbeit he said to himself that he would never be corrupted for no manner of riches that should be presented to him. Then these messengers came before the earl & said/ sir of Lazaran understand/ we be sent fro the high & redoubted lord & sovereign king Lamorabaquin lord of Turkey with the apertenaunces/ & we say to you on his behalf that he commandeth you to come to his obey sans/ in like manner as ye know that your neighbours have done/ as the lord de la palace the lord of Haulte lodge/ & the lord of Satalie have done to him homage/ & that ye open to him the passages of your country/ if ye thing to live in rest/ & in your so doing ye shall deserve greatly his grace & love/ & if ye rebel and disobey we are charged to say to you that our lord Lamorabaquin will bring in to your country more men of arms then there be grains of mylle in this sack/ & therewith they opened the sa● & showed him what was within it/ & when the earl of Lazaran understood the ambassador of Lamorabanquin/ & determined in himself to answer temporatly/ & would not discover his thought suddenly but said/ close up the sack I see right well what is therein/ & I have well hard what thing Lamorabaquin demandeth of me/ & within these iii days I shall make you an answer/ for his request demandeth counsel they answered & said/ sir ye speak well/ so trusting to have an●swere they tarried there iii days. Now shall I show you what the earl of Lazaran did in the space of these iii days/ he sent & provided in to the castle more than ii M. capons & hens & closed them up in to a house without any manner of meet/ so that in iii days they etc no thing/ And when the day came that he would answer the ambassadors/ then he sent for them in to a galary looking down in to a court & said/ sirs come hither and lean here with me/ & I shall show you a new thing/ & so answer you/ & they knowing not what he would do/ leaved down in a window by him/ then the gates were closed/ & the court was great/ so his men were ready to do as he had ordained/ then they opened a chamber door or. II. where as all the pollayne were that had eaten no meet of ii days before. Then the servants took the grain that was in the sack/ & cast it all about before the capons & hens/ so that within half an hour all the corn was eaten up clean/ & would have eaten more if they had had it/ then the earl said to the messengers/ sirs ye have seen how this grain which you have brought hither from your master is clean eaten/ & devoured/ and brought to no thing by these pollayne/ and yet they would ere more if they had it that is truesyr said they/ whereby speak you that/ I say said the earl your answer lieth therein/ as by ensample ye have seen/ Lamoraba quin saith that if I obey him not he will bring in to my land men of arms without number wherefore say unto him fro me/ I will abide it & he shall not bring so many/ but they shall be all devoured as this corn is devoured by this pollayne.  
WHen the ambassadors hard this an swear they were right pensive/ & so took their leave & departed/ & died so moche by their journeys that they came to Lamorabaquin & showed him what the earl said saying by seeming he set but little by his menacing/ with this answer Lamorabaquin was sore disposed/ & said how the matter should not rest so/ but whether the earl would or not/ he would enter in to his country & in to hungry & how he would destroy the earls country by cause he answered him so presumptuously. ¶ Now shall I show you what the crle did for he saw well he was defied of Lamorabaquin/ & knew well he should shortly here other tidings of him therefore he made provision to defend him/ & wrote to all knights & squires/ & to other to come to him to stop the entry of Lamorabaquin in to Hungry/ commanding every man after the sight of his letters to draw to him/ certefyenge them how Lamorabaquin was as then in the plains of Haulte log/ all such as the earl sent for obeyed willingly/ & so came to the earl to defend christian doom/ & divers came to him that were not sent for/ such as hard thereof/ to exalt christian faith/ & to destroy the infidels. Also the earl Lazaran caused forests & high trees to be hewn down/ and laid travers one over another/ whereby the Turks should not find out any new way/ & than he with all his power came to a certain passage/ where as Lamorabaquin should pass/ to enter in to Hungry/ the earl had with him a ten M. men of Hungry & x. M. cross bows & did set them on both sides of the way. And also he had ready ii M. men of the country having great axes to cut down the trees when he would have them/ & when all this was done/ then he said to them that were about him/ sirs without doubt Lamorabaquin will come/ sith he sent me word he would do so/ therefore sirs quite yourself well & valiantly to keep & defend this passage/ for if that Turks win it all Hungry is in great peril to be lost/ we be here in a strong place/ one of us is worth four of them/ & also we were better to die with honour in defending our heritages/ & the faith of jesus cryst them to live inshame & servage under the dogs infidels though Lamorabaquin be a noble wise man in his law/ sir said they we shall abide the adventure with you/ let the Turks come when they will/ we shall be ready to receive them/ of this ordinance & passage the Turks knew nothing/ for the earl of Lazaran for doubt of spies had set men such as he trusted as well as himself to keep the passages that no man should go to the Turks neither day nor night.  
LAmorabaquin forgot not his enterprise/ but said how he would go visit the land of the earl of Lazaran/ to his great damage/ for he would not be reputed for a liar in that he had promised/ so he took lx M. of his men/ & set over them four capitains of his house hold/ as the duke of mansion of Mecque/ the keeper of Dan●et/Alphalor● of Samarie/ & the prince of Cord called Brachyn/ & at their departing he said to them/ sirs go your way with your company/ ye be sufficient to open the passages in to Hungry/ & enter in to the land of the earl of Lazaran/ & destroy it/ & as soon as I may know the ye be there I shall come thither to you with all the residue of my people/ for I will put all Hungry under my subjection/ & after the royalme of Almaigne/ the enchauntours of my country & of Egypte say it is my destiny to be lord and king of all the world/ & the place that I would most gladlyest see is Rome/ for auntyently it was of our inheritance/ for our predecessors conquered & governed it divers times/ & there I will be crowned/ & Galafre of Landas/ the racon of Tartarye/ & the sultan of Babylone shall crown me/ then they who were before him on their knees answered & said/ sir we shall accomplish your desire: & commandment/ & so they departed with a lx M. Turks/ among whom there were twenty M. of the most expert men of war and best armed of all Turkey/ & they led the vanward. So long they journeyed that they came in among the mountains of Lazaryn they found no let in the entering in to the country so the vanward entered in/ & the duke of Mecque & the duke of Danivet led them/ & so this vanward passed the Earl of Lazaryus enbusshement/ & when the earl & the Hungeryons saw their time they set their work men a work to cut down trees & to stop so the ways that there could no more entry/ nor they that were comen in to recule they were so closed in that it was not possible for any man to go any further/ so there was thus enclosed a xxx M. turks/ who we refyersly assailed by the Hungaryons/ and so handled on both sides of the way that they were there all slain/ not one that scape/ & the ii dukes also slain/ some thought to have saved themself in the woods/ but they were so chased that they were all slain/ then they of the areregarde turned back when they saw they could not enter for the trees that stopped the way so they returned to Lamorabaqum & showed him the great mischief that was fallen on his people/ whereof he was marvelous sorry and disposed/ then he called his counsel to know what was best for him to do/ for he had lost the flower of all his chyvalry/ and so returned & did no more at that tyme.  
WHen the king of Armony had showed all this/ & his own estate to the frenshe king/ & to the barons of France & to his counsel/ they had of him great pity and because he was come fro so far a country as Grece to seek counsel & aid there/ & because he was a king & chased out of his royalme/ and had as then no thing to live on to maintain his estate. ¶ The frenssheking as young as he was said/ we will that the king of Irmony who is come hither to see us in hope to have some comfort/ help & aid of us to keep his estate as it aperteyneth to him/ who is a king as well as we be/ & when we may weshal aid him with men of war/ & help to recover his ●herytaūce whereto we have good will/ for we are bound to exalt the christian faith. The french kings words were well hard and understand/ as it was reason/ & there were none that said the contrary/ the kings uncles & counsel were desirous to accomplish his intent/ so the king of Armony to maintain his estate there was assigned to him a certain rent & revenues out of the chamber of accounts/ & so was well & truly paid every month/ his assignment was a vi M. franks by the year/ & he had delivered him at the first .v. M. franks to provide for his lodging vessel & other things necessary/ & his lodging appointed at saint Andon beside saint Denyce there to keep his house. Thus the king of Armony was retained by the french king at his first coming/ & daily he increased/ & not appaired/ & was sometime with the french king/ and specially at high feestes.   

¶ How pope Vrban & pope Clement were at great discord together/ and how the christian kings were in variance for their lectyons'/ and of the wars between them. Ca xlii.  
THe same season there came to Au●gnyon to see the pope Clement/ sir Oaths of Bresnyl to have money for the war he had made for him against the romans & Bertram of Angel's/ who wrote himself pope Vrban the vi. as it is contained in his history here before & there sir Oaths showed divers things to the pope/ & to the Cardynalles/ wherein he was well believed & hard/ but as for money he could get none/ for the pope's chamber was so clean voided fro gold & silver/ that the cardinal's could not have the money that pertained to their hats. So this sir Oaths of Bresnyll departed fro them not well content. At Auyg●yon there was delivered him a. M. franks/ & he set little thereby/ whereby pope Clementes war was sore weked/ for sir Oaths would in no wise meddle any more in the pope's wars. Then Margaret of Duras who was at Gaiecte/ & was adversary against the queen of Naples wife sometime to king Lewes duke of Anjou She sent for this sir Oaths to aid her in the war that she made against the Napolytanes/ and this sir Oaths a certain space exscused himself/ and dyssymuled and foded forth the time as he that wist not what to do/ then some of his counsel died put him in mind to go to this Margaret of Duras who was inheritor to Naples & to Cycyle/ & to help to aid & to defend her heritage/ & to take her to his wife/ for she was content to marry him because he was of a noble blood & of high extraction/ & was lord & king of the country called Daure/ and some other of his counsel counseled him contrary/ saying how he might thereby come to an evil end/ for the children of king Lewes of naples who was crowned king in the city of Bare though they were but young/ yet they had great friends & kinsmen/ & specially the frenlshe king their cousin germayne who will aid them/ & their mother johan duchess of Amowe & of Mayneal these doubts some of his counsel showed him/ wherefore sir Oaths forbore a long season & dissimuled the matter and took none of both parties. The same season the soldiers of pope Clement enclosed in the city of Peras pope Vrban/ & was besieged by the lord of Moctroy a valiant knight of the county of Genes & of Savoy sir Talebart a knight of the Rhodes/ and sir bernard de la sale. And there pope Vrban was sore constrained & on that point to have been taken/ for as I was then informed for the some of twenty M. franks a capitain almayne/ who had a great company with him called the earl Courant would have delivered pope Vrban in to the hands of pope Clement/ whereupon sir bernard de la sale was sent to Auygnyon to pope Clement for the said some of money/ but the pope nor the Cardynalles there could not make the money for the pope's court was so poor that they had no money/ and so sir bernard de la sale returned evil content to the siege of Pruce/ and so then they dyssymuled the matter/ and the Prucyens in likewise/ and also this earl Courant and so pope Vrban issued out of Pruce & out of peril and went to Rome and abode there  
I Know right well that in time to come there would be had moche of these things how the church should fall in such troubles & endure so long/ but it was a plague sent fro god/ for the clergy to advise & to consider well their great estate & superfluity that they were in but many died set little thereby/ for they were so blinded with pride that each one thought to be as good as another/ wherefore it went evil/ & if our faith had not been confirmed in the hands & grace of the holy ghost who ●nlumyned the heart of them that were gone out of the right way/ & held them farm in unity else our faith had be greatly deformed/ but the great lords of the earth at the beginning did nothing but laugh at the church/ till I Cronycled these chronicles in the year of our lord Ihesu Cryst. M.CCC.lxxx. and ten moche of the common people marveled how the great lords as the french king/ the king of Almaigne/ and other kings and princes of christendom/ did provide no remedy in that case. There was one thing reasonable to appease the common people/ & to escuse the high princes & kings/ duke's & Earls/ & other lords. As by ensample the yolk of the egg can not be without the white/ nor the white with out the yolk/ no more may the Clergy & the lords be one without another/ for the lords are governed by the Clergy/ or they could not live but as beasts & the Clergy were not/ & the Clergy counseleth and exhorteth the lords to do as they do. And I say surely I have been in my time in divers parties of the world/ what for to accomplish my pleasure/ and to see novelties in the world/ and to have knowledge of the conquests & adventures written in this book. And truly the season that I went thus about in the world I could lightly see no great lord/ but that he had a marmoset/ or of the Clergy/ or a boy of simple lineage mounted up to honour/ by reason of their jangeling & railing/ except the earl of Foys/ for he had never none such/ for he was naturally sage/ for his wisdom was better/ than any that could be given him/ yet I say not that such lords as are ruled by such marmosettes be fools/ but rather more than fools/ for they be sore blinded/ & yet they have two eyen/ when the knowledge came first to the french king Charles of the difference between these two pope's he did put the matter on the Clergy which way he should take them/ they of the clergy of France determined & took pope Clement for the most surest part/ and to the french opinion accorded the king of castle and the king of Scots because all the season that the schism was thus in the church/ France/ castle & Scotland were joined together by alliance/ & the king of England/ & the king of Portyngale were of the contrary opinion against their enemies/ the earl of flanders never inclined in his courage to pope Clement that he should be right pope because Vrban was first chosen at Rome/ who was archbishop of Bare. This Clement being cardinal of Geane wrote letters unto the noble Earl of Flaunders how there was a pope chosen by due election at Rome & named Vrban/ wherefore he would not believe after on that Clement/ & as long as he lined he was of that opinion/ so was the king of Almaigne and all the Empire/ and also the king of Hungry. Thus than I put in writing the state and differences that I had seen in my days in the world and in the church/ it was no marvel though the lords of the world suffered & dissimuled the matter. This brought to my remembrance how that when I was but young/ and pope Innocent caygned in Auygnyon/ he held in prison a freer mynoure called freer Iohn Roche Tayllad/ this clerk as it was said/ & I have heard it privily in divers places/ he showed & alleged divers authorities of the incydentes and fortunes that fell after in his days in the royalme of France. And also he spoke of the taking of king Iohn/ and showed certain things reasonable how the church should suffer moche for the great superfluities that he saw in them and while he was in prison it was showed me what he said to the cardinal of Ostie called Dearras/ and to the cardinal of Auxere who went to visit him and to argue with him/ then he laid to them an ensample as hereafter ye shall here.  
Lords said this freer/ there was once a fowl appeared in this world without any feathers/ & when all other fowls knew that he was borne they came to see him because he was so fair and pleasant to behold. Then they imagined among them what they might do for this bird/ for without feathers they knew well he could not live/ and they said they would he should live because he was so fair/ them every fowl there gave him of their feathers/ and the fairer bird the more feathers he gave him/ so that then he was a fair bird & a well feathered and began to i'll. And the birds that had given him of their feathers when they saw him flee they took great pleasure/ & when this bird saw himself so well feathered and that all other fowls honoured him/ he began to ware proud and took no regard of them that had made him/ but picked and spurred at them and was contrary to them. Then the other birds drew together and demanded each other what was best to be done with this bird that they had made up of nought & now so disdaineth them/ then the Peacock said/ he is greatly beautyed by reason of my feathers/ I will take them again fro him/ in the name of good said the Falcon so will I have mine/ and so said all the other birds. And then they began to take again fro him all the feathers that they had given him. And when this bird saw that/ he humbled himself & knowledged of the wealth and honour that he had/ not of himself but of them/ for he knew that he came in to the world naked and bare/ and the feathers that he had they might well take fro him again when they list/ then he cried them mercy/ and said that he would amend himself and no more be proud/ & so then again these gentle birds had pity on him & feathered him again/ & said to him we would gladly see the f●e among us/ so thou wilt be humble as thou oughtest to be/ but know surely/ If thou be any more proud and dysdaynous we will take from thou all thy feathers and set the as we found thou first ¶ Thus said the freer Iohn the Cardynalles that were in his presence. Sirs thus shall it fall on you of the church/ for the Emperor of Rome and of Almaigne and the other kings crystened/ & high princes of the world have given you the goods & possessions & riches to the intent to serve god/ and ye spend it in pride and superfluity. ¶ ye read not the life of saint Sylvester pope of Rome after saint Peter/ imagine and consider how the Emperor Constantyne gave him first the dimes of the church and on what condition. Saint Sylvester road neither with. CC. nor. CCC horse abroad in the world/ but he held himself simply closed in Rome/ and lived soberly with them of the church/ when the angel of god showed him how the Emperor Coustantyne who was as then but an infidel should fiend for him/ in likewise the Emperor had it by revelation of an angel that Sylvester should show him the way of health/ for he was sick of the lypper/ so that his fless he fell in pieces & when Sylvester came before him he showed him the way of baptism/ & so christened him/ and incontinent he was hole/ for the which the Emperor Constantyne believed in god and all his Empire/ and gave to Sylvester & to the church all the dimes/ for before the Emperor of Rome held them/ and beside that gave him many fair gifts & great sygnyoryes augmenting out faith and the church but it was his intention that the goods and syguyoryes that he had given him that he should govern it humbly and truly/ and not to spend it in pomp and pride/ but now a days they of the church do the contrary wherewith god is disposed/ and hereafter will be more disposed/ so that the great lords of the earth will wear cold in their devotions/ and not be so liberal in giving any thing to the church. But rather to be ready to take fro it/ that was given before and I think it will not be long or this beseen. ¶ Thus this freer Iohn of Roche tayllayd whom the cardinals held in prison in Auignyon showed to them these words/ and divers other whereof the cardinals were abashed/ and would gladly have put him to death if they might have found any just cause against him. But they could find none/ & so suffered him to live/ but they durst not let him out of prison/ for he showed his matters so perfit/ and laid for him high scriptures/ that peradventure he might have made many in the world to have arred/ Howbeit such as took more heed to his saying then I died saw many things fall after according as he said and wrote in prison/ & all that he said he would prove by the apocalypse the true prows wherewith he armed himself who saved him fro brenning/ and also some of the Cardynalles had pity on him and would not do their uttermost to him.  
Now let us leave to speak of these narrations and return to our principal matter & history of Spain/ of Portyngale/ of France and of England/ and record the fortunes that fell in that season which be not to be forgotten. ¶ ye have herd here before how king john otherwise called master denyce of portyngale bastard brother to king Don Ferant was in possession of the royalme of Portyngale/ by the help all only of four cities in Portyngale. But as for the nobles and knights of the royalme of Portyngale at the beginning acquitted them truly to king Don Peter & to king Iohn of castle and to his wife the lady beatrice & yet though some held the opinion of that lady/ nevertheless other named her a bastard for she was daughter to a lady in Portyngale called Elynoure/ who had as then her first husband on live a knight of that country sir Iohn Laurence of Coign/ and the king of Portyngale had taken her fro him/ and the king married her and put her husband out of Portyngale who went and dwelled with the king of Castle for he durst not dwell in Portyngale for fere of the king who held his wise/ & yet he was of high lineage. These things are to be marveled at. For king Ferant of Portyngale reputed his daughter as lawfully begotten for he had a dispensation of pope Vrban the vi And then the peace was made between the ii kings of Castle & Portyngale & that a knight of the royalme of Portyngale called sir Iohn Ferant Andere who was chief of counsel with the king of Portyngale treated of peace and made the marriage between king Ferant of Portyngalles' daughter and king Iohn of Castle who was as then a wyddower/ and had married before the daughter of Don Peter king of Arragon/ though the king of Castle & his counsel did cast all these doubts/ and how they feared lest the king of Portugese's daughter should not be taken as heir of Portyngale after her faders dysseas but to put in surety thereof the king of Castle the king of Portyngale caused divers of the chief lords of Portyngale to swear that after the kings dysseas to take her as their lady/ & to turn the royalme of Portyngale to the king of castle. Also the king of Portyngale had bound certain good towns to the king of castle to take him as their king on the pain of forfeiture of ii thousand franks/ & though this knight johan Ferant Andere died his business for a good intent to make peace & concord between castle and Portyngale at the instance of his lord/ yet the commons of Lyrbone slew him/ and chase to their king this master device/ for they said they would not be under the subjection of them of castle/ they hated them so much/ for they could never love together/ & also they said that the crown of Portyngale might not go to a woman/ and that the queen of Castle was not true heritor but a bastard & worse than a bastard for king Ferantes livings/ and after his death johan Ferant of Coign lived/ who was husband to that ladies mother/ and therefore they chase this master Denyce and was crowned by these four cities Lyrbone/ Vyc/ Eure/ and the port of Portyngale/ they said they would have a king among them/ & one of the chief incydentes that moved the commons to be against the king of Castle was as I shall show you. The spaniards whom I call Castellyans when the marriage was made between them and Portyngale/ and that the king of Portyngale had granted that after his dysseas the royalme should go to the king of Castle/ ever when the spaniards met any of the portingalings they would mock them and say/ sirs whether ye will or not now ye shall come to our danger/ we shall hold you under subjection and servage/ and keep you like slaves and jews/ and do with you as we list/ & they would answer & say they trusted that should never be/ & never to be under subjection of any other man living except god/ and for such causes and words reprovable of the spaniards/ the portingalings took this master Denyce bastard brother to king Ferant & made him king/ in his brothers days there was no reckoning made of him/ nor the king/ that the commons would never have chosen him to their king/ and forsake his daughter as they did. Howbeit often times this said knight sir Iohn Ferant Andere said to the king/ how that this master Denyce his bastard brother had greatly the grace of the commons of the royalme/ wherefore he said it had been good he had been put to death/ but king Ferant answered and said how the commons should never have puissance to do any thing against the will of the noble men of his country/ and how that his son in law the king of Castle should ever be puissant enough to constrain them/ and to chastise them if they rebelled after his disease/ Wherefore he said there was no cause to put his bastard brother to death nor put him in prison/ saying how he was his brother and a man of religion and had enough to live on beside the crown of Portyngale/ and so he was left alive.  
THese foresaid points and articles be true/ for I the author of this book have been sufficiently informed thereof by the nobles of Portyngale/ it is a thing to be marveled at/ to make a bastard a king/ & they of Portyngale say/ and as yet saith/ that the queen of castle the lady B●autryce/ daughter to the lady Elynour of Coign was a bastard therefore they would not take her as queen of Portyngale/ nor none heir that came of her/ the same opinion the earl of Foys laid to the knights of his country when they went in to Spain to aid the king of castle/ for he had been sufficiently informed in the matter between Portyngale and castle/ wherefore he said to them at their departing. Sirs ye have nothing to do to busy yourself between Castle and Portyngale/ for the queen of Castle who was daughter to king Ferant of Portyngale/ it is a war evil begun/ there may much evil come to them that be busy in that matter/ but they answered him sith they had received wages of such a man as the king of Castle was/ they must needs go and serve him/ and so they went/ & most part of them there died/ as ye have herd here before.  
Now let us return to the business of Portyngale. For they be not for to be left for the great adventures that there hath fallen. And to chronicle all things as they have fallen/ to the intent that in time to come they should be found/ written/ and registered/ if adventures were not known it were great damage. And by clerks that anciently have written and registered the histories and books/ thereby the histories are known/ there is not so perpetual a memory as is writing/ & truly I say to you & will that they that come after me should know/ that for to know the troth of this history I have taken therein great pain in my days/ and have searched many royalmes and countries to know the truth/ and have had acquaintance of many valiant men and have seen divers both of France/ of England/ of scotland/ castle/ Portyngale/ & of other lands/ Duchyes/ and Counties/ such as they and their lands hath been conjoined in these wars/ & with them I have spoken and been instructed and informed/ and I would not that any inquest should pass unknown/ sith I knew it to be true and notable. And while I was in Byerne with the earl Gaston of Foys/ I was there informed of divers businesses/ such as fell between Castle and Portyngale/ and when I was returned again in to my country in the county of Heynalte/ and in the town of Valencennes/ and that I had refreshed me there a season/ then I determined me to follow the history that I had begun/ then I advised in mine imagination/ how I could not sufficiently be instructed by the hearing of them that sustained the opinion of the king of Castle/ but that in likewise I ought to here the portingalings as well as the Gascoynes and spaniards that I heard in the house of the earl of Foys/ and in the way going thither and returning/ I took no regard to the pain or travail of my body/ but so I went to Bruges in flanders to find there some of that royalme of Portyngale and of Lyxbone/ for there were ever some of the country/ behold if mine adventure were good or no if I had sought a season vii year I could not have come to a better point than I did then/ for than it was showed me that if I would go to Meldeboure in Selande I should find there a knight of Portyngale/ a valiant man and a sage/ and of the king of Portyngales' counsel/ who was newly come thither/ & was going thence by see in to Pruce/ & how he could justly and plainly show me of the business and adventures of Portyngale/ for he knew & had been over all the country. These tidings rejoicing me and so I went fro Bruges with one of Portyngale in my company/ who knew right well this knight/ and so we came to Sluse and there took the see/ and did so moche by the grace of god that we came to meldeboure/ and the portingalings that were in my company acquainted me with this knight/ and I found him right gracious/ sage/ honourable/ courtoys/ amiable/ and acquayntable/ & so I was with him vi days or there about. And this knight informed me of all the business between the royalme of castle and Portyngale sith the death of king Ferant till the departing of that knight out of that country/ he showed me every thing so plainly and so graciously that I took great pleasure to hear him/ and to write it. And when I was informed by him of all that I desired to know/ I took leave of him/ and he conveyed me to my ship/ & so did divers other rich merchants of his country/ who were come fro Bruges/ & fro other places to see him/ & in his company there was the son of Navarre in Portyngale/ & divers other knights and squires of that royalme/ but he had the chief honour among them/ & certainly by that I could see and imagine of him and of his estate he was worthy to have honour/ for he was of noble port/ and goodly stature/ and likely to be a valiant man. And when I return again fro Rome in to mine own country I shall busy me to make relation of the words of this gentle knight called sir Iohn Ferant Porteler/ and shall chronicle all that hath fallen in Portyngale and in Castle unto the year of our lord. M.CCC.lxxx. and x.   

¶ How they of Portyngale sent out messageres in to England to show tidings of their country to the king of England and to the great lords there. Ca xliii.  
How showeth the history that after this master Denys king Iohn of Portyngale had discomfited king Iohn of Castle at that battle of juberoth near to the abbey called the Cabbase where as so many noble knights & squires of France/ Gascoigne/ and Byerne were slain/ and that the king of Portyngale for that fair & victorious journey was greatly doubted and honoured of the portingalings/ & was received after his victory in to Lyxbone with great glory of all the people/ & there with great triumph was crowned with laurel/ as anciently kings were wont to be crowned/ after they had discomfited any king in battle and there in Lyxbone was great feast or the departure of such knights and squires as were there/ and the counsels of the good towns and cities of that royalme. Then there was a parliament and a counsel holden/ how they might perceiver in their opinion on honourably/ for certain of the sages of the royalme said how it was necessary for them to see how they might fortify themself against the king of castle & his puissance/ so that they might honourably abide in their victory/ & multiply & exalt in this parliament at Lyxbone held in the cathedral church of saint Dominicke. There were many devices recited which need not to be rehearsed/ but the rest and conclusion of this parliament was that they should send in to England to the duke of Lancastre who claimed of right the inheritance of Castle/ by reason of that lady constance his wife eldest daughter to king Don Peter of Castle/ and to write to him that if ever he would claim any right in the royalme of Castle/ & to set forward his business/ which long hath hanged in balance/ and in adventure to be lost/ that would come in to Portyngale with a company of men of arms and archers/ for as than it was time convenient for him so to do Then the earl of Navarre constable of Portyngale in fair language said. Sith we be agreed to send in to England to the duke of Lancastre by whom we think to be aided/ which is the most profytablest way for us/ to cause our enemies to fear us/ therefore let us advise in our royalme sage personages & notable to do this message/ & to inform so the duke of Lancastre and his counsel to come in to this country so strong as to resist our enemies with such aid as he shall have of us/ for we may well suppose that the king of Castle will get great aid of the french king. The french men of war wot not where better to enploy their season/ for they have peace with England unto the feast of saint Iohn. And also the french men have firm peace with that flemings/ who hath occupied them before divers years. The earl of Naverres words were well accepted/ and every man said how he spoke well to the point/ and that so they would do. Then there were named by sad deliberation of counsel that the great master of saint jaques in Portyngale and Laurence Fongasse a right sage and discrete squire who could right well speak the language of France/ how they should go on this message in to England/ for they could send none of the counsel of Portyngale that better could do that message than they. Then there were letters written in good french & in Latyn to the king of England/ to that duke of Lancastre/ & to his brethren the earl of cambridge and Bokyngham. And when these letters were written and grosed up in french & in Latyn/ then they were red before that king & his counsel there/ & well liked/ & so sealed & delivered to the great master of saint jaques/ & to Laurence Fongase/ who took on them the charge to bear them in to England/ so they might pass the daungere of the see/ & encountering of any enemies & robbers of the see/ for as well there were robbers on the see as on the land So they took a ship called the Lyn which would sail with all manner of winds more surelyer then any other ship. So on a day they took their leave of the king & of the archbishop of Connymbres/ and of the great counsel of Portyngale/ and went to the see/ and sailed toward England/ and were iii days on the see without sight of land/ and on the fourth day they saw Cornwall.  
THey sped so well by their journeys/ & by the aid of god and good wind that they costed Cornewell and that bounds of England/ and so arrived safely without peril in the haven of Hampton/ and there cast anchor and so issued out of their ship/ and went & refreshed them in that town/ & there they were examined by the bailiff of Hampton & such other as were keepers of the cost of what country they were/ & fro whence they came/ & whither they would/ they answered to all their demands/ & said how they were of the royalme of Portyngale/ and sent thither fro their king and his counsel/ then they were welcome and had good cheer/ and when they had refreshed them there and provided for horses for them/ and for their servants. Then they road to London by guides/ for they knew not the country/ and so were lodged at the sign of the Falcon/ and sent back again their horses/ and it fortuned so well for them that the king and his uncles were at Westmynstre/ whereof they were joyful/ they came to London in the fore noon/ & so dined/ and after dinner they took their letters & went to the duke of Lancastre & to the duchess. And when that duke & the duchess knew of their coming they were right joyful/ for they desired to here tidings fro Portyngale/ there had been showed them divers tidings/ but greatly they did nor believe it/ because they had no letters thereof out of the country. Then the great master of saint jaques & Laurence Fongase entered in to the duke's chamber/ and the duchess there present/ and because that Laurence Fongase could speak french he spoke first/ & when he had made his reverence to the duke and to the duchess/ & delivered them letters fro Portyngale/ the duke took his/ & the duchess hers/ and so red their letters/ & then the duke said to the messageres Sirs ye be right welcome into this country and to morrow ye shall go to the king/ & we shall do you the aid we can/ as it is reason. Then the duchess drew Laurence Fongase a part & demanded of him tidings out of Castle & Portyngale/ to every thing this Laurence answered. Then that duke called for wine and spice/ & so they drank/ & took their leave & returned to their lodging/ & in the morning they went again to the duke/ who had herd mass/ and so then they entered in to a barge & went by water to Westmynstre/ where the king and the most part of his counsel was. The duke entered in to the counsel chamber & said to the king. Sir here is the great master of saint jaques in Portyngale who hath brought you letters fro the king/ will it please you to see them/ with a good will said the king Then the ii messengers kneeled down before the king/ & Laurence Fongase delivered his letters/ the king took them/ and caused them to be red/ also they delivered letters to the earl of cambridge/ & to the earl of Bokynghan each of them red their letters. The king answered the messageres right sweetly and said.  
¶ Sirs ye are welcome in to this country/ your coming doth us great joy/ and ye shall not depart without answer such as shall please you and all your business/ let mine uncles here have them in remembrance/ so they thanked the king and departed out of the counsel chamber/ and went down in to the palace abiding for the duke of Lancastre who tarried till it was high noon. Then the duke of Lancastre took his two brethren with him to dyner/ and went by water/ and these messageres with them. The earl of cambridge knew right well the great master of saint james and Laurence of Fougase/ for he had seen them before in Portyngale/ wherefore after dinner he commoned with them of divers things in the presence of his other two brethren and demanded them of the marriage of Castle/ and of her that should have been his daughter in law the lady Beautyce. To all his demands the ambassadors answered wisely and truly/ whereby the lords were right well content and pleased.  
True it was that before these ambassadors were comen into England the duke of Lancastre/ and the earl of cambridge his brother had divers counsels together for the right they claimed by their wystes. The Earl of cambridge as ye have herd before/ was not well content with king Ferant of Portyngale nor with the men of war there/ for they had lodged xu days in the fields before the Castellyans/ and yet king Ferant nor the portingalings would never fight with them yet the earl the same time showed the king his default & said/ sir I have here in my company of poor english men a. C. spears & a. M. archers. And all we are willing to fight with our enemies/ and to abide the adventure that god will send us/ but king Ferant answered ever that he was not counseled to fight/ wherefore when the Earl saw that he departed thence/ and took with him again his son out of Portyngale/ and when he was departed/ then the king of Portyngale accorded with king Iohn of Castle/ & married his daughter to him to make the peace/ and this treaty was made by sir Iohn Audre a knight of portyngale. The king there had all his trust in him. The king of Portyngale demanded of his daughter whether she had rather have the king of castle/ or the earl of cambridge son. She answered and said how she loved better Iohn of England then Iohn of castle The king demanded why she said so/ she answered/ because Iohn of England was a goodly parsonage and of her age/ & that was the cause she would not have the king of Castle/ howbeit her father to have peace with the spaniards made that marriage. Also the earl had said to the duke of Lancastre his brother that king Ferant ones deed/ he doubted that the commons of the royalme of Portyngale would rebel against the lady Beautryce/ for the most part of the royalme (For all that their king had married her mother the lady Elyanoure of Coign.) yet they held not the kings daughter to be borne in lawful marriage but reputed her as a bastard/ and mermured thereon while the earl was there. Wherefore he was the gladder to take away his son thence. The duke of Lancastre to whom the matter touched nearer than to the earl of cambridge because he had married the eldest sister heir to castle/ and he had a fair child by the lady constance his wife/ wherefore he ever desired to be truly and justly informed of that business in those parties/ and did set his mind how he might exalt and further his title/ & he saw clearly that as than he could not have so good an entry in to Castle as by the royalme of Portyngale/ specially saying how he was desired and required of the king of Portyngale/ and of the barons and commons of the royalme/ & also considering how the king of Portyngale that was then was a noble sage prince and valiant/ saying how he had discomfited the king of castle in plain battle and all his puissance/ Whereby the duke the sooner inclined to go in to Portyngale. And also the king of England and his counsel was agreed thereto/ but to the intent to be justly informed of all the business/ state/ and condition of the country of Castle/ and of the right that the lady Beautryce claimed to the crown of Portyngale/ and also of the right of king Iohn of Portyngale whom the commons had crowned to their king. For this intent on a day the duke made a dinner to these ambassadors of Portyngale in his own lodging/ and after dinner he made every man to depart/ & called these ambassadors to him right amorously/ and demanded of them of the business of Portyngale/ and because that Laurence Fougase could speak/ french the duke addressed his words unto him & said. Laurence I require you to show me from point to point the condution and manner of your land of Portyngale/ & what hath fallen there/ and in Castle sith my brother the earl of cambridge was there/ for the king of Portyngale hath written to me that there is no man in Portyngale that can inform me more justly than ye can do/ and in this ye shall do me a great pleasure/ sir said the squire I shall fulfil your pleasure/ and then began to speak and said in this manner.  
Syrsyth the departure of your brother the earl of cambridge out of Portyngale there hath fallen great trouble and dissension in the royalme/ and in great adventure to have been lost/ but thanked be god the businesses there/ be as now in good point and firmly stablished/ but and god had not wrought by his grace the matter had gone evil/ and all through the default of king Ferrant last diseased. This is the opinion of the most part of the royalme/ for king Ferrant in his days loved sore a lady wife to a knight of his called sir Iohn Laurence of Coign/ and because of her beauty he would have her by force. The lady withstood the kings desire as long as she might/ but at the last he had her and said. Dame I shall make you queen of Portyngale/ for though I love you/ it is not for your hurt/ but to exalt you/ for I will marry you. Then the lady on her knees weeping said/ sir saving your displeasure. I can have none honour to be queen of Portyngale for you know and so doth all the world that I have an husband all ready/ and have had this .v. year/ Elyanoure said the king make none escuse/ for I will have none other wife but you/ but I shall quite you from your husband or I marry you. The lady could get none other words of the king/ and she showed all the matter to her husband/ and when that knight knew thereof/ he was sorry and maleneolyous/ and regarded and studied what were best for him to do/ and said to himself/ I will not thus leave my wife/ howbeit he doubted the king/ and went out of the royalme of Portyngale/ into Castle to king Henry who received him/ and retained him to be of his house as long as he lived/ and so doth king Iohn that now is. Thus the king of Portyngale to accomplish his foolish pleasure/ sent for the knight and for the lady but the knight was gone. Then the king sent for the bysshophe of Connymbres/ who was as then chancellor of Portyngale/ and of the kings counsel/ and the king showed him his intent/ how he would wed Elyanoure of Coign/ and the bishop feared the king because he knew him of an high and a fierce condition/ therefore he durst not say contrary to the kings pleasure/ and also sir Iohn Ferant Audere/ who was chief of counsel with the king to please the king aid to the bishop. Sir ye may wed them well enough/ ones the king shall make recompense for all/ so the bishop wedded them/ & this lady was crowned queen/ & so reputed in all the great cities in Portyngale/ and had as much honour and reverence as ever had any other queen in the royalme of Portyngale/ and the king had by her a daughter/ who as now is queen of Castle. True it was that while king Ferant lived/ he sent on a day/ to Lyxbone for all the prelate's and noble men of the country/ and for the counsels of the cities/ ports/ and towns of Portyngale/ and this was or your brother the earl of cambridge came in to Portyngale/ and there the king made every man to swear and to promise that after his disease they should take his daughter the lady Beautryce/ Who was as then but five years of age/ for herytoure of the royalme of Portyngale every man swore whether they would or not. Howbeit the most part of them that were there knew right well that she was but a bastard/ and borne in adultery/ for her mothers husband was still living/ called sir Iohn Laurence of Coign/ who lived in Castle with the king there as long as king Ferant of Portyngale lived/ and longer/ how bert sir I think surely if the kings daughter had been a son/ that all the comonaltye of Portyngale would sooner have agreed to him them to his daughter. For to her they said they would never agree/ but had rather die then to be under the subjection of the royalme of Castle. ¶ For as yet the royalme of Portyngale and the royalme of Castle never loved perfectly together/ But hath often times haryed/ and made war each with other/ In likewise as the royalme of Scotland doth with that royalme of England.  
THen the duke of Lancastre demanded of Laurence Fongase/ where king Iohn that now is brother to king Ferrant was in king Ferrantes days. Sir said the squire he was in the royalme of Portyngale in a house of religion wherein be knights of an order in white habits with a reed cross and he was sovereign of that house/ and was called master device. The king set little by his brother but made him ruler of that house of Denyce/ nor also king Iohn that now is/ meddled nothing with the business of the royalme/ nor thought nothing of the crown thereof. For if king Ferrant of Portyngale had thought any thing of that is fallen sith he loved his lady Elyanoure & the lady Beautryce her daughter/ he would have slain his brother who is now king/ but because he saw that he kept his house with the brethren of his order so meekly and duly he had no suspect in him/ but so let him live in peace. And sir as for the dissension that is now bytwe-Portyngale and Castle/ surely sir to say the truth therein/ the spaniards are cause there of/ Why so said the duke/ I shall show you said the squire. The castellians when they saw that king Ferrant had married his daughter to their king/ then they began to be proud/ and began to speak great words/ which sore grieved the portingalings/ for the spaniards would say. Oye portingalings rude people like beasts/ The time now is come that we shall have a good market of you/ for ye have been and shall be ours/ we shall divide and set you in companies as we do the jews who dwelleth by truage under us/ ye shall be our subjects with other venomous words/ often times they said thus when they met the portingalings. And while king Ferrant lived/ & had married his daughter in to castle/ they engendered such an hate that they murmured and said/ it were better to be deed than to be under the danger and subjection of the Castellyans/ and so king Ferrant fell sick which endured a hole year. And when he was deed and buried in the church of saint France a religious house of freers in the city of Lyxbone Then the cities/ good towns/ and castles in Portyngale closed their gates/ & they sent for the king that now is to Lyxbone/ who knew right well the intents of the iii other cities/ as Connymbres/ port/ and Eure. Then they said. Master device (so he was called as then) We will make you king of this royalme though ye be a bastard/ but we say that your cousin the lady Beautryce queen of Castle is borne rather a bastard than you for as yet liveth her moders first husband./ And sith it is so that the crown of Portyngale is fallen in two ways/ we will take for us the most profitable/ and also the most part of the royalme inclineth to make you our king/ and that the crown of Portyngale shall not go to a woman/ nor we will not be under the subjection of the king of Castle/ nor of the castellians/ we had rather ye should take all that we have/ to aid and to maintain us and our franchises/ them the castellians should be masters over us/ wherefore sir receive our gift/ for we will it shall be thus/ then this master Denyce who is as now king would not receive their offer at the first nor second request but answered and said. Good people I know well of good affection and entire love ye offer me the crown of Portyngale/ which is a great thing/ and where as ye say that I have as great right or more to the crown as my co●yn the queen of Castle. In likewise I think the same/ for true it is she is a bastard for as yet liveth her mothers husband and is in castle/ but there is one point/ ye all alone can not do this matter/ it behoveth that all the nobles or great part of them agree thereto/ then they of Lyxbone answered and said/ sir we have enough/ We know all ready the courage of divers/ and also the opinion of them of the iii chief cities of this royalme beside us/ as Connymbres/ port/ and Eure/ then the king said/ let it be as ye will I am content/ ye know well that this lady Elyanoure who is called queen of this royalme is as yet here in this city/ and her counsaylloure with her sir Iohn Ferrant Audere who will keep the crown of Portyngale and the heritage thereof for the queen of Castle/ for he made first the marriage to make peace between castle and Portyngale & peradventure the king of Castle will send for him hastily to help to subdue his rebels. Wherefore now at the obsequy of my brother which shall be shortly/ whereat most part of the nobles of this royalme and cities will be/ it were good to provide for remedy in that behalf/ then they that were present said/ sir that ye say is true we shall provide therefore/ as we shall here sir Iohn Ferrant speak/ and so as then their counsel ended.  
IT was not long after but that the obsequy was kept at Lyxbone in the freers where as king Ferrant lieth/ and there were many of the nobles of Portyngale/ for they were desired so to be by the queen and by sir Iohn Ferrant Audere who governed the queen/ & there was the king that now is with a great number of the commons of the country/ and specially of the three cities Connymbres/ Eure/ and the port of Portyngale/ for they all agreed and consented to them of Lyxbone. And when the obyte was done sir Iohn Ferrant Audere desired in the queens name the nobles that were there present that they should not depart thence that day nor the next/ saying how the queen would have their counsels what should be done to send in to castle for king Iohn and his wife the lady Beautryce their lady/ who was herytoure by right to the royalme of Portyngale/ all the nobles or a great part of them that heard his words made little there of/ for they doubted sore the commons that were there essembled/ for they had heard divers of them murmur saying how they would crown to be their king master Denyce. Also sir Iohn Ferrant Audere had herd like words Therefore he desired the nobles of the royalme to abide there with him to aid and sustain his opinion/ but they failed him/ for as soon as the kings obyte was done in the foresaid freers/ and that queen Elyanour was returned to her lodging/ then every man cried to horse and so all or the most part mounted on their horses/ & so departed fro Lyxbone/ some tarried ftyll such as were on the kings party that now is/ and they went to their lodgings/ and kept themself privily and dissimuled the matter/ for they well imagined the matter to fall as it fell/ as I shall show you how. when the kings obyte was done the commons of Lyxbone and of the other three cities such as were there returned not shortly to their lodgings but went to the cathedral church of Lyxbone called saint Domynycke/ and there they assembled and master Denyce with them/ there they had great counsel together Which counsel endured not long. For the king that now is said unto them. ¶ All ye good people I understand ye would make me your king. And surely I say it is my right. And if ye will perceiver in that purpose it is time to set a work/ and to show your deed and ●uyssaunce/ for ye know right well that sir Iohn Ferrant Audere doth procure the nobles of the royalme to send for the king of Castle/ and he saith and maintaineth that the crown of Portyngale pertaineth to the king of castle by the right of my cousin his wife/ and I say if ye will aid me it is my right rather then hers/ ye know all the manner/ for I am a man/ & brother to king Ferrant and soon to good king Peter of Portyngale who governed you valiantly. True it is my cousin the queen of Castle was daughter to king Ferrant/ but that was not by lawful marriage. Then they of Lyxbone said unto him. Sir all this is true/ we will have none other king but you/ and we will make you our king/ look thereon who will/ but ye shall swear unto us that ye shall be good to us and keep justice/ and ye shall not flatter no more with the great lords then with the small people/ and ye shall keep and sustain with good heart with the aid that we shall give you/ all the right pertaining to Portyngale. Then the king answered and said. Sirs all this I swear/ but principally I require you to go with me to the lodging called the Monnoy where sir Iohn Ferrant Audere is with Elyanoure of Coign/ for I will that he be slain for he hath deserved it against me/ and against you when he sustaineth and maintaineth other quarrels against your wills/ t●enne they all with one voice answered. We will that this be done/ for surely he is disobeysaunt and a rebel against you/ Wherefore let him be put to death/ and all the other that be rebellions against you Whereby other of the royalme shall take ensample. Then they departed together from the minster of saint Domynycke to the number of xu C. all of one opinion/ and the king that now is with them/ and so they went through the town to the lodging called the Monnoy where the queen and sir Iohn Ferrant Audere were. And when they came there/ they broke up the gates of the lodging and entered therein perforce and they went in to the chamber where as the queen was/ Who was right sore afraid when she saw so moche people coming upon her/ then incontinent she fell down on her knees before this master Denyce/ and prayed him to have pity and compassion upon her/ saying unto him that she knew nothing of any displeasure that she had done against him or against any other. And also she said unto him how that as touching the crown and heritage of Portyngale she claimed no part But master Denyce I require you and all the people here present to consider how king Ferrant made me queen against my will/ then this master Denyce said. Fair lady doubt ye nothing/ for ye shall have no hurt/ for we be not come therefore/ but for this traitor/ Iohn Ferrant Audere/ he shall die to begin withal/ and than let the king of Castle revenge his death if he can/ he hath been to long his proctor in this country/ with that word advanced forth such as was ordained there to/ who took the knight and put him to death & more hurt they did not to no person/ but so returned to their lodging/ and the king that now is went to his.  
ANd after the death of Iohn Ferrant/ the lady Elyanoure who had been queen of Portyngale/ took counsel and determined herself to go out of Portyngale in to Castle to the king there/ and to the queen her daughter/ for she was in such fray by the death of her knight sir Iohn Ferrant Audere that she thought no longer to abide in Portyngale/ for she saw she could have there no there honour nor rest/ then she caused master Denyce now king to be desired to suffer her to depart/ and he lightly agreed thereto/ and said how that it pleased him well that she should peparte/ for he said she had good cause so to do. The lady departed fro Lyxbone with all her company/ and she road so long by her journeys that she came to Syvyll where the king of Castle and the queen lay/ and the same season that this lady came thither/ there were assembled near all the nobles of Castle/ for there they had a great counsel on the business for Portyngale/ for king Iohn there took counsel how he might do/ scynge the royalme of Portyngale was fallen to him by succession/ by the death of king Ferrant/ father to the queen his wife/ Who agreed or he died that it should so be/ and all the country in like wise. This lady Elyanoure was received with the king and with the queen her daughter right honourably as it was reason Then she was examined of all the business in Portyngale/ and she showed them the truth of that she had seen and known/ and also she said how that it well appeared that by all lykelyhede the commons of Portyngale would crown to their king master Denyce/ with out the king of Castle there against made resistance and defence/ and for that cause they had slain her knight sir john Ferrant of Audere because he sustained/ and always he had done the king of Castles quarrel/ and in all that this lady said she was well believed for they saw it well apparent. And also certain barons and knights of the royalme of Portyngale such as had better affection to the king of Castle/ then to she king that now is/ because of king Ferrantes daughter/ and for to accomplish and fulfil their oaths that they had made to the king of Castle/ at the desire of their king Iohn Ferrant when he gave his daughter in marriage to the king of Castle/ therefore to acquit their promise they departed out of the royalme of Portyngale and went in to castle/ and left their own lands and heritages on the adventure to recover them again/ as the earl Alphons Seroll/ the great prior of saint Ihnns in Portyngale/ sir Delagare his brother Ange Syluaste of Geneull/ Iohn Aussall and divers other to the number of xxv Whereby the royalme of Portyngale was sore feebled/ and the royalme of Castle enforced. Then the king of Castle made his somons through out all his royalme that all noble men/ and all other able to bear armure between xu and xl should in all hast come to him in to the field of Sebyll/ for he said he would with puissance enter in to the royalme of Portyngale/ and conquer it as his own heritage/ at his commandment every man obeyed as it was reason/ for such as held of him/ and so they came to the field of Sebyll/ and there assembled to the number of lx M. men of one and other.  
ANd when sir Laurence of Coign husband to the lady Elyanoure whom king Ferrant of Portyngale took to his wife and was queen of Portyngale understood that she was come out of Portyngale in to Castle. Then he went to certain of the king of castles counsel/ and said to them as in demanding of them counsel. My lords and my great friends how shall I do with Elyamoure my wife who is come out of Portyngale in to this country/ I know right well king Ferrant took her by force against her will/ and now king Ferrant is deed/ and ye know well by reason I ought to have my wife again/ what counsel will ye give me therein/ and such as he spoke unto gave him counsel and said. Iohn we counsel you to make no sc●●blaunt thereof/ nor demand her not again/ nor take her not/ for if ye do ye shall greatly abate the honour of the lady and also blemyssheth the honour of the queen of Castle her daughter/ for than ye should make her worse than a bastard/ ye see how the king of Castle will demand and think to conquer the royalme of Portyngale as his own rightful heritage by the right of his wife. Thus ye should open clearly which is now somewhat in doubt and trouble/ and without ye take good heed it will cost you your life if ye make the queen of castle a bastard/ for they of this country sustain her quarrel/ and say that she was borne in just marriage by dispensation of the pope. Well said the knight/ then what is it best for me to do/ we shall show you said they/ the best that we think is that as soon as ye can get you out of Castle and go again to your inheritance in to Portyngale/ & leave the lady Elyanoure here with her daughter/ we see none other safeguard for you but this/ by my faith said the knight I believe you well for ye counsel me truly and like good friends. So this sir Iohn Laurence of Coign tarried not long after in Castle/ but departed and went to Lyxbone/ & there he found master Denyce now king and said how he was come to serve him/ and would be under his obeisance/ for he would take him for his king. Master Denyce had great joy & said how he was welcome to him/ & so gave him again all his heritage and made him capitain of Lyxbone. Thus sir as I have showed you fell the business between Portyngale and castle.   

¶ How Laurence Fongase ambassador fro the king of Portyngale in to England/ showed to the duke of Lancastre the manner of the discord that was between the royalmes of Castle & Portyngale. Ca xliiii.  
THe duke of Lancastre took great pleasure to 〈◊〉 Laurence Fongase spe●● he spoke so attemperaci●●●o good french/ and 〈◊〉 because the matter touch●● him near and to the en●e●● that he would come to the bottom of his desyte he said Laurence speak on hardly/ I 〈◊〉 hard no stranger speak this two year tha● had rather here speak than you/ for ye go to● truth of the matter. Also the letters that 〈◊〉 have brought to me fro the king of Portyngale/ testefyeth how there is nothing th●● hath been done between Portyngale and castle/ but that ye can justly inform me ther●▪ Sir said the squire little thing hath the●● been done as in deeds of arms/ but that I have been at them/ wherefore I can well speak of them/ and sith it is your pleasure and volante that I shall pursue my words I shall show you every thing as I know. Thus as I showed you before king Iohn of castle ass●bled his people as soon as he might/ and so came with a great puissance and strength towards Lyxbone or the king of Portyngale that now is was crowned to put the portingalings in fear/ and to show how he had right to the heritage of Portyngale. And so first he came before saint yrayne which was the entry of Portyngale/ & there he rested two days/ they of the town with the governors thereof were in great fear with his coming/ because of the great number of men of war that were with him/ and so they yielded up their town to him. And after he had taken their possession/ and left men of arms to keep the town for fear of rebellion. Then he departed with all his host/ and so went till he came before the town of Tuy which was right strong/ there he laid his siege/ and a great part of them of Tuy held with the queen of Castle/ For the lady Elyanoure had it limited to her for her dowry/ Wherefore lightly they yielded them to the king of Castle/ and became his subjects/ and was under his obeisance. And when the king of Castle had taken possession there/ he left men of arms to keep it. And when he had so done/ he passed the river and went to the town of Valencennes in Portyngale/ and thereto laid his siege/ and he sent his messenger unto them that were within/ that they should yield them and their town unto him. And they of Valence answered and said/ let the king of Castle pass forth and go to Lixbone/ and as soon as they might know that he hath won that city either by love/ fear/ or perforce/ that then incontinent they would deliver up the keys of their town to him This answer pleased right well the king of Castle/ and so departed fro Valence/ In likewise did they of another city called Serpe which was strong and fair/ the king thought to have gone thither/ but when he knew their composition/ he was content and came not there/ but so took the way to Lyxbone/ for he knew if he might subdue that city he should have all the residue of the country at his case/ and where soever he went he had with him the queen his wife to show thereby to the portingalings that the right was his and that by good and just cause he would conquer his wy●●es heritage.  
THus king Iohn of castle came with all his host before Lyxbone/ and there laid a great siege/ & showed well by his siege that he would not depart thence till he had the city at his pleasure/ and greatly threatened master Denyce/ who was within the city and said how that if he might get him/ he should die an evil death/ and all the rebels with him. The king of castles host was great for he had moche people/ for the spaniards and french men that were there closed so the city about that none could issue out nor enter with out he were taken or slain/ & sometime it fell by skirmishes and otherwise that the spaniards took some portingalings/ then the spaniards would put out their eyen/ or strike of a foot or an arm or some other member/ and so sent them in again in to the city commanding them to say that they did/ they did in despite of the Lyxbonoys and of their master Denyce whom they would make their king and also show them plainly that we shall hold this siege here so long that we shall have them perforce/ by famine or otherwise/ & than they shall all die an evil death/ and set fire on the city without mercy or pyre. And when the Lyxbonoys took any of them they did not so/ for the king that now is of Portyngale made them to be well kept at their ease/ & so sent them again in to the host without any hurt or damage of their persons/ wherefore some said in the host that it was done of a great gentleness/ for he rendered good for evil. And sir while this siege endured which was an hole year and more/ every week there was one or two skirmishes and deeds of arms done/ & some hurt and slain on the one part or on the other. The king of Castle held as well his siege by water as by land and had plenty of victuals/ for it came to his host from all parties out of castle/ and on a day it happened at a skirmish that was made at one of the gates/ sir Iohn Laurence of coin who was capitain of the city issued out of the barrier's with his penon of the arms of Coign before him/ and with him a good number of proper men of war/ and at that skirmish there was done many a proper feat of arms/ and many a dart cast. By my faith said the duke of Lancastre of all the feats of arms that the castellians and they of your country doth use/ the casting of their darts best pleaseth me/ & gladly I would see it/ for as I here say if they strike one aright/ without he be well armed the dart will pierce him through/ by my faith sir said the squire ye say truth/ for I have seen many a great stroke given with them/ which at one time cost us dearly and was to us great displeasure/ for at the said skyrmysshe sir Iohn Laurence of Coign was stricken with a dart in such wise that the heed pierced all the plates of his cote of mail and a jack stopped with silk and passed through his body/ so that he fell down deed/ and therewith seized the skirmish because of the death of that knight and so was the lady Elyanoure a widow in one year of both her husbands.  
FOr this sir johan Laurence of Cygne was made great moon/ for he was a valiant knight & full of good counsel/ & after his death there was chosen to be capitain of Lyxbone a cousin of his a right valiant man called powasse of Coin/ he made against the spaniards three or four issues/ and did to them great damage. ¶ Thus continued the siege at Lyxbone/ and surely often times they within the town were sore abashed/ for they could see no comfort come to them from any part/ and when they saw that none came out of England whereon lay all their trust. Then the king that now is was counseled to have taken a ship/ and so to have come hither in to England/ for sir Iohn Vadigothz of pass sir Iohn Cete Dore/ and the archdeacon of Lyxbone whom they had sent hither in to England to the king here & to you/ & to the earl of cambridge your brother for to have some comfort & aid/ when they returned in to Lyxbone they brought tidings how that ye would have comforted them/ in the name of god said the duke/ all that is of truth/ & so had I done and was ready and at the point to have departed/ but as then the war of flanders and of gaunt did let me/ for the Gauntoys came hither for aid and help/ and so all such or the most part of them that should have gone with me in to Portyngale went in to flanders with the bishop of Norwyche sir Henry percy & so that letted my journey in to Portyngale/ in the name of god said the squire/ it was thought among us that there was some great let in England so that you could not come hither/ howbeit we did as well as we might/ & maintained ourself valiantly against the king of Castle and all his puissance/ which was no small thing/ for he had more than lx M. men by see and by land/ and threatened to byrne/ & to exile us without mercy. And sir thus while this siege endured an earl of our country of Portyngale called the earl of Angouse did us on a day great succour/ whereby he attained great honour/ for he with twenty Galeys arrived at the port of Portyngale with a good number of men of arms & provision/ & so came sailing by the see before Valence/ and through the grace of god he came by the king of castles army as they lay at anchor before Lixbone who were more than a. C. great vessels/ howbeit he did his enterprise so graciously/ and had the wind at so good a point/ that in despite of all his enemies/ he entered safely without peril with all his galeys in to the haven of Lyxbone/ and at his coming in conquered four ships of his enemies/ & brought them with him in to the haven/ of whose coming all that were in Lyxbone were right joyous/ for it comforted them greatly. By my faith said the duke of Lancastre the earl of Angouse at that time did you a fair service. But now fair Laurence show me how was this siege raised/ and by what manner/ I would gladly here you speak thereof/ sir said the squire I shall show you with right a good will.  
AS I have showed you the siege endured more than a year before Lyxbone/ & the king of Castle had sworn and avowed that he would not depart from the siege till he had the city under his obeisance/ without the puissance of a greater king than he was raised him therefro by force. And truly all things considered the king of castle kept well his avow/ for the puissance of a greater king than he was raised him/ and caused him to depart/ I shall show you how/ a pestilence & mortality marvelous fearful fell in his host in such wise that men died suddenly/ speaking one to another/ there died more than twenty M. persons/ whereof the king was sore afraid/ wherefore it was counseled him to depart thence/ and to draw to saint yrayne/ or to some other part/ and break up the siege/ and to give leave to his people to depart till the pestilence were seized/ which he did sore against his will/ because he had sworn so solemnly to keep the siege/ howbeit of necessity he was fain to depart. Therefore sir we say/ and hath been said in Portyngale/ and it is the common opinion/ that god did send that pestilence in to the king of Castles oost to aid us and our king that now is/ for in the city wherein we were closed/ there died neither man nor woman of the sickness/ this grace god did for us. And when the king of Castle dislodged fro Lyxbone/ the king of Portyngale that now is caused all such as were within the city to be armed/ and to leap on their horses/ and to follow the train of the king of castles host and there we did then great damage/ for they dislodged not in good array/ whereby they ●ost part of their men & promotion/ but the king of Portyngale made a cry/ that on pain of death no man to take any thing that they found in the field/ nor to bring any thing thereof in to the city/ but commanded every thing to be brent to the intent that it should bring no infection in to the city. So provision & every thing was converted in to flame of fire/ howbeit I think such as found other gold or silver in money or place brent it not/ but saved it as well as they might. So thus the king of castle went to saint prayne at the entry of his country/ & there tarried a season/ & sent for more succour in to France/ & specially in to Gascoigne & Byerne/ & in to the lands of the earl of Foys/ & he sent thither iii summer's laden with nobles of castle & florins to give in priest to knights & squires/ for he knew well otherwise he should not have them come out of their houses. And when the barons and knights of the royalme of Portyngale on the party of the king that now is saw how the king of Castle had raised his siege/ which had endured more than a year/ they took then great courage/ & so did all the commons of the country/ and specially they of port Ewer/ and Connymbres Then they took counsel together shortly to crown to their king master Denyce whom they had chosen and given him their love/ & said how that it was gods will that he should be their king/ for he had showed his virtue against the spaniards/ then a commandment was made throughout all Portyngale every man to come to Commmbres at a certain day limited to the coronation of master Denyce/ all such as took his part came thither/ and according to the puissance of that royalme there was moche people/ there king Iohn of Portyngale was crowned by the bishops and prelate's of the royalme with great solemnity as it aperteyned/ on trinity ●ondaye the year of our lord god. M.CCC.lxxx. and four In the cathedral church of Connymbres called saint Mary's/ which day the king made new knights/ what of his own country as of strangers to the number of lx There was kept a great feast ii or iii days and there the king renewed all homages of Earls/ barons/ knights/ and squires/ and such as held of him/ and there the king swore to keep the royalme in right and justice/ and to maintain all their jurisdictions/ and every man swore to take him for their king and his heirs coming of him/ male/ or female that to die in the pain never to forsake them thus king Iohn of Portyngale was crowned king.  
WHen the king of Castle knew how the commons of Portyngale had crowned master Denyce to their king/ & had sworn to him faith and homage/ then he was more disposed than he was before/ for he had thought they would not have done it so suddenly because he had many of the nobles of Portyngale with him/ then he said. I see well it behoveth me perforce to conquer that is mine if I will have it/ there shall never be peace between castle and Portyngale till the portingalings have amended that they have done And so after the king was crowned he came to Lyxbone/ and there tarried & took great diligence to set in a good way the business of his royalme/ & to get thereby the grace/ good will and love of his people/ and sent his knights and men of war in to divers garrisons/ in to towns & castles on the fronters of Spain/ for the king of Castle lay at Sybyll. The king of Portyngale sent in garrison to Trentouse sir Iohn Ferant Perteler/ a expert man of arms/ a valiant knight & of high enterprise/ and with him sir Martin Vas of Coign/ & his brother sir william Vas two expert knights/ & they had under them. CC. spears of good men of war well horsed/ & to the castle of Lene toward juberoth was sent sir Iohn Radygos with a l spears/ and to the city of Valence in Portyngale was sent sir Iohn james of Saulles/ to lie in garrison against the strong town of Tuy/ which was as then yelden to the king of Castle when he came toward Lyxbone/ and in Tuy there lay in a garrison a great number of men of arms french and castellians/ and to the city of Serpe was sent sir Nondech Radygo a noble knight with l spears/ but to port/ to Ewer/ and to Connymbres was sent no men of war/ for the king thought them strong enough of themself/ and true and faithful to him. Thus sir in the same year that the king was thus crowned/ the garrisons were well provided for/ and often times there were encountrynges/ skirmishes/ and assawtes on both parties/ one time our men wan/ and another time they lost as the adventure of arms falleth/ but specially there was afore encounter by them of the garrison of Treucouse against the castellians. A Laurence said the duke of Lanclastre pass not the matter so briefly/ but let me know how it was and what was done when they met in the fields/ for I would gladly here speaking of deeds of arms Sir said the squire I shall show you what was there done/ for at the same renconntre I was present & bare that day the banner of sir john Ferant Perteler by whom the business began for he was as then capitain of Treutouse.  
THe king of Castle had provided men of war on the fronters of Portyngale who sometime do to us damage assembled themself together and took the fields/ and sometime lost and sometime wan. And so on a season a seven. capitains of spaniards good knights and of high lineage assembled them together with the number of iii C. spears well horsed having great desire to do us damage as they well showed/ for they came and entered in to Portyngale and took a great pray and many prisoners/ and if they had would they might have entered again in to Castle with out any encountering/ but they were so high minded and proud that they said they would go and see the garrison of Treutouse/ they of the plain country fled before them/ so that tidings of them came in to Treutouse/ and when sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere knew the castellians road abroad/ he called for his harness/ and caused the trumpets to besowned/ and so awoke all the knights and squires in the town/ every man armed him in great haste/ and mounted on their horses/ and issued out of Treutouse/ and when they were in the fields they were a. CC. & so put themselves in good order/ and showed how they had great affection to find their enemies/ and demanded of them that came flying in to the town where their enemies were/ and they answered and said how they were not far thence/ and how they road but a soft pace because of the great pray that they carried with them/ With those tidings sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere was right joyous and said to his company/ as to sir Iohn Martyne of Vas/ & sir William Vas his brother. Sirs I require you let us advance forward I will not enter in to any town or Castle in Portyngale till I have seen our enemies/ and fight with them/ and put to my pain and travail to recover the pray and prisoners that they lead with them/ and than he said to me. Laurence dysplay my banner/ for it is time/ we shall find shortly our enemies/ then I did as he commanded me/ and so we road forth a good pace/ and at the last we saw where the dust rose with the horses of our enemies/ then we took the vantage of the son and came on them/ & when the Castellyans saw us they held themself close together/ and ordered themself/ and set their prisoners and pray on their one side & we approached so near together that we might speak to them/ and they to us/ and than we saw how they had iii banners/ and four pennons/ and to our judgement a. CCC. horse. first there was sir Iohn Radigos de Castenans knight and baron in Castle/ sir Sylue grefye of Albenes/ sir Adioutall of Tolet of cassel/ sir Iohn Radigo of Ewer/ and Diostenses of Angouse/ & when we were before them we lighted on foot/ and in likewise so did they/ and delivered their horses to pages and varlets/ and or we began to cast darces or to do any feat of arms the capitains spoke each to other/ I that was there present heard all the words that were spoken on both parties/ for my master sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere whose banner I bore was one of the formest and the words that were spoken were by him and to him. first he demanded why they road in Portyngale leading away such prays and prisoners as they had taken/ then sir Adioutall of Tolet answered and said they would ride as they list/ to punish them that be dysobeysaunt to the king of castle to whom the heritage of Portyngale pertained/ and by rause they found them rebels/ therefore they said they over run the country & take prays and prisoners. Well sirs said sir Iohn Ferrant ye shall not lead them long/ for we will rescue them/ ye have no right to come and to over run this country/ ye know well enough we have a king all ready who will keep his royalme in right and keep justice/ & punish thieves and robbers. Therefore we say unto you in his behalf/ all that ye have taken in the royalme of Portyngale leave it behind you and depart hens/ or else in our right & just quarrel we will fight with you/ then the spaniards answered/ the prisoners that we have taken we will not deliver again/ but as for the other pray we will take advise. Then the vii capitains of Castle drew them together/ and showed that for all that they were come to see the garrison of Treutouse/ yet they would have been glad to have departed without battle/ and when they had counseled/ then they said how they would leave their prey behind them/ but the prisoners they would lead with them/ Nay not so said the portingalings/ for we will ye leave all/ or else ye shall have battle/ and so went together/ and there was a sore battle for there were on both parties good men of war/ and the field where as they fought was fair and plain they cast each at other darts so sore that who so ever was stricken without he were well armed was slain or sore hurt/ there were many proper feats of arms done/ and there sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere fought with an axe right valiantly/ and so did his ii companions/ on the other party the spaniards fought right valiantly. Thus they fought the space of iii hours/ which was marvel that men could endure so long in their armure fighting/ but the great dysyre that either party had to win honour caused them to endure the more pain/ and sir surely spaniards and portingalings are hard men in battle/ & specially when they see it is of necessity/ thus they fought long that no man knew who had the better/ their battle was so equal. And sir thanked be god there was neither banner nor penon on our side that day overthrown/ but finally their side began to open and were beaten down on every side/ so that the discomfiture fell on them/ then their pages fled away to save themself/ and of the vii capitains that were there present/ there scaped away but one & that was the means of his page who brought him his horse/ he did his master good service that day/ and that was Adyentall Cassel all the other vi were slain/ for there was never a man taken to ransom. Thus sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere & his company obtained the victory of their enemies/ who were three against two/ and this was on a tuysday in the month of Octobre near to Treutouse/ in the year of our lord. M.CCC.lxxx. and four   

¶ How Laurence Fongase showed the duke of Lancastre the manner of the battle of juberoth between the king of castle and the king of Portyngale. Ca xlv.  
ANd after this discomfiture on our enemies our men mounted on their horses/ and there we delivered such prisoners as the castellians had taken before/ & also gave them such pillage as their enemies had gotten/ except the beasts which were in number an viii hundredth all those we drove in to the garrison of Treutouse for vataylling of the town as it was reason/ & there we were received with great joy they wist not what cheer to make us because we had delivered the country of their enemies/ & rescued that they had lost/ whereby we had great praise through all the towns of Portyngale/ & sir in the same year our men had another fair journey on their enemies in the field of Sybylle/ but sir first I shall show you the most happiest journey that the king of Portyngale had or any king before him in. CC. year before/ which was done within iiii months before that that king sent us hither our enemies were four against one of good men of war and of high emprise/ wherefore our journey ought to be the more praised. But sir I think ye have herd thereof all ready/ wherefore I think best to speak not thereof/ nay said the duke ye shall not leave so/ ye shall show me the hole process/ for I would gladly here you speak thereof/ yet of truth I have an herald here with me called Derby who was there at the battle as he saith/ and he showed me that such english men as were there did marvels in arms/ and more by his report than I believe was of troth/ for there was no great number of them whereby any great feat should be done by them/ for my brother the earl of cambridge when he came out of Portyngale brought again with him such englishmen as went thither. But there be many of these heralds be such liars that they will exalt such as they list beyond measure/ But for all that the nobleness of them that be good is not lost nor impaired though it be not showed by them. Therefore it is good to know it by the report of other that knoweth it. ¶ Sir said Laurence of all the strangers that were at the battle of juberoth with the king of Portyngale/ there passed not a two hundred men english/ Gascoynes/ and Almains/ and the greatest capitains that were there of the strangers were two Gascoyne's/ and one of Almaigne of the duchy of Guerles. The Gascoynes were called sir William of mountferrant/ and Bernardon/ and the Almaigne Albert of englishmen there were a certain archers but I heard none named/ but ii squires Northbery and Hartecell/ and they were called to counsel with the king and other lords before the battle. Well said the duke proceed forth & tell me of that journey & how it was fought I require you/ sir said the squire with right a good will/ for sir to show you & other how it was I am sent hither fro the king my master.  
THen Laurence Fongase renewed his tale and spoke of the business of juberoth and said thus/ sir ye have herd by me/ & also by other that after the coronation of the king of Portyngale at Connymbres/ that king of Castle who had raised his siege fro Lyxbone/ for the death of pestilence that fell in his ●ost/ and so went to yrayne/ and it was said how it grieved him sore when he was informed of the coronation of my redoubted lord king Iohn of Portyngale/ for the king of Castle claimed and yet doth right in the heritage and crown of Portyngale by the title of his wife daughter to king Ferrant which we denied and yet do/ for such cause as I have showed you before/ so thus the king of Castle was counseled to send for men of war where he might get them/ and specially in to France/ for the frenchmen had always aided him & sustained his quarrel/ and the king his father in likewise/ and it was said to him by his counsel/ ye need nothing but one journey against them of Portyngale/ for by puissance if ye may keep the field and fight with them than ye shall come to your intent/ for there is great variance all ready in Portyngale as ye see and perceive well/ for there is here with you of the noblest persons of the royalme/ and they have submitted themselves under your obeisance/ which thing greatly furthereth your war/ if ye advance yourself with puissance to fight to this bastanrde of portyngale whom that commons have crowned to their king or he get aid of the englishmen/ ye are like to overthrow him/ and if ye win the journey all the royalme is yours/ for it is no great matter to win it after/ so by such counsel and other things Iohn of castle advanced himself to send letters & messageres in to France/ Poictou/ Bretayne/ Normandy/ Borgon & in to divers other places where as he thought to have men of arms/ knights & squires for his money or for love/ or such as held any thing of him/ and specially there came many knights & squires to him out of Byerne/ and so on a day as he was at saint yrayne he aviewed his people to the number of vi or. vii.c. spears & xxx M. spaniards all on horsoacke all having desire to do us damage.  
Tidings came in to Portyngale to the king and to the lords there/ & to them of the good towns and cities such as were of the kings party/ and it was showed there what number and puissance the king of Castle was of/ and how he was fully determined to come and lay fyege again to Lyxbone than the king of Portyngale & his counsel assembled together/ & there the most notablest persons of his royalme said that the king were best to go out of the city and to meet with his enemies rather than to be enclosed in any city or town in Portyngale/ for if they were besieged they should have moche business to defend them & their city/ and in the mean season the Castellyans might ride abroad at their ease where as they list and conquer towns/ cities/ & castles/ either by force or by love and destroy all the plain country/ and peradventure at length them within the city/ wherefore they said to the king. Sir if we go out against them and take a place convenient to fight/ we think this were best and most profitable/ for sir we know well ye shall not peaceably enjoy the crown of Portyngale wherewith we have crowned you without it be by battle/ and that at the least ones or twice to overthrow your adversary the king of Castle and his puissance & if we may discomfit him/ then we shall be lords of the country And if we be overcome the royalme is in adventure/ but better it were for us to seek battle then to be sought on/ and more honourable it were for us/ for sir it hath been often times seen that the setters an hath advantage of the defenders/ therefore sir we will counsel you to send forth your letters and messengers to all such as ye think will serve you. Then the king answered and said/ sirs ye speak well & I will do as ye have ordained. Then the king set his clerks on work to write letters and wrote to every man that they should come to the port of Portyngale or near there about at a certain day limited/ howbeit all such as were written unto came not thither/ for as then all the royalme took not full part with him/ but dyssmuled and tarried to see how the matters should frame at length/ & some were gone out of their own country to the king of Castle because they said that the king of Castle had more right to the crown of Portyngale than our king had/ howbeit for all that the king my sovereign lord went to Connymbres and there made his assemble of such men of war as he could get/ and truly he had with him that choice men of all Portyngale and of most authority as of Earls/ Baron's/ knights & squires/ & also he had a xxv hundred spears of squires/ and a xii M. foot men Then he ordained a Constable and marshal The constable was the earl of Nauare/ the marshal sir Alne Perriere both right sage knights to conduit men of war/ then they departed fro Connymbres and took the way to Cabase that is juberoth and road fair and easily to ease themself and their horses/ and that their/ provision might follow them in good order/ and they had roar riders one before to a●ewe the demeaning of the castellians/ at this time sir Iohn Ferrant Pertelere was not come to the king/ he was at the garrison of Dorech a .v. legs fro juberoth/ & I think he knew not as than that the king should fight with his enemies.  
I Suppose the king of Castle was well informed how the king of Portyngale was coming to him ward with his puissance/ and when he knew it he had thereof great joy/ & so had all his men as they showed/ & anon they determined to come on against us/ and to tight with us/ & specially the gascoyns of Byerne that were there sore desired to fight with us/ for they desired to have the first battle/ and so they had/ and sir William of Mounferrant a Gascoigne who was there on our party said surely how we should have battle because they of Byerne were against us who ever desireth nothing but battle. ¶ Then the king of Castle with all his battle came the next day and lodged at the castle of Lerre a two legs fro juberoth/ and the next day we came to the Cabase & lodged there and that night the king of castle lodged but a little leg fro juberoth/ for he knew well what way we took/ and how we lodged at juberoth.  
Sir the portingalings hath had always gre●e trust and confidence in god & in the good ●ortune of that place of juberoth & therefore they at that time rested there/ Why said the duke have they so good hope in that place rather than in another/ sir laid the squire/ anciently the great Charlemagne who was kyngge of France and of Almaigne/ & Emperor of Rome who was in his time a great conqueror at this place of juberoth/ he discomfited vii kings of the mysereauntes/ and there were slayned of the infidels a. C.M. This sir is anciently found in histories and chronicles and by reason of that battle he conquered Coanymbres & all the country of Portyngale & brought it in to christian faith/ and because of the great victore that he had there against god's enemies he founded there an abbey of black monks/ and gave them great rent in Portyngale & in Castle/ & also sir about a CC. year passed there was at the same place a great betayle & fair journey achieved by a lord that was at that time brother to the king of Castle/ for before that time there was never king in Portyngale/ it was called the county of Portyngale/ and so it was that these ii brethren the king of Castle & the earl of Portyngale had mortal war together for partition of lands so that there could be found no peace between them but mortal war together. The matter touched so much the earl of Portyngale & the portingalings that they had rather to have been deed then to have been under the subjection of the king of castle/ & so they took a day of battle/ & there the king of Castle was so puissant that he was ten against one so that he set nothing by the portingalings/ so at the cabase of juberoth was their battle right cruel/ & finally the portingalings obtained the victory/ & the castellians discomfited & the king of Castle taken/ by whose taking the earl of Portyngale had peas as he list/ then the bounds were set of the departing of Castle and Portyngale.  
ANd then because the portingalings saw that god had sent them the victory with so small a number against so great a puissance/ then they thought to augment their land & to make it a royalme/ so the prelate's & nobles of the country crowned their first king at Connymbres & made him to ride throughout his royalme with a crown of Laurel on his heed/ signifying honour & victory as aunently kings were wont to do/ & so ever sith the royalme hath had a king/ for sir surely rather than the portingalings would be under the subjection of the castellians they would take one or other that were far of fro the blood of the king of Portyngale/ & the king were deed without issue male/ & sir when the king of portyngale that now is came to the place of juberoth/ all these matters were showed him/ & thus whiles that the constable and marshal were ordering of their battles there came to the king sir john Ferrant Partelere who came the same morening fro his garrison of Dorech & brought with him lx spears/ the king had great joy of his coming/ & when all our battles were ordained & that we abode for nothing but for our enemies/ & that our fore riders were sent forth to aspye their dealing/ the king than my sovereign lord came in among his men & caused fylence to be made/ & than he said/ sirs ye have crowned me king/ show now your troth & faithfulness for sith I am so forward/ & specially in this place of juberoth I shall never return again in to Portyngale without I fight with mine enemies/ then every man answered and said sir we shall all abide with you/ & know for truth we shall not fly this day.  
TThus the battles approached/ for the castellians had great desire to find us & to fight as they well showed/ & we sent forth our fore riders to see & know what our enemies did/ & they tarried fro us more than iii hours/ & that we heard no/ tidings of them so that we thought we had lost them/ howbeit at the last they returned & brought us sure word of them & what number they were of by all likelihood/ & they showed us how their vanward were a .vii.M. men of arms arms capa pee as fresh & as well horsed as could be devised/ & in the king of Castles rearward there were a xxx M. horse of good men of arms. And when our king and his company knew the number of their enemies & how that their vanward were a ii legs before the king/ for the Gascoynes & strangers were not well of accord with the castellians/ then we determined to keep us close together in our strength/ & to make ii wings to our battle & our men of arms whereof we had but ii M. &. CCCCC. spears to be between the ii wings/ sir there might well have been seen good order of battle & people well recomforted/ & than it was commanded by the king on pain of death that no man take that day no prisoner/ this was determined among us for the best/ for as the lords & capitains said/ if we should intend to take prisoners it should deceive us & make us take no heed of that we should do/ for it was said that it were better for us to fight well then to take heed of taking of prisoners & to sell our lives dearly as good people ought to do. This word was upholden & observed then our enemies came before us close together like good men of war/ & then alighted on foot & trimmed their harness & let their horses go/ & so came & approached us fiercely/ surely there was the flower of chyvalry/ and that they showed well/ between us and them there was a little dyke no greater but that a knight armed might well pass over/ howbeit to us it was a little advantage for in the passing there of our m●en that were on both wings with their darts dried hurt & maim divers & did sore trouble them/ & when they were over the dyke than they assembled them against us/ for they thought that the king of Castle with his great battle had followed them at hand but it was not so/ for they were all discomfited & slain or the king of Castle came near hand us/ I shall show you by what means they were closed in between us/ & the commons of our country/ who laid on behind them with axes & other weapons without sparing & our men of arms who were fresh came on against them/ & caused them to recoil back/ & to fall in the dyke one upon another/ sir all this was done in less than half an hour/ & there was slain in the field of men of arms more than four M. & none taken to ransom/ for when any knight or spear of ours would have taken any prisoner/ other of their company would slay than in their hands.  
THus clearly without recovery the vanward of our enemies were discomfited/ then came the king of castle with his battle wherein he had xxx M. men well horsed but when they approached it was near night/ & they knew nothing what mischief was fallen on their vanward/ & than they came & mustered themself before us & a. CCCCC. of them leapt with their horses over the dike/ but sir all such as passed over never repassed again/ for there was slain a great part of the noble men such as desired feats of arms & a great number of the barons & knights of Portyngale such as were there with the king of Castle against us/ & when our people saw our enemies so discomfited/ then we passed over the dyke for m xl places the dyke was stopped with deed men/ & took our horses & followed the chase but that was not far for it was night/ we would not foolishly go far for doubt of busshmentes/ nor also we were not so well horsed as the castellians/ for surely if we had they had received more damage than they did/ & the king of Castle taken or slain/ but the night came on so dark saved him and many other/ sir I shall show you the names of the most part of the noble men of France/ Gascoynes/ & portingalings that died in the field at the battle of juberoth.  
FIrst the earl Don Iohn Alphons/ Serole of Portyngale/ the great prior of saint Iohnns in Portyngale/ Don Dilgaures his brother/ Ange Saluace of Geneve/ Don Iohn Ausalle/ sir dangoves'/ Medrich/ dricho Persement/ Peter Resermant/ Lugares of Versaunt/ the great master of Calestrane/ & his brother called Don Dygo Dygares/ Peter Goussart of Seball/ Iohn Radigo of Herriers/ the great master of saint jaques. And of Fresshmen/ sir Iohn of Rys/ sir jeffrey Ricon/ sir Godfrey Pertenay/ sir Espaynolet of Spain/ sir reynold of Solyere/ a knight called Lymosyn marshal of the king of Castles host/ & of gascoins of Bierne/ the lord of Bierne/ the lord of Mortan/ the lord of Bryngoles/ sir Raymonde Durach/ sir Bertram of Varuge/ sir Iohn of Asolgme/ sir Raymonde of Valentyne/ sir Adam of mourase/ sir menuent of Sarement/ sir Peter of Sarembiere & divers other/ more than xii C. knights & squires all gentle men. Now sir I shall show you the names of them that were slain on our party. first the earl of Nauare constable of Portyngale/ Galopes Porteke/ Peter Porteke/ & Agalype ferrant Porteke his brother/ Ponnase of Coign/ Egeas Toille of Podich/ Dassue & vasse martyne of mielx/ & his son vasse martyne who was stricken with a dart clean through his body. Also there was slain Goussalenas' of Merlo/ Alue Porie marshal of the host a good knight/ Radigos Perriere/ Iohn james of Salves/ Iohn Radigo cousin to the king of Ammoudesque/ Radigo Radiges Valero●ceaux mendignes of valconseaux. Then the duke of Lancastre began to laugh/ & Laurence Fongase demanded & said/ sir why do you laugh/ Why said the duke/ there is good cause why/ I never heard so strange names as I have heard you rehearse. Syrsayd he by my faith all these names we have in our country & more stranger/ I believe you well said the duke. But Laurence what became of the king of Castle after this discomfiture/ made he any recovery/ or did he close himself in any of his towns/ or did the king of Portyngale follow him the next day. Nay surely sir said Laurence we followed them no further but abode still in the same place where that field was all night/ & the next day till noon/ then we returned to the castle of Alerne a ii little legs fro juberoth/ & so fro thence to Connymbres/ & the king of castle went to saint yrayne & there took a barge & xiiii with him/ & rowed to a greteshyp and so went by the see to Sybyll where the queen was & his men went some one way & some another like people dismayed with out recovery/ for they lost moche/ & of their damage they are not like to recover it of a great soason without it be by the puissance of the french king/ & because the king of Portyngale & his counsel know well that the castellians will purchase aid out of France because they be aliened together. Therefore we be sent in to this country to the king of England & to you/ then the duke said/ Laurence ye shall not depart hens till ye bear with you good tidings But I pray you show me of the other encountering that your men had in the field of Sybyll as ye spoke of right now/ for I would gladly here of deeds of arms/ though I be no good knight myself/ sir said the squire with right a good will I shall show you.  
AFter the fair & honourable journey the king Iohn of Portyngale had at the Cabase of juberoth/ & that he was returned with great triumph to the city of Lyxbone/ & that there was no tidings of any new assembly of the Castellyans or frenchmen/ but held them in garrisons. Then the king of castle departed fro Sybyl & the queen his wife with him & went to Burgus in castle/ & so our men & theirs made war together by garrisons/ & so on a time the earl of Nauare constable of Portyngale entered in to Castle in to the fields of Sybyl with xl spears/ & came before a town called Valewyde within which there was a. CC. men of arms of castle/ the earl of Nauare came to the baryeres & showed well how he demanded battle of them within/ who made no semblant to issue out/ howbeit they armed them & when our men had been there as long as it pleased them/ then they returned/ & they had not riden past a leg of that country but that they saw them of the garrison of Valewyde come galoping after them/ & the capitains of them was Diogenes of Padillo an expert man of arms/ & the great master of saint jaques in Galyce/ & when our men saw them so coming they lighted on foot and delivered their horses to their pages/ & the spaniards who were a great number would have set on the pages & varlets to have taken their horses fro them/ some said let us win their horses/ we can not do them a greater displeasure/ nor put them to more pain then to make them return on foot/ then the master of saint jaques said/ nay let us not do so/ for if we win the masters we shall soon have the horses/ let us alight a foot & fight with them/ they shall not endure against us/ & thus while the Castellyans were arguing our men passed our a little water that was behind them/ & there took a great ground & fortified it/ & made semblant as though they carried nothing for their horses/ & when the castellians saw that they were passed the water/ then they repented them that they had not set on sooner than they did howbeit they thought soon to overcome our men/ & so came on them & began to cast darts & when the castellians had employed all their artillery & had no more darts to cast/ & had so continued their assault fro noon till it was near night. When our men saw that their enemies had spent all their artillery/ then the earl of Nauare made his banner to pass the water & all his company/ so & dashed in among the castellians who anon begun to open for they weresore travailed/ wearied/ & chased in their harness/ so that they could not help themself/ but were all overthrown & discomfited/ & the master oesaynt jaques slain/ & more than lx with him & the other fled/ & so they saved their horses & won many other fro the castellians. How say you sir had not our men that day a fair adventure/ yes by my faith said the duke of Lancastre.   

¶ How the ambassadors of Portyngale had answer of the king of England/ and great gifts/ & how they took their leave and went in to their countries. Ca xlvi.  
And sir because of such rencountres & deeds of arms that our men have had on their enemies sith the eleceyon of king Iohn of Portyngale/ the portingalings are entered in to great joy & most commonly say the god is for them & their right/ & sir they say not much amiss to say the god is with them/ for in every thing as touching any deed of arms little or moche ever sith the death of king Ferrant/ they have had the victory/ & the earl of Foys that now is one of the greatest lords of the world & full of high prudence/ as we know by them of his country/ he said that fortune was with us of Portyngale/ & if the knights of Byerne had believed him when he departed out of his cowtrey/ they should not have armed themself against the king of Portyngale that now is a wise and a discrete man & feareth god & loveth holy church/ & exalteth it as much as he may/ and is often times in his oratory on his knees in hearing of divine service/ he hath ordained that for what so ever business it be that none speak to him till he be out of his oratory/ and is a great clerk/ & taketh little heed of any great sermons/ and specially he will have justice kept in all his royalme and poor men maintained in their right. Thus sir at your request I have showed you the manner of our country/ and all that I know of the king and all his counsel/ and by them I was commanded at my departing fro them to show you every thing that I knew. Wherefore sir it may please you that I might have an answer/ Laurence said the duke or this time▪ I have showed you/ and yet again I say it that your coming and these tidings doth me great pleasure/ and ye shall not depart fro me till ye be satisfied of all your requests/ & well answered in that ye be come for/ sir said the squire I thank you/ then the duke called for wine & spices/ & so took their leave & went to their lodging to Arcorch to the house of the Falcon in London/ there they were lodged with Thomelyn of Colebrunque.  
ANd it was not long after but that the duke of Lancastre and the earl of cambridge his brother had counsel together of that business▪ of Castle and Portyngale/ whereof the earl of cambridge was well content/ for he had been in that country before/ more than a year and he was glad to here of the conditions & titles of the king of Portyngale/ and of the queen of Castle/ and said to his brother/ sir when king Ferrant lived/ the Cannon Robsart and sir William windsor and divers other knights that were there with me showed me as it is now fallen/ for they said how they had heard divers of the same country murmur on the queen of castles title to Portyngale therefore I took away with me my son/ & had no great affection to that marriage/ In the name of god said the duke/ the squire that is here of Portyngale hath declared all the matter/ and I think we can not have so fair an entry in to Castle as by Portyngale/ for the royalme of Arragon is far of/ and also the king there and his children have always been more favourable to the french party then to us/ Therefore it were not good sith the king of Portyngale maketh for us this good 〈◊〉 to refuse it. So on a day for this matter there was a parliament holden at Westmynstre/ & there it was accorded that the duke of Lancastre should have at the costs of the royalme between a. M. & xii C. spears of chosen men/ & ii M. archers/ & a. M. of other yeomen/ & they were all paydein hand for half a year & therewith all the kings uncles were well content & specially the duke of Lancastre to whom principally the matter touched/ & as he that should be chief of the army/ and to dispatch these ambassadors of Portyngale/ the king of England wrote to the king of Portyngale loving letters containing great amity that he would bear to Portyngale/ & great gifts were given to the master of saint jaques in Portyngale/ & to Laurence Fongase who was always with the duke of Lancastre/ & with the earl of cambridge & so on a day these ambassadors took their leave of the king & his counsel/ & dined that day with the duke of Lancastre & the earl of cambridge/ & the next day they were delivered/ & as I unto the duke of Lancastre sent letters to the king of Portyngale/ & also by credence that he should send a vii galeys/ & an xviii or twenty other vessels to the port of Brystowe on the fronters of Wales for him & his company to pass in to Portyngale/ so the ambassadors departed & went to Hampton/ & there found their ship that tarried for them/ & so entered in to the see & had wind at their will/ & so entered in to the high Spaynysshe see/ & within .v. days they were in the haven of the port of Portyngale/ at which time the king was there and was right joyful of their coming.  
ANd there the great master of saint jaques in Portyngale & Laurence Fongase showed the king & his counsel all that they had seen & heard in England as well of the king as of his uncles & delivered their letters which certified all their sayings/ then anon after the king of Portyngale (Who greatly desired the aid out of England to the intent to cause his enemies to have the more fere) determined with his counsel that master Alphons V●etat chief patron & master of all his ships and galeys in Portyngale that he should prepare ready vii galeys and xviii other great chips/ & to sail in to England to fetch the duke of Lancastre & his company/ & so Alphons was commanded thus to do/ & he incontinent did so and so on a day departed fro the port of Portyngale and in vi days he arrived at Brystowe/ at which season the lords of England/ for the most part were about the marches of Wales/ for the king was there when the duke of Lancastre knew of the coming of these ships he was right joyful. Then knights & squires and all such as should go with him were sent for/ so that in the port of Brystowe there were. CC. vessels with the fleet of Portyngale ready appareled for the duke and his company/ and the duke's intention was to have with him his wife & his children & to make with them some good marriages in castle & in Portyngale or his return again in to England/ for he thought not shortly to return/ for he saw the business in England likely to be hard and sharp/ & how the king his nephew was young and had about him perilous counsel/ wherefore he was the gladder to be gone/ & or he departed in the presence of his brethren/ he ordained his son the lord Henry earl of Derby his lieutenant of all that he had in England & set about him wise & sad counsel/ he was a lusty young knight/ & was son to the duchess of Lancastre the lady Blaunche daughter to queen Phylyp of England/ I never saw ii better ladies nor of more noble condition nor never shall though I should live this thousand years which is impossible.  
WHen duke Iohn of Lancastre had ordered all his business in England them he took leave of the king & of his brethren/ and so he went to bristol/ & there tarried a xu days & shipped all his horses & baggages more than ii M. with hay/ litter/ and fresh water for them. Then the duke entered in to a galley well appareled & had by him a great ship yfnede were for him/ & for the duchess constance his wife who went in this journey with a good courage/ for she trusted then to recover her heritage of Castle and to be queen there or she returned again/ & she had with her a daughter called Katherine/ & by her first husband ii other daughters Izabel and Phylyp/ which Phylyp was married to sir Iohn Holande who was constable of the host & the marshal was sir Thomas Mor●aur who had also in marriage one of his daughters/ howbeit she was a bastard & was mother to the lady mercell damoysel Mary of saint hylary of Hauman/ & admiral of the dukes navy was sir Thomas Percy/ also there was sir yond fythwaren/ the lord of Lucy/ sir Henry Beaumond de poumins/ sir Iohn of But nuell/ the lord Talbot/ the lord Basset/ sir William Bea●champ/ sir William Wyndefore/ sir Thomas Tracon/ sir Hugh Spenser/ the lord Wylloughby/ the lord Braston/ sir william Fermiton/ sir Iohn Dambricourt sir Hugh Hastynges/ sir Thomas Wancestre/ sir Mauburyn Liniers/ sir Joys of Rochestre/ sir Iohn Soustre/ sir Phylyp Tacyel/ sir Iohn Bouboufer/ sir Robert Clycon sir Nycholas Trenton/ Hugyn of Caurele/ david Houlegiax/ Thomas Allerey/ Hobequyn Beaucestre/ and divers other all with pennons beside the barons they were a. M. spears of knights and squires of good men of arms/ and ii M. archers/ and a. M. of other tawle yeomen/ they had a fair season as in the month of May which is lightly pleasant and peaceable/ and so they sailed coasting the Isle of wight and Gernsey till they came open on the coast of Normandy they were. CC. sails & it was a great beauty to see the galeys glide on the see approaching the land full of men of arms and arches seeking for some adventures/ for it was said to them that the army of Normandy was on the see/ and truly so they were till the english fleet appeared before the bounds of Ouarentyne/ but they knew by their balengers that the army of England was coming/ and therefore they withdrew themself in to the haven of Harflewe.  
THere is lightly nothing but that it is known/ and specially of deeds of arms/ for lords/ knights/ and squires will gladly talk together thereof/ When the discomfiture was at juberoth where as the king of Castle took such loss as ye have heard/ tidings thereof came in to Franuce as it was reason/ for there were many there that had lost at the battle their friends and kinsmen/ and as then there was no war so likely to be as in Castle/ also they heard true report how the duke of Lancastre claimed as his right inheritance the heritage of Castle/ and how he had raised in England a great army to the intent to draw in to Castle or in to Portyngale/ so then knights & squires of the low marches to advance their honour drew & sent each to other to determine how they might best draw in to castle/ some counseled to go thither by land to eschew the perils of the see/ & also to scape fro the encountering of the english navy/ & some said nay thereto/ for they said the passage by land was over long. And also they thought that the king of Nauare was not clearly favourable to the french party/ for the frenchmen & he loved but smally together/ for it was said/ & true it was the french men had taken fro him all his inheritance in Normandy/ howbeit I can not tell if his quarrel were just or not/ so thus these companions doubted greatly the perils that myyght fall by going by land as well for the king of Nauare as for other/ & they thought they should never come there by the way through Arragon/ so at last they concluded to go to Rochel as they did/ & there to take these/ there they rygged an xviii vessels & took but few horses with them/ & when they were all ready & had wind at their will/ they entered in to their vessels & so sailed toward Bayon/ for that way or near thereto/ they must needs pass/ & in that company there was the lord of Curtsy/ sir Iohn Handoy/ the viscount of Verliere/ sir Peter of Vellamines/ sir Guy of Baveux/ sir Iohn of castle Morant/ the lorof saint Liger/ sir james of Fougeres/ the lorof Bellannes/ sir Trystram of Langurant/ the lord Bartoys of Bars/ & divers other/ so that they were a. CCC. knights & squires of chosen men desiring arms/ thus they sailed by the see & had wind and wether as they would wish/ & so arrived without peril or damage at the port of saint Andrew in Bysquay/ in the year of our lord. M.iii C.lxxx. & vi the xiiii day of the month of May.  
WHen these knights & squires of Fraun were arrived at saint Andrew's there they refreshed them ii days/ & in that space they drew out of their ships their horses & baggages/ then they set forth & demanded where they should find the king of Castle/ & it was showed them how they should find him in the city of Burgus in Spain where as then he had a great counsel for the business of his royalme. These knights & squires took their way to Burgus/ & so came thither/ & the king of Castle was right joyful of their coming/ & demanded of them tidings of France & what way they came thither They answered how they came by the see fro Rochel & how it was said in france that the duke of Lancastre had a great army of men of arms & archers to come the same season in to castle or else in to Portyngale/ & also how the king of Portyngale had sent a number of galeys & other ships in to England for him/ of these tidings the king of Spain was more pensive than he was before/ how be it he made no semblant but well he thought he should have sore war in that season/ how be it he made good cheer to these knights and squires of France & thanked them greatly of their coming. And then he said to sir Robert of Braquemont/ and to sir Iohn his brother. Sirs when ye departed fro me the year that is past I desired you that when soever ye returned again hither that ye should bring with you tenyse balls of Paris for us to play together/ how be it it had been better I had charged you to have brought good ba●senetes/ & good harness/ for I think we shall find the season well to employ them. Sir said the knight/ we have brought of both/ sir always we can not be armed nor always play. Thus the king of Castle made them right good cheer/ then they had affection to god on pilgrimage to saint james sith they were in the country and some of them had avowed so to do/ so they road all together for company/ and trussed with them all their harness as thought they should have gone to battle/ & they did wisely in their so doing/ for it stood them in good stead or they returned again as ye shall here after. Now let us return to the duke of Lancastres' army who were on the coost of Normandy.  
IN like manner as by comparison as falcons/ pelegrynes that have stand and ●ested long on the perch hath great desire to fly abroad/ In like manner the knights and squires of England desired to find deeds of arms to advance themself/ and said each to other/ Why do ye not aryue & go see the bounds & ports of Normandy/ there be knights and squires to awake us/ and to fight with us/ these words multiplied that it came to the dukes heirs/ and the duke or he departed out of England knew that sir Iohn of Malestroyt/ and the lord of Cambor & Morfonac/ and a great number of knights and squires of Bretayne lay at the siege in bastides before the castle of Breast by the commandment of the constable of France. So when the duke heard of the great desire that his men had to find some deeds of arms/ then he said to his admiral sir Thomas Percy/ and to the constable of his army sir Iohn Holande commanding them to address their navy toward Bretayne saying how he would go and see the castle of Breast to visit & comfort the companions therein & to look on them that be without in the bastide/ of these tidings the english men were joyful. Then Alphons Vietat chief patron of the navy of Portyngale who knew right well the way and the entrees in to Bretayne/ which were right perilous & dangerous/ he made his Galley to lead the trace & showed the way to other. The season was fair & pleasant/ & the see peaceable/ so they sailed toward the haven of Breast/ & then tarried for the tide/ for they knew well with the flood they should in to the haven of Breast/ great pleasure it was to here the trumpets & clarions The same season sir Iohn of Malestroyt the viscount of Combor & Morfonac were sitting at dyner/ when tidings came to them how the english army was come then they rose and armed them/ for they knew well that when the duke of Lancastre had taken land he would fight with them and raise their bastides/ so they were all well armed and of good mind to defend them if they were assailed. They were a. CCC. knights and squires/ the english men were right joyful when they were in the haven of Breast/ and understood how the Bretons held their bastides/ and said how they would go and see them and fight with them for they had great desire to do some deeds of arms.   

¶ How the duke of Lancastre assailed the lords/ knights/ & squires/ that were in the bastides before breast in Bretayne/ and how they defended themself. Ca lxvii.  
THus the duke of Lancastre and his company took land a little beside the castle of Breast and left all their horses & provision still in their ships/ but all the ladies & damoiselles took land to refresh them the first day they did no thing but appareled themself to lodge on the earth/ for ii or iii days in pavilions along the see side/ & so there they lay all that day and that night/ & the next morning the constable & marshal of the army swooned their trumpets to cause every man to be armed/ & so they did & in good order went toward the castle to the bastides which were strongly made in manner to have endured a ix or ten years & about the bastides/ there were dikes/ gates/ towers/ & good walls all made of great timber/ then the knights & squires of England such as desired deeds of arms came to the barrier's of the bastides/ & there begun to skyrmysshe with fervent will to win the bastides/ & the Bretons knights/ & squires that were within the bastides were ready to defend them/ and to the intent to fight more at large hand to hand/ they did put away the barrier's of their defences wherein they did great folly/ but they trusted to much in their own chyvalry/ there was done many a goodly feat of arms/ and heard rencountrynges/ and sore foining with spears/ and they did best that had best breath/ howbeit there were many of the Englishmen/ & therefore they gave the Bretons much a do/ and so by clean force of arms the englishmen wan the baylles so that within the closure of the town there were more then. C. men of arms so that the Bretons were at the point to have lost all/ & when sir Iohn of Malestroyte & the viscount of Combor saw the manner/ then he cried his cry and said what how sirs/ shall we lose all thus/ on forward in fighting we should not faint but other death or honour. Then the bretons closed together with great courage/ & pitched their spears and glaives in the earth and held strongly their place and fought couragyously/ there were many fair deeds of arms done/ so that by force the english men were fain to recoil back/ for they were so well resisted that they could get no ground on them/ so that they were clean beaten out of the baylles/ and so as on that day they could not win it again. And at another corner of their bastides they had a tower of stone descending down from a rock/ which the Bretons held to their advantage for keeping of their bastides. Thereat was made a great assault with archers and other in the mean season while the other men of arms were fighting at the barrier's/ and there the english men passed over a little dyke that was there/ and so came to the foot of the tower with pick axes and mattocks in their hands/ and so began to mine sore the tower/ and such as were with in defended themself & their tower valiantly/ but the english archers shot so holy together that none durst appear at their defence without they were sore pavessed/ and the english men undermined so sore the foundation of the tower that it rave clean in sondre/ & the one part fell down/ and they that were with in when they saw it would fall/ they drew them all in to the part that stood. Then the english men made a great shout/ and by that time it was late/ then they swooned the retreat for they said they had done enough for that day. So then the english men departed & said to the Bretons/ sirs abide there all night and make good watch/ for to morrow we will come/ and look on you again/ ye see well enough what case ye be in/ there is nothing before you to shadow you from us.  
THe intent of the english men was the next day to return again to assail the bastides/ and to conquer them & all such as were within them/ which was right well in their puissance so to have done So thus the english men passed the night it is often times said/ moche things should fall of men's thoughts if there were no country thoughts there against/ I say it because though there were in the english host subtle and wise men of war/ yet the Bretons that were within the bastides were sufficiently provided with wisdom/ and welconsydered what thing might avail them/ & what thing was for their damage/ they saw well they must needs depart thence/ or else to be taken or slain/ then they determined to truise that they might/ and to depart and leave their bastyde/ as they ordained so they did/ and leapt on their horses/ and left their bastides & took the fields/ and so took the way to Hambont a four mile thence/ they did wisely therein/ for they feared no pursuit of the english men/ because their horses were not a land. Thus sir Iohn Malestroyte and his company road the same night to Hamnybout/ they found it open then they feared but little the english men The next day the trumpets blue and every man in the host armed him/ and drew toward the assault of the bastide. Then they heard tidings how the Bretons were departed and had left the bastide void/ then the Englishmen repented them in that they had not laid a bushment for them/ whereby they should not have lost so their prey. Then they broke down the bastide & set fire thereon. Thus by the duke of Lancastre the bastides were raised before Breast/ & the same day the duke & sir Iohn Holande & certain other lords went to see the castle of Breast & the ladies with them & there they eat a drank & made cheer & so went again to their lodgings/ & the next day which was the iii day they refreshed their ships with fresh water & the four day took shiping & so departed.  
THe fourth day after the duke and his company and the mariners took counsel together which way they should draw and whether they should take land at Lyxbone or at the port of Portyngale/ or in Bysquay/ or at Coulongne/ and long they were in counsel or they were fully determined/ & Alphons Vietat patron of the galeys of Portyngale was sent for to them/ and the question was demanded of him/ and he answered & said. Sirs for this cause I was sent to you out of Portyngale fro the king my master and sir know for truth that where soever ye aryue in his country/ ye shall be right welcome to him/ & it shall be right joyful to him for greatly he desireth your coming and to see you. So thus the space of an hour they were at a point to have landed at the port of Portyngale a xxx mile from Lyxbone/ Howbeit after they changed their purpose/ for it was said among them that it were far more honourable for them to land in the marches of their enemies then in the land of their friends/ saying also that if their enemies know that they be landed on them they shall be the more feared than they rested to take land at Coulongne in Galyce/ the mariners set their course that way/ and had wind and wether at will and so after they departed fro Breast the .v. day they came to the haven of Coulongne and tarried for the flood/ wherefore they should not approach near to the land.  
Now shall I show you of the knights of France as the lord of Barroys' sir Iohn Braquemont/ sir Iohn of castle Morant/ sir Peter of Bellames/ sir Trystran and other that were come in pilgrimage to the town of Compostella/ where lieth the body of saint james/ and when they had done their pilgrimage/ and offered/ and were in their lodgynges' tidings came to them how the english men were on that coost/ and by likelihood to aryue at Coulongne or they could untruss their harness and discharge their mules. Then they armed them quickly/ and determined to go thither to defend the port/ castle and town there/ and such as knew the country said sirs advance forward shortly for if the english men happen to win the town or Castle of Coulongne they will be lords of all the country about/ these knights did such diligence that they came the same night to the town of Coulongne which was a xiiii long miles thence/ and a country full wild to labour in. They came so to the point that they entered in to the town and Castle the same season that the englishmen came in to the haven/ & of their coming they of the town and castle were right joyful/ & all that night came after them their carriages and summer's/ and in the morning it was great beauty to behold entering in to the haven the galeys and ships charged with men and provision/ and to here the trumpets & clarions sound/ and the trumpets and clarions of the town and castle did sound in likewise against them/ then the english men knew well that men of war were in the town and castle. Then they issued out of their galeys and ships in to the fields/ not as then approaching the town/ for they saw well the town was strong and well provided of men of war/ & without the town there were certain fisher houses. There the english lords made their lodgings/ and so lay still a four days doing none other thing/ but discharging of their ships/ they had so great provision/ & their horses were set a land/ which had been on the see a xu days sore oppressed what with the furor of the see/ and with the number of people in every ship/ yet they had been well kept/ and had haye/ ootes/ and fresh water sufficient/ when every thing was voided out of the galeys and ships/ then it was demanded of the duke what he would have done with his navy/ he answered and said/ I will that all the mariners be paid of their wages/ and than let every man do his own profit I give them good leave/ for I will that every man do know that I will never pass again the see in to England till I have my full pleasure of the royalme of Castle/ or else I will die in the quarrel/ then the mariners were paid so that every man was content/ and so departed when they might out of the haven of Coulongne/ and some went in to Portyngale/ and some to Lyxbone/ and some to Bayon or to Albay in Bretaygne/ or in to England so that none abode there behind. Thus the duke of Lancastre and his men lodged without Coulongne in such little houses as they found there/ and abroad in the fields in bowers made of green bows like men of war.  
About the space of a month and more the duke lay at Coulongne and removed not without it were a hunting or a hawking/ for the duke & other lords of England had brought with them hawks and hounds for their sport/ and sparrow hawks for the ladies. Also they brought with them in the ships mills to grind corn and ovyns to bake in/ their foragers went daily a foraging where as they thought to speed/ howbeit they found no great plenty of forage/ for they were lodged in a poor country and a desert/ Wherefore they were driven to go far of for forage. And also they of the garrison of Coulongne as the barroys of bars who right well could take a vantage of his enemies if need were and his other companions/ When they saw the english foragers ride forth so foolishly/ they thought on a day to be before them and to make them pay for all they had before/ so on a day they armed them a. CC. and road by guide in the night about the woods and mountains/ and so at the breaking of the day they came to a wood and to a mountain called the Espynet and there tarried/ For it, was showed them how the english foragers road abroad/ & true it was to the number of iii C. And when these foragers had been a broad a ii days and gotten moche forage/ then they returned toward their host/ and their way lay to pass the pace of the pynet. Then they of the bushment broke out on them and cried Barroys of bars. Then the foragers were abashed/ for the most part of them were unarmed/ they had a six socore archers who did put themself in good order of defence/ and began to shoot/ and did hurt and wound men and horses/ and when their shot was past they cast away their bows and fell to other defence with such weapons as they had/ & some hid them to save themself/ what should I make long tale of these english foragers/ there were slain a. C C. and the other saved themself as well as they might in bushes & hedges where as horsemen could not come to them/ & such as fled came to Coulongne & there showed how the barroys of bars had overthrown them/ then they of the host began to stir and to arm them/ & sir Thomas Moreaux marshal of the host with a. CCCCC. mounted on their horses with the penon of saint George & set forth with great desire to find the french men/ and road so long that they came to the Espynet/ and there they found their men dying deed/ and no thing else/ for the french men were departed/ so they returned without doing of any thing else/ and when they were within half a mile of their host they saw where the frenchmen entered in to their garrison of Coulongne/ Wherewith they were sore disposed/ but they could not amend it/ and that day the marshal was sore blamed of some of the host in that he sent forth or suffered to go forth any foragers without sure conduit/ considering their enemies being lodged so near them in a sure hold/ and of such number able to overthrow .v. or a vi C. foragers/ the duke of Lancastre & the Constable so blamed him that he was sore ashamed thereof/ but he excused himself & said how they had been forth more than ten times before/ & had no hurt Well said the duke take better heed another time/ for a case may fall in an hour or in a day that peradventure shall not fall again in an hundredth days.   

¶ How the duke of Lancastre & his host when they had sojourned a momoneth at Coulongne/ then they departed & road toward saint james in Galyce. Ca xlviii.  
ANd when the duke of Lancastre had sojourned at Coulongne the space of a month and more/ then he was counseled to dislodge thence & to draw towards saint james in Galyce/ where was a better country and a more plentiful for men and horses/ so he departed and road in three battles. first the marshal with. CCC. spears & vi C. archers. Then the duke with. CCCC. spear and all the ladies and damoiselles in his company/ and in the arrere guard the constable sir Iohn holland with a. CCCC spears & vii C. archers. Thus they road fair & easily in iii battles/ and were riding three days between Coulongne and saint james. The country of Galyce was sore afraid of the duke's coming thither/ for they feared greatly his puissance. The marshal with his vanward came to Compostelia where the body of saint james lieth/ and the town was closed against him/ howbeit there were no men of war there in garrison/ but men of the town that kept it/ for there were no frenchmen would undertake to keep it to the utterance/ for it was not strong enough to be kept against such men of war as the duke had brought thither. The marshal of the host sent thither an herald of arms to know their intents what they would do/ the herald came to the barrier's & there found the capitain of ytwarde called Alphons of seen/ then the herald said sir capitain here a little beside is the duke of Lancastres' marshal who hath sent me hither & he would gladly speak with you. Well said that captain/ it pleaseth me well/ let him come hither & we shall speak with him/ the herald returned & showed the marshal as they said/ then the marshal with twenty spears with him went thither & found at the barrier's the capitain & certain of the chief heeds of the town/ then the marshal lighted on foot & iii with him & the lord Basset & sir william Fremyton/ then the marshal said/ ye capitain & your men. My lord the duke of Lancastre & my lady & your lady of Lancastre daughter to king Don Peter your lord & king hath sent me hither to speak with you to know what ye will do or say/ either to receive them as ye show do your sovereign lord & lady/ or else they to assail you & take you perforce/ & surely know for troth if ye be taken perforce all ye within the town shall suffer death with the sword to give ensample to all other/ sir said the capitain we will not use us but by reason we would gladly acquit us to them that we belong/ we know right well that my lady constance or Lancastre was daughter to king Don Petero of Castel●s that if king Don Peter had abiden peaceably still king she had been then rightful inheritor of Castle/ but the matter changed otherwise/ for all the royalme of castle abode peaceably to kyngen Henry his brother by reason of the battle that was at Nantuel/ so that we all of the country swore to hold king Henry for our king/ & he kept it as long as he lived & also we have sworn to hold king Iohn his son for our king/ but sir show us what have they of Coulongne done or said to you/ for it may be so sith ye have line there more than a month that they have made some manner of treaty with you/ that is true said the marshal we are at a treaty with them/ or else they had not scaped as they did/ & yet the town of Coulongne is twice so strong as is this town/ I shall show you what treaty they have made with us the men of the town have privily made a composition with● us saying how they will do every thing according as ye do but though ye will suffer yourself to be assailed and destroyed/ yet so will not they do/ for if the country of Galyce do yield them to my lord the duke and to my lady/ they will do in like wise/ and in this we have good pledges and sufficient/ that is well said said the capitain/ we in likewise will hold the same treaty/ there be in the royalme many more good cities & towns/ ride on forth & leave us in pease/ & we will do as they do/ & in that we will deliver you good pledges & hostages Nay sir not so said the marshal. My lord the duke nor my lady will not suffer that/ for they will come & lodge here in this town & keep their estates as they should do in their own heritage/ therefore answer us shortly what ye will do/ either to yield or to be assailed & taken by force & destroyed/ sir said the capitain give us little leisure that we may speak together & we shall answer you shortly/ I am content said the marshal/ then the capitain entered in to the town and caused every man to come before him. Then wisely he showed to them from point to point as ye have hard before/ and finally they agreed to receive the duke and the duchess peaceably as their lord & lady/ and to abide in their town as long as it pleased them without the puissance of king Iohn did drive them thence/ and also that when they had tarried there as it pleased them a year or ii longer or shorter/ and that when they departed out of the country without they left there a sufficient garrison to defend them fro their enemies/ else they to render it again to king Iohn or to his marshal if they were/ so commanded/ and so they to be quite of their faith and promise then made. This treaty the marshal sir Thomas Moreaur accepted & said how they said as they ought to do & that the duke and the duchess desired nothing else of them. Then the marshal returned to his men & so to the duke who tarried for him in the fields/ there he showed the duke this trety where with the duke was content/ & so in good order of battle the duke road to the town of saint james.  
WIthin ii little french miles of saint james in Galyce there came in procession all the clergy of the town with crosses & relics & men women & children tomete with the duke & the duchess/ & the men of the town brought the keys with them which they presented to the duke & to the duchess with their good wills by all semblant/ I can not say if they did it with their good hearts or no/ there they kneeled down & received their lord & lady/ & they entered in to the town of saint james & the first voyage they made they went to the church & all their children & made their prayers & offering with great gifts/ & it was showed me that the duke & the duchess & their ii daughters Phylyp & katheryn were lodged in an abbey & there kept their house & the other lords as sir Iohn Holand/ & sir Thomas moreaux & their wives lodged in the town/ & all other barons & knights lodged abroad in the field/ in houses & bowers of bows/ for there were enough in the country they found there flesh & strong wine enough whereof the english archers drank so moche that they were oft times drunken/ whereby they had the fevers/ or else in the morning their heads were so cuyl that they could not help themself all the day after.  
ANd when the Barroys of bars & Iohn of castle morant & the other knights & squires as were in the castle of Coulongne heard how the duke & duchess were entered peaceably in to saint james/ & that they were there received/ then they took counsel together what was best for them to do/ & said it was but folly to tarry there any longer/ for here we can have no good adventure/ let us go to Burgus to the king & see what he will do/ it can be none otherwise but that he will go against these englishmen/ for if he suffer them to lodge thus in rest by little & little they shall conquer & be lords of Castle wherefore it is more honourable for us to go thither than to abide here/ this counsel they held for the best/ so they made them ready to depart & trussed that they had/ & so issued out of the castle of Coulongne/ & took their leave of them that they found there when they entered first/ & they took guides such as knew the country/ else they had been encountered/ so they road through Bysquay costing Galyce/ & so came to Lion in spain/ & as then the king & the queen were there/ the king there welcomed the french knights as it was reason & demanded of them tidings/ howbeit he knew enough all ready/ they showed him how they entered in to coulongne the same time that the englishmen entered in to the haven/ & how the englishmen found in the haven vii galeys & other vessels of Bysquay laden with wines which the englishmen had to their profit/ the merchants had soon sold it/ ye said the king so it goth by the war/ they were not wise to tarry when they knew the army of England on these they might have gone in to some other quarter/ sir said the knights they were come thither in trust of safeguard for they said the wines & other merchandise that they had should go in to flanders/ for they had heard well by the mariners of saint Andrew's that the englishmen were on the see/ & on the bounds & coost of Bysquay/ & true it is the king of Portyngale sent to them galeys & great ships thine king how they would have landed at the port of Portyngale or at Lyxbone/ but they did the contrary as it appeared/ for they entered in to Galyce by Coulongne/ Well sirs said the king/ among you knights of france who knoweth more of deeds of arms than men of this country/ for ye have more haunted & used the war than they have/ how think you by the englishmen how have they borne themselves all this season/ sir said they they have borne themself like good men of war/ for they be so close & privy that hard it is to know what they intend to do/ but supposing we think the duke of Lancastre will abide all this next winter in saint james town & his people theraboute & over run the country of Galyce & win the small holds & get victuals & provisions/ & till summer come by likelihood there shall be some treaty made between him & the king of Portyngale or else never/ there is one point that causeth us to believe that some alliances shall be concluded between them/ & that is the duke hath brought out of England with him all his daughters married & to marry he hath ii to marry & we think the king of Portyngale your adversary shall have one of them well said the king what thing were best for me me to do/ sir said the knight we shall show you/ cause all your towns & castles on ye●ron●er of galyce to be well kept such as be of strength/ & such as be of no strength cause them to be beaten down/ it is showed us how men of the country do fortify ministers churches & steeples/ & bring in to them all their goods/ sir surely this shall be the loss & confusion of your royalme/ for when the englishmen ride abroad/ these small holds churches & steeples shall hold no while against them/ but they shall be refreshed & nourished with such provision as they shall find in them/ which shall help to furteth them to win all the residue/ therefore sir we say that & ye do well cause all such holds to be beaten down now while ye have leisure & make a cry that without every thing be avoided in to the good towns & in to strong castles between this & the feast of all saints/ & else let it be forfeit & abandon tt to your men of war who so ever can catch it/ or at the furchest by the feast of saint Andrew/ it were better your own men had the profit there of rather than your enemies/ & sir send specially certain persons of your counsel to the french king certefyeng him what case you & your country is in/ thus sir send to the king & his uncles the duke of Berrey & the duke of Borgoyne showing them surely that by all likelihood in this next summer ye shall have the greatest war that ever was made in spain other by the prince or by any other/ sir write piteous letters desiring the king & his uncles to comfort you in this your great need with some good men of arms to resist your enemies & to keep & defied your royalme/ there is great alliances all ready between the french king & you/ & in likewise was by him & your father/ & sir surely in no wise the french king & the noble royalme of france which may do more in deed than england & Portyngale joined together/ in this case will not fail you/ for when the French king & his counsel be justly informed of every thing/ ye shall well perceive they will take such regard thereto that ye shall take but little damage by this war/ for knights & squires of france desiring to advance their deeds with a little word or commandment will draw in to these parties to find deeds of arms/ for as now they wot not where to employ their time better for france & flanders as now be accorded which hath been at war a long season/ & also there is a truce between france & england as beyond the river of Loire to endure to the feast of saint Iohn baptist/ therefore sir ye shall see knights & squires of france come hither in good numbers as well to find deeds of arms as to see this country & to meet the englishmen/ but sir we counsel you for your ꝓfyre that all these small holds churches minsters & steeples abroad in the country let them de put down if ye think to have joy of the residue/ them the king of castle said/ sirs ye counsel me truly/ & thus will I do fro hence forward/ then without taking of any further counsel he commanded all such holds as were of no great strength to be beaten down/ & abandoned to the french knights all that they found in them & to see that it were done as they had devised/ syrsayd they that is well said/ sir we shall see it accomplished & shall help to save all the residue/ this word that the king of castle said to them of france & the authority that he gave to them was well worth to them. CC.M franks of profit & specially to them that came first in to castle/ when the duke of Lancastre arrived at coulongne. Thus throughout all the royalme of castle all small holds churches & steeples & such as were not sufficient to be kept were put down & all the goods in them abandoned to the men of war so the people of the country were atrapped & beguiled such as had fortified such places & put in them their goods as wine corn● flesh & other things thinking there to have kept than sure/ but it fell the contrary/ for knights & squires sent thither their men & took all & brought such provision as they found there to their masters lodgings/ but as for gold & silver such as they found & such money as they made the villains to pay for their own goods/ that money never came to no knowledge/ for that they kept still in their purses/ & some of the poor companions such as were more subtle than other most adventured & thereby won most/ often times such as cometh fro their own houses most poorest in such cases be soonest mounted on good horses & jennets .v. or vi in their stable/ girdles of chains of gold & silver/ & a. M. or ii M. franks in their purse/ & when they were in their own country/ were fain to go a foot or on a nag/ thus the companions that came first in to castle won moche riches & the poor men of the country paid for all/ for they were rob & rifled with their own men/ for they would not that their enemies should have had any perfect thereof/ & when these tidings came in to france to other companions how the poor knights & squires that were gone in to castle were made so rich/ they were the more eager to go out of their houses & to draw in to spain considering how they might there as well pill & rob on their friends as on their enemies.   

¶ Of the great apparel & provision that generally was made in the royalme of france by the king there & by his counsel for a journey to be made in to England/ & also of the death of Francis Atreman. Ca lii.  
THe french king & his counsel were well informed of the voyage that the duke of Lancastre should make in to castle or he departed/ for the voice flew quickly that the royalme of castle should have much a do that summer & to find some remedy thereagainst/ the duke of Burgoyne made so lightly peas with the gaūto● see to the intent to aid the necessity of the king of castle/ whereto the french king & the royal me of france were bound for divers reasons for by the king of castle & his men & ships on the see the business of the royalme of france were in good state/ & also beside that the young king Charles of france had great affection to go with a army in to the royalme of england/ all knytes & squires of france were well agreed thereto & specially his uncle the duke of Burgoyne & the constable of france for all that he had to his wife the sister of king richard of england & also the lord of Coucy/ these lords & the most part of the chyvalry of france said/ why should we not once go into England to see the country & the people there & teach them the way as they have done in france/ & so in the year of our lord. M. CCC.lxxx.vi. what to the intent to break the duke of Lancastres' voyage & to cause him to return out of castle & to give fear to the englishmen/ great ordenawnce for that voyage was made in trance & taxes & tallages set & allysed in cities & good towns & in the plain country that in a. C. year before there was none such seen/ & also great apparel made by the see all the summer till the month of septembre they did no thing else on the see coast but grind corn & bake bysket/ & at Tournay/ lysle/ doway/ arras/ Amyas/ bethune/ saint omers/ & in all the towns about Sluse/ for the french kings intention & his counsel was to take the see at Sluse & so to enter in to england to destroy the country/ they that were rich men in the royalme of france to the aid of this voyage were taxed & tailed to the iii & iii part o● their goods & many paid more than they were worth beside to accomplish the payment for men of war.  
From Spain & fro the port of sybyll to Pruce there was no great ship on the see that the frenchmen could lay their hands on nor under their own obeisance but were retained for the french king & his men/ provision came fro all parties & arrived in flanders/ both wine/ salt/ flesh/ hay/ in tons/ oats/ any on's/ bysket/ flower/ eggs in pipes & of all manner of things that could be devised/ so that in time to come it could not be believed but by them that saw it/ lords/ knights/ squires & men of war were written unto & desired to come & serve the king in his journey/ as out of Savoy/ Almaigne/ & fro the sone going down to the land of the earl of Amynacke/ & so these lords of far countries as the earl of Savoy was retained with .v. C. spears/ also the earl of armagnac & the dolphin of Awuergne/ & these lords though they were of far countries & knew not what end this war should come to/ yet they made their ꝓuysyons so great & costly that it was great marvel to think thereof/ & it was wonder to consider fro whence all such provision came what by land & by see in to flanders as to bruges/ to dan/ & to Sluse/ & so there was sent for in to Holand/ zeland/ meldebourge/ zerechyel dourdrest/ stonehone/ & to all other towns on the see coost & to the rivers entering in to the see for all manner of ships that could do any service/ & all were brought to Sluse/ but the Hollanders & the zelanders said to them that retained them/ if ye wy● have our service pay us our wages clearly or else we will go to no part/ so they were paid/ wherein they did wisely/ I trow sith god created the world there was never seen so many great ships together as was that year at sluse & at Blanquerge/ ●or in the moaneth of September in the said year they were nobred a xii C. lxxx.vii. ships at Sluse/ there masts seemed in the se like a great would/ & the constable of France ship was appareled at Lentregmer in bretaygne/ also the constable caused to be made in bretaygne of timber a closure of a town or like a park that when they had taken land in englade to close in their field to lodge therein more at their case without waking or skries/ & whensoever they should remove their field the closure was so made that they might take it a sunder in pieces/ & a great number of carpenters & other received in wages to atende thereon/ I heard not that the duke of bretaygne made any provision to go in this journey nor the duke of Tourayne the kings younger brother nor the earl of Bloys/ all might not go for some must abide behind to keep the royalme.  
WHo so had been the season at bruges/ at dan/ or at sluse & seen the business there in charging of ships with hay/ sacking of bysket & lading in of onions/ peson/ beans barley candles/ hosen/ shoes/ spurs/ knives/ daggers/ axes of war/ axes to hue withal/ mattocks nails/ beds/ couches/ horseshoos/ pots/ pans/ candelstyckes/ & all manner of necessaries for kitchen/ botery/ & all other offices/ & of every thing that could be thought of/ necessary to serve man & horse/ all was had in to ships in one thing or other who so ever had seen it if he had been seek/ I think he would clean have forgotten all the pain/ the companions of france reckoned none otherwise among themselves when they spoke together/ but that the royalme of england should clean have been lost & exiled without recovery/ & all the men women & children therein slain & taken & carried in to france in servitude.  
OF this great apparel thus made to come in to england/ the king of england & his counsel were well informed thereof/ & it was surely affirmed that the fensshmen would come thither for so they had surely sworn/ it was no marvel though this great apparel somewhat at the beginning abashed the englishmen/ & also the matter was showed moche more than it was in deed/ & also that englishmen were in no sure certainty whether this preparation was to come in to England or else to lay siege to Caleys both by land & by see/ for the englishmen knew well that of all the towns in the world the frenchmen most desired to have calais/ wherefore the king of england sent to Caleys great provision of wheat & other corns/ salt/ flesh fish/ wine/ bear & other things/ and thither was sent sir Thomas Holand earl of kent/ sir Hugh Caurell/ sir william Helman/ sir Dangouses/ sir water of Vurnes/ sir Water paul sir william Toucet/ sir Joys of Mountalban sir collars of Dambrychcourte & .v. C. men of arms/ & .v. C. archers/ & the earl richard of Arundel & sir Henry spenser were ordained to keep the see with xl greteshyppes well decked with men of arms & archers to the number of. CCC. men of arms & vi C. archers.  
ON the other side it was said in divers places in france/ in haynalte/ & in pycardy that the French army that was thus appareled in flauders was neither to go in to england nor to calais/ but rather to return all the matter & set on the town of gaunt/ & as it was informed the town of gaunt the same season doubted greatly that all the apparel was for to come on them/ but they were in a wrong believe/ for the duke of Borgoyne their lord would nothing to them but good rest & peace/ though that Francis Atreman were slain anon after the making of the peace at Tournay for of his death the duke was nothing to blame/ nor the duke had none evil will to him though in the season of war he did many feats of arms for the town against the duke as it hath been declared more plainly here before/ for though he came to an evil end it was his own default/ for if he had believed Peter du boys it had been otherwise with him for when the peace was made between the duke of Borgoyne & them of Gaunt/ when he returned fro Tournay to Gaunt/ & that Peter du boys made him ready to go in to England with sir Iohn Bourser/ then Peter said to him/ Francis what will ye do/ will ye go in to England with us/ then he said he would abide still in Gaunt/ why said Peter think you to abide here in peace there is great hatred against you & me/ I will abide for nothing here/ it is not to tryst in the comontye/ ye have herd how they of Gaunt slew & murdered the valiant jaques of Artuell who had done so much good to the town both in counsel & in arms/ & for a little cause the villains slew him/ & the honest men of the town did not save him but rather dissimuled & was glad of his death/ in likewise Francis will they do with you & me if I abide here/ but as for me I will not tarry/ therefore adieu. ¶ Why said Francis the duke of Borgoyne hath pardoned all things/ & hath retained me if I will to go with him to be as a squire of his stable with four horses/ & he & also sir Guy of Tremoyll showeth me great sign of love. In the name of god said Peter du boys/ I speak not of my lord the duke of Borgoyne nor of his knights I think they will keep well the peace/ but I speak of the commons of Gaunt/ there be some that ye have not always pleased/ remember ye not of the lord of Sargelles whom ye made to be slain & other/ know for troth that these passed hatreds will continue in their hearts/ if ye abide among them yet it were better for you to go & dwell with the duke of Borgoyne. Well said Francis I shall take advise/ but in to England I will not go Thus Francis Atreman abode still/ & peterdu boys went with sir Iohn Bourser/ & anon after that the peace was cried & published in all the parties of Flaunders/ then there was made a cry that none should bear any armour or sword after him/ & Francis Atreman who was still in Gaunt & had kept a great estate the war during/ thought to continue somewhat his honesty/ ever where he went he had a iii or four servants waiting on him armed & bearing sword & other weapons on them & when this cry was made in the duke's name he thought it should not run on him nor none of his servants/ he thought himself so well in favour with them of the town/ but he was deceived/ for within a vii or viii days after the cry was proclaimed the dukes bailiff came personally to him & said Francis ye put my lord the duke's officers in great suspect/ why do you go about in the town in harness & your servants bearing sword & weapons of defence as though it were in the time of war which pleaseth not us/ Wherefore we command you in the duke's name to lay them down/ Francis who thought none evil in that he did but to maintain his estate answered & said/ sir baylyffe I will obey as it is reason/ and I thank god I hate no person nor would not that any should have any hurt for my sake/ howbeit I had thought to have had that advantage in the town of Gaunt that I might have had my servants were their sword after me. Nay said the bailiff not so/ for such of the town as ye have done service unto speak theragaynste & have marvel thereof/ & demand of me why I do suffer it/ they say it seemeth that I would renew again the old war/ which they will not suffer/ Wherefore Francis I pray you do so that I here no more thereof/ for if ye will not obey I must repute you as an enemy to my lord the duke & to my lady of borgoyne & so the bailiff departed fro him/ & Francis went to his lodging & caused his servants to lay down all their armure/ & so entered in to such a fantasy that most part after he went in the town all alone or but one with him child or servant. So it was on a day there was a feast kept without the town of Gaunt in the abbey of saint Peter's/ & Francis Atre man went thither/ and but one servant with him without armure or wepyn/ he was spied & poursued with a bastard son of the lord of Harzelles whom he had caused to be slain be fore/ wherefore then his son thought to be revenged of his faders death/ this bastard was provided for the matter/ & poursued Francis till he came out of the town & far fro any company and cried on him and said. A thou Francis Atreman thou shalt die/ thou caused my father to be slain/ and I shall slay thee/ & as Francis turned him the bastard struck him on the heed with his sword so weighty a stroke that he clave his heed to the teeth/ and so fell down deed to the earth & the bastard went his way fair and easily no man poursued him/ so this Francis Atreman was well worthy to die in that he would not believe Peter du Boys/ and when tidings came in to england & that Peter du boys knew thereof he took but small thought for him & said/ or I departed fro Grant I well advised him/ let us see now who will amend it/ not they that during the war did greatly honour him/ for such doubts I believed sir Iohn Bourser & came in to england  
Now let us return to the provisions that were made at this season at Dan & at Sluse/ it is not had in remembrance of man nor by writing never none like seen nor heard of/ Gold & silver was no more spared than though it had rained out of the clouds/ or scomed out of the see/ the great lords of france sent their servants to Sluse to apparel & make ready their provisions & ships and to furnish them of every thing needful/ the king himself as young as he was had more will to this journey then any other & that he alwayed showed to the end thereof/ every man helped to make provision for other & to garnish their ships & to paint them with their arms/ painters had as then a good season/ for they won & had what soever they desired & yet there could not enough be gotten for money/ they made banners pennons standards of silk so goodly that it was marvel to behold them/ also they painted their masts of their ships fro the one end to the other glittering with gold & devices & arms/ & specially it was showed me that the lord Guy of tremoyle garnished his ship richly/ the payntynge that were made cost more than ii M. franks whatsoever any lord could devise for their pleasure made in ships/ & the poor people of the royalme paid for all/ for the tallages were there so great to fournysshe this voyage/ that they that were most rich sorewed for it/ and the poor fled for it.  
ALl that ever was done in France/ in flanders and other places/ for this voyage was well known in England & it was made moche greater than it was in deed/ whereof the people in divers places of the royalme were sore abashed/ & there were made general processions in every good town & city by prelate's & men of the church iii times every week which were made in great devotion with the hearts with holy prayers & orisons to god to deliver them fro the peril/ howbeit there were in england a. C.M. that desired heartily that the frenchmen might come & aryue in england & such light companions in comforting of themself & of them that were abashed said/ let these frenchmen come/ there shall not one tail of them return again in to france/ & such persons as were in det & cared not for the payment thereof were greatly rejoiced of the coming of the frenchmen/ & would say to their creditors when they demanded their det/ sirs hold you still/ they forge in France new florins wherewith ye shall be paid/ and in the trust thereof they lived and spent largely and when they might not be trusted they would say what would ye have of us/ It were better for you that we should spend freely the goods of this royalme/ rather than the frenchmen should find it & have it/ and so by that means there was spent in outrage in England a. M. pound sterling.  
IN this season the king of england was in the marches & walls & with him the earl of Oxenford by whom every thing was done in england & without him nothing done/ & chief of the kings counsel were sir Simon Burle sir Nicholas brawl/ sir Robert tavylyon/ sir Robert beauchamp/ sir Iohn salwen & sir mychel de la polle/ & also there was named the bishop of Norwyche & sir william Nevell brother to the lord Nevel/ all these as it was said did with the king what they list/ as for the kings uncles the earl of cambridge & the earl of Buckingham could do nothing without it were agreeable to the other before said & this trouble & difference among themselves was well known in france which greatly advanced their journey/ they would have had the duke of Lancastre to have withdrawn his journey out of castle/ but he took no heed thereof to let his voyage/ when the lords of england & the prelate's & the people of the good towns & cities & commons of the royalme were justly & credybly informed how the french king was ready to come in to england to destroy it/ then they drew together to counsel/ them the king was written unto by his uncles that he should come to London/ certefyeng him how the commons of his royalme were not content with him nor his counsel/ the king & his counsel would not refuse the going thither but so departed for the marches of wales where they had been long & the queen also/ & so came to windsor & there tarried a certain days/ & then the king left there the queen & so went to Westmynstre to his palace and there tarried/ & thither came to him all such as had to do/ & there they took counsel how they should be demeaned against this journey of the french king/ then the earl of Salysbury who was a right valiant & prudent knight said before the king & his uncles & before all the prelate's & lords of england that were there pnsent/ sir my sovereign lord & all ye my lords & other/ it ought not to be marveled of our adversary the french king will come & ryn upon us/ for sith the death of the last noble & puissant king Edward of noble memory this royalme here hath been in great adventure to have been lost & destroyed with the villains of the same/ & also it is well known in france/ how we be not all of one accord/ wherefore this trouble appeareth the which is not little/ for he is but a fool that feareth not his enemies/ & as long as the royalme of England was in unity/ the king with his people & they with him/ then we prospered & reigned vyctoryously/ nor we saw nor found none that did us any great wrong/ wherefore it is now needful never more need appeared in england/ that we confirm ourself to rest love & unity if we think to come to any honour/ & that we ordain at the ports & havens of england such provision & defence that our country receive no blame nor damage.  
THis noble royalme of England hath been a lo●g● season in tryumphaunt flower/ & every man knoweth well a thing that is in flower hath more need to be well kept than when it is turned to perfit fruit/ therefore we ought to see & consider how this royalme is in his flourishing flower/ for within this xl years knights & squires thereof both within the royalme & without have had more honour then any other nation/ therefore let us put to our pains that as long as we live we may keep this honour them every man said that it were good that it wereso.  
The earl of salysburies words were well herd & accepted as the words & counsel of a noble valiant & sage knight all that was said by him/ & devised among them I will not long rest thereon/ for I think not to know all/ but I know well that the town of Caleys was kept as I said before/ & they ordained to keep the havens & ports where as they supposed that the frensshmen would aryue/ the earl of salisbury because part of his land marched near to the isle of wight which is right overagainst Normandy & the country of ●aulx/ therefore he was set there with his men & archers of the country/ & the earl of devynshyre to be at Hampton with. CC. men of arms & vi C. archers to keep the haven/ the earl of Northumbrelande at Rye with CC. men of arms/ & vi C. archers/ the earl of cambridge at dover with .v. C. men o farms/ & xii C archers/ & his brother the earl of Buckingham at Sandwyche with vi C. men of arms & xii C. archers/ the earl of stafforde & the earl of penbroke were sent to Or well havyn with .v. C. men of arms & xii C. archers/ & sir henry percy & faulx percy were at yarmouth with iii C. men of arms & vi C. archers/ & sir Simon burle was capitain of Dover ca●●el/ all the havens & ports between the river of Humbre & Cornewal were refreshed with men of war & archers/ & on the mountains & hills costing the see on the fronters against flanders & france were set watch men & watchers in divers manners I can not tell how they had empty pipes filled with sand one set on another/ & on the height of them were places for men to sir on/ which night & day kept watch looking in to the see/ & they were charged that if they saw the french navy approach toward the land/ them to make fierce aloft on the hills to stir the country to draw to the coost where the fierce appeared/ & it was ordained that they should suffer the french king peaceably to take land & all his & to suffer him to enter in to the land a iii or iiii days/ & so then first to go to the see where he landed & to fight with the ships & to win them if they cold to destroy them & take all their provision/ & th●●● follow the frenssh●ē/ not incontinent to fight with them but to harry them & to keep them waking & to keep them fro going a foraging/ & to destroy them all that were abroad in the country so that thereby they should famish them/ this was the opinion & counsel in england/ & Rochestre bridge was broken where is a great river running fro arundel in to the county of Essex & entereth in to the see & in to Tamyse against the isle of Tenet/ this bridge they of London bet down to be the more surer/ & where as taxes & tallages were great in france on the men of the towns in likewise they were great the season in england so that the royalme sorrowed it a great season after/ but they were glad to pay the soldiers to be thereby defended/ there were ready in england a. C. M. archers &. a.x. M. men of arms beside the great company the the duke of Lancastre had in to castle/ of whom now we will speak somewhat & show of the acquaintance that was between him & the king of Portyngale/ & than I shall return to speak again of england/ for the matter requireth to speak as well of the one as of the other.   

¶ How the king of Portyngale wrote amiably to the duke of Lancastre when he knew that he was arrived at saint james in in Galyce/ & of the socours that the king of castle sent for in to france/ & how the town of ruels in Galyce was taken by the english men. Ca. liii  
YE have heard before in this history how the duke of Lancastre with a fair company of men of arms & archers were arrived at Coulongne in Galyce & how by composition the town not the castle was yelden to h●/ thus they said they would do as other towns in Galyce did/ & so thereby they were not assailed/ & then the duke his wife & children came to the town of saint james called Cōpost●lia & there laye● & was in purpose to do till he heard other tidings fro the king of Portyngale who knew of a surty that the duke was at saint james/ whereof he had great joy/ thinking that between them they should make a goodly war in to castle/ then he wrote letters right amiably with great salutations & sent them by certain messengers to the duke & the duchess who received the letters right joyously/ for the duke knew well he should have gretnede of the king of Portyngale/ for without him or his comfort he saw well he should make but small speed in his business in Portyngale or in castle/ then the duke gave to the messengers great gifts & wrote again letters with great salutations & amytyes to the king of Portyngale/ certefyeng him in his letters that he desired greatly to see & speak with him/ thus in the mean season the letters & messengers went between the king of Portyngale & the duke of Lancastre the time passed/ & king Iohn of castle fortified him in all that he might & sent of●e in to france letters & messengers desiring to have aid of men of war to defend & keep his royalme of castle/ saying that in the summer following he thought he should have great war/ because the king of Portyngale & the englishmen were joined together in alliance whereby they should be strong enough to over ryn the royalme of castle without they were withstanded/ the French king & his counsel wrote again to the king of castle/ bidding him to take no thought nor doubt/ for within the month of january he would give england so much a do that they should not know what to do saying that when they had destroyed all England then in the summer they would take the see again & so pass in to Galyce & in to portyngale & that if the englysshmen there & the portingalings kept the field they would cause them to flee/ so that within a year they would make an end of all the wars/ so the king of castle contented himself with this answer for he saw well he could have none other as at the time/ so there came none out of France to him but such as were there before/ for all knights & squires far & near went to Paris & in to Pycardy & so to lisle/ to do way & to tourney the country iii mile of length was full of men of war/ the number was so great that such as had the rule of the navy said that they could not pass at the first passage but xl M. men/ them it was ordained & advised that they should suffer no man pass without he were a proper man of arms & that every knight should have but one varlet/ & a baron ii squires & that no horse should pass but all only for the lords/ & to execute this there were menset at Sluse to see that none other should pass howbeit there were such a number of rascals in flanders & theraboute that they eat up all in the country/ & the poor men of the country paid for all their charges/ for they durst not speak against them/ they were worse to the country than if englishmen their enemies had lain there & it was great doubt that the king & the lords once passed over in to England & such people to abide behind lest they assembled together & destroy all/ & surely so they had done if the journey had done amiss. Now let us return to the duke of Lancastre. ¶ In the mean season while the duke of Lancastre the duchess & his children with his company lay at saint james knights & squires of his company lived at adventure where they might catch it/ & on a day sir Thomas Moreaulr marshal of the host & 〈◊〉 him sir Mauburne of luners/ sir Iohn dambrychsourte/ Tyrry & william of Sonnayne & a. CC. spears & .v. C. archers road forth in to Galyce/ & so came to a walled town a vii miles fro saint james called Ruelles/ for the villains that dwelt therein would not turn to the duke/ but were rebel & had often times overthrown of the duke's foragers as they passed by the barrier's of their town/ for they had broken so the ways that they could not repass none other way but by their barrier's/ & when they saw a vantage they would issue out like thieves & destroy foragers or other that passed by whereof the complaints came to the marshal that he should provide some remedy according to his offices wherefore he came before this town of ruels/ the watch of the town had well blown their coming/ whereby ●hey within closed fast their barrier's & gates so that none abode without/ ●●so mounted upon the walls/ the marshal when he saw their demeaning saw well they● would abide the sault/ then he said to sir Iohn Dambrychcourte and to Tyrry of Sonnayne/ sirs take your horses & ride about the town & be hold well where we may best assail the town with least hurting of our men/ so they mounted on their horses & road about the town it was of no great crycute wherefore they returned again the sooner & had well advised every place & so came to the marshal & said/ sir in all this town there is but ii gates/ the one here be fore you & the other right over against it/ sir we think these ii places are most easy for us to give any assault/ for round about the town else are great dykes & deep right evil to go down & worse to mount up again/ for hedges & bushes of thorn that grow therein/ I believe it well said the marshal you sir Mauburne shall have a certain company with you & go to the other gate/ & I shall abide here and let us give assault both at ones I wot not what shall come to us/ but gladly I would see yonder villains that are leaning on the batylmentes of the walls of their town/ they look on us to see what we will do/ they are like apes eating of peers & children would take it fro them.  
OF the marshals words his company laughed & looked up to the walls to behold the villains/ them sir Maulburyne went forth with his penon & with him. C. spears &. iii.c. archers & went to the gate & there tarried/ so then anon the assault bega in ii parts right sharp & fierce & the men within the town were over the gates & threw down darts so fiercely that it troubled the archers & crossbows/ but they hurt many of them with their shot because there were none at the barriers to defend them/ for they were all closed within the town & defended themselves with shot & cast of darts/ so the englishmen broke up the barrier's & came to the gate/ & bet & rushed so thereat the they made the gate to tremble & shake when they within saw their gates likely to be broken up they went down fro the walls in to the street & bare great timber & wood to the gates/ them women children & all manner of people bare stones & filled empty tons & pipes & set them against their gates/ & so set other above on them & filled than in likewise one upon another/ & some were still over the gates & did cast down great bars of iron/ so that none durst approach near the gate without he would be slain/ thus the villains of Ruel kept their town against the english men/ so that they lost but little that day/ & so the englishmen returned back along mile of that country to a town where was no person abiding/ & there they lodged till the next morning that night the men of ruels counseled together to know what they should do/ & how they should maintain themselves against the englysshmen & they sent out their spies to see where the english men were such as were sent forth returned again & reported surely how they were lodged at the base town of senace/ & that by all similitude they would return again to the assault the next morning/ then they said among themself/ folly it was to begin & more folly to continue/ we can have no blame though we yield us to the duke of Lancastre or to his marshal for we have defended our town an hole day among ourself without counsel or comfort of any gentle man or any man of war. & at length we cannot endure against them/ Now sith they know the way thither & what we can do it were better for us to yield then to be any more assailed/ for if we be taken perforce we shall lose our bodies & goods/ so they were all of this opinion that if the english men returned the next day they would treat with them and yield up their town/ their lives & goods saved.  
THe englishmen in the morning returned/ anon upon the son rising to go to the sault. When they of the town saw that/ they sent out four of their men to make their treaty/ & as the marshal road under his penon he saw in the field these four men & said/ yonder I think be of the men of ruels coming to speak with us/ bring them hither/ & when they were come before that marshal they kneeled down & said/ sir the men of the town of ruels have sent us hider to speak with you/ pleaseth it you to hear us/ yes said the marshal/ say what ye will sir said they we are ready to put you in possession of the town of ruels/ so that you will save our lives & goods & we will accept my lord the duke of Lancastre & my lady the duchess for our lord & lady/ in like manner as they of Coulongne & saint james have done. well said the marshal I am content & will assure you of your provision/ for it behoveth our men to live/ sir said they that is but right/ there is provision enough in this country/ sir pleaseth you to tarry here a little & we shall return in to the town & show what you have said/ & sir we tryst ye will uphold this covenant/ ye truly said the marshal/ therefore return again briefly/ so they returned to their town/ & showed how they had spoken with that dukes marshal/ & how they had made with him such a treaty that they should be in safeguard of their bodies & goods except victuals/ then they of the town said god grant it so to be/ then they did rid their gates of the tons with stones & timber that they had set there/ & opened the gate wide/ & so came to the barrier's with the keys in their hands saying/ sir we know well ye be hider sent fro my lord the duke of Lancastre & fro my lady his wife/ sir we render to you the keys of this town & put you in possyssyon thereof on such conditions as our men have made report to us/ on the same condition said the marshal I receive it/ so he entered in to the town/ & he & all his menlodged here & there at their pleasure & there tarried all a day/ & or he departed he said to sir maulburyn/ sir I deliver you this town for you & your company/ ye shall have here a fair garrison/ sir said he that is true/ & I take it with a good will/ for the garrison pleaseth me well/ then sir Maulburyn of Luners abode in the garrison of ruels in Galyce/ & had under him a lx spears & a C. archers/ & sir Thomas moreaulx returned to the duke & to the duchess to saint james.   

¶ How the duke of Lancaster's marshal and his men assailed the town of Vyeclope in Galyce/ which yielded by composition/ and of the ambassadors that the duke sent to the king of Portyngale. Ca li.  
anon after that the marshal was returned fro the town of ruels on a day he road forth again with a iii C. spears & a vi C. archers/ & so road a long days journey came to a town called Vyleclope which was kept but by such villains as dwelt in it/ than that marshal caused the town to be aviewed to see if it were pregnable or not & when they had well advised it they said it might be well won by assault/ then they lighted on foot & sent their horses back by their varlets/ and divided themself in four parts/ and made themself ready like men of war/ sir Thomas Moreaulx had the guiding of one company/ these conde had sir yond Fythwaren/ the third sir Iohn Dambrychcourte/ and the fourth had another knight/ and every party had four score men of arms/ and a vii score archers. Then they approached to the town and went down in to the dykes for therein was no water/ and then mounted up again on the other side well pavessed/ and the archers stood on the side of the dyke/ and shot so fiercely that none durst appear at their defence/ howbeit for all their shot they within defended themself valiantly/ for they were a great number within they cast out darts with long feathers & sharp heads so rudely that who so ever was fully stricken with them without they were well armed/ they were other slain or sore hurt/ howbeit knights & squires to advance themselves came to the foot of the walls/ for all the stones that fell on their basenettes & on their bodies/ & the ii squires of Haynalte Tyrrye and Gyllyan of Sonnayne did divers goodly fetes of arms and made a great hole through the wall with such help as they had/ and ●ought sore hand to hand with them within/ and these ii brethren won a vii darts that were cast at them/ through the hole they pulled them out of their enemies hands/ these ii brethren were under the standard of the lord Fyth waren/ on the other part sir Iohn Dambrychcourte showed valiantness like a noble knight/ & he had at the foot of the wall his penon pitched in the earth by him/ and he had a pykeaxe in his hand & mined therewith to the best of his power to break the wall/ it aught to be marveled how these villains were not abashed to see themsefe so assailed on all parts/ howbeit they could not so long endure/ but that they had many hands to defend themself withal/ but at the last they advised them (When they saw that the assault seized not) to yield themself. Then the bailiff of the town who had caused them so long to continue came and said to the marshal/ sir cause your assault to seize/ for the men of this town will treat with you/ well said the marshal/ I am content. Then he caused an herald to ride about the town who said to every man/ sirs seize your assault till ye here the marshals trumpet blow again to the assault/ for he is in treaty with them of the town/ and with those words they seized & rested them/ & some of them had need thereof/ for they were very weary with assailing. Then they of the town entered in to their treaty and said how they would yield themself lives & goods saved as they of other towns had done in Galyce. Nay said the marshal ye shall not scape so good cheap as other have done/ for ye have put us in moche pain/ and hurt divers of our men/ and we see clearly that ye can not long endure against us/ Wherefore it must behove you to buy your pease and our love/ or else we will return again to the assault/ and win you perforce. Why sir said the bailiff what ransom will ye ask of us/ in god's name said the marshal ten M. franks/ ye ask to great a some sir said the bailiff/ I shall if it please you cause you to have ii M. franks/ for sir this town is but poor and hath been sore charged with taxes. Nay said the marshal we will not of that/ we will give you respite to take counsel together/ for as for iii or four M. franks ye shall nor scape/ for all is ours if we list/ and also I am blamed of my company to make any treaty with you. Therefore shortly determine you other to do it or to leave it. Then the bailiff went in to the town and called every man before him and said. Sirs what will ye do/ if we suffer any more assaults the english men will conquer us perforce so we shall all die & lose all our goods/ they demanded of us ten M. franks/ & I have offered them ii M. I know well it is over little/ for they will never agree thereto/ therefore we must exalt the ransom a ii or iii M. franks more. Then they of the town who doubted to lose all that they had & their lives also said/ baylyffe forsake not to merchandise with them/ for rather than we will be any more assailed we will pay four M. franks/ than said the bailiff/ that is well said/ yet I will treat with them/ then he came again to the marshal/ and as I understand their pease was made by paying of vi. M. franks. Then the gates were set open and every man entered and were lodged where they list/ and tarried there ii days/ & the marshal delivered the town to yond Fythwaren with. CC. spears and. CCCC. archers and there he lay in garrison more than viii months/ but the ransom of the town went to the duke of Lancaster's profit/ & the marshal had a. M. franks.  
ANd after that the town of Vyleclope was yelden up to the dukes marshal/ then he returned to saint james to the duke for the duke would have him about him/ and sometime he road to the fronters of Castle & Spain to give fere to the french men/ but as long as the englishmen kept the field in Galyce there were none that came against them/ for the king of Castle was counseled not to ride forth with any host/ but to keep war by garrisons/ and to abide forsocours out of France. Then the duke of Lancastre was counseled/ and it was said to him/ how that it were good that he and the king of Portyngale might speak together/ saying also/ sir the writing that rynneth thus between you is good but that is not enough for the french men be subtile and see ferther in their business than any other people/ if covertly they happen to make a treaty with the king of Portyngale/ & also the king of Castle hath about him and of his counsel divers lords in Portyngale as we be informed/ & so peradventure by their means/ they might make a pease by marriage or otherwise/ so that then by him ye should have no comfort/ what should fall then/ ye should be then in worse case than ever ye were/ for them the castellians would set little by us/ the castellians are the most subtylest people of the world/ trow you that the king of Portyngale would not be content to be at rest of this business if the king of Castle would suffer him to be king of Portyngale all his life/ and after him the king of castle/ sir it is to be doubted though he have sent for you/ & so or ye could turn back again we might be overthrown/ and also sir ye know the state of England which hath as now enough to do to keep themselves against their enemies as well frenchmen as Scots/ therefore make as good war as ye can with such people as ye have/ for trust not of no comfort nor aid out of England other of men of arms or archers for surely ye are not like to have any/ ye were two years about to get that ye have/ the king your nephew seeth not all things/ he is young and believeth young counsel whereby the royalme of England lieth & is in peril & great adventure/ wherefore sir approach as soon as ye can to the king of Portyngale & speak with him your word shall do you more profit than all the letters ye can write in four months/ the duke of Lancastre noted well these words & knew well that it was true and that it was truly counseled/ then the duke said to them that gave him that counsel/ what will you that I should do/ they answered and said/ sir send to the king of Portyngale .v. or vi of your knights and at the least a baron/ and let them show the king how ye have great desire to see him/ let them be wise that ye send/ and let them find the means that ye may speak together shortly/ I am content said the duke. Then there was sent in to Portyngale fro the duke/ the lord poynynges/ a great baron of england/ and sir Iohn Abruell/ sir Iohn Dambrychcourte and sir Iohn Souster bastard brethren to sir Iohn Holande constable of the host/ these departed fro saint james with a. C. spears & CC. archers.  
ANd on a day when all these letters were made and sealed there came to the duke fro the king of Portyngale a knight and a squire with xii spears called sir Vase Martyne of Cougne and the squire Ferrant Martyne of Merle they were of the kings house & near to his person they were lodged at their ease in the town of saint james/ then they were brought to the duke & to the duchess & so presented their letters/ and also they presented to the duke and to the duchess and to their daughters fair white mules well aumbling whereof they were glad/ howbeit for all that the journey of the englishmen to the king of Portyngale was nor broken but they were stopped for a four days/ and on the .v. day departed and this knight and squire all together in company/ and the duke sent to the king of Portyngale in token of love ii falcons pelegrynes as good as could be devised/ & vi english greyhounds good for all manner of bee●tes/●o the portingalings and the englishmen road together over all the land of Galyce they were in no fere of the Castellyans/ for they were far enough ofrro them/ and on the way as they road sir Iohn Dambrychcourre and Martin Ferrant of Merle fell in talking together/ for before that season the squire had been in arms with sir Eustase Dambrychcourte who was uncle to the said sir john and was with him when he died at Quarencyne/ and as they talked together they road behind their company/ they met an herald and a varlet coming fro Connymbres where the king lay & was riding toward saint james to the duke of Lancastre/ this herald perceyned to the king of Portyngale/ and was called Connymbres. The herald had spoken with the lords and showed them such tidings as he knew/ and when Ferrant Martin of Merle saw him coming he said to sir Iohn Dambrychcourte behold yonder cometh an herald of the king of portingalings/ it is long sith he was in this country I will demand of him some tidings/ and when they met together the squire said a Connymbres where have you been so long/ it is more than a year sith I saw you or that ye were in this country/ sir said he I have been in England & have seen the king and lords there/ and they have made me rich with great gifts that I have had of them/ and fro thence I returned by the see in to Bretayne & was at the marriage of the duke of Bretayne/ and at the great feast that he kept at the city of Nauntes about a ii months past/ he hath wedded the lady jahan of Nauare and fro thence by the see I went in to Ireland/ & fro thence to the port in Portyngale/ and as they talked together the squire beheld a scochyn that the herald bare on his breast wherein were graved & inamyled the king of portingalings arms and the arms of divers other lords/ then the squire set his finger on one of the arms pertaining to a knight of Portyngale and said/ as here the arms of the gentle knight sir Iohn Partelere by my faith I am glad to see them for they pertain to a gentle knight who on a time did me great profit I ought well to remember it & therewith he took four florins of gold out of his purse/ and gave them to the herald who thanked him/ and sir Iohn Dambrychcourte beheld well the arms the field silver an endenture gooles with ii chanders fables/ and so the herald departed/ then the squire said/ sir Iohn saw you never this knight that bare the said arms/ whom I praise so moche/ I can not tell said sir Iohn/ but at the least I pray you show me what was that courtesy that once he did to you/ I would be glad to here it/ we have nothing else to talk of/ I am content said the squire to show you/ for the knight is well worthy to be spoken of/ then he began his tale thus.  
SO it fortuned a little before the battle of juberoth when the king of Portyngale went fro Connymbres thitherward/ the king sent me in to the country to warn certain knights to come to him to be with him at that journey/ so I road forth & but one page with me/ and as I road I happened to meet a xxv. spears gascoyns/ and I was not aware till I was among them/ then they took me & demanded whether I went/ and I showed them I was riding to the castle of Ronte/ & they demanded what to do/ and I said to go seek sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere to come to the king of Portyngale of juberoth/ why said they is sir Iohn Ferrant Parteler capitain of the castle of Ronte/ is he not all ready with the king of Portyngale/ no surely sirs said I but shortly he will be there/ if he once know the kings pleasure/ well said they he shall know it/ for we will ride thither/ so they took the way to the castle of Ronte/ & when they were within the sight of the castle/ the watch of the castle said he saw men of arms approaching toward the castle/ then sir Iohn Ferrant demanded fro what part they were coming/ the watch said they were coming toward the port A said he they be then Castellyans and rideth at adventure toward saint Irayne I will go and look on them they shall tell me tidings where the king is/ so he leapt on his horse & a xx. with him and took his penon before him/ and road out of the castle a great gallop to come to the Castellyans who as then were drawn in to a bushment/ and had made one of their company to ride forth on a jennet/ and when sir Iohn Ferrant saw the geneture he said to a squire of his/ galop forth thy jennet & assay to speak with yonder geneture than the squire galloped forth and followed him near ever likely to take him/ for he fled but softly before him to the intent to bring him in to the bushment/ & when he was near them/ the bushment broke out at him/ & than he turned quickly his back and they that chased him cried Castle/ and sir Iohn Ferrant being under his penon saying his squire returned in such hast said/ they that chase my squire be none of our company/ they be castellyans set on them/ cry Portyngale for I will fight with them/ then he took his spear & ran at them/ the first that he met withal went to the earth/ and the second also/ of xxv Castellyans' that were there x. of them lay shortly on the ground and the other chased/ and some were overtaken & slain and hurt/ and all this I was glad to see/ for I saw my deliverance and in a short season I was left all alone/ then I came to the knight and saluted him/ and as soon as he saw me he knew me/ and demanded of me fro whence I came & what I did there/ then I showed him all mine adventure and how the castellians chased me and took me/ well said he and what know you of the king of Portyngale/ by my faith sir said I to morrow he shall have battle at juberoth against the king of castle for he sent me in to this country to give warning thereof to the knights and squires that knoweth it not to the intent that they should resort to him/ to morrow said he/ ye truly sir said I and if ye believe not me/ demand of these castellians that ye have taken/ then he demanded of them tidings they said how surely the next day there should be battle between the ii kings/ of which tidings he was right glad and said openly to the castellians/ sirs for the good tidings that ye show me/ I quite you of your ransoms/ depart when ye will so ye acquit this squire/ so thus he caused me to be quited fro them and so they departed/ & we the same day returned to ●onte than he made him ready and departed thence at midnight & I in his company/ and fro thence to the Cabase of juberoth which was a vi miles of that country/ and to eschew encountrynges we road somewhat out of our way/ & in the morning we heard that there should be battle the same day or we saw the battles & when we approached the battles were ranged in the fields/ the king of Castle on the one party & the king of Portyngale on the other/ and at the first we knew not which were Castellyans and which were portingalings till at the last sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere said I believe surely the greater host be the castellians/ then we road forth fair & easily till we came near/ and than we saw well it was the Castillyans/ and I trow some of the gascoynes broke out against us/ then sir Iohn Ferrant said/ let us advance forth/ we see yonder our enemies coming on us/ then we struck our horses with the spurs & road crying Portyngale & they followed us/ then when our company of portyngules saw us/ they came forth and rescued us/ and for all that the battles broke not their array/ and so sir Iohn Ferrant came to the king and acquitted him that day with the best Thus sir I have showed you how he did me great courtesy/ for he delivered me out of prison/ and I had not been at the battle and he had not been/ Therefore sir did he not me a goodly pleasure/ yes truly said sir Iohn Dambrych court/ and also by you he knew of the battle that is true said the squire/ & than they road forth till they had overtaken their companuy & came the same day to Connymbres.  
ANd of the coming of these english knights the king of Portyngale was right joyful/ & commanded that they should be well lodged at their ease/ and when they were ready/ then Martin of Coign & Ferrant Martin Merle/ and the english knights went to the king who received them joyously/ them the englishmen did their message & presented the king with the Falcons and greyhounds/ of the which the king had great joy/ for he loved hounds and hawks/ then they thanked the king on the duke's part for the goodly mules that he had sent to the duke/ and to the duchess/ then he said that was but a small present another time I will send them greater gifts/ this was but for acquaintance of love as lords ought to do one to another to nourish love and amity/ then wine and spices were brought and the knights of England drank and so took their leave for that time & returned to their lodgings to supper/ the next day they dined at the kings palace/ and the lord Poynynges and sir Iohn Bancell sat at the kings table/ and sir Iohn Dambrychcourt & sir Iohn Soultyer sat at another table with the barons of that country such as were there and there was Laurence Fongase a squire of honour of the kings who knew right well all the knights and squires of England/ for he had seen them in England he made them the best cheer he could/ they were well served at this dyner/ and after dinner they were brought in to the counsel chamber. Then the english knights began to speak to the king and to ii earls that were there present/ the earl of Angose/ and the earl of Nauare and said/ sir and it like your grace beside all the recommendations that the duke of Lancastre hath sent unto you he gave us in charge to say to you that he desireth sore to see you/ then the king said/ and I as glad to see him/ and I require you that shortly we may see and speak together/ sir said the earls it were good that it were so/ for till ye be together ye shall not love perfectly/ and than ye may take advise together how ye may maintain your wars against the king of castle sir this is true said the knights of england than said the king let it be done shortly/ for if the duke desire to see me/ in like wise I desire to see him/ so than they fell in other talking for then the king charged his counsel to agree and assign a certain day when they should meet together and to assure the english knights thereof/ and so they did/ & it was agreed that the king of Portyngale should come to a city in his country called the port/ and that the duke of Lancastre should ride along by the frontere of Galyce/ & so there at the parting of both royalmes to meet and speak together/ & so on that conclusion the messengers departed and returned toward Galyce & road as they came till they came to saint james/ and there showed to the duke and the duchess how they had sped/ of which tidings the duke was joyful and so he had cause for his business began then to approach.  
ANd when the season came that the duke of Lancastre should depart fro saint james/ he left there still his marshal and all his company except iii C. spears/ and vi C. archers/ and sir? Iohn holande who had wedded his eldest daughter with him and many other knights and squires/ and the duke road the fronters of Galyce and approached near to Portyngale/ and the king who lay at the port knew well of his coming/ and so departed with vi hundredth spears and came to the fronters of Portyngale and lodged at a town called Mouson the last town of Portyngale on on that side/ and the duke of Lancastre came to another town the first town of galyce joining to Portyngale called Margasse/ and between Mouson and Margasse there was a river and fair meadows and a great plain & a bridge called the bridge/ & on a thursday in the morning the king of Portyngale and the duke of Lancastre with all their companies met together there was a goodly and a loving meeting and there were lodgings made in the fields of the kings side and thither went the duke of Lancastre to dyner/ which dinner was well ordered/ & there sat at the kings table the bishop of Connymbres/ the bishop of port the archbishop of Bargus in Portyngale/ & the duke of Lancastre and a little beneath late sir Iohn of holande/ and sir Henry beamonde of England/ and there were plenty of minstrels and so were in sport till it was night that day the king of Portyngale was appareled all in white with a reed cross of saint George for that is the habit of the house called Mouson otherwise called Denyce in Portyngale/ of the which order the king was and or he was crowned was called master thereof. But ever after he bore still that devise in the honour of god and saint George/ and all his men were arrayed in white and reed/ then when it began to be late they returned to their lodgings till the next day. The king went to Mouson and the duke to Margasse and between both there was no more but the meadow and the river to pass/ then on the friday when they had heard mass they took their horses/ & so road again to morbrydge/ and there they met again/ there they had goodly lodging made. The king and the duke had their chambers hanged with tapyceryes and curteynes as well as and the king had been at Lyxbone and the duke at London/ and before dinner they counseled together on the state of their business/ & how they should maintain their war & when they should set forth/ then it was determined that all the winter the king should tarry in his own country & the duke at saint james & to let their marshal deal/ and in march the king and the duke & their men to assemble together and to go and fight with the king of castle where soever he should be as then/ for they said they should be english and portingalings together a xxx thousand/ and when all this was concluded then the kings counsel commoned among themself for a marriage for their king/ for it was time and the royalme would that he were married to his honour & profit/ and for to have good alliances in time to come/ and they said they knew not as then where he should marry more to his profit nor to the wealth of his commons then in the house of lancaster/ and this they showed to the duke/ and when he saw the kings intention and how that he was in the kings danger saying he was come out of England in to the fronters of Portyngale to demand his heritage of Castle/ then he answered smiling & said to the king/ who was there present/ sir I have in the town of saint james two daughters I will give you one of them whom it pleaseth you to choose. Sir send thither your counsel/ and I shall send her to you/ sir said the king I thank you ye offer me more than I desire/ as for my cousin Katherine I will leave her still with you/ but as for Phylyp your daughter her I demand and will wed her and make her queen of Portyngale/ and so broke up their counsel and went to dinner and sat as they did the day before/ they were served notably according to the usage of the country/ and after dinner the duke returned to Margasse and the king to Mouson.  
THe saturday after mass they met again at the said place/ and that day the duke of Lancastre made the dinner for the king of Portyngale and his company/ and there were chambers and halls hanged with arras & enbrowdery as richly as though they had been at London/ and the portingalings praised much the english manner/ and at that dyner there were three archbishops and vii bishops sitting at the high table. The bishop of Lyxbone/ the bishop of port/ and the bishop of Connymbres/ the archbishop of Bargus and other/ and the king sat in the mids of the table/ and the duke a little beneath him/ and beneath the duke the earl of Nauare and the earl of Angosse/ and at another table sat first the master Denyce/ then the great master of saint james in Portyngale and the prior of saint Iohnns/ then Don galopes percler/ & Iohn Ferrant his son/ the ponnayse of Congne and Vas Martin of Congne/ the Podych of Senede Vas Martin of merle albarons/ the abbot of the cabase of juberoth/ the abbot of saint marry of Ewer/ sir Alue Perere marshal of Portyngale/ Iohn Radygosdesar/ and divers other knights and squires of Portyngale/ for there sat that day no englishmen/ for all knights and squires of england served/ & there were many minstrels & the duke gave them a. C. nobles and the heralds as much/ after dinner when all things was accomplished they took leave amiably each of other till another season/ the king returned to port/ and the duke to Marga●se and took his way in to Galyce/ and the earl of Nauare conveyed the duke with a. C. spears till he was out of all danger/ and then the earl took his leave and returned in to Portyngale & the duke road to saint james in Galyce.  
MOche desired the duchess of Lancastre the return of the duke her husband & to here tidings what conclusions were taken And so the duke was well welcomed home as it was reason/ and the duchess demanded of him how he liked the king of Portyngale/ by my faith said the duke he is a gracious man & is of body and manners like to be a valiant man/ & I think he shall reign in great puissance/ for he is well beloved of his men/ they say they had no king this. C. year that so well pleased them as he/ and he is of age not past a xxxvi year/ he is a strong knight and a hardy according to the nature of Portyngale/ & he is well made of body to endure great pain ye but sir said that lady what saith he to any marriage/ I have agreed to him said the duke that he shall have one of my daughters I did put him to the choice other of Katherine or Phylyp/ whereof he gave me great thank/ how be it he rested on Phylyp/ he hath good reason said the duchess/ for my daughter Katherine is yet to young for him/ thus the duke and the duchess passed that day/ and so the time passed/ for winter approached/ howbeit in the countries of Galyce & Portyngale there is but little winter for it is always hot/ & grains & fruits groweth there quickly/ for there be divers fruits ripe in march/ beans/ person & cherries & all fresh crbes groweth in February/ & in so me place they make wine by mydsoner/ & by that time harvest is past.  
ANd though that the duke and the duchess tarried in the town of saint james & lay still/ yet his men stirred abroad/ & conquered in the country of Galyce towns & castles/ & how they were won I shall show you the truth & the names of them/ for I was justly thereof informed both by knights & squires as well of england as of Portyngale such as had been present at all their conquests & specially by the gentle knight of portyngale/ or who I have spoken here before/ who right amiably at Myddelbourge in zeland as he came fro his voyage out of Pruce informed me/ I have here before named the knight/ & yet again I name him/ his name was sir Iohn Ferrant Partelere/ so it was sir Thomas Moreaulx marshal of the duke of Lancastres' host. when the duke was returned fro the fronters of Portyngale & was come again to the town of saint james/ he said he would not sit still sith he was in the country of Conquest but said he would ride forth and set his company a work/ which they sore desired & so made his assemble & said he would enter further in to Galyce to bring the towns and castles under the duke's obeisance. And so on a day he departed fro saint james with a vi C spears/ and xii C. archers/ & took the way to a good town in Galyce called Poceveyed/ which was rebel against them/ they of the town had knowledge of the englysshmennes coming for all the common people fled out of their country in to the good towns. So they took counsel what they should do other yield or hold as long as they could endure/ so they were not all of one accord/ the comen people would have yielded/ but the bailiff who was 〈◊〉 there by the king of castle/ and the rychemen would not yield so soon/ for they said they should norher have honour nor profit in their to doing/ so they were in counselling together when the watch of the town swooned & gave knowledge of the Englishmen'S approaching/ then they broke up their counsel & every man went to his defence/ & ran to the walls and bare bars/ stones/ darts/ javelyns/ & showed well how they would defend themself and not yield so lightly.  
WHen the duke's marshal and his company were come before the town of Poncevayde/ they lighted on sore and delivered their horses to their varlets/ & then divided their companies to give assault/ & the archers arranged themselves about the town with their bows ready to shoot/ and men of arms well pavessed and armed entering in to the dikes/ then the marshals trumpets swooned to the sowte/ and the men of arms then claim up the dykes with pykeaxes and mattocks to win the walls/ and the men of the town within cast down stones & other things that troubled the minors sore and had done more and the archers had not been/ but they shot so holy together that none durst appear on the walls/ and they did hurt many of them within and specially the bailiff of the town was stricken with an arrow that pierced his bassenet and entered in to his heed so that he was fain to be borne out of the place to his lodging/ yet the evil people of the town would not yield for all that the bailiff was sore hurt/ but were the rather more angry & more ready to defend them/ thus the sault endured till it was night/ then they swooned their retreat/ there were men hurt on both parties/ the englishmen rotourned fro the sault and went to thery lodgings/ & were of entency on the next morning to return to the sault/ & not to leave till they had gotten it/ the same night they of Ponce void took counsel together and said among themself we are but foolish people thus to be hurt and troubled for nothing/ why do we not as Vylodes and they of Coulongne hath done they are yielded to the duke of Lancastre/ & to my lady Custance daughter to king Don Peter let us yield like as other good towns have done/ wherein they were wise for thereby they sat in rest/ well said other let us do in like wise/ but our bailiff hath counseled us the contrary/ therefore he hath his payment for he is likely to die/ then some of them said/ yet let us go to him and here what he will say/ for certainly to morrow the englishmen will return they will not let us be in peace they will other have us perforce or by love.  
TO that counsel they all agreed and a xii. of the best of the town went to the bailiffs lodging whose name was Dyon table of Lion/ & there they found him on his bed newly dressed of his wound/ & so he made to them that came to him semblant of good cheer whatsoever he felt and demanded the of the assault/ and how they perceyvered there in/ then they answered and said how they did well thanked be god/ for except your hurt we have taken but small damage/ but to morrow lieth our doubt/ for we are sure to have a new assault/ and we be no men of defence we are but simple people and wot not what it meaneth/ therefore we are come to have your counsel what is best for us to do/ the Englishmen sore threateneth us that if we be taken perforce we shall be put to the sword & lose lives and all that we have in the name of god said the bailiff/ ye can have no● blame though ye yield/ but make a wise treaty that they be no rulers in your town/ ye may say that ye will gladly be under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre & of the duchess in like manner as they of Coulongne be/ so that no englishmen come within the town/ but to send them provision out of the town for their money/ thus do if ye can/ I think they will be glad of the obeisance/ for they have many more towns to win in Galyce/ wherefore I think they will the lightlier go house/ ye say well syrsayd they/ we shall do thus sith you counsel us to do it/ so they were/ determined on this purpose/ and so passed the night as well as they might/ and in the morning at the son rising they ordained certain men to go out of the town instructed and charged what truce they should make with the marshal if they could/ there were vii of them & they came to the marshal who was ready to return to the sault/ and kneeled down saluting him and said/ sir we be sent hither to you fro them of the town of Ponce void/ who have commanded us to say in their names that gladly they will put themself under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre and of my lady the duchess in manner & form as they of Coulongne hath done/ and as for provision ye shall have enough out of the town paying courteysly therefore/ and sir it is the intention of them that hath sent us hither/ that ye should not enforce them any further/ nor you nor none other to enter in to the town with any army/ but if you & some of your company will enter simply/ ye shall be welcome. The marshal had an englishman by him that understood the speech of Galyce/ he showed the marshal in english the words that they had spoken. The marshal answered and said/ sirs shortly return again to your town and cause to come to the barrier's such as sent you hither to speak there with me/ I will give them assurance this day/ and to morrow the son rising without we be agreed/ so they departed and went to their town and found at the barrier's the most part of them of the town/ & there they made relation of their message saying how incontinent the marshal would come to the barrier's to speak with them/ and if ye be not company enough send for such more as ye will have so then all the notablest men of the town drew together/ then the marshal with a xl spears came thither and alighted & came to the barrier's and said thus.  
YE sirs of Ponce void ye sent to us vii of your men/ and I believe surely ye did put your trust in them and they said how ye would gladly knowledge my lord the duke and my lady for your sovereigns in manner and form as they of Coulongne hath done/ but ye will not have none other governors but yourself within the town/ I pray you what sovereignty should they have over you without they had men set in the town under them else when ye will ye will be under him and when ye list forsake him/ surely it is mine intention and all my company to ordain you a good capitain true & wise to govern you and to minister true justice/ and to put out all officers set there by the king of castle and if ye will not do thus answer me/ for we are determined what we will do/ then they desired a little to take counsel together/ and so they did and then said/ sir we have good trust in you/ but we doubt these pillars & robbers/ for we have been sore beaten with such people in time past/ when sir Bettram of Clesquy and the bretons came first in to this country/ for they lift us nothing/ & therefore we fere/ nay sirs fear not that said the marshal/ there shall no pillars & robbers enter in to your town/ nor ye shall lose nothing by us/ for we desire no thing but obeisance/ and so with those words they were accorded/ then the marshal and certain of his men entered in to the town and the host abode without in tents and pavylyous/ and there was sent out of the town to the lords four summer's laded with good wine and as much breed/ polayne great plenty/ the marshal abode all that day in the town & set officers there for the duke of Lancastre/ and he made a capitain there a Galysyan who had always been in England with the lady Custance with whom they of the town were well contented/ & the next day the marshal returned to the host.  
THen he determined to go to another town a vi miles thence in Galyce called Dyghos & so road forth thitherward/ & when they were within ii miles they sent a messenger to the town to know whether they would rebel or else yield them as they of Ponce void have done if not they should be saulted the next day they of Dyghos made no care for that message and said we care for none assault we have been assailed or this time & lost nothing when that answer was said to the marshal/ he said/ by saint George and they shall be fiercely assailed are these villains so proud to give such an answer/ so they passed that night and took their ease/ the next morning at the son rising they dislodged/ and so came before the town & lighted a foot and set them in order to go to the assault/ & they within made them ready to defend them & their town/ this town was not great but it was strong/ and I believe if they had had any good men of war in their town the englishmen had not so soon have had them for as soon as they within the town saw how they were assailed & felt the arrows of the archers of England & saw how divers of them were sore hurt/ for they were but evil harney sed/ then they began to be abashed and said/ why do we suffer ourself thus to be slain & hurt for the king of Castle/ it were as good for us to have to our lord the duke of Lancastre sith he hath married the daughter of king Don peter/ as the son of king Henry/ we know well if we be taken perforce/ we shall all die/ & we see no comfort fro no part/ it is more than a month sith we sent to the king of castle to Burgus in Spain/ & there it was showed to his counsel the peril that we were in/ for we knew well the englishmen would come on us as they do/ & the king than spoke to the knights of France/ who are of his special counsel but they gave him counsel to send no garrison hither nor to no part of Galyce/ by seeming the king had as leave all Galyce were lost as saved/ he answered to our messengers/ sirs return to your town and do the best you can for yourself/ whereby we may well understand that we need not to suffer ourself to be slain nor taken perforce/ and therewith the men of the town came to the gate & mounted up to a window & made sign to speak & to treat/ they were herd & the marshal came thither & demanded what they would/ they answered & said/ sir marshal cause your men to seize the assault/ we would yield us to you in the name of the duke of Lancastre/ & of my lady Custance like manner as other towns in Galyce have done and shall do/ and if ye well have any provision out of our town/ ye shall have right courteysly to refresh you/ but with an army there shall none enter. This is the treaty that we will desire/ the marshal then answered & said/ I am agreed to uphold all that ye demand/ but I will ordain you a good capitain to defend you/ and to counsel you in all your business/ then they answered & said well sir we are content therewith/ so the assault seized/ & the marshal sir you Fythwaren/ the lord talbot/ sir Iohn Aburnell/ the lord Popnynges/ sir Iohn Dambrychcourre & certain other knights entered in to the town to refresh them and there tarried all the day & they that were without had breed & wine & other victuals enough out of the town/ thus after/ the taking of the town of Dyghos in Galyce & that the lords were well refreshed/ then the marshal set there a capitain asquyer of England called thomas Albery a sage man & a valiant and xii archers with him/ and then the marshal departed and entered in to the country of Galyce costing Spain and the mountains of Castle to come to a great town called Bayon in the Maroll/ & when they were a two. mile thence they lodged/ and the next day in good a●aye they came near to the town & then divided them in two battles/ and sent an he●aulte of arms to them of the town to know what they would do/ and whither they would come to obeisance without assailing or no The herald came to the barrier's and there found a great number of the vyllaynes' evil harnessed and said to them in their language the herald was of Portyngale and was called Connymbres sirs among you in this town what thing think you to do/ will ye be assailed or else yield you & be under the obey ●aunce of my lord the duke of Lancastre and of my lady/ the marshal hath sent me hither to know what ye will do/ then the men of the town drew to counsel and began to murmur and said one to another/ what shall we do yield ourself simply or defend us/ then an ancient man who had seen more then many other said sirs it is needful to take short counsel the englishmen do us great courtesy sith they suffer us to take counsel/ ye see well there appeareth none aid fro no part to comfort us/ & also the king of Castle knoweth well what case we stand in/ and hath done ever sith the duke of Lancastre arrived first at Coulongne and he provideth nothing for us/ nor is not about to provide/ if we suffer to be assailed it is of troth this town is great in cyrcute & of small defence it will be hard for us to attend to every place/ the englishmen are subtle in war and will do moche pain to win us in try● of pillage for they be covetous and so be all men of war/ and this town is reputed to be more richer than it is in deed/ wherefore I would counsel you for the best to put ourself and town under the obeisance of the duke & of the duchess/ let us not be so rebel to cause ourself to be taken perforce sith we may come to peace by a mean/ this is the counsel that I give you/ then all the other answered and said we will do thus we believe you/ for ye are a man in this town of great parage and may do moche. And we desire you to make the answer to the herald with a good will said he/ but it were reason ye gave the herald a reward/ he will do us the more courtesy & report good of us to the lords that sent him hither.   

¶ How they of Bayon yielded them to the duke of Lancastre/ and how the marshal of his host entered in to the town and took possession thereof. Ca liii.  
THen this ancient man came to the herald & said Sir return to your masters that sent you hither & say to them fro us that we will amiably put us under the obeisance of my lord the duke of Lancastre and of my lady the duchess his wife in like manner & form as other towns in Galyce have done and will do/ and we/ pray you to be our friend and we will give you twenty moryskes of gold/ when the herald heard him say so/ he said where be the florins/ there they did give them to him/ and so he returned to his lords/ then the marshal demanded of him what tidings/ what say yonder villains will they be assailed/ nay truly sir said the herald they have no will thereto but have said to me that ye should come thither/ & they will amiably receive you and put themself clearly under the obeisance of my lord the duke & of my lady the duchess as other towns have done/ well said the marshal so be it it is better for us this treaty than the sault/ at the least our men shall not be hurt. Then the marshal with all his company came to the town & lighted on foot/ & at the barrier's he found moche people of the town but all their armure was not worth ten franks/ there they were to see the Engglysshmen/ and there was the ancient man to make their treaty/ as soon as the herald saw him he said unto the duke. ¶ Sir speak unto yonder ancient man who maketh courtesy to you/ for he hath the authority of the town in his hands/ then the marshal stepped forth and said/ sir what say you what will ye do/ will ye yield you to my lord of Lancastre and to my lady as to your sovereign lord and lady/ ye sir said he we yield us to you in the name of them and put this town under their obeisance as other towns in Galyce have done/ and if it please you to enter in to the town/ ye shall be welcome/ paying for provision if ye take any/ well said the marshal it sufficeth/ we will nothing but obeisance & love of the country/ but ye shall swear that if the king of castle come hyderor send hither that ye keep you against him & his alyes than they answered & said/ sir we will swear it with good will/ & if he come hither with puissance or send we shall close our town against him/ & send you word thereof/ and if be stronger than he we will abide still under you/ for ye shall find in us no manner offrawde. That is enough said the marshal/ I ask no better/ or it be a year to an end the matter shall be determined/ for the heritage and crown of Castle of Spain/ of Cordewayne/ of Galyce/ and of Syvyll shall abide with him that is strongest for there shall be seen in these countries or the end of August many deeds of arms done/ & as great an army appear in Castle as hath been seen there this. C. year past/ well said the ancient man/ let it be as it will be/ and let the right go to the right/ we in this country of Galyce dare well abide the adventure/ then the rebels were brought forth & they of the town swore to govern their town well & truly as subjects should do to their sovereign lord and lady/ and to knowledge the duke of Lancastre and his wife for their lord and lady as other towns in Galyce had done/ and the marshal in their names received their oaths and swore again to keep and maintain them in peace and good justice.  
ANd when all this matter was done sworn and promise than they opened their gates & barrier's & every man entered who would & lodged all abroad in the town & were there a four days to refresh them & their horses & to abide for a fair season/ for in four days before in never seized raining. wherefore they were loath to depart/ for the rivers were waxed so great that no man could pass without great danger/ & also in that season they advised themselves whereout they would go to Bezanses or to Rybadane another strong town wherein were the most proudest people and most traitors of all the country of Galyce/ & on the first day the marshal departed fro the town of Bayon in Marol/ & when they were in the fields they found the rivers withdrawn whereof they were right joyful/ then they road forth towards Rybadane & had with them great carriage and moche provision & road all in peace/ there were none that stopped them of their way/ for there were no lords of Galyce that stirred/ so they road till they came nereto the town/ & then lodged them under the olives in a fair plain within half a leg of the town/ & there determined to send their herald to speak with them of Rybadane/ the marshal had well heard how they were the falsest people & of the merueylest conditions that were in all the royalme/ as great a royalme as it was/ for they did never set by the king nor no man else/ but held alonely of themself/ for their town was strong/ so the herald was sent to them to know their intentions. And when he came thither/ the barrier's were closed and the gate also/ then he began to call and to knock/ but no man would answer him/ yet he saw men go up and down on the garettes of the gate & walls/ but for nothing that he could do/ there was no creature would speak one word to him so there he stood calling & making of signs more than an hour/ then he said to himself/ when he saw he could have there nothing else/ I trow these men of Rybadane have spoken with them of Bayon and are disposed that they gave me xx. floreynes and did so little therefore/ now they will make me buy it dear/ I fere they would have me tarry here till it were late/ and than take and hang me/ and so therewith returned to the marshal who demanded what tidings whereout they would be assailed or yield as other towns had done/ sir said the herald/ surely I can not tell they be so proud that for any crying & calling that I could make/ there was none that would give me any answer/ then sir Iohn Abaurell said/ sawest thou no person there/ peradventure they be fled away for fere of us/ fled away said the herald/ sir saving your grace they think scorn thereof/ for or ye have that town they will put you to more pain than all the other towns in Galyce/ sir know for truth therein be men enough/ for I saw great number of them/ & called to them on high & said/ sirs I am an herald sent to speak with you/ therefore here me/ but they held their peace and looked on me and laughed. A said the marshal the false villains shall well be chastised/ for I will not depart thence till I have brought them to obeisance with out my lord the duke of Lancastre communde me the contrary/ let us eat and drink and then go to the assault/ for I will see them a little nearer sith the villains be so proud/ and it was done as the marshal ordained.  
ANd when they had eaten & drunken they leapt on their horses and sownnted their trumpets making great 'noys/ and within a while they came before the town/ and some knights and squires ran before the barrier's but there they found no body/ but over the gate there were many cross bows and they began to shoot and did hurt divers horses/ then the english archers arranged them before the barrier's and on the dikes & began to shoot against the cross bows/ so there was a sore assault which long endured/ true it is the town of Rybadane is right strong it could not be won on the one side/ for it standeth on a rock so that no man can mount thereto/ on the other side where the sault continued was plain ground/ but there were great dykes dry without any water/ but they were evil to mount upon knights and squires availed down & then began to mount again with targes and pavaises over their heeds for defence of stones that were cast down/ & the archers were ranged along on the dykes who shot so holy together that the defendants durst not appear abroad/ that day there was a great assault & divers hurt both within and without/ and at night they swooned the retreat/ Then the sault seized & the englishmen drew to their lodgings and took their case & dressed them that were hurt/ and the same day thirty of Sonnayne was stricken with a quarrel in the arm so that in a month after he could not aid himself with that arm but bore it in a towel.   

¶ Hoowe the duke of Lancastre & the Duchess held them at saint james in Galyce/ and of the comfort that the french knights gave unto the king of Castle. Ca lii.  
THe same season that the duke of Laucastres' marshal road abroad in the country of Galyce & made the country to turn to the obeisance of the duke & duchess who lay at the town of compostella otherwise called saint james in galyce/ often times they heard tidings fro the king of Portyngale/ & the king fro them/ for they sent & wrote each to other weakly/ & on the other party king Iohn of castle lay that season at Valeolyve and the knights of france with him with whom he spoke often times of his business & demanded of them counsel and sometime he said to them. Sirs I have great marvel that there cometh no more aid to me out of france/ for I lose my country and am like to lose without I find some other remedy/ the englishmen keepeth the fields & I know well that the duke of Lancastre and the king of Portyngale have been together/ and mine adversary the king of Portyngale shall have in marriage one of the dukes daughters/ and as soon as they be wedded/ ye shall see both their puissances join together & enter in to my royalme & so give me to moche to do. Then the french knights answered to comfort the king and said sir take no thought therefore/ for if the englishmen win on the one side they lose on the other/ for we know surely that the french king with more than a. C.M. men of war is as now in the royalme of England & destroyeth and conquereth the country/ and when they have done & brought all England in subjection/ then the french king will take again the se/ & or summer be past aryue at coulogne in galyce & win again more in a month than ye have lost in a hole year/ & the duke of Lancastre shall so be enclosed that he shall be fain to i'll in to portyngale & so ye shall take vengeance of your enemies/ for sir know surely that if the business offraunce had not been so great as it is for the voyage in to england ye should have had here or this iii or four M. spears of frenchmen/ for the french king his uncles & counsel have great affection to comfort & aid you to bring your wars to an end sir care not though the englishmen now keep the fields & win a little of your country. Surely sir or it be the feast of saint Iohn baptist they shall all be driven away/ the king took these wor for good/ & took comfort in them/ & the french knights said nothing but as they thought was true for they reputed surely as then the french king to be arrived in England/ & so it was brewted in all Spain/ Galyce/ and Portyngale/ & surely the fourth part of the tidings that the englishmen heard of pilgrims & merchants coming fro flanders was not showed to the duke of Lancastre/ & also the king of Portyngale for all that he wrote often times to the duke/ yet he somewhat dissimuled & was not over hasty to send for the lady Phylyp to be his wife/ for his counsel said to him/ sir surely there is tidings come out of France & out of flanders that the royalme of England is in a great adventure to be destroyed/ and if that be so what should it avail you the comfort of the duke of Lancastre or to wed his daughter/ it should nothing avail you/ wherefore covertly he delayed his business to the intent to see the end of that matter/ howbeit by letters & messengers he retained still the duke in love & favour. Now let us leave a season to speak of the businesses of Castle and Portyngale/ and let us treat of the matters of france.   

¶ Of the great apparel of ships & galeys that the frenchmen made on the see to pass in to England. Ca liii.  
THe apparel of ships galeys and vessels that the french king made to pass in to England was so great and sumptuous that the eldest man than living never saw nor herd of the like/ the knights and squires rejoiced when they departed fro their houses to go with the french king in to England & said/ now let us go on these cursed englishmen/ who have/ done so many evils & persecutions in france/ now shall we be revenged for our faders brethren and kinsmen whom they have slain and discomfited/ surely it was more than xii weeks a doing/ the pourueing of such provisions as the french lords made/ it was so great that it was marvel to consider it/ & it was said in all flanders/ the king cometh to morrow and also men came thither out of Gascoigne/ armagnac/ comings/ Tholowsyn/ and fro all the limits of france/ and all came & lodged in flanders and Artoys/ and when it came to the mids of August & that the voyage should approach/ and to the intent to make them of far countries to make the more haste & to give ensample that the king took his voyage with great desire/ the king took his leave of the queen his wife/ and of queen Blaunche and of the duchess of orleans/ and of the other ladies of france & herd mass solemnly in our ladies church in Paris/ & his intention was never to return again to Paris till he had been first in England/ so the king road to Senlyse/ but all that season the duke of Berrey was still in his country of Berre/ howbeit provision was made in Flaunders & at sluse for him as it was done for other/ also the duke of Borgoyne was in his country/ & so then he took leave of the duchess & of his children/ & determined to take his leave of his great aunt the duchess of Brabant/ so he departed out of Borgoyne & road in great estate & the admiral of france in his company & sir Guy of Tremoyle/ & so they came to Bruzelles/ & there found the duchess & other ladies who received him with great honour/ & ii days he tarried there with them/ & then took his leave & fro thence he road to Mons in Heynalte and there he found his daughter the lady of Ostrenant/ & duke Aubert & his son sir wyllyam of Heynalte earl of Oftrenant/ who received the duke with great joy/ & so brought him to Valencennes/ & the duke was lodged in the earls palace & duke Aubert in the lodging of Vycongnet & the lady of Ostrenant/ & fro thence the duke road to Douai/ & so to Arras/ & there he found the duchess his wife tarrying for him. Then the french king came to Compaygne & so to Noyon/ & fro thence to Perone/ & to Bapalmes/ & so to Arras/ & daily there came down people fro all parts so great number that the country was clean eaten up/ nothing was left abroad in the country but it was taken without paying of any thing/ so that the poor common people that had gathered together their corns had nothing left them but straw/ & if they spoke thereof they were beaten or slain/ their waters were fysshed/ their houses beaten down for fire would/ if the englishmen had arrived in the country/ they could not nor would not have done so great destruction nor hurt then the frenchmen themself did/ & they said to the poor men/ sirs we have as now no silver to pay but when we return we shall have enough/ & than ye shall be clearly paid/ but the poor people when they saw their goods taken & spent away/ and durst not speak thereagainst/ they cursed between their teeth saying/ go in to England or to the devil & never return again.   

¶ How the french king and his uncles arrived at Sluse in flanders. Ca liv.  
THe french king came to lisle in flanders & his two uncles with him the duke of Borgoyne and the duke of Borbon/ for as then the duke of Berrey was behind in his own country and ordained for his business & with the king at lisle there was the duke of Bare/ the duke of Lorraine/ the earl of armagnac/ the earl of Savoy/ the earl Dalphyn of Awuergne/ the earl of Geneve/ the earl of saint Poule/ the earl of Ewe/ the earl of Longuevyle and other great lords of France in such number that I can never name them all/ it was said there should pass in to England twenty M. knights & squires which to say troth is a fair company/ & also twenty M. cross bows with the Geneways and beside them other twenty M. of other men of war/ and as then sir Oliver Clysson was in Bretayne and ordained therefore his business and navy and should bring with him the closure of the field made of timber/ which they ordained to be set up every night when they were ones in England/ and with sir Oliver Clysson constable of France should come out of Bretayne the best knights & squires therein/ as the viscount of Rohan/ the lord or Rays/ the lord of Beawmanoyre/ the lord de la Vale the lord of Rochforte/ the lord of Malestroyt sir Iohn of Malestroyte/ and a .v. C. spears Brerons chosen men of war/ for it was the constables intention that no man should enter in to england without he were a man of arms chosen/ & he gave charge to the admiral saying take heed ye charge not our ships with varlets and boys/ for they shall do us more damage than profit/ so that ii or iii knights without they were great masters/ though they hired ships for their money/ yet they should have but one horse over & one varlet to say truth they ordained all their businesses in good order/ and it was the opinion of divers that if they might aryue all together in England where as they intended to land/ & that was at Orwell haven/ how they should sore abash the country & so they should without doubt for the great lords spiritual and temporal and the people of the good towns were in great doubt/ but the commons & poor companions cared nothing therefore/ no more did poor knights and squires/ for they desired the war either to win or to lose all/ and they said one to another/ god hath sent to us a good season sith the french king will come in to this country/ he is a valiant king we think this. CCC. year passed there was not in france a king of that courage as he is of/ he maketh his men good men of war/ blessed may he be sith he will come to visit us for now we shall die/ or else be rich it can be none otherwise.   

¶ How the french king tarried at Sluse with his great host to the intent to enter in to England. Ca iv.  
IF the apparel for this voyage was great and sumptuous in Flaunders and at Sluse/ in likewise was it in England I have showed you somewhat thereof/ here before/ wherefore I pass it over briefly/ if the taxes and tallages were great in france in likewise they were in england/ so that many a man sorrowed long after/ but because the commons saw it was needful said/ it is not against reason though we be taxed now & to give of our goods to knights and squires to defend their heritages and ours. There was raised the same time in England for the defence of the country more than ii mylyons of florins/ and receivers thereof were the archbishop of york brother to the lord Nevell/ the earl of Oxenford/ sir Nycholas Branbre/ sir Myghell Polle/ sir Simon Burle/ sir Peter Gauloufer/ sir Robert Tryvylyen/ sir Iohn Beauchamp/ Sir Iohn Salysbury and other of the kings privy counsel/ as for the kings uncles there was nothing done by them/ nor they would not meddle therewith nor bring the royalme in trouble but they took good heed to maintain the honour of the royalme/ & to keep the passages & ports for they believed surely to have the same year/ the french king with his puissance to aryue in England/ so these said lords and knights received the taxes and did what they list/ & the chief of them & he that had most profit was the earl of oxenforde/ for by him every thing was done/ and without him nothing done so that after when their businesses were passed the people made trouble to know where the money became/ and some of the cities & good towns of England would have accounts thereof/ with the aid of the kings uncles as ye shall here after when time shall be to speak thereof/ for it shall not be forgotten out of the history.   

¶ How sir Simon Burle would have had by his counsel saint Thomas of Cauntorburyes shrine removed to the castle of Dover/ whereby he achieved great hate. Ca lv.  
SIr Simon Burle was capitain of the castle of Dover/ and he heard often times news out of calais by the fishers/ for they kept still their custom of fishing. Sometime before Boloyne & before the port of Whytsande and when other french fishers met with them they would tell each other tidings sometime more than they knew/ for the fishers of the see what so ever war was between England and France/ they did no hurt one to another/ but were as friends aiding each other and bought & sold each with other fish if one sped better than another for if they should have made war one with another/ there durst none have gone a fishing without conduit of men of war/ thus sir Simon Burle understood by the fishers that surely the french king would pass over in to England and take landing at Dover and at Sandwytche/ sir Simon believed well those words and thought it was true and so did all england/ so on a day he came to Cauntorbury and went to the abbey/ and there they demanded of him tidings/ and he showed as much as he knew/ and by his words he showed that saint Thomas shrine which is goodly and rich was not there in surety because the town was not strong/ and he said that if the frensshemen should come thither which by all likelihood they would do/ for covetise of winning the robbers & pillars would rob that town and abbey church and all/ & they will carry away with them the shrine if they find it here/ wherefore I would counsel and advise you to carry it to the castle of Dover there it shall be in surety though all england were lost/ then the abbot and all the covent took his counsel/ though he meant well in great despite and displeasure/ saying sir Simon will ye depose our church fro our signory/ it ye be afraid make yourself sure/ for though ye close yourself with in the castle of Dover forfere/ yet the frenchmen shall not be so hardy to come hither to us/ and so Simon Burle multiplied so much inwards in maintaining his request the the commons of the country were sore displeased with him and reputed him not profitable for that country/ and right well they showed after their displeasure as ye shall here in the story/ So sir Simon Burley went to Dover again.  
THe french king came to lisle to show that the journey pleased him/ and to approach the sooner to his passage/ so the king approached/ and it was said in Flaunders and in Actoys/ they shall take shipping either on Saturday/ monday/ or tuysday/ so that in every day in the week it was said he should depart to morrow or the next day after/ and his brother the duke of Tourayne/ & the bishop of Beawuoys chancellor of France & divers other great lords took their leave of the king at Lysl and they returned to Paris/ & it was showed me how the king had given the governing of the royalme to his brother the duke of Tourayne till his return again/ with the aid of divers other lords of France such as were not ordained to go in to England as the earl of Bloys and other/ & yet all the season the duke of Berry was behind & came but fair & easily/ for he had no great appetite to go in to England/ & his long tarrying was displeasant to the king & to the duke of Burgoyne and to the other lords/ they would gladly he had been come/ still great provision was made which was costly and dear a thing not worth a frank was sold for four howbeit for all that money was not spared/ for every man desired to be well stuffed of every thing/ in manner of envy every man to be better appointed then other and though the great lords were well paid their wages other poor companions bought the bargain/ for they were owing for a months wages/ and yet could get nothing/ the treasurer of the wars and clerks of the chamber of accounts said/ sirs abide till the next week and then ye shall be paid/ and so they were answered weakly/ & if any payment were made to them/ it was but for viii days/ and were owing viii weeks/ so that some when they saw the manner of dealing & how they were so evil paid/ they were sore disposed and said/ surely this voyage shall be but of small effect/ for by all likelihood when the money is gathered of the taxes/ then they will break this journey and return home again in to their own countries/ such as did cast such doubts & provided thereafter were wise but the poor knights and companions such as were retained by the great lords spent all that they had/ every thing was so dear in Flaunders/ that hard it was to get other breed or drink/ or if they would sell their wages or armure there was no money to get/ & if any were bought it was dear/ there was so moche people about Dan/ Bruges/ and Ardenbrughe/ and specially at Sluse/ for when the king came thither they wist not where to lodge/ the earl of saint Poule the lord of Concy/ the dolphin of Awergne/ the lord Dantoygne/ and divers other lords of france to lie more at their case lodging at Bruges/ & sometime went to Sluse to the king to know when they should depart and ever it was said to them within iii or four days/ or when the duke of Berrey is come and that we have wind to strue us/ so ever the time passed and the day shortened and began to be foul and cold and the nights long/ wherewith divers of the lords were not content to tarry so long/ and also their provisions minished.   

¶ How the king of Armony passed in to England in trust to find some mean of peace or good appointment between the king of England and the king of France. Ca lvi.  
THus in abiding for the duke of Berrey and for the constable who were behind then king Lion of Armony who was in france and had assigned him by the king vi M. franks by the year to maintain his estate/ he took on him for a good intent to go in to England to speak with the king there and his counsel to see if he might find any manner of peace to be had between the two royalmes of England and france and so he departed fro his lodging of saint Albeyne beside saint Denyee alonely with his own company and with no great apparel So he road to Boloyne/ and there he took a ship and so sailed forth till he came to Dover and there he found the earl of cambridge & the earl of Buckyngham and more than a. C. men of arms and a ii M. archers who lay there to keep that passage/ for the brute ran that the frenchmen should land there or at sandwich/ and the king lay at London and part of his counsel with him/ and daily heard tidings fro all the ports of England/ when the king of Armony was arrived at Dover he had there good cheer because he was a stranger/ and so he came to the kings uncles there who sweetly received him/ and at time convenient they demanded of him fro whence he came and whether he would/ the king answered and said that in trust of goodness he was come thither to see the king of England & his counsel to treat for peace between england and France for he said that he thought the war was not meet/ for he said by reason of war between these ii royalmes/ which hath endured so long/ the saracenes/ Jews/ and turks are waxed proud/ for there is none that maketh them any war/ and by occasion thereof I have lost my land and royalme/ and am not like to recover it again without there were firm peace in all christendom/ and I would gladly show the matter that toucheth all christendom to the king of England and to his counsel/ as I have done to the french king then the kings uncles demanded of him if the french king had sent him thither or no he answered and said/ nay/ there is no man that sent me/ but I am come hither by mine own motion to see if the king of england and his counsel would any thing lean to any treaty of peas/ then he was demanded where the french king was/ he answered I believe he be at Sluse I saw him not sith I took leave of him at Senlyze/ then he was demanded how he could make any treaty of peace and had no charge so to do/ and sir if ye be conveyed to the king our nephew and to his counsel/ and the french king in the mean season enter with his puyssannce in to England ye may happen thereby to receive great blame and your person to be in great jeopardy with them of the country/ then the king answered and said I am in surety of the french king for I have sent to him desiring that till I return again/ not to remove fro Sluse/ & I repute him so noble and so well advised that he will grant my desire and that he will not enter in to the see till I be come again to him Wherefore sirs I pray you in the instance of love and yeas/ to convey me to speak with the king/ for I desire greatly to see him/ or else ye that be his uncles if ye have authority to give me answer to all my demands/ then the earl of Buckyngham said/ sir king of Armony we be ordained here to keep & defend this passage and the fronters of England by the king and his counsel/ and we have no charge to meddle any further with the business of the royalme without we be otherwise commanded by the king/ but sith ye be come for a good intent in to this country ye be right welcome/ but sir as for any farm answer ye can have none of us/ for as now we be not of the counsel/ but we shall convey you to the king without peril or damage/ the king thanked them and said/ I desire nothing else but to see the king and to speak with him.   

¶ How the king of Amony returned out of England & of the answer that was made to him. Ca lvii.  
WHen the king of Armony was refreshed at Dover a day and had spoken with the kings uncles at good leisure/ then he departed toward London with a good conduit that the lords appointed to him for fere of any rencountres/ so long he road that he came to London/ and in his riding through London he was well regarded because he was a stranger/ and he had good cheer made him and so was brought to the king who lay in the rial at the queens wardrobe and his counsel were in London at their lodgings/ the Londonners' were fore fortefyenge of their city/ When the coming of the king of Armony was known/ the kings counsel drew to the king to here what tidings the king brought in that troublous season/ when the king of Armony was come in to the kings presence he made his salutation and then began his process on the state how he was come out of France principally to see the king of England whom he had never seen before and said how he was right joyous to be in his presence trusting that some goodness should come thereby/ and there he showed by his words that to withstand the great pestilence that was likely to be in england therefore he was come of his own good will to do some good therein if he might/ not sent fro the french king willing to set some accord and peace between the. two. royalmes' england and france/ many fair pleasant words the king of Armony spoke to that king of England and to his counsel/ then he was shortly answered thus/ sir king ye be welcome in to this royalme/ for the king our sovereign lord & all we are glad to see you here/ but sir we say that the king hath not here all his counsel/ but shortly they shall be here/ and than ye shall be answered/ the king of Armony was content therewith and so returned to his lodging/ with in four days after the king was counseled/ & I think he had sent to his uncles to know their intents/ but they were not present at the answer giving/ to go to the palace of Westmynstre and his counsel with him such as were about him/ and to send for the king of Armony to come thither/ and when he was come in to the presence of the king of England and his counsel/ the king sat down and the king of Armony by him/ and then the prelate's and other of his counsel/ there the king of Armony rehearsed again his requeites that he made/ and also showed wisely how all cristendom was sore decayed and feblysshed by occasion of the wars between England & France/ and how that all the knights and squires of both royalmes intended to nothing else but always to be on the one part or of the other Whereby the empire of Constantinople loseth and is like to lose/ for before this war the knights and squires were wont to adventure themself/ & also the king of Armony showed that by occasion of this war he had lost his royalme of Armony/ wherefore he desired for god's sake that there might be some treaty of peace had between the ii royalmes of England & France. To these words answered the archbishop of Cauntorbury for he had charge so to do/ and he said/ sir king of Armony it is not the manner nor never was seen between ii such enemies as the king of England and the french king that the king my sovereign lord should be required of peace/ and to enter his lands with a puissant army/ Wherefore sir we say to you that if it please you ye may return to the french king/ and cause him and all his puissance to return back in to their own countries/ and when every man is at home/ then if it please you ye may return again hither/ and than we shall gladly intend to your treaty. This was all the answer the king of Armony could get there/ and so he dined with the king of England and had as great honour as could be devised/ and the king offered him many great gifts of gold and silver/ but he would take noon though he had need thereof but alonely a ring to the value of a. C. franks. After dinner he took his leave and returned unto his lodging/ and the next day departed/ and was in two days at Dover/ and there took his leave of such lords as were there/ and so took the see in a passagere and arrived at calais/ & fro thence went to Sluse/ and there he spoke with the french king/ and with his uncles/ and showed them how he had been in England and what answer he had. The french king and his uncles took no regard to his saying/ but sent him again back in to france/ for their full intention was to enter in to England as soon as they might have wind and wether/ And the duke of Berre and the constable came to them/ the wind was sore contrary to them for therewith they could never enter in to England/ but the wind was good to go in to Scotland.   

¶ How the duke of Berre departed from Paris to come to Sluse/ and how the constable of France took the see/ and of the wind that was contrary to him. Ca lviii  
THus the duke of Berre heard mass in our Lady church in Paris/ and there took his leave/ & said how he would never enter there again till he had been in England/ howbeit for all his words he thought the contrary/ for he had no desire thereto/ for the winter season was sore come on and all the way as he came he had letters fro the king and fro the duke of Borgoyne in hasting of him/ certefyenge him how they tarried for no thing else but for his coming. So the duke of Berre road always forward/ but it was but by small journeys. ¶ And the constable of France departed fro the city of Lentryngyet standing on the see side in Bretayne/ with great number of men of arms and provyson/ he had a lxxii ships/ and with him he had the closure of the field made of timber/ the constable and his company had good wind at the beginning but when they approached near to England/ the wind rose fierce and great/ and at the entry of margate at Tames mouth/ the wind was so great that whether they would or not their ships departed so that twenty abode not together/ and some were driven perforce into Tames/ and there were taken by the english men/ and specially there was taken iii or. iiii ships laden with part of the closure of timber ordained to close in the field/ and certain masters carpenters and artficers with them and so they were brought to London/ whereof the king had great joy/ and so had all the Londonners/ and vii of the constables ships were driven with the wind with all the provision and taken in zeland/ and the constable and other lords with great pain came to Sluse to the french king.  
OF the constables coming and his company the french king was right joyful/ and the king said to him. ¶ Sir constable when shall we depart/ certainly we have great desire to see England/ wherefore I pray you advance forth all our business in hasty manner/ and let us enter in to the see shortly/ mine uncle the duke of Berre will be here with us within these two days/ he is at lisle. Sir said the constable we can not depart till the wind serve us/ for the wind is so sore against us and so straynable that the mariners say they have heard none such of a great season before/ Constable said the king I have been in my vessel and it pleaseth me greatly the air of the see/ I believe I shall be a good mariner/ for the see did me no hurt/ in the name of god said the constable/ it hath done hurt to me/ for sir we were in great peril coming fro britain hither/ the king demanded hywe so/ Then the constable said/ by fortune of the see and great winds that rose against us in the fronters of England/ and sir we have lost of our ships and men whereof I am right sorry if I might amend it/ but sir it is without remedy for this tyme. Thus the king and the Constable devised together in words/ and always the time passed/ and the winter approached/ and the lords lay there in great cold and peril.  
THe flemings gladly would not have had them return again through their country and they said one to another/ why the devil doth not the french king pass over in to England/ why tarrieth he so long in this country/ be we not in poverty enough though the french men make us no poorer/ we think they will not pass in to England this year/ for the royalme of England is not so easy to be won/ englishmen be not of the condition of frenchmen/ what will they do in England/ when the englysshmen were in France & over road their countries/ then they hid themself in their fortresses & fled before them as the lark doth before the hawk and in the town of Bruges where as most resort was of the frenchmen they murmured & were ready for wagging of a rysshe to make debate and strife/ and all began by the french lakeys/ who had beaten and hurt some of the flemings/ so that if the honest men of the town had not armed them and drawn in to the market place to appease the riot/ there had not a lord knight nor squire of France have scaped unslain/ for the common people of the town bore a grudge in their minds for the battle of Rosebeque where their faders br●ther ne and friends were slain by the frenchmen god sent thither at that time for the frenchmen the lord of Guystell who as then was at Bruges/ when he understood how the commons went to harness/ he feared all should be lost without remedy/ howbeit he leapt on his horse with v. or vi with him and road into the streets/ & as he met with any armed going to the margot place ward he said to them/ sirs whether go you/ will you lose yourself/ have ye not had war youghe/ so that ye have much a do to get your living/ return in to your houses there is nothing to do/ ye may put yourself and your town in such jeopardy that all shall be lost/ do you not know how the french king and all his puissance and army is here in this country/ so with fair words he appeased them and caused them to return in to their houses/ which had not so lightly have been done/ if he had not been there/ the frenchmen there were in such fere that they closed themself in their lodgings there to abide their adventure.   

¶ How the voyage in to England was broken by reason of the winds & of winter and by counsel of the duke of Berre. Ca lix.  
SO finally the duke of Berre came to Sluse to the king/ and the king said to him/ a fair uncle how greatly I have desired to see you/ why have you tarried so long we had been as now in England and fought with our enemies if ye had been come/ the duke began to smile and to excuse himself/ and showed not incontinent what lay in his heart/ first he thought he would see what provision and ordinance was made. and to see the navy that was named so goodly So they were there a vii days that every day it was said we shall depart to morrow/ howbeit surely the wind was so contrary that in no wise they could sail in to England/ winter was well on/ it was past saint Andrew's tide/ it was no good season for so many noble men to take the see/ and many of their ships were ready crossed in a readiness to depart/ some were in their ships to be the foremost should pass/ as sir Robert/ and sir Phylyp Artoys/ sir Henry of bare/ sir Peter of Nauare and divers other. Then the kings countayle drew together to see how they should perceiver in their journey/ but the duke of Berre broke all and showed so many reasons reasonable that such as had most desire to go were greatly discouraged/ he said it was a great folly to counsel the french king who in a manner was but a child to take the see in that season of the year/ and to go fight with such people as we know not their condition/ nor the way thither/ and as it is said it is an evil country to make war in/ for though we were all there a land yet they would not fight with us but when they list/ and we dare not then leave our provision behind us/ for if we do it will be lost/ and they that will make such a voyage so far of hath need to begin in the heart of the year and not in winter/ call all the mariners together and look if they will not say that my words be good/ for though we be as now a thousand and .v. hundred ships/ yet or we come there we shall not be iii hundred/ then be hold what peril we should put ourself in/ I say it not because I would have the journey left/ but I speak it by way of counsel/ and sith that the most part of the royalme inclineth to this journey/ therefore fair brother of Borgoyne I would that you and I should go but I would not counsel that the king should go for if any misfortune should fall it shall be laid to us/ well said the french king who was present at all those words/ if none will go I will go. Then the lords began to smile and said/ the king hath a courageous will/ Howbeit they took counsel to defer that voyage till Aprell or May next after/ & their provisions as Bysquet/ powdered flesh/ and wine should be kept safely till then/ and there they ordained that the lords and their companies should return thither again in the month of March/ anon this was known/ and so broke the voyage for that season/ the whicost the royalme of France a. C.M. franks thirty. time told.   

¶ How king Charles of france and the french lords returned evil content fro Sluse and out of Flaunders where as their provisions were made/ to have gone in to the royalme of England/ and of the feast that was made at London. Ca lx.  
AS ye have herd before/ there was made a great apparel in France by the king there/ and the lords with great cost and charge with ships and galayes to pass the see in to england to make war there. And how this voyage was broken by wether/ and because that winter was so near hand. Then it was ordained by the counsel that the king and the lords should return every man to his own home/ and every thing to abide in the same state unto the month of March or Aprell/ and then every man to be ready at the kings commandment.  
THen there might well have been seen lords and knights sore disposed And specially such as were of far countries and had sore travailed their bodies and spent their money in trust to have had a good season/ as the earl of Savoy/ the earl of Army●ake/ and the earl Daulphyn of Awuergne and a C. other great lords that departed in great displeasure because they had not been in England/ in likewise so did the french king but as thenne he could not amend it. ¶ So thus departed all manner of people/ some merry and some greatly disposed and angry/ and the officers abode still there behind/ for too make shift to sell their provisions for their masters profit and to take money for them if they might/ but they wist not to whom nor where/ for it that cost a hundred franks was sold for ten franks and for less money. The earl Dalphyn of Awuergne said unto me that by his faith he had there provisions the which cost him ten thousand franks/ and when he returned homeward again he lost all together/ and so said many knights and squires and other people of France. ¶ And when these tidings were known in the royme of England/ some were right joyful and glad thereof as such people that doubted the french men's coming. And some were angry and disposed therewith/ which was such people as thought to have some promotion and profit by them.  
SO then there was made at the city of London a great feast/ and thither came all the lords such as had kept the ports and passages of the royalme of England. ¶ And then the king held also a noble feast at westmynstre on christmas day And there were three dukes made. ¶ first the earl of cambridge was made the duke of york. The earl of Buckyngham his brother was made duke of Glocestre. And the third was the earl of Oxenford and he was made the d● of Ireland/ This feast endured with great revels and triumphs. ¶ So thus the people of the royalme of England (as they thought themself) that they had escaped a great peril/ and then divers of them said among themself that they would never set more by the french men/ and they thought that all the assemble of the french men that was made at Sluse was but to fere the english men/ and to have caused the duke of Lancastre and his company to return again out of Spain.   

¶ How a squire called jaques le Grys was accused in the parliament house at Paris before all the lords there present/ by a knight called Iohn of Carongne/ and what judgement was given upon them/ and how they jousted at utterance in Paris/ in a place called saint Katherine behind the temple. And how jaques le Grys was confounded. Ca lxi.  
IN this time great brute there was in france and in the low marches of a feat of arms that should be done at Paris in utterance/ for so the matter was judged in the parliament chamber at Paris. The which plea had endured a year between these two parties/ the one was asquyer called jaques le Grys/ and the other party was a knight called Iohn of Carongne/ and they were both of the land & household of the earl Peter of alanson/ & they were welbyloved of their lord/ and specially this squire jaques le Grys was beloved and trysted with his lord above any other person in his court or household/ and because that mortal battle followed between them/ and they being both of one lords household/ every man had great marvel thereof. So that out of divers countries great multitude of people came to Paris at the day of battle for to see it/ I shall show you the hole matter I as was then informed.  
So it was that on a season this knight called Iohn of Carongne took an enterprise upon him to go over the see for the advancement of his honour/ where unto he had been long time to accomplish ¶ So he departed from his lord the earl of Alencon to do his voyage. And also he took his leave of his wife/ who as then was reputed a fair lady and a young/ and he left her in a castle of his own on the marches of Perch/ otherwise called Argentuell/ and so entered in to his voyage/ and his wife lay still at her castle in a wise and sage manner.  
¶ So here began the matter by the devils temptation which entered in to the body of the squire jaques le Grys/ who was with the earl of Alencon his lord/ for he was as one of his counsel. And so he determined in his mind to do an evil deed which he dearly bought afterward. Howbeit the evil that he did could never be proved in him/ nor he would never confess it: This squire jaques le Grys set his mind on the wife of the foresaid knight Iohn of Carongne in the absence of her husband/ and he knew well that she was in the castle of Argentuell but with her own company and household servants.  
¶ And so on a morning he took a good horse and departed from Alencon and so road on the spurs with great haste till he came to the ladies castle/ and when he was thither come the ladies servants made him good cheer because their master and he were companions and fellows together/ and served both one lord and master/ and as for the lady she thought none evil in him for she knew nothing of his intent/ nor wherefore he was come thither/ Howbeit sweetly she received him/ and led him in to her chamber/ and showed him part of her business: Then this squire Faques le Grys to accomplish his foolish appetite desired the lady that he might see the dungeon/ for he said it was a great part of his coming thither to see it. The lady lightly granted him his desire/ and so she and he went thither all alone/ and neither chamberer nor varlet entered with them/ for the lady had no mistrust in him of any dishonour/ and as soon as they were entered in to the dungeon jaques le Grys closed the door after them. The lady knew not thereof/ for she went on before/ and thought that the wind had shot the door and so when they were together thus alone jaques took the lady in his arms and embraced her/ and discovered to her his intent The lady was sore abashed and would gladly have gone to the door/ but she could not for he was a big man/ and so laid her down on the carpe● and so by force did his pleasure with her and when he had done what he list he opened the door and so departed/ and the lady sore disposed and abashed of that advencure 〈…〉 alone in the donteonbut at the knights departed she said wiping/ jaket jaket ye have not well done thus to shame me/ but the blame shall not rest on me/ but on you if god suffer my husband once to return home again. So jaket took his horse and departed and road again to his master the earl o● Alencon and was there at his rising about ix of the clock and at four of the clock mo●e morning he was seen there before/ I shall show you why I speak these words because of the great plea that followed after/ for the comyssaryes of the parley ament of Paris had the matter in examination. Thus the lady of Carongne abode still in her castle after this sorrowful deed was done to her/ and discovered the matter to no creature/ but kept her sorrow as secret as she might for she saw well to speak as then thereof the might have more blame than honour/ but she remembered well the day hour and time that the deed was done/ and so after the time came that the lord of Caroagne came home from his voyage/ the lady his wife made him good cheer/ the day passed and the night came/ and the knight went to bed and the lady would not/ whereof the knight had great marvel and often desired her to come to bed and ever she blessed her and walked up and down the chamber studying and musing finally when all her servants were gone to bed/ then she came to her husband and fell down on her knees and lamentably showed him all her adventure/ the knight could not believe her. Howbeit the lady 〈◊〉 so much that he agreed well that it was so and said certainly lady sith the matter is so as ye show me I pardon you/ but the knight shall 〈◊〉 or his deed by the advise and counsel of 〈◊〉 friends and yours. And if your 〈◊〉 be found untrue ye shall never come in my company. The lady ever more and more 〈…〉 that it was true so that night passed. The next day the knight wrote many letters and sent them to all his wifes friends/ and also to his own/ so that in a short time they were all come and assembled together at the castle of Argentuell/ and when they were all in a chamber/ then he began to show them the cause why he had sent for them/ and there made his wife to show them all the matter fro point to point/ whereof they all had great marvel/ so there he demanded of them counsel/ and he was counseled that he should draw to his lord the earl of Alencon and show him all the matter/ and so he did/ and the earl who greatly loved this foresaid jaques le Grys would not believe him/ and so gave day to the parties to be before him at a day limited. And also he commanded that the lady that had appeached jaques le Grys should be there present for to show the more plainly the truth of the matter/ and so she was with a great number of her lineage/ so the pleting was great and long in the earls presence. And jaques le Grys was accused of his deed by the knight the lord of Carongne by relation of his wife who showed there the case as it was fallen/ jaques le Grys exscused himself saying how he was not guilty therein/ and the lady laid it sore to his charge/ and he ever denied it/ and had marvel by his words why the lady did hate him/ he proved by them of the earl of Alansons' house that the same day at four of the clock in the morning he was seen there in his masters castle/ and his master said and affirmed that at ix of the clock he was with him at his up rising/ wherefore the earl said it was not possible for him to go and come and to do that deed in four hours and an half to ride xxiii miles wherefore the earl said to the lady how she did but dream it/ wherefore he would maintain his squire and commanded the lady to speak no more of the matter. But the knight who was of great courage/ and well trusted and by lived his wife would not agree to that oppenyon/ but so went to Paris/ and showed the matter there at the parliament/ and there appealed jaques le Grys who appeared and answered to his appeal and there laid in pledges to accomplish the ordinance of the parliament.  
THe plea between them endured more than a year and an half/ and they could not be agreed/ for the foresaid knight held himself sore of the information of his wife and because the matter was so sore published abroad he said he would maintain his quarrel to the death/ wherewith the earl of Alencon was sore disposed with the poor knight/ & often times would have had him slain/ but that the matter was in the parliament/ so long their plea endured that the parliament determined because the lady could make no proof against jaques le Grys but by her own words/ that there should be battle at utterance between them/ and so on a day prefixed the knight and his wife/ and the squire being present judgement was given/ that the next monday after mortal battle should be done between the knight and the squire/ which was in the year of our lord god. M.CCC. lxxx. and vii At which time the french king and his lords were at Sluse to the intent to pass over the see in to England/ and when the king heard of that matter how a day of battle was taken to be at Paris/ the king said he would see that battle between the knight and the squire/ the duke of Berre/ the duke of Borgoyne/ the duke of Borbone/ and the constable of France/ who had also great desire to see that battle said to the king/ sir it is good reason that ye be there and that it be done in your presence/ then the king sent to Paris commanding that the journey & battle between the squire and the knight should be relonged till his coming to Paris/ and so his commandment was obeyed.  
SO the king then returned fro Sluse and held the feast of christmas at Arras/ and the duke of Borgoyne at lisle. And in the mean season all other men of war passed and returned in to France/ every man to his place as it was ordained by the marshals/ but the great lords returned to Paris to see the said battle. Thus the king and his uncles and the constable came to Paris. Then the lists were made in a place called saint Katherine behind the temple/ there was so moche people that it was marvel to behold/ and on the one side of the lists there was made great scaffolds that the lords might the better see the battle of the ii champions/ and so they both came to the field armed at all pieces/ and there each of them was set in their chair/ the earl of saint Poule governed Iohn of Carongne and the earl of Alansons' company with jaques le Grys/ and when the knight entered in to the field he came to his wife who was there sitting in a chair covered in black/ and he said to her thus/ Dame by your information and in your quarrel I do put my life in adventure as to fight with jaques le Grys/ ye know if the cause be just and true/ sir said the lady/ it is as I have said wherefore ye may fight surely/ the cause is good and true/ with those words the knight kissed the lady and took her by the hand and then blessed him and so entered in to the field/ the lady sat still in the black chair in her prayers to god and to the virgin Mary humbly praying them by their special grace to send her husband the victory according to the right he was in/ this lady was in great heaviness ●or she was not sure of her life/ for if her husband should have been discomfited she was judged without remedy to be brent and her husband hanged/ I can not say whether she repented her or not that the matter was so forward/ that both she and her husband were in great peril/ howbeit finally she must as then abide the adventure. Then these two champions were set one against another and so mounted on their horses/ and behaved them nobly/ for they knew what pertained to deeds of arms/ there were many lords and knights of France that were come thither to see that battle/ the two champions jousted at their first meeting but none of them did hurt other And after the justes they lighted on foot to perform their battle and so fought valiantly. And first Iohn of Carongne was hurt in the thigh whereby all his friends were in great fere/ but after that he fought so valiantly that he bet down his adversary to the earth/ and threst his sword in his body and so slew him in the field/ and than he demanded if he had done his devoir or not/ and they answered that he had valiantly achieved his battle. Then jaques le Grys was delivered to the hangman of Paris/ and he drew him to the gibet of Mountfawcon and there hanged him up. Then Iohn of Carongne came before the king and kneeled down/ and the king made him to stand up before him/ and the same day the king caused to be delivered to him a thousand franks/ and retained him to be of his chamber with a pension of ii hundred pound by the year during the term of his life/ then he thanked the king and the lords and went to his wife and kissed her and then they went together to the church of our Lady in Paris and made their offering and then returned to their lodgings/ then this sir Iohn of Carongue tarried not long in France but went with sir Iohn Boucequant sir Iohn of Boards/ & sir Joys Grat/ all these went to see and visit the holy sepulture/ and to se Lamorabaquyn of whom in those days there was moche speaking/ and with them went Robonet of Bolowne a squire of honour with the french king who in his days made many voyages about in the world.   

¶ How the king of Arragon died and how the archbishop of Burdeaus was set in prison in Barcelona. Ca lxi.  
THe same season about Candelmas king Peter of Arragon fell sick in his bed/ and when he saw that he should die he caused his two sons to come before him Iohn the elder and Martyne duke of Blasmont in Arragon and said to them/ fair sons I leave you in good point/ and all the business of the royalme standeth well and clear keep peas and love between you/ and keep faith and honour each to other ye shall do the better as for the feats of the church according to my conscience and for the most sure way/ I have always holden the new tralyte between the ii pope's/ and so I would ye should do till the determination between them apere more clearly. The two sons answered & said/ sir gladly we shall obey that ye command & ordain as it is reason/ thus in this case died king Peter of Arragon who had been a right valiant prince in his days and greatly had augmented the crown and royalme of Arragon and had conquered the royalme of Mayiorke/ and had annexed it to his own crown/ and he was buried in the good city of Barcelona/ & there he lieth/ and when his death was known in Auygnyon with pope Clement & his Cardynalles they wrote incotynent to the french king and to his uncles/ to the duke of Bar and to the duchess who was of their opinion/ and they were father and mother to the young queen that should be in Arragon the lady yolent/ and also they wrote to her that all these should stir and move the young king of Arragon to be of their opinion/ the french king/ the duke of Berre and the duke of Borgoyne sent in to Arragon in legation a cardinal to preach/ and to stir the young king & his brother and the people of that royalme of Arragon to take the opinion of Clement/ the cardinal did so moche with the aid of the lady yolent of Bar as then queen of Arragon who gladly inclined to that way because she was so instantly required thereto by her father and mother/ and by the french king/ and dukes of Berre and Burgoyne her cousins so that she brought the king and the royalme to be of the opinion of pope Clement. Howbeit the king would have been still a neuter as his father was.  
IN the same season that the king of Arragon thus died/ there was at Barcelona the archbishop of Burdeaus whom the duke of Lancastre had sent thither in ambassade/ I shall show yond/ the cause why. ¶ The prince of wales because he was duke and lord of the country of aquitane and that all his neighbours doubted him/ as the french king/ the king of Arragon/ the king of Spain/ and the king of Nauare yea. And also kings that were saracens that hard great speaking of him/ for the good fortune and noble chivalry that he was of/ and he had a certain alliance and consideration with king Peter of Arragon/ which league was sworn and sealed between them/ and it was confirmed by the king of England father to the prince.  
ANd among other things it was comprised that the king of England nor the duke and lord of aquitane should make any war nor consent to make any war against the roayalme of Arragon/ for the which the king of Arragon swore and sealed for him and for his airs that every year he should serve the prince of aquitane with the number of five hundred spears against who so ever he had to do withal/ or else to send unto him as much money as should wag● five hundredth spears. ¶ And so it was that as then there was ten years run in aterages that the king of Arragon had paid nothing nor done any service to the king of England nor to his deputies/ and when the duke of Lancastre went out of England/ he had with him letters patents sealed with the great seal of England/ whereby he was stablished to be the kings lieutenant in the marches of Burdeaus/ Bayon/ and Acquytayne/ and the king gave him fall puissance and auctoryroyall to demand all rights and due actions as well of the royalme of Arragon as else where/ and would that the duke should have the profit without any exception/ and what so ever he did/ to be farm and stable so thus when the duke of Lancastre had been a season in the town of saint james in Galyce/ he remembered himself of the business of Arragon/ and perceived well by reason of his commission/ how the king of Arragon was sore in his det in a great some of money long run in arerages which he thought if he might get/ it should greatly aid him in his wars of Castle/ and so he sent to the archbishop of Burdeaus/ and to sir Iohn Harpedan who was seneshal of all Burdeloys commanding them both or at the least one of them to go in to Aragon to the king there/ and to show him plainly how he was in great arrearages with the king of England and with the duke of aquitane/ the archbishop and the seneshal beheld well the duke of Lancastres' letters/ and so took counsel together thereon/ and there they determined that it was best that the seneshal should ●●ry still at Burdeaus and the bishop to take on him the charge of that voyage/ and so he did/ and he came in to Arragon in so evil a season that the king the relaye sick and died/ and after the kings death the archbishop poursued his cause and followed the kings children and the counsel of the royalme who came to the kings interment to the city of Barcelona/ and this bishop pursued his ambassade so affectuously that he was set in a courtoyse prison so that he could not depart when he would/ when these tidings came to Burdeaus to the senesshall there/ he said I thought never none other wise/ for the archbishop is hasty & heedy/ I think now it had been better that I had gone/ for I would have spoken more meekly/ there is a manner throughout all the world how to demand a man's right/ the senesshall sent these tidings to the duke of Lancastre in to Galyce who was therewith right sore disposed and evil content with the king of Arragon and his counsel that they had put the archbishop in to prison for doing of his ambassade/ then the duke of Lancastre wrote to the companions of the garrison of Lourde/ that they should make war against them of Barcelona where as the archbishop of Burdeaus was in prison.  
IOhn of Byerne who was capitain there and seneshal of Bygore/ Pier Dauchyn/ Ernalton of Resten/ Ernalton of saint Colombe and other of the garrison of Lourde were greatly rejoiced when they heard that tidings/ and then began to run in to the royalme of Arragon to the ports of Barcelona so that no merchant durst go abroad. ¶ Also in Arragon there was another mischief/ for the young king Iohn of Arragon would have been crowned king of Arragon/ but the good towns would not consent thereto without he swore first solemnly that he should never demand tail/ tax/ nor imposition in all the country and divers other things that he should swear and put it in writing sealed if he would be crowned king/ which thing seemed to him and to his counsel to be right preiudycyall Wherefore he threatened to make them war/ and specially to them of the city of Barcelona for the king said they were to rich and to proud.  
IN the same season there was in Langue dock and on the fronters of Awergue and of Rovergue to ward Pezanas and the city of Duzes/ a manner of men of arms called the Rowtes/ & they daily multiplied to do evil/ and four men of arms were capitains who demanded war against every man/ they cared not against whom/ their names were Peter of Mount falcon/ Geffray Chastelyer/ Hamgue de forge/ and the goulent. They had a four hundredth men under them/ who ryfled and pilled the country where as they were conversant/ and when they were informed that the archbishop of Burdeaus was in prison in Arragon/ and that the duke of Lancastre was not content with the Aragonoys/ and also that the king of Arragon was evil pleased with the good towns of his royalme and country. And they were of these tidings greatly rejoiced/ for such people as they were are rather pleased with evil deeds then with good. They took counsel between them & determined to approach to Arragon and to get some forterers on those fronters/ thinking then that the duke of Arragon or else some of the good towns would entreat with the to their profit. So they road costing the country & set their minds to get if they might the castle of Dulcen being in the archbysshopryche of Narbone between the royalme of Arragon and France on the departing of both royalmes/ they came thither at such a point and by night/ that they found it but simply watched nor kept/ they did so moche that they won it & were lords thereof/ whereby all the country was afraid & specially they of Parpygnen/ for it was but four legs thence/ also they of Lourde gate the same week a castle in Arragon a four legs fro Barcelona called the old castle of Rolbays pertaining to the countess of castle Boze cousin germayne to the earl of Foys. The lady was greatly abashed when her castle was so taken/ she sent to her cousin the earl of Foys desing him for god's sake to render again to her the said castle which they of his country of Berne had taken fro her the earl sent to her that she should not be afraid for any thing/ certefyenge her that it was taken but alonely to make war against them of Bercelona who held in prison for a small cause the bishop of Burdeaus/ saying how she should have it right well again without any damage/ the lady was well peased with his answer & dissimuled the matter and went and lay at another castle near to Roqueberton and they of the castle of Rolbays/ and of Dulcen and of Lourde made sore war on the fronters of Arragon/ & to say the troth the king there dissimuled the matter to chastise thereby the good towns that were against him/ so that the good towns were sore disposed with the king/ for they of Barcelona of Perpygnen & of other towns could not exercise their merchandise/ but they were taken and ransomed/ then they of Barcelona advised to deliver the archbishop of Burdeaus out of prison and for his delyeraunce to speak with the king as it was reason/ and so privily by a mean they treated with the kings brother sir Martyne duke of Blasemont who was greatly in the grace of all the people desiring him to be mean to the king his brother that they might be in peace with them of Lourde & of Rolbays he promised them to do his best/ to keep them in his favour/ and he did so moche with the king his brother that the archbishop of burdeaus was delivered out of prison and scent in to Burdeloys/ and alone after the earl of Foys did so moche that the vycountesse recovered again her castle/ and such as held it departed/ this service did the earl of Foys that year to the duke of Lancastre.  
WHen the king of Arragon saw that the countess of castle Boze had so soon again recovered her castle he sent for her/ and she came to him/ then the king laid to her charge how she had suffered the english men to enter in to her castle to make war to his royalme/ saying how she had done to him a great trespass/ the lady truly excused her & said/ sir as god knoweth & by the faith I own to you/ the day and hour that tidings came to me of the taking of my castle by the of Lourde I never had before no treaty with the english men/ but sir incontinent I sent to my cousin the earl of Foys praying him for god's sake to get me again my castle/ saying that they that had gotten it were of his country of Byerne and were issued out of Lourde/ and the earl sent to me & bade me not doubt/ saying how the taking of it was but to make war against them of Barcelona/ well said the king prove your words by your cousin the earl of Foys and ye shall enjoy peaceably still your castle with a good will sir said the lady/ she sent to her cousin the earl of Foys/ who was at Ortays in Byerne/ praying him to appease the matter with the king of Arragon. The earl then sent letters to the king by a knight of his called sir Cycarte of Saurelyn desiring the king to suffer his cousin the viscounts to be in peace and to live in rest under him/ or else surely he would displease him/ the king of Arragon took the excusations in gre and made great cheer to the earls knight/ and said how the countess had but well donesyth her cousin the earl of Foys did so largely excuse her/ thus the lady lived in peace/ but the merchants of Barcelona and of the fronters there about were not in no rest for them of Lourde but often times were taken and pilled without they were agreed and patesed with them & so they had divers in Castellon & in Arragon/ In like wise so did they of the garrison of Dulcen & did worse than they did before for they were more eager & over ran the country of Arragon/ then they of Lourde did/ because they were poor they cared not whom they took as well officers of the kings & squires as merchants/ so that the kings counsel took advise because the good towns murmured & said how the king destroyed them and he ought to sustain them.  
WHen the young king of Arragon understood that his men murmured & spoke of him otherwise then they should do because of them of the garrison of Dulcen/ he was therewith sore disposed/ because he was newly fallen to his faders heritage who was so well beloved in his royalme of all his people/ then he spoke to a cousin of his a great baron in Arragon sir Raymon of Baghes and said sir Raymon I desire you to ride to Dulcen/ and demand of them that be there what thing they desire of me or of my royalme/ and treat so with them that they may depart thence other by fairness or otherwise. The knight departed and sent to Dulcen an herald before him showing them how he would treat with them/ when Mountfawcon & le Goulus and the other capitains understood that sir Raymon of Baghes would treat with them/ then they thought at the least to get some money/ and said to the herald/ sir say to your master fro us/ that he may come to us surely for we will no hurt to him. The herald returned to sir Raymon who upon his words departed fro Paregant and came to Dulcen/ and demanded of them why they tarried there on the fronters of Aragon/ they answered & said we abide here the army of france that should go in to castle to go in company with them. A sirs said sir Raymon if ye tarry therefore ye shall abide a great season. The king of Arragon will not retain you so long nor yet the country suffer you so long/ well sir said they if he will not entertain us so long we can not do withal/ yet we must live/ if he or the country will by this our garrison we will depart or else not/ well said sir Raymon what will ye desire to depart/ they answered lx M. franks/ we be four capytanes that is to each of us xv. M. franks/ in the name of god said sir Raymon that is money enough. I will speak with the king and so departed/ and said it were better for the common profit of the country that the king paid that money then to take a greater damage/ and that he said to appease them. Howbeit he thought the contrary.  
THus he departed fro them & gave them understanding that they should have as much as they desired and more/ and road to the king to Perpyghnen and showed him what these pillars desired/ Well said the king it is behovable that the country be delivered of them/ and that they be paid as thieves and brybours should be paid/ if I may get them they shall be hanged/ other payment get they none of me/ but all the difficulty is how to get them out of their garrison/ sir said sir Raymon that shall be done right well/ let them alone Well said the king do as ye think best/ I will meddle no more therein/ but that I would they were delivered out of the country/ then on a day sir Raymon gathered a company together of men of arms a .v. hundred spears secretly and made a squire of Gascoigne capitain a valiant man of arms called Nandon Seghen and laid them in a bushment within a little mile of Dulcen & said to them/ sirs when they of the garrison issue out do so that they may all be taken or slain that the country may be clean rid of them. Then sir Raymon sent to them of Dulcen that they should leap on their horses and issue out and run before the town of Perpyghnen to put the villains thereof in fere/ else they would not obey nor give nothing. They of Dulcen were right joyful of these tidings thinking that all had been troth and so armed them the same day that the bushment was laid for them/ & so departed fro the garrison and road toward Perpyghnen and so came to the barrier's and made their musters and in their returning thynknge to have passed surely in peace when they were in the mids of the way they were suddenly encountered by Nandon Seghnen & his company to the number of .v. C. spears/ & so dashed in among them/ then they saw well how they were deceived and trapped/ and than they drew together and fought as long as they might endure/ which was not long for there were many of them were evil armed and so shortly they were discomfited/ There was slyne Geffray chastelyer/ Hauge desorge Guyot Moresque/ Iohn de Guenlant/ & many other/ & there was taken Peter of Mountfawcon/ Amlardan of saint Just & a xl other and brought prisoners to Perpyghnen/ & as they passed through the streets/ they of the town issued out of their houses & hallowed after them as though they had been wolves/ and so they were set in prisons. The same season the duke of Berre was come to Carcassone/ & on the fronters of Aragon he came fro Auygnyon fro the pope/ and there he heard how they of Dulcen were slain and taken/ then he wrote to the king of Arragon and to his cousin yosant of Bore desiring them to send Peter of Mountfawcon and his company/ who incontinent were delivered and sent to the duke of Berre/ that grace that duke did to them/ or else they had all died.   

¶ How a battle of arms was done at Burdeaus before the lean shall there & divers other. Ca lxii.  
THe same season there was at Burdeaus a feat of arms done before the seneschal sir Iohn Harpedon & other between the lord of Rochfoucaulte a frensshman son to the captal of Buzz 〈◊〉 and sir wyllyam of Mountferant an englishman to run iii courses with iii spears iii strokes with a sword iii with a dagger/ and iii with an axe. This deed of arms was done before the lords and ladies of the country then being at Burdeaus. The earl of Foys sent thither knights of his house to serve & to counsel the lord of Rochfoucaulte son to his cousin germayne/ and also he sent to him good ho●● & harness spear heeds/ daggers▪ words & a●es./ Howbeit he was right well purveyed of them before on a day these ii knights armed them well accompanied with great chivalry on either party. The lord of rochfoncaulte has in his company a. CC. knights and squires all of his lyg●age/ and sir wyllyam of Mountferant had as many or more with him was the lord of Rohen/ the lord of 〈…〉 lord Duras/ the lord of Curton 〈…〉 of Languras/ the lord de la Bard/ the lord of Mountcroy at in Pyergourt and all 〈◊〉 of his lyguage. ¶ Because this feat of 〈◊〉 should be done between such ii noble 〈…〉 knights many came thither 〈◊〉 them far & near/ when these two knights were mountedon their horses with their 〈◊〉 and targes ready appareled/ their spears were 〈◊〉 them & ran together fiercely/ 〈…〉 each other on their helms that the 〈…〉 and their helms stricken of their heeds in to the field and so passed forth their course bore heeded except their coyves. Then all the lords and ladies said and every man to other how they had nobly encountered at their first meeting/ then their helms were new set on and fastened/ and so they ran valiantly their ii course/ and also the iii briefly/ all their feats were nobly accomplished to the great pleasure of all the lords and ladies and other regarders/ and every man said how each of them had valiantly achieved their feats/ and the seneschal of Burdeaus sir Iohn Harpedon gave the same day a supper to them and to all the lords and ladies that were there present. And the next day every man went to their own heritages/ & the lord of Rochfoncaulte prepared himself to go in to castle/ for the king Iohn there had sent for him/ and the season drew near/ & sir wyllyam of Mountferant ordained to go in to Portyn gale/ for the king there had also sent for him.  
IN such a noble history as this is/ which I sir Iohn froissart have pursued hitherto/ and that god hath sent me that grace to live so long to see so many things as I have done/ then it were no reason that I should forget out any thing that I have known to be done/ and because that by the wars of britain the ii sons of Charles of bloys who of long season called himself duke of Bretayne by marriage of the lady jahan of Bretayne who ought to have been rightful inheritor of Bretayne as it hath been showed before in this history whose sons were in England in hostage for their father/ as yet I have made no mention of them where they became/ nor how they came out of prison and danger of the king of England/ wherein their father the lord Charles of Bloys had left them/ ye know well and it hath been written here before how king Edward of england to make his war of france the fairer and stronger he allied himself with the earl of Montforde and always did counsel and aid him to his power/ and did so moche that the earl of Monforde came to his intent and was duke of Bretayne otherwise he could never have come thereto/ for in Bretayne the lord Charles of Bloys of vii he had ever .v. on his party/ it hath been showed before how in the year of our lord a. M.CCC. and xlvii. there was a great battle in Bretayne before the Ree doryent where the countess of Mountfordes' party/ as sir Iohn of Harcell and other discomfited sir Charles of Bloys and there he was taken prisoner & led in to england where he had good cheer/ for the queen of England the good queen Phylyp whose servant I was in mine youngth/ she was of rightful governacyon cousin germayne to the lord Charles of Bloys/ & she did put to her pain for his delyverauce/ howbeit the counsel of England would not that he should be delivered/ the duke Henry of Lancastre said and other lords of england that if he were out of prison by him might be made many great recoveraunces for the royalme of France/ for king Phylyp as then french king was his uncles/ and they affirmed that as long as he were kept in prison/ their war in to France should be the easier/ howbeit for all those words that was showed to the king by the good means of the noble and good queen he was set to his finance to pay. CC.M nobles/ which was as then a great some to be paid for lords as then lived in another manner than they do now/ for as now men may pay more than their predecessors might have done/ for now they tail their people at their pleasure and before they lived but on their rents and revenues/ for as now the duchy of Bretayne within a year or two is able to pay to help their lord ii M. nobles or more. The lord Charles of Bloys laid to the king of England his ii sons in pledge for the said some/ & afterward the lord Charles of Bloys had so moche to do in pursuing his war for the duchy of Bretayne and to pay his soldiers/ and to keep his estate always hoping to come to a good end of his war so that he was not able to quite out his sons out of England for the holy man in pursuing of his heritage died as a saint in a battle in Bretayne before aulroy by the aid of the english men who were against him/ when he was deed yet the war ended not/ but then king Charles of france who in his life doubted greatly the fortunes of the wars/ when he saw that the earl Mountforde & the english men seized not but still went forward/ & wan towns & fortresses in Bretayne/ he feared that if the earl Mountforde might come to his intent of the duchy of Bretayne/ that he would not hold nor do homage to him/ for he had promised his allegiance to the king of england who aided & alway had done to maintain his war/ then he treated with the earl Mountforde & his counsel as it hath been showed here before/ wherefore I will speak no more thereof/ but the earl of Mountford abode as duke of Bretayne with that he should do homage and hold sovereignty or the crown of france/ and by the same trety the duke should aid & help to get delivered out of prison in england his ii cousins sons to the lord Charles of Bloys/ which article he never did accomplish/ for always he doubted that if they returned they would put him to some business for the duchy of Bretayne & feared lest they of Bretayne would receive them as their lords/ for they more inclined to them then to him/ wherefore he would not speak for their deliverance. Thus these ii children abode so long in England in prison/ sometime in the keeping of the lord Roger Beawchamp and the lady Sybyll his wife/ and sometime with sir Thomas Dambrychcourte/ on a time the younger Guy of Bretayne died/ then Iohn of Bretayne abode still in prison alone/ he was often times sad of his being in prison/ but he could not amend it. And often times when he remembered the loss of his young days as he that was of the most noble generation of the world/ & was likely to lose/ he would often times weep/ and wished himself rather deed than a live/ for a xxxv years or thereabout he had been in the danger of his enemies in England/ and could see no manner of means of his deliverance/ for his friends and kin drew of fro him/ and the some that he lay for was so great that he wist not how it should be paid without god helped him/ and the duke of Anjoy for all his puissance and prosperity and that he had wedded his sister germayne/ by whom he had ii fair sons/ Joys & Charles for all this he did nothing for him. Now shall I show you how this Iohn of Bretayne was delivered.   

¶ How Iohn of Bretayne sone to sir Charles of Bloys was delivered out of prison by the means of Oliver of Clysson the constable of France. Ca lxxii.  
IT hath been showed here before in this history how the earl of Buckingham made a voyage through the royalme of France & came in to Bretayne/ the duke of Bretayne had desired him so to do because part of his country would not be under his obeisance/ there the earl of Buckyngham & his company lay all the winter & the beginning of summer 〈◊〉 in great poverty/ before Nantes & Wens till it was may & then he returned in to england/ & when the earl. Thomas of Buckyngham & his company lay before Wens in lodgings without. There were divers skirmishes between the englysshment & frenchmen/ & thither came Oliver Clyunon constabable of France to see the war that was there made/ & to speak with the english knights/ for he knew them well/ for in his youngth he was brought up among them in England/ & so he made good company with them in divers manners as noble men of arms will do each to other/ & as frenchmen and englishmen have always done/ & as than he had good cause so to do/ for he intended a purpose which touched him right near/ but he would discover his intent to no man living but alonely to a squire that was there who had always before served the lord Charles of bloys for if the constable had discovered his intent to ovy man he had been out of all hope to have sped & brought about his purpose which by the grace of god he attained unto. The constable could in no wise love the duke of Bretayne nor he him long time or they showed it. And where as he saw Iohn of Bretayne in prison in england he had thereof great pity/ & when he saw the duke of Bretayne in possession of the heritage of Bretayne/ & when he thought that he was in most love with the duke than he said sir why do ye not put to your pain that your cousin Iohn of Bretayne were out of the king of England's prison sir ye are bound thereto by oath & promise/ for sir when all the country of Bretayne was in treaty with you/ the prelate's noble men & good towns & the city of Nantes & archbishop of reins/ sir Iohn Craon/ sir Boncequalte/ as then marshal of france ●reted with you for the peace before Compercorentync/ than & there ye swore that ye should do your full puissance to deliver your cousins out of prison & sir ye have done nothing in that matter. Wherefore be you sure the country of Bretayne loveth you the less & oweth you the smaller favour/ the duke to his demand dissimuled & said/ hold your peace sir Oliver/ where shalde I get iii or four M. franks that is demanded for their ransoms. Sir said the constable if the country of Bretayne saw that you were well willing to the matter/ they would be content to pay a tax ●a fowage to deliver the prisoners who are like to die in prison without god help them/ sy-olyver said the duke as for my country of bretayne shall not be taxed for me/ my cousins have great princes of their lineage as the french king/ and the duke of Anjoy/ they may help to deliver them/ for they have always sustained the war against me/ and when I swore to aid to their deliverance mine intention was none otherwise but that the french king or their kinsmen should pay their ransoms the constable could get of the duke none other answer/ thus as I have begun to show you. The constable saw clearly how the earl of bu●kyngham & the barons & knights of england such as had been with him in the voyage through france & so in to Bretayne were nothing content with the duke of Bretayne because he would not open his towns to them like as he had promised when he departed out of England/ but whiles the englishmen lay before wens & in the subbarbes of Nanibont they endured great poverty/ for they had nothing to eat and their horses died for fault of food. The englishmen were fain to gather the thystelles in the fields & bray them in a mortar & temper it with water and make there of a past & so bake it to eat/ such poverty they endured/ and they said among themself/ the duke doth not acquit himself nobly against us sith we have put him in possession of the signory of Bretayne/ and if we should do well we should take it fro him again and get out of prison Iohn of Bretayne his adversary & make him duke/ the country loveth him better than he that is now duke/ We can not better be revenged of him nor sooner to cause him to lose the duchy of Bretayne/ the constable of france knew right well what words & sore murmurations the englishmen had among themself against the duke of Bretayne/ wherewith he was nothing disposed/ for every evil word that they spoke he would it had been xii Howbeit he made thereof no semblant/ no more did a squire of Bretayne to whom he had broken his mind/ to go in to england on his message/ this squire was called Rollant/ and so it was that sir Iohn of Harleton capitain of Chyerbourge was with the constable at the castle josselyn under safeconduct/ and there the constable made him good cheer and to his company and kept the englishmen as good company as he could the rather thereby to get their good wills/ then the constable squire advanced forth & spoke to sir Iohn Harleton before the constable & said/ sir Iohn ye should do me a great pleasure to do one thing for me which shall cost you nothing/ sir said the knight for the love of the constable though it be to my cost I am content to do that I can for you what is that I should do/ sir said the squire that I might be assured to go in to England to semyne old master Iohn of Bretayne/ the greatest desire that I have in this world is to see him/ by my faith said sir Iohn harlton it shall not be let for me but that ye shall go as soon as I am returned to Chyerbourge I will go in to england/ & ye shall go with me I shall bring you thither/ for your request is not to be refused/ sir said the squire I thank you/ and I repute it for a great curtoysy. Thus this squire went with sir Iohn Harlton to Chyerbourg and when he had made every thing ready he departed and entered in to the see with Iohn Rollant in his company & so came to London and brought the squire to the castle where as Iohn of Bretayne was who knew him not at the first meeting/ at the last he called him to his remembrance & so spoke together/ & there he showed Iohn of Bretayne/ how that the constable of france did & would do his pain for his deliverance/ how can that be said Iohn of Bretayne/ sir said the squire I shall show you/ my lord the constable hath a daughter to marry/ so that if ye will swear & promise when ye be returned in to Bretayne to take her to your wife he will deliver you out of england/ he hath found well the means how/ sir how say you will ye do thus/ ye truly said he/ ye shall return to the constable & say in my name how there is nothing I may do to be delivered but I will do it/ & as for his daughter gladly I will take her to my wife/ thus the squire & Iohn of Bretayne departed & passed out of england & returned in to Bretayne & recorded to the constable all that he had seen & hard/ & the constable who desired the advancement of his daughter as to be married so highly as to Iohn of Bretayne was not negligent in his business & studied for a mean in England to bring about his purpose/ & without he had found out a means as he did he should never have come to his purpose/ which was to get the earl of Oxenford on his part who was most privy with the king of England as then/ but this matter was not shortly brought to pass/ for as long as the duke of Lancastre was in england and before his journey in to spain/ there was no dyscovering to the king of the tretye for deliverance of Iohn of Bretayne/ for when the earl of Buckyngham returned out of Bretayne the renome ran through all the royalme how the duke of Bretayne had falsely acquitted himself to the englishmen wherefore was spoken all the evil that could be devised/ & than Iohn of Bretayne was brought in to the kings presence and to his uncles/ & than it was said to him/ Iohn of Bretayne if ye will relieve & hold the duchy of Bretayne of the king of England ye shall be delivered out of prison and set in possession of the signory of Bretayne/ & shall be right highly married in this country as ye ought to be/ for the duke of Lancastre wo●de have given him to his daughter Phylyp in marriage who was after queen of Portyngale/ Iohn of Bretayne answered that he would never agree to that tretye nor never would be enemy nor contrary to the crown of France he said he was content to take the duke of Lancastres' daughter in marriage so he might be delivered out of prison & out of england/ when they saw he would do none otherwise he was set again in prison/ and after the earl or Oxenford whom we called duke of Ireland saw that the duke of Lancastre was gone out of england in to castle/ and that the tretye of the marriage of his daughter with john of Bretayne was passed/ for the duke of Lancastre had his daughter with him in to castle/ then he thought to ratrete the king of england to give him in reward for such service as he had done and intended to do Iohn of Brtayne/ for if he could get him of the king he was agreed with the constable of France to have for his ransom at two payments vi score. M. franks/ the first lx M. to be paid as soon as Iohn of Bretayne were sent & delivered in to the town of Boloyne/ and the other lx M. to be paid at Paris wheresoever he would have it delivered/ the duke of Ireland coveted these florins and did so moche with the king of england that the king gave him Iohn of Bretayne clearly/ whereof many in England had great marvel/ but they that list to speak would speak/ there was none other thing/ the duke of Ireland caused him to be delivered in to Boloyne/ and there the constable had made ready every thing for him/ dnd so he road to Paris and there found the king and other lords of his lineage who made him good cheer and the constable also who brought him in to Bretayne/ and there johan of Bretayne wedded his daughter as he had promised/ and when the duke of Bretayne knew that Iohn of Bretayne was returned in to France and clean delivered out of England by the aid and purchase to the constable of France/ then he had the constable in double hatred & said/ what/ weeneth sir Oliver of Clesson to put me out of mine heritage/ he showeth well the tokens thereof/ he hath delivered out prison Iohn of Bretayne and hath given him his daughter in marriage which things are to me right displeasant & surely that shall I well show ones on a day how he hath not well done peradventure when he taketh least heed thereof/ he said truly for he showed it quickly or the year passed/ as ye shall here after in the story. But first we will speak of the business of Castle and Portyngale and of an army on the see that the englishmen made to come to Sluse.  
HEre before ye have herd how the french kings army by the see to have gone in to england was broken up in the same season not by the french kings good will/ for always he showed good courage to have passed in to England/ and when he saw how the journey broke he was more disposed then any other/ and all the fault was laid upon the duke of Berre/ howbeit it was to be thought that he saw more depelyer in the matter then any other/ & in his counsaylling to leave the journey was for the honour and profit of the royalme of france▪ for who so ever enterprised to do a thing ought to regard what end may come thereof and the duke of Berre had been before so long in england in hostage for the king his father & had been so conversant among the english men/ & had seen so moche of the country that he knew by reason what effect the going in to england should have come to/ & the cause most exscusable not to go was because winter was so far run. But than it was said that the constable of france the next summer should go in to england with a vi M. men of arms and as many cross bows/ for it was thought by himself & said how that number was sufficy to fight with the english men/ by reason the constable ought to have known it/ for he had been nourished there in his young days/ when these lords were returned in to France/ them it was determined to send socours in to Castle to aid the king there against the king of Portyngale and the duke of Lancastre/ for it was thought that shortly there should be some deeds of arms/ for the englishmen kept the field. And it was considered that they could send no men of war thither without great cost and charge/ for the journey was far of/ & there was but little money in the kings treasoury nor in treasurers hands/ for the some of money that had been gathered of the people before in the royalme was spent & wasted wherefore they studied how to get more/ and so a new tail and tax was devised to ryn throughout all the royalme of France/ to be paid incontinent without delay/ noysing how it was for the comforting of the king of Spain and to drive the englishmen out of his royalme. This tail was published in every place/ and the kings commissioners sent in to every good town and city/ who said to the governors of the towns. Sirs thus much your town is taxed at/ the which ye must pay incontinent/ then the rulers said/ sirs we shall gather this some and then send it to Paris/ nay sirs not so said the commissaries/ we will not abide so long/ we will do otherwise then so/ and commanded in the kings name a ten or xii. of the best of the town to go to prison without they paid the some without any longer delay/ the honest men feared the prison and the kings displeasure/ wherefore they drew them together and paid the money incontinent/ and recovered it again of the poor men thus they did in every good town/ so that there were so many tails and taxes one after and there/ for the first was scant paid when another began/ thus in that season the noble royal me of france was governed and the poor people over led. So that many avoided out of their towns and forsook their heritages and houses/ for they were fain to sell all that they had/ and some went to dwell in Haynalte and in to the bishopric of Lyege/ where as there ran no tax nor tallage.   

¶ How the duke of Borbon was chosen to go in to Castle and divers other/ and how sir johan Bucke admiral of flanders was taken prisoner by the english men. Ca lxxii.  
THen it was devised what capitains should go in to Spain. first they appointed the gentle duke of borbone that he should be sovereign capitain above all other/ & or he departed there was appointed ii other capitains to be in the vanward/ and the duke of Borbon in the rearward with ii M. spears knights & squires these ii capitains that should be in the vanward were sir Wellyam of Lygnac/ & sir Gaultyer hf Passac/ these ii lords when they knew that they should be the capitains of certain men of arms to go in to castle/ they prepared themself for that journey than knights and squires were sent for all about the royalme of france to go to castle/ and the passages were opened as well in Nauare as in Arragon/ then knights and squires departed fro Bretayne Poycton/ Aniowe/ Maine/ Torayne/ Bloys/ orleans/ Because/ pycardy/ borgoyne/ berre & Awuergne/ & fro all the bounds of the royal me of france/ every man took their way to go in to castle/ & of all the formest company sir wyllyam of Lygnac/ & sir Gaultyer of Passac were leders/ & to exalt their honour they departed in good array/ & all their companies in good order.  
THus whiles these knights & squires of the royalme of france prepared them to go in to castle/ & such as were first ready first departed & specially they that were of far countries/ for there were many that desired deeds of arms/ the same season the englishmen were on the see between England & Flaunders whereof richard earl of Arundel was admiral & in his company the earl of devonshyre & the earl of Nottingham & the bishop of Norwyche/ they were a .v. C. men of arms &. M. archers/ they had lain at anchor a great season abiding some adventure & often times refreshed them on the cost of england & about the isles of Cornwall/ bretayne & Normandy/ & they were sore disposed in that the fleet of flanders was scaped fro them/ & were gone to rochell/ & specially that the constable of france was gone fro Lentrygner to sluse & passed by calais & met not with him/ for gladly they would have fought with him/ & yet the constable had as many ships as they/ but they passed by them by reason of the wind & the flood that they had in the night time/ the english navy lay at anchor before Mergate at the Tames mouth toward sandwich abiding their adventure/ & specially abiding for the ships that were gone to Rochel/ for they thought they would shortly return & so they did/ for when the merchants of flanders/ of rochel/ of Haynalte & other places/ who for doubt of the englishmen were conjoined together/ departed out of flauders/ they promised each other to go & to return together/ & to take each others part/ & when they had all done their business in Rochel & in the country of Xainton & had charged their ships with wines/ then as soon as they had good wind they dysancred & departed out of the haven of Rochel & took their way by the see to go in to flanders & to Sluse & fro whence they departed/ they sailed so long that they passed the race saint Mathewe in Bretayne without peril or damage & so costed base Bretayne/ & then nor mandy & so came right over the Tames mouth where as the english navy lay/ the flemings perceived where they lay/ & they in the high ships said to their company/ sirs advise you well we shall be met by the english army/ they they have perceived us they will take the advantage of the wind & tide/ we shall have battle or it be night/ that tidings pleased not well all parties & specially the merchants of flanders/ of Haynalte/ & of other countries who had their merchandise there abroad/ they would gladly have been thence if they might. Howbeit sith they saw no remedy but fight/ they ordered themself thereto/ & they were cross bows and other men harnessed defensably arrayed more than vii C & among them there was a valiant knight of flanders who was their capitain & was as then admiral of the see set there by the duke of Borbone called sir Iohn Bucke right sage & hardy in arms/ & had done before great damage on the see to the englyghmen/ this sir Iohn Bucke set every thing in good order & decked his ships well & wisely as he that could right well do it & said sirs be not abashed we are men enough to fight with the english army & the wind will serve us that ever as we be fighting we shall approach nearer & nearer to Sluse we shall cost flanders/ some took good comfort with those words & some not/ so they put themselves in good order & defence/ & made ready their cross bows & gonues.  
THe english ships approached & they had certain galays furnished with archers/ & they came formest rowing with owers and gave the first assault and archers shot fiercely and lost moche of their shot for the flemings covered them under the decks & would not apere but drove ever forth with the wind and when they were out of the english archers shot then they did let fly their quarrels where with they hurted many/ then approached the great ships of England/ the earl of Arundel with his company & the bishop of Norwyche with his/ & so the other lords they rushed in among the flemings ships & them of Rochel/ yet the flemings & cross bows defended themself right valiantly for their patron sir Iohn Bucke did ever comfort them/ he was in a great strong ship wherein he had iii gonnes shotynso great stones that where soever they lighted they did great damage/ & ever as they fought they drew little & little toward flanders/ & some little ships with their merchants took the coostes of Flaunders & the low water & thereby saved them/ for the great ships could not follow them for lack of water/ thus on these there was a hard battle & ships broken & sunken on both parties/ for out of the tops they cast down great bars of iron/ where as they went to the bottom/ this was an hard battle & well fought/ for it endured a iii or four hours/ & when the day failed they withdrew each fro other & cast anchor & there rested all night & dressed their hurt men/ & when the flood came they dysancred & drew up sails and returned again to the battle/ with the englishmen was Peter du Boys of Gaunt with a certain archers & mariners/ who made the flemings moche a do/ for he had been a mariner wherefore he knew the art of the see/ & he was fore disposed that the flemings & merchants endured so long/ always the englishmen wan advantage of the flemings & so came between Blanqueberg & Sluse against Gagant there was the discomfiture/ for they were not succoured by no creature/ nor also at that time there were no ships at Sluse nor men of war/ true it was there was a squire a man of arms at Sluse called arnold the mayre/ when he hard how there was battle on the see between the army of England & them of Flaunders he took a bark of his own and entered therein and with him a certain men of Sluse/ and twenty cross bows/ and rowed by force till he came to the battle/ but that was at the point of the discomfiture/ for by that time the englishmen were seized of the most part of the flemysshe ships and had taken sir Iohn Bucke their capitain & his ship & all that were within it/ and when this Arnolde the mayre saw the manner of that battle he made his cross bows to shoot iii times & then returned and was chased into the haven of Sluse but the englysshmennes' ships were so great that they could not approach so near the land as the bark did/ and thereby he saved himself and his company.  
THe men of the town of Sluse were sore abashed when they hard of those tidings so that they wist not what to do other to give up their town and forsake all or else to enter in to the ships that lay there and so defend the haven/ surely if the englishmen had known the case they were in/ they had been lords of the town and of the castle or if they had believed Peter du Boys/ for he sore counseled them that they should incontinent have set on the town of Sluse/ they had won it if they had so done/ but the englishmen had no courage thereto but said it were a great folly for us to enter in to the town of Sluse/ for than they of Bruges/ of Dan/ and of Ardenbourge shall come and besiege us/ & so peradventure shall lose all that we have won/ it is better for us to keep it and to make wise war then foolishly to lose all/ thus the englishmen kept still the see but they determined to burn the navy of ships that lay at anchor in the haven of Sluse/ of such ships as they had won they took part of them such as were most old and dry and lightest and gresed them well both within and without and set fire on them & so let them go with the wind and with the tide in to the haven to the intent that they should have fastened and set fire on other ships that lay there of Spain and of other places/ howbeit as god would that fire did no hurt nor damage to none other ship.   

¶ How the englishmen arrived/ & brent divers villages. Ca lxxiii.  
AFter that the englishmen discomfited sir Iohn Buck as he came fro Rochel whereby they had great profit specially of wine/ for they had a ix M. ton of wine whereby wine was the dearer all the year after in Flaunders/ Holande/ and in Brabande/ and the better cheap in England as it was reason/ such are the adventures of this world if one have damage another hath profit. Thus still the english men lay before Sluse at an an●r●/ & sometime with their barks & barges they set a land on the other side against Sluse where as there was but a river to pass/ & there they brent a minster & other towns along on the see side & on the dygnes called Torn Hoque & Murdequer & took men prisoners in the country & were there dying a ten days & laid bysshmentes between Dan & Sluse on the way of Coceler/ & there was taken Iohn of Lannay a man of arms of Tourney who was come thither with the lord of Estrynay & sir Blanquart of Calomne came thieves on the spurs fro Tourney with xl spears/ and also sir Robert Merchant a knight of flanders who had to his wife a bastard daughter of the earl of flanders was as then at Bruges/ when the tidings spread abroad of the englishmen so he departed & came to Sluse & entered in to the castle which he found in small defence/ for if the englishmen had taken land at Sluse as they did on the other side of the water they had taken at their ease the castle & all the town/ for such as should have defended the town were so abashed that there was no man took any heed of defence/ then this knight gave them heart & said. Ayesyrs and good men of Sluse how maintain you yourself/ by that ye show yourself discomfited without any struck striking/ men of valour & of good defence ought not so to do/ they should show forth a good visage as long as they could endure at the least till they were slain or taken/ thereby they should attain to the grace of god and praise of the world/ thus said this sir Robert when he came to Sluse.  
IN the mean season while the englishmen were before Sluse & theraboute all the country to Bruges were afraid/ for they were every day abroad a foraging a foot for they had no horses/ & sometime they would enter far in to the country. On a day they brent the town of Cocesy on the downs a great village in the way toward Ardenbourge/ & so to the see side called Hosebourcke/ they did there what they list & might have done more if they had known what case the country was in/ & when they had tarried there at their pleasure & saw that no man came against them/ then they took their ships & drew up sails & so returned in to England with. CC.M franks of profit/ and so came in to Tames straight to London where as they were received with great joy/ for the good wines of Poycton & Xamton that was determined to have been drunken in flanders/ in Haynalte/ Brabant & in divers other places in pycardy/ the englishmen brought all with them in to england/ & was lord & departed at London & in other places of England/ wine was sold then for four pens the galon/ and certain merchants of zerecyell in zeland lost part of the same wine/ but they had restitution again of all their losses/ for they of zercyell would never agree to go to make war in to england nor would suffer none of their ships to go in the journey whereby they attained great love of the englishmen/ sir Iohn Bucke was put in prison curioysly at London/ he might go where he list but every night to lodge in the city/ he could never come to his ransom/ yet the duke of Borgoyne would gladly have had him by exchange for a bastard brother of the king of Portyngalles' whom they of Brevelet had taken on the see coming to Meldeboure/ thus sir Iohn Bucke was prisoner three years in England and there died.   

¶ How the duke of Lancastres' marshal took the town of Ribadane which was strongly kept. Ca lxxiiii.  
How it is time that we return to the business of Castle & Portyngale & to speak of the duke of Lancastre being in Galyce/ & of such business as fall in that season which were not small & also to show what aid & comfort the french king sent that time in to castle/ or else king Iohn of Spain's business had but easily gone forward/ I say surely the same year that the duke arrived in his country he had lost all his land if the aid of the french king had not been/ ye know well that tidings spreadeth ever far/ the king of Portyngale knew as soon as the duke of Lancastre or any other man/ how the frenssh kings army that lay on the see to have gone in to Euglande broke their journey/ for the king of Portyngale lay as then at the city of port a strong town & a have well used by reason of merchants that resorted thither/ & when he knew of the breaking of the french kings army he was glad thereof/ for it had benshewed him before that all england was likely to have been lost. Wherefore he some what dyssymuled with the duke of Lancastre driving of the taking of his daughter in marriage/ but still he drove him of with fair words and salutations/ & when he was justly informed of the departing of the french king fro Sluse/ then he called his counsel and said/ sir ye know well how the duke of Lancastre is in Galyce and the duchess our cousin with him and it is not unknown to you how he was here and had counsel together and how it was agreed that I should have his daughter in marriage/ so it is I will perceiver in the same estate and will demand her honourably as it is reason and apertenent to such a prince as the duke of Lancastre is & to me as king of Portyngale/ I will make that lady queen of Portyngale/ sir said they of his counsel/ ye do in this according to reason/ for ye have so sworn & promised/ well said the king/ then let us send for her to the duke then there was appointed the archbishop of Braschez/ and sir Iohn Radyghen of Sar to go an that ambassade/ they were sent for to the king/ and so they took on them that voyage/ & with them they had a. CC. spears. ¶ Now let us speak of the siege that sir Thomas Moreaus marshal of the duke of Lancastres' cost had laid before the town of Rybadane/ and show what became thereon.  
I believe that they of Rybadane thought to have been comforted by king john of castle and by the knights of France who lay in the town of Valcolyve or else they would never have endured so long/ for I have marvel how such a sort of villains could endure against such a sloure of archers & men of arms and were not abashed/ for every day they had assault and it was said to sir Thomas Moreaus in manner of counsel by the most valiant knights of his company sir leave this town here/ then an evil fire may b●enne it and let us go further in to the country to Maynes/ to Noye/ or to Besances/ always we may return again when we list by my faith said sir Thomas that shall never be said that villains have discomfited us/ I will not depart hens though I should tarry here ii months without the duke send for me. Thus the marshals mind & opinion was to keep still there his siege/ the king of Castle who lay at Valeolyve and had sent specially for aid in to France/ he hard daily how they of Rybadane defended themself valiantly & would not yield/ in the name of god said the Barroys of Barrers it greatly dyspeaseth me that we sent not thither our french men/ they would greatly have recomforted the men of that town/ and also I am not content that I am not at the siege/ for then at the least I should have the honour as these villains have now/ & surely if I had known the truth of the strength of that town I would have refreshed it and have put myself at adventure therein/ as well god should have sent me the grace to have defended the town as these villains do. Thus he devised in the kings presence and before the french knights who desired deeds of arms. Then it was said to the king/ sir send a. C. spears in to these towns of Noye & of Calongne/ for who so hath those. two. castles hath the ii sides of the land of Galyce/ and to go thither divers did present themselves before the king/ as sir Trystram of Roy and sir raynold his brother/ sir Aulberte of Braquemont/ sir Trystran of Gall/ sir Iohn of castle Morant/ & sir Barroys of Barrers. The king heard them well & was content with their offres/ and said/ fair sirs I thank you of your good wills/ howbeit ye may not all go/ some of you must abide still with me for adventures that may fall/ but at this present time I desire the Barroys of Barrers to take on him that charge if it please him/ the knight was right glad of that journey/ for he thought he had lain there to long and said to the king/ sir I thank your grace & shall keep & defend it to my power/ and shall not depart thence till ye send for me/ so be it a goods name said the king/ we think to here shortly some tidings out of france/ as then the knights knew not of the french kings departing fro Sluse/ but the king knew it well enough/ for the duke of Borbon had written to him of all the business in france/ & how he was appointed to come in to Castle with iii M. spears and before him to open the passages should come iii M. spears under the guiding of sir William of Lygnac/ and sir Gaultyer of Passac/ the french knights desired the king to show them some tidings out of France with a good will said the king.  
THen the king said sirs surely the duke of Borbon is chosen pryncypal capitain to come in to this country for the frenssh king and his counsel hath appointed him to come with vi thousand spears knights/ and squires/ and also two valiant knights are chosen capitains for to come before him as sir William Lygnac/ as sir Gaultyer of Passac/ they shall come first with a iii M. spears as for the voyage by the see in England is broken up for this season till the constable of France and the earl of saint Poule and the lord of Concy with four M. spears shall go in to England this next may. How say you sirs to this said the king/ sir said they these be rich tidings we can have no better for this next summer deeds of arms shallbe well showed in your country/ if there be vi M. appointed there will come ix M. we shall surely fight with the englishmen/ they keep as now the field/ but we shall close them together or it be midsummer/ sir these knights that come are right valiant and specially the duke of Borbon and the other are proved knights and worthy to be governors of men of arms/ anon was spread abroad in the town of Valeolyve and abroad in Castle the great comfort and aid that should come out of France by the first day of may/ whereof knights and squires were right joyous.  
THus the Barroys of Bars departed with a l spears and road to the castle of Noye/ tidings came to the duke of Lancastres' marshal how the frenchmen were a broad riding with a l spears to come to raise the siege before Rybadane/ When the marshal hard those tidings/ he believed it lightly/ for they that showed him thereof affirmed it to be true saying how they had seen them ride over the river of Dorne & took their lodging at the town of Arpent. Then the marshal was in doubt & took counsel/ & determined to send word thereof to the duke of Lancastre his lord and so he did/ and he sent sir Iohn Dambrecycourt and a herald who knew all the ways in Galyce/ and then the marshal made ever good watch and spyal/ for he doubted to be escried in the night half the dost watched every night while the other slept/ sir Iohn Dambretycourt and the herald came to the town of saint james to the duke and to the duchess/ when the duke knew of their coming he said/ surely we shall here some tidings/ as soon as they came to his presence/ the duke demanded what tiding/ sir said they none that be good/ but your marshal hath sent us hither to you/ to know your pleasure what he should do for it is reported to him for certain that the frenchmen are assembled together in castle and ride fast to pass the river to come and fight with your men dying at siege before Rybadane/ sir these be the tidings that we have brought. In the name of god said the duke these be none evil tidings that we shall shortly provide for them/ he beheld sir Iohn Holande his constable/ and his admiral sir Thomas Percy and said to them/ sirs take a CCC. spears and CCCCC. archers/ & go to your company before Rybadane/ they are in a doubt that the frenchmen should come & assail them/ then these ii knights made them ready and took with them iii C. spears and .v. C. archers and departed fro the duke and road so long that they came before Rybadane where their companions were lodged/ who were greatly rejoiced of their comyge/ then sir Iohn Holland said to the marshal/ what say they of Rybadane will they not yield them/ by my faith said the marshal/ they are proud people they see that all the country about them do yield/ yet they keep still their opinions/ & yet they be but a many of villains/ there is not among them one gentleman of name/ sir hold your peace said sir Iohn Holande/ for within these. iiii. days we shall bring them to that point that they shall be glad to yield themself to any that will take them to mercy/ but sir I pray you do the frenchmen ride abroad/ ye surely sir said he I have been well informed how they ride to the number of .v. C. spears in one company which may well be/ for daily to them there cometh men of war out of France/ & as I have knowledge it is the Barroys of barrers/ he is in the castle of Noye with l spears this is all that we know/ thus they were all lodged together as well as they might & made great provision that came after them.  
About a four days after that Iohn holande and sir Thomas Percy were to men to the marshals dost they ordained to make a great assault and caused to be made a great engine of timber with wheels to be removed with strength of men whither they list and within it might easily be a. C. knights & a. C. archers/ & they had filled the dykes where as this engine should pass/ then began the assault/ and the engine to approach with strength of men and therein archers well provided with arrows fiercely shooting at them within the town/ & they within casting out darts & stones marvelously/ but they beneath were covered with mantles & ox hides to defend them fro the stones & darts & under that coverture men of arms approached well pavessed with pike axes to pierce the wall/ so that they enpayred the wall/ for they within could not defend the wall because of the archers who shot so holy together that none durst appear at their defence so with hewing they reversed in to the dyke a great pane of the wall/ when they with in saw themself in so great mischief/ they were greatly abashed/ and then cried out a loud we yield ourself/ we yield us/ but there were noon that made them any answer/ The english men did laugh at them and said. These villains have put us to much payne● & now they mock us when they would have us to take them to mercy/ now the town is our own/ some of the english men answered them within and said. Sirs we know not what ye say/ we can not speak no spanish/ speak good french or english if ye will that we should understand you. Thus they cu●red and passed forth and chased these villains/ who fled before them and slew them by heaps. That day there were slain what of one and other with the jews that were there more then xu hundred. Thus the town of Rybadane was taken by force/ and such as first entered had there great pillage/ and specially they found more gold and silver in the jews houses then in any other place.  
AFter the taking of Rybadane which was won by pure assault/ and that the english men had pilled it at their pleasure than they demanded of the marshal what should be done with the town if it should be brent or not/ nay said the marshal we will keep it and new repair it. But now whether shall we prepare/ and they determined to draw to Maures a good town in Galyce Then they were appointed that should abide in Rybadane and repair it/ there was left sir Peter of clynton a right valiant knight with twenty spears & lx archers/ they made great provision with that they found there specially of yokes and good wines/ which were so strong and mighty that the english men could not drink thereof if they drank moche they were in that case they could not help themself in two days after. Thus they dislodged fro Rybadane and road towards the town of Maures/ and carried in pieces with them the great engine/ for they saw well it did good service/ and was fearful to men in the towns. When they of Maures understood how the englishmen were coming to them ward to have the town under the duke and duchess of Lancastres' obeisance/ and knew how Rybadane was taken by force/ and how that they brought with them a devil in stead of an engine/ for it was so great that it could not be destroyed/ they doubted greatly the host and this engine/ then they went to counsel to see what were best for them to do either to yield or to make defence. And when they had well counseled together/ they could see none other thing but that it was far better for them to yield then to defend/ for they considered if they were taken by force/ they should lose body and goods/ and no comfort appeared to them fro any part/ they that were sage said. Sirs behold how they of Rybadane were taken at their defence/ and yet they were as strong as we or stronger/ & they were besieged more than a month/ and yet they had neither aid nor succour/ as we understand the king of castle accounteth at this season all the country of Galyce lost to the river of Dorne/ nor we think that this year there cometh no french men to our aid/ wherefore let us yield ourself meekly without damage as other towns have done/ every man beheld the same opinion/ but some said how may this be done/ well enough said the sages/ we shall go and meet them on the way and bear the keys of the town with us & present them to the english men/ they be courtoys people/ they will do us no hurt if we receive them courteously/ to this they were all agreed/ then there issued out of the town a thirty persons of them that were most noble as soon as they knew that the english men approached they issued out/ and about a quarter of a leg of/ they tarried for the Enghysshe men:  
Tidings came to the english men how they of the town of Maures were issued out/ not to fight but to yield them & the keys of the town which they brought with them. Then the lords road on before to see what the matter was/ and caused all the archers & host to tarry behind/ then the Galycyens came forth/ and it was said to them/ Sirs behold here the lords of England sent by the duke of Lancastre to conquer this country/ speak to them if ye list. Then they all kneeled down & said. Sirs we be of the poor men of Maures who●wyllyngly will be under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre and of my lady the duke of Lancastre and of my lady the duchess/ wherefore we desire you to accept us to mercy for all that we have is yours/ the iii lords of england by each others advise answered and said/ ye good people of Maures we shall go with you in to the town and part of ●ur host not all and there ye shall make promise & oath as good people ought to do to their lord and lady/ sirs said they this shall we do with good wills. Then said the lords go your ways on before and open the gates/ for ye are and shall be received to mercy/ then they went to their town and opened their gates and barrier's and suffered the constable and the other lords to enter and a four C. spears with them/ and the residue of the host lodged without in the fields & had provision out of the town sufficient/ the lords lodged within the town and took the oaths of them of the town of Maures as it is said before.   

¶ How the duke of Lancastre sent for the admiral and mershal and his other officers to come to the wedding of his daughter and the king of Portyngale. Ca lxxiiii.  
THe next day after the town of Maures was given up and that every man made them ready to go to the city of Besances/ there came tidings and letters fro the duke of Lancastre commanding them on the sight of his letters what so ever estate they were in/ to repair to his presence/ certefyenge them that he looked in a short season/ for the archbishop of Braghes and for sir Iohn Radyghes de Sar ambassade fro the king of Portyngale who were coming to wed his daughter by procuration and to lead her to the city of port where the king of Portyngale tarried for her/ When these lords understood these tidings they returned their way and said it was requisite for the duke to have his lords and counsel about him at the receiving of these ambassadors/ and so returned and left men of war in the garrisons that they had won/ and so came to the town of saint james as the duke had commanded them/ and within iii days after thither came the bishop of Braghes/ & sir Iohn Radyghes de Sar with a. CC. horses/ they were all well lodged/ then when they were ready appareled the ambassadors and other lords in their company went to the duke & to the duchess in good array/ where they were received with great joy and there declared the cause of their coming The duke heard them well & was well rejoiced therewith because of the auauntement of his daughter and for the alliance of the king of Portyngale which he thought right behovable for him if he would enter to conquer castle/ the bishop showed the duke and the duchess and their counsel how he had authority by procuration personally to wed the lady Phylyp of Lancastre in the name of the king of Portyngale/ wherewith the duke and duchess were well content/ thus sir Iohn Radyghes de sar by virtue of procuration wedded the lady Phylyp of Lancastre in the name of & king of Portyngale and the bishop of Braghes wedded them/ & so were laid courteously in bed as husband and wife ought to be/ and the next day after the lady with all her company were ready to depart and so took leave of her father/ mother and sisters/ with ladies & damoiselles with her and her bastard sister wife to the marshal with her/ and with her went sir Iohn Holande sir Thomas Percy/ and sir Iohn Dambrychcourte and C. spears and CC. archers and so road to the city of port in Portyngale.  
Against the coming of the young queen of Portyngale issued out of the city of port to do her honour and reverence prelate's of the church/ as the bishops of Lyxbone of Deure/ of Connymbres/ and of port/ and of temporal lords/ the earl Dangose/ the earl of Novayre/ the earl of Lescal/ Galope Ferant patrick Pymasse/ Martyne de Marlo and more than xl knights/ & great number of their people and many ladies and damoiselles/ and all the clergy revested in habits of procession thus the lady Phylyp of Lancastre was brought in to the city of port in Portyngale & so● to the kings palace/ there the king took her by the hand and kissed her and all the other ladies and damoiselles that were come with her and brought her in to her chamber/ and then took leave of all the ladies/ & the lords of england that were there lodged at their ease & all their men in the city of port/ for it is a great city/ & that night they kept the vigil of the feast to the next day/ the ladies dancing and passing their time that night/ and on the Tuysdaye the king of Portyngale with the prelate's/ and lords of his country were ready in the morning and kept on their horses at the palace and so road to the cathedral church called saint mary's/ and there carried for the queen who came accompanied with ladies and damoiselles/ and though sir Iohn Radyghos de Sar had wedded her before in the kings behalf/ yet then again openly there the king wedded her/ and so returned to the palace & there was made a great feast and a solemn/ and after dyner justes and tournays before the king and queen and at night the prise was given of them without to sir Iohn Holande/ and of the challengers a knight of the kings called sir Iohn Tet door had the prise so that day and night they perceyvered in great triumph and joy/ and the king lay with the queen/ and as the revome ran in the country & court the king was as then a clean maid/ the next day the feast renewed and new justes/ and the prise of the challengers had Vas Martyne of Merlo and of them without/ & sir Iohn Dambretycourte and the night there was great dancing singing and sporting/ and every day there were knights and squires that jousted.  
WIth such triumphs justes & sports as ye have hard the queen of Portyngale was received at her first coming in the city of port/ and these feestes endured more than ten days and the king gave great gifts to all the strangers so that they were well content. Then the knights of England took their leave of the king and of the queen/ and returned to the city of saint james to the duke and duchess/ who of them demanded tidings & they showed all that they had seen and hard/ and how the king of Portyngale and the queen did command them to them/ and said/ sir the last word that the king said to us was how he desireth you to draw in to the field when it please you/ for in likewise so will he do and draw in to Castle. These be good tidings said the duke. Thus about a xu days after the constable and admiral were returned fro the king of Portyngales' marriage the duke of Lancastre prepared for his journey to go and conquer castles and towns in Galyce/ for as then the duke was not lord of all the towns in the country/ and it was ordained that when the duke should depart fro saint james that the duchess and her daughter Katherine should in likewise depart and go to the city of port in Portyngale/ to see the king and the young queen their daughter/ and the town of saint james was delivered to the keeping of an english knight called sir Joys Clyfforde and xxx spears with him & an. C. archers.   

¶ How the duke of Lancastre and his men road towards the city of Besances/ and how the town made composition with them Ca lxxv.  
THus the duke Lancastre departed and all his men and such as were ordained to abide in garrison abode and the duke and the duchess road towards Besances/ one of the last towns between Galyce and Portyngale the right way to port and to Connymbres/ and because the duchess of Lancastre and her daughter should go to see the king of Portyngale therefore they held that way/ when they of Besances knew that the duke was coming on them with all his host than they drew to counsel and were of many opinions. Finally they determined for the best and sent to the duke and duchess vi of the chief of the town to desire and treat for an abstinence of war for viii days/ & in the mean seaseon they to send to the king of Castle/ showing him without he came so strong to fight with the duke/ to yield up their town without any other mean. Then there departed fro Besances vi men & road to meet with that englishmen. first they encountered with the vanward which the marshal led. There they were stopped and demanded what they were and what they would/ they answered how they were of Besances and that by appointment of the town they were charged to go and speak with the duke/ the marshal said to sir Iohn Soustre/ sir go and bring these men to the duke in safeguard for fere lest our archers do slay them/ and than he said to them/ sirs go your ways this knight shall be your guide/ so they road forth and at the last found out the duke and duchess and her daughter and sir Iohn Holande/ sir Thomas Percy & divers other with them sporting them under the shadow of the fair olive trees/ & they beheld well sir Iohn Soustre coming to themwarde. Then sir Iohn Holande demanded of him and said/ sir Iohn are those your prisoners/ nay sir said he they be no prisoners/ they are men of Besances sent by the mershall to speak with my lord the duke as I think they will make some tretye the duke and the duchess heard all those words Then sir Iohn Soustre said to them ye good men advance forth/ behold here your lord & lady▪ Then these vi men kneeled down & said My right redoubted lord and lady the comonaltye of the town of Besances have sent us to your presence/ sir they understand how ye are coming or sending your army against them they desire of your special grace to forbear them these ix days/ and in the mean season they will send to the king of Castle to the town of Valcolyve and show him what danger they be in/ and sir without there come with in these ix days such succour to them as to fight with you/ they will yield them unto your obeisance/ and if ye lack any provision of victuals or any other thing in the mean season/ ye shall have out of the town for your money at your pleasure for you & for all your men. Therewith the duke stood still and spoke no word/ and suffered the duchess to speak because it was in her country/ then she beheld the duke and said/ sir what say you/ madame said he and what say you/ ye are herytoure her/ that I have is by you/ therefore ye shall make them answer/ well sir said she/ me think it were good to receive them as they have demanded/ for I believe the king of Castle hath as now no great desire so shortly to fight with you/ I can not tell said the duke would to god he would come shortly to battle/ then we should be the sooner delivered/ I would it should be within vi days/ wherefore as ye have devised I am content it so be/ then the duchess turned her toward the vi men and said/ sirs depart when ye list your matter is sped/ so that ye deliver in hostage to our marshal xii of the best of your town for surety to uphold this tretye/ well madame said they we are content/ & sir Iohn Soustre was commanded to show this tretye to the marshal/ and so he did wherewith the mershall was well content/ and the vi men returned to Besances/ and showed how they had sped/ then xii men of the most notablest of the town were chosen out and sent to the marshal. Thus the town of Besances was in rest and peace by the foresaid tretye. Then they of the town sent the same vi men that went to the duke to the king of Castle and his counsel. The king as then knew nothing of that composition nor how the english men were before Besances.  
IN the mean season that these six men were going to the king of Castle/ the duke ordained that the duchess and her daughter Katherine should go to the city of port to see the king of Portyngale and the young queen her daughter/ and at their departing the duke said to the duchess. ¶ Madam Costaunce salute fro me the king and the queen my daughter and all other lords of Portyngale/ & show them such tidings as ye know and how they of Besances be at composition with me/ and as yet I know not whereon they ground themself/ nor whether that our adversary Iohn of Trystmor have made them to make this tretye or will come and fight with us or no/ I know well they look for great comfort to come to them out of france/ and such as desire deeds of arms and advancement of honour will come as soon as they can/ wherefore it behoveth me alway to be ready and to abide battle/ this ye may show to the king of Portyngale and to his counsel/ and if I see that I shall have any thing to do/ I shall shortly send the king word thereof/ Wherefore say that I desire him to be ready to aid and to defend our right and his/ in like manner as we have promised and sworn together/ and madame when ye return again to me leave our daughter katheryne there still with the queen her sister/ she can not be in better keeping/ sir said the lady all this shall be done. Then the duchess and her daughter and all other ladies and damoiselles took their leave and departed sir Thomas Percy the admiral accompanied them and sir non Fythwaren/ and the lord Talbot and the lord Iohn Dambretycourte/ and sir Namburyne of Lyvyers and a hundred spears/ and two hundred archers and so came to the city of port in Portyngale.   

¶ How the duchess and her daughter went to see the king of Portyngale and the queen. And how the town of Besances submitted them under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre. Ca lxxvi.  
when the king of Portyngale understood that the duchess of Lancastre and her daughter were coming to him ward/ he was thereof right joyful/ and sent to receive them of the greatest men of his court. The earl of Angoses/ and the earl of Novayre sir Iohn Radyghos de Sar sir Iohn Ferrant Perteke sir Vas Martyne of Marlo sir Egeas Colle and a twenty other knights who met with the duchess a two great legs of/ and joyfully received them/ and the duchess made friendly cheer to all the lords and knights both with words & countenance. Thus they came to the city of port/ and all the ladies and damoiselles were lodged in the palace and the king came and met with the ladies & kissed them all/ then after came the queen who received the duchess her mooer and her sister right honourably as she that could right well do it/ all the kings court were right joyful of the coming of these ladies and damoiselles/ I will not speak of all their acquayntaunces and good cheer. for I was not there present I know nothing but by the report of that gently knight sir Iohn Ferrant Perteke who was there present/ and he informed me of all that I know in that matter and of many other There the duchess devised with the king of Portyngale when she saw her time/ & showed him all the words that the duke her husband had given her in charge to show. The king answered her right sagely and said. Fair lady and cousin I am all ready if the king of Castle come forth in to the fields within iii days I shall have r●dy. iil. M. spears/ they be ready in the field on the fronters of castle/ and also I have ready twenty M. of the commons of my royal me who be not to be refused/ for they did me good service on a day at the battle of juberoth. Sir said the lady ye speak well & I thank you thereof. And sir if any things happen to fall to my lord and husband he will incontinent signify you thereof/ with these words & other the king & the duchess devised together. ¶ Now let us turn to them of Besances/ & show how they sped.  
WHen these vi men of Besances were before the king of castle they kneeled down and said. Right redoubted lord may it please you to understand that we be sent hither fro your town of Besances who are by force in composition with the duke of Lancastre and with the duchess & hath obtained a sufferance of war for ix days/ so that if ye come or send such a strength able to resist the duchess puissance/ then the town to abide still under your obeisance else they are bound & have laid hostage to deliver up the town to the duke of Lancastre/ wherefore may it please your grace to give us answer what we shall do in this case. The king answered and said/ sirs we shall take advise and then give you answer therewith the king departed fro them and entered in to his secret chamber/ I cannot tell what counsel he took nor how the matter went/ but these vi men were there viii days and had no manner of answer nor saw no more the king. So the day came that the town should be given up & as then their messengers were not returned again. Then the duke of Lancastre sent to Besances his marshal the ten day to speak with them and to command them to render up their town/ or else to strike of the heeds of the hostages/ the marshal came to Besances to the barrier's and there spoke with them of the town and said/ ye sirs of Besances take heed what I say. My lord the duke of Lancastre hath sent me to you to demand why ye have not brought to him the keys of your town and submit you to be under his obeisance as ye ought to be/ the ix days be past as ye know well/ and if ye will not thus do/ your hostages shall lose their heeds here before you/ and after we shall assail you and take you perforce/ and than ye shall all die without mercy like them of Rybadane/ when the men of Besances heard those tidings/ they greatly doubted and also feared to lose their friends that were in hostage with the duke/ & said to the marshal/ sir my lord the duke hath good cause to say and do as ye have reported/ but sir as yet we hear no tidings fro our men whom we sent to the king of castle for the same cause/ we wot not what is become of them. Sirs said the marshal peradventure they are kept there still for the tidings they have brought to the king of Castle which are not very pleasant to him to here/ but my lord the duke will abide no longer/ wherefore advise you to make me short answer/ else shortly ye shall have assault/ then they spoke again and said/ sir we require you let us assemble together in the town to take advise and then we shall answer you/ I am content said the marshal/ then they returned in to the town and by the blasts of trumpets in every street they assembled to gather in the market place/ then they declared to all the commonty all the foresaid words/ and so finally they accorded to render up their town/ & to save their estates that were in prison/ then they returned to the marshal & said/ sir in all your demands we can find nothing but as reason requireth/ we are content to receive my lord the duke and my lady the duchess in to this town & to put them in possession thereof/ and sir here be the keys/ and we shall go with you to them to their lodging if it please you to bring us thither/ with right a good will said the marshal/ then there issued out of Besances a lx men bearing the keys of their town with them/ & the marshal brought them straight to the duke & showed him all their intents/ the duke received them & delivered them their hostages & the same day entered in to the city of Besances & there lodged & all his company as many as might.   

¶ How they of Besances that had been sent to the king of Castle came home to their town after it was rendered up to the duke of Lancastre. Ca lxxvii.  
AFoure days after that Besances was given up the vi. men that were sent to Valeolyve to the king of Castle returned home to their town/ then it was demanded of them why they had tarried so long/ they answered how they might not do therewith nor amend it/ saying how they had spoken with the king who had promised them to take counsel & then to give answer/ which answer we tarried on viii days/ and as yet they said they were returned without answer/ then they were asked no more questions but they said how the king of Castle looked for moche people to come out of france and divers were come and lodged abroad in the country/ but the capitains as sir william of Lygnac & sir Gaultyer of Passac were not as then come/ but all such knights and squires in Spain that should be under the guiding of those ii capitains were ready appareled/ but all such as were retained and appointed to be under the duke of Borbon were still in their own houses upon a readiness. Thus as ye have herd here before sir William of Lygnac & sir Gaultyer of Passac passed through the royalme of France and came in to 〈◊〉/ they were more than a. M. spears knights and squires of all countries/ they assembled in Carcassone/ in Narbonoys and in Thoulousayne and as they came so they lodged in this good country/ many there were that paid little or nothing for that they took. Tyoynge came to the earl of Foyze being at Ortays that men of war of France approached near to his country & would pass through to go in to Spain & it was said to him/ sir they pay for nothing that they take/ Wherefore all the common people flieth before them as though they were englishmen/ and the capitains be at Carcassone/ and their men theraboute and so passeth the river of Garon to Thoulouse/ and than they will enter in to Bygore/ and so incontinent in to your country/ and if they do then as they have done all the way they shall do great evil in your country of Byerne. Therefore sir take good heed what ye will do in this hehalfe/ the earl of Foyze who was soon counseled in himself said/ I will that all my towns and castles as well in Foyze as in Byerne be provided for with men of war/ and all the country to be in a readiness to enter in to battle if need be/ I will not buy dearly the war of Castle/ my lanoes be free/ if french men will pass through they shall pay truly for every thing that they take or else all the passages in my country shall be kept close against them/ & sirs ye sir Arnalte William and sir Peter of Byerne I charge you to defend and keep the country/ these ii knights were bastard brethren and right valiant men in arms/ they took on them this charge. Then in all the earl of Foyze country it was ordained that every man should have armure ready as they were wont to have or better/ and to be ready daily whensoever they were commanded/ then in Byerne and in Foyze & in Thoulouse every man was ready to enter in to battle/ and there was sent to the city of Palms a. C. spears of good men of arms/ Sir Espayne du Lyon was sent to Sanredun/ sir Cycart of saint Lygyer/ to Maryzes/ and sir Peter of Byerne was with a. C. spears at Bellpount/ and at the entry of the earldom of Foyze at saint Thybaulte on the river of Garon was sir Peter of Calestan/ and sir Peter Meaus of Noyalles with l spears at Polamnuche/ & sir Peter of Toce at the castle of Mesun/ the bastard of Esperung at e Morleus/ sir Arnolde William with a. C. spears at Pan/ sir Guide de la mote at mount Marsen/ sir Raymon of new castle at Sauuetere/ syryvayne of Foyze The earls bastards son at Mountesquyn/ sir Ve●doll of Nevosan/ & sir Iohn of saint marcel at Oron/ sir Hector de la Guard at mount Garbell/ Iohn of Now castle at Ertyell/ and the earl sent to sir Iohn lane being at the castle of Beawuoyson to take good heed to all his fronters/ and he sent to saint Gauds a cousin of his sir Ernalton of Spain/ Briefly there was neither town nor castle in Foyze nor in Byerne but were refreshed with new men of war & they said they were men enough to resist double the number of other men of arms/ for they were in all to the number of a twenty M. men of war of chosen men.  
Tidings came to sir William of Lygnac being at Thoulouse & to sir Gaultyer of Passa● being at Carcassone/ how the earl of Foyze provided men of arms and furnished every garrison/ and the renome ran that he would suffer none to pass through his country/ whereof these ii capitains were sore abashed/ & than they appointed to meet in the mid way to speak together at the castle of Daurey how they should do with the earl of Foyze then sir William said/ sir Gaultyer to say truly it is great marvel that the french king & his counsel have not written to him to open peaceably his country. Well sir said sir Gaultyer it is necessary that ye go and speak with the earl and show him in courteous manner that we be sent by the french king this way to pass peaceably and to pay for all that we take/ surely the earl of Foyze is so great and mighty that if he list we get no passage through his country/ then we must pass through Arragon/ which is far of I can not tell why the earl maketh such doubts nor why he so fortefyeth his garrisons/ nor whether he have made any alliance with the duke of Lancastre or no. I desire you go to him & know the truth/ ye see how our men daily pass in to Bygore/ I am content said sir Gaultyer and so took these ii capitains leave each of other/ sir william of Lygnac returned to Thoulouse/ and sir Gaultyer with xl horse went and passed the river of Garon at saint Thybaulte/ and there he found sir Menalte of Novayles who made him great cheer/ sir Gaultyer demanded of him where he should find the earl of Foyze/ he answered him at Ortays. These ii knights were a season together and commoned of divers matters/ then sir Gaultyer departed and came to saint Gauds and there he had good cheer/ the next day he road to saint Iohn de Ryvyer and road all the lawn of Bonc and costed Mawoysyn and lay at Tournay a close town/ and the next day he road to dinner to Tarbe & there tarried all day/ and there found the lord Dauchyn & sir Menalte of Barbason two great lords of Bierne/ they spoke with him of many things and because that the lord of Barbason was of the party of the earl of armagnac he could speak no good word of the earl of Foyze. The next day he departed & went to Morlaus in Byerne & there he found sir raynold william bastard brother to the earl of Foyze who received him with good cheer/ & he showed sir Gaultyer how he should find the earl of Ortays & how he would be right glad of his coming/ God grant it said sir Gaultyer for to speak with him I am come in to this country. So they dined together/ and after dyner sir Gaultyer went to his lodging to mount Gabryel and the next day by iii of the clock he came to Ortays and could not speak with the earl that day till the next day at after noon when the earl accustomed to come abroad.  
THe next day when the earl of Foyze knew that sir Gaultyer of Passac was come to speak with him somewhat he made the more haste to issue out of his chamber/ then sir Gaultyer did salute him/ & the earl who knew as much of honour as any knight did saluted him again/ and took sir Gaultyer by the hand and said/ sir ye be right heartily welcome what business hath brought you in to this country of Byerne/ sir said the knight sir William Lygnac and I are committed by the french king to conduit in to Castle certain men of arms as ye have herd or this/ and how that ye will let our journey and close your country of Byerne against us and our company/ then the earl of Foyze said/ sir Gaultyer that is not so/ for I will not close nor keep my country against you nor against any man that will peaceably pass and pay to my people for that they take/ which freedom I have sworn to keep/ & to maintain and minister to them justice as every lord is bound to do to his subjects/ for that intent lords have their sygnoryes/ but it hath been showed me that ye bring with you a manner of Bretons/ Barroys'/ Loraynes and Borgonyons who know not what pain meaneth/ and against such people I will close my country/ for I will keep my people in their franchises and rights/ sir said the knight the intent of me and my companion is that none shall pass through your land without they pay peaceably to the agreement of the poor men or else to be taken and corrected according to the usage of your country/ and they to make restitution for every damage by them done or else we to satisfy for their trespasses/ so their bodies may be delivered to us/ & without he be a gentle man we shall make justice to be done of his body before your men/ that all other shall take thereby ensample/ and if he be a gentle man we shall cause him to render and restore any damage by him done/ or else we shall do it for him/ this cry we shall make with a trumpet in every man's lodging/ and also declare it again to them or they enter in to any part of your land/ so that none shall excuse them of negligence/ sir may this suffice and content you Then the earl said/ sir Gaultyer if this be done I am well content/ and ye shall be welcome in to this country/ I will be glad to see you/ let us go● to dinner and then we shall talk more together.  
Sir said the earl cursed be the war between Portyngale & castle/ I aught greatly to complain of it/ for I never lost so moche as I did at one season in the war between those two royalmes/ for all my chief men of war of Byerne were there slain/ and yet I showed them or they went that they should make their war wisely/ for I said the portingalings were hard men to meet withal and cruel of deeds/ if they have the over hand of their enemies/ they have no mercy/ sir Gaultyer I speak it that when ye and your companion come in to Castle sith ye two be the chief capitains of them that are passed and shall pass/ and peradventure ye shall be required by the king of Castle to give your counsel and advise/ be well advised that ye give not to hasty counsel to advance to fight with your adversaries/ the duke of Lancastre/ the king of Portyngale the english men or the portingalings/ for all these be familiar together and be all as one/ & the english men desire to have battle by ii reasons/ one is of a great season they have had no profit/ they be poor and have won nothing of a long time but rather spend and have lost. Wherefore they will be ready to advance themself in hope to get some new profit/ and such people as be adventurers desiring other men's goods will fight with a hardy courage and often times fortune serveth them well/ the other reason is/ the duke of Lancastre knoweth surely that he can not come perfectly nor peaceably to the heritage of Castle which he demandeth to have by the right of his wife whom he calleth rightful inheritor/ but all only by battle/ for he knoweth well if he might have and obtain one journey against the king of Castle that all the country than would yield to him and tremble before him/ & for this intent he is come in to Galyce and hath given one of his daughters in marriage to the king of Portyngale to the intent that he should aid his quarrel/ and sirs I say this to you/ for if the matter should fall otherwise then well ye and your fellow shall bear more blame then any other. Sir said sir Gaultyer I thank you of your good advertisement and sir my service shall be ready to do you pleasure/ for at this day ye be among other christian princes reputed for one of the most sagest and happest in all your adventures/ but sir my companion and I have one above us who is chief sovereign of all our company that is the duke of Borbon/ and till he be come in to Castle we shall make no haste to fight with our enemies what soever any man say/ so they entered in to other talking till the earl of Foyze demanded for wine. Then they drank and so took leave/ the earl entered in to his chamber and sir Gaultyer returned to his lodging well accompanied with the earls knights & so supped together.  
THe next day after dinner yr Gaultyer took his leave of the earl of Foyze/ and be side other things the earl gave hyym a fair courser and a mule/ sir Gaultyer thanked the earl & so departed out of Ortays & lay/ the same night at Ercyell and the next night at Tarbe he road that day a great journey/ and than he determined to send fro thence to sir William of Lygnac/ and so he did advertising him how he had sped with the earl of Foyze/ and desiring him to come on forward with all their companies and showing him how the country of Byerne and all the good towns should be open/ paying truly for that they take or else not. ¶ This messenger did so moche that he came to Thoulouse and did his message and delivered his letters. ¶ And when sir wyllyam had red the continue hereof he made it to be known to all his company that they should set on forward/ so that as soon as they entered any part of the earl of Foyze land to pay for every thing that they should take/ else their capitains to answer for every thing/ this was cried by the sound of a trumpet fro lodging to lodging/ to the intent that every man should know it/ then every man dislodged out of the marches of Tholouse/ Carcassone/ Lymous/ and of Marbon/ and so entered in to Bygore/ and sir William of Lygnac took his horse and road to Tarbe to sir Gaultyer his companion/ and there made good cheer together/ and their bands and rolls passed by and assembled together in Bygore to ride in company through the country of Byerne/ & to pass at Ortays the river of Gaure which runneth to Bayon.  
AT the issuing out of the country of Byerne is the entry of the country of B●squey in the which country as then the king of england held great lands in the bishoprics of Burdeaus & Bayon/ there were a lxxx towns with steeples that held of the king of england/ & when they understood of the passage of these frenchmen through their country they were in doubt of over running/ brenning & exyling/ for as then there were no men of war of their party in all that country to defend their fronters/ the sage men drew together & sent to treat with the french capitains and to buy their peas/ then they sent to Ortays four men having authority to make their peace. These four men met by the way with a squire of the earl of Foyze called Ernalton du Pyn/ & showed him all their matter desiring him to help them to speak with sir Gaultyer of Passac and sir William of Lygnac/ when they came to Ortays which should be within iii or four days after/ and to help to aid to make their peas/ & he answered that he would do so with a good will. The night that the capitains came to Ortays they were lodged at the same squires house/ and there he aided them of Bysquey to make their appointment/ and they to pay ii M. franks and their country saved fro brenning and robbing/ the earl of Foyze gave a diver to these capitains/ and to sir William of Lygnac a fair courser/ the next day they passed to Sameterre and entered in to the country of Bysquey which was redeemed/ they took victuals where as they might get it/ and so passed through the country without doing of any other damage/ & so came to saint Iohnns de Pie of port at the entry of Nauare.   

¶ How sir Iohn Holande and sir raynold de Roy fought together in lists before the duke of Lancastre in the town of Besances. Ca lxxviii.  
Here before ye have herd how the town of Besa●ces was put in composition with the duke of Lancastre and how it was yelden up to him/ for the king of Castle did comfort it nothing/ and how the duchess of Lancastre and her daughter came to the city of port in Portyngale to see the king & the queen there/ and how the king and the lords there received them joyfully as it was reason/ and thus while the duke of Lancastre sojourned in the town of Besances tidings came thither fro Valeolyve brought by an herald of france who demanded where was the lodging of sir Iohn Holande/ and so he was brought thither/ then he kneeled down before him and delivered him a letter and said/ sir I am an office of arms sent hither to you fro sir raynold du Roy who saluteth you/ if it please you to read your letter/ then sir Iohn said with right a good will/ and thou art right welcome and opened his letter and red it wherein was contained how sir raynold du Roy desired him in the way of amours and for the love of his lady to deliver him of his challenge/ iii. courses with a spear iii strokes with a sword iii. with a dagger and iii with an axe/ & that if it would please him to come to Valeolyve he would provide for him & lx horse a sure saufconduyte if not he would come to Besances with xxx horses so that he would get for him a saufcondyte of the duke of Lancanstre/ When sir Iohn Holande had read these letters he began to smile & beheld the herald & said/ friend thou arte welcome/ thou hast brought me tidings that pleaseth me right well/ & I accept his desire thou shalt obyde here in my house with my company & to morrow thou shalt have answer where our arms shall be accomplished other in Galyce or in Castle/ sir said the herald as it pleaseth god & you. ¶ The herald was there at his ease/ and sir Iohn/ went to the duke and found him talking with the marshal/ then he showed them his tidings and the letters/ Well said the duke/ and have ye accepted his desire ye truly sir said he/ and I desire nothing so moche as deeds of arms/ and the knight hath desired me/ but now sir where shall it be your pleasure that we do our arms/ the duke studied a little and then said/ I will that they be done in this town/ make a saufconduyte for him as it shall please you and I shall seal it. In the name of god said sir Iohn that is well said/ the saufcondyte was written for him & xxx knights and squires to come safe and go safe/ then sir Iohn Holande delivered it to the herald and gave him a mantel furred with mynever and xii angel nobles. The herald took his leave and returned to Valeolyve to his master and there showed how he had sped and delivered the saufconduyte/ on the other part tidings came to the city of port to the king of Portyngale and to the ladies there how that these deeds of arms should be done at Besances/ Well said the king I will be thereat and the queen my wife with other ladies and damoiselles/ & the duchess of Lancastre who was as then there thanked the king in that she should at her return be accompanied with the king and with the queen/ it was not long after but the time approached. Then the king of Portyngale/ the queen/ the duchess and her other daughter with other ladies and damoiselles road ●orth in great array toward Besances/ & when the duke of Lancastre knew that the king came thither he took his horse and many other lords and issued out of Besances and met the king and the ladies/ there the king and the duke made great cheer together/ and so entered together in to the town & their lodging appointed as it aperteyned according to the manner of the country/ and that was not so easy nor large as though they had been at Paris.  
About a iii days after that the king of Portyngale was come to Besances thither came sir Reynolde du Roy well accompanied with knights and squires he had a vi. score horses/ and they were all well lodged/ for the duke of Lancaste had prepared ready their lodgings. Then the next day sir Iohn Holande & sir raynold Roy were armed and mounted on their horses & so came to a fair place ready sanded where they should do their arms/ and scafoldes ready made for the king & for the ladies/ & for the duke & other lords of england/ for they were all come thither to see the deeds of arms of these ii knights/ they came in to the field as well appointed as could be devised/ & there was brought in their spears/ their axes and their sword and well horsed/ and so each of them a good distance fro other made their turns & fryskes freshly/ for they knew well they were regarded/ every thing was ordained at their desire and all their arms granted except the utterance/ howbeit no man knew what should fall of their bodies for sith they were thither come they must needs meet at the point of their spears/ and after that with their sword/ and then with axes & daggers/ loo what danger they were in to the intent to exhaulte their honour/ for their lives lay but in the misadventure of one stroke/ thus they ran together and met as even as though they had run by a line and struck each other in the vysoure of their helms so that sir Raynolde du Roy brake his spear in four pieces and the shivers flew a great height in to the air/ which course was greatly praised/ sir Iohn Holande struck sir raynold in likewise in the vysoure but the stroke was of no force/ I shall show you why/ sir raynold had the vysoure of his helm made at advantage for it was tied but with a small lace/ the lace ●rake with the stroke & the helm flew of his heed so that the knight was bare heeded/ and so passed forth their course/ and sir Iohn discharged and bare his staff freshly/ then every man said it was a goodly course.  
THen these knights returned to their own places and sir raynold was helmed again and had a new spear/ and so they ran together again they were both well horsed and could well guide them/ they struck each other on the helms so that the fire flew out/ the spears broke not/ but sir raynold helm again flew of his heed. A said the englishmen the frenssheman hath advantage/ Why is not his helm as fast bocled as sir Iohn of Holandes is/ we think he doth wrong/ let him set his helm in like case as his companion hath done his/ hold your peace sirs said the duke of Lancastre/ let them deal in arms/ let every man take his advantage as he thinketh best/ if sir Iohn Holande think that the other knight have advantage let him set on his helm in like manner/ but as for me said the duke and I were in like arms as these ii knights be I would have my helm as fast bocled as I could/ and I think here be many of the same opinion. than the english men spoke no more words/ and the ladies and damoiselles said how the knights had jousted well and goodly/ and the king of Portyngale said the same and spoke to sir Iohn Ferant and said/ sir Iohn in our country knights just not in this goodly manner/ sir said he these knights do just well/ and sir I have seen or this the frenchmen just before the king your brother when we were at Elyres against the king of Castle/ like jousts I saw there between sir wyllyam Wyndsore and another french knight/ but their helms were faster tied than this knights helm is/ then the king regarded again the two knights to see their third course.  
THus they ran together the third course and regarded each other wisely to take their advantage/ they might well so do/ for their horses served them at their wishing and so they struck each other again on the helm in such wise that their eyen trimbled in their heeds and their sta●es broke/ and again sir raynold helm flew of his heed and so each other passed forth their course and demeaned themself freshly/ so that every man said how they had nobly jousted/ but the englishmen blamed greatly sir raynold du Roy in that his helm was no faster set on his heed/ but the duke of Lancastre blamed him nothing but said I think him wise that can in feats of arms seek his lawful advantage/ it seemeth well that sir raynold is not to learn to just/ he knoweth more therein then sir Iohn doth/ though he have borne himself right well. So thus after their courses with their spears they took their axes and did their arms with them and gave each other iii great strokes on their helms/ & than they fought with their sword and after with their daggers/ & when all was done there was none of them hurt. The frenchmen brought sir raynold to his lodging/ and the englishmen sir Iohn Holande to his/ the same day the duke of Lancastre made a dinner to all the frenchmen in his lodging and the duchess set at the table by the duke/ and sir raynold du Roy beneath her/ after dyner they went in to a counsel chamber/ and the duchess took sir raynold by the hand and made him to enter as soon as herself/ and there she commoned with him and other of the french knights till it was time to call for drink/ then the duchess said to the french knights/ sirs I have marvel of you/ that ye do sustain the wrong opinion of a bastard/ for ye know well and so doth all the world that Henry that was sometime called king of castle was a bastard/ therefore what just cause have you to sustain that quarrel/ and aid to your power to disherit the right air of Castle/ for I know well and so doth all the world that I and my sister were daughters by lawful marriage to king Peter Wherefore god knoweth what right we have to the royalme of Castle/ & the good lady when she spoke of her father she wept/ then sir raynold du Roy made his obeisance and said. Madam we know right well that all is of troth that ye have said/ howbeit the king our master is of the contrary opinion against you/ and we be his subjects and must make war at his pleasure/ and go where as he will send us/ We may not say nay. So the duchess departed to the duke/ and the french knights drank and then took their leaves/ and went to their lodging/ and there every thing was ready to depart/ and than they mounted and departed fro Besances and road the same day to Noy/ and there they rested/ and then road forth till they came to Valeolyve.   

¶ How the king of Portyngale and the duke of Lancastre determined to enter in to the royalme of Castle. Ca lxxix.  
AFter these deeds of arms done as I have recorded The king of Portyngale & the duke of Laucastre took counsel together and determined to ride and to enter in to Castle within a short space/ and that the king of Portyngale with all his power should ride on the fronters and so to enter in to castle/ and the duke and his rout to enter on the bounds of Galyce and to conquer such towns and fortresses as were against him/ and if Iohn of castle did assemble his host against them to make battle/ them both their oostes to draw together/ It was thought most necessary to have their oostes a sondre till need were rather than together/ to eschew sickness that might fall & to have the more easier lodging and foraging in exchewing of debates & discords/ for englishmen be hasty & proud in the field/ & the portingalings hot & dysdaynful & can not sister/ but it was thought that in a great journey of battle they should right well agree together/ this counsel was determined & the king said to the duke/ sir as soon as I have knowledge that ye set forward I shall do in like case for I and my men be ready/ & they desire nothing else but battle/ sir said the duke and I shall not long sir still it is showed me how as yet there be certain towns in Galyce that rebel against us/ I will go and visit them/ and after that I will seek out for our enemies/ wheresoever I can find them. Thus the king of Portyngale took leave of the duke and duchess/ and in like wise so did the queen Phelyp and her young sister katherine for it was ordained that the young lady should abide all the war season with her sister the queen at the city of port in Portyngale/ it was thought she could be in any better keeping/ and the duchess returned to saint jaques in Galyce/ so thus every body departed thither as they should do/ the king to the city of port/ and the duchess to the town of saint jaques well accompanied with knights and squires/ and the duke tarried at Besances and there about/ and prepared shortly to set forward/ he was desirous to depart because it was in the jolly lusty month of Aprell at which season in Galyce the grass is full grown and all their corn and herbs flowers and fruits ready ripe the country is so hot that in the beginning of june harvest is passed/ the duke thought the season goodly to set forward his army. ¶ Now let us somewhat speak of the ordering of the frenchmen and of king Iohn of Castle as well as we have done of the english men.   

¶ How sir William of Lygnac/ & sir Gaultyer of Passac came to the aid of king Iohn of castle. Ca lxxx.  
HEre before ye have herd how sir William of Lygnac & sir Gaultyer of Passac did so moche by their wise entreating of the earl of Foyze that he suffered them peaceably to pass through his country of Byerne to go in to castle and beside that the earl gave them great rewards/ for there were no knights nor squires strangers that came to see him/ but that he would largely reward them according to their degrees/ to some a. C. floreynes/ to some CC. floreynes and xxx or xl so that this said first passage of the french men cost the earl of Foyze as his own treasurer showed me the some of a. M. franks beside horses and other things that he gave/ to say troth surely it is great damage that such a person should be old or die/ he had no mermosettes about him/ to say sir take here/ and give this/ and pinch & pill the people/ surely he had none such about him ● he did every thing on his own mind/ for naturally he had great wisdom and could give where need was and take as it became him best and by reasan of his largesse and great expenses sometime he travailed his subjects/ for his revenues were not sufficient to bear out his gifts which were yearly lx M. franks/ the which like have not been seen nor heard of any other/ yet he assembled his treasure for doubt of all adventures in xxx year xxx times a. C.M. franks/ and yet for all that his people always prayed to god for his long life/ and I heard it reported how when he died there were in Foyze and in Byerne ten M. persons that said that they would gladly have died with him whereby it is to be thought that they said not so without it had been for great love that they had to their lord/ and surely if they loved him they did but right and according to reason/ for he always maintained them in their right and kept ever true justice/ for all his lands and the people therein had as great liberty and franchise and lived in as good peas as though they had been in paradise terrestre/ I say not this for flattery nor for favour nor love that I bear him nor for the gifts that he hath given me/ but I can well prove all that I have said/ for I am sure there be a. M. knights & squires will say the same.  
Now let us return to sir William of Lygnac and to sir Gaultyer of Passac who were capitains and sovereign leders of all the french army/ when they were passed the country of Bysquey and the pace of Rouncevall/ which cost them iii days a passing. The mountains were so full of snow for all that it was in the month of Aprell/ yet they and their horses had much pain to pass through. Then they came towards Panpylona/ and there they found the royalme of Nauare ready open for to suffer them to pass through. For the king of Nauare would not do no displeasure to the king of Castle because his son sir Charles of Nauare had to his wife as then the king of castles sister/ & when the peace was made between king Henry and the father of king Iohn of Nauare they made and promised great alliance together which they long kept/ for the king of Nauare was not able to resist the king of Castle without he had great alliance and comfort of the king so Arragon/ or else of the king of england.  
THese capitains of France came to Pampylona where the king of Nauare was who received them joyfully & made them to dine with him in his palace after dinner he led them in to his chamber and there commoned with them of divers things/ for the king there was a wise man and a subtle & well languaged/ and among other things he showed them how the french king and his counsel had been disposed with him without a cause/ and wrongfully had taken fro him his heritage and lands in Normandy which he ought to have by succession of his predecessors kings of france and of Nauare which he said he could not forget saying he had taken fro him in Normandy/ Languedoc/ and in the barony of Mountpellyer the some of lx M. franks of yearly revenues and he said he wist not to whom to complain to have right/ but all only to god/ sirs said the king I say not this to you because ye should address my wrongs for I know well it lieth not in your power/ for I think the french king will do but little for you in that behalf/ for ye be none of his counsel/ ye be but knights adventures and soldiers to go where soever he send you.  
But I speak this in manner of complaint to all knights in France that pass by me/ then sir Gaultyer of Passac said/ sir your words be true if that you say that our king for all us will neither give nor take/ for surely sir we be not of his counsel but ready to go where as he will send us/ but sir the duke of Borbon who is our sovereign capitain and uncle to our king cometh after us this same way/ either going or returning ye may show him your business/ by him ye may be addressed of all your complaints/ and sir we pray to god that he may reward you of the honour that ye have done to us/ & sir we shall show your curtoysye to our king & to his counsel when we return in to france/ and also to the duke of Borbone who is our chief capitain whom we trust to see or we see the king/ and then wine was brought and they drank & took their leave of the king/ and the king rewarded them largely and sent to each of them to their lodging goodly horses whereof they had great joy.  
THus these men of war passed through the royalme of Nauare & came to Groin/ & there demanded where they should find the king of Castle/ and it was showed them how he had lain at Valeolyve a great season/ but as then they said they thought he was at Burgus in Spain there making his provision/ then they took the way to Burgus and left the way to Galyce/ for that way was not sure for them/ for the english men were sore abroad in the country. tidings came to the king of Castle how socoures came to him out of france to the number of ii M. spears/ whereof he was right glad and so departed fro Valeolyve and road to Burgus with a vi M horse. Thus these frenchmen of arms came to Burgus and lodged thereabout abroad in the country/ and daily thither came men of war And sir wyllyam of Lygnac/ and sir Gaultyer of Passac came to the king in to his palace/ who received them sweetly and thanked them of the pain and great travail that they had taken for his sake as to come thither to serve him. The knights made their reverence and said/ sir if we may do you any service to please you/ our pains shall soon be forgotten/ but sir & it please you to take advise how we shall do/ either to ride against our enemies or else to make them war by garrisons till such season as the duke of Borbon be come/ and sir if it please you ye may send for sir Oliver of Clysquy we know well he is in his country and for sir Peter of villains/ the Barroys of Bars/ Chatells Morant and the other companions who have haunted this country more than we have done/ for they were here long before us/ and than let us all counsel together and with god's grace you and your royalme shall have honour and profit. Sirs said the king ye speak wisely and thus shall it be done Then clerks were set a work and letters made and messengers sent forth in to divers places to the knights and men of war there as they were spread abroad in the country/ & when they knew that sir William of Lygnac and sir Gaultyer of Passac were at Burgus with the king they were greatly rejoiced thereof/ then these knights and other companions departed fro their garrisons and left them in sure keeping/ and so road to Burgus in spain/ so that there was a great number of french men of war.  
THen the king of castle and his lords & knights of france went to counsel together to see how they should maintain their war/ for they knew well their enemies road abroad and kept the fields/ wherefore they thought to provide some remedy to the honour of the king and profit of the royalme of Castle So there were many matters debated in this counsel/ and then all their people were numbered/ and it was said that of the royalme self they might well bring together a xxx M. horses and the men well armed after the usage of Castle with darts and javelyns/ and foot men casting stones out of slings other xxx M. The french knights among themself considered all this and said one to another this is a great number of people and they were good men of war/ but they be little worth/ for we have seen such slowfulnes in them that we have no great trust to them/ as it appeared as well in the battle of Marres where the prince of Wales had the victory as 〈◊〉 the battle of juberoth where as the portingalings and Gascoyne's were/ and alway the spaniards were discomfited. Then the earl of Lune in sustaining the Castellyans & in exscusing of them said/ sirs as to the battle of Marres I shall answer you/ it is of truth that sir Bertram of Clysquy & a great number of knights of France were there and fought valiantly/ for they were all taken or slain/ but ye have herd and ye know well that against them was the flower of all the chyvalry of the world both in wisdom valiantness and prows the which is not now with the duke of La●castre/ the prince at teh battle of Marres had ten M. spears and vi M. archers/ they were such men that there were a three M. of them every man worth a rowland or an Olyvere/ but the duke of Lancastre hath none such/ he passeth not a xii or a xu C. spears/ and a four M. archers/ and we be a. vi. M. spears/ nor we shall not fight against rowland nor Oliver. Sir Iohn Chandos/ sir Thomas Felton/ sir Oliver Clysson/ sir Hugh Caurel/ sir richard Pountchardon/ sir Garsis/ the lord of Ryeux/ and sir richard Dangle I could name .v. C. such that were there/ they be deed/ we shall find none such now/ Wherefore the matter is not so perilous as it was in time past/ for if ye will believe me/ we shall go fight with them and pass the river of Derne/ it shall turn us to great valiantness The counsel that the earl of Lune did give was well heard/ and there were many that held the same opinion/ then sir Oliver of Clysquy said sir earl of Lune we know well all that ye have said proceedeth of your great wisdom & valiantness/ but sir take it so that we go and fight with the duke of Lancastre/ if that were all we should do well enough/ but sir ye leave the greatest matter behind/ as the king of Portyngale and his puissance/ for as we be informed they be a xxv C. spears/ & xxx M. of other men of war/ for on the trust of the king of Portyngale the duke of Lancastre is entered in to Galyce and they have made a great alliance together/ for the king hath married the duke's daughter/ now sir what say you to this/ in the name of god said the earl of Lune ye knights of France are sufficient to fight with the duke of Lancastre/ and the king of Castle and the castellians who be as they say twenty M. horse/ & thirty. M. a foot/ they may fight with the king of Portyngale I dare well abide the adventure among them/ When the frenchmen saw how the earl of Lune laid it so sore to their charge said sir ye be in the right and we be in the wrong for sir we should have said as ye do/ and sir let it so be and you will/ there is none of us shall say against your will/ sirs said the king I require you all counsel me truly and not in haste nor by pride/ but by sad advise and humility/ and than let us take the best way/ I will not conclude to accept this journey/ I will we meet again together to morrow in this same chamber/ and ye sir William of Lygnac and sir Gaultyer of Passac who are sent hither in to this country by the french king and by the duke of Borbon/ I require you go together and take advise and counsel me to that shall be thought most best and honourable to me and to my royalme/ for it shall lie in you whether we shall fight with our enemies or not/ They made their reverence and said they would obey his commandment and so departed.  
THus every man that day departed to their lodgings and the frenchmen as they were together had great communication some said we can not honourably fight with our enemies till the duke of Borbon our sovereign capitain be come/ We can not tell if he would fight with them or not/ be it so that we fight with them and have the victory/ the duke of Borbou will be sore disposed with us and specially with us that be the french capitains/ and if the fortune should fall against us/ we should then both lose our bodies and the royalme/ for if we were overthrown there were no recovery in the castellians but that the king of Castle were like to lose all his royalme for this time/ and we should bear more fault then any other for it should be laid how we had caused the battle and gave no good counsel/ nor also we be in no surety if the royalme be all sure on the kings party or not/ or whether they have covertly sent for the duke of Lancastre and his wife or not who is reputed for heir of Castle/ for she was daughter to king Don Peter all the world knoweth that so that when the people see the duke & his wife with the englishmen in the field demanding the crown of castle affirming how they have right thereto/ for king Iohn who was king as then was son to a bastard/ then peradventure they may turn to their part as they did in the great battle of Maures/ & so should we abide deed in the field/ so we think there is double peril both to the king and to us/ but such foolish people give the king counsel to battle and are herd before them that should speak/ well sirs said sir wyllyam of Lygnac and sir Gaultyer of Passac to morrow shall be known every man's opinion. So that day and night the frenchmen were at divers communications/ and in like wise so were the spaniards/ such as loved the king would not counsel him to fight for divers reasons one was if he fought and lost the battle he lost his royalme without recovery/ the king himself thought it not good to fight/ he feared sore the fortune of the war/ nor also he knew not every man's mind who loved him and who did not. Thus the matter rested till the next day than every man returned to the palace/ and the king entered in to counsel.  
IN this counsel were many opinions for every man to his power would truly counsel the king/ divers counseled him that he should not incline hastily to battle/ putting him in remembrance of the hard journey that he had at juberoth where as the king of Portyngale discomfited him/ whereby he had such damage that if such another chance should fall he should lose his royalme for ever/ when the king had demanded every man and heard all their opinions. Then he said to sir wyllyam of Lygnacke and to sir Gaultyer of Passac/ sirs let me here your opinions for by you all shall be ordained saying ye be the chief capitains of the french men sent hither by the french king and his counsel. These ii knights regarded each other and sir William said to sir Galtyer/ sir speak you/ and he answered and said/ nay I will not/ speak you/ ye have used arms more than I have done. Then sir William advised himself and said/ sir and it like your grace me think ye ought greatly to thank the noble chyvalry of France/ who are come hither to serve you so far of/ and sir it hath showed well how they have none affection nor will to be closed in any city or town castle/ or garrison/ that ye have. But they are and have been desirous to keep the fields/ and to find out/ and to fight with your enemies/ the which thing now saving your grace can not be suffered for divers reasons/ the principal reason is/ sir we tarry for the duke of Borbon who is our sovereign capitain who will be here shortly and he shall greatly enforce us with new fresh men/ there be many now here with us that were never in this country before/ it were necessary that they learned the manner of this country a two or a three months/ for it proveth but seldom well to hastily to fight with our enemies/ But let us make wise war by garrisons a two or a three months/ and let the englishmen and portingalings ride abroad in Galyce where they list/ if they conquer certain towns it is but a small matter/ as soon as they be departed out of the country they will be soon won again. Also sir there is one point/ in arms lieth many adventures/ sir let them ride abroad in the country which is hoot and of a strong air/ they may take such travail and sickness that they may happen repent them that they have come so forward/ for they shall not find the air so attemperate there as it is in England or in france/ nor the wines so pleasant/ for in Galyce the rivers be troublous and cooled because of the snows that descend down from the mountains whereby they & their horses after their travail all the day in the hoot soon shall be morfoundred or they be ware/ they be not made of steel nor yet of iron/ but at length they shall not endure the hot country of Castle/ they be men as we be. Thus I think we can not better beat them/ but to let them go where they list they shall find nothing in the plain countries nor no delectable places to refresh them for as I understand all the open country is all ready destroyed with our own men/ and I allow well that advise/ for if it were to do I would counsel the same/ sirs if there be any here can speak better let him speak/ we shall be glad to hear him/ and this sir Gaultyer and I desire you all thus to do/ then they all answered with one voice/ let this advise be admitted/ we can consider no better nor more profitable way/ for the king of castle & his royalme.  
SO it was there they concluded that they should make no countenance of war till the duke of Borbon and all their provisions were come/ but that their men of war to be put in to divers garrisons on the fronters of their country and suffer the englishmen and portingalings to go in and out in to the royalme of Castle at their pleasure/ saying how they could not bear away the country with them when so ever they returned/ thus ended the counsel/ the king of castle had the same day all them at dinner with him in his palace at Burgus in Spain/ right plentiful after the usage of Spain/ by the next day at none all the men of arms departed thither as they were appointed by their capitains/ sir Oliver Clysquy and the earl of Longuevyle with a thousand spears went to a strong town on the fronter of Galyce called Vyllesaunte/ and sir Raynolde and sir Trystram of Roye was sent to another garrison a ten legs fro he fronter of Galyce called Agyllar in the field with three hundred spears/ Sir Peter of Bellysme with two hundred spears went to Pouelles/ the vycount● of Lune went to the town of Marolle/ sir Iohn of Bars with three hundred spears was sent to the castle of Noye within Galyce. Sir Iohn of castle Morant and sir Trystram of jayell and divers other were sent to the city of Palance. And the viscount of Belyer went to the town of Rybede and with him sir Iohn of Braquen/ and sir Robert of Braquen▪ ¶ Thus these men of arms were divided/ and sir Oliver of Clysquy was made their constable/ and sir William of Lygnac and sir Gaultyer of Passac abode still with the king at Burgus/ In this case standing was the business of castle abiding the coming of the duke of Borbon who was still in France making provision for his journey. ¶ Now we will suffer in rest a season the army of Castle and of the duke of Lancastre and also of the king of Portyngale/ and when the time requireth we shall return there to again. And now let us speak of the adventures that fell in the same season in France and in england the which were troublous and perilous for both royalmes and sore displeasant unto the kings and to both their counsels.   

¶ How a great mischief fell in England between the gentle men and commons for account of such money as had been raised of the commons. Ca lxxxi.  
HEre before ye have herd how the french army with ships on these that were assembled at Sluse to have gone in to England was dashed & broken up/ yet to show courage and desire to go another season in to england/ and that it should not be said that the french men were recreant to have made that voyage. Therefore it was ordained that incontinent at the entry of May and that the see might be fair and pleasant. The constable of France should make a journey in to england with four M. men of arms and ii M. cross bows/ and they should all assemble together at a city against the fronter of Cornwall called Lentrygnyer and there to be made all their provision and it was ordained every man to have a horse the more easily to ●yde abroad in England/ for it was thought without horse they could make no war that should avail them/ so there was assembled at this haven of Lentygnyer a goodly apparel of ships/ barks/ Bagengers and galeys well furnished with wines/ salt flesh and bysquet and other things so largely that it was sufficient for them to live by a four or five months without taking or buying of any thing in the country for the constable and his company knew well that as soon as the english men knew of such a company of men of war coming on them/ they would destroy their own goods abroad in the plain country rather than we should have any case thereof. Therefore the constable made his provision ready on that side the see. Also there was ordained another fleet of ships at the haven of Harflewe for the lord of Coucy/ the lord of saint Poule and the admiral of France should there take shiping with two thousand spears in likewise to go in to England/ and as the brute went all this was done to draw back again the duke of Lancastre and the duchess out of Castle. The same season the duke of Borbon was at Paris and thought surely that the duke of Lancastre should return home again in to England/ wherefore he though he should have no thing to do to go in to castle nor to travail his body so far forth. So it was determined that in the Constable's army should go/ Bretons Augenyms/ Poyetenyns Manceaus and Xayngrons/ with knights and squires of the low marches/ and with the lord of saint Poule and with the lord of Coucy should go frenchmen/ Normans/ & Pycardes/ and with the duke of Borbon should go two thousand spears of Berrey/ Awernake/ of Lymosyn/ Borgoyne and of the base marches. Thus in that season the matters were concluded in France and every man knew what he should do/ either to go in to England or in to Castle.  
ANd true it was the royalme of England the same time was in great peril & in a greater jeopardy then when the villains of Essex and Kent rebelled against the king and the nobles of the royalme at which time they came unto London/ I shall show you the reason why/ at that season all the noble men of the royalme took one part together with the king against the commons/ but now it is not so/ the nobles vary among themself. The king is against his own uncles/ the duke of york and the duke of Glocestre and they were against him and all this variance did rise by the means of the duke of Ireland who bore all the chief rule about the king/ and the commons of England in divers cities knew well of this discord/ they that were sage men reputed it for a great evil and feared that moche trouble should grow thereby/ but such as were light persons made no reckoning thereof/ some saying that it was for envy that the kings uncles had against the king their nephew/ and because they saw how the crown of England began to grow far of from them/ and some other said how the king was but young/ and believed young counsel/ and how that it were better for him to believe his uncles who mente no thing to him but all honour and profit nor to the royalme of England/ rather than to be ruled by the proud duke of Ireland who never saw any thing pertaining to honour/ nor never was in any battle. Thus every man dyffered from other in the royalme of England/ Which tribulations were well known in France/ wherefore they made this great provision to go thither with all their puissance thinking to do a great feat/ on the other side/ the prelate's of england were in hatred one with another as the archbishop of Cauntorbury who was of the Nevelles blood/ with the archbishop of york. And yet they were country men borne/ but they hated mortally each other because the lord Nevell had the rule and governance of Northumbrelande and so to the marches of Skotlande above the earl of Northumbrelande and his children/ the lord Henry and the lord Raffe of Percy/ which rule the lord Nevelles brother had gotten him/ for he was one of the chief about the king with the duke of Ireland.   

¶ Of the great discords that were in England after the breaking up of the french army/ army/ and how the governors about the king were constrained by the commons of the good towns to make accounts of such money as was come in to their hands the season that they ruled. Ca lxxxii.  
AS soon as the englishmen knew that the voyage by the see that the frenchmen should have made being at Sluse was dashed and broken. Then in England began divers murmurations in sundry places/ and such as loved evil rule rather then good/ said/ Where be now these great entrepryses and these valiant men of england that were in the days of king Edward the third/ and with the prince his son/ we were wont to go in to France and put back our enemies in such manner that none durst make battle with us/ if they did they were soon discomfited.  
O What a deed was that when the noble king Edward arrived in Normandy/ and in Constantyne and passed through the royalme of France/ and what goodly enterprise he achieved in his way/ and after at Cressy he discomfited king Phylyp and all the puissance of France/ and or he returned he won the town of calais/ But as now the knights and men of war in England do none such feats. ¶ Also the prince of Wales son to this noble king/ did he not take the french king. Iohn and discomfited his pyssaunce at Poycters with a small number of people against the people that king Iohn had/ In those days England was feared and doubted/ and were spoken of through all the world for the flower of chyvalry/ but as now no man speaketh of us/ for now there is no war made/ but at poor men's purses/ thereto every man is inclined/ in France as now the king there is but a child and yet he hath done more against us then any of his predecessors. And also he showed great courage to have come in to England/ the let thereof was not by him/ but by his men. The time hath been seen that if such an apparel of ships had been made at Sluse they should have been fought withal in their own haven/ and now the noble men of England are joyful when they may sytre at rest and suffer them in peace/ but yet for all that they suffer not poor men to be in rest/ but put them to business to pay money. The time hath been that great conquests have been done in france without paying of any money/ but such riches as hath been gotten there it hath been spread abroad in the royalme. where is become the great finances and tails that hath been gathered in this royalme with the kings rents and accustomed revenues/ either they have lost it or taken fro them/ it is behovable that it be known how the royalme of England is governed/ and how the king is led/ it were not good that it should be long or it were known/ for this royalme of England is not so rich nor so puissant to bear like charges as the royalme of France doth. ¶ Also it appeareth well that we in this royalme of england are feebled of wits and of grace. We were wont to know every thing that was done in France a three or four months or the case fell/ whereby we might conveniently make provision and resistance/ but as now we know no thing/ But the french men knoweth all our secrets and counsels/ we cannot tell in whom is the fault/ it will be known upon a day. There be some privy traitors/ and it were better it were known betimes then to late/ for it may be known so la●e that it will be past remedy.  
THus diversely men talked in England as well knights and squires as the commons so that the royalme lay in a hard case and great peril. And the great assembly that the king and his uncles and his counsel had made with great expense in divers manners to resist the french king being a Sluse ready to enter in to England/ such knights and squires/ and other as were in a readiness would as then be paid of their wages/ and so for that intent there was a parliament summoned to be holden at London by the nobles/ prelate's/ and commons of England/ and principally it was ordained that there should be raised a great tail and subsidy through out the royalme of England/ the rich to bear out the poor. This parliament was removed to westmynstre/ and thither came all such as were sent for/ and many more to here tidings. ¶ There was the king and his two uncles Edmund and Thomas with many other nobles of the royalme. And among other things it was said that in the kings treasure there was substance scant to maintain the kings estate soberly. Wherefore they of his counsel said how there must be levied a subsidy through out all the royalme of England if such costs and charges should be paid as hath been done/ for the defence of the royalme of england against the french men. To this agreed well they of the bishopric of Norwyche/ and also the archebysshopryche of Cauntorbury/ and the county of Essex/ the county of Hampton and Warwykeshyre/ and the land of the earl of Salysbury/ they agreed sooner than they of further countries as they of the north and marches of Wales/ and of Cornwall/ all these rebelled and said/ We have not seen none of our enemies come in to this country/ why should we be grieved and have done no fault/ yes yes said some let the bishop of york be spoken withal and the kings counsel/ and the duke of Ireland who hath lx thousand franks of the constable of france for the redemption of johan of Bretayne/ this money ought to be turned to the common profit of all England. ye and speak with sir Simon Burle/ Sir William Helmen/ Sir Thomas Branbe/ Sir Robert Tryvylyen/ and sir johan Beauchampe who have governed the king and the royalme/ if they make a good account of that they have received and deliver it/ the commons shall sit in rest/ and every thing paid as it ought to be. ¶ When these words came abroad and to the hearing of the kings uncles/ they were right glad thereof/ for that made well for them/ for all those before named were against them. Nor they could bear no rule in the court for them. Wherefore they aided the people in their opinions and said. These good men that thus speaketh are well counseled/ in that they desire to have account/ and will not pay any more money. For surely other in the kings treasure/ or else in their purses that govern him there must needs be great treasure. Thus by little and little multiplied these words/ and the people began to wax bold to deny to pay any more money by reason that they saw the kings uncles of their accord/ and sustained them. ¶ And the archbishop of Cauntorbury/ the earl of Salysbury/ the earl of Northumbrelande/ and divers other lords of England put of this tax for that time and deferred their counsel to michaelmas after/ at which time they promised to return again/ but the knights and squires such as had thought to have had money for the arrearages of their wages had no thing/ Wherefore/ they were in displeasure with the king and his counsel. They were appeased as well as might be/ & every man departed/ the king took no leave of his uncles/ nor they of him.  
THen the king was counseled to draw in to the marches of Wales and there to tarry till he heard other tidings/ and so he was content to do/ and departed fro London without leave taking of any man/ and took with him all his counsel except the archbishop of york who went back in to his ●●ne country/ which was happy for him/ for I think if he had been with the other/ he should have been served as they were/ as ye shall here after. But it is requisite that I speak as well of France as of England/ for the matter requireth it.   

¶ How the constable of France and divers other lords and squires of the royalme appareled great provisions to go in to England to win towns and castles. Ca lxxxiii.  
ANd when season of summer was come and the jolly month of may in the year of our lord god. M.CCC. four score and vii In the same season that the duke of Lancastre was in Galyce/ and conquered there/ and that the king of Portyngale with great puissance road abroad in Castle without any withstanding. Then was it ordained in France as ye have herd before how the constable of France with one army/ and the earl of saint Poule/ the lord of Coucy and sir johan of Vyen with another army/ the one at Lentrygnyer in Bretayne/ and the other at Harflewe in Normandy should the same season make a voyage in to england with a vi thousand men of arms and two thousand cross bows/ and vi thousand other men of war/ and it was ordained that none should pass the see to go in to England without he were well armed/ and provision of victuals for the space of three months with other provision of hay & ootes for their horses & a day was prefixed among the capitains when they should depart/ and were determined to land in england in two havens at Dover/ and at Orwell/ thus the day approached of their departure. At Lentrygnyer provision was made and put in to the ships for them that should pass from thence/ and in like wise was done at Harflewe/ and every man of war was paid their wages for xu days. This journey was so far forward/ that it was thought it could not have been broken. ¶ Nor also it broke not by no cause of the capitains that were ordained to go in that voyage. But it broke by another incident and by a marvelous matter that fell in Bretayne wherewith the french king and his counsel were sore disposed/ but they could not amend it/ wherefore it behoved them wisely to dissimule the matter for it was no time then to remedy it. ¶ Also other tidings came unto the french king out of the parties of Almaigne as I shall show you hereafter when time and place shall require it. But first we will speak of the matters of Bretayne before them of Almaigne/ for they of Bretayne fell first/ and were worst reputed/ though other cost more.  
IF I should say that such matters fell in that season and not open clearly the matter which was great/ perilous and horrible/ it might be a chronicle/ but n●o history/ I might let it overpass if I list/ but I will not do so/ I shall declare the case sith god hath given me the knowledge thereof/ and time and leisure to chronicle the matter at length. ¶ ye have herd here before in divers places in this history how sir Iohn of Mountforde named duke of Bretayne/ and surely so he was by conquest and not by right line/ howbeit always he maintained the war and opinion of the king of England and of his children against the french king. Also he had good cause so to do on his party/ for without the aid of england he had not attained as he did neither before Alroy nor in other places. Also ye have herd here before how the duke of Bretayne could not have his intent of all the nobles of his country/ nor of all the good towns specially of sir Bertram of Clesquy as long as he lived/ nor of sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France/ nor of the lords de la Vale/ and of Beawmanoyre/ nor the lord of Raze/ of Dygnant/ the viscount of Rohan/ nor of the lord of Rochforde/ for whereas these lords inclined nigh all Bretayne followed. They were content to take part with their lord the duke against all manner of men except against the crown of France. And surely I can not see nor imagine by what way/ but that the Bretons principally regarded ever the honour of France/ it may well appear by that that is written here before in this history. I say not this by no corruption nor favour that I have to the earl Guy of Bloys who hath been good lord unto me/ and I have had moche profit by him who was nephew and next to the earl Joys of Bloys brother germayne to saint Charles of Bloys/ and as long as he lived he was duke of Bretayne. Truly I say not this for no cause but all only to declare the truth And also the gentle prince and earl that hath caused me to write this story would in no wise that I should serve from the troth.  
Now to return to our purpose ye know well as long as duke johan of Bretayne lived he could never attain to have all his men in every point to agree to his opinions. And he sore feared them lest at the last they should have taken him and put him in prison in France. Wherefore he departed out of Bretayne and went in to England with all his household/ and the lady his wife jahan of Holande daughter sometime of the good knight sir Thomas Holande/ and thus a season he became servant to king richard of England/ and afterward he went in to Flaunders to the earl of Bloys who was his cousin germayne & there tarried more than a year and an half. ¶ Finally they of his own country sent for him/ and so by good accord thither he went. ¶ And when he came in to his country there were certain towns closed still against him and rebelled/ and specially the city of Nauntes. But all his lords/ knights and prelate's were all of his accord except the lords before rehearsed/ and to have the signory of them/ and to get the favour and good will of the good towns and cities/ and to put the french king in more fere because he would overpress them with taxes and subsidies as they did in France and in pycardy which they would not suffer in Bretayne. Therefore he sent unto the king of England for succour and aid of men of war and archers/ promising that if the king of England would come in too Bretayne/ or else one of his uncles with a great puissance of men of arms and of archers how that his country of Bretayne should be opened ready to receive him and his company. ¶ The king of England and his counsel were glad of those tidings & thought them good and concluded to send thither/ them provision was made/ and thither was sent the earl of Buckyngham with iii M. men of arms and viii M. archers who arrived at calais/ and passed through the royalme of France without any resistance as it hath been showed here before demanding no thing but battle/ and so they came in to Bretayne trusting to have found the country ready open for them to receive and to refresh them/ for ●●rely they had made a long voyage. Howbeit they found it contrary disposed/ for the duke of Bretayne was so led by his men and so wisely entreated that they made a peace between him and the young Charles king as then in france/ but with king Charles his father he could never have peace he hated him so sore. The duke of Borgoyne who was one of the cheese governors in the royalme of France aided greatly to make this peace/ he was so desired by the lady his wife because the duke of Bretayne was near of their lineage so he was fain to break all his promises with the englishmen for he could not be suffered to accomplish his covenant/ for the Bretons would not consent to yield them to the king of England to make war against France/ they said they were never of that opinion nor never would be/ so that it behoved the englishmen to take their lodgings in the marches of wannes where they suffered as much poverty as ever did men for one time/ and specially their horses died for hunger and poverty/ and so in the time of summer they departed out of Bretayne as evil content with the duke of Bretayne as might be/ and not without a cause. And specially the earl of Buckyngham and the barons of England that were in his company/ and when they were returned in to England they made great complaints to the king and to the duke of Lancastre and his counsel. And then it was devised and ordained that Iohn of Bretayne should be delivered/ and to bring him with puissance in to Bretayne to make war there against the duke of Bretayne/ and the english men said how sir Iohn of Mountforde knew well how they had put him in possession of the signory of Bretayne for without us he had never come thereto. And now to play us this turn to cause us to travail our bodies and to spend the kings treasure/ it behoveth us to show him his fawtes. And we can not better be revenged then to deliver his adversary and to bring him in to Bretayne/ For all the country will deliver him towns cities/ and fortresses/ and put the other duke clean that thus hath mocked and deceived us. ¶ Thus the english counsel were all of one accord/ and than Iohn of bretayne was brought in to the kings presence/ and there it was showed him how they would make him duke of Bretayne and recover for him all his heritage of Bretayne. And he should have to his wife the lady Phylyp of Lancastre/ so that he would hold the duchy of Bretayne in faith and homage of the king of England/ the which point he utterly refused. But to take the duke's daughter in marriage he was content/ But to swear to be against the crown of france in no wise he would consent/ but rather to abide in prison all his life.  
WHen the king and his counsel saw that/ they withdrew the grace that they had thought to have showed to him/ and then he was delivered in to the keeping of sir johan Dambretycourte as ye have herd before/ I have made as now relation of all these matters because of the incydentes that followed after and appeared by the duke of Bretayne/ for the duke knew well how he was greatly out of the favour of the noble men of the royalme of England/ and also of the commons there. And he imagined that the hatred that they bore to him was for the voyage that the earl of Buckyngham had made through France to come in to Bretayne/ weening to have found the duke there and country open against them/ as the duke of Bretayne had promised/ which the english men found contrary. ¶ Also he saw well how the king of England had not written unto him so amiably as he had done often times before. And specially as he had done before the earl of Buckynghams' voyage. ¶ And also he doubted that the king of England should deliver johan of Bretayne to the intent to make him war. ¶ Thenne the duke cast his imagination how he might find remedy in this matter/ and to bring it in to a good point/ And to do his intent so secretly that the english men should be well content and pleased with him. For he knew well the man in the world whom the englishmen hated most was sir Oliver of Clysson constable of france. For in deed sir Oliver of Clysson ever studied night and day how he might do displeasure to the english men/ and the duke knew right well of the army that was made to god in to England bocke at Harflew: and at Lentrygnyer/ then he said unto himself to the intent to please the english men and to show that he did not set moche by the french men/ he found the means to break that voyage not in commanding his men of Bretayne on pain of losing of their heritage not to go in to England/ nor to aid the french party this he did not/ but he showed outwardly that the war was for him/ but he did his enterprise more covertly/ he cast in his imagination that he might not do more honourably/ nor more to his profit/ then to take the constable of France prisoner or else to slay him/ thereby he knew well he should please the english men/ for they hated him/ for he thought if he were out of the way he cared not for the residue of his lineage/ for he knew well they were not able to make him war/ for the constable had but two daughters/ the one was married unto Iohn of Bretayne/ and the other daughter was maryded unto the earl of Rohans son/ he thought to withstand them well enough and all his lineage/ for if he had slain him he said he had slain but a baron and that there were none that would make him any war for his sake.   

¶ How the duke of Bretayne sent for all his lords and knights to come to counsel unto wannes and after counsel he desired the constable to go and see his castle of ermine/ and how he took him there prisoner/ and the lord of Beaumanoyre with him. Ca lxxxiii.  
ON this foresaid imagination the duke of Bretayne rested/ and to come to his intent he summoned his counsel to come to Wannes/ and desired all the lords and knights of Bretayne effectuously for to come thither/ and he did send out his letters unto them/ and specially he required sir Olyvere of Clysson Constable of France that he should not fail but for to be there/ saying how he would gladlier see him then any other. The constable would not excuse himself because the duke of Bretayne was his natural lord/ and was glad to have his good will/ and so he came to Wannes/ and so did a great number of other lords of Bretayne. ¶ This counsel was long and many matters debated therein touching the duke and his country without any word speaking of the voyage that they were in purpose to make in to England. The duke dissimuled the matter. This counsel was in the city of wannes in a castle called the Mote.  
¶ The duke made all the lords a great dyner/ and fed them with fair loving words till it was near night/ and than they returned to their lodgings in to the subbarbes without the city. And the constable of France to please the knights and squires of Bretayne he desired them all the next day to dine with him some did so and some departed to their own houses to take leave of their wives & parent's/ for the constable was purposed as soon as h● departed thence straight to go unto his nawl at Lentrygnyer/ the duke of Bretayne knew it right well/ but spoke no word thereof making semblant as though he knew no thing. So this dyner ended where as were the most part of the barons of Bretayne/ and suddenly unto them came the duke of Bretayne right amorously by seeming/ but he thought otherwise in his heart. None knew thereof but such as he had discovered his mind unto. As soon as he entered in to the constables lodging/ some said/ behold here cometh the duke/ then every man rose as reason was and sweetly received him as they ought for to do their lord/ and he dealt right getylly and he sat down among them and eat and drank/ and kept good company and showed them more tokens of love then ever he did before/ and he said unto them/ fair lords my lovers and friends/ god send you well to go and well to come again/ and send you joy/ and that you may do such deeds of arms as may/ please you/ and that it may be honourable unto you all/ and when they heard these swear words of the duke/ they all answered and said. Sir we thank you/ and god reward you of your great kindness that it pleaseth you to come and see us at our departing.  
THis same season the duke of Bretayne was making of a Castle near to Wannes called the castle of ermine the which as then was near furnished and to the intent to attrape the constable/ there he said unto him and unto the lord de la vale and to the lord of Beawmanoyre and to other lords that were there. Sirs I require you or ye depart to come and see my new castle of Armyne/ ye shall see how I have devised it/ and also how I purpose for to do. ¶ They all agreed unto him/ because they saw him come so lovingly among them/ for they thought none evil. And so the most part of them mounted on their horses and road forth with the duke to the castle of Armyne. Than the duke/ the constable the lord de la vale/ and the lord of Beawmanoyre and divers other lords and knights alighted of their horses and entered in to the castle/ and the duke led the constable by the hand fro chamber to chamber and in to every house of office and made them drink in the seller. Then the duke brought them to the chief tower and at the door thereof he said to the constable. Sir Olyvere I know no man on this side the see that knoweth more in building then ye do/ wherefore I pray you mount up the stairs and behold the building of the tower/ if it be well I am content/ and if any thing be amiss/ it shall be reformed after your devise/ the constable thinking none evil said. Sir with right a good will please it you to go before and I shall follow you/ nay sir said the duke go your way up alone and in the mean time I will talk with the lord de la vale/ the constable went up the stairs and when he was above and passed the first stage/ there were men in a chamber laid in a bushment and they opened the door/ and some wents down and did shoot the door beneath and the other went up all armed to the constable/ there they took and led him in to a chamber and fetered him with iii bolts of iron/ and said to him/ Sir pardon us for we must needs do that we do/ we be thus commanded by our lord the duke of Bretayne/ if the constable were abashed at that time it was no marvel.  
THe constable ought not to have great marvel of the chance for after that the displeasure fell between the duke and him/ for any letters that the duke could write to him or for any desire or saufconduyte to come and go safely/ yet for all that the constable would never come in the duke's presence/ for he durst not trust him/ and now he is come to his misfortune/ for he found the duke in great displeasure with him/ and that was well showed/ and when the lord de la vale being beneath at the stair foot saw the door closed/ his blood began to tremble and had great fere of his brother and beheld the duke who waxed pale and green as a leaf/ then he knew that the matter went amiss and said. A sir for god's sake have mercy/ what will you do/ take none evil will against the constable/ sir said the duke/ take ye your horse and depart/ ye may go when ye will/ I know well enough what I have to do. Sir said the lord de la vale I will not depart hens without I have my brother the constable with me/ with those words there came unto them the lord of Beawmanoyre whom the duke also hated/ and he in like wise demanded to have the constable. Then the duke drew his dagger and came unto him and said. Beawmanoyre wilt thou be in the same point as thy master is in. Sir said he I trust my master is in good case/ well said the duke/ I demand of the if thou wilt be in like case. ye sir said he. then the duke took his dagger by the point and said/ if thou wilt be in like case it behoveth the to put out one of thine eyen. The lord of Beawmanoyre saw well the matter went not well and saw the duke wax pale for anger. Then he kneeled down on his knee and said. Sir I repute so great nobleness in you that I trust in god and you that ye will do us right/ we be at your mercy/ and we are come hither at your request/ we trust ye will not dishonour yourself●e to accomplish any evil will that ye have to us/ it should be a strange novelty. Well said the duke come on thy way/ for thou shalt have no more nor no less than he shall have. So he was led in to another chamber and fetered also with three pair of irons/ If he were abashed he had a great cause/ for he perceived well the duke loved him but little/ nor the constable also/ but than he had no remedy.  
AN one tidings spread over the castle and also the town how that the constable of France and the lord of Beawmanoyre and also the lord de la Vale were taken prisoners. And how the lord de la Vale might depart when he would/ For the duke demanded no thing of him/ whereof the people had great marvel and also great cause why/ for every man said how the duke would put them both to death/ he hated them so mortally. The duke was greatly blamed of all knights and squires that heard thereof/ and they said there was never a greater defamation on any prince than was on the duke of Bretayne saying that he had desired the constable to dine with him and to see his house/ and to make him good cheer and so to take him prisoner/ they said they never heard of case like/ wherefore he was infamed and never man more dishonoured/ nor thereby no man should trust in any prince sith the duke had deceived these noble men/ what will the french king say when he knoweth this/ for by this his voyage in to England is broken/ there was never so great a shame imagined/ but now the duke showeth what lay in his heart/ we tro we there was never seen in Bretayne case like nor in none other place/ if a poor knight had done such a deed he were dishonoured for ever/ in whom should a man trust but in his lord/ and the lord should maintain him in his right and do him justice/ who shall make correction of this deed/ none but the french king/ now the duke showeth plainly how he is on the english part & will sustain and hold with the opinion of the king of England/ sith he hath thus broken the voyage by the see that should have gone in to England/ What shall become now of the knights and squires of Bretayne when they shall here these tidings nothing but in continent come fro their houses & lay siege to the castle of Armyne and close the duke within & there tarry till they have taken him other deed or quick and lead him like a false prince to the french king. Thus the knights and squires about the marches of Wannes spoke and commoned together/ and such as were come thither to that counsel with the said lords/ & they were in great doubt that the duke would put them to death/ then some other said/ as for the lord de la Vale is in no jeopardy/ he is so wise that he will temper the duke in all his business/ and truly so he did/ for and he had not been the constable had been deed the first night if he had had a. M. lives.  
IT ought to be believed that sir Oliver of Clysson was not at his case when he saw himself so taken and attrapped/ and fetered and kept with xxx persons/ and had no comfort by them/ for they knew not the will of their lord/ so that he reckoned himself but as a deed man/ and also he had no hope to live till the next day/ and surely he was in great daungere/ for iii times he was unfetered and brought to have been beheaded or else drowned/ and surely so he had been if the lord de la vale had not been/ but when this lord de la vale heard the dukes straight commandment to put him to death/ he kneeled down before him lifting up his hands sore weeping and said sir for god's sake take mercy/ advise you show not your cruelty against the constable/ he hath deserved no death/ sir of your grace that it may please you to show me the cause of your displeasure against him/ and sir I swear unto you any trespass that he hath done he shall make you such amends with his body and goods/ or else I for him as ye yourself shall demand or judge/ sir remember you how in your youngth ye ii were companions together and brought up both in one house with the duke of Lancastre who was so gentle a prince that there was none like him. Also sir remember how before his peace was made with the french king always he truly served you/ he aided you to recover your heritage/ ye have always found in him good comfort and counsel/ if ye be now moved or informed against him otherwise then reason should require/ yet he hath not deserved death/ sir de la vale said the duke let me have my will/ for Oliver of Clysson hath so often times disposed me/ and now is the hour come that I may show him my displeasure. Wherefore depart you hens and let me show my cruelty/ for I will he shall die. A sir said the lord de la vale/ refrain your evil will and moderate your courage and regard to reason/ for if ye puth y to death there was never prince so dishonoured as ye shall be/ there shall not be in Bretayne knight nor squire city nor castle nor good town/ nor no man but he shall hate you to the death/ and do that they can to dysenheryte you/ Nor the king of England nor his counsel shall give you no thank therefore/ sir will you lose yourself for the death of one man/ sir turn your imagination/ for this thought is no thing worth but dyshonourable/ that ye should cause such an honourable knight as sir Olyvere of Clysson is to die coming unto you at your own desire. ¶ Surely sir this deed should be treason and great reproach both before god & the world/ to desire him thus to dinner and he coming to you/ and after that ye went to him in to the town desiring him to see your new buildings/ and he obeyed in every thing to you & drank of your wine/ and is this the great love that ye showed him/ to put him to death/ there was never so great blame laid to any lord as shall be laid to you/ all the world shall reproach you and hate you mortally & be glad to make you war. But sir I shall show you what ye shall do sith ye so sore hate him/ put him to ransom to a great some of Floreynes this ye may well do/ and if he hold other town or castle that should be yours demand them again and ye shall have them/ and look what covenant ye make with him I shall become pledge therefore/ and when the duke heard the lord de la vale speak so reasonably and pressed so sore on him/ as in a manner all that night he would not depart from him/ then the duke studied a little and somewhat refrained his evil will/ and at last spoke and said/ sir de la vale ye be a good mean for him/ howbeit I will ye know sir Oliver of Clysson is the man in the world that I most hate/ for and ye were not he should not scape without death this same night/ your words hath saved him/ go to him & demand if he will pay to me a. C. M. franks incontinent/ for I will neither have him nor you to pledge nor nothing else but the ready money/ and beside that to yield to me iii castles and a town such as I shall name/ the castle of Breath/ the castle of josselyn/ the castle of blank and the town of jugon and put me in possession of them or my deputies/ this done I shall deliver him to you/ this shall be done said the lord de la vale/ and sir I thank you that ye will thus do at my desire/ and sir be you sure all that ye have demanded shall be done/ these castles & town delivered & these. C. M franks paid or he depart.  
THen the lord de la vale was greatly rejoiced when he saw the constable out of peril of death. Then the tower door was opened and the lord de la vale mounted up & came there as the constable was sitting sore abashed for he looked for nothing but for death/ & when he saw the lord de la vale his heart revived & thought there was some tretye in hand. Then the lord de la vale said to them that were there by sirs take of his irons that I may speak with him fro the duke and said to him/ sir how say you will you do that I shall show you/ ye truly sir said the constable/ then his irons were taken of/ and the lord de la vale drew him a part and said. Fair brother with great pain and moche business I have saved your life and made your end/ but ye must pay or ye depart hens in ready money a. C. M. franks and more over to yield up to the duke iii castles and the town of jugon/ otherwise ye can have no deliverance/ then the constable said I will not refuse the bargain/ but who shall go to Clysson to fetch this money/ fair brother said the constable I think ye must be fain to go therefore Nay sir not so said the lord de la vale/ for I have promised never to depart out of this castle till I have you with me/ for I know well the duke is right cruel/ and peradventure in mine absence will repent him by some light information and so then all were lost/ why who shall go then said the constable/ sir said he the lord of Beawmanoyre shall go/ he is here in prison as well as ye be/ he shall make all this provision/ that is well said said the constable/ go your way down/ and ordain every thing as ye list.   

¶ How the constable of France was delivered at the request of the lord de la vale paying certain ransom/ and how the constable delivered to the duke iii castles and a town and paid. C. M. franks. Ca lxxxv.  
THus the lord de la vale went down of the tower to the duke who was going to bed/ for of all that night he had not slept/ then the lord de la vale kneeled down and said/ sir ye shall have all your demand/ but sir ye must deliver the lord of Beawmanoyre that he may speak with the constable/ for he must go and fetch this ransom and put your men in possession of the castles that ye desire to have/ well said the duke deliver them out of prison and put them into a chamber/ & be you the mean of their tretye/ for I will not see them/ and return again to me when I have slept and I will speak with you Then the lord de la vale issued out of the chamber and went with two knights thither where as the lord of Beawmanoyre was in prison/ who was greatly abashed and doubted sore the death/ he feared when he heard the door open that they were come to have put him to death/ But when he saw the lord de la elle enter his heart revived/ and more when he heard him speak saying/ sir of Beawmanoyre your deliverance is made/ wherefore ye may be glad than his fetters were taken of/ and so he went in to another chamber/ and then the constable was also brought thither/ and meet and wine was brought to them/ for all the servants of the house were glad of their deliverance/ for they were sorry of that case/ howbeit they might find no remedy/ it behoved them to obey their masters commandment in right or in wrong/ and as soon as the castle gate was shoot and the bridge drawn/ there entered nor issued neither man nor woman/ for the keys were in the duke's chamber/ and he slept till it was iii of the clock/ and the knights & squires that were without abiding for their masters were sore abashed and said. Now our season and voyage by the see is lost and broken A constable what mishap is fallen to you what counsel hath deceived you/ the counsel the was made and assembled at Wannes was made for none other intent but to atrappe you/ ye were wont to be of the opinion that if the duke had sent for you and had made you a. M. assurances/ yet ye would not have gone nor come at his commandment/ ye doubted him so sore/ and now ye went simply at his desire/ every man through the duchy of Bretayne complained for the constable and wist not what to do nor say/ and all knights and squires said/ what do we here/ why do we not go and enclose the duke in his castle of ermine/ and if he have slain the constable/ serve him in like manner/ & if he keep him in prison let us do so that we may have him again/ there fell never such a mischief in Bretayne/ thus one & other said/ But there were none that stirred forward but tarried to here other news. Thus tidings spread abroad so that within two days it was at Paris/ wherewith the king and his uncles the duke of Berrey and the duke of Borgoyne had great marvel/ as then the duke of Borbon was gone to Aupgnyon to go in to Castle and had seen the pope Clement on his way/ these tidings came to him as he was at Lion sure le Rone/ and with him the earl of Savoy.  
ANd the earl of saint Poule/ the lord of Coucy and admiral of france being at Harflewe ready to have entered in to the see toward their voyage when they heard how the duke of Bretayne had taken the constable of france prisoner in his castle of ermine/ and the lord de la vale and the lord of Beawmanoyre with him. And they that brought those tidings said how the bruit ran in Bretayne how the duke of Bretayne had put to death the constable of France/ and the lord of Beawmanoyre. These were hard tidings to these lords/ and they said. Now our voyage is broken/ let us give leave to all our men of war to depart and let us go to Paris to the king and see what he will do/ then the admiral said/ it is good we do so/ but let not our men depart/ peradventure the king will send them to some other part/ may happen in to Castle for the duke of Borbon is going thither/ or else peradventure he will send them in to Bretayne to make war against the duke. think you that the french king will suffer the matter thus to overpass. Nay surely for the king shall receive by this bargain damage to the some of ii C. M. floreynes beside the loss and hurt that is done to his constable/ if he scape the life was there ever case like. Thus the king to break his voyage who was in good mind to have done damage to his enemies. Let us tarry here still a ii or iii days/ and peradventure we shall here some other tidings out of france or out of Bretayne.   

¶ How writings were made at the duke of Bretaynes devise/ for the constable to render his town and castles to the duke/ and to his heirs for ever/ and how they were delivered to the duke. Ca lxxxvi.  
How let us speak a little of the duke of Bretayne who when he had slept rose and made him ready/ & than he sent for the lord de la vale who came to him/ & there they were together a long space. Finally letters were written according to the dukes will/ making mention that the constable sir Oliver of Clysson renounced clean his title for ever of the said town and castle and yielded them purely to the duke of Bretayne and to his heirs for ever/ and that/ these writings should be permanent without any repel/ and then the lord of Beawmanoyre was ordained by the constable to go to these castles and to cause them that had the rule of them to depart thence/ and to put in possession the dukes men/ and beside that to levy in ready money a. C.M. franks to pay to the duke. When all this was concluded the gates of the castle was opened and the lord of Beawmanoyre issued our charged and ordained by the constable to accomplish all these ordeynaunces/ and he was desired to make all the diligence that might be And with him went servants of the dukes/ & noised as they went how the constable was sure of his life ●and was put to ransom/ all such as loved him knights and squires were glad thereof and so thereby sat still/ for they were determined to have gone and laid siege to the castle of ermine and have closed the duke therein/ they never did thing that they would have been gladder of. So these tidings ran abroad with the wind/ so that the lords and knights being at Harflewe herd thereof and had certain knowledge that the constable had been deed and the lord de la vale had not been/ & they said as for the deliverance of his town and castles he shall recover them again/ or else other at time & leisure/ the french king hath enough for him if he need. Now we may depart fro hens/ our voyage is broken let us give our men leave to depart/ and let us go to Paris and learn tidings there/ for we here say that all such as were at Lentrygnyer are countermanded/ the which is a sign that we shall go no where at this season/ thus they gave licence to all their men of war to depart and themself departed toward Paris where the king was.  
THe lord of Beawmanoyre did so moche that within four days he had set the duke of Bretaynes servants in possession of the foresaid castles and town of jugon/ and after he paid the. C.M. franks for the constables ransom there as the duke commanded when all was done the lord de la vale said to the duke/ sire have now that you demanded the. C.M. franks the town of jugon/ the castle of Boureke and the white castle of josselyn/ therefore sir now deliver me the constable I am content said the duke let him go when he will I give him leave/ thus the constable was delivered and he and the lord de la vale departed fro the castle of ermine/ when they were abroad in the fields/ the constable made no long tarrying in Bretayne/ but mounted on a good horse and his page on another and so road that within two days he came to Paris and alighted at his own house and then went to the castle of Lower to the king & his uncles the duke of Berrey and of Borgoyne/ his men followed after him at their leisure/ the king knew of his deliverance/ but he knew not that he was so near/ and was glad when he heard thereof and caused the chamber doors to be set open against him and so he came in to the kings presence & kneeled down before him and said. Right redoubted lord/ your father whom god pardon made me constable of France/ which office to my power I have well and truly exercised and if there be any except your grace and my lords your uncles that will say that I have not acquitted myself truly or done any thing contrary to the crown of france I am here ready to cast my gage in that quarrel/ the king nor none other made none answer to those words/ then he said further/ right dear sir and noble king it fortuned in Bretayne in doing of mine office/ the duke of Bretayne took me and held me in his castle of ermine/ and would have put me to death without reason by reason of his fierce courage/ and god had not been and the lord de la vale/ so that I was constrained if I would be delivered out of his hands/ to deliver to him a town of mine in Bretayne and three castles/ and the some of a. C.M. franks/ Wherefore right dear sir and noble king the blame and damage that the duke of Bretayne hath done greatly regardeth your majesty royal for the voyage that I and my company should have made by the see is broken/ Wherefore sir I yield up the office of the constableshyp/ sir provide for another such as shall please you/ for I will no more bear the charge thereof/ I should have none honour to do it. Constable said the king we know well that ye have hurt and damage and is a thing greatly to the prejudice to our royalme. We will incontinent send for the peers of France to see what shall be best to be done in this case/ therefore take ye no thought for ye shall have right and reason. ¶ Then the king took the constable by the hand and raised him up and said. Constable we will not that ye depart from your office in this manner But we will that ye use it till we take other counsel. Then the constable kneeled down again and said. Sir this matter toucheth me so near that I cannot use it. The office is great/ for I must speak and answer every man & I am so troubled that I can answer no man. Wherefore sir I require your grace to provide for another for a season/ and I shall always be ready at your commandment/ sir said the duke of Borgoyne he offereth enough ye shall take advise/ it is true said the king. Then the constable arose and went to the duke of Berre and to the duke of Borgoyne and advised to show them his business/ and to inform them justly all the matter/ saying the case touched them greatly in that they had the governing of the royalme/ but in speaking with them and hearing the hole matter/ they perceived the matter touched not them so sore as he made of/ so that finally they blamed him for going to Wannes/ saying to him/ sith your navy was ready and that knights and squires tarried for you at Lentrygnyer. ¶ And also when ye were at Wannes and had dined with the duke and returned again to your castle of Bourke/ what had you then any thing to do to tarry there any longer nor to go again to the duke to the castle of ermine. Sir said the constable he showed me so fair semblant that I durst not refuse it. Constable said the duke of Borgoyne/ in fair semblauntes are great deceptions/ I repute you more subtle than I take you now/ go your way/ the matter shall do well enough/ we shall regard it at leisure. Then the constable perceived well that these lords were harder and ruder to him then the king was. So he departed and went to his own lodging/ and thither came to him certain of the lords of the parliament to see him and said to him that the matter should do right well/ and also there came to him to counsel him the earl of saint Poule/ the lord of Coucy and the admiral of France/ and they said to him Constable make no doubt/ for ye shall have reason of the duke of Bretayne/ for he hath done against the crown of France great displeasure and worthy to be shamed and put out of his country/ go your ways and pass the time at Mount le Herry/ there ye shall be on your own/ and let us alone with the matter/ for the peers of France will not suffer the matter to rest thus. The constable believed these lords and so departed fro Paris and road to Mount le Herry. So the office of constableshyp was void for a season as it was said that sir Guy of Tremoyle should be constable/ but it was not so/ he was so well advised that he would not take it out of the hands of sir Oliver of Clysson.   

¶ How tidings came to the french king from the parties of Almaigne the which were to him right displeasant and unto his uncles. Ca lxxxvii.  
THe same week that tidings came to Paris of the taking of the constable there came also tidings from the parties of Almaigne/ which were right displeasant to the king and to his uncles/ I shall show you how and wherefore/ the duke of Guerles son to the duke of Julyers was allied with the king of England to make war against France/ and had taken a pension of four thousand franks by the year/ which pension the duke of Julyers his father had in time passed out of the king of England's coffers/ but or he died he renounced it/ and than his son who was but young took it again at the king of England's desire so that he would defy the french king and to make war against him/ and he was inclined to take the english part because he had war with the lady of Brabant/ for he saw well that the duchy of Brabant was favourable to the royalme of france/ for it should after return to the duke of Borgoyne and to his children. Therefore the duke of Guerles would show that the matter touched him so near that he would do the damage that he might to the royalme of France and to all their alyes. So he sent letters of defiance to the french king which were no thing pleasant/ accepted of the king nor of his counsel as I shall show you hereafter in the history when it shall be convenient to speak thereof in the showing of the war of Bretayne and of Guerles/ the french king made no semblant thereof/ but made good cheer to the squire of Guerles who had brought the defpaunce howbeit he was afraid for when he came to the city of Tourney he would have gone no f●rther/ but he had showed the defiance to the provost of the town/ and so would have 〈…〉 again saying that it was sufficient to declare his message in so noble a town as Tourney but they of the town were not so 〈◊〉/ but arrested the squire and put him in sure prison/ and than they sent word thereof to the duke of Borgoyne to know his pleasure. Then the duke wrote to the prou●st of Tourney that he should send to him the squire with his defyauces/ and so he was brought to Paris/ and he feared lest he should die/ but when he came to Paris the king and his uncles and the other lords did no thing to him but all courtoysye. And the french king gave him a goblet of silver weing four mark and l franks within it/ and they gave him a sa●f●onduyte to return in to his country/ so by reason of these tidings the court of france was sore troubled/ and the french counsel was sore troubled when the constable of france came and made his complaint of the duke of Bretayne/ for they saw well that trouble & expense began to rise on every side/ and they saw well how they must enploy all their wits to eschew such inconuenyentes/ they thought that the constable who had served the king so long in ●launders and other places should have some help in that the duke of Bretayne had ransomed him and taken his castles without title or good reason/ and specially the lord of Coucy and the admiral was sore disposed with it. ¶ Now let us return to the duke of Lancastre and to the king of Portyngale who were in Galyce and made sore war against the king of Castle.   

¶ How the duke of Lancastres' men assailed the town of Aurene and took it/ for it gave up as other did. Ca lxxxviii.  
HEre before ye have herd how deeds of arms were done between sir johan Holande and sir raynold of Roy in the presence of the king of Portyngale and his wife/ and at the kings departing he promised to the duke that as soon as he was returned to the city of port/ that he would not tarry past vi days/ but that his army should set forth. then the duke sent constance his wife to the town of saint james under the guiding of the lord Fythwater/ a great baron of England with a hundred spears and two hundred archers and the duke said to her. Madame ye shall keep you in the city of Compostella and the king of Portyngale my son/ and our people shall go in to Castle to seek for our enemies to fight with them wherso ever we find them/ and now it shall be seen if ever we shall have any thing in the royalme of Castle or not. Sir said the lady as god will so be it/ thus they departed for that present time/ and sir Thomas Percy/ and the lord Fythwaren conveyed the duchess with two hundred spears out of all dangers/ and then returned to the duke who was as then departed fro Besances towards a town in Galyce named Aurene which rebelled against him and would not obey because it was strong & therein a garrison of Bretons who had on their parels undertaken to keep it/ and they had well fortified it because they had knowledge that the duke would come thither/ the marshal of the duke's host had well herd how they of Aurene in Galyce would not obey/ but daily fortified them/ he counseled the constable to go thither/ and so every man drew to that part/ and so came and lodged near to it/ the season was fair about the ascension time/ then tents and pavilions were pight up in the fair plains under the olives/ and so lay all that first night/ and the next day without giving of any assault/ thinking that the town would have given up/ and in deed the men of the town would gladly have yielded them. But the lords and capitains would not suffer them who were Bretons and companions adventurers two Bretons were capitains called the basto● of Alroy/ and the other the bastard of Peneforte/ they were good men of war and that well appeared in that they took on them to keep that town so far out of all succour against the duke of Lancastre.  
ON the iii day that the englishmen were thus lodged about the town and had well regarded how they might at their advantage/ assail the town. then the constable/ the marshal and the admiral caused their trumpets to sound to the assault/ and then every man drew forth in to the field/ and there divided them in to four bands to assail the town iii four parts/ & so in goodly order approached the town and tarried on the dykes/ wherein there was no water. But it was well fortified with pales and hedges/ then the assault began iii four parts. Then men of arms and other went down in to the dykes with axes in their hands and therewith cut down the hedges/ & they within cast down darts and other things that if they had not been well pavessed/ there had been many sore hurt and slain. And also on the edge of the dyke the archers shot so fiercely that they within durst not appear/ the duke of Lancastre came to behold the assault which made it the more fyerser/ he sat there on horseback the space of three hours/ he had such pleasure to regard them/ at this first assault the dykes were cleansed of all the thick hedges so that men might go to the pales/ then the retreat was swooned for that day/ them the duke said to the marshal/ sir Thomas our men have done their devoir for this day/ let them withdraw and case themself/ sir it shall be done said the marshal/ so the assault was seized & every man went to his lodging/ and the hurt to be dressed/ and so passed that night/ they had wines to drink plenty/ but they were so hoot and mighty that it was much pain to drink them/ and such as drank of them without water were in that case that they could not help themself the next day.  
THe next day it was advised that they should make none assault because the day was so hoot/ and their men so weary and overcome with strong wines/ but determined that the next day after they should begin their assault at the son rising/ and to endure till iii of the clock at after noon/ & so every man was commanded to take their ease till they heard the sown of the marshals trumpet/ and the same day the duke of Lancastre heard tidings of the king of Portyngale how he was departed fro the city of port/ and drew towards the port saint yrayne/ that way he was purposed to enter in to Castle and both oostes to meet on the river of Derne beside the town of perpygnen or else before the town of Arpent/ thus the portingalings had devised/ if the king of Castle and the french men did not encounter them before/ and if they were likely so to do then to draw together sooner/ of these tidings the duke was right joyous and gave the messenger for his tidings ten nobles.  
ANd in the morning when it was day the marshals trumpet began to sown before the lodgings to raise up every man/ then knights and squires began to make them ready every man under his own standard. Then the marshal drew in to the field/ and all such as were ordained to go to the assault/ they of the town had knowledge how the englishmen would assail them by their watch men who had herd the mershalles trumpet/ then the Bretons raised up every man and woman in the town and said to them/ sirs show yourself like good men and be not abashed for nothing that ye see/ we are strong enough/ we have darts and spears and stones and other artillery sufficient to withstand our enemies/ and if the worst fall at all times they will take us to mercy/ worse they can not do to us/ we have been or this in divers places far feebler than this is/ and yet we have kept it without danger or damage/ so by reason of their words the Galycyens were encouraged/ for of themself they had rather have yielded them up/ for according to truth the commons in Castle and Galyce are little worth in battle/ they are but evil armed and small of courage. The gentle men are right good on horse back.  
THus the englishmen ready appareled to the assault about the sone rising came in to the dykes just unto the pales/ and with ears and other weapons bet down the pales to their feet/ but yet for all that they were not on the wall/ for then they had another dyke to pass as large as the other was/ then with moche pain they passed that dyke and came to the walls. And when they within saw them come so near they defended themself valiantly. ¶ Thenne the Galycyens cast out darts in such wise that whom so ever they struck were sore hurt without he were well pavessed/ then they raised up ladders for to mount up too the walls. There knights and squires advanced themself to mount with targyes over their heeds/ and sword in their hands/ and so came and fought hand to hand with the Bretous who defended themself right nobly/ for I repute it for a great valyauntues that they wol●e abide the assault/ for they knew well they should have as thenne no succour. For it was determined between the king of Castle and the french men to suffer the englishmen at that time to do what they life in Galyce or else where and to pass without battle. Then some of the english men said if other towns in Castle give us as much to do as this doth it shall be long or we win the royalme/ and then other said/ there is moche pillage within the town brought thither out of all the country about. And therefore they are loath to yield up the town. then some demanded who were capitains within the town/ and such as knew them said/ two bastards Bretons borne good men of arms and expert in all syeges/ and the one is called the bastard of Pennefort/ and the other the bastard of Aulroy/ but what soever they be they be valiant men of arms/ for they see none appearance of succour/ and yet they will not yield up. And such as were mounted up were beaten down again perforce. And when the duke of Lancastre was up and ready and heard the bruyre of the assault said he would go and behold them/ and so leapt on a courser and unarmed road to the assault and his standard before him with the heel arms of England and of France/ and at his coming the assault increased. then every man advanced himself to get laud and praise/ and in like wise they within. when they saw that the duke was there/ they enforced themself to show their valiantness. Thus in assailing and defending they continued till it was three of the clock. And it was not apparent that they should have won the town at that assault. then the duke demanded who were capitains within the town/ and it was showed him. Then he said I would the marshal should speak with them to know if they will yield them or not/ I think they have not as yet been demanded/ wherefore bid the marshal come & speak with me/ A knight went to him and said. Sir my lord the duke would ye should come & speak with him/ then he came to the duke/ & the duke said. Martial know ye if these Bretons will put themself under mine obeisance or not/ we travail sore our men/ and there be divers of them sore hurt/ and we waste our artillery/ and we can not tell when we shall have need thereof. Wherefore I pray you go to them and take some treaty with them. Sir said he it shall be done/ sith ye will take them to mercy it is reason they be herd speak.  
THen the marshal went from the duke to the assault and said to an herald/ go thy way & find the means to speak with the capitains within the town & show them how I would speak with them. The herald departed and went in to the dykes with his cote armure on his back with the arms of the duke of Lancastre/ and so his comoany made him way by the commandment of the marshal. The bastard of Alroy saw well the herald and so came to the wall and said herald what would you/ I am one of the capitains/ I think ye be sent to me/ that is true sir said the herald/ who was called Percy. And sir the marshal desireth you to come to the barrier's and speak with him/ I am content said the bastard/ so that ye cause your men to leave the assault/ otherwise I will not come/ I think that shall be soon done said the herald/ and so he returned to the marshal and showed him as ye have herd. ¶ Then the marshal called his trumpet and caused him to blow the retreat and so he did/ then the assault seized on all parties. then the capitains came to the barrier's/ and there was ready the marshal sir Iohn Holande/ and sir Thomas Moreaus/ and divers other englishmen. Sirs said the englishmen will ye be taken perforce and be utterly lost and slain poor and rich/ We know well that the commonty of the town would gladly yield them to my lord the duke and to my lady the duchess/ for they had given up this town or this and ye had not been/ wherefore if ye be taken it is evil for you and one thing ye may be sure of/ We will not depart hence till we have it/ either by fair means or otherwise/ therefore speak ye together and advise you and give me an answer/ for I know my charge. Sir said the bastard we are agreed all ready together/ and that is if ye will cause us surely to be conduited to the town of Arpent without danger or peril/ we shall yield up the town to you So that the men and wom●n within may live in peace and surety under the obeisance of the duke in like manner as other towns do in Galyce/ and none otherwise/ we know well ye be the marshal of the host and that all treatyes pertaineth to you/ and what soever ye do the duke will agree to the same/ that is true said sir Thomas/ it shall be as ye desire/ so that ye bear with you nothing but that is your own and not to rob nor pill the town/ nor that ye have won in the country for that may cause riot to be made between you and our men/ sir said the bastard we shall carry nothing with us but that is our own/ and if any of our company have bought any thing of any of the town & are but evil paid/ yet we shall make no riot therefore/ I think as for meet and drink sith we came hither in garrison our men have paid no thing as for that said the marshal is except/ take all victual in advantage for so will our men do/ but I say ye shall carry away no movables. Sir said the barstarde we be not so wise men but that some of our company will take somewhat/ Well said sir johan Holande let them pass that is their own is their own/ we will not go so near them as to search their males/ so be it said the marshal then there was an abstinence made for that day/ and the next day they should depart. Then the english men went to their lodging and unarmed them/ and took their ease and the Bretons all that day trussed and gad●red together great pillage that they had won before in the country of Castle for all was abandened to them/ so that thereby such as came first in to that country wan great good/ and so in the trussing of their baggage they took many things from the men of the town as cloth and feathers and other stuff such as they found. And when any of the poor men spoke to them saying/ sirs that good ye take is none of yours it is our good ye brought it not hither/ then the Bretons would say again hold your peace ye villains we have a commission of the king of Castle to pay ourself of our wages/ ye will not pay us/ and though ye had paid us well and truly yet we must have new wages again/ therefore this that we take is our own.  
THen the next day the marshal leapt on his horse and a lx spears in his company and so came to the barrier's of the town & there tarried a space. then the capitains of the Bretons came thither and the marshal said. Sirs be ye ready to departed/ ye sir said they so we may have conduit to guide us/ whether will you go said the marshal/ to the town of Arpent said they/ well said quod the marshal/ behold here them that shall conduit you/ then he called forth a knight of England called sir Steven Stebery and said to him/ take ten spears with you and bring these Bretons to Arpent and return you to morrow/ he did as he was commanded and so guided forth these Bretons with moche baggage. And when they were all departed then the marshal and his company entered in to the town/ and the people of the town made him great reverence/ for many of them thought it had been the duke himself/ when the marshal saw these Bretons depart with so great carriage he demanded of them of/ the town if they had taken away any of their goods or not/ ye sir truly said they and that to a great substance/ Why did you not said the marshal show me that betimes/ for I should have caused them to have rendered it again/ sir said they we durst not for they threatened to slay us if we spoke thereof/ sir they be cursed people/ there is none of them but he is a strong thief/ it is no marvel though they rob us/ for each of them will rob other The marshal smiled and then he sent for the chief men of the town/ and they came before him/ then he made them to swear to hold the town of Aurene of the duke of Lancastre for ever in like manner and form as the other towns in Galyce had done before.  
¶ Then he ordained new officers/ and took of every man their faiths and oaths/ and so drank and returned to the duke in to the field under the shadow of the olive trees/ for the heat of the son which was so excessive hoot that man nor horse could abide it/ nor no man durst ride a foraging till after the hour of iii for the heat.  
THe greatest imagination that the duke had/ was for that it was showed him how the king of Castle was abroad & with a great army coming against him to fight/ for he saw well that he could not perfitly come to the challenge of Castle but by force of battle/ and so he sent out spies in to every coast/ but then it was surely informed him by his spies/ and by pilgrims that the king of Castle made none assembly for to come in to the field/ but kept himself and his men in garrisons. And also that the duke of Borbon was not as then come in to Castle nor no tidings there of his coming. So when the duke had tarried five days in the marches of Auranches/ he determined to go to Noye/ and there to assay by assault to pass the bridge over the river of Erne. ¶ Then the knight that had conduited the Bretons to the town of Arpent returned again. And it was demanded of him what company of men of war were there in garrison/ he said how sir Oliver of Clesquy was there with a thousand spears Bretons and frenchmen. Then the constable and marshal said to the duke/ sir it were well done we went and scrymysshed with them peradventure they will issue out to demand deeds of arms. For there be some of them hath great desire thereto/ I am con●ente said the duke/ let us dislodge/ here we take no profit/ then it was ordained to dislodge the next morning/ and to go to Noye/ and then after to Arpent.  
¶ Now 〈…〉 speak of the king of Portyngale and of the way that he took for to enter in to the royalme of Castle/ and then we shall return again to the duke of Lancastre.   

¶ How the king of Portyngale brent a town when he was departed fro port and besyeged ii castles. Ca lxxxix.  
THe king of Portyngale departed from port and left there the queen his wife and her sister/ daughter to the duke of Lancastre and to keep them and the city he ordained the earl of Nowar to abide there with a hundred spears of portingalings and Gascoyne's such as were come to serve him/ and than he road forth and the first night lodged a three legs from the city of port/ and the next day departed in three battles a fair soft pace because of his foot men whereof there were a xii thousand with all the carriage/ and after the king followed with a thousand spears/ there was with him Don Galoys/ Ferrant Partecke/ and Ponnase de Cougne/ & Vas Marten de Cougne bore the kings banner. Also there was Iohn Radyghes de Sar/ and the master Denyce called Ferrant Radyghes with other great barons and knights/ and the reregarde led the constable of Portyntyngale/ the earl of Angouse and the earl of Escall the little Dan de Mondest/ Radygo Radyghes of Vale/ Conseaulx/ Auge Salvage of geneva/ johan Ansale of Popelan/ and other lords and knights to the number of five hundred spears. Thus they road forth and took the way to saint yrayne by small journeys/ for they took their lodging ever by three of the clock and so came to the cabase of juberoth and there tarried ii days/ and from thence at two journeys they road to Aurach in Portyngale and there rested other ii days/ and than they came to saint yrayne & there lodged/ the town was left void ever sith the battle of juberoth/ the people were drawn in to castle/ except the castles wherein were Bretons and Poyctenyns in garrison. The king of Portyngale determined that both the castles should be assailed/ for he thought with his honour he might not pass by without showing of some deeds of arms/ for the castellians had won the castles/ therefore he thought to assay for to win them again. The king had brought with him from the city of port certain engines for he knew well he should have some assaults in his way.  
THus the king of Portyngale and his men lodged in the matches of saint yrayne which was the entry in to the royalme of Castle all a long by the river of Peses running to Syvyll the great. By this foresaid river might well be brought in to the host all manner of things from Lyxbone and from port/ and so they were a thirty thousand one and other. The constable & his rout with half of the comonte lay before the castle Perrade in to the east part & about the other castle in the west part called Tayllydon lay the marshal and his company/ in the castle Perrade was capitain a knight of Bretayne called sir Moreys Fouchance an expert man of arms/ and in the castle Tayllydon was sir jaques of Mountmellyer a knight of Poyctou/ and each of them had a l spears/ the siege thus lay a xu days without doing of any thing saving there were engines raised up. And they did cast ten or xii times a day great stones against the walls/ but little hurt they did/ but on the covering of the houses/ for the houses within were well vaulted with stone/ so that the engines nor spryngalles did the men but small damage/ When the king saw that the castles would not be won/ and that his men began to waxewery/ he determined then to dislodge and to enter in to Galyce and to approach nearer to the duke of Lancastres' host to the intent that they might determine together what way were best for them to take. So on a day they dislodged and trussed and departed fro saint yrayne/ at which time they brent the town in such wise that there was not a place left unbrent able to lodge in horse/ when they of the castle saw them depart they were right joyous and swooned their trumpets and made great cheer and melody till they were all paste/ that day the host went and lodged at Pount Ferraunt in Galyce/ and the next day in the vale saint Katherine/ and on the iii day they came before Feroull in Galyce a strong town holding on the king of castles part/ and there they rested.   

¶ How the king of Portyngale and his host came before Feroull/ and assaulted it/ and it was won and brought under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre. Ca lxxxx.  
WHen the king of Portyngale and his men were before Feroull they found there a good country/ and the constable and marshal said it should be assaulted affirming how it was preygnable/ they were two days without any assault giving trusting they would have given it up/ but they did not/ for within were Bretons and Borgonyons that said they would defend it/ by the third day the engines were raised up/ and the marshal swooned his trumpets to the assault/ then every man made him ready to approach the town/ and they within when they heard the trumpets blow to the assault they drew every man to their defence and women carried and brought stones to cast/ for in Castle and Galyce women be of great defence and of great courage in manner as great as the men/ the portingalings came to the dykes which were deep/ but there was no water in them then they boldly entered in to the dykes and climbed up again on the other side/ but they had much a do/ saving they were well pavessed for they on the walls cast down stones and hurt many and caused them to reeule/ also there was good casting of darts both outward and inward. Thus the assault endured till it was three of the clock/ and the men were fore chased/ for the son was hoot/ and they in the dykes had none air nor wind/ so that they thought they perished for heat/ so that thereby the assault seized/ and all that season the engines did cast in to the town at adventure/ then the marshal counseled no moor to assault the town/ but still to let the engines cast and to scrymysshe at the barrier's and to show some deeds of arms and so as he devised it was done/ and daily scrymysshes made And they within often times were closed with out the gate between the barrier's and the gate for to scrymysshe more at their ease. ¶ And when the marshal of Portyngale saw their manner he devised thereon and said to sir Iohn Ferrant/ I see well the soldiers within at some season are closed between the gate and the barrier's/ let us take a .v. or vi C. of our men & lay a bysshment & with a few persons let us scrymysshe a while/ & then withdraw little & little and we shall see that they will issue out on trust to win some what of us/ then let us turn again suddenly to the barrier's and busy them somewhat/ and then our enbusshe of horse men suddenly to come on them And when they see that they will forsake their barrier's and open the gates to enter/ and so peradventure we may enter with them/ and at the least if they within open not the gate/ they that be without shall be all ours/ that is true sir said sir Iohn Ferrant. Well said the marshal who was called sir Alue Perreer/ do you the one feat and I shall do the other/ go you and sir Martyne de Marlo/ and Pomas de Congne and keep the enbusshe and I shall go and make the skirmish it pertaineth to mine office/ as they devised so they did/ there were appointed out .v. C. horse men for to keep the enbusshe/ & so of iii days they made no skirmish whereby they within of the garrison had marvel and said to the galycyens within the town/ joy unhappy people/ ye would have given up this town at their first coming and we had not been/ We have greatly preserved the honour of your town/ for ye shall see the king of Portangale and all his host shortly depart hens without doing any damage to us.  
ON the fourth day the marshal as was devised began the skirmish with a small company/ and the horse men lay still privily in their bushment and the Bretons within when they saw their enemies in trust to get some good prisoner opened their gate and left it still open to the intent it should be the more readier at their return/ for they trysted not greatly the Galycyens within the town/ so they came to the barrier's and did there as it appertained to a skirmish/ then when the marshal saw his time he made s●mblaunt as though he and his men had been weary and as half discomfited recoiled little and little/ and when the Bretons saw that they thought to have won all and opened their barrier's all at ones and issued out. and came out and took xxv prisoners/ and they had so moche haste to get them in to the town that they left their barrier's still open/ then the marshal made a sign to the bushment/ and they broke out a .v. C. horse and came more than a galoppe and entered the barrier's/ and when the Frenishemen and Bretons saw that they would have recoiled to their barrier's but they could not/ for the portingalings entered as soon as they in to the town. Thus was the town won and divers slain/ and the soldiers that were therein garrison were taken prisoners except such as saved themself by another gate/ and so issued in to the fields and road to Arpente where as sir Oliver of Elysquy was and a thou●ande spears with him and there they showed how the town or Feroull was lost.  
THus as I have showed you fell of this town of Feroull in Galyce. The portingalings wan it and did put it under the obeisance of the duke of Lancastre/ in whose title they made that war. The king of Portyngale was greatly rejoiced of that his men had done so well/ and incontinent he sent word thereof to the duke of Lancastre/ showing him how he had increased his heritage/ for he had won him that town and he trusted to win more. The duke was greatly rejoiced of those tidings who was as then come before Noy. Wherein was the Barroys of Barreys'/ and sir Iohn of Chatelet Mouraunte/ and sir Trystram de la Gayle/ sir Raynolde du Roy/ sir William of Mongteney and divers other knights and squires of France. And when the duke's marshal saw the castle of Noye he said/ look as Coulongne is one of the keys of castle toward the see/ so is this castle of Noye another key towards Castle for he is no lord of Castle without he be lord of Coulongne and of Noye. Let us go look what company there is there/ it is showed me how the Baroys of Bars an expert man of arms of France is there/ I think at the entry of the bridge we shall have some scrymyssh Sir said sir Lamburyne of Luners/ and sir Iohn Dambreticourte that would we gladly see. The vaungarde wherein were a .v. C. spears of good men of arms road forth in good order/ and the duke sent part of his company thither to make the greater muster/ for he knew well that his marshal would show there some deeds of arms.  
WHen the watch of the castle saw the vanward approach he swooned alaram. then the capitains knew incontinent that the englishmen came thither. They armed them and put themself in good order/ they were a hundred men of arms/ and some came to their barrier's with a xii pennons. But sir Barroys of Bars was most of reputation ¶ And also he had the chief charge/ and also sir johan of chattel Morant was the next. And when sir Thomas Moreaus marshal of the host saw that he was near the town he alighted a foot and all his company/ and delivered their horses to their pages and so came together to the barrier's with their spears in their hands/ and at every vi paces they rested to keep themself close together/ it was a goodly sight to behold them/ and so on a front they came to the barrier's/ and there they were received valiantly/ and I think if they had been in the plain field there had been no goodlyer deeds of arms done then was done there/ and yet the barrier's was between them/ and there the marshal without was matched with sir Iohn of the chateau Morant within and each of them sore travailed to hurt each other/ but their armure was so good that noon of them took damage/ and sir Thomas Percy was coped with le Barroys and Mauburyn of Lyvyers with sir wyllyam of Mongteney/ and sir Iohn Dan bretycourte with sir reynold of Roy/ and the lord Talbot with Trystram de la jail/ thus they were matched and scrymysshed together with their spears/ and when they were weary they rested/ and other knights and squires came/ & scrymysshed in their places/ this scrymysshe endured till high noon/ then archers came to the place/ but then the gentlemen departed and set cross bows to shoot against the english archers and spaniard with darts/ and they scrymysshed till it was passed one of the clock. Then came other yeomen and varlets/ and so scrymysshed till it was night. Then the englishmen returned/ and they of the castle returned in to their garrison and made good watch about half a leg from the castle of Noye/ along by the rivers side the english men lay/ the which river did them great ease for their horses/ for they had great lack of water till they came there/ there they refreshed them a .v. or vi days/ and then went before the town of Arpente to see the dealing of the constable of Castle and of the frenchmen/ and there they heard tidings of the king of Portyngale who lay in the plains of Feroull and all his host/ and was in purpose to come to the town of Padron in Galyce/ which was in the way toward the duke and the englishmen/ and there it was ordained that the king and the duke should meet together to common/ and determine how they should perceiver in their war. ¶ They had been a month a broad in the country and had near hand brought all Galyce in to their obeisance/ and they could hear no tidings of the king of castle nor of the french men/ Wherefore they had great marvel/ for it was said that the king of castle had summoned his people at Burgus fro all the parties of the royalme/ as of Castle/ Syvell/ Cordowayne/ Collede/ Spain/ Lyon/ Struges/ Vale olive and of Sury/ and that he had lx M. men/ and vi. M. spears of pure french men. And how that thither should come the duke of Borbon who as it was said was departed out of France to come thither/ therefore the portingalings and the englishmen thought to draw together to be the more stronger and readier if their enemies come on them/ and they believed these tidings to be of truth/ wherefore they were joyful/ for they would gladly have made an end by battle/ for otherwise they saw well they could not attain to their desired enterprise/ and sir William of Lygnac/ and sir Gaultyer of Passac were always about the king of Castle/ and every week they had tidings out of France what business there was there/ and of the departing of the duke of Borbon/ and how he took in his way of Auygnyon to see pope Clement and the cardinals there/ ever they counseled the king not to fight till the duke of Borbon were come/ and among other tidings they heard of the duke of Bretayne how he had taken in the castle of ermine the constable of france/ and ransomed at a. C.M. franks and of his iii castles and town that was delivered to the duke of Bretayne/ and how that thereby the journey and boyage in to England was broken/ they had marvel of this/ and to what purpose the duke of Bretayne did it/ they supposed that the counsel thereof came out of England.  
THus as I have said before the royalme of France was brought in to trouble/ and specially the kings uncles were sore moved with the defiance that came fro the duke of Guerles/ for they were fell and rude and out of the course of other defyaunces as I shall show you when I declare the matter. And also the french king and his uncles were sore disposed in that the duke of Bretayne had broken their voyage in to England by the see/ and he that was chief of the enterprise taken/ that was the constable of france and ransomed as before is said at a. C.M. franks & taken fro him iii castles and a town/ which was a thing greatly prejudicial to the king and to the royalme of france/ howbeit the king son passed over all the matters/ for he was but young/ wherefore he regarded it not so sore as though he had been of perfit age/ but such as were ancient and wise said that by such like matters the royalme of france hath had much a do in time past/ as when the king of Nauare caused sir Charles of Spain constable of France to be slain/ for which cause king Iohn never loved after the king of Nauare and took fro him all his lands in Normandy. Then some other would say if king Charles father to the king that now is were a live (he loved the constable so well) surely he would be revenged and make war to the duke of Bretayne and to take fro him all his lands what so ever it cost him. Thus every man spoke of this deed/ and said it was evil done/ then the kings uncles and the counsel of the royalme/ somewhat to satisfy the people who were sore disposed with the duke of Bretayne determined that a prelate & iii barons should be sent to the duke to speak with him and to here his reasons/ & to command him to come to Paris to make his exscuse of that he had done/ thither should go the bishop of Beawuoys/ and sir Miles of Dornams a sage and a right valiant man/ and well languaged/ and with him sir Iohn of Bean/ sir Iohn of Bevell/ and the lord de la river who had their charge what they should say and do/ and the bishop of Beaw●oys took his way by Mount le herry where as the constable was/ for the town of Castle pertained to him king Charles had given it to him and to his heirs And while the bishop was there a sickness took him and so lay in a fever a xu days & died/ then in his stead was sent the bishop of Langers and he took his way with the other in to Bretayne.  
IT might be demanded of me how I knew all these matters to speak so properly of them. I answer to all such/ that I have made great diligence in my days to know it and have searched many royalmes & countries to come to the true knowledge of all the matters contained in this history written and to be written/ for god gave me the grace to have the leisure to see in my days/ and to have the acquaintance of all the high and mighty princes & lords as well in France as in England/ for for in the year of our lord god a. M. iiiC.iiii. score and ten I had laboured xxxvii years/ and as then I was of the age of lvii years/ and in xxxvii years a man being in strength and well retained in every coost as I was (for after my young days I was in the king of englands court .v. years with the queen. And also I was welcome to king Iohn of France & to king Charles his son) might well learn many things/ and surely it was always my chief imagination and pleasure to inquire & to retain it by writing/ and how I was informed of the taking of the constable of France I shall show you. A year after this matter fell I road from the city of Angyers to Towers in Towrayne. And I lay on a night at Beauforte in the vale/ and the next day I met with a knight of Bretayne called sir William Daucemies/ he was riding to see my lady of Mayll in Towrayne his cousin & her children/ she was newly a widow/ & I fell in acquaintance with this knight and found him right courteous & sweet of words/ then I demanded of him some tidings and specially of the taking of the constable/ which matter I was glad to here and to know the troth thereof/ and he showed me & said how he had been at the parliament at wannes with the lord of Aucemies his cousin a great baron of Bretayne. And in like manner as sir Espayne de Lion informed me of all things that had fallen in Foyze in Byerne/ & in gascoyne/ & also as sir Iohn Ferrant parteke showed me of all the matters of Portyngale/ and of Castle. In like manner this knight showed me many things/ and more would have done if I had riden longer in his company. Thus between mount le herry and Premylly was four great leagues and we road but softly/ and in this way he showed me many things/ the which I bore well in my remembrance/ and specially of the adventures of Bretayne. And thus as we road & that we came near to Premylly/ we entered in to a meadow there this knight rested and said A god have mercy of the soul of the good constable of France/ he did here ones a goodly journey and profitable for the royalme under the banner of sir Iohn de Bewell for he was not as then constable but newly come out of Spain/ and I demanded of him how it was/ I shall show you said he when I am on horseback and so we mounted: than we road forth fair and easily/ and as we road he said.  
In the season that I have showed you quoth this knight/ this country here was full of englishmen/ robbers and pillars of Gascoigne bretons and almains/ and adventurers of all nations: For all the country on both sides of the river of Loire/ were replenished with them: For the war between France and England was newly renewed/ so that all manner of thieves and robbers entered in to this country/ for here they assembled and fortified themself/ to conquer the castle of Beauforde in the valley/ that ye saw but late/ was in their hands/ and all the country about. Thus to come to my purpose/ the englishmen & gascoins had in their hands/ the town and castle of Prinulley/ and had greatly fortified it. And they held also other small forteresses a long by the river of Loire: And when so ever they would ride/ they were to the number between a thousand and eight hundred fighting men: Than sir Bertram/ sir johan of Beull/ and the lord of Mailly & other knights of this country set their imaginations/ how they might deliver the country of these people/ and gathered together a five hundred spears/ and had spies/ and knew when the english men would ride/ and were in purpose to come before Samure/ For the captains of all their fortresses were assembled to guider at Prinully/ which is a little here before us. The frenchmen road and passed the water that ye see here by us/ and laid themselves in a bushment in a wood/ a little here beside on our right hand. And in the morning at the son rising/ the english men and other departed from Prinully/ and they were a nine hundred men. And when our men saw them/ they knew well they must fight/ and there they communed together/ what cry they should call on that day. Some would have cried the cry of sir Bertrame/ but he would in no wise agree thereto: And more over he said/ that he would display no banner that day/ but that he would fight under the banner of sir johan de Beull. Than our enemies came in to this meadow/ where as I lighted right now. and as soon as they were entered we broke out of our bushment and entered in to the meadow. And as soon as they saw us they a lighted a foot/ and we in likewise: and so entered each within other/ the● was sore foining each against other/ & divers of both parties overthrown. Thus our battle endured a long space/ without knowing who should have the victory/ but to say the troth/ we were all chosen men of arms/ and many of our enemies were but evil armed/ and were but thieves and robbers/ Howbeit they found us work enough/ and our hands full. But than sir Moris' Cresiquede and sir Geffray Richone/ sir Geffray Caresnell and Morsonase/ followed sir Bertam at the spurs. They came and refreshed us with a threescore spears of good men of arms. & they rushed in with their horses and broke our enemies so a broad/ that they could not assemble together again. And when the capytayus of these pillars saw that the journey went against them/ they took their horses/ not all/ for there abode in the field a three hundred slain and taken: and the chase endured to saint Mors on the river of Loire/ & there they entered in to a bastell. sir Robert Sem/ Robert Herne/ richard Gill/ and jacomyne Clerk. These four saved themself and passed over the river of Loire/ and so entered in to four fortresses/ that their men held on that side the river/ but they tarried not long there/ but road in to Awergne and Lymosyn.  
THus by this journey/ all the country here about was delivered/ for the robbers nor they assembled no more together after. Therefore I say/ that sir Bertram the constable was a valiant man/ and profitable for the realm of France. sir quoth I it is true/ he was a valiant man/ and so is sir Oliver of Clesquyn. and when I named him Clesquyn the knight smiled/ And I demanded of him where at he smiled. sir quoth he I shall show you/ because ye name him Clesquyn/ for that is not his right name nor never was/ though every man call him so/ yet all we of Bretayne call him the same. And sir Bertram while he lived would gladly have had it reformed/ but he could not amend it/ for the word is readier to fall on a man's tongue/ than his right name. Than I desired him of his courtesy/ to show me if there were any great difference between his names. Nay sir quoth he there is no great difference/ but where he is called Clesquyn/ he should be named Glaye aquine. And I shall show you as I have heard it reported/ how that name came to him/ and it is of truth/ For ye shall find it written in the ancient chronicles of Bretaygne. The words of this knight greatly pleased me/ and I said to him Sir/ ye shall do me great pleasure/ to show me the matter/ and I shall never forget it/ for sir Bertram was so valiant a knight/ that his deeds ought to be put in remembrance. That is true qd the knight/ and I shall show you. Thus sir William of Aunsiens began his tale.  
In the season when Charles the great reigned in France/ who conquered and augmented the faith/ and was Emperor of Rome and king of France and of almain/ and lieth at Ayes the chapel. This king Charles/ as we read and find in the ancient chronicles/ For ye know well that all the knowledge in the world is known by writing/ for we have nothing to sound upon truth nor to approve it but by scripture. this king Charles was in Spain divers times/ and at one time he was still there a ix year/ without returning in to France/ but still went forth on his conquest. In the same season the● was a king sarazyn called Aquyn/ he was king of Bougie in Barbary/ right over against spain/ for spain is a great country/ beginning at saint johnns Pie du port/ for the realm of Arragon and Naver/ of Bisquay/ of Portugal/ of Connymbres/ of Lixbone/ of civil/ of Tollet/ of Cordwayne/ and of Lyon. All these be enclosed within Spain/ & other. And this great king Charlemagne/ conquered all these countries. And in this season that the king tarried there so long/ this king Aquyn of Bougy in Barbary/ assembled his men and came by see in to Bretaygne/ and arrived at the port of Wannes/ and he had there with him his wife and children/ and there he conquered and went forward. King Charles was well informed of this voyage/ and how king Aquyn prospered in Bretayne/ but for all that he would not break his viage/ & said. Let him alone in Bretaygne/ it shallbe but a small matter to deliver the country of him and of his. When we have once subdued his country here/ and brought it in to the holy faith. This king Aquyn builded a tower by the See side: not far of fro Wannes'/ a goodly and a fair tower/ and it was called Glaye/ And there this king Aquyn lay moche. And when king Charles had accomplished his viage/ and acquitted all Galyce and spain from all the miscreants/ and the kings saracenes deed and slain/ and all the land turned to the Christian faith. than he returned in to Bretaygne/ and on a day had a great battle against this king Aquyne/ and nigh all the miscreants slain. And so this king Aquyne fled in to the castle of Glaye/ and there he had ready at the foot of the tower a ship/ and therein he entered/ and his wife and his children. But he and his wife made such haste he was so near chased/ that they had no leisure to take with them a young son that lay and slept in the tower/ of a year old. Thus the king and his wife departed by the see/ and this child was found in the tower of Glaye/ and was brought to king Charlemaygne/ who was right joyous of him and said/ how the child should be baptized/ and so he was: and Roland & Oliver held him over the font/ and was named Oliver. And the king gave him all the lands that his father Aquyn had conquered. This child when he came to the age of a man was a good knight/ and his men called him sir Oliver de Glaye aquyn/ because he was found in the tower of Glaye/ & some to the king Aquyn.  
Thus I have showed you the first fowdacyon of sir Bertram of Clesquyn/ who should be called Glaye aquine. And sir Bertram in his days/ after the putting out of king Dompeter of Castyle/ and had crowned king Henry/ said how he would go in to Bougy to demand his heritage/ And without fail so he had done/ for king Henry had lent him men and ships to go in to Bougye with a great army/ if a great let had not broken his voyage. And that was when the prince of Wales made war upon the said king Henry/ and died put him down/ and by puissance died set in to castle again Dompeter. And than at the battle of Marres sir Bertram was taken prisonner by sir johan Chandos/ and was set to ransom at a hundred thousand franks. And at another time he was also taken at the battle of Alroy/ and ransomed again/ at a hundred thousand Frankes. So thus sir bertram's purpose was brokenne/ for the wars between England and France was renewed/ So that they had enough to do. Thus he was lynially descended fro the king of Bougy named aquine/ whose kingdom is in Barbarye. Thus I have showed you the right discente of sir Bertram of Clesquyn/ I thanked him/ and so we came to the town of Prinulley. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the french ambassadors came to the duke of Bretayne/ upon the taking of the constable of France/ and of the answer that was made to them. Cap. xci.  
IF I had been as long in company with this knight sir Guyllyam of Aunsens/ as I was with sir Espayn de Leon/ when I road with him fro the city of Pavyers to Ortayes in Byerne/ Or else as long as I had been with sir Iohn Ferant Pertelette of Portyngale. He would have showed me many things/ but it was not so/ for after dinner when we had ridden a ii leagues we came to a forked way/ the one way was right to Towers in Towrayne/ whether as. I supposed to ride/ & the other way was to Maylle/ whether the knight was determined to ride. So at this way we broke company taking leave each at other/ but between Prinulley and our departing he showed me many things/ and specially of the business in Bretayne/ and how the bishop of Langers was sent in the stead of the bishop of Beawuoys/ who died by the way. and how the bishop of Langers with sir johan de Bowyll and other/ came to the duke of Bretayne/ and of the answer that they had. and on the information of this knight I took my foundation/ and have written as followeth.  
you have herd here be fore/ how these ambassadors departed fro Paris/ fro the king and his counsaye/ well in struct what they should say and do: and so long they road by their journeys/ that they arrived at Nauntes. Than they demanded where the duke was/ it was showed them how he was about the marchesse of whence/ whe● as most accustomably he lay. They road thither/ and so came to the city of Wannes/ it is but twenty miles between. The duke was in the castle called le Mote: than they came before the duke/ who by semblant made to them good and sweet recoil. The bishop of Langers because he was a prelate/ began to speak and to make his preposition well and sagely/ and said. Sir duke/ we are here sent to you fro the king our master and fro his uncles/ the duke of Berrey and of Burgoyne/ to show unto you/ how they have great marvel/ in that the voyage that they would have made in to England is by your means broken/ and have taken and ransomed the Constable of France/ at so high a ransom/ that they are right sorry thereof. And moreover ye will have three of his castles in Bretaygne/ the which shallbe a great annoyance to all the residue of the country/ if they shuloe be hold against them/ with the aid of the town of jugone/ the which is pertaining to the Constable's heritage. Therefore we are charged to show you/ and we say unto you as messengers fro the king our master/ and from his uncles/ that ye render again to the constable of France his heritage/ that ye with hold from him/ and set him again in peaceable possession/ according unto right/ in like manner as they were before/ when they were delivered you perforce/ and by none other right nor title/ that ye have to them. And also/ that ye restore again entirely/ all the money that ye have had of him. And this is the commandment of the king and his counsel/ that ye come personally to Paris/ or where as it shall please the king to assign you/ there to make your excuse. And we repute him so benign and patient/ with that ye be of the blood royal/ that he will here your excuse: And if he be not reasonable/ the duke of Berrey and the duke of Burgoyne will so temper him/ that ye shallbe friends and cousin to the king/ as by reason ye ought to be. Than the bysshopp turned him to sir johan of Beull and said. Sir/ is not this the kings pleasure? and he said yes/ and so died sir johan de Vyen. At these words there were no more present but they four.  
When the duke of Bretaine had heard the bishop of Langers speak/ he studied a little and good cause why for it was a great matter/ and at the last he said. Sirs/ I have well understand your words/ and it is good reason that I so do/ because ye be sent from the king and his uncles. Wherefore in their behalf I will do you all the honour and reverence that I can do/ I am bound thereto/ but your demand and request requireth counsel. Wherefore I shall take counsel with mine/ and make you such answer/ that ye shall be contented. Sir/ ye say well quoth they/ it sufficeth us. Than they departed and went to their lodgings. At night they were desired to dine the next day with the duke. So the next day they came to the duke and were well received/ and so washed and went to dinner & sat down. first the bishop of Langers because he was a prelate/ and than the duke/ than the admiral of France/ and than sir johan de Beulle: They had a great dinner and were well served/ and after dinner they entered in to a counsel chamber/ and there they talked of divers matters/ and heard minstrelsy.  
These lords of France thought surely to have had an answer/ but they had none: Than wine and spices were brought in/ and so made collasyon/ and than took their leave and departed to their lodging. The next day they were appointed to come to the duke/ and so they died/ and the duke received them sweetly and at the last said. Sirr/ I know well ye look to be answered/ for by the words that I have heard you say/ ye are charged by the king and his uncles to bring them an answer. Wherefore I say to you/ that I have done nothing to sir Oliver of Clesquyne/ whereof I should repent me/ saving of one thing/ and that is/ That he had so good a market/ as to escape a live. And in that I saved his life/ was for the love of his office/ and not for his person/ For he hath done me so many displeasures/ that I ought to hate him deadly. And saving the displeasure of the king and of his uncles/ and his counsel. For all the taking of sir Oliver/ I have not thereby broken their voyage by the see. I will well excuse myself therein/ for I thought non evil the day that I took him/ a man ought to take his enemy wheresoever he find him And if he were deed/ I would think the Realm of France to be as well ruled or better/ than it is by his counsel. And as for his castles that I hold/ the which he hath delivered me/ I am in possession of them/ and so will be/ without the puissance of a king take them fro me. And as for rendringe of his money/ I answer/ I have had so moche to do in time passed/ by the means of this sir Oliver of Clysquyn/ that I ran in debt greatly thereby: and now I have paid them that I was bound unto/ by reason of this debt. This was the answer that the duke of Bretaygne made to the kings ambassadors/ Than they laid forth other reasons/ to induce the duke to some reasonable way/ but all his answers turned ever to one conclusion. And when they saw none other way/ they took their leaves to depart/ and the duke gave them leave. than they returned and did so much by their journeys that they came to Paris/ to the house of Beauty/ beside Wynsentes. There was the king & the queen and thither came the duke of Berrey and the duke of Bourgoyne/ having great desire to know what answer the duke of Bretaygne haddemade.  
THe answer ye have herd here before/ I need not to show it again/ but the king and his counsel were not content with the duke of Bretaygne/ that his ambassadors had made no better exploit: and they said/ how the duke was a proud man and a presumptuous/ and that the matter should not so rest in peace/ saying the matter so prejudicial for the Crown of France. And the intention of the king and his counsel was/ to make war against the duke of Bretayne/ and the duke looked for nothing else/ For he saw and knew well/ how he had greatly displeased the king and his counsel/ but he hated so mortally the constable/ that it took fro him the good order of reason/ for he repented him sore/ that he had not put him to death/ when he had him in his danger. Thus the matter continued a long season/ and the duke of Bretayne lay at Wannes/ and little and little road over his country/ for he freared greatly embusshmentes. He kept still in love and favour his cities and good towns/ and made secret treaties with the englishmen/ and made his castles and forteresses to be as well kept/ as though he had had opyn war/ and was in many imaginations on the deed he had done Sometime he would say/ he would he had not taken the constable/ how be it he said ever to stop men's mouths/ that sir Oliver of Clesquyn had sore dishleased him/ so that many a man said/ that else he would never have done it/ thereby he brought his country in fear/ for it is but a small signory/ if a prince be not feared and doubted of his men/ for and the worst fall/ he may have peace when he list. ¶ Now let us leave to speak of the duke of Bretaygne/ and let us somewhat speak of the business that was in the realm of England/ which was in the same season/ horrible and marvelous. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the king of England's uncles were of one accord and alliance against the king and his counsel/ and of the murmuring of the people against the duke of Ireland/ & of the answer of the londoners to the duke of Gloucestre. Cap. xcii.  
YE have herd here before/ how the king of England's uncles/ the duke of york & the duke of Gloucestre/ with th'earl of Salisbury and the earl of Arundel/ the earl of Northumberlande/ the earl of Notyngham/ and the archbishop of Caunterbury. All these were of one alliance and accord/ against the king and his counsel/ for these lords and other/ were not content with the kings counsel/ and said among themself. This duke of Ireland doth with the king what he list/ and with all the realm. The king will not be counseled but by unhappy men/ and of base lineage/ and taketh no regard to the great lords of his realm. As long as he hath such counsel about him/ the business of England can not do well for a realm can not be well governed/ nor a king well counseled/ by such ungracious people. It is seen a poor man mounted in to great estate and in favour with his master/ often times corrupteth & destroyeth the people and the realm. A man of base lineage/ can not know what pertaineth to honour/ their desire is ever to enrich and to have all themselves/ like an Otter in the water/ which coveteth to have all that he findeth. Who hath any profit by that the duke of Ireland is so great with the king? we know full well fro whence he came/ yet we see that all the realm is ruled by him and not by the kings uncles/ nor by none of his blood. This ought not to be suffered. We know well enough/ that the Earl of Oxenford had never the grace to do any valiant deed in this realm: his honour/ wisdom/ counsel or gentleness/ is right well known/ and that was well known once by sir johan Chandos/ in the prince of Wales house at saint Andrew's in Bordeaux. Another demanded what matter was that/ I shall show you quoth the other knight/ for I was there present. There was wine brought on a day into the princes chamber/ where as there were many lords of England with him. & when the prince had drunk/ because sir Iohn Chandos was constable of Acquitayne/ the prince sent him his cup first to drink/ and he took the cup and drank/ and made thereof none offer first to the Earl of Oxenford/ who was father to this duke of Ireland: and after that sir johan Chandos had drunk/ a squire bore the cup to the Earl/ who had such despite that sir johan Chandos had drunk before him/ that he refused the cup/ & would not drink/ and said to the squire in manner of a mock. Go to thy master Chandos/ and bid him drink. Shall I go said the squire/ he hath drunk all ready? Therefore drink you sith he hath offered it to you/ if ye will not drink/ by saint George I shall cast the drink in your face. th'earl when he herd that/ doubted that the squire would do as he said/ and so took the cup/ and set it to his mouth and drank/ or at least made semblant to drink. And sir johan Chandos who was not far thence/ saw well all the matter and held him still till the prince was gone from them: Than he came to the Earl and said. Sir Aubery are ye displeased/ in that I drank before you? I am Constable of this country/ I may well drink before you/ sith my lord the Prince and other lords here/ be content therewith. It is of truth ye were at the battle of Poycters/ but such as were there knoweth not so well as I what ye did the●/ I shall declare it.  
¶ when that my lord the Prince had made his voyage in Languedocke and Carcassone to Narbone/ and was returned hither to this town of Bourdeaux/ ye took on you to go in to England/ What the King said to you at your coming I know right well/ yet I was not there. He demanded of you if ye had furnished your voyage/ and what ye had done with his son the Prince. ye answered/ how ye had left him in good health at Bourdeaux: Than the king said. What and how durst ye be so bold/ to return without him. I commanded you and all other when ye departed/ that ye should not return without him/ on pain of all that ye might forfeit. And you this to return/ I straightly command you/ that within four days ye avoid my realm/ and return again to him/ For and I find you within this my realm the fifth day/ ye shall lose your life/ and all your heritage for ever. And ye feared the kings words/ as it was reason/ and so avoided the realm/ and so your adventure and fortune was good/ for truly ye were with my lord the prince a four days before the battle of Poicters/ And so ye had the day of the battle forty spears under your charge/ and I had therefore. Now ye mayese whether I ought to drink before you or not sith I am constable of ● equytaygne. The earl of Orenforde was a shamed/ and would gladly he had been thence at that time/ but he was fain to suffer and to here those words. This sir johan Chandos said to him in opyn presence. Therefore it is not to be marveled/ though this duke of Ireland/ who is son to the said earl of Oxenford/ be disdainful/ in following the steps of his father. For he taketh upon him to rule all England above the kings uncles. Well quoth some other why should he not/ sith the king will have it so.  
THus the people in the Realm murmured in divers places/ against the duke of Ireland/ And he died one thing that greatly abated his honour/ & that was/ he had first to his wife the daughter of the lord of Coucy/ the lady Isabella/ who was a fair Lady and a good/ and of more noble blood than he is of. But he fell in love with another damosel of the queens of England an almain borne/ and died so moche with pope Vrbayne at Rome/ that he was divorced fro the daughter of the lord Coucy/ without any title of reason/ but by presumption/ and for his singular appetite/ and than wedded the queens maid/ and king richard consented there to. he was so blinded with this duke of Ireland that if he had said. sir/ this is white/ though it had been black/ the king would not have said the contrary. This duke's mother was greatly displeased with him for that deed/ and took in to her company his first wife the lady of Coucy. The duke died evil/ and therefore at length evil came to him. and this was the first principal cause that he was behated for in England/ every thing that turneth to evil/ must have a beginning of evil. This duke of Ireland trusted so moche in the grace and favour of the king/ that he believed/ that no man should trouble him. And it was a common renome through England/ that the● should be a new tax raised through the realm/ that every fire should pay a noble/ and the rich to bear out the poor. The kings uncles knew well it would be a hard matter to bring about. And they had caused certain words to be sown abroad in the cities and good towns of England/ as to say/ how the people of England were sore grieved with tars and talenges/ and how there was great richesse raised/ and that the common people would have accounts of the governors thereof/ as the archbishop of york the duke of Ireland/ sir Simon Burle/ sir Mychaell de la Pole/ sir Nycholas Bramble/ sir Robert Try●●lyen/ sir Peter Golouser/ sir johan Salisbury/ sir johan Beauchampe/ and the masters of the Staple of the wols. The commons said/ that if they would make a true account/ there should be found gold and silver sufficient/ without raising of any new subsidies. It is a common usage/ none is glad to pay money nor to open their purses/ if they may let it.  
THis brute and noise spread so a broad in England/ and specially in the city of London/ which is chief city in the realm/ that all the commons rose and said/ how they would know how the realm was governed. saying/ how it was long sith any account was made. first these londoners drew them to sir Thomas of Woodstock duke of Gloucestre/ though he were younger brother than sir Edmonde duke of york. The common people reputed the duke of Glocestre for a valiant and a sage discrete parson. And when they came before him they said. Sir the good city of London recommaundeth them to you/ and all the people in general requireth you to take upon/ you the governing of the realm. For they know well it is not unknown to you/ how the king and the realm is governed. The common people complaineth them sore/ for the kings counsel demandeth/ tails upon tails/ aids upon aids/ so that the realm hath been more grieved with tails and other subsidies/ not accustomed/ sith the kings coronation/ than in fifty year before/ and it is not known where the richesse is become. Wherefore sir/ may it please you to provide some remedy/ or else the matter will go evil/ for the commons crieth out thereon. Than the duke answered and said/ fair sirs I have heard you well speak/ but I alone can not remedy this matter/ how be it I see well ye have cause to complain/ and so hath all other people. But though I be uncle to the king and son to a king: though I should speak thereof/ yet nothing shallbe done for all that/ For the king my nephew hath such counsel as now about him/ whom he believeth better than himself/ which counsel leadeth him as they list. But if ye will come to the effect of your desires/ it must behove you to have of your accord and agreement/ all the cities and good towns of England. And also some prelate's and noble personages of the realm/ and so come together in to the kings presence/ and I & my brother shallbe there. And than ye may say to the king. Right dear sir/ ye were crowned very young/ and evil ye have been counseled/ as yet hither unto/ Nor ye have not takenne good regard to the business of this your Realm/ by reason of the poor and young counsel that ye have about you. Whereby the matters of your realm hath had but small and evil effects/ as ye have seen and known right well. For if God haddenat showed his grace/ this realm had been lost and destroyed. Therefore sir/ here in the prensens of your uncles/ we require your grace/ as humble subjects ought to desire their prince/ that your grace will find some remedy/ that this noble Realm of England/ and the noble crown thereof/ which is descended to you/ from the noble king Edward the third/ who was the most nobles king that ever was/ sith England was first inhabited/ that it may be sustained in sprosperyte and honour/ and your people that complaineth/ to be kept and maintained in their right/ the which to do/ your grace died swear the day of your Coronation. And that it may please you to call together the three estates of your Realm/ prelate's and barownes'/ and wisemen of your cities and good towns. and that they may regard if the governing of your realm that is passed/ be well or not. And sir/ if they perceive that it hath been well/ than such as be in office to remaygne still/ as long as it shall please your grace: and if they be found contrary/ th aūe they in courtesy manner to be avoided fro your person/ and other notable and discrete persons to be set in to office. First by your noble advise/ & by the consent of my lords your uncles/ and noble prelate's and barones of your realm. And sirs quoth the duke of Gloucester/ when ye have made this supplication to the king/ he will than make you some manner of answer. If he say that he will take counsel in the matter/ than desire to have ashorte day. And poise so the matter before hand/ to put the king and such marmosettes as be about him to some fear. say to him boldly/ that the Realm will no lengar suffer it/ and that it is marvel/ how they have suffered it so long/ and I and my brother/ and the bishop of Caunterburye/ and the Earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Arundel/ and the earl of Northumberland will be by/ for without we be present speak no word thereof. We are the greatest personages of England/ and we shall aid to sustain your words. For all we shall say/ how your desire is but reasonable. And when he heareth us speak/ he will agree there to/ or else he doth amiss/ and thereupon appoint a time: This is the best counsel I can give you. Than the Londoners answered and said. Sir/ ye counsel us nobly. But sir/ it will be hard for us to find the king and you/ and all these lords together in one place. Nay nay quoth the duke it may well be done/ saint George's day is now within this sire days. The king will be than at wyndsore: & ye know well the duke of Ireland will be there/ and sir Simon Burle and many/ other and my brother and I and th'earl of Salisbury shall be there/ therefore provide for the matter against that tyme. Sir quoth they it shallbe done/ and so they departed right well content with the duke of Gloucester. Than when saint George's day came/ the king and the queen were at Wyndsore/ and made there a great feast/ as his predecessors had done before/ the next day after the feast of saint George. thither came the londoners to the number of threescore horse/ and of york as many/ and many oaths of divers good towns of England/ & they lodged in the town of Wyndsore/ The king was determined to depart to place a three leagues thence/ and when he knew of the coming of the people to speak with him/ he would the sooner have been gone: He said he would in no wise speak with them. But than his uncles and th'earl of Salisbury said. sir/ ye may not with your honour thus depart. The people of your good towns of England/ are come hither to speak with you. Sir/ it is necessary that ye hear them/ and to know what they demand/ and there after ye may answer them or else take counsel to answer them. So thus full sore against the kings mind he was fain to tarry. than they came into his pres●ns in the great hall allow/ there was the king and both his uncles/ and the archbishop of Caunterbury/ the bishop of Wynchester/ and the Chancellor/ and the earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Northumber/ land and divers other. There this people made their request to the king/ and a burges of London spoke for them all/ named sir Simeon of Subery/ a sage man and well languaged/ and there declared well and boldly the effect of thinformation that the duke of Gloucester had showed them/ before as ye have herd When the king had heard him well/ he said. Among you commons of my realm/ your requests are great and long/ they are not over soon to be sped/ we shall not be together again a long season/ and also great part of my counsel is not here present. Therefore I say unto you/ get you home again & sit in rest/ and come not again till the feast of michaelmas/ without ye be sent for/ at which time our parliament shallbe at westminster. Than come & bring your requests and we shall show it to our counsel/ and that is good we shall accept it/ and that ought to be refused we shall condemn. But sirs/ think not that we will be ruled by our common people/ that shall never be seen/ as for our governing nor in the governance of them that rule under us/ we see nothing but right & justice. Than a seven of them all with one voice answered and said. Right redoubted sovereign saying your gracious displeasure/ as for justice in your realm is right feeble/ your grace knoweth not all/ nor can not know. your grace neither demandeth for it nor enquereth therefore/ and such as be of your counsel forbear to show it you/ because of their own profit. For sir/ it is no justice to cut of heeds/ hands/ and feet/ such manner of punysshmentes be not laudable. But sir/ good justice is to keep your people in right/ and to set such ways and order/ as they might live in peace/ that they should have none occasion to grudge or to make any commosyon. And sir/ we say that ye set us to long a day/ as to Mighelmas. sir/ we may be never so well eased as now/ Wherefore sir/ we say all by one assent that we will have account/ and that shortly/ of them that hath governed your realm/ sith your coronation. And we will know Where your Revenues is become/ with all the taxes/ tails/ and subsidies this nine years paste/ and whereon they have been bestowed. If such as are your treasurers make a good account/ or near thereunto/ we shall be right joyous/ and suffer them to govern still. And if they can not acquit themself therein truly/ they shallbe reformed by your deputies established to that purpose/ as my lords your uncles & other. With those words the king beheld his uncles & held his peace/ to see what they would say. Than sir Thomas duke of Gloucester said. Sir/ in the request and prayer of these good people the commons of your realm/ I see nothing therein but right and reason. Sir quoth the duke of york it is of truth/ and so said all the other prelate's and barons that were there present. Than the duke of Gloucester said again. Sir/ it is but reason that ye know where your good is become. The king saw well/ how they were all of one accord/ and saw how this chafe Marmosettes durst speak no word/ for there were to many great men against them. Well quoth the king I am content. Let them be rid away/ for summer season cometh on and hunting time/ whereunto we will now intend: Than the king said to the people. Sirs/ would ye have this matter shortly dispatched? yea sir quoth they/ and that humbly we beseech your grace. And also we beseech all my lords here/ and specially my lords your uncles to be there at. We are content quoth they/ for the apeysing of all parties/ as well for the king as for the Realm/ for our part lieth therein. Than they said again. We desire also the reverend father in god/ the archbishop of Caunterbury/ the bishop of Lyncolne/ and the bishop of Wynchester to be there. They answered and said/ they were content so to be. Than again they desired all other lords to be there/ that were there present/ as the earl of Salisbury and the Earl of Northumberlande/ sir Reynolde Cobham/ sir Guy Brian sir Iohn Felton/ sir Mathewe Gourney. and moreover they said/ they would ordain that of every good city and town in England/ there should be a three or four notable persons/ and they should determine for all the hole commonty of England. Than this matter was determined/ and to assemble the utas of saint George at Westmynster. And there all the treasurers/ collectors/ and officers of the kings to be there/ and to make there accounts before these said lords. The king was content therewith/ and was brought to it by fairness and not before/ by the desire of his uncles and other lords: It seemed to him behovable/ to know where his treasure was become. Thus amiably every man departed fro Wyndsore/ and the lords went to London/ & the treasurers and other officers were send for throughout the realm/ to come with their full accounts on pain of dishonouring/ & loss of all that they had/ and life. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the day of account came/ and there the officers appeared in the presence of the kings uncles & commons of England/ and how sir Simon Burle was prisoner in the tour of London/ and how sir Thomas trivet died. Cap. xciii.  
THe day prefixed came that all ꝑtes appeared at westminster/ & such as should make their accounts appeared before the kings uncles/ and such other prelate's and lords/ with other as were assigned to hear them. This account endured more than a month/ and some there were that made their accounts neither good nor honourable/ & such were punished both by their bodies and by their goods. sir Simon Burle was cast in arrearage of ii C. and l. M. franks/ because he was one of the governors in the kings youth. And he was demanded where this good was bestowed/ he excused himself by the bishop of york & sir William Nevell saying how he died nothing but by their counsel/ and by the kings chamberleyns/ sir Robert Tryvilyen/ sir Robert Beauchampe/ sir john Salisbury sir Nycholas Brawl/ sir Peter Goufer/ and other. And when they were demanded thereof before the counsel/ they denied the matter/ & laid all the fault in him. And the duke of Ireland said to him privily between them two. Sir Simon/ I understand ye shallbe arrested and set in prison/ and hold there till ye have paid the some that is demanded/ nothing shallbe abated. Go your way whether soever they send you/ I shall rightwell make your peace/ though they had all sworn the contrary. I ought to receive of the constable of France threescore. M. franks/ for the ransom of johan of Bretaygne/ son to saint Charles of Bloys/ the which some ye know well is owing to me/ I shall present the counsel therewith at this tyme. And finally the king is our sovereign lord/ he shall pardon and forgive it you clearly/ for the profit ought to be his and no man's else. Sir qd sir Simon Burle/ if I thought not that ye should help against the king/ and to bear out my deeds/ I would depart out of England and go in to Almaigne/ and to the king of Beam for thither I could be welcome: and so let the matter run a season till the world be better appeased. Than the duke said. I shall never fail you/ we are companions and all of one sect. ye shall take day to pay their demand/ I know well ye may pay and ye list in ready money/ more than a hundred thousand franks ye need not fear the death/ ye shall not be brought to that point/ ye shall see the matter otherwise change before the feast of saint Michael/ when I have the king once at my will/ whereof I am sure. For all that he doth now at this time is by force and against his will. We must appease these cursed londoners/ and lay down this slander & brute that is now raised against us and ours.  
SIr Simon Burle had a little trust on the words of the duke of Ireland/ and so came before the lords of England dukes/ earls/ barons/ and counsel of the good towns. Than it was said to him. Sir Simon/ ye have always been a notable knight in the realm of England/ and ye were well beloved with my lord the prince. And ye and the duke of Ireland have had in a manner the governing of the king. We have seen all your matters and well examined them/ the which be neither good nor fair/ which greatly displeaseth us/ for your own sake. It is clearly determined by the hole general counsel that ye must go to prison/ in to the tower of London/ & there to remain till ye have brought into this chamber the money of the kings/ and of the realms that ye have gathered. the which as it appeareth by the treasurers rolls draweth to the some of two hundred and thirty thousand franks. Now look what ye will say. Than sir Simon was half discomforted and said. Sirs I shall with a good will/ And also it behoveth me so to do/ to fulfil yo● commandment. I shall go where as ye command me. But my lords I require you let me have a clerk assigned to me/ that he may write all such expenses as I have laid out in time past/ in Almaigne & in Beam/ in procuring the kings marriage. And if there be any rest/ I beseech you let me have the kings grace and yours/ that I may have reasonable days to pay it. Sir quoth the lords we are content. Thus sir Simon Burle was in prison in the tower of London.  
THan the constable spoke of sir William Helmon and of sir Thomas trivet/ for they were not greatly in the favour of some of the barons of England/ nor of the commonty of the realm/ for the viage that they made in to Flaunders/ For it was said/ that never englishmen made so shameful a viage. The bishop of Norwyche and sir Hugh Caurell/ that was as than captain of Calais were excused. & laid to the others charge/ how they had taken money for the giving up of Burbourcke and Gravelling/ Some said/ that that deed was treason. they were sent for and sir William Helmon came/ but sir Thomas Tryver was excused I shall show you how. ¶ The same week that he was sent for/ being in his own house in the north part/ he road out into the fields upon a young horse that he had and spurred him so that the horse ran away with him/ over bushes and hedges/ and at last fell in a dyke and broke his neck/ and so sir Thomas Trivet died which was great damage/ and his death was greatly complained with many good men of the realm. yet for all that his heirs were fain to pay a certain some of florins to the Counsel to the kings behove/ as they said. But the chief encyting of those matters came by the kings uncles/ and by the general counsel of the country/ as it appeared after in England. For of truth/ though the duke of Gloucestre was the youngest brother in age/ yet he was most ancient in the business of the realm/ for he drew to that opinion that most of the noble men/ and prelate's and the commons held. When that sir Themns Tryvettes composition was made after his death/ by the manner as ye have herd here before/ thereby the penance of sir William Helmon was greatly assuaged. He entered with the counsel/ and by the means of the valiantness of his body/ and the good service that he had done divers times for England/ as well in Bourdeloyes as in Guienne and in Picardye/ where he was always proved a good knight. There was nothing laid to his reproach/ but taking of the money/ for the deliverance of Burborcke and Gravelling. Than he excused himself with fair and sweet words/ and made divers reasonable reasons/ & said. My lords/ who so ever were in like case as we were in that time in the garrison of Bourburke/ I think would do as we did. I have herd sir Iohn Chandos and sir Gaultier of many say divers times/ who were right wise and of great valour. How that a man ought of two or three ways chose the best way/ and whereby most to endamage his enemies. And thus sir Thomas trivet and I/ being in the garrisons of Bourburke and Gravelling/ and saw how we were enclosed on all parties/ and no comfort appearing to us from any part. And perceived well/ how we could not endure many assaults/ for they that lay about us/ were as chosen men of arms/ as ever I saw/ or I trow any other Englysshemennes. For as I knew justly by the report of our harraude/ they were at least/ a sixteen thousand men of arms/ knights and squires/ and a xl thousand of other. And we were not passed a three hundred spears and as many archers. And also our garrison was of such circuit/ that we could not intend on every place. And that we well perceived by an assault that was made us on a day/ For while we were at our defence on the one part/ they cast in fire on the other part/ whereby we were greatly abashed and that our enemies right well perceived. And therefore to say the truth/ the French king and his counsel wrought by great gentleness/ seeing the case that we were in/ to give us truce. For if they had given us another assault the next day/ as they were ordained to do/ I think they had taken us at their pleasure. yet for all this/ they courtesly treated with us/ by the means of the duke of Bretayne/ who took great pain in that matter. And where as we should have given them money for our raunsommes/ if we had been taken/ as it was likely/ they gave us money/ whereby we died them damage/ and it was in them to have endamaged us. We thought we conquered greatly on them when we had of their money/ and departed ourself safe and without trouble/ and had with us all that we had won in all the war time/ on the fronters of Flaunders. And my lords beside that/ to purge me of all blame/ if there be any person in England or without/ knight or esquire/ Except the persons of my lords the dukes of Lancastre/ york/ & Gloucester/ that will say and abide thereby/ that I have done any untruth to the king my natural lord/ or accuse me of any treason. I am here ready to receive his gauge/ and to put my body in adventure by deeds of arms to prove the contrary/ as the judge thereto assigned shall ordain. These words and such other/ and the valiantness of the knight excused him greatly/ and saved him from the apparel of death: And afterward he returned again in to his former estate/ and was after that a right valiant knight/ and advanced in to the kings Counsel. But as at that time/ sir Simon Burle was not delivered out of prison/ for the kings uncles hated him greatly/ and so died all the commonty of England. The king died all that he might to have had him delivered/ all the season that he lay at Shene/ but his counsel said it might not be/ for his reckonings were not clear. Than the king departed and the duke of Ireland in his company/ and road towards Bristol: and the Queen with other ladies and damoselles with her. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the king of England departed from London/ and how sir Simon Burle was beheaded at London and his nephew also/ and how the duke of Lancaster was disposed. Cap. xciiii.  
FOr all that the King departed from the marchesse of London/ yet the kings uncles nor their counsel departed not/ but tarried still about London. ye have herd often times said/ that if the heed be sick/ all the members can not be well/ the malady must first be purged. I say it/ because this duke of Ireland was so great with the king that he ruled him as he list. He and sir simon Burle/ were two of the principal counsellors that the king had: for they had a long season governed the king and the realm. And they were had in suspect that they had gathered richesses without number/ and the renown ran in divers places/ that the duke of Ireland and sir Simon Burle had a long season gathered together money and sent it in to Almaigne: For it was come to the knowledge of the kings uncles/ and to the counsellors of the good cities and towns of England/ that held of their party/ how they had sent out of the castle of Dover by see in the night time in to Almaigne/ certain coffers and chests full of money. They said it was falsely and felonously done/ to assemble the richesse of the realm/ and to send it in to other strange countries/ whereby the realm was greatly impoverysshed/ and the people were sorrowful and said/ that gold and silver was so dear to get/ that all merchandise were as deed and lost/ and they could not imagine how it was/ but by this means.  
THese words multiplied in such wise that it was ordained by the kings uncles/ and by the counsels of the good towns that were annexed unto them/ that sir Simon Burle had deserved punishment of death And also the archbishop of Caunterbury said/ that in the season when the french king should have come with his army in to England/ this sir Simon Burle gave counsel that the shrine of saint Thomas of canterbury should have been taken down and brought in to Dover castle. And the noise was that he would have had it so/ to th'intent that if he had been in any danger/ to have taken and stolen it/ and conveyed it out of England These matters were so laid to his charge/ that none excuse could be herd/ but on a day he was brought out of the tower and beheaded like a traitor/ god have mercy on his soul. To write of his shameful death/ right sore displeaseth me/ how be it I must needs do it to follow the history. Greatly I complain his death/ for when I was young I found him a gentle knight/ sage and wise/ but by this enfortune he died.  
HIs nephew and heir sir Richard Burle/ was with the duke of Lancastre in Galyce the sameseason that this case fell in England/ and one of the most renowned in all his host/ next the Constable/ for he was as sovereign Marshal of all the host/ and was chief of counsel with the duke ye may well believe that when he knew of the death of his uncle/ he was sore displeased: And also this gentle knight sir Richard Burle died in the same journey on his bed by reason of sickness/ as many other died: as ye shall here after/ at place and time convenient. When king richard knew of the death of this knight/ as he was in the marchesse of Wales/ he was sore disposed/ and swore/ how the matter should not pass/ sith they had so put to death his knight/ without good reason or title of right. The queen also was sorry and wept for his death/ because he fetched her out of almain. Such as were of the kings counsel doubted greatly/ as the duke of Ireland/ sir Nicholas Bramble/ sir Thomas Tryvilyen/ sir Iohn Beauchampe/ sir johan Salisbury/ and sir Mychaell de la Poule. Also the kings uncles had put out of office the archbishop if york named William Nevell/ brother germayne to the lord Nevell of Northumberland/ which bishop had long been treasurer of all England. And the duke of Gloucestre had charged him to meddle no more with the business of the realm/ on pain of his life/ but that he should go to york or thereabout/ whe● it pleased him in his benefice/ and dwell there and meddle no further. And also it was showed him/ how the honour of his lineage/ & in that he was a priest/ excused him of many great matters/ sore prejudicial to his honour And also it was showed him/ that the most part of the counsel of the commonty would have had him disgrated and put to death/ in like manner as sir Simon Burle was.  
So he departed fro London and went in to the north to dwell on his benefice. with this he & all his lineage were sore disposed/ and thought surely that the earl of Northombrelande had brought that matter to pass/ for all that he was of his lineage/ and were neighbours. In to his room was chosen a right valiant/ a wise/ & a sage clerk/ the archbishop of Caunterbury/ who was greatly in the favour of the kings uncles. He was come of the Montague and Salysburies'/ and was uncle to the earl of Salysbury. there was made of the kings counsel by the advise of all the commons/ th'earl of Salysbury/ the earl richard of Arundel/ the earl of Northumberlande/ the earl of devonshire/ the earl of Notyngham/ the bishop of Norwyche called sir Henry Spenser. the bishop of Wynchestre chancellor of England abode still in his office/ and was with the kings uncles. the most renowned man in the counsel next the duke of Gloceste was sir Thomas Montague archbishop of Caunterbury/ and well he was worthy/ for he was a discrete prelate/ & took great pain to reform the royalme and to bring it in to the right way/ and that the king should put from him the marmosettes that troubled all the royalme. often times he would speak with the duke of york in that matter/ & the duke would say to him/ sir bishop I trust the matters shall otherwise fall little and little/ then the king my nephew and the duke of Ireland thinketh/ but it must be done according to reason/ and to abide the time to be to hasty is no good mean/ for surely/ if we had not perceived them be times they would have brought the king and the royal me in such case/ that it should have been at the point of losing. The french king and his counsel knew right well our dealing and what case we were in/ and that caused that french men to advance themself to have come hither so puissantly as they would have done/ to have destroyed us. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the counsel drew together for the reformation of the king and of the realm/ and how by the counsel of the duke of Ireland the king was of the accord too make war against his uncles/ & against the cities and towns. Ca xcv.  
IN like manner as the kings uncles and the new counsel of England being at London/ devised of the business of England to reform it/ & to bring it into good estate. So on the other side/ the duke of Ireland and his counsel imagined night and day/ how they might continue in their estates/ and to condemn the kings uncles/ as ye shall hereafter. when king Richard was come to Bristol & the/ queen with him: they kept themself in the Castle there/ and men that were far of/ believed that the king lay there for savour of the duke of Ireland/ who said that he would go in to Ireland/ and it was said/ that the king would see him dispatched It was agreed by the general counsel/ that if he would go in to Ireland/ he should have at the cost of the realm five hundred men of arms/ and fifteen hundred archers/ and that he should abide there three year/ and to be well and truly paid/ how be it the duke had no great will to make that viage/ for he saw well the king was young/ and as than he might rule as he list. Therefore he feared if he should go far of/ that the love and the favour that he was in with the king should assuage. Also beside that/ he was in such love with one of the queens damosels/ called Lancegrone/ that in no wise he could leave the sight of her. She was a fair and a pleasant vamosell/ and was come with the queen out of the realm of Beam. This duke loved her so entirely/ that he would gladly be divorced fro his own wife/ who was daughter to the lord of Coucy/ and died send for that intent to Rome to pope Vrbayne. All the good people of the realm had marvel thereof/ and dispraised him greatly/ for that the good lady was dought/ to the daughter of good king Edward/ & of the good queen philip. The duke of york and the duke of Gloucestre took that deed in great despite but for all their hate the duke of Ireland set little thereby/ for he was so blinded with loving of this damosel/ that he promised to be divorced/ and to marry her. He doubted not the pope's grant/ so that he might get the kings and the queens good will/ for he reputed his wife that he had french/ & brought up in France/ and so was her father the lord of Coucy/ and he had made war against pope Vrbayne/ in the title of pope Clement/ wherefore pope Vrbayne loved not that blood. Therefore he said/ the pope would incline the lightlier to his divorce. This matter the duke died put forth/ and promised to Lancegrone to marry her. This duke had a mother a widow/ called the old countess of Oxenford/ she agreed not to the opinion of her son/ but blamed him greatly of his folly/ and said: How god would be sore displeased with him/ and pay him one day for all/ and than it would be to late to repent. and she took the duchess to her/ and kept her still in her estate. And such as ought the lady any good will/ gave her great thanks therefore.  
THus I have showed you part of the business of England/ that fell in this season. And yet I shall proceed further/ as I was informed. ye have herd how the duke of Ireland was about the king in the marches of Wales/ and night and day imagined on none other thing/ but how he might bring about his intent. And so served the king and the queen with fair words to please them/ and caused all other knights and squires there about/ to come to Bustowe to see the king and the queen and made them great sport in hunting. the king suffered him to do what he list. The same season that the king lay at Bristol on the river of Severn/ in the marches of Wales/ The duke of Ireland took great pain to ride in and out/ and specially in to Wales/ and said to such as would hear him gentlemen or other. How the kings uncles/ to have the sovereignty of the realm/ had dismissed out of the kings counsel/ noble/ valiant and sage personages/ As the archbishop of york/ the bishop of Dyrhame/ the bishop of London/ sir Mychaell de la Poule/ sir Nicholas Bramble/ sir johan Salisbury/ sir Robert Tryvilyen sir johan Beauchampe/ & himself/ and had put to death a valiant knight sir Simon Burle/ So that and they multiply in their estate/ they will destroy all England. This duke of Ireland died so moche/ and preached so to the people/ and to the knights and squires of Wales/ and of the countries there about/ that the most part believed him. And on a day they came in general to the king to Bristol/ and demanded of him/ if that it were his pleasure/ as the duke of Ireland had showed them. The king answered and said/ yea truly. And prayed and commanded them/ as they loved him/ to believe him/ and said he would avow all that he should do/ affirming how he thought his uncles were to high minded so that he feared lest they would surmount him/ and take away his realm from him. And they of the marches of Wales/ always loved the prince of Wales/ father to the king. For by the tidings they heard out of the marches of London/ they thought justly/ that the king and the duke of Ireland had good cause: And so demanded of the king what his pleasure was to do. The king answered and said/ how he would gladly that the londoners that had done him so great trespasses/ that they were corrected and brought to reason/ & his uncles in likewise. They of Wales said/ they were bound to obey their king/ nor they ought no faith nor homage to no man but to him/ for he was their king & sovereign lord. Wherefore they said/ they were ready to go whither soever the king did command them. The king was well content with that answer/ and in likewise so was the duke of Ireland. When the Duke saw that the king would show that the business was pertaining to himself/ and that he had so good desire to destroy his adversaries/ and to bring them to reason. He had thereof great joy/ and said to them of his counsel. We can not do better than to return to London/ and show our puissance. And so to do/ either by fair words or otherwise/ to bring the Londoners to their accord/ and to be obeissant to the kings commandment. Always they informed the king/ how that it was a great loss to a realm/ when there be many heeds & chief governors/ and how there could no good come thereby/ and the king affirmed the same and said/ how he would no longer suffer it/ but that he would find such remedy/ that other Realms should take ensample by his realm.  
Now sirs. I report me if I have not good cause to say/ the the realm of England in this season/ was in great paryll and adventure to have been lost/ without recovery? For the king was moved against his uncles/ and against a great part of all the great lords of the realm/ and they against him: And the cities and good towns one against another: And the prelate's had great indignation one against another/ so that none could remedy it/ but alonely god. When the duke of Ireland saw that he had the agreement of the king/ and of the most part of them of the country of Wales: than he came to the king & said. sir/ if ye will institute & make me your lieutenant/ I shall take a xii or a fifteen thousand men with me/ and go to the marchesse of London or to Oxenforde/ your city and mine/ and there we will show our puissance against these Londoners & your uncles/ who have so great indignation against you. They have put to death some of your counsel. And sir/ either by fair words or otherwise/ we shall bring them to reason. The king said he was content/ Saying/ I will and ordain you/ to be the chief sovereign of my Realm/ and to raise up men where ye can get them/ and lead them whether ye think best/ to augment our sygnorie and realm. And to the intent that every man shall clearly see that the hole Realm pertaineth to me/ I will that ye bear with you my banners and standards/ and other abylmetes of war/ such as I would bear myself in battle. And I think that if the people see my banners displayed/ they shall take courage and hardiness to sustain my quarrel. And I will ye punish such rebels as will not obey you/ in such wise/ as all other may take ensample by them. I believe all such as shall see my banners wave in the wind/ shall put themself under them/ and shallbe afraid to disobey our commandment. These words greatly rejoiced the duke of Ireland.   

¶ oHwe the king of England made his summons to draw towards London: and how sir Robert Tryvylyen was taken at westminster and beheaded/ by the commandment of the kings uncles. Capi. xcvi.  
THe king made his assemble in the country of Wales/ and about the frontiers of Bristol/ a long the river of Severn. divers lords and knights were send for/ some excused themself lawfully/ and some came at the kings commandment/ how be it they doubted lest great evil should come of that enterprise. In this mean season/ the king and the duke of Ireland had a secret counsel between them/ and determined to send some of their men in to the marchesse of London/ to see and to know how the kings uncles did/ and what they purposed to do. they studied whom they might send in that business to know the truth. than a knight cousin to the duke of Ireland and of his counsel/ called sir Robert Tryvilyen said. sir/ ye make doubt whom to send that is trusty to London/ For the love of you I shall take on me to do that journey. whereof the Duke thanked him/ and likewise so died the king Therewith this sir Robert Tryvilyen departed from Bristol disguised/ in manner of a poor merchant upon a little Nag/ and so came to London/ and took his lodging where he was unknown/ & so tarried there a certain space and learned what he could. At last he understood that the kings uncles and the new counsel of England would keep a secret parliament at Westmynster/ wherefore he thought to go and lie there/ to learn what should be done there. And so he came and lodged at Westmynster/ the same day that their counsel began/ and lodged in an al●house/ right over against the palies gate/ and there he was in a chamber looking out at a window down in to the court/ & there he might see them that went in and out to the counsel/ and he knew nerehande every man but none knew him/ because of his apparel. At last on a day asquyer of the duke of Gloucesters knew him/ for he had often times been in his company. And assoon as sir Robert Trivylien saw him he knew him well and withdrew himself out of the window The squire had suspicious thereof/ and said to himself. Me think I see yonder sir Robert Trivylen/ and to th'intent to know the truth he entered in to the lodging and said to the wife. Dame who is that that is above in the chamber? is he alone or with company? Sir quoth she I can not show you/ but he hath been here a long space. Therewith the squire went up the better to advise him and saluted him/ and saw well it was true/ but he feigned himself and turned his tale and said: God save you good man. I pray you be not myscontented/ for I took you for a farmer of mine in Essere/ for ye are like him. Sir quoth he I am of Kent/ and a farmer of sir johan of Hollandes'/ and there be men of the bishop of Caunterburyes that would do me wrong/ and I am come hither to complain to the counsel. Well quoth the squire if ye come in to the palys I will help to make your way/ that ye shall speak with the lords of the counsel. Sir I thank your qd he/ and I shall not refuse your aid.  
THan the squire called for a pot of ale and drank with him/ and paid for it and bad him farewell and departed/ and never seized till he came to the counsel chamber door/ and called the usher to open the door. Than the usher demanded what he would/ because the lords were in counsel? He answered and said/ I would speak with my lord and master the duke of Gloucester/ for a matter that right near toucheth him and all the counsel. then the usher let him in/ and when he came before his master he said. Sir/ I have brought you great tidings. What be they quoth the duke? Sir quoth the squire I will speak a loud/ for it toucheth you and all my lords here present. I have seen sir Robert Trivylyen disguised in a villains habytte/ in an alehouse here without the gate. Trivylien quoth the duke? yea truly sir quoth the squire ye shall have him or ye go to dyner/ if you please. I am content quoth the duke/ and he shall show us some news of his master the duke of Ireland. Go thy way & fetch him/ but look that thou be strong enough so to do that thou fail not. The squire went forth and took four sergiauntes with him/ and said. Sirs/ follow me a far of/ and as soon as I make to you a sign/ and that I lay my hand on a man that I go for/ Take him and let him not escape. Therewith the squire entredde in to the house where Tryvylien was/ and went up in to the chamber/ and as soon as he saw him he said. Trivylien/ ye are not come in to this country for no goodness. My lord the duke of Gloucester commandeth that ye come and speak with him The knight would have excused himself & said. I am not Trivylien/ I am a farmer of sir johan of Hollandes. Nay nay quoth the squire/ your body is Trivylien but your habytte is not/ And therewith he made token to the sergiauntes that they should take him Than they went up in to the chamber & took him/ and so brought him to the palace. ye may be sure there was great press to see him for he was well known. Of his taking the duke of Gloucestre was right joyful/ and would see him. And when he was in his presence the duke said. Trivylien. What thing make you here in his country? Where is the king? where left you him? Trivylien when he saw that he was so well known/ and that none excusation could aveyle him/ said. sir/ the king sent me hither to learn tidings/ and he is at Bristol and hunteth along the river of Severn. What quoth the duke/ ye are not come like a wise man/ but rather like a spy. if ye would have come to have learned tidings/ ye should have come in the state of a knight. Sir quod Trivylien/ if I have trespassed I are pardon/ for I was caused this to do. Well sir quoth the duke/ and where is your master the duke of Ireland. Sir quoth he/ of a troth he is with the king. it is showed us here quoth the duke that he assembleth moche people/ and the king for him. whether will he lead that people? Sir quoth he/ it is to go in to Ireland. In to Ireland quoth the duke of Gloucester/ yea sir truly quoth Trivylien. And than the duke studied a little and said. A Trivylen Trivylien/ your business is nouther fair nor good. ye have done great folly to come in to this country/ for ye are not beloved here/ and that shall well be seen. you and such other of your affinity have done great displeasures to my brother and to me. and ye have troubled to your power and with your evil counsel/ the king/ and divers other nobles of the realm. Also ye have moved certain good towns against us. Now is the day come that ye shall have your payment/ for he that doth well by reason should find it. Think on your business/ for I will neither eat nor drink till ye be deed. That word greatly abashed Trivylen/ for gladly there is no man would here of his end. He would fain have excused himself with fair language/ in lowly humbling himself/ for he could do nothing to appease the duke/ for he was so informed of him/ and of other of the duke of Irelandes sect/ that nothing availed him. Where to should I make lengar the matter/ sir Robert Trivylien was delivered to the hangman/ and so led out of westminster and there beheaded/ and after hanged on a gibbet. Thus ended sir Robert Trivylien. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How tidings came to the king of the death of his knight/ & demanded counsel thereon: And how he ordained the duke of Ireland sovereign of all his men of war. Capi. xcvii.  
Shortly these tidings came to king Richard & to the duke of Ireland being at Bristol/ how sir Roberte Tryvylyen was shamefully put to death. The king took that matter in great despite and said and swore/ that the matter should not rest in that case. And how that his uncles had done evil without title or reason/ to put to death his men and knights/ and such as had truly served him and his father the prince: Whereby he said/ it seemed that they would take fro him the crown of England/ and that the matter touched him near. Than the archbysshope of york who was sovereign of his counsel/ and had been long/ said. Sir ye demand counsel and I shall give you counsel. your uncles and such as been of their accord/ erreth greatly against you: for it seemeth by them they would show how ye be counseled but by traitors. They would have none to beat any rule but themself. It is great apparel for all the realm for if the commons should rise and rebel great mischief should fall in England/ if the lords and great men be not friends together and all one. Wherefore sir/ I counsel you find remedy with puissance. ye are as now here in a country well peopled and named/ Send out your commandment to all such as are bound to serve you/ gentlemen and other. And when they be all assembled/ send them in to the marchesse of London/ & make your general captain the duke of Ireland who gladly will take on him the charge/ and let no banner nor penon be borne but all only yours/ to show thereby that the matter toucheth no man but you. and all the country in going thither/ will turn and take part with you and draw to your banners. and peraventure the landoners will take your part/ for they hate you not/ for ye died them never displeasure: All the hurt ye have had your uncles have caused it. Sir/ here is sir Nicholas Bramble who hath been mayre of London/ and ye made him knight/ for such service as he died you on a day/ who knoweth and aught to know the manner of them of London for he was borne there/ and it can not be but that he hath good friends there. Therefore sir/ desire his counsel in this matter that toucheth you so near. For sir/ by evil information & rumour of the people/ ye may lose your signory. Than the king spoke to sir Nicholas Bramble and required him to speak. And at the kings request sir Nycholas said. Sir/ and it like your grace/ and all my lord here present/ I shall speak gladly/ after the little knowledge that I have. first I say I can not believe but that the most part of the londoners oweth love and favour to the king that here is/ for perfitly they loved the prince his father/ and that they well showed/ when the villains rebelled/ for according to the truth if they had taken part with the villains/ they had destroyed the king and the realm. And moreover/ the kings uncles have as now a good time/ for they disport themself among them/ and inform the people as they lift/ for there is none to say against them. They have put me out and all the kings of fycers/ and have put in them of their affinity and have sent the king hither to one of the borders of his realm. There can no good be imagined of this/ nor it can not be known per●●rely what they intend/ it is a herd matter. but by that they show they would put the king out of his realm/ for they go all by puissance/ and the king doth all by gentleness. They have put to death that gentle knight sir Simon Burle/ who hath done the king much fair service/ in the realm of Englade and in other places. They laid great falseness in him/ that he should have delivered the castle of Dover to the french men. And they informed the people/ that he caused the frenchmen to come in to Flaunders and to Sluse/ which was nothing so. And also in the despite of the king/ they have shamefully slain sir Robert Trivylien/ & so they will do other/ if they may attain to their intents. Wherefore I say/ that it were better for the king to use rigour and puissance than gentleness. Every man knoweth through the realm that he is king/ and how that at westminster the noble king Edward made every man to be sworn/ both lords/ prelate's/ and all the good Towns/ that after his disease/ they should take the king here for their sovereign lord: and the same oath made his three uncles. And it seemeth to many as men dare speak/ that they hold him not in the state and form of a king/ for he may not do with his own what he list. they drive him to his pension/ and the queen also which is a herd thing for a king & a queen It should seem they would show that they had no wit to rule themself/ and that their counsellors be traitors. I say these things are not to be suffered: As for me I had rather die/ than long to live in this danger or peril/ or to see the king to be led as his uncles would have him. The king than said. Surely it pleaseth not us. and I say/ ye have counseled me as honourably as may be/ for the honour of us and our Realm.  
AT this counsel at Bristo we it was ordained/ that the duke of Ireland should be sovereign of all the kings men of war such as he could get/ & to go to London/ to know the perfit intents of the londoners. trusting/ that if he might once speak with them to ●ourne them to his accord by reason of such proftes as he would make them/ in the kings name. And so within a short space after/ the duke of Ireland with a fifteen thousand men departed fro Bristol and road to the city of Oxenforde/ & there about he lodged and all his people/ and had banners displayed of the kings arms/ and none other/ to show that all he died was in the kings title and quarrel. tydingis came to the kings uncles/ that the duke of Ireland approached towards London with a xu thousand men/ with the kings banners displayed. And on a day all the lords were at counsel at Westmynst●r/ and had with them the chief of London/ such as they trusted best and there they showed them/ how the duke of Ireland was coming against them with an army royal. The londoners who were inclined to their party said. sirs/ let them come in the name of god. if the duke of Ireland demand of us battle he shall have it incontinent/ we will close no gate we have for. xv. M. men/ not and they were twenty The dukes were right joyful with that answer/ & incontinent they sent out knights/ squires/ and messengers/ to assemble men of war together fro divers parties: & such as were sent for obeyed/ for so they had sworn and promised before. Men came fro the bysihaprike of Caunterbury & Norwiche/ and out of the counties of Arundel and Sussex/ and of Salisbury and Southampton/ and out of all the countries thereabout London. And so great number of people came to London and knew not what they should do.   

¶ How the duke of Irlande sent three knights to London/ to know some tidings. And how the kings uncles & they of London went in to the fields to fight with the duke of Ireland and his affinity. Cap. xcviii.  
Now let us somewhat speak of the duke of Ireland & of his counsel being at Oxford with a xu M. men/ howbeit the most part of them were come thither by constraint/ rather than of good courage. Than the duke of Irlande advised to know th'intents of them of London/ & to send sir Nicholas Bramble/ sir Peter Golofer/ and sir Michael de la Pole to the tower of London/ & to go thither by water/ and to set the kings banners in the height of the tower/ to see what the londoners would do. These three knights at the duke of Irlandes request departed fro Oxenforde/ & the next day they passed the Thames at the bridge of Stanes & road to dinner to Shene the kings place/ and there tarried till it was late: & fro thence road to another house of the kings called Kenyngton/ and there they left their horses/ & took boats & went down the water with the tide & passed London bridge & so came to the tower/ & was not known: for no man was ware of their coming. And there they frounde ready the captain of the tower/ whom the king had set there before. and by him these knights knew moche of the dealing of them of London/ and of the kings uncles. And the captain showed them/ how they were come thither to lodge in great danger. Why so qd they? We be the kings servants/ and we may well lodge in his house. Nat so quoth the captain. All this city & the counsel would gladly be under the obeisance of the king/ so that he would be ruled by his uncles/ & by none other. And this that I show you is of good will/ for I am bound to show you/ and to counsel you to the best of my power. but I am in doubt to morrow when day cometh/ & that it be known in London that servants of the kings become hither. ye shall see this tower besieged/ both by land & water by the londoners/ & not to depart hens till they see and know who is lodged within it. And if ye be found here/ ye shallbe incontinent presented to the kings uncles: And than ye may well imagine what end ye shall come to. I think they be so sore displeased against the kings counsel/ and against the duke of Ireland/ that & ye be taken/ ye shall not escape with your lives. study well upon these words/ for I assure you they be true.  
¶ Than these three knights who had wend to have done marvels were sore abashed/ & there determined to tarry all night as secret as they could/ for fear of spyeng. And the captain promised to keep them sure for that night/ and so kept the keys with him. And in the morning these knights had divers imaginations & counsels/ to see how they should deal. And all things considered/ they durst not abide the adventure to be known there/ they feared greatly to be there besieged And or day came when the flood was come they took a barge and passed the bridge and went to Kenyngton. And when it was day they took their horses and road to Wyndsore/ and there tarried all that night/ and the next day they road to Oxenforde/ and there found the duke of Irlande & his men/ to whom they showed all these tidings/ & how they durst not tarry at the tower of London. the duke was pensive of those tidings & wist not what to say nor do/ for he knew well all the people that he had assembled there/ were not all of one courage/ wherefore he wist not whether it were better to return to the king or to abide there He took counsel with his knights/ & finally their counsel rested/ that sith the king had ordained him to be Constable over all his people/ and to correct and to punish all rebels/ that he should keep the field/ for if he should do otherwise/ it should be to his great blame and rebuke/ and to bring him in to the indignation of the king/ and to show that his quarrel were neither good nor right. And also they said/ that it was better for him to die with honour and to abide the adventure/ than to show any false courage. but they counseled him to send word what case he was in/ to the king to Bristol. As yet they said blessed be god they kept the fields/ and none to recounter them. So thus the duke sent to the king/ desiring him to send him more aid/ which the king died daily.  
Tidings came to the kings uncles being at London that the duke of Irlande with his company were in the marchesse of Oxenford/ There they took counsel what was best for them to do. There was with the kings uncles/ the archbishop of Caunterbury the earl of Arundel/ the earl of Salysbury/ the earl of Northumberlande/ and divers other lords and knights of Englamnde/ and the rulers of London. There it was ordained by the duke of Gloucester/ that without delay they should issue out in to the fields/ & that the mayre of London should put in to harness all the people in every ward/ such as would aid them. Saying surely/ how they would go and fight with the duke of Irlande/ wheresoever they could find him. the mayre of London was as than a man of arms. He took chosen men between the age of twenty years and xl And the lords were a thousand men of arms. They departed fro London and went and lodged at Braynford and there about/ and the next day at Colebroke/ and daily the number increased/ and so took the way to reading/ to pass the thames there about/ for the bridges between Wyndsore and Stanes were broken/ by the commandment of the duke of Ireland. So long they journeyed that they approached near to Oxenford. tidings thereof a none came to the duke of Ireland/ than he began to doubt and took counsel. Than he was counseled to take the fields/ and to put his people in order of battle/ and to display that kings banners/ saying by the grace of god and saint George the journey should be his. As it was devised so it was done. Than they swooned their trumpets/ and every man armed him and issued out of Oxenford in order of battle/ with the kings banners displayed/ the day was fair & clear and a pleasant season. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the kings uncles won the journey against the duke of Ireland and how he fled/ & divers other of his company. Cap. xcix.  
Tidings came to the duke of Gloucester being within three leagues of Oxenford/ by a river side/ which falleth in to the thames a little beside Oxenford. how that the duke of Ireland was drawn in to the fields/ in order of battle/ whereof the duke of Gloucester had great joy & said/ how he would fight with him if he might pass the river. Than trumpets swooned the dislodging and ordered themself ready to fight. They were within two leagues of their enemies & sertched to pass the river/ and sent out people to sertche the deepness of the water. and they found the river in such appoint/ than in xxx years before it was not so base. And so the scurers passed at their ease/ and road and advised the manner of their enemies/ and than returned to the duke of Gloucester and said. Sir/ god and the river is this day on your part/ for the river is so low that it is not to the horse belly. And sir/ we have seen the manner of the duke of Ireland/ they be ready ranged in the field in good manner. We can not say if the king be there or no/ but the kings banners be there with the arms of England and of France/ and none other. Well qd the duke a god's name so be it/ of that arms I and my brother have part: advance forward in the name of god and saint George/ let us goose them nearer. Than every man road forth with great courage/ when they knew they might pass the river at their ease/ & so shortly all their host passed the river.  
Tidings came to the duke of Ireland how the kings uncles were passed the river of Thames/ & how they should have battle briefly. Than the duke of Ireland was abashed/ for he knew well if he were taken/ the duke of Gloucester would cause him to die shamefully/ & that nouther gold nor silver should ransom him. Than he said to sir Peter Golofer & to sir Mychaell Pole sirs surely my courage beareth evil against this journey/ nor I dare not abide the battle against the kings uncles/ for if they take me I shall die shamefully. How the devil is it/ that they be passed the river of Thames? It is but a poor token for us. Why sir quoth the two knights/ what will ye do? I will save myself and you also quoth the duke/ and the rest save them who can. Well sir quoth the knights/ than let us draw ourself out a side on a wing/ and so we shall have two strings on our bow. We shall see how our men do/ if they do well/ than we shall abide for the honour of the king who hath sent us hither/ & if they be discomfited we shall take that fields/ & take the advantage by flying/ & save ourself where we may. This counsel was holden good. Than the duke and these two knights road a long their battle/ & made good visage and said. Sirs keep your battles in good order/ and by the grace of god and saint George/ we shall have this day a fair journey/ for the right is ours/ it is the kings quarrel/ therefore we shall speed the better. Thus they road up and down dissymuling/ at last they get themself out of the press/ and so came to one of the corners of the battle and made a wing/ and therewith there came on the duke of york and the duke of Gloucestre and other lords/ with their banners displayed/ making great noise with trumpets. And as soon as the duke of Irelandes company saw them coming in so good order/ and so fiercely/ They were so aba●shed that they held none array/ but turned their backs and fled. For the noise ran/ how the duke of Ireland and his counsel were ●edde and gone. And so than every man fled/ some hither and thither they wist not whither/ without making of any defence. And the duke of Ireland and the two knights of his counsel fled biforce of their horses/ and had no mind to return to the town of Oxenford/ but withdrew thence as much as they might.  
when the duke of Gloucester saw the the demeanour of his enemies/ and saw how they fled/ he had remorse in his conscience/ & would not do the evil he might have done: for he knew well that many of them that were there present/ were there rather by constraint and by insytation of the duke of Ireland/ than for any good love. Therefore he said to his men. Sirs the the journey is ours. I charge every man on pain of death/ that ye slay no man/ without he make defence/ and if ye get any knights or squires bring them to me. His commandment was done/ so that there were but few slain/ without it were in the press as they road one over another. In the chase there was taken little sir johan Beauchampe and sir johan Salisbury/ and they were presented to the duke of Gloucester/ who was right joyous of them. Than the duke took the way to Oxenford/ and gave leave to all his men of war to return to their own houses/ & thanked them of the service they had done to him and to his brother/ and said to the mayre of London and his company. Sirs/ depart you all home again/ whereof they were all glad. Thus departed that army. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the duke of Ireland & his company fled/ and how the kings uncles were at Oxenford. And how sir Nycholas Bramble was beheaded/ & how the king was sent for by the bishop of Caunterbury. Capi. C.  
How shall I show/ what became of the duke of Ireland and of sir Peter Golofer and sir Michael de la Pole. As I showed before they saved themselves/ as it was needful for them/ for if they had been taken/ they had suffered death without mercy. I can not say if they went to the king or not/ if they died they tarried not long/ but departed the realm of England assoon as they could. & as I have heard reported they road through Wales/ & took shipping at Carleon and sailed in to Scotland & came to Edenborowe/ and there they took another ship & sailed costing Friselande and the isle of Theseley and the country of holland/ and so came and arrived at the town of Dondrest. Than were they glad and as I was informed the duke of Ireland had long before conveyed by lombards/ moche gold & silver to Brugis for fear of all casueltes/ for though he was great with the king/ yet always he doubted the kings uncles/ & the commons of the realm. Wherefore he made provision before hand of money/ to aid him when need were/ and as it was showed me/ the threescore thousand franks that he had received for the redemption of the children of Bretayne/ and specially for Iohn of Bretayne for Guy was deed. Which money (as it was said) he found ready there at his coming/ and he should receive more: In three year other threescore thousand franks. Wherefore he was not abashed for he had substance sufficient for a long space. And when duke Aubert of Bavyer/ who had Haynalte/ Holande and zeland in governance/ under the earl William his brother/ who as than was living. When he understood that the duke of Ireland was come/ as a fugetyve out of England/ in to the town of Dordrest. He studied and imagined a little/ and thought he should not long abide there/ saying that he was fled out of England/ and had the evil will of his cousin germans/ to whom he bore his love and favour. And also he considered/ how the duke of Ireland had dalte but evil with his cousin germayen/ the lady Isabella of England/ who had been lady of Coucy. Wherefore he commanded the duke of Ireland/ because he had displeased his cousins of England and had broken his lawful marriage/ and would marry another wife/ That he should depart out of that country/ and get him another lodging/ And that he should not be suffered to abide in no town of that country. When the duke heard that/ he doubted that he should be taken/ and delivered in to the hands of his enemies. And he humiled himself greatly to them that were sent to him/ and said he would gladly obey the duke Aubertes commandment. And so paid and trussed/ and entered in to a vessel and all his/ on the river of Mornegue. And did so moche by water and by land/ that he came to Berette/ which town pertained to the bishop of Trece. There he was well received/ And there he tarried till he hard other tidings. Now let us leave speaking of him/ and speak of England.  
AFter the ending of this journey that the kings uncles had against the duke of Ireland beside Oxenford/ and that every man was gone home. The bishop of Caunterbury and the two dukes tarried still at Oxenford/ I can not tell how long. And there was beheededde the little Beauchampe and sir johan of Salisbury. After that justice the two dukes returned to London/ and there tarried a season to here some tidings fro the king/ and they could hear none/ but that he was at Bristol. then the lords at westminster by the instigation of the archbishop of Caunterbury/ determined/ that it should be honourable for them to send to the king to Bristol/ and to show him amiably that he hath been a certain spape/ against the most part of his realm/ who loved him better and are gladder to keep his honour/ than such marmosettes as he hath believed/ by whom his realm hath been in great trouble and peril. In this mean season was brought to London sir Nycholas Bramble/ who was taken in Wales/ as he fled from the journey/ to have saved himself/ of whose taking the kings uncles were right joyful and said/ how they would make no store of him/ but he should go the same way as the other had done before. he could never excuse himself but that he must die. He was beheaded without London/ his death was sore complained of some men of London/ for he had been mayre of London before/ and had well governed his office/ and died one day great honour to the king/ when he slew with his own hands Lyster/ whereby all the rebels were discomfited/ and for that good service the king made him knight. But in the manner (as I have showed you) he was beheaded/ by reason of the overmuch believing of the duke of Ireland.  
AFter the death of sir Nicholas Bramble/ the kings uncles saw/ that all such as they hated/ and would have out of the kings counsel were deed and fled a way. Than they thought the king and the realm should be brought in to good order/ for though they had slain some of the kings counsel/ and chased them away/ yet they could not take away the signory of the king/ but thought to rule the realm in good form/ to the honour of the king and his realm. Than they said to the bishop of Caunterbury. Sir/ ye shall go like yourself to Bristol to the king/ and there show him what case the business of his realm is in/ & recommend us to him/ & show him in our behalf/ that he give no credence of light information against us: He hath believed some to moche for his own honour/ and for the perfect of his realm. And say also to him/ that we require him/ and so do all the good people of London/ that he would come hither/ he shallbe welcome & received with great joy. & we shall set such counsel about him/ that he shallbe well pleased. And we charge you return not again without him/ and desire him not to be displeased/ though we have chased away a many of traitors that were about him/ for by them his realm was in great paryll of losing. The bishop said he should do right well his message/ and so departed and rod forth like a great prelate/ and so came to Bristol/ and the king was there but with a privy company: For such as were wont to have been of his counsel were deed and fled away/ as ye have heard before. The bishop was in the town two nights and a day or the king would speak with him/ He was so sore disposed with his uncles/ for driving away of the duke of Ireland whom he loved above all men/ and for fleeynge of his knights. Finally he was so enticed/ that he consented that the archbishop should come in to his presence. When he came before him he humiled himself greatly to the king/ and there showed the king every word as the kings uncles had given him in charge. And showed him/ that if it were his pleasure to come to Londou to his palaces of westminster/ his uncles and the most part of all his realm would be right ioyeouse/ else they will be right sort and evil displeased/ And said sir. Without the comfort/ aid/ and accord of your uncles/ and of your lords/ knights/ and prelate's: and of your good cities and towns of England ye can not come to any of your intents. He spoke these words boldly/ and said moreover. Sir/ ye can not rejoice so much your enemies/ as to make war with your friends/ and to keep your Realm in war and mischief. The young king by reason of the bishops words began to incline/ how be it the beheeding of his knights and counsellors/ came sore in to his courage. So he was in divers imaginations/ but finally he refrained his displeasure/ by the good means of the queen/ the lady of Boesme/ and of some other wise knights that were about him/ as sir richard Stoner and other. then the king said to the bishop. Well/ I am content to go to London with you. whereof the bishop was right joyous/ and also it was to him a great honour/ that he had sped his journey so well.  
WIthin a short space after/ the king departed & lefce the queen still at Bristol/ and so came towards London with the archbishop in his company/ and so came to Wyndsore/ and there the king tarried a three days. Tidings came to London how the king was coming/ every man was glad. Than it was ordained to meet him honourably. The day that he departed fro Wyndsore/ the way fro Braynforde to London was full of people/ on horse back and a foot to meet the king. And his two uncles/ the duke of york and the duke of Gloucester/ and johan son to the duke of york/ the earl of Arundel/ the earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Northumberlande/ and divers other lords and knights. and prelate's departed out of London/ & met with the king a two mile fro Braynforde. There they received him sweetly/ as they ought to do their sovereign lord. The king/ who bare yet some displeasure in his heart passed by/ and made but small countenance to them/ and all the way he talked most with the bishop of London: at last they came to Westminster. The king alighted at his palis which was ready appareled for him. There the king drank and took spices/ and his uncles also/ and other Prelates/ lords/ and knights. Than some took their leaves. The kings uncles and the archbishop of Caunterburye with the counsel/ tarried still there with the king/ some in the Palais and some in the abbey and in the town of westminster to keep the king livery/ and to be near together co commune of their business. there they determined what should be done. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ how by the king and his uncles all the lords of England were sent for to come to westminster/ to a general counsel there to be holden. Cap. C.i.  
A General parliament was ordained to be holden at Westmynstre/ and all prelate's/ Earls/ Baron's/ and knights/ and the counsels of all the good towns and cities of England were sent for to be there/ and all such as held of the king. The archbishop of Cauntorbury showed to the kings uncles & counsel that when king richard was crowned king of England/ and that every man was sworn and made their releves to him/ and that when he received their faiths and homages he was within age/ and a knyge ought not to govern a royalme till he be xxi. years of age/ and in the mean season to be governed by his uncles/ or by his next kin/ and by wise men. The bishop said this because the king as then was but newly come to the age of xxi years/ wherefore he counseled that every man should be new sworn/ and renew their releves/ and every man new to knowledge him for their sovereign lord. This counsel was excepted of the kings uncles/ and of all other of the counsel. And for that intent all prelate's and lords/ and counsels of good cities & towns were sent for to come to Westminster at a day assigned. Every man came thither/ none disobeyed/ so that there was moche people in London and at Westmister. And king Richard was in his chapel in the palys/ richly apareyled with his crown on his heed and the archbishop of Caunterbury sang the mass. And after mass the bishop made a collasyon. And after that the kings uncles died their homage to the king & kissed him/ and there they swore and promised him faith and homage for ever And than all other lords swore/ and prelate's/ and with their hands joined together they died their homage/ as it aparteyned/ and kissed the kings cheek. Some the king kissed with good will & some not/ for all were not in his in ward love but it behoved him so to do/ for he would not go fro the counsel of his uncles/ But surely/ if he might have had his intent he would not have done as he died/ but rather have taken cruel vengeance/ for the deche of sir Simon Burle/ and other knights that they had put fro him and slain without desert as he thought. Than it was ordained by the counsel/ that the archbishop of york should come and purge himself/ for he had always been of the duke of Irelandes part/ against the kings uncles. When that bishop of york heard of this he doubted himself/ for he knew well/ he was not in the favour of the kings uncles. Therefore he sent his excuse by a nephew of his/ son to the lord Nevell and he came to London/ and came first to the king/ and showed him his uncles excuse/ & died his homage in the bishops behalf. The king took it well/ for he loved him better than the bishop of Caunterbury/ and so he himself excused the bishop/ or else it had been evil with him/ but for the kings love they forbore him & took his excuse/ and so he tarried still in his bysshoprike a long space and durst not lie at york/ but tarried at New castle on the river of Tyne/ near to his brother the lord Nevell and his cousins. In this estate was at that time the business of England/ and so of a long space the king was not master over his counsel/ but his uncles and other bare all the rule. Now we will leave to treat of the matters of England and speak of the business of the king of Castyle and of the king of Portyngale/ and of their wars. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the king of Portyngale with his puissance assembled with the duke of Lancastre and his puissance/ & how they could not pass the river of Derne/ & how a squire of Castyle showed them the passage. Cap. C.ii  
IT is reason sith the matter so requireth/ that I return again to the duke of Lancastres' journey/ and how he ꝑceyvered all this season in Galyce/ I shall begin there as I left/ for I have great desire to make an end of that story. When the duke of Lancastre had won and conquered the town and castle of Dauranche in Galyce/ and brought it under his obeisance/ and refreshed him there four days/ for there he found well wherewith. Than the fifth day he departed/ and said he would go to the castle of Noy/ and so he died/ and lay four days in a fair meadow along a river side. But the ground was dried up by reason of the heat of the son/ and the water corrupted/ so that their horses would not drink thereof/ and such as died/ died. then it was ordained to dislodge thence/ and to turn again to Auranch/ for sir Richard Burle and sir Thomas Morryaulx marshals of the host/ said it was not possible to get the strong rastell of Noy but by long siege/ by great wisdom and dispense/ and moche artillery. And also tidings came to the duke of Lancastre/ that the king of Portugal approached with all his host/ to the number of a thousand spears/ and ten thousand able men. So that the two hosts together were likely to do a great deed/ for the duke of Lancastre had a fifteen hundred spears knights and squires/ and a six thousand archers. These tidings rejoiced greatly the duke of Lancastre/ and so dislodged fro Noy and went again to Auranche in Galyce/ and the duke sent for the duchess his wife/ and the other ladies and damoselles: for the duke said he would abide there for the king of Portugal/ and so he died.  
you shall know/ that when king johan of Portugal and his marshals had take the town of Feroullꝭ they road and approached Auranch to come to the duke of Lancastre. And in their way they found the town of Padrone/ which rebelled against them/ but at their first coming they yielded them to the kings obeisance. The king tarried there and in the marches there about a fifteen days/ and wasted greatly the country of victuals/ & yet they had great plenty coming daily fro Portugal. Thus these two great hosts were in Galyce/ and greatly impoverysshed the country/ and the days waxed so hot/ that no man could stir after nine of the clock/ without he would be brent with the son. The duke of Lancastre and the duchess were at Aurache/ and their men abroad in the country in great poverie for lack of victuals/ for themself and for their horses. Nothing that was good or sweet could grow out of the ground/ it was so dry/ and brent with the son/ and that grew was little worth/ for the season was so hot that all was brent. And the english men/ if they would have any thing for themselves or▪ for their horses/ it behoved them or their servants to go a foraging/ a xii sixteen/ or twenty miles of/ which was great pain and danger. And the englishmen found the wines there so strong/ hoot/ and brynning that it corrupted their heeds and dried their bowels/ and brent their lights and livers/ & they had no remedy/ for they could find but little good waters to temper their wines nor to refresh them/ which was contrary to their natures. For english men in their own countries are sweetly nourished and there they were brent both within & with out/ they endured great poverty. The great lords wanted of that they were accustomed unto in their own countries.  
when the knights and squires and other of England/ saw the danger and mischief that they were in/ and were likely to be/ what for lack of victual and heat of the son/ which daily increased. Than they began to murmur and to say in the host in divers places. We fear our journey will come to a small effect & end We lie to long in one place. that is true said other. There is two things greatly contrary for us. We lead in our company women and wives who desireth nothing but rest/ & for one days journey by their wills/ they would rest fifteen. This destroyeth us and will do/ for as soon as we came to Coulongne/ if we had gone forward we had sped well/ and brought the country to good obeisance/ for none would have been against us. But the long tarrying hath enforced our enemies/ for now they have provided them of men of war out of France/ And by them their towns/ cities/ and passages be kept and closed against us. Thus they discomfited us without battle: They need not to fight with us/ for the realm of Spain is not so pleasant a land to travail in/ as is France or England/ wherein are good villages/ fair countries and sweet rivers/ fair meadows and attemperate air for men of war/ and here is all the contrary. What meant our lord the duke of Lancastre (if he thought to win this country) to lead in his company women and children? This is a great let and without reason/ for it is known in all spain/ and else where/ that he and his brethren are the true inheritors of the country/ at least their wife's daughters to king Don Peter. As for doing of any conquest or turning of any towns/ the women do little therein.  
THus as I have showed you the people langled in the duke of Lancaster's host/ one to another. Than tidings came to the duke that the king of Portugal approached near whereof he was joyful. And when the king was within two leagues/ the duke with his knights mounted on their horses and road to meet him/ and there they met amiably and all their companies. The kings hole host was not there but tarried behind/ in the guiding of six great lords of Portugal/ as Ponnase of Congne/ Vase Martin de merlo/ Posdiche de asne degouse Salnase de Merlo/ sir Anlne Perrier marshal/ and johan Radighes Desar/ and divers other/ and the king had with him a three hundred spears. So at Auranche the king and the duke were together. a five days and took counsel together. The final conclusion was/ that they should ride together and enter in to the country of Camp and to go to the town of Arpent/ where sir Oliver of Clesquyne constable of spain was/ but they wist not how to pass the river of Derne which was fell and orgulous at certain times/ & specially rather in summer than in winter/ for when the snow and frost melteth on the mountains by reason of the son/ than is the river most deepest & most dangerous to pass/ for in winter it is frosyn/ & than the rivers are but base and low. yet for all that they concluded to ride in to the country of Camp/ trusting at some place to find some passage This conclusion was published through all their hosts/ whereof every man was joyful/ for they had lain along space sore oppressed and in great danger at Auranche & there about/ and many were sore diseased.  
Thus the king of Portugal and that duke of Lancastre departed fro Auranche and road together/ but their hosts were separated in to two parts/ because none of them understood other/ nor had no manner of aqueyntance together: And also to eschew riottes or debates that might have fallen between them/ for portugals are hot & hasty/ and in likewise Englishmen be despiteful and fierce. Thus they were appointed by the man hals of both hosts to lodge and to forage in divers parts/ and not together. Thus they road forth and were of chat. puissance able to fight for a journey with king johan of Castle/ and all his adhenrentes. So long they journeyed that they came to they river of Derne/ which was not easy to pass/ for it was deep and with high banks/ and full of great broken stones/ so that but at certain bridges which were broken/ or else so well kept/ that it was in manner impossible to pass they might not get over. So these two hosts had great imaginations how they might pass. Than so it fell that sir Iohn Holande who was constable of the english host/ and the marshals/ sir richard Butle and sir Thomas Moreaulx/ and their foragers as they road before/ they encountered a squire of Castle/ called Donnage Bangher. He knew well all the passages of the country/ and he knew where there was one passage/ that both horsemen and foot men might easily pass the river/ & he came over at the same passage/ and was taken and brought to the said lords/ of whom they were right glad. And there he was so straightly examined/ & also by the words of the constable/ who said to him/ how he would quite his ransom and give him a good reward if he would show them where they might pass surely the river/ for they said they had herd how there was one sure passage over the river. The squire who took but light advisement/ and was covetous of the constables offer/ & was glad to be delivered out of their hands/ said. Sirs/ I know well the passage/ and I shall show it you and shallbe your guide where as ye and all your men may pass without any danger.  
Of this the constable and marshals had great joy & so road forth together/ and sent word of this tidings to the duke of Lancastre/ and so followed the vanward/ and the constables and marshals came to the passage. Than the spanysshe squire entered first in to the river/ & showed them the way. And when they saw the passage so pleasant they were right joyful/ and so every man passed over. And when the vanward was over/ they lodged there to give knowledge to all other that followed after. Than the constable kept his promise with the squire that was their guide. And so he departed fro them and road to Medena del campo/ where the king of Castyle lay/ a good town in the country of Campe. Than the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancastre came to the passage/ which was called Plasce ferarde/ because the gravel and sand there was firm and stable/ and without apparel. There they and their hosts passed over/ and the next day the rearward/ and than they all lay in the country of Campe. Tidings came to them of Ruelles/ of Cateseris/ of Medena/ of Vile arpente/ of saint Phagon/ and to other cities/ towns/ and castles of the country of Camp and Spain/ how the englishmen and portugaloyse were passed over the river of Derne/ and had found the passed/ whereof every man had marvel and said. This can not be done without treason/ for they should never have found out the passage/ but if some of the country had showed it to them. The king of castles lords knew how the squire of Castyle had showed it them/ and was their guide. Thereupon he was taken and knowledged the troth/ as he had done. then he was judged to die/ and was brought to Vile arpent and there beheaded.   

¶ How the tidings spread abroad that the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancastre were passed the river of Derne/ & how it came to the king of Castles knowledge. & how certain of the english knights came and road before Vile arpente/ and how the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancastre determined there to tarry the coming of the duke of Burbone. Cap. C.iii  
When the king of Castyle knew how the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancastre were in that fields with a great puissance and daily approached whereof he was sore abashed/ and called to him sir Gaultyer of Passac and sir William of Lignac/ and said. I have great marvel of the duke of Borbon/ that he cometh not. Our enemies approach and keep the fields/ and none encountereth them. they waste our country/ and the people of my realm are evil content that we fight not with them. Wherefore sirs/ I require you give me counsel what is best to do. These two knights who knew more of deeds of arms than the king did/ for they had more used it/ and therefore thither they were sent out of France/ they said: Sir/ surely the duke of Borbon cometh without fail. And when he cometh we shall take counsel what we shall do/ but till he come/ let us make no countenance of battle. Let our enemies go and come whither as they list/ let them keep the fields and we shall keep the towns that be strong/ and well provided both with men and victuals. They shall be in the son and in great heat/ and we shall be in the shadow & in the fresh air. They shall find the country wasted and pilled/ and the more forward that they go/ the less sustenance shall they find. And therefore sir/ at the beginning to eschew all inconvenients/ all little hooldes were beaten down/ and manners & churches such as men of the country would have put in their goods/ and this was wisely done. or else now your enemies should have found places to have rested in/ and as now they shall find nothing without they bring it with them/ but heat and the son on their heeds/ the which shall burn and slay them. And sir all your towns/ cities/ and castles are well garnished and provided for with good men of arms/ artillery/ and victuals. I think they shallbe skrymysshed withal/ for that is the life and nourishing of men of war and their pass time/ for they ride about all the world to seek adventures. Therefore sir be nothing abashed for we trust in this business/ we shall have no great damage. The king by reason of these knights words was greatly recomforted/ for he perceived well they showed him the troth and reason.  
Now let us speak of the duke of Lancastre & of the king of Portugal/ who were in the fields in the country of Campe. They would gladly have been in some town to have refreshed them/ For their foragers whe● so ever they went/ could find no thing and for fear of encountrynges/ they road not but in great companies. And sometime when they saw a village on a hill/ or on the plain/ than they rejoiced and would say. Go we thither/ for there we shallbe all rich/ and well provided/ And thither they would ride in great haste. And when they were there/ they found no thing but bare walls/ & the houses broken down/ and neither cat nor dog/ cock nor hen/ man/ woman/ nor child there/ it was wasted before by the frenchmen. Thus they lost their time/ and their horses were lean and feeble/ by reason of their poor nourishing. They were happy when they found any pasture/ and some were so feeble that they could go no further/ but died for great heat and poverty. ye and also some of the great men died and were sore disposed with hoot fevers/ & had not wherewith to refresh them/ and some time by sudden coldee that took them sleeping in the night. In this case they were in/ and specially in the duke of Lancastres' host/ for the englishmen were of a feebler complexion than the portugaloys/ for they could well endure the pain/ for they he hard and accustomed to the air of Castyle. In this case as I have showed you the englishmen were in/ and many died/ and namely such as had but small provision for themself.  
SIr Richard Burle/ sir Thomas Moreaulr/ sir Thomas Percy/ the lord Fitzwater/ sir Mabetyne of Linyers sir Iohn Damn breticourt/ Thyrrey and Guyllyam of Sowayne/ and with them a two hundred horse men/ knights and squires/ such as would advance themself/ and desiring deeds of arms. It a time mounted on their horses the best they had/ to the intent to ride to Vile Arpente/ to awake the frenchmen that were therein/ for they had heard surely how sir Dlyver of Clysson was within that town/ who was constable of Castyle/ and with him a great number of good men of arms. These lord with their company road forth in a morning/ and came to a little river that ran before the town/ and passed over. The larome rose in the town and brute that the english men were come to the barrier's. then knights and squires armed them quickly/ and came to the constables lodging/ and their varlets saddled their horses and brought them to their masters. the constable would not by his will have suffered them to have issued out against the englishmen/ but he could not let them/ their courages were so fierce: And so they issued out well horsed/ and in good order. first issued sir johan of Bars/ the viscount of Barlier/ sir johan of Brakemount/ sir Pyer of Wyllannes/ sir Tristam de la gayll and divers other/ with great desire to fight against the englishmen. And when the englishmen had made their course before the town/ than they passed again the river/ where as they had passed/ and drew to gyther on the sands/ and fair and easily with drew fro the river a three bowshottes. Than the french knights came crying their cries every man his spear on the thigh. And when the englishmen saw them/ suddenly they turned with their spears in the rests. There was a sore rencounter/ and divers over thrown on the sands/ on both parties. And when that course was done they left not so/ but skrymysshed to gyther/ but the powder of the subtile sands rose up so thick/ that one of them could natses another/ nor know each other/ so that themself nor their horses could scant draw their breathes/ their mouths were so full of dust/ So that thereby each party was fain to withdraw by their cries. Thus they departed/ and no man slain/ nor greatly hurt. And because of this course that the english knights made/ they passed that day but one league fro the town of Arpente/ and so returned to their lodgings/ and sickness took them/ heat/ cold/ and fevers. The duke of Lancastre wist not what to say nor do/ for he saw well how his men fell sick daily and lay in their beds. And he was himself so weary and heavy/ that gladly he would have lain in his bed/ and it had not been for discoraging of his people. And on a day he spoke with the king of Portugal/ and demanded counsel of him/ desiring him to give his best advise what was best to do/ for he feared great mortality to fall in his host. than the king said. Sir/ it seemeth well how that the spaynyardes nor frenchmen will not fight with us at this time/ they purpose to suffer us to waste ourselves and our provisions. Why sir quoth the duke/ and what will ye than counsel us to do? I shall show you qd the king Portugal. as for this season while the son is so hoot/ that ye and your people draw again in to Galyce/ and let every man refresh himself/ and at March or April than come to the field again. and do so much that new aid and comfortemaye come to you out of England by one of your brethren. A realm is not so soon won/ and specially to agree with the air not accustomed before. Let your men go and pass their time in such towns and forteresses as ye have in Galyce/ under your obeisance. This may well be quod the duke/ but than may fortune to fall/ as I shall show you/ that is. When our enemies seeth that we be departed one fro another/ you into Portugal & I into Galyce/ at saint jaques or at Colongne. Than the king of Spain will ride with great puissance/ for I have herd that he hath four thousand spears/ frenchmen and bretons/ and he shall find as many more in his own country. And also the duke of Bourbon uncle to the french king cometh after with two. M. spears/ and assoon as he cometh he will set forward: so that & we be than at home in our countries/ or we can assemble together again/ as we be now/ out enemies shall do us great damage. then the king said. Well/ than let us keep still the fields in the name of god/ as for my men be fresh enough/ and are of good mind to abide the adventure/ and I with them.  
THus they determined to abide the coming of the duke of Bourbon/ to see if they should be fought withal than or not/ for they all demanded nothing but battle. The time went ever forward and the son mounted/ and the days chafed marvelously for it was about midsummer/ when the son was in his strength/ and specially in Spain and Granade/ and in the far countries of Septentryon. Nor after Aprell there fell no rain nor sweetness fro heaven/ whereby every thing was brent on the earth. The english men eat grapes when they might get them/ and drank of the hot wines/ and the more they drank the more they were set a fire/ and thereby brent their livers and longs/ for that diet was contrary to their nature. english men are nourished with good meats and with ale/ which keepeth their bodies in temper: and there the nights were hoot/ because of the great heat in the day/ and the morning marvelously cold/ which deceived them. For in the night they could suffer no thing on them/ and so slept all naked/ and in the morning cold took them or they were wax/ and that cast them in to fevers and flyxes without remedy. And as well died great men as mean people. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Lancastre gave licence to his men/ and how a haraulte was sent to the king of Castyle/ and how three knights of England went to speak with the king of Castyle for a safeconduct/ for the duke's men to pass through his country. Cap. C.iiii  
Behold now and see how fortune turned. ye may well believe that the duke of Lancastre being in the realm of Castyle/ could never have lost by battle/ nor his men dyscomfetted/ nor lost his men as he did in that voyage/ by reason of sickness. And himself also nigh deed. And sir johan Holande who was constable of the host/ when he saw his friends and men thus infected with this malady/ without remedy/ and hearing the complayntꝭ of one and other/ saying each to other. Ah the duke of Lancastre hath brought us to die in spain/ cursed be this voyage? He will never have Englysshman more to come out of England to serve him. He spurneth against the prick/ he would his men should keep the country when it is won. And when his men be all deed/ who shall than keep it? He showeth not that he can any skill of the war/ sith he seeth that none cometh against us to fight in battle. why doth he not draw than into Portugal or into some other place? than he should not have the damage nor loss that he heth/ for thus we shall all die without any strokes. When sir johan Holande herd and understood these words/ for the honour and love of his lord the duke of Lancastre/ whose daughter he had married/ he came to the duke and said quickly to him. Sir/ it must behove you to take new and short counsel/ your people be in a hard case/ and likely to die by sickness/ if need should fortune they are not able to aid you. they be weary and in a hard case/ and their horse's deed/ so that noble men and other are so discouraged that they are not like to do you any good service at this tyme. Than said the duke. And what is best than to do/ I will believe counsel for it is reason? Sir quoth the constable. Me think it were best ye gave licence to every man to depart where as they think best/ and yourself to draw other into Portugal or into Galice/ for ye are not in the case to ride forward. That is true quoth the duke/ and so I will do. say you to them how I do give them leave to depart whither it please them/ either in to castle or in to France/ so they make no false treaty with our enemies/ for I see well for this season our war is passed/ And pay every man their wages/ and reward them for their costs. Sir quoth the constable this shall be done.  
SIr johan Holande made it be known by a trumpet in every lodging/ the entencion of the duke of Lancastre/ how he did give licence to every man to depart/ whither they list/ and that every capitain should speak with the constable/ and they should be so paid that they should be content. This tidings rejoiced some/ such as desired to depart to change the air. Than the barons and knights of England took counsel/ how they might return in to England. it was thought impossible for them to return by the see/ for they had no ships ready/ and were far fro any port. And also their men were so sick with fevers and flixes/ that there were many deed/ and so sick/ that they could not endure the travail on the see. So all things considered they thought it best to repair home through the realm of France. Than some said/ how may that be? for we be enemies too all the realms that we must pass through. First through Spain/ for we have made them open war. The king of Naver in likewise is joined in this war with the king of Castyle/ & also the king of Aragone/ for he is allied with the french king. and also he hath done to us a great despite/ he hath take and laid in prison at Barselona the archebyhop of Bordeaux/ who went thither to demand the arerages that the realm of Aragonoweth/ to the king of England our sovereign lord. And to send to the french king it is hard for us to do. it is far of/ and peradventure when our messenger cometh to the king (he is young) and peradventure his counsel will do nothing for us. for sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France hateth us mortally/ for he will say that the duke of Bretayn his great adversary/ will become englissh. Than some other that were of great wisdom and imagination said. All things considered/ we think it best to assay the king of Castyle/ we think he will lightly condescend to suffer us to pass through his country peaceably/ and to get a saveconduete fro the kings of France/ Arragon/ and Naver.  
THis counsel was taken/ kept and heard/ and a Herald called Derby was sent forth to the king of Castyle with letters. This herald road forth and came to Medena de campo/ and there he found the king of Castyle/ and than he kneeled down and delivered his letters. And the king opened them and red them/ they were written in french. When he had well understand them he turned him and smiled/ and said to a knight of his. Go and make this herald good cheer/ he shall be answered to night and depart to morrow. Than the king entered in to his secret chamber and sent for sir William of Lygnac and for sir gaultyer of Passac/ and red to them the letters/ and demanded of them what was best to do. ¶ I shall show you the substance of the matter. Sir johan Holande constable of the duke of Lancastres' host/ wrote to the king of Castyle/ desiring him to send by the herald letters of safeconduct for ii or three english knights to go and come safe/ to speak and to treat with him. Than these knights answered & said. sir/ it were good ye died this/ for than shall you know what they demand. Well quoth the king/ me think it is good. Than there was asafeconducte written/ containing that six knights might safely go and come at the pointing of the constable. This was sealed with the kings great seal & signed with his hand & delivered to the herald/ and xx. franks in reward. Than he returned to Auranche where the duke & the constable were.  
THe herald delivered the safeconduct to the constable. Than the knights were chosen that should go. sir Mauberyn of Linyere/ sir Thomas morel/ & sir johan Dambreticourt. these three knights were charged to go on this message to the king of Castille. and they departed assoon as they might for some thought long/ for there were many sick and lacked physicians and medicines/ and also fresh victuals. These english ambassadors passed by the town of Arpent/ and there the constable of Castyle sir Oliver of Clesquy made them good cheer/ and made them a supper. And the next day he sent with them a knight of his of Tyntemache a breton/ to bring them the more surelyer to the king/ for encountering of the bretons of whom there were many spread abroad. & so long they road that they came to Medenade Campo/ and there they found the king who had great desire to know what they would. & when they were a lighted at their lodging & changed & refreshed them they went to the king/ who made to them good semblant/ & were brought to hiby the knights of his house Than they delivered to the king letters fro the duke's Constable/ but none fro himself/ for as than he would not write to the king/ but they said. Sir king/ we be sent hither to you fro the earl of Huntyngdon/ Constable with the duke of Lancastre/ A certayning you of the great mortality and sickness that is among our men. Therefore the constable desireth you/ that ye would to all such as desireth to have their health/ opyn your cities and good towns/ and suffer them to enter to refresh them/ and to recover their health if they may. And also that such as have desire to pass in to England by land/ that they may pass without danger of you/ of the king of Naver/ and of the French king but peaceably to return in to their own coutreis'. sir/ this is the desire and request that we make unto you/ as at this tyme. than the king answered and said soberly. Sirs/ we shall take counsel and advise what is good for us to do/ & than ye shallbe answered/ than the knights said. sir/ that sufficeth to us.   

¶ How these three knights obtained a safeconduct of the king of Castyle for their people to pass/ & how divers of th'englysshmen died in Castyle/ & how the duke of Lancastre fell in a great sickness. Cap. C .v.  
THus they departed fro the king at that time/ and went to their lodgings/ & there tarried all that day & the next day till none than they went to the king. Now I shall show you what answer the king had of his counsel. This request greatly rejoiced the king/ for he saw well his enemies would depart out of his realm/ & he thought in himself he would agree thereto/ yet he was counseled to the contrary but/ he sent for the ii french captains/ sir gualtier of Passacke and sir Willm of Lignac. and when they were come he right sagely showed them the desire & request of the constable of the english host/ and hereupon he demanded of them to have their counsel. First he desired sir Water Passacke to speak. He was loath to speak before other of the kings counsel there/ but he was fain so to do the king so sore desired him. & so by the kings commandment he spoke & said. Sir ye are come to the same end that we have always said. & that was/ that your enemies should waste themself/ they are now discomfited without any stroke striking. sir/ if the said folks desire to have comfort & refreshing in your country/ of your gentleness ye may well grant it them/ so that whensoever they recover their health/ they return not again to the Duke nor to the king of Portugal/ but than to depart the straight way in to their own countries: And that in the Term of six year they arm them not against you nor against the realm of Castyle. We think ye shall get rightwell a safeconduct for them of the king of France and of the king of Naverre/ to pass peaceably through the realms. Of this answer the king was right joyful/ for they counseled him according to his pleasure/ for he had not cared what bargeyn he had made/ so that he might have benquyte of the englishmen: Than he said to sir Water Passacke. Sir/ ye have well and truly counseled me I thank you/ and I shall do according to your advise. Than the three english knights were sent for.  
When they were come they entered into the counsel chamber. Than the bishop of Burges chancellor of Spain/ who was well languaged said. sirs ye knights of England pertaining to the duke of Lancastre/ and sent hither fro his constable: understand that the king here of his pity and gentleness/ will show to his enemies all the grace he may. And sirs/ ye shall return to your constable/ and show him fro the king of Castyle/ that he shall make it to be known through all his host by the sown of a trumpet/ that his realm shallbe open and ready to receive all the englishmen hole or sick/ so that at th'entry of every city or town/ they lay down their armure and weapons: And there shall they find men ready to bring them to their lodgiges. And there all their names to be written and delivered to the captain of the town/ to th'intent they should not return again in to Galyce nor in to Portugal/ for no manner of business/ but to depart in to their own countries assoon as they may. And assoon as the king of Castyle my sovereign lord hath obtained your safeconduct/ to pass through the realms of Naver and France to go to Calis/ or to any other port or haven at their pleasure: other in to Bretaygne/ Xaynton/ Rochel/ Normandy/ or Picardy. Also the kings pleasure is/ that all such knights or squires of any nation what soever it be/ that entered in to this viage: In any wise arm not themself for the space of six year against the realm of Castyle/ and that they swear thus to do when they take the safeconduct. And of this composition/ ye shall have letters open to bear to your constable/ and to such companions as sent you hither. These knights thanked the king and his counsel of their answer & said. sir there be certain articles in your answer/ we can not tell if they will be accepted or not. If they be not/ we shall send again to you our herald/ if he come not we shall accept your saying. Well sirs the king is content (quoth they of his counsel) than the king went in to his chamber. And sir water Passacke and sir Wyllm Lignacke kept still company with the english knights and brought them in to a fair chamber/ where their dinner was ready appareled for them/ and there dined with them. And after dinner had wine and spices in the kings chamber and took their leave. Their letters were ready/ & they took their horses and so departed & road to Vile cloppes/ and the next day they came to the town of Arpent & dined/ and at night lay at Noy in Galyce/ and the next day they came to Auranche & there found the constable So it fortuned that in this mean season/ one of the duke of Lancaster's great barons died a right valiant man/ called the lord Fitz water: He was greatly bemooned/ but against death none may strive. His interment was honourably done/ the king of Portugal and the duke of Lancastre present. and when these three knights were come to the Duke's lodging/ they showed all that they had done/ & showed their letters of confirmation of the same. Than some said it was a herd covenant/ and some said nay: holding opinion that it was right courtesy/ perfitly considering the danger that they were in. These tidings anon spread abroad in the host/ how the duke had given licence every man to depart who so list. Than such as were sick and feeble/ desiring a fresh air/ departed as soon as they might/ & took their leave of the duke and of the constable/ and than they were truly paid their wagis as courteously as might be. And some were content with fair words/ and so they departed by companies. some went to Arpent/ some to Ruelles/ some to vilcloppes/ some to Noy/ some to Medena de Campo & other places: & in every place they were welcome and brought to their lodgings/ & their names presented to the captain. The greatest part of the gentlemen went to Arpent/ because in that town there were many strangers/ Bretons/ frenchmen/ normans and Poictevyns/ over whom sir Oliver de Clesquyn was captain. The englishmen trusted better in them than they died in the Spaynyerdes'/ and good cause why.  
THus as I have showed you/ the duke of Lancastres' army broke up at that time in Castyle/ and every man sought the best for himself. ye may well believe that this died greatly trouble the duke of Lancastre/ and great cause why. for he saw his enterprise ●ore put a back and brought in to a herd case/ how be it like a valiant sage price as he was/ he comforted himself aswell as he might/ for he saw well it could none otherwise be. And when the king of Portugal saw how the matter went/ and that their army was broken of/ He gave licence to all manner of men/ except a three hundred spears that were come to serve him. He retaygned them still/ and so departed fro Auranche with the duke of Lancastre and his wife/ & road to saint jaques called Compostella. And when the king and the duke were there/ the king tarried there four days: And than departed with all his men/ and returned to his country to his wife/ who lay at port/ a good city in Portugal.  
Now shall I show you what befell of divers knights and squires/ such as were departed fro the duke and gone in to Castille. divers that were entecte with sickness/ for all their changing of new air and new medycins/ yet they could not scape the peril of death. divers died in Arpent/ in the mean season that the king of Castyle sent to the king of Naverre and to the french king for their saveconductes/ to pass peaceably (which was not soon optaygned) divers lords/ knights/ and squires of England died in their beds which was great damage/ and a great loss to their country. In Arpent there died three great barons of England/ and rich men. The first was sir Richard Burle who had been marshal of the dukes host/ another the lord Ponynge/ & the third the lord Percy/ cousin germayne to the earl of Northumberlande. And in the town of Noy died sir Mauberyn of Lymers a poytevyn/ a right noble and an expert knight. And in the town of ruels there died a great baron called the lord Talbot: So that there died here and there a xii great lords/ and a fourscore knights/ and two hundred squires. This was a great dysconfetture without any stroke stricken/ and there died of other mean men/ more than five hundred. And I heard it reported of a knight of England/ as he returned through France (his name was sir Thomas Quynbery) that of fifteen hundred men of arms and four thousand archers/ that the duke of Lancastre had brought out of the realm of England/ there never returned again the half part.  
THe duke of Lancastre fill in a perilous sickness in the town of saint jaques/ and often times the brute ran in Castyle & in France how he was deed/ and surely he was in a great adventure of his life. Thyrrey of Sowayne a squire of honour/ and squire for the dukes body was taken with sickness and died at Besances/ he was naturally borne of the county of Heynaulte. And his brother William of Sowayn was with him till he died/ who in like wise was in great adventure of his life. Of a truth there was none so hardy/ so rich/ nor so tolye/ but that they were in fear of themself/ & every day looked for none other thing but death/ and with this sickness there were none infected but alonely the duke of Lancaster's company. Among the frenchmen there were none sick/ whereby divers murmurations were among the spanyerdes'/ saying/ the king of Castyle hath done great grace to these englishmen to suffer them to lie and rest them in his county/ and in his good towns/ But we fear it will cost us greatly/ for they have or are like to bring in to this country great mortality. Than other would say: Ah/ they are christenmen as we be/ there ought compassion and pity to be taken one of another. this was the communing among them: And true it was/ that same season a knight of France died in Castille for whom great sorrow was made: For he was gracious/ courtesy/ and hardy in arms/ and was brother to sir johan/ sir Raynolde/ and sir Launcelotte of Voy/ and he was called sir Iohn of Voy/ but how he died I shall tell you. He was in a town of Castyle/ called Seghome/ and lay there in garrison: he had an Impostume in his body/ and he was young & lusty and took no heed thereof/ but on a day leapt on a great horse and road out in to the fields/ & spurred his horse/ so that by gambalding of the horse the impostume broke in his body/ and when he was returned to his lodging he was laid on his bed sick/ and that seemed well/ for the fourth day after he died/ whereof his friends were right sorrowful. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How sir johan Holand/ the duke of Lancastres' constable took his leave of the duke/ and he and his wife returned by the king of Castyle/ who made him good cheer/ and how sir johan Dambreticourt went to Paris to accomplish a deed of arms/ between him and Bouciqualt. Cap. C.vi.  
YE may well know that every man eschewed this sickness that was among the englishmen/ and fled therefro asmuch as they might. All this season sir johan Holande the duke's constable was still with the duke/ & certain knights and squires/ saying the season of war passed/ thinking to eschew the peril of the sickness/ said to the constable. Sir/ let us return & we will go to Bayone or to Bordeaux to take fresh air/ and to esche we this sickness/ for when so ever the duke of Lancastre will have us again/ let him write for us/ and we shall soon be with him/ which were better than to keep us here in danger and apparel. They called so often on him that on a day he showed the duke their murmuraryons. Than the duke said. Sir johan/ I will ye return and take my men with you/ and recomende me to my lord the king/ and to all my brethren in England. With right a good will sir quoth the constable. But sir/ though sick men have had great courtesy by the constable of Castyle/ as in suffering them to enter to a bide there at their case till they recover their healths/ yet they may not return again to you in to Castyle nor in to Portugal. and if other they or we take our way to calais through France/ than we must be bound to bear none armour in six year after against the realm of France/ without the king our sovereign lord be present in proper person. Than the duke said. Sir johan/ ye know well that the frenchmen will take on you and on our men (in case they see them in danger) all the vantage they can do. Therefore I shall show you which way ye shall pass courteously through the realm of Castyle. And when ye come in to the entry of Navarre send to the king/ he is my cousin/ and in time passed we had great alliance to guider which are not as yet broken/ for sith the war began between the king of Castyle and me/ we have amiably written each to other/ as cousins & friends/ nor no war hath been made by see between us but the frenchmen have. wherefore I think he will lightly suffer you to pass through his realm. & when ye be at saint johan Pie de port/ than take the way to Bisquay and so to Bayon/ than ye be in our heritage: And fro thence ye may go to the city of Bordeaux without danger of the french men/ and there refresh you at your ease. And when ye have wind and weather at will/ than ye may take the see & land in Cornwall or at Hampton/ or there as the wind will serve you. Than sir johan said your counsel shallbe fulfilled without any fault.  
IT was not long after but that the Constable and his company departed/ and there tarried with the duke and duchess/ no more but his own household servants. And sir johan Holande had his wife with him and so came to the city of Camores and there he found the king of Castyle/ sir gualtier of Passacke/ and sir Wyllm of Lignacke/ who made him good cheer/ as lords and knights do when they meet each with other. And truly the king of Castyle was glad tose the departing of the englishmen/ for than it seemed to him that his war was at an end/ and thought that there would never issue again out of England so many good men of war/ in the duke of Lancaster's title/ to make war in Castyle. Also he knew well how there was great trouble and discord within the realm of England. When the tidings spread abroad in Castille/ in the good cities and towns (where as the english men lay sick and were there to seek for their health) how that sir johan holland was ●ome thither to return again in to England. They were right glad thereof/ and so drew to him/ to the intent to return with him/ As the lord of Chameulx/ sir Thomas Percy/ the lord Lelynton/ the lord of Braseton/ and divers other/ to the number of a thousand horses. such as were sick thought themself half hole/ when they knew they should return/ their voyage paste was so painful to them.  
When sir johan holland took leave of the king of Castyle/ the king gave to him and to his company great gifts/ with mules and mulettes of spain/ and paid for all their costs. And than they road to saint Phagons and there refreshed them three days/ and in every place they were welcome and well received/ For there were knights of the kings that died conduct them/ and paid always for their costs. So long/ they code that they passed spain and came to Naueret/ where as the battle had been before/ and so to Pavyers and to Groin/ and there rested. for as than they were not in certain if the king of Naverre would suffer them to pass through his realm or not. Than they sent to him ii knights/ sir Peter Bysset and sir William Norwiche. They found the king at Tudela in Naver/ and there spoke with him/ & sped so well/ that they had grant to pass through Naver/ paying for that they should take by the way: and as soon as these knights were returned/ they departed fro Groin and so came to Pampylona & passed the mountains of Rounceaux/ and left the way in to Bierne/ and entered in to Bisquay so to go to Bayon/ at last thither they came/ and there sir johan Holande tarried a long space with his wife/ and other of the englishmen road to Bordeaux. Thus this army broke up.  
So it was/ in the season while these wars endured in Castille/ & that that englishmen kept the fields. The lord Bouciqualt the elder of the ii brethren sent by an herald to sir johan Dambreticourt/ desiring to do with him deeds of arms: as three courses with a 〈◊〉/ three with an axe/ and three with a dagger all or 〈…〉 the knight was agreed thereto. And after that sir johan Dambreticourt sent divers times to accomplish their feat/ but Bouciqualt came not forward/ I can not tell what was the cause/ nor I will not say but that he was a tied good knight/ and meet to have done a greater feat in arms than that was. And when sir johan Dambreticourt was come to Bayone in the company of sir johan Holand/ he was in divers imaginations on his challenge/ and thought that honourably he might not depart out of those parts (seeing he was challenged to do deeds of arms/ & had granted thereto) without he fulfilled the same/ for if he returned in to England without doing of any thing/ he thought that the frenchmen would say that he departed for fear. Than he took counsel of sir Iohn Holand and of other/ what were best for him to do. He was counseled to take the way through France/ with the safeconduct that the duke of Bourbon had got him/ & so to go to Paris/ and there to demand for sir Bouciqualt or else by the way/ thereby at lest his honour should be excused. This counsel the knight believed & followed the same/ and so departed fro Bayon and entered in to Biern/ & so came to Artoys & there found th'earl of Foiz who made him good cheer/ & at his departing the earl gave him ii C. florins and a good horse. Than he road forth through Byern & entered in to the country of Bigore and so in to Tholousin & in to Carcassynois/ and in his company was William of Sowayne & other squires of Heynault/ returning in to their countries. So long he road that he came to Paris/ & at that time the king was in Normandy/ and sir Boucikalt as it was showed him was in Arragon. Than sir Iohn Dambreticourt to acquit his enterprise/ presented himself before certain of the great barons of France being at Paris/ and showed them how he was come thither to acquit himself of his challenge. And when he had tarried there viii days he departed & came to Calais and they of Heynault in to their own countries. Thus little and little the army that went into Spain and into Portugal broke up.   

¶ How the duke of Burbone departed fro Auygnon to go in to castle with all his host/ and came to Burgus in Spain/ and there found the king of Castyle: and how the duke of Lancastre heard those tidings: & how the duke of Burbone departed fro the king/ and went straight again in to France. Cap. C.vii  
IT ought to be supposed/ that the duke Joys of Bourbon (who was at the beginning of this enterprise and army/ in to castle/ ordaynedde to be as chief) was well informed how the matters went. If he had known that it should have been so/ he would have made the more haste/ for it was long or he entered in to spain/ for he took a long way by Avignon to see him that wrote himself pope Clement/ and there tarried a long space/ & when he departed he road to Mountpelyer & there tarried a five days/ and also at Besyers' & Carcassone/ Narbone and Parpinyon/ and than entered in to the realm of Arragon/ tose the young king there and his cousin the queen yolant of Bare/ and so road to Baselona and there found the king and the queen his cousin/ and a great number of the lords of the country that were come thither to sest him/ and so they died. and when he had been there a six days he went to Valemcensia the great and there he heard sure tidings how the english army was withdrawn and passed homeward/ and how that sir johan holland was in Naver going honwarde/ with a great part of his company/ and how there had been a great death among them. And also he heard how his cousin the duke of Lancastre lay sick in Compostella in Galyce: and in divers places it was said/ how he was deed. How be it though there were as than but little to do in spain/ yet he thought to pass further and send word of his coming to the king of Castille who was right glad thereof and to meet with him/ came to Burgus in Spain/ and there provided greatly for his receiving/ & such as were there with him of France/ were right glad to see the duke of Burbone. Thus the duke passed Valencensia and Saragosa & all the ports/ and entered in to Spain and came to Burgus/ and there he was well received/ & there was sir Oliver of Clesquyn constable of Castyle and sir William of Lignacke/ sir gualtier of Passacke/ sir johan of Bars/ sir johan & sir raynold of Roy and divers other knights of France/ who left their garrisons to come and see the duke of Burbone/ for there was as than no doubt of the englishmen nor of the portugalois/ for they were all withdrawn. And the englishmen forsook their garrisons that they had won in Galyce/ for they knew well they could not resist the army of France/ seeing their companions were departed divers ways/ as ye have heard before.  
Tidings came in to Galyce how the duke of Bourbon was come in to spain/ and had brought with him great number of knights of France/ brute and noise was more than it was in deed/ by the one half, The commons were in great doubt/ that the duke of Bourbon would have entered there with great force and puissance/ but that the duke of Lancastre was there among them/ who greatly comforted them. Tidings came to the duke of Lancastre/ how that his cousin the duke of Burbone was come in to Spain/ and was at Burgus with the king/ and incontinent he sent word thereof to the king of Portugal/ desiring him to gather again together his people/ for he knew not what the french men would do/ seeing the english men were avoided the country. The king of Portugal/ by reason of such alliance as was between them he consented/ and departed fro Lirbone and came to Conymbres/ and there made his summons through out his realm/ every man to be ready. And than he came to the city of port to draw near to the country of Galyce/ and to his father in law the duke of Lancastre/ who was not as than in good point to ride/ for the sickness that he had/ Howe beit he began to amend. Now let us speak of the duke of Bourbon/ who was with the king of Castyle/ who made him as good cheer as he could/ and all other prelate's and lords of the realm. And many counsels there was between them/ to determine what they should do/ either to ride in to Galyce or else to return. The king of Castyle and they of his counsel saw clearly/ how the matter should best be for their profit/ and said each to other when they were together. By reason of these frenchmen our lands are wasted and destroyed/ though they be come to keep it/ we have taken by them great damage? wherefore we think it should be good/ to thank the duke of Borbon for the pain and travail that he hath endured in coming hither. and let us desire him lovingly to with draw his men of war/ saying henedeth not to tarry here for any war that is apatente (for as for Galice) the recovery thereof shall be but a small matter for us. Thus they of the kings counsel communed each with other/ and further they said. If we once receive these people they must be paid of their wages/ if not/ they will pill and rob all the realm/ for the common people all ready beginneth to complain: & therefore we think it were best to give them an honest congee to depart. This counsel was upholden and the king well consented there to/ for he saw well it was the most proftye for his people and realm/ for they could take no hurt but it should be to his damage and prejudice. So that one day in the kings presence the archbishop of Burgus to the duke of Bourbon/ & before many of the knights of France showed and declared to them their intents/ as ye have heard before. And the duke of Bourbon and divers other knights of France/ who had rather return than to a bide there for the country was not meet for their complerions) were well content to return/ and prepared themself thereupon. and because the duke of Burbone was last that came/ he returned first/ and took his leave of the king/ and said how he would return by the realm of Naverre. There were great gifts given him or he departed/ and might have had more if he would have taken it/ but he refused every thing/ except mules and mul●tte●/ and dogs of Spain. Than it was published that all frenchmen might at their pleasure depart out of Spain/ and return in to France. but there tarried still sir Oliver of Clesquyn constable of Spain and the marshal's/ and a three hundred spears of bretons/ Poictevyns and xayngtons. Thus the duke of Burbone returned. When he had taken his congee of the king and the queen/ and of other lords of Castyle/ he was conveyed to Groin/ and so in to Navarre. And where so ever he came he was welcome and well received. for the duke of Burbone was gracious/ courtesy/ honourable/ and well renowned. And the king of Naver received him lovingly/ and never showed any manner of evil will towards the french king/ in that he had taken a way fro him his inheritance of the county of Eureur in Normandy/ for he saw well the french king that was as than nephew to the duke of Bourbon/ was in no default thereof/ for when it was done he was but young. But sweetly he showed the duke all his business/ desiring him to be a good mean between him and his cousin the french king. The duke promised him so to be. Than the duke departed/ and passed through the realm of Naver peaceably/ and all other such as would pass. and thus they passed the mountains of Rouseaulx/ & all along the country of Bastelles/ and so entered in to Bierne and in to Saluaterra.   

¶ How th'earl of Foize received honourably the duke of Bourbon/ and of the great gifts that he gave him/ and how sir willyam of Lygnac and sir Gaultier of Passackes company departed out of Spain/ and of the incident that fortuned in the town of saint Phagon. Cap. C.viii  
When the Earl of Foyz being at Ortays/ understood that the duke of Bourbon was at Saluaterra he was glad thereof/ and sent for his knights to be about him. And on a day in great array he road with a five hundred knights and squires two leagues out of Ortays/ and met with the duke of Bourbon/ who in likewise road with a great rout of knights and squires/ and there they met amiably/ as great princes ought to do. And when they had communed together a certain space (as it was showed me) when I was at Ortays. The earl of Foize drew him a part in the field with all his company/ and the duke abode still in another part. Than the Earl sent to the duke three knights named sir Espayne de Lyon/ sir Peter Capestan/ and sir Menaunt of Nowalles. And when they came before the duke they said. Sir/ here is a present that my lord the earl of Foiz hath sent/ to you at your returning out of Spain/ for he knoweth well ye have been at great dispense/ Therefore sir he doth give you at your entering in to his country of Bierne/ eight thousand franks/ and this mulette/ and two coursers and two palfreys. Sirs quoth the duke/ I thank the earl of Foyze/ But as for the florins I will take none/ as for the other present I will receive them with a good will. thus the florins were refused/ and the Mules and horses received. Than the earl of Foyz came to the duke/ and brought him in to the town of Ortays/ and lodged him in his own place/ & all other were lodged in the town. the duke was three days in Ortays/ and had great there with gardeners and suppers. And there the Earl of Foize showed the duke a great part of his estate. On the fourth day the duke departed/ and the earl gave to the knights and squires great gifts. As it was showed me/ the coming thither of the duke of Bourbon cost the earl of Foize ten thousand franks. Thus the duke departed and went in to France/ and road by Mountpelyer & by the city of Puy/ and by the county of Forestes whereof he was lord by the lady his wife.  
FOr all the departing of the duke of Burben (as ye have herd) out of Spain/ sir William Lignac and sir Gaultier of Passac departed not so soon/ nor the companies to the number of a three thousand spears and sire thousand of other men of war/ and little and little ever they departed. They were many out of wages and weary of the wars/ and so returned evil horsed and evil appareled/ all to torn and ragged. The meeting with such people was nothing profitable/ for they unhorsed whom soever they met/ and made war to all merchants and to men of the church/ and to poor people of the country where any thing was to get. These rutters said how the war had undone them/ and how the king of Castyle had evil paid them their wages/ wherefore they said they would pay themself. And surely such cities/ castles/ and good towns as were not strong in Castyle/ doubted them greatly. and against them towns and cities closed their gates for fear of parels/ for all was havoc with them without it were well defended. Such knights and squires as came by the earl of Foyze to see him were well received/ and had gifts and rewards given them right largely. As it was showed/ the coming and returning of men of war/ that passed by th'earl of Foize for the said journey/ cost him the some of xl thousand franks.  
THis season there fell an incident in the town of saint Phagon in spain after the departing of the duke of Burbone/ the which cost five hundred men's lives. So it was that when sir Gaultier of Passar and sir William of Lignac entered first in to Spain/ their companies spread abroad in to diverse places in the country/ and about the town of saint Phagon/ which was a good plenteous country. There were many of the bretons/ Poictevyns/ and augenyns/ of rainton and men of the low countries. And when they entered first in to saint Phagon/ they entered by six/ ten/ fifteen and twenty/ so that at last there were more than five hundred of one and other/ masters and servants/ and ever as they came they lodged themself/ and peeled and rob their hosts/ and broke up coffers & cupboards/ and would take what they found. And when the citezyns saw their demeanor/ to the intent that there should no more entry. when these strangers were at their rest they cried alarm in the town/ and the spaniards were ready for the same all the day before. And so they entered in to the lodgings where the strangers were/ and as they were found they were slain without pity or mercy/ and happy were they that were saved. the same night there were slain more than five hundred. The next morning these tidings came to the captains that were coming to the same town ward. than they drew them together to take counsel/ And the captains determined that it was no time than to be revenged. for if they died/ they should find all other towns and cities against them/ whereof their enemies would/ be right joyous/ but they said that when their voyage should have an end/ that in their returning they would thank them according to their deserts. So they passed forward and spoke nothing thereof/ but they thought the more.  
Now than so it happened that when every man returned/ except such as were still abiding with the constable sir Oliver of Clysson/ and specially those of the low countries/ when they came together they said each to other. Now let us pay for our welcome that we had at saint Phagon? Let us quite them at our departing. To this they were all agreed/ and so gathered together to the some of a thousand fighting men/ and they approached saint Phagon/ & entered in to the town (without any mistrust that they of the city had to them/ for they trusted all things had been forgotten) The strangers cried alarm in a hundred places/ and cried slay the villains of the town/ and take all that they have/ for they have well deserved it. then these bretons and other entered in to the houses where they thought to win most/ and broke up coffers/ and slew the men down in every place. They slew the same day more than four hundred/ and the town rob and spoiled/ and more than half brent/ which was great damage. Thus these rutters were revenged for the death of their companions/ and than they departed fro saint Phagon.   

¶ How the king of Castle and his counsel were evil content with sir William of Lignac and sir Gaultier of Passackes company/ and how the duke of Lancastre departed fro saint jaques to Bayon. Cap. C.ix  
Tidings came to the king of Castyle how these companions had rob and pilled the good town of saint Phagon/ & slain the citizens to the nobre of a four hundred/ and nigh brent the town. And it was said that if the english men had won it with assault/ they would not have daulte so cruelly as they did. The same time the two knights were present with the king/ and they were greatly reproved by the king and his counsel. They excused them and said: as god might be their helps they knew nothing thereof. but they said/ they had herd how they were not content with them of that town/ because when they entered first in to the realm and came to saint Phagon/ there were certain of their company slain/ which grudge by likelihood they have borne ever sith in their hearts. It behoved the king of Castyle to let this matter pass/ for it would have cost him over moche to have had it amended. But he bore not so good will to the captains after/ as he did before/ and that was well seen. for when they departed and took leave of the king to return in to France/ if he had been pleased with them/ it aught to be supposed they should have been better paid of their wages than they were. For the duke of Burbone that came last and was first that departed/ he and his company had all the cheer/ and well rewarded. Thus these people issued out of Castyle by diverse ways/ some by Bisquay & some by Arragon. Such as were noble and honest knights and squires/ and lived well and kept good rule/ they departed poor and evil horsed. and such as were hardy and adventured to rob and pill/ they were well horsed and well furnished with gold and silver/ and their males full of baggage. Thus it falleth in such adventures/ some win and some lose. The king of Castyle was joyful when he saw he was clean delivered of such people.  
Now let us somewhat speak of the duke of Lancastre/ who lay sick in his bed in the town of saint james/ and the duchess his wife with him and his daughter Katheryn. It is to be thought that the duke day and night was not without annoyance/ for he saw his business in a hard part/ and many of his good knights deed/ such as he with moche pain had brought with him out of England. Nor there was none that would treat for any composition to be had between him and the king of Castyle/ nor that he would take the duchess his wife for inheritor of Castle/ nor give her any part there of. But he heard his men say/ that they were informed by pilgrims that came to saint jaques/ out of Flaunders/ Brabant/ Heynaulte/ and other countries/ as they came through the realm of spain: They heard the men of war say to them. Sirs ye shall go to saint jaques and there ye shall find the duke of Lancastre/ who keepeth his chamber for fear of the light of the son. recommend us to him and demand of him in our behalf if we have made him fair war/ or that he be content with us or not. The englishmen were wont to say that we could better dance than make war. But now is the time come that they rest and sing/ and we keep the fields/ and our fronters/ in such wise that we lose nothing nor take any damage. Such tales were told to the duke & he took all in worth for he had none other remedy. And as soon as he might ride he departed/ and the duchess and his daughter fro saint jaques/ For the king of Portugal had sent for him by the earl of Noware his constable with a five hundred spears/ and with him sir Iohn Ferant the Ponase of Congue/ Ageas Coylle/ Venase Martin de Malo/ Galope Ferrant/ sir Aulde Perre/ I can Nedighes de Fay/ Gannes de Falues/ all barons. Thus they departed fro Compostella/ & so road till they came to the city of port. There the king & the queen of Portugal made them good cheer. And anon after the king and the queen departed and went to Conymbres/ a days journey fro thence/ and the duke tarried there a.ii. months. In the mean season he ordained for all his business and had galyes of the king/ and they were appareled/ & had with him the master patron of Portungale/ named Alphons Brecart. And when they saw good time to take the see/ the duke and all his entered in to their vessels/ and disacred and took the see/ & were within a day and a half of Bayon which was more than threescore and 〈◊〉 leagues of. And there the duke took landynge and found not there sir johan holland nor the other english men/ for they were departed and gone to Bordeaux/ & there took shipping and so in to England. The duke tarried at Bayon a long space/ and lived there of the revenues of Bayon & Bordeaux and of the land of Acquitayne/ of all that was under the obeisance of king Richard of England/ for he had commission sufficient to receive the profits of all those lands/ and was called duke and governor of them. ¶ Now let us leave to speak a season of the duke of Lancastre and of the Englishmen/ and let us treat of other matters. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the earl of Armynake took great pain to treat with the companions/ to depart out of the realm of France. Cap. C.x.  
IN this reason the earl of Armynake was in Awergne/ & was entreating of the companions such as lay in fortresses in garrison. In Awergne/ Quersy/ & Lymosen. This earl had great desire to cause these captains to depart out of the realm of France/ and to leave such holds as they were in/ for these lands were sore oppressed by them and greatly impoverisshed. And so he was in communication with them all/ except Geffray Teate Noyre/ who held Wenchadore against the earl of Armynake. These said captains should receive at one payment/ two hundred and l thousand franks. And to pay this some the said lands were bound/ for they were glad to be delivered of these people/ for otherwise they could not labour the earth/ nor occupy their feat of merchandise/ nor do any thing for fear of these pillars/ without they were patesed by them. And the charge of their patesing drew well yearly to the some that they should pay to have them delivered. And though these countries had war with the englishmen yet there were among them but few of the nation of England: But there were gascoins/ bretons/ almains/ foyzons/ and men of divers countries/ who were gathered together to do evil deeds. And when the composytions of the redemption was made and agreed: they excepted Geffray Teate noyre and his forterers/ for he would do nothing for them. Than the earl of Armynake prayed the earl dolphin of Awergne/ who was a great captain/ that he should treat with the said Geffray/ and that he would do so moche to go in to France to the king and his counsel/ the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyn/ who as than had the governing of the realm to have their counsel and assistance. For without their advise & agreement/ they durst raise up no tail in the country. The Earl dolphin of Awergne at the request of the earl of Armynake took his journey to Paris as than the king was not there/ he was at Roan. thither road the earl/ and there showed all the matter to the king and his counsel/ but he was not shortly dispatched/ for they doubted the treaty of these people/ & said Sir earl dolphin/ we know well that the earl of Armynake and you would right gladly the honour and profit of the realm/ for your parts lieth therein. ye have fair lands there/ But we doubt greatly/ that when these captains gascoins/ bernoyes/ & other be paid such sums of money as the composition requireth/ whereby the country should be enpoverisshed/ that than within three or four months after they should return again and make worse war than they did before/ and enter again in to these fortresses. than the earl of dolphin answered and said. sirs it is our intents/ the tail cessed and gathered/ that the money shall not pass out of Cleremonde or Ryon/ till we be certified and in surety of these people. Well quoth the dukes we are content that the money be levied and put in sure keeping in some place in the same country/ for at the least it shall serve to make them war/ if they will not come to some amiable treaty. And that the earl of Armynake and you/ the bishop of Cleremonde and the bishop of Puy/ take ye the charge of this matter/ and do so as it may be for your honour/ and profit to the country. With right a good will sir quoth the earl/ and so departed fro the king and his uncles fro Roan/ and found the earl of Armynake his brother at Clerimont in Awergne/ with many lords of the country tarrying there upon his coming. and there he showed word for word that he had with the french king and his uncles/ and the doubts that were made in the matter: And how it was their intents that the tail should be gathered/ and the money there of gathered together and put in surety in some certain place/ till the very intent of these pillars might be known/ who keepeth castles and garrisons against the realm. the same is our entencion quoth the earl of Armynake/ and sith it pleaseth the king and his counsel we shall go further in the matter: but for the more surety it must behove us to have a good and a sure truce with them for all the country/ till the tail be cessed and gathered. Than there were ambassadors assigned by the earl of Armynake to go and speak with Perot le Bernoys and Amergot marcel. These two were as sovereigns of the fortress that they held on that side the river of Durdone/ and also to speak with the Borge of Compaigne/ with bernard of the Isles/ with Oliver Barb abton/ with Seghewe the lord of Laenplayre/ and divers other. All these captains accorded not together/ for that the one would the other would not. I shall show you the reason why.  
THey were of divers opinions and of divers countries. They of Armynake/ such as were under the obeisance of the Earl of Armynake were soon agreed/ but all the other would not be ruled by him. for the chief company of them and such as were most renowned to use great robbery and pillery were of Bierne/ and of the county of Foiz. Howbeit I say not but that the earl of Foiz would the honour of the realm of France. But when he heard first how the earl of Armynake died treat with them/ for such fortresses as they held in Awergne/ in Quercy/ and in Lymosyn: as he that desired to know the hole substance of the matter. Demanded of them that informed him thereof/ what the earl of Armynake was minded to do with the men that were in the garrisons/ when they were departed out of their holds/ and whither he would set them in any business or not. Than he was answered/ and it was said to him. Sir/ the earl of Armynake would keep them in wages & occupy them in to Lombardy: for as ye know well his sister is married there/ and before she had Gascone your son/ for it is thought there shallbe moche a do in Lombardy. whereunto the earl of Foiz gave none answer but fell in to other talking/ howbeit he thought nevertheless (as it appeared af●) for he handled the matter covertly. I shall show you how.  
The earl of Armynake for any treaty that he could do to them that were of the country of Bierne/ or of the teneurs of th'earl of Foiz or such as owed him any favour/ could never cause any of them to agree to depart out of their garrisons. Nor would not go neither to the earl of Armynake nor to bernard his brother in law. For th'earl of Foiz who was full of great prudence/ considered that these two lords of Armynake & there cousins/ and with the labriciens were puissant men. and saw how they gate them friends on every part/ he thought they should not be renforsed/ with them that ought to serve him. And one thing that was reasonable the Earl of Foiz imagined. sir Espaygne de Leon showed it me when I was at Ortays/ & in likewise so died the earl of Compane/ captain of Carlot in Awergne: and also so died the Bourge of England. They said how the earl of Foiz regarded how he had had open war with them of Armynake/ though it were peace between them (as than) which was but a truce/ the which was divers times renewed between them. Therefore he thought ●hat if the earl of Armynake had all those companions under his governance/ his wars should be the fairer. So that the armagnacs and the labricience with their alyes/ might do him a great displeasure.  
This was the cause that such as owed favour to th'earl of Foiz/ would not agte to the earl of Armynake. How be it they made them believe that they would/ but they did but dissemble/ for they broke all their apoyntmentes. how be it they road not abroad so moche as they died before/ Whereby always the Earl of Armynake thought to have come to his purpose. They that agreed to him were Perotte de Bernoys/ who held the strong castle of Salucette/ which is chief and sovereign of all Awergne and Lymosyne/ for their patesing endured to Rochel. And also Guyllyam of saint Foye/ who held the castle of Bontevyll/ and also Margote marcel/ who held Loysse before saint flower in Awergne/ and the Bourge of Compaygne and the english Bourge/ who held Carlotte. Margote marcel said he was content/ so that he might have in likewise Perotte/ Bernoys/ and Geffray Teate Noyre/ who held Vandachore/ who was sovereign above all other. But he died but mock and dissemble the matter/ for he disdained to fall to any treaty of the earl of armagnacs/ or of any other. For he thought his castle imprignable and well provided for seven or eight years/ for he had a passage or two that could not be taken fro him/ but that he might issue when he list/ to refresh himself and his company. This Geffray wrote himself in his safeconducts. Geffray Teate Noyre duke of Vandachore/ earl of Lymosyn/ lord and sovereign of all the captains of Awergne/ Rovergue/ and Lymosyn.  
NOw let us leave to speak of these matters of far countries/ till we have cause to return thereto again: And now I will speak of matters nearer home/ as of mine own nation (as it hath been showed here before) when I treated of the end of the war of Flaunders/ and of the charter of peace that the duke of Burgoyne/ and the duchess died give and grant/ and sealed to them of Gaunt/ in the good town and noble city of Tourney. Therefore now to enforce our matter and history/ we will speak now of the wars of Guerles and of Brabant. And I am quickened so to do/ because that the French king and the duke of Burgoyne (to whom the matter greatly touched/ by the incidents that gendered thereby) were fain to set to their hands to the same war/ and to come to the bottom thereof: And to continue at length the true history and matter/ I say thus as followeth. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the earl reynold of Guerles/ who had laid all his lands in guage and wist not what to do/ came for refuge to the archbishop of Coleygne his Uncle/ who blamed him. & how ambassadors went to Berthaulte of Malygnes. Cap. C.xi  
Along season it was that they of Guerles and they of Brabant had great hatred together/ and so did the countries to them adjoining/ by reason of certain bonds one against another. And the most hatred that the brabanders had to the duke of Guerles and to his heirs/ was for the town of Grave/ which the dukes of Guerles had holden per force a long season against the brabansoys. For they said/ because that the town of grane stood on that side of the river of Muese towards Brabant/ that the duke of Guerles held it wrongfully. & before that time divers communycacions had been and poyntmentes taken/ howbeit always the guerloys stack in their hertis. Also the guerloys hated the brabansoys/ because of three fair castles that were on that side the river/ as Gaulech/ Buthe/ & null. Which castles the duke of Brabant held also peforce: And by reason (as in reading I shall begin at the duke of Guerles) These hatereddes were often times renewed between them of Guerles and Brabant. And it was supposed by divers knights and squires that knew of their deeds of arms/ that if sir Edward of Guerles who was slain by a marvelous incident at the battle of Julyers/ by the shoot of an archer that was with the duke Vyncelant of Boem duke of Lusenbourge or of Brabante/ If he had lived (with that that his men had had the victory) he had come to his intent in getting again the three castles. for he was lo valiant a man and so hardy/ that he would have conquered them again. ¶ Now I will declare (as I have promised) how and in what manner these foresaid castles came in to the signory of the brabansoys/ and first I will begin with the dukes of Guerles.  
IN the time when I wrote and ordained this history/ there was an Earl of Guerles/ called Raynolde/ and because that Guerles is no rich country/ nor so great as the duchy of Brabant. This earl came to his land a young man/ and had a free-will to dispend largely/ and thought full little of the end that might come after. He cared for nothing but for to accomplish his pleasure/ and haunted jousts and tourneys to his great cost/ to get him renome. And every year he spended four times as much as the value of the revenues of his lands. He borrowed of the lombards in divers places/ he was so liberal and outrageous: He ran so in debt/ that he could not aid himself with any thing that he had/ so that his parents and friends greatly blamed him/ and specially an uncle of his by his mother's side/ He came of the house of Orcle/ and was archbishop of Coleygne/ who said to him in manner of giving him counsel. My fair nephew Raynolde/ ye have so demeaned yourself/ that now ye are become a poor man/ and your lands lieth in pledge in divers places. And through all the world there is but little account made of poor lords. Think you that such as have had these great gifts of you and profit will render it again/ as god aid me no? But when they see you in this poor case and have no more to give them/ they will fly fro your company and mock you and your foul largesse. ye shall find them no friends. Think not though I be bishop of Coleyne/ that I ought to break or minish mine estate to help you/ nor to give you of the patrimony of my church? Surely I will not do it/ nor my conscience? shall never agree thereto/ nor also the pope nor the cardinals will not suffer it: th'earl of Heynalt hath not behaved himself (as ye have done) who hath given Margarett his eldest daughter in marriage to the king of Almaigne Joys of Bavyers/ and yet he hath three other/ he will marry them all highly. if ye had well borne yourself/ and not have laid your heritage to pledge/ nor put out of your hands none of your castles nor towns/ ye might ryȝtwell have fortuned to have had one of his daughters in marriage/ but in the case ye be in now/ ye shall never come thereto ye have (as now) neither towns nor castles that ye may endow any woman with all/ not so much as a poor lordship. This earl of Guerles was sore abashed with the words of the bishop his uncle/ for he knew well he showed him but truth: And than for love and kindred he desyredde his counsel. Counsel fair nephew quoth the bishop: it is to late. ye will close fast the stable when the Horse is lost: How be it I see in all your business but one remedy. What remedy quoth the earl? I shall show you qd the bishop.  
BErthaulte of Malygnes (who is as now renowned the richest man of silver and gold/ that is known in any place/ by reason of the course of merchandise that he useth/ both by land and by see. He occupieth to Dammas/ to Cayre/ and to Alexander. His galyes and merchandise are worth an hundred thousand florins) hath to pledge part of your heritage. this Berthault hath a fair daughter to marry/ and he hath no more children/ Great and high barons of almain in those marches have desired her in marriage/ for themselves and for their sons. This I know well/ and yet they could never come to their intents/ for some he refused and some he thought not worthy. wherefore I would counsel you that ye should treat with this Berthault/ desiring to have his daughter in marriage/ so that he will redeem all your lands and pay all your debts/ and bring again in to your hands/ your towns/ castles/ and lordships/ pertaining unto your heritance. And I suppose because ye be of an high lineage and of great signory/ & have many towns cities/ and castles/ between the rivers of Meuse and Ryne/ that he will incline to your request. Sir qd th'earl of Guerles/ ye counsel me truly and I shall so do. Than after th'earl of Guerles assembled together his counsel and friends/ such as loved him best/ and discovered his intent to them. and desired them to go in his name to the said Berthault of Maligns/ and to treat honourably with him for that matter. When these knights and clerks came to Berthalt/ sent fro the earl of Guerles/ he made them good cheer and made them a curtess answer/ and said he would take advisement. And he was rich beyond measure/ as worth a .v. or six hundred. M. florins. And desired the advancement of his daughter/ Thinking that he wist not where to marry her more highly/ than to th'earl of Guerles (thought to accept this marriage) but or he fully assented thereto in himself/ he had divers imaginations/ and cast many doubts and said to himself. if I marry my daughter to this Earl/ and he have children by her and than she happen to die/ as all things fall daily. than he that shallbe made rich with my goods/ and put again in to possession of his towns and castles/ Hap to marry again secondly in to some high blood/ and have children again by her Those children than coming out of noble lineage by their mother's side/ shall be more made of than the children issued of my daughter. yea? And moreover like to be dysenheryted. Wherefore without this be artycled I will never consent thereto. How be it I will answer these messanges that their coming pleaseth me greatly/ and that my daughter should be happy if she might come to so great a perfection/ as to be conjoined in marriage to the earl of Guerles/ though it should cost me right dearly/ so that the matters were clear. But as now/ every man knoweth well they be not clear/ but in sore trouble. And also he hath forfeited all his heritage between the rivers of Muese and Ryne. Wherefore to be quite of this/ every man may see clearly/ he demandeth my daughter in marriage. and if I give her to him/ I will know how it shall be. And also/ if case that my daughter have son or dough● by him/ I will know if they shallbe heirs of Guerles or no/ for any other marriage that the earl may hap to have after. And of this alliance I will have good surety of him and of them that be next of his blood/ and of such as have any right to demand any succession in the country of Guerles/ and also promise of the noble men and good towns of the country. Thus Berthaulte of Malygnes determined himself to make answer to th'earl of Guerlrs' commissioners.  
THe next day at an hour assigned the earls messanges came to Berthaldes lodging/ and there he showed well that he was a rich man. Berthault met them in his hall/ and sweetly received them and spoke to them merrily/ and than led them in to a fair chamber appareled and dressed/ and it had benfor a king/ and had there about him some of his friends. And when they were all there assembled and the door closed: Than Berthaulte desired them to show the cause of their coming/ whereupon he would make them a final answer/ and so they did. And the dean of Coleygne a right sage Clerk and cousin to the earl of Guerles spoke/ and there showed theffect of their ambassade/ in such wise/ that it was joy to hear him. Of his words nor of his requests I need not to speak any more/ for they have been showed here before/ & touched at length. Than Berthaulte answered as he had devised in himself the day before/ and said. Fair lords I repute myself greatly honoured & my dough● also/ if we might come to so high an en●prise as the earl of Guerles desireth. And when a matter is begun/ it would not be prolonged. I say this because that alliance by marriage made between the high prince and redoubted lord the earl of Guerles/ and Marry my daughter pleaseth me rightwell. ye make me request that his lands (which at this present time/ are so sore charged and laid to pledge/ in the hands of certain lombards and other/ by reason of this marriage should be quit/ and that I should rid him out of debt/ And all things that are now dark/ I should make them clear. I thank god of his puissance that it lieth in me thus to do/ & I am in good will so to do. But first or this covenant be fully agreed/ written or sealed/ that I may be in surety without trouble or debate/ that the children coming of my daughter may be inheritors to the earldom of Guerles/ as the lymites thereof do stretch. & that if my lord th'earl of Guerles fortune to die before my daughter/ without issue between them/ that than my daughter may enjoy the heritage of Guerles during her life/ and af● her disease/ to return to the rightful heir. And also I say/ if my daughter have heir or heirs by my lord th'earl/ and than she fortune to die/ though the earl than remacy again the second time/ and have issue by the second wife/ yet for all that my daughters heir or heirs shall not be disherited. how be it if it please the earl to remary again/ I am content that he make his second wife a dower of all such lands as he hath beyond the river of Muse/ marching to the bishopric of Liege/ and to the duchy of Brabant/ and not to charge the principal signory of Guerles. And thus if the earls friends and parents/ and such as be next of blood/ and have any challenge to the signory of Guerles with the good towns of the country/ will seal to uphold these devices and covenants/ than I am content and will assent to this marriage. ye may now answer to this if ye have any charge so to do. Than the knights answered when they had a little counseled together. Than one for them all said/ sir we have well heard your answer/ but we have none authority to confirm nor to grant so farforth as ye demand/ But we shall return to our lord th'earl and to his counsel and show him your answer and demand/ and shortly ye shall here fro him again. Than Berthalte said. sirs/ as god will so be it. Thus they departed out of the chamber. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the earl raynold of Guerles was married to Mary daughter to Berthault of Maligns/ by whom he had a daughter/ and after married again in England/ and had issue two sons and a daughter/ & how sir Iohn of Bloyes wedded th'elder daughter of the earl of Guerles. and how after the county of Guerles remained with th'earl of Guerles' youngest daughter. Cap. C xii  
YE have well heard all the answers & demands between the foresaid parties/ wherefore I speak no more thereof. But (as ye have herd) when th'earl of guerles messengers were returned home again/ The earl was hoot in the matter/ for he saw well he could as then do no better/ than to marry Berthalt of Malygnes daughter/ he was so rich a man. Than the earl and his counsel made and devised writings sufficient and th'earl set to his seal/ and his next friends and parents/ in likewise so did other knights of Guerles and good towns. And when all was confirmed and done as Berthaulte was content/ the marriage was made/ and the earls debts paid/ and his Lands clearly quit out of danger. Than the Earl took new counsel/ and began a new life and state/ if he were called good before he was named better after/ for than he had well wherewith. he lacked nothing of that Berthault of Malygnes might aid him. The earl bore him to his wife right honourably/ for she was a fair lady good/ sage/ devout/ & prudent: but they were not together past a four years/ but that the lady died/ And she had a daughter called Isabella. when th'earl of guerles was a widower he was but young. Than he married again right highly/ For king Edward of England/ father to the good king Edward who besieged Tourney and wan Ealis/ he gave to this earl raynold a daughter of his named Isabella/ and by her this earl had three children/ two sons & one daughter/ sir Raynolde & sir Edward/ and jane/ who afterward was duchess of Guerlers. For in likewise as Bertram of Maligns had imagined in the beginning/ when his daughter married the earl of Guerles/ even so it fell/ for there was no truth kept to him. For when king Edward of England/ who was uncle to the earl of Guerles children/ came first in to Almaigne to the Emperor Joys of Bavyers/ which Emperor instituted king Edward to be his vicar general/ through all the marches of the Empire/ as it is contained in the beginning of this book. Than the county of Guerles was made a duchy/ and the county of Julyers was made marquis of Julyers to augment their dignities. And to come to our matter/ the duke raynold of Guerles/ nephew to king Edward died without issue/ and sir Edward of Guerles was married in Heynault/ and had to wife the youngest daughter of duke Aubert/ but the lady was so young/ that this sir Edward never touched her carnally. And so this sir Edward also died without issue/ who was a right valiant knight. He was slain in the battle that was between the duke of Brabant and duke Wincelant before julyers. His sister jane who was married to duke Guylliam of julyers had children. And she by succession of her brethren said and took upon her to be heir to the duchy of Guerles/ and in likewise so died her eldest sister by the first marriage/ For the two brethren by the second marriage were both deed/ without lawful issue. Wherefore she said/ she was inheritor. Thus fell the difference between the two sisters/ and some of the country would have the one and some the other. And the eldest sister was counseled to marry in to some high lineage/ that might aid her challenge and defend her heritage. Than there was treaty made by the bishop of Coloygne that was than: to the lord sir johan of Bloyes/ For th'earl Joys his brother as than lived. and the bishop said/ that he should thereby be duke of Guerles/ For by succession of the two brethren deed without issue male/ Therefore by right of marriage/ the right should return to her/ for none other could challenge any right but she. And sir johan of Bloyes who always had been nourished & brought up in the parties of holland and zeland (for there he had fair heritage/ and had the language of that country. And he never had will to marry in France) laid his ear glad lie to this treaty/ and saw well he might thereby have great possessions in the marches/ that he loved best. And also the knights of holland that were of his counsel/ counseled him thereto. So he accepted that marriage/ but first or he would conclude/ he said he would ride in to Heynault and Quesnoy to speak with his cousin the duke Auberte/ to see what counsel he would give him. But to say truth/ duke Aubert wist not what to counsel him. And if he did/ he made no semblant thereof/ but dissimuled the matter a little/ So that sir Iohn of Bloyes would no lengar tarry to have his counsel/ But took his horse and returned as soon as he could in to Guerles/ and wedded this lady/ and did put her in possession of the country. But some there were that would not receive him to their lord/ nor her to their lady: For the most part of the knights and squires and good towns of the country/ held with the duchess of Julyers/ for that lady had fair children/ wherefore they of Guerles loved her the better.  
THus sir Iohn of Bloys had his wife and possessions/ which cost him much after: For the earl Joys his brother died And than he was earl of Bloyes & lord Davenes in Heynault/ and had all the lands in holland and zeland/ & had in the said counties great heritage. & always his counsel counseled him to pursue for his right that he ought to have by his wife in Guerles/ & so he died to his power. But the almains are so covetous/ they would make no war for him no lengar than his money endured. and the challenge that he made to the duchy of Guerles did him never perfect/ but great damage. Than died this gentle knight sir johan of Bloyes/ in the castle and town of Eslone hoof/ the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and one/ in the month of june/ and was buried in the freres at Valencenes/ beside sir johan of Heynault his. And than was his brother sir Guy of Bloyes earl/ and held all the lands by right succession that his two brethren had held/ aswell in France/ Picardy/ Heynalt holland/ and zeland/ as in the county of Bloyes.  
I Know not how many years after the lady died/ who had been wife to th'earl Iohn of Bloys/ her sister the duchess of juliers abode peaceably duchess of guerles It was ordained by th'accord of the country/ and at the request of the knights & good towns of the duchy of Guerles/ that they should take to their lord sir Willm of juliers/ eldest son to the duke of juliers/ for the land came to him rightfully by succession of his uncles. and by reason thereof/ duke Aubert and the duchess his wife gave him there daughter in marriage/ who before had been married to sir Edward of Guerles. Thus the lady was daughter of Heynault and duchess of Guerles. and when she married the duke of Guerles/ son to the duke of Julyers they were both of one age/ wherefore the marriage was the more agreeable. This young duke of Guerles held him in his own country/ and th'elder he waxed/ the more he loved deeds of arms/ as jousts and tourneys. and always the duke was rather english than trench/ and that he showed well as long as he lived: And always he bore in his mind/ the evil will that his predecessors had to the duchy of Brabant. & always he sought occasion how he might make war there for two reasons. the one because he was allied by faith and homage to king Richard of England: the other was because Wyncelant of Boesme duke of Lusemburge and of Brabant/ had bought of th'earl of Mors a great lord in Almaigne/ the three foresaid castles/ the which I shall name again to quicken the matter/ Gaulech/ Buch and null/ on the otherside of the river of Muse in the land of Falquemount: which castles anciently pertained to the duke of guerles and was inheritor to them. And therefore the young duke Willm of juliers duke of guerles was sore displeased/ that he might not recover his heritage. as long as duke Wyncelant of Brabant lived he spoke no word thereof. Now shall I show you how it fortuned/ to th'intent the matter should be the clearer to be understanded. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How these castles of Gaulech/ B●th/ and Null came to the duke of Brabant/ and how the duke of juliers sustained the linfars in his country/ Who rob all manner of people. And of the great assemble that the duke of Brabant made to go to Julyers/ and how he was discomfited. Cap. C.xiii  
SO it was that duke reynold of Guerles/ cousin germayne to the prince of Guerles/ and his brother had before that enguaged the threfor said castles for a some of florins/ to an high baron of almain called th'earl of Mors. This earl held these castles a season/ and when he saw that he could not get his money that he had lend on them. He was sore displeased and sent sufficient some moaning to the duke raynold of Guerles. The duke made no count thereof/ for he had not wherewith to redeem them again. & the earl of Mors saw that he came to the duke of Brabant/ & treated with him to have again his money for the said castles. The duke heard him well/ because the castles marched on the land of Faulquemount/ of the which land he was lord/ for the duke was glad to increase his inheritance/ as he that thought well to over live the lady jane duchess of Brabant his wife/ & so he gate in to his possession the said three castles. And in the first he set the lord of Kalle/ to be as chief sovereign. and when this duke of Guerles was deed/ than sir Edward of Guerles took on him the heritage and sent to the duke of Brabant ambassadors/ desiring him that he might have again the three castles/ for the money that was paid for them. The duke would make no such bargain/ but denied it. With which answer sir Edward of Guerles was not content/ & dalte hardly with the widow the lady Isabella of Brabant/ younger sister to the duchess/ which lady had wedded the duke raynold of Guerles. but thus he troubled her for her dowry. The lady went in to Brabant and complained her to the duke of Brabant her brother and to the duchess/ how that sir Edward of Guerles died her great wrong & injury. And because there was a grudge between the Brabansoys and the guerloys/ for the land and town of Grance/ which was in Brabant on that side the river of Muese Therefore the duke and the brabansoys were more inclined to aid the lady. and on a day there were assembled together at the calling of the duke of Brabant a great number of men of war/ a xii hundred spears. And sir Edward of Guerles made his assemble on the other part/ and were in that case that it was likely to have had a battle between them. But the duke Aubert/ the duke of Mours/ & the duke of jullyers met together by a treaty/ and so this assemble departed a sondre with out any thing doing. The same year the duke Wyncelant of Brabant overthrew the companions in the country of Lusenburge/ who had greatly wasted that land/ and put many to exile: and in the tower of the castle of Lusenburge died their sovereign captain called the little Meslyn. And also in the same year sir Charles of Boesme/ who as than reigned and was king of almain and emperor of Rome/ instituted duke Wyncelant of Boesme and made him sovereign regard/ by an institution and ordinance called in Almaigne/ Le langue fried/ that is to say/ holding the covert and sure ways. So that all manner of people might go and come/ and ride fro town to town surely and in safeguard. And the Emperor gave him a great part of the land and country of Dauffay/ on both sides the river of Ryne/ to defend him therein against the lynfars/ who were a manner of people right perilous/ and great robbers without pity. And also the Emperor gave him the sovereignty of the good & rich city of Straubourcke/ and made him Marquis of the holy Empire/ to augment thereby his estate. And surely he could not give him to much/ for this Duke Wyncelant was liberal/ sweet/ courtesy/ amiable/ and noble in arms: & was likely to achieve many things if he had lived long/ but he died in the flower of his youth. Whereof I that have written this history make great complaint for him/ that he lived no lengar/ but till he was a xxiiii year of age. Thescisme that was in the church greatly displeased him/ and that he showed me often times for I was prive of his acquaintance. in that in my days I travailed a great part of the world/ two great princes I knew and none more humble nor treatable than they were (that was this noble prince one/ and the other my good master the lord Guy of Bloys/ who commanded me to make this history) These two princes were in my days/ and wereful of humility/ largesse/ and bounty: without any malice. They lived liberally of their own/ without oppressing their people/ or raising up of any evil customs in their lands. ¶ Now let us return to the pith of the matter/ that I have begone.  
When the duke of Julyers and sir Edward of Guerles/ who called themselves brethren/ and their hearts good english/ for they had been long allied with the king of England/ and with love and favour had always aided them in their wars. When they saw that the duke of Brabant had so high a signory/ as to be lord and sovereign regarder by the Emperonr/ and was chief corrector of all misdoers and robbers/ that he found living by the high ways of almain. They had thereat indignation and envy/ not for that he died well and held justice/ and corrected evil doers: but of that he had the sovereign regard & signory over langue fried/ which was part in their land which office was first instituted that marchautes might peaceably pass fro Brabant to Heynault/ to Flaunders/ to France/ or fro Liege to Coleyne/ and to other cities/ towns and fortresses of Almaigne. And neither merchants nor other could not pass nor enter in to Almaigne/ by the lands and dangers of the duke of Julyers and the duke of Guerles. And so it was/ that certain robbers were in the ways of Linfars. And it were they that had done the violence and passing through the lands of the duke of juliers. It was showed me that the duke had lente them horse and castles. Great complaints came to duke Wyncelant of Brabant and of Luzenbourge/ who as than was at Bruselles/ how that the Languefryde whereof he was sovereign regarder and keeper/ was broken & violated. and how they that died that violence/ and rob the country/ sojourned and ever returned in to the duchy of julyers. The duke of Brabante (who as than was young and lusty/ and puissant of lineage and of lands) took in great despite the offences that his people had complained of/ and said how he would find some remedy/ saying he had in charge to keep and defend the Languefride. He would not that through his negligence he should take any reproach or blame. and to conclude his deed and to set reason in their demand/ and by the counsel and advise that he had/ he sent to the duke of Julyers notable persons/ as the lord of Vrquon lord of Bourguenall/ sir Scelar archedecon of Heynalt/ Geffrey de la tower/ great rowter of Brabante/ and other. showing to him in wise and sweet manner the offence/ which greatly toucheth and is prejudicial to the duke of Brabante/ who is keeper and sovereign regarder of the Languefride. The duke of Julyers faintly excused himself/ for by that he showed he had as lief have had the war as the peace/ so that the duke of Brabantes messengers were not well content: and so took their leave of the duke of juliers/ and reiourned and showed the duke of Brabant all as they had herd and seen. When the duke heard that/ he demanded what was best to do. He was answered by his counsel saying. sir/ ye know best yourself. Well quoth the duke/ and I say that it is my intention that I will not sleep so in this blame/ nor that it shall be said that for sloth or faint heart/ that I should suffer under my safeguard robbers to do villains and robories unpunished. I show and will show to my cousin of juliers and to his aids/ that this matter toucheth me near. This duke cooled not his intent/ but in continent set clerks a work/ and sent to them that he thought would aid him. Some he prayed/ and some he commanded/ and sent sufficient knowledge of his mind to the duke of juliers and to his allies. both these lords made great preparation. The duke of Julyers had but little aid/ but of his brother sir Edward of Guerles/ he greatly comforted him with men and with friends. These two lords sent privily for men far in to Almaigne. And because that almains are covetous/ desiring to win/ and it had been long before or they were in any place/ where they might get any good adventure. They would have come in more abundance and they had not known that they should have had to do against the duke of Brabante. The duke of Brabante in great array departed fro Bruselles/ and went to Louayne/ and fro thence to Treete on the river of Muese/ and there he found a thousand spears abiding for him/ and always there came men to him fro all parties/ fro France/ fro Flaunders/ fro Haynalt/ fro Namure/ fro Lorraine & other countries/ so that he had two thousand and five hundred spears of good men of war. and also there came to him out of Burgoyne the lord of Grant/ and with him a four hundred spears/ but they came to late/ for they knew not the day of the business that I shall show you/ wherewith they were sore disposed/ when they heard that the matter was done without them. The duke of Brabant being at Trect/ heard but little news of his enemies. Than he departed fro Trect the wednesday/ and went and lodged in the land of his enemies/ and there lay all that night/ and the thursday till he heard certain tidings. It was showed him by his corours' that his enemies were abroad. Than he road forward/ and commanded to burn in the duke of juliers land/ and the thursday took his lodging betimes. And the vanward kept the earl Guy of Ligney/ earl of saint Pole and sir Valeran his son/ who as than was but young/ of a sixteen year of age/ and there he was made knight. The duke of juliers came the same thursday/ and lay near one to another. and by all likelihood the Almains knew the demeanour of the brabansoys/ better than they did theirs/ for on the friday betimes when the duke of Brabant had herd mass/ and that all were in the field & thought not to have fought so soon. Than came ready the duke of juliers and sir Edward of Guerles well mounted with a great battle. Than one said to the duke of Brabante. sir/ behold yonder your enemies put your helms on your heeds/ in the name of god and saint George. Of that word the duke had great joy. The same day he had by him four squires of great price/ worthy to serve an high prince and to be about him/ for they had seen many deeds of arms. they were called johan de Valcon/ Baudwyn of Beauforde/ Gyrarde of Bees/ and Roulande of Colongne. About the duke were the bruselloys/ some a horseback with their varlets behind them/ with botelles of wine trussed at their sadelles/ and pastyes of samonde/ trouts/ and elies wrapped in towels. These horsemen greatly cumbered the place/ so that there was such press that no man could stir. Than Gyrarde of Bi●● said to the duke/ si● command these horses to a void the place they shall greatly let us/ we can not see about us nor have knowledge of your reregarde/ nor vanward/ nor of your marshal sir Roberte of Namure. So let it be quoth the duke/ I command so. Than Gyrarde took his glaive in his hands and so did his companions/ and began to strike on their helms and on their horses/ so that a none the place was voided of them/ for no man was glad to have his horse slain or hurt. Than the duke of juliers and ꝓ Edward of Guerles & their company came on them/ and found the earl of saint Poule and his son in the vanward/ and dashed in so fiercely among them/ that anon they were broken and discomfited/ and there were many slain/ taken/ and hurt. that was the battle that had most to do. There was slain Guy the earl of saint Poule/ and sir Valeran his son taken. The battle turned to a herd part for the duke of Brabante/ and for them that were with him. for of men of honour there were but a few saved/ but either they were slain or taken/ The duke of Brabante was taken/ and sir Roberte of Namure/ and sir Joys of Namure his brother/ and sir William of Namure son to the earl of Namure/ and many other. Also on the duke of julyers' part there were some slain and hurt. but ye know well it is a general rule/ the great loss ever resteth on them that be discomfited. how be it for all the damage the duke of Brabante had in that journey/ yet they had one great point of remedy & comfort/ for sir Edward of Guerles was wounded to death. And this I say because it was the opinion of diverse/ that if he had lived he would have ridden so forward/ that with puissance he would have come to Bruselles and conquered all the country/ for none would have resisted him. He was hardy and fierce/ and hated the brabansoys/ because of the three castles that they held against him. This journey and victory had the duke of Julyers in the year of our lord god/ a thousand three hundred and a leaven/ on saint Bartylmewes' even/ on a friday.  
THe duchess of Brabant purchased her friends/ and had counsel of Charles the french king/ who was nephew to the duke of Brabant an all his brethren/ for they were children of his sister. she was counseled by the king to go to the king of Almaigne emperor/ brother to the duke of Brabante/ for whose sake the duke her husband had taken all that damage. The lady did so and came to Conualence on the river of the Ryne/ & there found the Emperor/ And there wisely she made her complaint. The emperor heard her well/ the which he was bound unto by diverse reasons. The one because the duke was his brother/ and another because he had institude him to be his vycare/ and sovereign regarder of the Languefryde. he comforted the lady and said/ that at the next summer he would find some remedy. The lady returned into Brabante well comforted. And the emperor sir Charles of Boesme slept not his business/ but waked the matter/ as ye shall here. For as soon as winter was past he approached to the noble city of Coloyne/ & there made his provision/ in such wise as though he would go to conquer a realm of defence/ and wrote to his dukes & earls that held of him/ and commanded them at the third day of june they should be with him at Ayes/ with thirty horse a piece/ on pain of losing of their lands. and specially he commanded three/ as duke Auberte earl of Haynalte/ that he should come to Ayes with thirty horse/ and so he did. when these lords were come/ there was moche people. And than sir Charles his son said that he would go and enter in to the lands of duke julyers & destroy it/ because of the great outrage that he had done/ as in entering in to the field with an army against the emperors vycaire his brother. this sentence was given by plain judgement in the emperors chamber. Than to that matter regarded the archbishop of Treues/ the archbishop of Coloyne/ the byssop of Marauce/ the bishop of Liege/ the duke Aubert of Bavier/ the duke Host his brother/ and diverse other barons of Almaigne (that thought) to destroy the lands of so valiant a knight as was the duke of Julyers/ should be evil done/ and also he was near of their kin. They said it were better first to send for him/ that he might come to obeisance. That appointment was holden for the best/ for the love of both parties. Than duke Auberte and his brother came to juliers/ and found there the duke/ who was abashed/ and wist not what counsel to believe/ for it had been showed him that the assemble that the emperor had made was to come on him/ without his friends did stop it. When these lords were come to the duke he was glad/ specially by the coming of his two cousins germans/ the duke Aubert of Baviers and the duke Host his brother/ for he knew well that they would not his dishonour/ but rather to give him good counsel/ as they did. Their counsel was to show you briefly/ that he should send some honourable persons for the duke of Lusenburge and of Brabant/ whom he held in courteous prison in his castle of Nideque/ and so he did. And when he was come all those lords did him great honour/ as reason was. And than they all departed together/ and came to Ayes and took their lodgings. Than the duke Auberte and his brother/ and the foresaid prelate's/ who were the means of this treaty. they sore entreated the emperor and his counsel/ and showed the emperor how the duke of juliers his cousin/ of his own free will was come to see him/ and to put himself poorly with out any reservation/ into his obeisance and commandment/ and to knowledge him for his sovereign and liege lord. These sweet and amiable words molefyed greatly the emperors ire that he had before. Than the emperor said. Let the duke come to me? and so he died/ and kneeled down before the emperor and said. My right redoubted sovereign/ I believe well ye are disposed with me/ because of your brother in law the duke of Brabante/ whom I have held long in prison/ for the which cause I submit myself to abide your order and your counsels. To that word th'emperor gave none answer/ but his son sir Charles/ who was called king of Boesme/ answered and said. Duke of Julyers/ ye have been to outrageous to keep our uncle so long in prison. And if it were not at the desire of your well be loved cousins/ duke Auberte and duke Host of Bavyers/ this business would have been soer laid to your charge than it is/ for ye have well deserved to be highly punished. but change your copy so that we have no cause to renew our evil wills against you/ for & ye do it will be costly to you. Than the duke of julyers being on his knee before the emperor (where as he sat in his chair imperial) said. My right redoughted sovereign lord/ by your puissant highness/ I knowledge myself to have trespassed your majesty/ in that I with an army came against my cousin your vycaire of the empire/ and in that I have held him as my prisoner/ I deliver him unto you freely and quite/ and I require your grace that you nor he bear me any evil will fro hence forth. Than the prelate's and the princes there being present/ to help forward his words said. Right noble prince this sufficeth that your cousin of julyers hath said. Well quoth the emperor/ we are content/ and so took him up by the hand. And as it was showed me for the confirmation of more love/ he kissed the duke on the mouth and also his son the king of Boesme. And than the duke of Brabante was delivered out of prison/ and all such as were prisoners under the duke of Julyers/ and were not ransomed before/ were delivered quite/ by reason of the composition of the treaty. and this done every man returned to their own. The emperor went to Prage in Almaigne/ and the duke of Brabant in to Brabante/ and when the duke of Brabante was returned/ than he raised a new tail in his country to restore to his knights part of their damages. ⸪   

¶ How the duke of Brabante died/ and how the duke Guylliam of Guerles treated with the duchess of Brabante/ to have again the three castles/ and what answer he had/ and how he made alliance with the king of England. Cap. C.xiiii. ⸪ ⸪  
I Am yet willing to treat of this matter more at length/ to renforce this history/ and to bring it to the point that I would come unto. & to declare the truth/ why Charles the french king came with a great puissance in to Almaigne. I might have showed this before but I have prolonged it (for all things though the date and season be paste yet they ought to be showed in this history) for when I know that the french king and the king of England began to be busy/ than I began to wake to proceed this history/ more than I did before. Therefore I say thus. When duke Wyncelant was returned in to the country/ & clearly delivered out of person (as ye have herd before) Than he was in will to visit his lands and castles/ as well in the duchy of Luzenbourge/ as else where. and took his journey to the good city of Strawesbourge/ through the land of Fauquemount and beheld the three castles which were the occasion of the duke of Guerles evil will. He found them strong and fair/ if he loved them before/ he loved them much better than: and caused them to be newly fortified/ and set workmen a work/ as masons/ carpenters/ and dykemakers/ to amend every place. and at his departing he set a valiant knight to be sovereign keeper of these three castles. This knight was called sir johan Grosset/ who at the duke's commandment took on him the charge/ at his apparel. The duke passed further and visited his country/ and at his pleasure returned again in to Brabante/ for there was his abiding. In this season sir johan of Blo●s had wedded the old lady and duchess of Guerles/ for the heritage by right came to him/ by the death of sir Edward of Guerles his brother/ who was slain (as ye have heard/ in the battle of Julyers) But his sister the duchess of Julyers strove with him and made challenge/ and the most part of the knights and good towns inclined most to the ladies part/ because she had a fair son/ who was able than to ride. and that was well seen/ for always he was in the wars/ so that sir Iohn de Bloyse nor his wife could never have peaceable possession. But the challenge of the right of his wife and the pursuit thereof/ cost him above a hundred thousand franks. For the son of duke William of juliers showed well in his youth that he was noble and hardy/ and loved deeds of arms/ for he came of noble ertractyon. and so was duke of Guerles/ and had in marriage the eldest daughter of duke Auberte/ who had been wedded before to sir Edward of Guerles/ but he had never carnally coupyled with her/ for she was to young. Thus she was married to the lord William of julyers/ and he and she were moche of one age. And so she was still duchess/ as she was before. This young duke increased in honour/ wit/ and prows/ and in great will to haunt deeds of arms/ and to augment his heritage. And his he●e was rather english than french/ and said always (as young as he was) that he would aid to insteyne the king of England's quarrel for he was nearer of blood to him than to the French king. It was showed him diverse times how the brabansoys did him great wrong/ to keep fro him the three castles. Than he answered and said. Let us suffer a senson/ every thing must have his turn? It is no season as yet for me to awake/ for our cousin of Brabante hath many great friends/ and he is a sage knight/ but a time may come that I shall a wake. Thus the matter stood a season/ till god took out of this life duke Wyncelante/ who died duke of Boesme/ duke of Lusenbourge/ and of Brabante/ as it hath been contained before in this history. By the death of this duke the duchess of Brabant lost moche. Than the young duke of Guerles/ who was right valiant/ and likely to displease his enemies/ and thought than to get and recover again his three castles/ because of the debate that was and had been between Brabante and his uncle the lord Edward of Guerles. Than he sent to treat with the duchess of Brabant/ to deliver his castles/ for the sum of money that they lay in pledge for/ always affirming how they lay but in guage. The lady answered the messengers how she was in possession of them/ and held them as her own right and inheritance. But because she would the duke should be a good neighbour to Brabaunte/ that he should leave and give up the town of Grave/ the which he held in the duchy of Brabant. When the duke of Guerles had heard this answer/ he was nothing well content: and thought great despite thereof. And thought and imagined many things/ and covertly he treated with the knight/ called sir johan of Grosselotte/ chief captain of the said castles/ to assay if he could get them of him/ by buying for money/ or otherwise. The knight who was true and sage/ would in no wise hearken thereto. And sent to the duke/ desiring him to speak no more thereof: For to die therefore there should never fault be found in him nor that he would consent to do any treason to his natural lady. And when the duke of Guerles saw that (as I was informed) he died so moche to sir raynold of Dyscovorte/ that he took for a small occasion a displeasure against the knight: So that on a day he was met with all in the fields/ and there slain/ wherewith the duchess of Brabante was sore displeased and so was all the country/ and the castles were put in other keeping/ by the agreement of the duchess and of the counsel of Brabant.  
THus the matters stood certain years/ and ever there nourished covert hate/ what for the town of Grave on the one part/ and for the three castles on the other part: between the duke of Guerles and the duchess of Brabant/ and their countries. and they of the fronter of Guerles bare always evil will coverlly against them of Brabant such as marched near to them: and did ever to them as much displeasure as they could do/ and specially such as were in the town of Grave. And between the duke's wood and the town of Grave/ there was but four leagues and a plain country/ and fair fields to ride in. And they of Guerles died always there as great despite to the brabansoys/ as they might. And the matter went so forward/ that the duke of Guerles passed the see/ and went in to England to seeking richard his cousin/ and his other cousins: as the duke of Lancastre/ the duke of york/ the duke of Glocestre/ and other great barons of England. He had there good cheer for they desired to see him/ & to have his acquaintance for the english men knew well that this dukes heart/ courage/ imagination/ and affection/ was rather english then French. In this viage he made great alliance with the king of England/ and because at that time he held nothing of the king of England/ whereby he should bear him faith/ homage/ or service. Therefore king Richard gave him in pension out of his coffers/ a thousand mark by year: And was counseled to assay to get his right fro the duchess of Brabant/ and was promised to have aid of the english men/ in such wise/ that he should take no damage. And by this means he swore to be true and faithful to the king/ and to the realm of England. And when this alliance was made/ he took his leave of the king and of his cousins/ and other barons of England/ And returned in to his own country of Guerles: and showed the duke of Julyers all that he had done/ and how he should have aid and help of the english men. And the duke of Julyers/ who by experience of his age knew farther than the duke his son died/ made no countenance of no great joy: but said. Son William/ ye have done so moche/ that both you and I may fortune to repent your going in to England. Do ye not know how puissant the duke of Burgoyne is? no duke more mighty than he: And he looketh for the heritage of Brabant. How may ye resist against so puissant a lord? How may I resist quod the duke of Guerles to the duke of Julyers his father? The rychee & mightier that he is/ the better it is to make war against him. I had rather to have a do with a rich man that hath great possessions and heritage/ than with him that hath nothing to lose/ for there is nothing to be conquered. For one Buffet that I shall receive I will give sire. And also the king of Almaigne is allied with the king of England. If need be I shall have aid of him. Well quoth the duke of juliers. William my fair son/ I fear me ye will play the fool/ your wishes and enterprises are more like to be unacomplysshed than achieved.  
I shall show you why the duke of Julyers spoke somewhat against the will of his son the duke of Guerles/ and made doubt in his enterprise. King Charles of France last discessed before this season that I speak of he died as much as he could always to get him friends on all parts/ for it stood him in hand so to do/ & for all that he could not do so much as to make resistance against his enemies. How be it he died as much as he could by gifts and fair promises/ to sit in rest and to have aid/ so that he gate himself many friends/ in the Empire and other places. So that when the duke of Julyers was quite delivered out of prison/ and was come to the duke of Brabant. The king and he were great friends together/ and by the ordinance the Emperor of Rome died set. The duke of Julyers went to Paris to see the king/ and there he was nobly received/ and great gifts given to him and to his knights. And than he made relief to the king for the signory of Vyerson/ which pertained to the county of Bloys which land lay between Bloys and Berrey/ and was worth by year a five hundred pound of money/ current in France. And there the duke of Julyers swore that he should never bear armure against the Crown of France. And so as long as the king lived he kept his oath: For surely as long as king Charles lived he died him no manner of damage/ nor consented to none to be done to the crown of France. But when king Charles was deed/ & that Charles his son was king. By reason of the wars of Flaunders (as it hath been showed before in this history) And after he took his creation at Paris/ He had so moche to do that he could not take heed in every place. The duof julyers than came not in to France/ nor made no relief for the lands of Viersone. Wherefore the duke of Berrey who took himself as sovereign/ said. How the relefes pertained to him: And so ceased the lands and took the profits thereof/ and by puissance put out fro his right the Earl of Bloyes: How be it the same time I saw them both oftentimes together/ and never debate made between them for any of the said lands/ nor any evil will showed. There was good cause for them to be friends together/ for Joys son to the earl of Bloyes had in marriage the lady Mary daughter to the duke of Berrey. The duke of juliers would gladly have entered in to his heritage/ but he regarded his son/ who should be his heir. Therefore he made but little count of the alliance that his son the duke of Guerles had made in England. And by this reason he spoke the words (that ye have herd here before) to the duke of Guerles/ when he was returned out of England. How be it the duke of Guerles who was young and courageous/ took little regard to his father's words/ and said. Sir/ that I have done I will uphold: for I had rather have war with the French king than peace/ and rather with him than with a poor man. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duchess of Brabante sent messengers to the French king complaining of the duke of Guerles/ And how the king & his counsel were sore busied with incidents that fell in the realm of France/ as well for the defyances of Guerles as the business in Bretaygne. Capi. C.xv.  
THe duchess of Brabant being at Bruselles/ was well informed of all these troubles: And how the duke of Guerles threatened them of Brabante to make them war: The duchess feared the same and said. Ah/ god assoil the soul of my lord and husband/ for if he had lived/ the Duke of Guerles durst not have spoken of any such matters. But now because I am a woman and aged he will make war against me. Than the lady called together her counsel to know what she were best to do/ for she knew well the duke was hot/ hasty/ and courageous.  
THe same season while this lady was taking of counsel with her friends/ the French king was defied by the duke of Guerles/ whereof ran a great brute through all the Realm/ and in other realms thereto adjoining. They had marvel of these news/ Because the duke of Guerles was but a small prince/ to the regard of other/ and but of small lands. Men spoke thereof in divers manners/ every man after his own opinion: than the duchess counsel said. Madame/ ye have need of counsel: And we shall counsel you to send to the French king/ and to the duke of Burgoyne be times: For ye have herd how the duke of Guerles hath defied the French king/ and all his alyes. If he be in purpose to make war to the realm of France/ as the brute runneth that he will/ because the englishmen and the almains are of his alliance: He can have no better entry in to the realm of France than through your country. Wherefore it is good that the king and the duke of Burgoyne be advertised thereof: And that your castles on the fronters be well fortified and garnished. For there is not so small an enemy/ but he is to be doubted. We say not that ye should have great need to seek for any aid or confore all only for them of Guerles/ but it is good to regard the alliances/ that he may lightly get/ as well of english men as of almains/ who always are covetous/ and desireth to make war to the realm of France on trust of winning. Than the duchess said to her counsel. sirs ye say truth/ it shallbe as ye have devised. Than such as should go on that message were appointed out: As the lord of Bourguenall chief Steward of her house/ sir johan Opeyn a gracious knight/ a clerk and a squire of honour. The clerk called sir johan Grane/ and the squire Nycholas de la Monoy. All four were of the privy counsel with the duchess of Brabant. They departed fro Bruselles with letters of credence and road to Paris. At that time neither the king nor the duke of Burgoyne was natte there/ they were at Rohane in Normandye. Than they went fro Paris to Roan where the king was.  
When these ambassadors came to Rohane/ first they treated with the duke of Burgoyne and he made them good cheer/ for he knew them well/ they delivered letters to him/ and he received and read them. Than when time was he brought them to the king/ who for love of their lady received them lovingly. Than the king read their letters and heard them speak/ and answered and said. Sirs/ your words and requests demandeth counsel. Resort always to our uncle of Burgoyne & he shall here you/ and dispatch your business (as shortly as may be) Those words contented greatly these ambassadors/ and so went to their lodgings. The king and his uncles with other of his counsel/ were daily together in counsel for divers causes and incidents new fallen. The defiance of the duke of Guerles was nothing pleasant to them/ nor also they knew not what the duke of Bretayne was purposed to do/ because he had taken the constable of France prisoner/ and set him to ransom to a. C.M. franks/ and had taken fro him three castles & a good town: and had greatly fortified with men/ victuals/ and artillery/ all his garrisons and towns/ & had sent divers times letters and messengers in to England to the king and to his uncles: As for the duke of Lancastre was at that time in Galyce. The counsel of France had much a do to provide for every business/ whereby it was the lengar or the duchess of Brabantes ambassade had their answer. Finally the duke of Burgoyn made them an answer & said. sirs/ ye shall return to your lady our aunt & salute her fro us/ and deliver her these the kings letters & ours. & show her that her business is ours/ and let her not be abashed for any thing/ for she shallbe comforted in such wise/ that she shall well perceive that her country of Brabant shall take no damage nor reproach. This fair answer contented greatly the ambassadors of Brabant. Thus they departed & returned to Paris and fro thence to Brusels/ & made relation of their answer (as ye have herd before) wherewith the duchess was well content.  
THe same season news were spread abroad of holy saint Peter of Lusenbourge cardinal/ whose body died miracles in the city of Auygnon.  
This holy cardinal was son to the Earl guy of saint Poule/ who died in the battle of julyers. This holy cardinal in his time was a good man/ noble/ holy/ & devout of life/ & died many deeds pleasant to god. He was sweet/ courtesy/ meek/ and a maid of body: A great alms man in gyaing to poor people. He kept nothing to himself of the goods of the Church/ but his bare living: The most part of the day and of the night he was in his prayers/ always he fled fro the vanities and superfluyties of the world/ so that in his young days god called him to his company: And anon after his discesse he died great miracles/ and ordained to be buried among the poor people: All his days he used humility/ and was buried in the chapel of saint Mychaell. The Pope and the cardinals when they saw the miracles that his body died daily increase and multiply: They wrote to the French king/ and specially to his brother the Earl Valeranne of saint Poule: desiring him to come to Auygnon. The Earl would not excuse him but went thither/ and there gave goodly Lamps of silver to hang before his altar/ and had great marvel of the great believe and visitation that the people made there daily▪ and for to see him I went thither fro the county of Foize/ and daily his works increased (and it was said) that he should be canonized. I can not tell what fell after.  
¶ Now that I have showed you of his death/ I shall show you of the death of another/ for I have not spoken of the death of a king of whom great mention hath been made of in this history: How be it the died many deeds unreasonable/ for by him and his means/ the realm of France had moche to do in his tyme. This was by the king of Naver.   

¶ how by a strange fortune the king of Naver died in the city of Pampilona/ and how Charles his son was crowned: and how Vanchadore was besieged by the duke of Berrey: and how the duke of Burgoyne sent to the duchess of Brabant. Capi. C.xvi  
IT is said: and it is of truth/ that there is nothing more certain than death. I say it because that king of Naver when he died/ thought full little that he had been so near to his end as he was. If he had known thereof/ peradventure he would have taken better heed than he died. He was in the city of Pampylona in Naverre/ He imagined how he would raise a great taylage in his realm/ to the some of two hundred thousand florins/ and he sent for his counsel and said/ how he would have this money raised. His counsel durst not say nay/ for he was a cruel prince. Than the most notable persons of other cities and towns in his realm were sent for/ to come to Panpylona. They came thither/ for they durst not disobey. When they were come all together in to the kings palace/ the king himself declared forth the matter why they were sent for. He was a king right subtile/ sage/ and well languaged/ and at the conclusion said/ how towards his needs he must have the some of. CC.M florins/ to be raised of his subjects/ After this manner. the rich to pay ten franks/ the mean to be cessed at five franks/ and all other at one frank. This request abashed greatly the people/ for the year before there had been a battle in Naver/ by reason whereof a tail was raised to the some of hundred thousand florins: And beside that he married his daughter the lady jane to duke johan of Bretaygne/ and a great part of that money as than not paid and ungadered. When the king had made his demand/ he desired to have an answer: Than they required to take counsel and to speak together. The king gave them respite xu days. than the chief of them to make answer. The brute of this taylage spread abroad through Naverre/ and every man was a bashed thereof. At the xu days end/ the most notable persons of the good cities and towns returned to Panpilona/ to the number of a threescore persons/ who had charge to answer for all the hole realm. The king was present at their answer making/ which was done in a fair garden/ far of fro any people/ and closed about with high walls. Than they answered all with one accord/ and showed the poverty of the realm/ and alleged how the former tail was not as than all levied nor gathered/ wherefore they besought him for godsake to have pity of them/ for they said surely the realm was not able to bear it. and when the king saw that he could not easily attain to his purpose/ he was sore disposed/ and departed fro them and said. Sirs/ ye are evil counseled/ take counsel again/ and speak yet again together. And so he went in to his chamber/ and his counsel with him. Than all these good persons were together in this garden fast closed in with high walls/ and the king commanded in no wise to suffer them to issue out/ & to have but little meat nor drink. Than they were there in great doubt of their lives/ and there was none that durst speak for them. and so it was supposed that by constraint he had his desire/ for he struck of a three of their heeds/ such as were most contrary to his intent to ● give fear and ensample to other. Than there fell a strange insydence by a marvelous sudden adventure/ the which god sent like a miracle. I shall show you how/ as I was informed in the county of Foize at Ortays at the earls house/ by men of Panpylona/ it past not a three or four days journey thence. It was showed me how this king of Naver in his days loved well women/ and at the same time he had a fair damosel to his lover/ for he was a widower a long season. On a night he lay with her a space/ and than returned to his chamber in a fever/ and said to his servants. Dress my bed/ for I will rest me a season/ and so went to his bed/ and trymbled for cold/ and could take no heat. He was an aged man about a threescore year of age/ and of usage his bed was wont to be chased with a basin with hot coals/ to make him sweet/ which often times he used/ and did him no hurt. At this time his servants did the same/ but either as god would or the devil/ a burning flame took in the sheets/ in such manner that or he could be rescued he was brent to the bowels/ he was so wrapped between the sheets. So that he lived fifteen days after in great pain and misery/ inso much that physic nor surgery could help him/ but that he died. This was the end of the king of Naverre. And so the poor men of the country were quite of their taylage/ and delivered fro paying there of to Charles his son/ who was a noble good knight and a young/ and was king of Naverre/ and crowned king the same season that I wrote this history/ anon after the obsequy done of his father/ in the city of Paupylona.  
yE have well heard here before of the treatyes that had been made in the counties of Armynake and dolphenty/ in Awergne and Lymozyn/ who were enemies to all their neighbours. Many of them were well content to depart/ for they thought they had warred and traveled the realm of France long enough/ thinking than to go and rob and pill in other places. The duke of Armynake promised them to lead them in to Lombary/ But the earl of Foyze who would not lightly be deceived thought the contrary. He held himself still to see the end of that business/ and ever diligently inquired/ how the treatyes went forward in those parties/ and when these men of war should depart/ and whither they should draw. And the men of his country said/ that the renome was/ how they would go and run a bowfe a robbing and pilling. then the Earl cast down his heed and said. Always news run among of war. The earl of Armynake & bernard his brother are young/ and I know well they love me not nor my country. These men of war may hap by his means to run on me and my country/ how be it I will provide there fore in such wise/ that I trust I shall take no damage. It is said/ long provision before maketh sure possession. Thus the earl of Foyze said to his counsel/ and it was no foolish imagination/ as it appeared after/ if I may attain to the treting thereof.  
yE have herd here before rehearsed/ how Geffrey Tete noyr breton/ who had long kept the garrison of the strong castle of Vandachor in Lymozyn/ on the fronter of Awergne & Burbonoy/ would in no wise depart out of the castle/ for he held it as his own proper inheritance/ and had patysed all the country there about/ and under their patesing the people laboured in pease and rest. Thus this Geffrey kept the estate of a great lord. He was a cruel man in his displeasure/ he had no more pity to slay a man than a be'st. Now to come to purpose. when the tidings spread abroad in Awergne and Lymozyn/ of the tail that was gathered in the countries/ to the intent to a void out of the country these men of war. Than it was brewted that the men of war in the fortress of Vandachor should depart/ & to give up the fortress to the duke of Berrey. By reason of that tidings the people were content to pay this tail. But when they saw the contrary (for the most hurt that they had/ was by them of the garrison of Vandachor) thought the money that they had paid at the first gathering but lost/ and said how they would pay no more cross nor mail/ without they of Vandachor were constrained to depart out of the country. These tidings came to the he●yng of the duke of Berrey/ who had all the sovereign charge of the country of Awerge/ Lymozyn/ and Gelnadan. Than the duke and his counsel said. Surely these poor men have good cause to say so/ and to be loath to pay their money for nothing/ and more over said/ how he himself and his counsel were to blame/ that they laid not a siege about that fortress/ to keep them of that garrison fro issuing out. then the duke of Berrey ordained at the cost and charge of the country four hundred spears of good men of arms/ to besiege Vandachor by bastides. And sovereign capitains of that company was sir William of Lygnac and sir johan Boesme lance/ a valiant knight of Burbonoyse. These men of arms and knights/ as near as they might laid siege to Vandochor/ and made ba●tydes in four places/ and by men of the country they made great trenches and defence upon the straits, to stop their issuing out. But the capitain Geffrey set little thereby/ for he knew well his garrison was well furnished with all manner of things/ though there came no new victual to them in seven year. Also the castle stood in so strong a place upon a rock/ that it could take no damage for any assault. And for all this siege and bastides/ they within would often times issue out by a privy postern/ which opened between two rocks/ so that they would issue out under covert/ and ride abroad in the country/ and took prisoners. Other thing they would bring none to their fortress/ they could not because of the straight ways/ and strong mountains that they must pass by. And this issue could not be stopped fro them for the alley under covert endured fro their garrison a seven or eight leagues/ or they came out in to the fields/ and when they returned again/ by that time they were entered a three leagues/ they were as sure there as within their castle. This manner they used a long season. The siege lay more than a year before the castle. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of Vandachor till another season/ and speak of other new matters.  
THe duke of Burgoyne forgot not the promise that he had made to his aunt the duchess of Brabante. He ordained a four hundred men of arms/ burgonions and other/ and made two knights captains/ the one sir Guylliam of Tremoyle burgonion/ the other sir Geruays of Merande almayne. And the duke said to them. sirs/ ye shall go to your charge on the fronters of Brabant and Guerles/ there as the duchess of Brabante will appoint you and make to her enemies as good war as ye can. The knights said they should do their best/ to fulfil his commandment. They made them ready and gathered their men/ and went forth as soon as they might/ and drew in to Brabante/ and sent word of their coming to the duchess of Brabante/ and so passed through the land of Lusenburge. And than by the ordinance of the marshal of Brabant/ they were sent in to the three castles that the duke of Guerles challenged and would have again/ because they had been laid but to pledge. that is to say/ Buth/ Gaulyth/ & null. There they held them in garrison and made good fronter war/ & sometime road abroad to encounter their enemies. The duke of Guerles fortified himself against them/ and furnished his towns and castles against them/ for he saw well the war was as than open. So it fortuned that sir William of Tremoyle/ desiring to advance himself to do some thing that might sound to his honour. He set his imagyntion on a day on a town in Guerles/ a four leagues fro his fortress. this town was called Seaulle/ and he showed secretly his intention to sir Geruays of Merande his companion/ who lightly accorded to his mind. So they gathered their company together and departed about midnight/ and road a round pace too this town/ and had guides that brought them to Seaule/ by that time it was daylight. Than they rested them & appointed what they would do. And as it was showed me/ sir Geruays with xxx spears/ went on before for to win the gate/ and sir William of Tremoyle to follow after/ because they feared if they should have ridden all together to have been spied. but they thought how they of the town should think none other/ but that they should be a certain number of men of arms/ sent thither by the duke of Guerles to refresh the garrison. Thus this knight sir Geruays with xxx spears road before to the town of Seaulle. In the morning they found men and women going to the town/ for it was market day/ they saluted them in the language of Almaigne and road forth. The poor men went surely they had been men of the country pertaining to the duke of Guerles that were riding to the garrison. Sir Geruays and his company road forth till they came to the gate and found it open with a small ward/ it was so early that the most part of the people were in their beds. They rested there and were lords of the gate. Than incontinent sir William of Tremoyle and his rout came galoping thither as fast as they might/ and entered into the town/ & cried their cries. Thus the town was won without any defence/ for the men of the town thought full little that the frenchmen would have done such an enterprise/ and the most part of them were in their beds.   

¶ How the french men after they had brent and rifled the town of Seaulle returned to their garrison/ and of the joy that the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess of Brabante made for that deed/ & how sir Iohn Boesme lance discomfited the englishmen. Cap. C.xvii.  
THis enterprise was done on the night of saint Marten in winter/ and a three days before there came thither a knight of England with ten spears and xxx archers/ sent by the king of England. This knight was called sir Guylliam Fykaole. When the alarm began he was rising out of his bed. He heard that the town was won/ and demanded by whom. he was answered that it was done by bretons. Ah qd the knight bretons are evil people/ they will burn and pill the town/ & than depart. What cry do they cry? sir qd they/ they cry on Tremoyle. Than the english knight closed the castle/ and held himself & his company within/ to see if any rescue came. but every man was so abashed that they fled hither & thither. The poor people fled in to the minster/ and some avoided the town by another gate. the frenchmen set fire in the town in diverse places/ how be it there were many houses of stone and brick/ that the fire could not lighty burn them. The most part of the town was brent pilled/ and rob/ so that nothing was left that was good/ & the richest men of the town taken prisoners. The english knight was taken at last/ For when he saw that all was lost he opened the house that he was in/ for he doubted the fire/ when he saw the flames and smoke in every corner of the town/ and so came out with his penon before him and his company archers and other/ and there valiantly defended themselves a long season. But finally he was taken and yelden prisoner to sir Guylliam of Tremoyle/ and all his company taken/ but few slain. When the frenchmen had done their wills with the town of Seaulle in Guerles/ and their varlets driving their pillage before them they departed for they thought it folly too a bide there/ and went to their garrison fro whence as they came. Thus the duke of Guerles had the first buffet and damage/ wherewith he was sore disposed when he knew thereof. and so came thither with a great number of men of war/ and thought well to have found there the french men/ but they were gone. Than he new renpayred the town and furnished it with new men of war/ who were more diligent to keep the town/ than they that were there before. Thus daily the adventures of war fell/ some lost one day and some another. The duchess of Brabante/ and all though of her country were greatly rejoiced of this adventure/ and sir Gillyam of Tremoyle/ and sir Geruais of Merande achieved great grace. Than they of the country said/ that in the next summer following they would win it again. When the duke of Burgoyne heard these tidings/ and how that his men that were in garrison in Brabant did well and valiantly/ he was glad thereof/ and to encourage them he wrote pleasant letters often times to sir Guylliam his knight. Thus they tarried there all that winter/ keeping well their fronters/ & defending themself fro damage. And after the castles and forteresses of Guerles/ were better taken heed unto than they were before. Now shall I show you of another enterprise/ that Perote of Bernois died in Awergne/ where he gate great profit/ and by what means he did it I shall show we you at length.  
IT fortuned the same year and season about the time of the mids of may/ a xl companions adventurers issued out of Caluset/ the which Perot of Bernoys held. This fortress stood in Lymozyn. These companions road forth at adventure in to Awergne/ and a Gascoigne squire was their capitain/ called Geronet durant/ a expert man of arms. And because the country was always in doubt of the men of war that were on the fronters of Burbonoys/ there was a knight of the duke of Burgoynes/ called sir johan Boesme lance/ a gracious and an amorous knight/ having great courage to advance himself. While these english men road a broad/ he demannded what number they were of. And it was showed him how they were about a xl spears. What quoth he/ it is little to regard for xl spears/ I will set as many against them. and so depart fro thence as he was as than/ and went there as his chief charge was/ and that was before Vandachor He gate together. a xl or a fifty spears of Lymozyn and Awergne/ and Burbonoyse/ and with him there was a knight called sir Joys Dambter/ and also sir Joys Dabton/ and the lord of saint Obyse. And so took the fields without keeping of any high way/ they knew the country/ & came to a passage where their enemies must needs pass/ by reason of the mountains and rivers which were great and deep/ by occasion of the snow falling fro the mountains. They had not been there half an hour/ but that thenglysshment came thither and was not ware of that rencounter. Than Boesme lance and his company/ cauched their spears and came against their enemies and cried their cries. when the englisshment saw how they must needs fight/ they turned their faces to their enemies/ & defended themself. There was a sore rencounter/ and certain over thrown on both parties. But to say the troth the frenchmen were better expert men of arms than the adventurers/ and that seemed well/ for there were none of the adventurers that returned again without it were the varlets/ who fled and saved themself while other did fight. There were xxii taken and sixteen slain on the place/ and the captain taken prisoner. and thus they departed.   

¶ How sir johan Boesme launceled these prisoners to Mount Ferant and how they of the country were glad when they heard of this enterprise/ and how Generot & his company were set to ransom and delivered by the money that Perot of Bitrne lente him. Cap. C.xviii.  
IN riding & leading these prisoners/ Boesme lauce advised and remembered himself how that a month before he had been in the town of Mount ferante in Awergne/ sporting among the ladies and damosels there/ and how they had desired him at a time/ saying. Fair brother Boesme lance/ ye ride often times abroad in to the fields. may it not so fortune that at sometime ye might rencounter your enemies? I shall show you why quoth one of the damosels (such one as was in great favour with Boesme lance) Sir quoth she/ I would fain see an englishman? asquyer of this country called Gurdines'/ hath showed me often times how the englishmen are expert men of arms/ the which seemeth right well to betrewe/ for they ride often times abroad/ and do many proper deeds of arms/ and taketh diverse of our castles/ and keepeth them. At which time this gentleman Boesme lance answered her and said. Dame/ if ever it be my fortune to take any/ ye shall see him. Sir I thank you quoth the damosel. Thus after the foresaid enterprise/ when this promise came in to his mind/ he forsook than the way to Cleremonte/ which was not far of/ and turned to the way to Mountferant/ not far thence. Of his coming to Mountferant and of the journey that he had achieved against the adventurers (who sore troubled the country) all the people of Mountferant were right joyful/ and made him good cheer. Than he took his lodging and unarmed him/ the ladies and damosels came to make him cheer/ and received him right sweetly/ he was a sage knight. Than he thanked them/ and said to her that had desired him before to see some englysse man. Dame/ I will acquit me to you I made you promise not past a month a go/ that if it might be my fortune to take any english man/ to show him to you/ and as this day god hath given me the grace to meet with some that be right valiant/ for in arms they have given us enough to do/ how be it we had the victory. They be no english men naturally borne/ they be gascoins/ and make war for the englishmen. they be of Byerne and high Gascoigne/ ye shall see them at good leisure/ for the love of you I have brought them to this town/ and he● they shall remain till their ransoms be paid. The ladies and damoselles laughed at him/ and turned the matter to a great sport/ and said to him. Sir/ all we thank you. And so there he tarried a three days among them/ & he kept good company with his prisoners/ and put them to ransom for he saw well they were but poor companions adventurers/ and he thought it were better to hang them/ drown them/ or ransom them/ rather than to suffer so many of them to abide still in the town. And so when he departed thence he said to Geronet. Sir/ ye shall abide here with a certain/ for all the rest of your company/ and the other shall depart and go seche your ransom/ And that ye shall pay/ I shall appoint them that shall receive it/ and when the money is paid ye shall depart. Therefore remember well now what I do for you? if any of ours hereafter hap to be in like case/ do in likewise. Sir quod Geronet/ I am bound so to do/ and so we be all. Thus Boesme lance departed/ and returned again to the siege of Vandachor. And a twelve of the prisoners tarried still in Mounteferante/ and the other departed and went to Galuset/ to Perot of Bernois to have of him xxii hundred franks. They that tarried still at Mountferant lay and made good there/ and no great watch laid on them/ but they went up and down in the town at their pleasure/ and so were there a fifteen days/ and in that season they learned moche of the state of the town/ the which cost after a hundred thousand franks.  
When the capitain of Galuset was informed of the adventure of Gere not of Mandurant/ how that he and his company were over thrown by sir johan Boesme lance/ he made little thereof/ and said to them that came to him for the money for their ransoms. Sirs/ ye are come for money for their deliverance/ how say ye it is not so? yes truly sir quoth they/ we trust they shall not be always in this loss/ they have no gauges. well sirs quoth he/ as for me I neither care for their pledges nor yet for their losses/ they shall have nothing of me. I made them not to go for thee/ they road at their own adventure/ therefore ye may show them/ let adventure deliver them. Think you that I will employ my money after that sort? nay surely. I can have always companions enough to ride more sagely than they did. As form I will quite out no man/ without he be taken in my company. This was the final answer that they could get for Geronet. Than they said among themself/ it were best that two or three of us return again to Geronet/ and show him all the case. So three of them returned to Mountferante/ and as they road they passed by Cleremount/ and saw well the walls were not of no great height. Than they said one to another. this town is prignable/ if we come hither on a night we may get it/ there is no great watch kept. We must one time bargain and another time buy/ we can not both bargain and buy all in one day. Thus they road forth and road to Mountferante/ and there found Geronet and his companions/ and there showed him all the answer that they had of Perot of Bernoys/ whereof they were a bashed/ for they wist not how nor where to get their ransom. Thus all a day and a night they were in great displeasure. the next day Geronet said to them that had brought those news. Sirs/ I require you return again to our capitain/ and show him fro me that I have to my power while I was with him/ served him truly/ and will do yet if it be his pleasure. And show him if I turn and become French to deliver myself/ he shall win but little thereby. And if I do it god knoweth it shall be full sore against my will/ and I shall forbear it as long as I can. And show him that if he will now deliver us fro hence/ that within a month after I shall bring him to such a booty/ that he and his company shall win a hundred thousand franks. With that message the three companions returned again to Galuset/ and showed Perot their message. then he studied a little and said. It may well be as he sayeth/ at adventure I shall deliver him incontyvent. and so opened a coffer wherein was more than threescore thousand franks/ not gathered of his rents that he had in Byerne/ but the most part of pillage. For the town he dwelt in be fore the wars was but of twelve houses/ and the earl of Foiz was chief lord thereof/ and the town was called Dadam/ within three leagues of Ortays. Than he told out xxii hundred franks/ at a pynch a friend is known/ I shall put them in adventure/ he is well able to win them again and more/ and he will. Thus they departed fro Galuset & returned to Mount ferante/ it was a xiiii great leagues between/ but they had a good saveconduct/ whereby they passed in and out without danger.  
When Geronet knew how he and his company should be delivered/ he was right joyful and sent for them that should receive the money and said. Sirs/ hold tell your money/ here is all that we own you. So they told out xxii. hundred franks. Than they reckoned for their expenses in their lodgings/ and paid every thing with the largest/ so that every man was content. And when all was paid/ than Gerenot hired men and horses to bring them to Galuset. When sir johan Boesme lance was certified of the receit of the money/ I think he did send for it/ or else left it still there on trust of the strength of the garrison. For the same season sir Peter of Gyache/ as than chancellor of France/ left the● his treasure/ the which he lost the same year all/ or most part. When Geronet was returned to Galuset/ the companions made him good cheer/ and after a three or four days Perot le Bernoys called him and said. Geronet/ the promise that ye made to my servants was cause of your deliverance/ and nothing else/ for I was not bound to pay your ransom/ saying ye departed without my leave/ ye road forth but at adventure/ therefore now hold your promise/ or else there shall be displeasure between you and me/ for I would ye know I have not learned to lose/ but rather to win. capitain quod Geronet/ ye have reason to say as ye do/ and sir I say thus to you that if ye list I shall set you in the town of Mount ferant within xu days/ in the which town is great treasure and pillage/ for it is rich of merchandise/ and rich villains be therein great plenty. the chancellor of France sir Peter of Giache/ as it is informed me/ hath great riches within the same town. And I know well it is the town most simplest kept and lest taken heed to of any town in the realm. Sir this is that I can say/ and this is the promise that I have made. In the name of god quod Perot le Bernoys/ it is well said and I consent thereto/ ye know well the manner of the town/ and how it is kept and fortified. This enterprise doth it require any great number? Sir quod Geronette/ a three or four hundred spears shall well accomplish our feat/ for within the town there be no men of great defence. Well quoth Perot I am content/ and I shall singnyfye other captains of the fortresses here about of the matter/ and we shall assemble to guider and go thither.   

¶ How Geronet of Mandurante with twelve of his company returned to Mountferant/ and how Perot of Bernoys with four hundred spears went to Mount ferant/ and would not enter in to the town by none other way but in at the gate. Cap. C.xix.  
ON this determination Perot sent to the capitains next about him/ and appointed every man to meet at Ousac/ a castle in the bishopric of Cleremount/ not far thence. Whereof sometime Barb a great pillar a gascoyne was capitain. The companions of seven fortresses assembled together at Ousac english men/ and they were a four hundred spears well mounted/ and than they had but six leagues to ride. The first that came to Ousac was Perote of Bernoys/ to show that it was his enterprise/ and to take counsel with the other captains/ by the advise of Geronet and according to the information that he had given him. Than Geronet and a twelve other with him/ arrayed them like rude villain merchants in coats of fryse/ and led horses tied one to another with baggage on them/ according to the custom of the country. And thus they departed fro Ousac in the breaking of the day/ and so road towards Mountferant/ and like merchants they entered into the town about noon. There were none that took any heed what men they were/ they thought full little they had been men of war. They of the town deemed surely they had been merchants/ come thither to the fair to have bought cloth and diaper/ for they said they came fro Mount Pellier/ to buy merchandise for against the fair there was come thither moche merchandise fro other cities and towns of the realm. Than Geronet and his company went to their lodging/ to the sign of the Crown/ and set up their horses and took up a fair chamber for them/ and kept them still therein without going about in the town for fear of spyenge/ and so sat and made merry/ and thought well they would pay nothing for their expenses.  
AT night they were busy to dress their horses and said to their host and ostes/ that their horses had sore travailed all that day/ wherefore they had need of rest. They provided them of plenty of candles/ and so went in to their chamber and drank and made merry/ but they would not go to bed. So the host and the hosts went to their beds and let them alone/ and had no suspect of them. Now shall I show you what Perot and his company did. The said day he and with him seven other captains/ first Perot le Bernoys as chief/ than the Bourge of Compaygne called Arnaldon/ the bourge Anglois/ the Bourge of Carlat/ Apthon Seguyn/ olive Barb/ & Bernadon of the isles/ & with them there was a great routter of Byerne the lord of Lance plain. By him and by the bourge of company I was afterward informed of this enterprise/ which was done about Candelmas/ when the nights be long and cold. and all the same night it rained/ and the wind blewe so that it was a stormy season/ wherefore the capitain of the watch of Mountferant issued not out that night of his lodging/ but he sent his son forth who was but young/ of a sixteen year of age. And as he went fro the one gate to the other/ he found four poor men watching/ nigh deed for cold/ and they said to the young man. Sir/ take of each of us a blank/ and let us go home and warm us/ it is passed a leaven of the clock. The young man coveted the money and took it/ and they departed fro their watch/ and went to their own houses. Than Geronet and his company watched at their hosts door/ to see when the watch men should return. Than they saw when the young man came fro the watch/ and the watch men with him. Than Geronet said/ the matter goeth well/ this is like to be a good night for us/ every man in the town is as now gone to bed/ the watch is passed/ we need to take no care for that. And on the other part/ I am sure Perotte le Bernoys and his company are riding hither ward as fast as they may. And in deed the same time they were coming and came near to Cleremounte/ and met with Aymergotte marcel with a hundred spears/ capitain of the fortress of Alose beside saint Flower. when each of them knew other they made good cheer/ and demanded each other whither they would/ and what they sought in that country. Amergot answered and said/ I come fro my fortress of Alose/ and am going to Carlate. In the name of god said two of the capitains/ the Bourge Angloys and the Bourge Compaigne. Sir we be here/ would ye any thing speak with us? yea quod Amerigot/ ye have certain prisoners of the country of dolphin of Awergne/ and ye know well we be in treating together by the means of the earl of Armynake/ wherefore we would gladly make an exchange with certain prisoners that I have in my garrison. I am sore desired thus to do by the counts of dolphin/ who is a right good lady and is well worthy to be done pleasure unto. than the Bourge of Compaigne said. Aymergotte ye are greatly bound to do some pleasure to that lady/ for within this three year ye had of her silver three hundred franks/ for the redeeming of the castle of Mercyer. But sir/ I pray you where is th'earl dolphin at this season? Sir quoth the other/ it is showed me that he is in France/ comuning upon the treaty that ye know that we be in hand with the earl of Armynake/ and with earl dolphin. Than Perot le Bernoys said. Sir/ leave their comuning and come on with us/ and it shall be for your profit. and ye shall have part of our booty. Sir quod. Aymergot/ and whither go you than? By my faith sir quod Perot/ we go straight to Mount ferante/ for this night the town shall be yelden to me. than Aymerygot said. sir/ this is evil done that ye go about/ for ye know well we be in treaty with the earl of Armynake and with this country/ wherefore all towns and castles reckoneth themself half assured/ wherefore we shall be greatly blamed thus to do/ and ye shall break out treaty. By my faith quoth Perot/ as for me I will agree to no treaty/ as long as I may keep the fields/ it behoveth companions to live. come on your way with us/ for ye shall have nothing to do at Carlat/ for here be the companions of that fortress/ and such as be left behind will not suffer you to enter till their company come home. Well sir quod Aymerigot/ with you will I not go/ but I will return again in to my fortress/ sith the matter is thus. Thus they departed one fro another. Perot held the way to Mountferant/ and when they were under Cleremount there they rested them/ and imagined on a new enterprise/ specially certain of the gascoins/ who knew not of the enterprise of Geronet. Than they said to the captains. Sirs/ behold here this city of Cleremonte/ the which is a rich city/ and rather more prignable than Mount ferant/ we have ladders here/ let us scale it/ we shall have more profit here than at Mount ferante. To this point they were near a greed/ but than the chief captains said. Sirs Cleremonte is a puissant town and well peopled and the men well harnessed/ if they be once moved they will assemble together and put themself to defence. it is no doubt but we should have no great advaunatage by them. And if we should be recoiled perforce and our horse taken or lost/ we should evil escape/ for we be far fro home. and if the country than should rise and pursue us/ we should be in great danger. we think it were better to go on forth and follow our first enterprise/ for the seeking of a new enterprise per adventure might cost us dear.  
THis counsel was taken/ and so road forth without making of any noise/ so that about xi of the clock they were near to Mount ferant. When they saw the town they stood still a three bow shot of fro the town. Than Perotte said/ behold here is Mount ferant/ our company that went before are with in the town. keep you all still here close to guider/ and I will go down this valaye to see if I may see or here any news of Geronet/ who hath brought us to this enterprise/ and depart not till I come to you again. sir quoth they go your way/ we shall abide you here. Therewith Perot departed & four with him. The wether was so dark that no man could see an acre breed fro him/ and also it rained/ blewe and snewe/ that it was a marvelous evil wether. Geronet was as than on the walls and tarried to here some news. He looked down over the walls/ and as he thought he saw the shadow of some men going a long by the dyke side. than he began a little to why/ stell softly. And when they without herd that they came nearer to the wall/ for the dikes on that side had no water. Than Geronet demanded who was there without. Perot knew his voice and said/ I am Perot le Bernoys/ Geronet art thou there? yea sir quoth he I am here. Make you ready and approach your men/ for I shall let you in here in to the town/ for all though within the town be a sleep in their beds. What quoth Perot/ should we enter hear where as ye stand/ god keep me fro that? I will not enter there/ if I enter I will enter in at the gate/ and at none other place. No will quod Geronette/ and I assure you that lieth not in my power to do. but sir bring your ladder's hither and spare not sckale/ for I assure you there is none shall let you. Well quoth Perot/ thou hast promised to let me in to the town/ but surely I will not enter without it be by the gate. Well quoth Geronet and I can not a mend it/ for I can not let you in at the gate/ it is fast shit/ and the keepers be within/ but they be a sleep. While they were at this strife certain of Geronettes company within went up & down upon the walls/ to see if they might here any noise. A little there by there was a poor house at the foot of the wall/ this house stood alone far of fro any other house/ and a poor man dwelt therein a tailor/ who had watched all the night till the same time/ and than was going to bed. And as the wind carrieth noise far of/ he heard as he thought men speaking on the walls. For by night time a man shall here far of. therewith he went out of his house and went upon the walls/ and so met with the men/ and as soon as he saw them he began to cry. Than one of them stepped forth and took him by the throat/ and said. Villain thou art but deed & thou speak one word? And so he held his peace/ for he feared death. Than Geronet (who had herd the noise) said. Sirs slay him not/ for he shall do us good service/ god hath sent him to us/ for by him we shall furnish all our enterprise. Than Geronet said to Perotte le Bernoys. sir/ return to your company/ and when ye here the first gate open come forth/ and with your axes break down the gate next you/ and showed him the adventure of the man that they had taken on the walls. then Perot departed and went to his company/ and showed them all the matter (as ye have herd before)   

¶ How Geronet let in Perot le Bernoys and his company in to the town of Mountferant/ whereof the country was afraid/ and how the king and his uncles being at Paris were therewith sore disposed/ and also the earl dolphin of Awergene. Cap. C.xx.  
THan Geronet said to the man that they had taken. Without thou fulfil our desire thou art but deed incontinent. What would you that I should do quoth he. I will quod Geronet that thou go to the gate and a wake the porters/ and say how the capitain would have the gate opened/ or else let them deliver to the the keys/ to let in a certain merchants of mount Pellyer/ who be without with farthels of merchandise to come in to the fair. Sirs quoth the man/ What and they will not believe me. yes I warrant the quod Geronet/ tell them by the token that he was not at the watch this last night/ but sent his son. And without thou do this message well and wisely I shall slay the with my dagger/ and do so that through thy fault I lose not mine enterprise. When the poor man saw how he was manassed/ and perceived how they were ready to slay him/ he was sore abashed/ and said. Sir I shall do that ye command/ to the uttermost of my power. And so he came to the gate and knocked so long till he a work the porters. Than they said: What art thou that wakest us this time of the night? I am such a one quoth he/ and named his name/ I have been all this night busy in making of certain gear of the captains/ and so have borne it home/ and while I was there/ word came to him how certain merchants of Mount Pellier are without the gate with their merchandise/ and are sore travailed and wet with the fowl wether/ wherefore the captain commands you by me to open the gates and let them come in/ or else give me the keys and I shall let them in/ by the same token that he was not at the watch himself this night/ but sent his son. That is true qd the porters abide a little/ thou shalt have the keys incontinent. Than one of them rose and took the keys hanging on a pin/ and opened a little window and delivered out the keys. The man took them And than incontinent Geronet took them/ and at adventure put in the right key in to the lock and opened the gate/ and than went to the utter gate/ but in no wise he could open it. Perot and his company were without tarrying for opening of the gate. Than Geronet said/ sirs help yourself/ advance forth for I can in no wise open this second gate/ break it up with your axes/ otherwise ye can not enter in to the town. Than they without had ready axes and wedges and hewed the gate like carpenters. And as soon as they could get in a hole they put in axes and wedges to Geronet/ that he and his company should hew a sunder the bars of the gate. Than diverse men hearing that noise arose out of their beds/ and had marvel what it might be/ for they thought full little that the english men should have raised them out of their beds/ at that time of the night. Than the keepers of the gate who had evil kept their ward/ hearing men speak and horses bray and cry/ knew well they were deceived/ and rose and came to the windows of the gate/ and began to cry with an high voice/ treason trayson. than all the town began to rise in great fear/ and many thought to save their goods and themself and fled to the castle/ but the● were but a few that entered. For the Chatelyn within the castle when he understood that the english men had won the town/ for fear of losing of more/ he would not let down his bridges. Some of his friends that came first he let them come in by means of a plank/ And when he heard the great brewte in the town/ than he drew in a gain the plank/ and after that he would no more put it forth/ but went about to see what defence he should make if the castle were assailed. thus I have showed you how the first gate was opened/ and the second broken with axes and wedges/ and than they entered fair and easily. These captains and their companions or they entered in to any house/ they road all the streets in the town together/ to see if there were any assemble to make any defence. And when they had sertched every place/ and found no man to make any resistance/ but a certain such as were gone to have entered into the castle made a little defence/ but soon they were taken and slain. What should I make long process/ Thus the town of mount Ferante in Awergne was taken on a thursday at night/ the thirteenth day of February/ by Perot le Bernoys and his company? And when they saw how they were lords of the town they took up their lodgings at their ease/ without setting of any house a fire/ or doing of any other violence. For Perot le Bernois had charged on pain of death no man to violate any manner of woman or maiden/ nor to set any house a fire/ nor to take no good nor prisoner little nor great/ till he had first knowledge thereof. And also/ that no man should be so hardy to hurt any church or trouble any man of the church/ nor to take any thing out thereof. This manner ever Perot used when so ever he wan any town or fortress. But Geffary Tele noyre did always the contrary/ for he never cared for church nor for nothing else/ so that he might have it and get good/ he cared not how.  
THe same morning when tidings of this deed came to the knowledge of them of Cleremounte/ which was but a small league thence/ they were sore abashed and good cause why/ for their enemies were near them. They wist not what to say or do/ but took good heed to defend their town. These news spread a broad to the castle Neuffe/ to Thyon/ to Vyc/ to Issoire/ to Ryon/ and fro thence to Auige pierce/ & to castle of mount Pencyer. And all these towns and countries that I have named/ the most part pertained to the duke of Berrey. In far countries these tidings spread a broad/ how these english men and gascoins had won and taken the good town of Mount ferante in Awergne. As many as heard thereof marveled greatly/ and were in doubt/ and the countries adjoining were half afraid/ as Awergne/ Burbonoys/ Forestes/ and to Berrey. When these news came to Paris the king and his uncles were sore displeased/ which was good reason/ for the same time the earl dolphin was at Paris for the ordering of that country/ for he had the sovereign charge of keeping thereof/ with the earl of Armynake. Therefore this deed was greatly to their displeasure/ for they thought they should bear some blame for that deed/ because it was under their rule: But their excuse was reasonable/ for it was well known how they were in treaty with all the companions/ wherefore they thought the country at that time had been in good surety. Than incontinent the earl dolphin departed fro Paris to go in to Awergne/ to set an order in the country and left all his train behind him: And so road but alonely with his page/ and took his way by Moulyns in Burbonoyes to go to Awergne/ and changed every day fresh horses. And as he road in this haste at saint Pier the minster he heard other tidings/ that he had not heard before/ as I shall show you. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How Perot le Bernoys and his company took their counsel and determined not to keep the town of Mountferante: and how the said Perot and his company departed thence by night with all their pillage & prisoners/ and went and refreshed them in the town of Ousac. Cap. C.xxi  
When it was friday morning after the town was won on the thursday at night (as ye have herd here before) and that these captains were lords of the town they bound fast all the men/ so that they could do them no damage. Than they sertched all about and trussed in to farthels: Cloth/ naprye/ gowns/ furs/ and other things/ such as they thought to have any profit by. And than they took counsel whether they should keep still the town or no. Some were of the opinion to keep it still and to fortify it: But the most part said/ that to abide there it were great folly/ For so they should be enclosed round about/ and should be far of fro their socours & fortresses/ so that if they should be there besieged/ they should not be able to withstand their enemies and likely to have no socours/ so that by long siege they should be famysshedde/ for there about were many great gentlemen/ cities & good towns. And also when the duke of Berrey should know of this enterprise/ he will send hither the marshal of France sir Joys Sanxere. And also the earl dolphin of Awergne and the earl of Armynake will come or send and besiege us/ with many great lords: As the lord of the Tower/ the lord Dapthon/ the lord Dapthyer/ the lord of Revel/ the lord de la palace/ and divers other. yea/ and specially hither shall come sir johan Boesme lance with a great number. All these doubts the sage Perot le Bernoyes and olive Barb died cast and conject/ and said. If they were there taken they should lose all they have/ and fain to deliver up all their fortresses. So these captains concluded the same night to depart & to take with them all their booty and prisoners/ of whom they had more than two hundred. Than they set a sure guard at the gates/ to th'intent that none should issue out to bewray their entreprice. ¶ Now shall I show you of a skirmish that they of Cleremount made with them. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How they of the town of Clerimont made a skirmish with these pillars (that had taken and rob the town of Mountferante) at the gates of the town. Cap. C.xxii  
When these tidings were known at Clerimont that the english men had taken Mountferant/ they were sore abashed/ for they were near neighbours/ So they of Clerimont took counsel together/ And without the town of Cleremounte on the way towards Mountferant. There was a church of Friars as fair/ as strong/ & as well builded/ as any was in the realm of France: Whereunto pertained a great close/ environed with strong high walls/ and with in the close full of wines: for one year with another the friars had thereof/ a sixscore vessels of wine. Than some said within the town that it should be best to beat down the Friars/ because it joined so near to the gate or else it might be to their destruction. Some other said nay/ affirming how it should be great pity and damage to destroy so goodly a house/ and said. Sirs/ let us go to Mount ferant/ and sermyss he there with our enemies/ and let us besiege them/ there they shall never scape us. For the knights and squires of this country of Burbonoys and of Forestes will draw hither: So that within these four days surely they shallbe besieged. While they were thus debating of the matter/ there were a threescore compaygnions' made themself ready to depart out of the town/ to go see their enemies/ and to serimysshe with them. There was no man died let them/ for of the best of the town were in that company/ desiring to win honour: and took with them a xxx crossbows/ and so road towards Mount feraunt. then after them issued out of Cleremounte more than two hundred men afore/ and followed after. then horsemen road straight to the barrier's of Mount feraunte. Tidings came in to the town to the captains/ how that they of Cleremount were come to vysette them/ and were before the barrier's/ of which tidings they were greatly rejoiced/ and a hundred armed them and mounted on their horses/ and opined the gate & issued out on a front and cried saint George. And when the cleremontoys saw them coming so fiercely they were afraid and vanquysshed within themself and began to recoil without showing of any face of defence/ and so fled hither and thither: They that were best horsed at the coming out of Cleremount and were the formast/ saying: how they would be the first that should make assault/ were than the first that returned again to the town/ and the gascoins after them: So that if the gascons horses had been as go as the Cleremontoys/ there had but a few of them entered again in to their town: Howe beit they were chased till they met with the foot men/ who in likewise than fled and kept none order/ and leapt into the wines and in to the dykes to save themself. The crossbows that came out of Cleremount/ kept better array than their company died: For they close together took a vine yard and bend their bows/ and made visage of defence: and kept themself there till all the english men were withdrawn back again to Mountferant. They of Clerimont lost twenty of their men six slain and fourteen taken. Thus it fell of that enterprise/ and all that day every man trussed and made ready to depart the same night after/ and by six of the Clock every man had trussed up their baggage/ and laded their horses and set them self a foot. They passed not a threescore on horseback/ and so set forward in the streets their summer's and carriages: they had well a four hundred horse charged with clothes/ naprie and furs/ and other things necessary. They found in the town cofes and presses full of stuff/ but they lafte them clean void. They bound their prisoners two and two together: And when they were all ready and that it was night/ they opined the gate and issued out: They had tarried in Mount feraunt no more but eighteen hours. They set their carriage before them/ and than their prisoners and foot men/ and the captains on horseback came after them. The night was dark and the country not advised of their departing/ wherefore they were not pursued/ and about midnight they came to Ousacke/ fro whence they came the second day before: there they rested them.  
It was showed me that they wan by the same voyage a hundred thousand franks/ beside their prisoners. Sir Peter of Gyache chancellor of France lost for his part in ready money/ thirty thousand franks or above.  
THe companions were well counseled to leave Mount feraunt in Awergne so soon as they died/ For if they had tarried there two days lengar than they died/ they had not departed without great danger/ and peradventure with loss of their lives. For all the knights and squires of the country gathered together and came thither with puissance to have laid siege to the town/ and the lords of the country (as ye have heard before named) none tarried behind. And the earl dolphin was come within two days journey/ but than he heard tidings how the englishmen and gascoins were departed to their own forteresses: and there the truth of the hole matter was showed him. when he knew the truth/ he road than more at his ease & came to saint Pursayne/ and fro thence to Moulyns in Burbonoyes: And there he found the duchess of Burbone his daughter/ who was sore afraid of that adventure/ how be it when she knew that the adventures were gone she was glad thereof/ for than she thought her country more surer than it was before. By my faith quoth the earl I would it had cost me greatly/ that they had tarried still at Mount Ferant till I had come thither: For if they were there now they should have an evil end. We could not have had a better enterprise in all Awergne/ whereby to have recovered all the fortresses that they hold. It seemeth well they are skilful men of war/ that they tarried there no lengar: they are gone to their own holds with all their pillage and prisoners. Thus the Earl and the duchess his daughter communed together. And Perot le Bernoys and olive Barb/ the Bourge of Compayne/ the Bourg angloys/ Apthon Seguyn/ and the other captains of the fortresses when they were come to Ousacke/ they departed their booty/ pillage/ and prisoners. And some they ransomed/ and the other they led to their fortresses/ Some to Carlat/ and some to Gaslucet/ All the country of Awergne took better heed to they holds/ than they had done before: How be it the earl of Armynake and the earl dolphin sent to Perotte le Bernoys/ saying: how falsely and traytourously he had taken and stolen the town of Mountferant and rob it/ and led away the prisoners counselling him to make thereof amends. Consydringe how they were in treaty together ●or a peace. Perotte answered and said: Saving their grace's/ as for myself and seven other captains that were with me at the taking of Mountferant/ were never at no manner of treaty with these Earls/ nor we took not this town fraudulently/ nor stole it: But I entered in at the gate which was opined ready to receive me. If I and my company had been sworn to any treaty/ we would have kept it surely/ But we were never of that intention nor will be. In this case the matter stood and the lords could have none other answer. Sir Peter of Gyache was sore displeased/ for the loss that he had: And as for them of mount ferant/ recovered themself as well as they might. Thus this adventures fell. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the duke of Berrey married the lady Mary his daughter to the earl of Bloys son: And how the same year the son of the duke of Berrey married the lady Mary of France/ sister to the young king Charles of France. Cap. C.xxiii.  
IN the year of our lord God/ a thousand three hundred fourscore and six/ in the month of August/ guy the earl of Bloyes and the Lady Mary his wife departed fro the town of Bloyes/ well acompanyed with knights and squyes/ ladies and damoselles to go in to Berrey/ and they had with them their young son/ who had fyaunced the year before/ Marry daughter to the duke of Berrey. and the intention of the earl of Bloyes and of the countess his wife/ was that when they should come to Burgus in Berrey/ to precede to the said marriage. In likewise it was the intention of the duke of Berrey & of the duchess his wife. Thus when all these parties were come together/ than these two children were joined together in marriage in the church of saint Stephyn in Burgus by a cardinal/ the chancellor of Berrey and the bishop of poitiers had the year before insured them together. It this marriage of Joys of Bloyes and of the lady Mary of Berrey in the city of Burgus/ was made great feast and triumphs with jousts & turneyes. This feast endured eight days. when this was accomplished/ the earl of Bloyes and the countess took leave of the duke of Berrey and of the duchess/ and so returned to Bloyes and had with them their young daughter. Also in the same year Iohn of Berrey son to the duke of Berrey called Earl of Mountpensier married the lady Mary of France sister to the young king of France. In the same year that these marriages were thus made: In the time of lente/ the duchess of Berrey and Mary of France her daughter/ and her son road to the town of Bloyes/ to see the Earl Bloyes and the countess/ and their children. They were received in to the Castle of Bloyes with great joy. At all these matters I sir johan Froissarte was present: And when they had been there in great Feest three days/ they departed and took their way to poitiers: but they went by water by the river of Loire to Amboyse/ and fro thence in chares and on horseback/ till they came to Poytou. There the duchess held her house most commonly in a good castle and good town called Chynon In this year died Mary of France being young/ who was wife to the earl of Mountpenlier. In likewise soon after died the lady jane of Armynake duchess of Berrey. Thus the duke of Berrey and his son were to marry again (as they did) but not over soon. Of the which marriages/ and specially of the dukes: I shall show you here after/ when the matter shall require to have it declared.  
YE have well heard here before/ how the duke of Guerles had defied the French king despite fully/ which was spoken o● sar and near. For as the brute was/ it was not done in no curtess manner/ but out of the style and usage of all other defyances. Truth it is/ I saw myself certain writings in paper/ the which was said to be the true copy: But because I saw it not underseale/ nor approved as such matters ought to be that touch great princes/ such as is the French king/ therefore I gave no greatcredence thereto: How be it/ it seemed well that this defiance was displeasant to the realm/ & would have it amended. And that the duke of Guerles should excuse him of the spiteful words that were in the defiance. The kings counsel would in no wise that the matter should rest so/ for the great lords of France said. Without the king found some remedy/ they and all the realm should be greatly to blame: And they said how the king was young and forward/ and that was well seen in his journey in Flaunders. And if he go not forward now to revenge this deed/ men would speak diversly of the nobles of the realm of France/ who should counsel the king/ and are sworn to keep and defend his honour/ and to reform all that is mysordred. And to the intent that the king nor the realm should bear no blame the lord of Coucy took pain in the matter: And showed well how the matter touchedde him near. He knew the almains better than he died any other/ for he had been often in their companies/ as well for the challenge that he made to the duchy of Austryche/ as for other incidents that he had among them.  
THe kings uncles saw well how all the nobles of the Realm were well inclined to have the matter redressed/ and specially the duke of Burgoyne had great affection thereto/ for the duke of Guerles harried and pilled the duchess of Brabantes country/ The which inheritance should return to him after the death of the two ladies who were right aged/ both the duchess and her sister. wherefore he would that either by war or other means/ that the duke of Guerles were appeased. How be it first of all it was requisite to make all the members of France one and of one opinion: For it should be a far journey for the king to go out of France in to almain to conquer lands and countries/ The which the king could not do/ without he had all his hole puissance with him/ for it was not known whither the almains/ who be covetous people/ would help and assist the duke of Guerles or not. Also furthermore/ the duke of Burgoyne and the other noble men of France/ saw well how the duke of Bretayne was in great difference with the realm of France and began marvelously. & showed by his deeds that he had as live have war with the realm of France as peace: And the lords knew well how he provided his towns/ castles/ & cities with great provision of men/ victuals/ and artillery/ to defend any siege. And besides that/ often times he wrote in to England with loving treatable words to make alliance for ever: And the englishmen were willing thereto to the intent that their war with France/ might be the better for them after. then the counsel of France would not that there should be left behind them such a mist in Bretaygne/ but that first it might be put a way by good means and condute. They thought they would not put the realm in that doubt: If the king should go in to almain and leave the realm destitute (as this the Kings uncles imagined) They wist not how to stop the duke of Bretayne/ for as than such as they had sent thither were returned: as the bishop of Langers/ sir johan of Vyen/ and sir johan de Beull. They showed the king & his uncles how they had done nothing to purpose. than the duke of Berry advised to send to Bretayne to entreat with the duke his cousin/ the earl of Stamps who was a sage person & a treatable. Than the duke desired him and said. Fair cousin/ it behoveth that ye go in to Bretaygne to speak with our cousin the duke there. If ye find him hard and high of words/ chafe not with him/ treat him sweetly and after a good manner. And speak sagely to him/ and bring him in to good reason and it may be: And show him how the king and I and my brother of Burgoyne/ would nothing to him but good love & peace And if he will abide and hold with us/ we shall always be ready to do him pleasure. & also show him that as for the castles that he holdeth of the constables/ how that for a small occasion he hath ceased them. But & it would please him to render them again/ it should be greatly to his honour. And how that the king shall give him as fair and as good as they be/ in any other place where he will choose in the realm. Good cousin do so much as to bring us some good tidings/ and for any tarrying there/ depart not fro him till ye bring some matter to pass: and have well in your remembrance all this business and all his answer/ and the order of his estate. The earl of Stamps answered and said. Sir/ all this shallbe done right gladly.  
AFter that the earl of Stamps had this charge fro the duke of Berey to go in to Bretayne to the duke his cousin: He tarried not long but made himself ready and passed by Chartres/ and through the good country of Main/ and so came to Angers and there found the queen of Naples/ who had been wife to the duke of Anjou: Who was called king of Naples/ of Cicyle/ of Jerusalem/ & duke of Pole/ of Calabre/ and earl of Provence: And in her company her two fair sons Joys and Charles. The lady received her cousin the earl of Stamps joyfully/ and there was Iohn of Bretayne who loved not the duke of Bretayne/ but he was not in power to show forth his evil will/ nor to amend it. When th'earl of Stamps had been there a day and a night/ he took his leave & departed and road to Chasteaulx/ and journeyed so long that he came to the cite of Nauntes and there refreshed him. And than he demanded where the duke was/ and it was showed him how he was in the marches of Wens & therefounde the duke who received him joyously/ for they were near cousins together. The earl of Stamps who right well could acquit himself among great princes and ladies (for he had been brought up among them in his youth) acquytedde himself right sagely with the duke. And showed not the principal affection of his courage at his first coming/ but dissimuled two or three days/ and when he saw his time he humiled himself greatly to the duke/ the rather thereby to draw him to his intent/ and than said. Sir and my right dear cousin/ ye ought not to marvel though I am come so far of to see you/ for greatly I have desired it. And than notably he showed him the charge that he had to say to him/ on the behalf of the duke of Berrey/ of the which words the duke made light. And for resolution of answer at that time/ the duke said. Cousin we know well this that ye have said is true. I shall remember me and ye shall abide here with us as long as it shall please you/ for your coming doth us great pleasure. Other answer the earl could not have/ as at that tyme. The earl tarried there a fifteen days/ and the duke showed him great love/ and showed him the fair castle of Ermyn/ which was near to Wannes the which the duke had newly made/ and there he took part of his pastaunce. And always when he saw a convenient time/ he showed sweetly and sagely the cause of his coming. And ever the duke answered him so covertly/ that the earl could have no surety in any answer/ to make any restitution of a hundred thousand franks nor of the castles that he held of the constables/ the which yet at the end he did/ and that was without request of any person/ when it was lest looked for (as I shall show you hereafter as I was informed) When the earl Stamps saw that he lay there in vain/ than he thought to take his leave/ and to return in to France/ and so he did. The duke gave him leave/ and at his departing gave him a fair white palfrey/ appareled and it had been for a king/ and gave him a fair ring with a stone/ well worth a thousand franks. Thus the earl departed and returned by Angers/ and there found the queen of Napoles/ and johan of Bretayne/ who greatly desired to here tidings and said. Fair cousin/ I think ye have sped well/ for ye have tarried long out. Than the earl showed part of his business but finally how he had sped nothing. When he had tarried there a day/ he departed and went to Towers/ and at last came in to Berrey/ and found the duke at Mehyn/ a castle of his/ which he had newly made/ and had workmen daily thereon. When the duke of Berrey saw the earl of Stamps he made him good cheer/ and demanded tidings of Bretayne. There he declared fro point to point all that he had sent and heard/ and said: how in no wise he could break the duke of Bretayne fro his purpose. The duke of Berrey passed the matter lightly/ when he saw it would be none otherwise. And so returned in to France to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne his brother/ and showed them how he had sent in to Bretaygne to the duke his cousin the earl of Stamps/ and declared in every point how he had sped. Thus the matter rested/ when they saw none other remedy. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ how after the departing of the duke of Lancastre all that ever he had won in Galyce/ the frenchmen recovered it in less than fifteen days/ and how the englishmen that had been there in that war defamed and spoke evil of the country of Galyce/ and how the french king sent for the duke of Ireland. Ca C.xxiiii.  
IT hath been recited here before in this history/ how the englishmen did in Galyce/ & how the duke and the duchess/ and his daughter came to the port of Portyngale/ and there tarried a season with king johan of Portugal/ and with the young queen/ daughter to the duke of Lancastre (as ye have herd here before) It annoyed greatly the duke/ and not without a cause/ in that he had done nothing for his profit all that season in Castyle/ but that he had done was to his great damage/ his men deed of sickness of the best of his company/ knights and squires. And such conquest as he had made with great pain and cost/ he saw well it should besoone recovered again by the king of castle. And in deed so it was. for as soon as he was departed and entered in to Portugal/ and that the spaniards and knights of France/ such as were tarried there with sir Oliver of Clesquyn constable of Castyle/ saw that the duke of Lancastre was departed/ and that in manner all his english men were departed fro him. Than they set forward to reconquere again all that had been lost of the realm of Castyle/ the which was soon done/ for they of the towns/ castles/ & cities in Galyce/ had rather to have been under the obeisance of the king of Castyle/ than under the duke of Lancaster/ without he had been able to have kept the field/ to have defended the country. For they of Castyle/ Lombardy/ and of Italy/ of usage ever they say (Live he that is strongest/ and he that winneth) All that ever the duke of Lancastre had won fro the feast of Easter to the beginning of july/ all was won again and refreshed with new frenchmen and men of Castyle/ and the englishmen that were left there by the duke in garrisons (who thought to have tarried there peaceably all the winter) were soon put out/ either by fair means or perforce/ and some slain/ such as would not yield up/ and some returned by saveconducte to pass by Portugal/ & so to Bayon or to Bordeaux. And of all this the duke of Lancastre was well advertised/ he being in the city of port in Portugal/ but he could not remedy it/ which was ryghtsore dypleasaunte to his heart. It is not to be believed the contrary/ for the more noble/ valiant/ and sage that a man is/ displeasures to him be the more bitter and painful. how be it the duke would say often times (and bare out a good face) If we have lost this year/ by the grace of god another season shall be for us. the fortunes of this world are marvelous/ they can not be always permanente. Also the king of Portugal gave him always good comfort/ and said. Sir ye may abide here and keep your estate/ and write to your brethren and friends in England/ that they may send you this next March a five or sire hundred spears/ and two thousand archers/ and I shall gather to guider my power and people/ who have good minds to make war into Castyle/ & so we shall make a good war. sometime one country winneth and another loseth. The duke of Lancastre thanked the king of Portugal of his good comfort and offer. How beit for all that the king was the dukes son in law/ and had married his daughter/ and that he said was of a good will. yet for all that the duke discovered not all his courage/ for he knew well England was in trouble/ and great debate a 'mong the lords/ and how the lords had matters yno we to attend unto/ as well for the keeping of the fronters against scotland/ as for to treat with the duke of Bretaygne. And the king knew well that when the duke came out of England/ there was a do to set forward his army/ wherefore he thought it should be hard to get any new aid thence/ seeing the realm at so many great charges all ready/ and also he thought well that such englishmen as were returned would no more come thither again/ but thought rather that they should discourage other to come. the duke considered all these matters in his mind/ and when he had been a season at the city of port with the king of Portugal/ than on a day he said. Sir/ it should be for my profit to return to Bayon/ and to the marches of Burdeaulx for diverse reasons. He saw well his being in Portugal could do him little advantage/ for there he was not on his heritage that he desired/ but he said his going in to the archebysshoppriche of Bordeaux and of Aulose/ and so to return by Bygore/ and so by the land of the lombrisience/ of the county of Foyze/ and county of Armynake/ and so by Garonne/ Dordone/ and entering in to Pier gourte and Querchyn/ Rochelloys/ Xayntone/ Cristing/ Poictou/ Awergne and Lymosyn/ wherein were many garrisons and castles holden of the english part/ who would all make war for his sake. Wherefore he said it were better for him to be among them to counsel and encourage them/ than to be in any other place. And also he said how Portugal was far of to here any news out of England/ and also he knew well that the english men would be loath to come thither because of the long voyage by see/ and also he knew well that ships of spain/ of Galyce/ and of Castyle were going and coming on the see in and out to Flaunders with their merchandises/ which was also great danger for encountering of them. All these things considered/ the duke of Lancastre prepared for his departing/ and had ships appointed him by the king/ and a patron called Alphons Bretat. When these galyes were ready and the wind good/ the duke and the duchess and her daughter/ took leave of the king of Portugal and of the queen/ and so took shiping and entered on the see/ abiding god's pleasure and winds. They had wind and wether at pleasure/ so that they arrived at Bayon of whose coming they of the country were joyful/ desiring sore to see them.  
When the duke and the duchess and their daughter were arrived at Bayon. tidings thereof spread abroad/ and they of Burdeloys were right joyful thereof. Than sir johan of Harpdame seneshal of Bordeaux/ and the seneshal of the lands came thither to see the duke/ and so did other gentlemen of the country/ as the lord of Mucydente/ the lord of Duras/ the lord of Rosem/ the lord of Landuras/ the lord Lespare/ the lord of Newechasteaur/ and other knights and squires of the country. Thus they came daily/ some at one time some at another/ all they offered him their service/ as they ought to do to their lord. Thus the duke tarried at Bayon/ and often times sent in to England to the king his nephew/ and to his other brethren. But for all his writing he was nothing comforted/ neither with men of arms nor archers/ for as the world went than/ the duke's business was little taken heed unto/ nor lord/ knight/ nor squire to make any haste to advance forward to the aid of the duke of Lancastre. for such as had been in Portugal made such report through the realm of England/ that no man had courage to advance thither/ but every man said. the voyage in to Castyle is to far of fro us. It is more profitable for us to have war with France/ for that is a good sweet country and temperate/ and good lodgings and fair sweet rivers. And in Castyle there is no thing but hard rocks and Mountains/ which are not good to eat/ and an untemperate air/ and troubled rivers/ and diverse meats/ and strong wines & hot/ and poor people/ rude/ and evil arrayed/ far of fro our manner. wherefore it were folly to go thither/ for if we enter in to any great city or town there weening to find marvels/ we shall find nothing but wine/ lard/ and empty coffers. This is contrary to the realm of France/ for there when it is fortune to win any town or city/ we find such richesse that we be a bashed thereof/ and it is good to make war where we may have profit. let us adventure there/ and leave the unhappy war of Castyle and Portugal/ where is no thing but powertye and damage. Thus the english men said in England/ such as had been in Castyle/ so that the lords perceived well how that voyage was out of the favour of the english men. Also the realm was in trouble/ and the justice of Trivylyen and either but newly done/ and the duke of Ireland departed out of the Realm/ and king richard came to the guiding of new counsel/ the which he had not well learned. So by reason of such incidents the matters abode in hard case for the duke of Lancastre/ being in the city of Bayon/ where he held all that season.  
ALl these businesses as well in Castyle and Portugal/ as in England (and of the departing of the duke of Ireland) was well known with the french king and his counsel. Than to have more perfit knowledge/ it was ordained by the french king and by his uncles to send to Trecte to the duke of Ireland/ where as he was/ and to give him a sure safeconduct to come into France and to tarry there as long as both parties were pleased. It was behovable to send for him by special messengers/ and sure writing fro the king/ or else the duke of Ireland would not have come there/ for he knew well that he was out of the love and favour of the lord Coucy/ who was a great baron in the realm of France/ and was of a great lineage. He had no cause to love him (as ye have herd before) for according to the truth the duke had not well acquitted himself to his wife/ who was daughter to the lord Coucy. And certainly it was the principal thing that took away the good renome of his honour/ both in France and in other places. And in likewise he was blamed/ defamed/ and hated in England/ as well as in France. When the french king had concluded to send for the duke of Ireland/ the lord of Coucy spoke as much against it as he might/ but there were so many reasons laid to him (and also because the king would have it) that he was content to suffer it. The french king who was but young desired greatly to see the duke of Ireland/ because he was reputed to be a good knight/ and also because it was said how he was so well beloved with the king of England. then he was sent for by a knight and a clerk/ a notary of the kings. When the Duke of Ireland heard first how the french king had sent for him/ he had marvel thereof/ and had diverse imaginations for what intent he should be sent for in to France/ how be it finally he thought the might go surely in to France to see the king by reason of his safeconduct/ and to return again at his pleasure. Than he departed fro Trecte/ and road forth with them that the king had sent to him/ and road so long that they came to Paris/ for as than the king was there in his castle of Lower. There the duke was well received of the king and of his uncles. The french king desired him to abide there still and appointed him a place to keep his house & estate in/ for the duke had enough so to do/ for he had conveyed out of England good enough. And also the constable of France ought him certain money for the ransom of johan of Bretayne/ the which was not all paid as than. Thus the duke went when it pleased him to see the king/ and had good cheer. and at all feasts/ jousts/ and triumphs the duke was always sent for. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the Constable of France would not accord that the king should go in to Almaigne/ because of the incidents of the realm/ and how the duke of Bretaygne fournysshed his garrisons & made alliance with the king of England and with the king of Naverre/ and of the army made by the english men. Cap. C.xxv.  
YE have herd before how the earl de Stamps was sent in to Bretayne by the duke of Berrey/ thinking to have brought the duke of Bretayne with fair words to his mind and intention/ But he could not bring it about/ but returned again without attaining any thing of his purpose. whereof they in France were greatly abashed/ and specially such as were of the kings counsel/ for they knew well the king had great desire to go in to Almaigne/ to see the lands of his cousins the duke of Julyers/ and to be revenged of the high words and cruel defyaunces of the duke of Guerles. The wise men of the counsel of France such as conceived well the matter imagined therein great apparel to the realm/ for they clearly perceived how the duke of Bretayne would in no wise condescend to reason/ but held still his purpose. They thought it was greatly prejudicial to the honour of the realm of France/ for him to take the constable of France/ and to set him at ransom at a hundred thousand franks/ and to keep three of his castles and a good town. And also they saw how the duke of Bretayne was making of great alliances with the king of England/ and knew well how the duke fortified greatly his towns and castles in Bretayne/ and went about to get him friends in divers parties/ in so much that many of the noble men of Bretayne wist not what to do/ either to go in to France or to a bide there still with the duke and to take his part against the king or the realm of France/ the which they never thought to do/ for the most part of the knights and squires of Bretaygne were always good french/ But the counsel of France doubted that if the king went out of the realm with his puissance/ the which he must needs do if he should go in to almain/ that than the duke of Bretayne to bring in to his country the englishmen/ either at saint mallow/ at saint Mathewes/ or at Lamballe/ or Camperle/ or Lantriguier at Guerrando/ or Bownte/ or at Wens/ or on the see cost. For the englishmen could not have a better entry in to France than by Bretayne. So that they knew not (the kings honour saved) how to break the duke of Bretayne fro his purpose. Some of the kings counsel said/ it shall be to the kings dishonour if he break not the duke's purpose/ for the duke is not lord peaceably over his own country/ for we think the lords/ knights/ and squires of Bretayne will not be against us/ to maintain the dukes opinion/ therefore in the name of god let the king keep on his voyage/ and let the constable and other lords a bide in their countries and defend the Realm. This opinion was well uphold with many of the kings counsel. but than some other said nay thereto/ and said how the king could not well go out of his realm without he had his constable with him/ for he is more wiser and hath more experience in war than a great number of other. Thus they argued. Than some other said/ let two of the kings uncles go or one of them at the lest/ and laid it to the duke of Burgoyne that he should go with two thousand spears/ and sire or seven thousand of other men of war/ and said/ it was most meetest for him to go/ for that war touched him near/ because it moved by reason of the duchy of Brabante/ and that he should have with him them of Brabante/ of whom he should find in number to the some of seven hundred spears/ and twenty or thirty thousand of other commons of the country of Brabante. Than another sort said. sirs/ your opinions be not good for the king will go/ he nameth himself the chief of this war/ for he is defied/ wherefore he must go/ consydring the charge is his/ it is good that he go/ for he is young/ and the more he continueth the war the better he shall love it. than some other said. Who is he that is so hardy to counsel the king to go in to Almaigne/ in to so far a country/ among them that be high and prowed people/ and great apparel it is to enter upon them. And if the king were entered/ yet it were great danger the returning again. for when they shall know the king and all the nobles of France to be entered in to their country/ they will then assemble all together/ and keep such a country as they know/ and we not/ and so they may do us great damage/ for they are covetous people above all other. And they have no pity/ if they have the upper hand/ and are hard and evil handelers of their prisoners/ and putteth them to sundry pains/ to compel them to make their ransoms the greater. and if they have a lord or a great man to their prisoner/ they make great joy thereof/ and will convey him in to Boesme/ or in to Austryche/ or in to Xasenne/ and keep him in some castle inhabitable. They are people worse than saracens or paynims/ for their excessive covetousness quencheth the knowledge of honour. Let us go and put the king in danger among these people/ and if any thing happen to fall a miss/ as the chances of fortune are marvelous/ what shall be said then? how we have brought the king thither to betray him/ and to the destruction of the realm/ and not for the augmenting thereof. God defend the realm fro all damage and apparel. If the king go he must have part of his noble men with him. And if miss fortune fall/ the realm of France is lost without recovery. Therefore look wisely if it be good to counsel the king to go that voyage in to Almaigne. Than some other/ such as had wisely conjected all parels in their imaginations said. In the name of god let neither the king go/ nor yet send thither no puissance. For though the duke of Guerles who is but young/ and that youth of wit have made him to defy the king/ which was not done by no great wisdom/ nor good counsel/ but rather done by foolish pride of young people/ who would fly or they have wings. And sith he hath thus defied the king/ let him alone and suffer him to pursue his desyaunce/ the realm of France is great/ if he enter in to the realm in any manner of wise/ the king shall soon be informed thereof/ and than he shall have a just cause to stir up his people/ and to go and fight against him/ where so ever he find him/ or else to make him fly or yield him in the field/ and thereby the king shall have more honour and less charge than to go in to Guerles/ for such as know the country say/ that or we can come to the duke if he list/ we must pass a four great rivers/ the list of them as great as the river of Loire at Namurs or charity. Also they say/ it is a fowl country and evil lodgynges.  
THe noble men and counsaylouts of France were thus in divers imaginations on this voyage/ that the king would make in to Almaigne/ and surely it had been advanced the sooner forward and they had not doubted the venom that might grow by the occasion of Bretayne/ and of the duke there/ that matter drew them a back. And indeed they had good cause to doubt it/ for the duke of Bretayne was well informed of the defiance that the duke of Guerles had made to the French king/ and how that the young king Charles would go in to Almaigne. The duke looked for nothing else/ but that the king should be once departed out of his Realm of France/ he had ordained and concluded between him and the english men/ to suffer the english army to enter in to his country. And also he had by subtile means drawn to his accord the most part of the good towns of Bretaygne/ and specially Nauntes/ Wens/ Rennes/ Lentriguier/ Guerrando/ Lambale/ saint Malo/ and saint Mathewe defyn poterne/ but the noble men he could not get to his opinion. Than the duke imagined if the lords should go with the constable of France in to Almaigne/ than his war and intent should the sooner come to pass. He caused his towns and castles to be well provided for/ with victuals and artillery/ and he showed well how he inclined rather to the war than to have pease. Also he had great alliance with Charles they young king of Naverre/ and the duke promised him/ that if he might come to his intent (to have puissance of men of arms and archers out of England) he would bring them straight in to Normandy/ and recover first the good towns and castles that king Charles of France uncle to the king of Naverre/ had taken fro him by his men/ as the lord of Coucy and either. Of this the king of Naver had great trust/ and by reason thereof he held in humble love the duke of Lancastre who was at Bayon/ for between them was great alliances. And of all this I saw great appearance/ as I shall show after.  
IN the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and eight/ the seventh day of Aprell/ it was concluded by the king of England and his counsel/ and by his uncles/ the duke of york/ and the duke of Glocestre/ that the earl richard of Arundel should be heed and chief of an army on the see/ with him a thousand men of arms/ and three thousand archers/ and to be at Hamton the fifteen day of May/ and there to find his navy ready appareled. And every man that was appointed to go to be there ready at that day. And the king of England on saint George's day next after/ held a great feast at his castle of windsor. And there were the chief lords that should go with th'earl of Arundel/ and there they took their leaves of the king and of the queen/ and of all other ladies/ and so came to Hampton at their day appointed/ and entered in to their ships the twenty day of May/ which was a fair clear day. There was the earl of Arundel/ the earl of Notyngham/ the earl of devonshire/ sir Thomas Percy/ the lord Clifforde/ sir Iohn of Ware/ wyke/ sir William de la Selle/ the lord Cameux/ sir Stephyn de Libery/ sir William Helman/ sir Thomas Moreaur/ sir johan Dambreticourt/ sir Roberte Sere/ sir Peter Mountbery/ sir Joys Clombo/ sir Thomas Coq/ sir William Pull/ and divers other. They were of good men of arms a thousand spears/ and about a three thousand archers. They had with them no horses/ for they trusted if they might come to their intents to enter in to Bretayne/ and there to refresh them where as they should find horses enough at a good price to serve them. The day that they departed fro Hampton was so fair and peaceable that it was marvel. they drew towards Normandy not purposing to land in any part/ but to pass by the fronters of Normandy and Bretayne/ till they heard other news. They had in their navy certain vessels called Ballengers/ who sailed on before to see if they might find any adventure/ in like manner as knights do by land go before the battles to discover the country and enbusshes. ¶ Now we shall leave a season of speaking of this army/ and speak somewhat of the business of Guerles & Brabant/ and show how the siege was laid to Grave.   

¶ How the brabansoys laid siege to the town of Grave. And how the constable of France took saint Malo and saint Mathewes/ and set there men in garrison/ and how the duke of Lancastre was at Bayon greatly discomforted/ in that he could get no manner of aid. Cap. C.xxvi.  
AS it hath been showed here before of the ancient dukes of Guerles/ & how the eldest son of the duke of Guerl●s (of whom I treat at this present time) was married to the daughter of Berthalce of Malynes/ thereby to bring him out of danger/ and to redeem again his heritage/ the which was in sore trouble before. and the duke of Guerles son to the duke of Julyers to entertain and to keep the town of Grave against the brabansoys/ as he had cause and just title. When he saw how he could not get again his three castles/ Gauleth/ Buth/ and null on the river of Muse/ pertaining to his heritage/ and to the country of Guerles/ thought than to attribute the town of Grave to his heritage for ever. this duke had a bastard daughter/ married to the son of the lord Bruke/ who was inheritor to the town of Grave. So there was an amiable treaty between them/ as between the father and the son. and there the lord of Bruke gave the town and signory of Grave to the duke of Guerles/ in presence of the knights of Guerles and juliers. and for that cause the duke of Guerles did recompense the lord of Bruke with the lands of Bresde/ on the river of Lighen in the duchy of Guerles/ marching on the country of Holande above Brabaunte. At this town of Bresde there was a fair castle/ and the town great and profitable/ how be it the town of Grave was better. This the duke of Guerles did to the intent to have a just title to keep the town of Grave against the brabansoys. The duchess of Brabant and the brabansoys said/ how the lord of Bruke had it but to pledge/ and that they might quite it out when they would/ but the duke of Guerles said nayetherto. By reason whereof the war moved. So that in the month of May/ the brabansoys came and laid siege to the town of Grave/ with many lords/ knights/ and squires/ and with the puissance of other good towns in Brabante. And thither they brought engines/ springals/ and other habylimentes of war. They were a xl thousand one and other/ there was skirmishing daily. The town of Grave standeth on the river of Muese on the side of Brabante/ and there is a bridge over the river to go in to the country of Guerles. At this siege every thing was plenty/ and as good cheap of every thing/ as though they had been before Brusels. Every day there was skirmishing at the barrier's of Grave/ of such as would adventure themself. Sometime they were put a back/ and some time they drove their enemies in to their town/ as chance of adventure fell. The duke of Guerles was well informed of this siege. He lay a four leagues fro Nymarse/ and wrote often times in to England/ where he trusted to have succour by reason of the english army/ whereof the earl of Arundel was capitain on the see/ as soon as wind and wether will serve them. to come to Guerles to raise the siege before Grave. The duke of Guerles knew well that the town of Grave was strong and well fortyfyed/ so that he thought it could not be won by none assault/ but either by treason or by treaty. He trusted them of Gruae to be sure and faithful to him. Thus the siege endured long before Grane. And the earl of arundel's army was on the see/ and took no land/ but still kept on the fronters of Normandy/ So that the normans fro against Mount saint Mychell/ and down along to Deep to saint Valery and to Croty/ were not well assured whereto they should take heed. The ports and havens of Normandy were refreshed by the french king/ with good men of arms and cross bows/ to resist against all parelles. And by the marshal of Blankewyll was set in the town of Carentyne/ standyge on the see (which before of old time pertained to the heritage of king Charles of Naverre) the lord of Amber and the lord Coucy/ two great lords of Normandy. And the Constable of France took the town of saint Malo and the town of saint Mathews/ and as soon as they knew that the english men were on the see/ they set men in to those towns in the name of the french king. In this season they thought surely to have open war with the duke of Bretayne/ for the knights and squires said/ that the army on the see of the englishmen were sent thither for none other purpose/ but sent for by the duke of Bretayne to land in his country. They said it was none other likely/ for always the ships kept on the cost of Bretaygne/ without force of wethersome time caused them to depart. yet always briefly they returned again to the same cost.  
yE have herd here before/ how the duke of Lancastre was departed out of the realms of Castyle and Portugal. the imaginations that he had turned him to great displeasure/ for he saw well his business was sore troubled and darked/ as fortune often times falleth in sundry persons/ sometime good sometime evil/ when it is lest thought on. For when the duke of Lancastre departed out of the realm of England/ accompanied with good men of arms and archers he thought than to have sped otherwise than he died. He saw and heard/ how that in xv. days he had lost all Galyce/ which was a long season or he had won it/ the space of xvi. weeks. And beside that his men deed & sparkled abroad/ some here and some there/ and hoped of no comfort out of England/ for the englishmen were weary of the war of spain. They thought it over long and far of fro them. So the duke of Lancastre thought his business in a hard case/ seeing no comfort/ he spoke little but he thought moche more. In his imagination he lyconed his journey to the voyage that the duke of Anjou made in to the realm of Naples: For when he departed out of the realm of France/ he was well furnished of all manner of thing/ and went with great richesses/ puissance/ & a great number of noble men of arms knights and s●●uiers: & at the end all were slain and lost. Thus the duke of Lancastre reckoned his v●yage to come to nothing/ by reason of such discomfort as he had. The earl of Foiz/ Who was in his country of Bierne/ and was eight sage and imaginative/ said and accompeed the duke of Lacasters' viage but lost/ as inrecovering of the realm of Castyle/ which he challenged. The duke of Lacastre who was a sage and a wise prince/ and valiant among all his disconfytures/ yet sometime he took comfort to himself. I shall show you how and by what means.  
He saw well he had a fair daughter by the lady Custance his wife/ daughter to done Peter king of Castyle/ in whose right and claim he made his war in Castyle. He thought though fortune were against him at that time/ yet it might turn good to his daughter/ who was fair and young/ for she had right to the heritage of Castyle/ by reason of her mother. and thought that some valiant man of France would be glad to covet to have her in marriage/ as well for the right that she had to the realm of Castyle/ as for her high lineage: For it might well be said/ that her extraction was of the highest lineage of Christendom. Wherefore the duke of Lancastre would gladly have had some treaty of marriage with some noble man of France. He knew well the French king had a young brother called the duke of Towrayne/ who he thought should be able to recover his daughters right in Castyle: For he knew well that the puissance of France held in his adversaries/ in the heritage of Castille. wherefore he thought that if they would take his part/ they might lightly put his daughter in possession of the realm of Castyle/ if he might marry her to the French kings brother.   

¶ How the duke of Berrey sent letters to the duke of Lancastre to Bayon: and how the duke sent the copy of the same letters in to Foiz & in to Naver/ to th'intent to have them published in Spain: And how the duke of britain demanded counsel of his men in all his business. Cap. C.xxvii.  
ON this imagination rested the duke of Lancastre/ not all only on the duke of Towrayne/ but also on the duke of Berrey/ For (as ye have herd here before) the duke of Berrey and his son were wodowers both their wives deed. This matter I the author of this book knew of surety/ for the same time I was on the fronters of Berrey & Poitou/ in the county of Bloys/ with the right honourable lord Guy earl of Bloys by whom and at his desire/ I followed the continuance of this history. The duke of Berrey set all his entencion and pleasure to be again married: And often times he would say among his men/ how that a lord was little worth without a lady/ nor another man with out a wife. Than some of his counsel said to him. Sir marry again your son/ thereby your house shallbe the more joyful. Asirs qd the duke my son is young. Why sir qd they/ have ye not seen how the Earl of Bloyes hath married his son/ who is as young as he to your daughter? That is truth quoth the duke/ let see name a wife for him. sir quoth they/ we shall name the duke of Lancaster's daughter. With that word the duke studied a season and gave none answer/ and imagined sore: and than to such as were of his secret counsel/ he said. ye speak to marry johan my son to my cousin the duke of Lancaster's daughter by saint Denyce ye have well devised but she should be a good wife for ourself and shortly I shall write to our cousin the duke of Lancastre: He is at Bayone as I am informed/ I would send him word how I shall send shortly to him some of my counsel to treat of this marriage: But I say not for my son/ I shall marry him in some other place. When his counsel heard him say so they smiled/ Than the duke demanded whereat they smiled. Sir qd they we laughed/ at that ye had rather have a good turn yourself than your son should. by my faith qd the duke and good reason why: For my fair cousin of Lancastre will not so soon agree to my son as to myself. Than incontinent letters were written in to high Gascoigne to Bayon to the duke of Lancastre/ and sent by honourable messengers. When they came to the duke they delivered their letters. The duke took and read them/ and when he had well perceived theffect of the matter/ he was right joyful and made good cheer to the messengers and showed that he was well content therewith/ and wrote again by them other letters right amiably. certifying the duke of Berrey how he was right joyful of his letters. These messengers returned and found their lord in Poitou/ preparing himself to go in to France: for the French king and the duke of Burgoyne had sent for him/ for to common of the state of Bretayne. Than he oppned the letters that his cousin the duke of Lancastre had sent him/ and had joy of the answer/ & thought surely to pursue the matter to effect but he might not leave his voyage in to France and so went thither as shortly as he could. then he wrote to a knight of his called sir Helyon of Lignacke who as than was seneschal of Rochel/ and of the country of Rocheloys. Commanding him that incou●ynent on the sight of his letters he to set all thing there in good order and than to come to him to Paris without fail. When sir Helyon of Lignac who was at Rochel understood those tidings/ & perceived by the duke of berry's letters/ how he was sent for in all hast/ he made him ready/ and in his absence he made two captains at Rochel/ two valiant men to be governors of all Rocheloys. They were of the country of Becaulse/ the one called sir Peter of yond/ & the other sir Peter of Tayllepy. This done sir Helyon took his way in to France the shortest way he could/ for he knew not what the duke would do with him/ that he sent for him so hastily.  
Now let us somewhat speak of the duke of Lancastre who was at Bayon/ and had great imaginations of that business that his cousin the duke of Berrey had written to him of. First he would not that it should be hidden but rather published abroad/ to the intent that his enemies should know it/ & specially in the house of king johan of Castyle. And so the duke of Lancastre wrote to divers/ and sent them the copy of the duke of berry's letters: Showing by his writing/ that he had great affection to treat of the marriage/ between his daughter and the duke of Berry. First he sent his letters to the earl of Foiz/ because he knew well that to the earls house prepared all manner of gentlemen knights and squires/ as well coming & going to the king of Spain/ as on pilgrimage to saint james. Also he wrote to the king of Naver/ who had to his wife the king of Castles sister/ and had by her many children: to th'intent that the brute thereof should the better be certified in the king of Castles court/ rather than by flying words. also the duke wrote of his matter to the king of Portugal/ but he wrote no word thereof in to England to the king nor to his brethren/ for he knew well he should have no thank for his enterprise/ as they were not content in deed/ (as ye shall here after) when the matter requireth it. In the mean season we shall speak of other matters/ as of the duke of Bretayne/ the matter lieth there after.  
When the duke of Berrey was come into France to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne his brother/ and to other of his counsel: As the bishop of Langers/ the bishop of Laon/ the lord of Coucy/ and other barons of France/ than being thereof the kings secret counsel. They had many meetings to common together/ as well of the state of Guerles (whither the king had great affection to go) as of the duke of Bretaygne/ whom they could bring to no reason/ nor would not obey/ nor wist not whom to send to him that he would believe/ for there had been many valiant men and sage with him/ but all that aveyled nothing/ for they could bring nothing to pass as they desired/ whereof the king & his counsel was sore troubled. For they understood well that the duke of Bretaygne had all that winter provided and fortified his towns and castles/ and showed how by lykehode he had rather have war than peace: and the wisest of the counsel said. We speak of going in to Almaigne/ but we ought rather to speak of going in to Bretaygne/ and to put down the duke there/ who is so high minded that he will hear no reason/ and is always against the crown of France/ and disdaineth to be obedient thereunto. we shall have no reason of him without we force him thereto: For and if he be suffered he will be to presumptuous he feareth no man/ nor he loveth nor praiseth no man but himself/ this is a clear case. If the king go in to almain and leave his realm bare of men/ as he must do if he go thither/ The duke of Bretaigne than will suffer the english men to come in to his country/ & so enter in to France. The appearance hereof is great/ for there is all ready a great army of archers on the see and they keep still on the cost of Bretaygne for if wind and wether put them of/ yet ever they draw thither again/ & lieth there at anchor/ beseeming tarrying till the war be opyn/ Wherefore we think it were good yet to send again to the duke/ the bishop of Langers and the earl of saint Poule/ for the duke and the earl have married two sisters. Nay sirs not so qd master yves/ who was a very Breton. If ye will send to the duke again/ ye can not send one more agreeable to him than the lord of Coucy/ for in likewise they have married two sisters/ & have loved marvelously together/ and have ever written each to other. Fair brother/ & with the lord of Coucy send whom ye will. well quoth the duke of Burgoyne: Master yves/ sith ye have begun name you the rest. Sir/ with right a good will sith it pleaseth you/ With the lord of Coucy send sir johan of Vyen and the lord de la river. These be such three lords as shall bring him to reason/ if he will ever come to any. Thus let it be qd the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne. than they were appointed and charged what they should say/ & whereupon they should groude their matter/ and to handle him by fair words. Thus they tarried a certain space or they departed fro Paris. The duke of Bretayne knew well of their coming or they departed fro Paris/ but he could not tell when. And he saw well the matter touched highly in that the lord of Coucy came. The duke had many imaginations on that matter and discovered his mind to certain of his counsel: as the lord of Mountbouchier/ & demanded counsel of him and of other/ and said. Sirs/ I here as the brute ronveth/ that the duke of Lancastre should marry his daughter in to France to the duke of Berrey: and the matter is so forward/ that sir Helyon of Lignacke is going to the duke to Bayon/ & the duke greatly inclineth to this marriage/ whereof I have great marvel/ for my fair brother of Lancastre hath not written to me thereof/ so that I know nothing of the matter but by hearing say: He was not accustomed so to do/ for in all his matters touching France/ he was wont to write to me. than his counsel answered and said. Sir/ if it be thus/ it must behove you to change your purpose/ or else it shallbe greatly to your loss and danger/ and bring your country in to war/ which were good to eschew: For ye need not to make war sith ye may be in peace/ yea? and desired thereto. Also my lady your wy●e is great with child/ the which ye ought to regard. The king of Naver can but title aid you/ for he hath enough to do for himself. Also the duke of Lancastre who is a sage and a valiant prince (as it is said) shall marry his daughter to the duke of Berrey. This shallbe a great beginning to enter in to a treaty of peace between England and France/ or else a long truce: And by reason thereof ye shall see at the end the king of Castle put out of his realm/ as they have kept him in and the rather if the duke of Lancastre and the english men be agreed with him: and also it is of truth/ that the lord Coucye admiral of France and the lord de la river/ are coming hither. ye may well know that is for some great cause touching the king/ who busyeth himself for his constable and for his Realm. And by likelihood the king and his uncles will know presisely what ye will do/ and whether ye will keep still your opinion or not. And if ye keep still your purpose/ it is to be imagined/ that the great army that is prepared for to go in to Guerles shall turn against you. Now remember well what comfort ye are likely to have if ye have war with France/ which ye are most likely to have if the duke of Lancaster marry his daughter into France/ as be seeming he will/ for he can not bestow her better to recover her heritage. Also ye know well that the most part of the prelate's/ barons/ knights and squires/ and cities and good towns/ be in manner ye against you. Therefore sir/ sith ye demand counsel of us/ We say that ye had never so much cause to advise you (as ye have now). Therefore put to your hand to keep well your heritage/ which hath cost the shedding of so much blood/ sweat/ and travail: and refrain somewhat your ire and hatred. We know well ye bear great displeasure to sir Oliver Clysson. he hath done you many displeasures/ and ye him/ & peradventure may do/ though he be not like unto you. the French king and his uncles will maynteygne him against you/ for he shall he Constable. And if king Charles that last died (who loved him so well) had lived/ and ye done as ye have done: We know well it should rather have cost the king half his realm/ than he would have suffered it. But king Charles his son is young/ he taketh not ●o good heed to all matters now/ as he would do ten years here after. He cometh on and ye shall go. If ye encre in to a new war against the French men (beside all that we have showed you) ye shall do it without our counsel and without the counsel of any man that loveth you. It behoveth you to dissemule whatsoever ye purpose to do here after. What need you to keep the three castles pertaining to sir Oliver of Clyssons heritage/ after the manner took them? whether it be so ye have peace or war/ they shall cost you more the keeping of them in three years/ than they shall profit you in twelve years. Sir deliver them again out of your hands without any desire/ and when the renome thereof spreadeth abroad (as there is nothing done but it will be known) that without constreynt ye have delivered them of your own mind/ ye shall thereby attemper and molifye every man's displeasure/ & it shall greatly please the duke of Burgoyne/ who ye know well hath not done so moche against you as he might/ in all your business. And that is by the means of the good lady his wife your cousin/ She hath many fair children who are next of blood to you. therefore sir/ consider fro whence ye came and are issued/ depart not far of fro thence that ye ought to approach near it were folly/ in England ye had never thing to do. Also the englishmen have enough to do among themself. They show you fair semblant of love/ and promise to do for you all that they may/ but they do it for their own advantage and for nothing else. ye have proved them or this? ye were nourished among them in your youth? ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Bretayne delivered up the three castles of sir Oliver Clissons: and how he received joyously the lord of Coucy and his company ambassadors fro the french king: And how the duke of Lancastre made great cheer to sir Helyon of Lignacke seneschal of Xaynton/ ambassadoure fro the duke of Berrey. Cap. C.xxviii.  
When the duke of Bretayne had heard his counsel speak/ and cast so many reasonable doubts/ he was abashed/ and stood still a season without speaking of any word/ leaning in a window looking down in to the court/ his counsel being about him/ he stood in a great study: at last he turned and said. sirs/ I see well that ye have highly counseled me/ and I see well I have need of nothing so much as of good counsel: But how may any love be nourished/ where is no thing but hate? How may I love Oliver of Clysson/ that hath done me so many displeasures/ Wherefore of all the things that ever I died in this world/ I most repent me of that I did not put him to death when I had him in my castle of ermine? In the name of god sir quoth they of his counsel/ (if he had been slain) but ye ought not to have ransomed him/ nor taken his heritage. For johan of Bretayne and the viscount of Rohers' son be his heirs/ and herytours to all his lands: for his daughters are their wives. Wherefore they would have entered in to the heritage as their own/ for their resort is in to the parliament chamber at Paris. For ye have received all ready great blame in France for that ye have done/ and keeping of the three castles. The constable hath entered his quarrel and plea against you in the parliament house of Paris/ and there sentence will be given against you/ for there is none to answer for you against any article that the Constable hath laid against you. Than sir Oliver of Clysson and his heirs shall have just cause and quarrel to make war against you in his own title. And if the king with other of your own country of Bretayne will make you war and aid your enemies/ ye have need than to have more puissance to defend you/ thasie we can see that ye are like to have. Wherefore sir/ while the plea hangeth/ ye were best to deliver again the three castles and have thank/ than to abide the sentence to be given against you. Sir agre/ for such dommages as ye have done as well as ye can/ thereby shall you wade out of all slander/ the which a prince ought to doubt for his dishonour And sir/ confirm you to peace/ and continue in love with them that ye ought to do/ that is the French king your sovereign and natural lord/ and my lord the duke of Burgoyne and your cousins his children. ye may take ensample by that ye have seen in your days: your cousin germayne th'earl of Flaunders/ who was a might prince and a sage/ yet by insydentes in th'end of his days there fell to him such marvelous adventures/ that without he had humiled himself to the french king/ to his uncles/ and to the nobles of the realm he had lost his heritage/ and by their aid and help he recovered it. Well sirs quoth the duke/ sith I have demanded counsel it behoveth me to take it/ and I accept your words that ye have spoken.  
THis matter went so forward that the duke of Bretayyne/ who was in possession of the three castles of the constables (as ye have herd here before) he sent for his men that was in them/ and rid his hands clean of them: and there were stablished men in them for the constable: But this restytuition was not sufficient in the opinion of the French kings counsel/ without the duke restored again the money that he had taken of the Constable: and beside that the duke to come personally to the king to Paris to make his excuse before all the peers of the realm/ and to abide on the mends making/ such as the king and his counsel should judge by good deliberation. And when the knowledge of the restitution of these castles was come to the lord of Coucye/ and to the other lords that were appointed to go in to Bretaygne to the duke. Than the lord of Coucy said to his company. Sirs/ we have the less to do/ I believe the duke will give credence to us when he heareth us speak. I was informed that before these three barons departed fro Paris/ the dukes of Berrey and of Bourgoyne had them in counsel and said. Sirs/ ye must entreat the duke of Bretaygne with fair and sweet words/ & not rigorously. And show him how the duke of Bourgoyne would that he should come to Paris to the king: but at least show him how he must come to the half way to the town of Bloyes/ and there we shall meet with him and speak together These three lords said they would do as they were commanded. They road forth & came to the city of Rennes in Bretayne/ & there demanded tidings of the duke/ and it was showed them how he was at Wannes and than they road tyhder. Their coming was anon known in the dukes court/ for they had sent before their herbygers to take up their lodgings. The duke had about him his counsel & great lords/ such as he trusted most the more honourably to receive these lords. When they entered in to the town of Wamnes they had good cheer/ and lords and knights of the dukes met them/ and specially the lord de la Wall. there they a lighted at their lodgings & refreshed themself/ and after mounted on their horses and road to the duke's castle called la Mote/ where they found the duke who came against them/ and received them right joyously and said: How they were all right heartily welcome/ and took the lord of Coucy by the hand/ and made him good cheer & said. Fair brother ye be welcome/ I am glad to see you in Bretayne. I shall show you sport of hunting at hearts and flying with hawks or we depart asondre. Sir quoth the lord of Coucy I thank you/ I and my company shall be glad to see it. There was showed between them great likelihood of love: and the duke brought him to his chamber/ sporting and talking of many idle matters/ as lords do often times when they meet/ and have not seen together long before/ they will find many sundry pastimes. and specially I knew four lords the best entertayners of all other that ever I knew/ That was the duke of Brabant/ the earl of Foiz/ the earl of Savoy/ and in especial the lord of Coucy: For according to mine advise in all goodly pastimes he was a sovereign master ● which brute he bore among all lords and ladies/ in France/ in England/ in Almaygne in Lombardy/ and in all places where as he had been conversant And in his time he had been sore travailed & seen moche in the world: and also he was naturally inclined to be gentle. & thus while these lords were merry talking together/ there was brought spices and wine and so they drank/ and than took their leaves and returned to their lodgings. Thus the matter went for the the first day/ without making of any mention of any thing that they were come for.  
Now let us somewhat speak of sir Helyon of Lygnacke/ whom the duke of Berrey had sent to the duke of Lancastre. The knight came to Bayon and a lighted at his lodging/ and appareled himself to go and speak with the duke of Lancastre/ who knew well of his coming/ and sent right honourably two of his knights to meet with him/ and they brought him to the duke. And when sir Helyon was in the duke's presence he kneeled down/ and saluted him as it aperteyned. The duke received him right honourably and took him up in his arms/ & took him by the hand and led him in to his chamber/ for he met him in the hall. then the knight delivered his letters fro the duke of Berry. The duke read them and than he drew to sir Helyon/ and the knight declared to him the cause of his coming. Than the duke answered right courtesly and said. Sir/ ye be right welcome/ and said how the matter was weighty that he was come for/ wherefore it required counsel and deliberation. Thus sir Helyon tarried at Bayon with the duke of Lancastre more than a month/ and always he was served with fair words: And the duke always foded him forth and made semblant that he had great affection to treat for this marriage with the duke of Berrey/ how be it the truth was contrary/ for all that he showed was but dissimulation. and the cause that he was held there so long with him/ was for none other thing/ but that the brute thereof might run abroad/ and specially in to the realm of Castyle/ for there lay all his affection: The duke said to sir Helyon. Sir/ if I treat with the duke of Berrey to have my daughter in marriage/ than he must join with me with all his puissance to encounter mine adversaries of Spain/ If he will recover the heritage of my daughter/ whom he should have to wife: Than sir Helyon said. Sir/ I have no charge to confirm any thing so forward. But sir/ if it please you or I depart/ ye may write all your pleasure by me/ and I shall return & show my lord the duke of Berrey all your intent: And I am sure (he hath such affection to the matter) he will agree to every thing that he may do by reason. I desire no more quoth the duke of Lancastre. Thus sir Helyon of Lygnacke tarried a season at Bayon/ and had good cheer made him by the duke's commandment. ⸫ ⸪   

¶ How the king of Castyle sent his ambassadors to the duke of Lancastre to treat for a marriage/ to be had between his son and the duke's daughter/ and how at the request of the duke of Berrey a truce was made by the duke of Lancastre in the countries of Tholousyn and Rovergne. Cap. C xxix  
Tidingis came in to the realm of Castyle in to diverse places/ and specially to king johan of Castyle/ and it was said to him. Sir/ ye know nothing of the treaty that is between the duke of Berrey and the duke of Lancastre The duke of Berrey would have in marriage the lady Katherine/ daughter to the duke of Lancastre and to the lady Constance his wife. And if this marriage take effect (as it is like to do) it shallbe a great alliance: For the duke of Berrey is now/ as one of the chief rulers in the realm of France/ and is uncle to the king. He shallbe believed what soever he say or purpose to do (as it is reason) whether is be by means of peace or long truce/ On the other part/ the duke of Lancastre is eldest of all his brethren/ that be uncles to the king. He shall also be believed/ for he is sage and puissant: and by that it seemeth the englishmen are weary of the war. This marriage between the Duke of Lancaster's daughter and the duke of Berrey/ is likely to be a great mean to make a good peace between France and England/ and than shall we here stick still in the war/ for the duke of Lancastre will follow and pursue his challenge of the realm of Castyle/ and the right that he hath by his wife he shall give it to his daughter/ and so than shall we have war both with France and England. These doubts were laid to the king of Castyle. And at that time all the Frenchmen that had served long in the realm of Castyle were returned in to France: and the chief of the king of castles counsel said to him. sir take heed to us. ye never had so great need of good counsel/ as ye have at this present tyme. For sir/ a peryllousmyst is like to be engendered between you and the duke of Lancastre/ and that shall come by the means of France. How so quoth the king/ how may that be? In the name of god sir quoth they/ the brute and renome spreadeth through all this country/ and else where/ how the duke of Berrey shall marry the duke of Lancaster's daughter. And sir/ ye may be sure that shall not be/ but by the means of a great alliance: so that thereby here after/ ye may be as far cast behind by them/ as ye have been advanced. When the king of Castyle knew those tidings he was right pensive/ & saw well how his counsel showed him the truth Than he demanded rounsayle of them that he trusted best/ how he should perceiver and deal in all his business/ and they counseled him well and truly/ as the matter required: as I shall show you.  
YE know well (as ye have heard before in this history) How king Henry of spain made a peace/ with Peter king of Arragone/ on the full pointment that the king of Arragon should give his daughter in marriage to the king of Castyle. This was johan who is now king: and by this conjunction of marriage/ they were in peace and their realms. Of this johan son to Henry/ and of the daughter of Arragon there came a son. Than died the lady: and after the death of king Henry of Castyle/ this king johan by the counsel of his men married again the lady Beatrice daughter to Fernando king of Portugal/ and they had a son called Henry/ he was but young. Than the counsel of Castyle said to the king. Sir/ we se in all these doubts but one remedy. What is that quoth king johan? Sir we shall show you quoth they your young son Henry may well break this marriage/ between the duke of Berrey and the duke of Lancaster's daughter/ for it is to be believed/ that the duke of Lancastre and the duchess his wife/ had rather merchant with you and with your son than with the duke of Berrey. In the name of god qd the king ye say well/ I shall hearken to this matter/ I think our people will lightly incline thereunto: by that marriage we should have peace with England ● both by land and by water. Therefore sirs/ those out them that were meet to go in our name to treat on this matter with the duke of Lancastre. Sir qd they/ it is requisite that they be discrete persons/ and that the matter be wisely handled/ and in the secretest manner that may be: to the intent that ye run not in the indignation of the French king. For now a days envy raineth greatly/ and sooner report is made of evil than of good/ and the evil sooner raised up than the good. For if they of France know that ye treat with the duke of Lancastre/ the French king and his counsel will demand whereupon ye treat with the duke/ by reason of the great alliance made in time past/ between your father & France. And also the French men have always sustained your war. Wherefore sir ● your treaties must be done secretly/ and send to the duke sage men and secret/ and well instructed of your business: And send not forthwith boast and pride/ till every thing be in a sure case. It is true quoth the king/ name them that be meet to go on that voyage. Sir quoth they send your confessor frere Fernando of far and the bishop of Geghene/ who was sometime confessor to the king your father/ and Peter Gardelopes'/ who is well languaged. I am content qd the king/ let them be sent for/ and well informed what they shall say/ they would or this time have treated for a peace but we would natte here them. For the duke of Lancastre would none other wise but that I should have forsaken the Crown of Castyle/ the which I will never do. Than these three were sent for to Burgus in Spain where the king was Than it was said to them by the king and his privy counsel. Sirs/ ye must go to Bayon to the duke of Lancastre and showed them all their instructions. They said they were ready to accomplish the kings commandment: And so set forth on their journey ● not in no great estate but simply/ for they would not be known that they went to the duke of Lancastre/ as ambassadors to treat for any alliance for they knew not how to speed. Thus they entered in to Naverre and came to Pampylona/ and there found the king and the queen. First they came thither because the queen was sister to the king of Castyle. There they had good cheer/ but they nouther showed the king nor the queen where about they went: And so passed through the country by the mountains of Roseaulx and entered in to Bisquay/ and so road till they came to Bayon.  
When they were come to the town of Bayon/ sir Helyon of Lignacke was still there/ who was sent fro the duke of Berrey (as ye have herd here before) But after the coming of the castilyans they tarried not long after/ for frere don Fernando the king of castles confessor came to the duke of Lancastre/ for he knew him better than any of the other. He began somewhat to break the matter/ & to show the cause of their coming. The duke opined his eats to his words/ and was glad to here those tidings/ and said. Frere Fernando ye be welcome. And the same day sir Helyon of Lignacke was delivered. And as I understood/ the duke accorded the same time to a truce on all parts. for such as made war for him in Acquitayne/ Bygore/ Thoulou/ and other place/ to endure unto to the first day of may/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and nine. this truce to continue all the country to the river of Loire/ and no further. This truce was concluded at the request of the duke of Berrey/ to the intent that he might send in and out to the duke of Lancastre. For before they of the fortresses of Mortaygne on the see/ of Bontevyll/ of Rovergue/ of Quercyn/ of Pyergourt/ and they on the river of Garon/ were people without mercy/ they would know no man/ wherefore these two dukes accorded to this truce/ the which was well kept. When sir Helyon of Lignacke departed fro the duke there was great love showed/ for the duke said how the matter pleased him right well: How be it the duke said plainly he would never marry his daughter in to France/ without the consent and accord of the king of England his nephew. And also by the agreement of the counsel of England but he said/ he trusted so to order the matter/ that all should do well. Thus sir Helyon of Lignacke departed and returned in to France/ and showed the duke of Berrey his letters that the duke of Lancastre had sent him/ and showed him by mouth all the manner/ how every thing went/ and so the duke was well content. ¶ Now let us speak of the king of castles ambassadors/ to whom the duke of Lancastre gave good ear & so did the duchess/ for all their hearts and imaginations lay ever on their challenge of spain.  
THe duke made these ambassadors good cheer/ they came before the duke and the duchess/ and there showed their message. first they treated for peace/ and there the frere preached in the duke's chamber/ the duchess present: And she showed the duke the intent of all his words/ for the duke understood him not perfectly: The lady understood him well/ for in her youth she was brought up in spain. The duke for all that the matter of their coming was pleasant to him/ yet he discovered not to hastily his intent/ but said. Sirs/ it will be very hard to make peace in that place/ where as great hatred and war is resident/ and specially with them that be disherited and kept from their heritage: Saying/ how he would not leave the war without he might have the crown of Castyle/ the which he said was his right: The frere and the bishop said. Sir/ between your right and the right of the king our lord there is but one mean/ and we have found it/ if it may please you. What way is that quoth the duke? Sir quoth they it is this. ye have by my lady your wife a feyre young lady to marry/ and the king of castile our sovereign lord hath a feyre young son/ if they two might marry together the realm of Castyle should be in peace/ and all that is your right should return to you. & sir/ better can ye not bestow your heir who is descended of the right line of Castyle. The intent ye arm you (fight/ adventure yourself/ and travail your body) is all only for the right of your heir. That is true qd the duke/ but than I will that the costs that I have sustained in the pursuit there be recompensed. For I will ye know it hath cost me and the realm of England/ five hundred thousand franks/ whereof I would gladly see some recoveraunce. Sir quoth the frere/ if our treaty be agreeable to you/ we trust to find such a mean that the matter shall take good effect Well quoth the duke ye be welcome/ and how soever it be or how soever it shallbe/ or I return in to England (other in to castle or in to France) I shall marry my daughter for I have divers offres moved unto me/ but matters of so great a weight are not lightly concluded/ at the first tyme. For my daughter whom I repute (as rightful inheritor to spain) I will know him well that shall have her in marriage. that is but reason quoth the frere. Thus as I have showed you this treaty began/ between the duke of Lancastre and these parties/ as well of Castyle as of France. He made every party good cheer/ & made no full answer: but in his imagination the treaty of Spain (the kings son to marry his daughter) seemed best to his purpose/ because in time to come his daughter should be queen of Castyle. also the duchess his wife inclined most to that treaty. ¶ Now let us leave to speak of the duke of Lancastre & of all these treatise/ and return to speak of the duke of Bretaygne. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne departed to go to Bloys and how the duke of Bretayne canethyder/ and how the dukes died so moche that they had him to Paris in manner against his will. Cap. C.xxx.  
AS I have showed you here before/ the duke of Bretayne made good cheer to the French ambassadors and specially to the lord of Coucy. For as I was informed/ he was the chief that broke the duke fro his purpose/ by reason of his fair and sweet words: How be it the lord johan of Vyen and the lord dela river died right well their devoir. but often times great princes and lords will sooner be entreated by one man/ rather than by another. Moche pain it was to cause the duke of Bretayne to agree to go to the town of Bloys/ to meet there the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne/ but he was brought thither by fair words: And he said/ surely he would go no further than to the town of Bloys/ and the lord of Covey said he desired nothing else. These the lords were with the duke of Bretaing certain days/ and than took their leaves and returned in to France/ and showed the dukes of Berry and of Burgoyne how they had sped. Thereupon these two dukes made them ready to go to Bloyes to meet there with the duke of Bretaygne/ and sent thither before to make provision/ as apertayned. first thither came the duke of Berrey and he was lodged in the Castle/ and there he found the countess/ her son/ and her daughter. They received him honourably. The earl guy of Bloys was as than in his own country at the castle Reygnaulte/ and made no great count of the coming of the duke of Bretaygne/ he thought it sufficient that his wife and children were there. Than thither came the duke of Burgoyne with a goodly train and in his company came sir Wyllm of Heynaulte and his son earl of Ostrenante/ and johan of Burgoyne son to the duke called earl of Nevers. The duke lodged also in the castle/ and there held his estate. Than after came the duke of Bretaygne with no great train/ other than of his house: He passed not a three hundred horses/ for his intention was/ that when he had ones seen the two dukes and spoken with them/ to return in to his own country/ without going any further in to France/ But the intent of the other two dukes was otherwise: for they said whither he would or not/ he should go to Paris.  
THe duke of Bretaygne himself lodged in the castle of Bloyes/ in a canons house of saint saviour: and his men lodged down in the town/ & so did the other of all the duke's servants: but the lords lay in the castle the which was fair great/ and strong/ one of the fairest castles in all the realm of France. There these Dukes made good there together and showed great 〈◊〉 and they thanked the duke of Bretayne of his coming to the town of Bloyes: And the duke answered and said/ how he was come thither for the love of them with great pain (for he feigned himself not well at ease) Than these two dukes fell in communing with the duke of Bretayne/ showing him sith he was come so far forward that he had done nothing without he went to Paris to see the king/ who greatly desired to see him. The duke of Bretaygne began greatly to excuse himself of that voyage/ and laid many reasons/ & said how he was not well at his case to make so long a journey/ nor also he was not accompanied thereafter. Than he was sweetly answered that saving his displeasure/ he should need no great train to go see his sovereign lord/ and as for his rydinge/ he should lack nouther chair nor litter to labour at his ease/ For they said he was bound to do homage to the king/ for as than he had not done it before. The duke said (excusing himself) that when the king were come to his lawful age/ and had the hole Realm in his own governance/ than he would come to Paris (or whither to should please the king) and than do his homage according to reason: The other dukes said/ that the king was of age & wisdom sufficient to receive homage: and how that all other lords of the realm except he/ had done their homage and made relief/ affirming how the king was xxi year of age. When the duke of Bretaygne saw how his excuses could not be taken nor heard (said) Well sirs/ if I go to Paris it shallbe greatly against my will/ and to my prejudice: For when I come there/ I shall find and see daily before me sir Oliver of Clyssone/ whom I can not love nor never died/ nor he me (who shall attempt me with rigorous words) My lords/ regard well what inconvenients shall ensue of my going thither. Sir qd the duke of Burgoyne/ fair cousin have ye no doubt therein for we shall swear solemnly to you/ that without it shall be your own pleasure/ ye shall nouther see nor speak with the Constable nor with johan of Mountforde/ as long as ye shall be there. Of this sir ye shall be sure/ but ye shall see the king who desireth to see you/ and other lords/ knights/ and squires of France/ who shall make you good cheer. And when ye have done that ye look for/ ye shall return again without peril or damage (Whereto should I make long process) So much the duke of Bretayne was desired with fair words that he consented to go to Paris/ on the promise that the Constable nor johan of Mountforde should not come in his presence/ the which the dukes swore faithfully to uphold/ and thereupon he promised to go to Paris. A five days these dukes were at Bloyes/ and each of them feasted other right nobly/ and the countess and her children in like manner. And when every thing was accomplished/ the two dukes took leave of the duke of Bretaygne and returned to Paris: But sir William of Heynaulte returned not to Paris with the duke of Burgoyne his fair father: but road first with the countess of Bloyes who made him right good cheer/ and tarried there a three days/ & than took his leave and returned in to France/ by the Castle Dune and Bonyvall. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How Lewes king of Cycyle entered in to Paris in estate royal/ and how the duke of Bretayne entered on the night of saint Iohn the baptist: The year of grace/ a thousand three hundred fourscore & six. and of a deed of arms done before the king at Mountereau fault you/ between a knight of England called sir Thomas Harpingham/ and a french knight named sir Iohn de Bars. Cap. C.xxxi.  
THe duke of Bretaygne road to Boygency on the river of Loire/ & there he ordered his business to go to Paris. The same time before the duke of Bretaygne entered in to Paris/ there entered the queen of Cycyll and of Jerusalem/ sometime wife to the Duke of Anjou/ who was called king of those countries/ and also of Naples/ and with her was her young son Lewes/ who was as than (in all France) named king of all the said lands. And in their company was johan of Bretaygne brother to the lady. She sent word before of her coming to the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne/ advertising them/ how she brought in her company her young son Lewes their nephew/ desiring to know whether he should enter into Paris as a king/ or else simply as Lewes of Anjou. The two dukes sent her word (advising and counselling her) that he should enter as king of Naples/ of Cycyle/ and of Jerusalem. And sent her word/ that though he were not as than in possession of the Realms/ yet they would entice the French king that he should aid him to conquer them/ for so they swore to do to their brother king Lois. After this manner the lady prepared for herself/ and came and entered in to Paris/ and made her son to ride through the high streets by saint jaques/ so to his lodging in green in estate royal/ accompanied with Duke's/ earls/ and prelate's a great number. There the lady tarried with her son/ and than went to see the king at his castle of Louvre/ abiding there the coming of the duke of Bretaygne. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Bretaygne entered in to Paris/ and came to the castle of Louvre to the French king. Cap. C.xxxii.  
When the duke of Bretayne approached near to Paris/ he rested one night at the queens Bourge/ and the next day he entered in to Paris. great looking for him was in Paris/ because he had before put in danger the Constable of France/ and had been sent for divers times and would never come till than. Men spoke thereof diversly/ and on a sunday being midsummer day at ten of the clock afore noon/ the duke of Bretaygne entered/ the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and eight in to Paris/ at hell gate/ and passed a long the street of the harp/ and over the bridge saint Michael/ and so before the palace well accompanied with lords and knights. There was sir William of Heynaulre earl of Ostrenaunt/ & his fair brother johan of Burgoyne/ and before him rood sir William of Namure. Thus he came to the Castelle of Louvre/ and there alighted/ as he road through the streets/ he was greatly regarded of the common people/ And when the duke was a lighted and entered in at the gate/ he remembered what he should do and say. And before him was the lord of Coucy/ the earl of Savoy/ sir Iohn of Vyen/ sir guy de la Tremoyle. sir Iohn of Vernayle/ the earl of Meavir/ sir johan of Voye/ sir johan of Bars/ and near to him was sir William of Namure/ johan of Burgoyne/ and the earl of Ostrenaunte. And behind him the lord Mountforde of Bretayne and the lord of Malestroyt/ they were of his kin and privy counsel. there was great press to see him and the hall but little/ and the boards were covered for the king to go to dinner. And the king stood there ready before the table and his iii uncles beside him/ duke's of Berrey/ of Burgoyne and of Burbone. As soon as the duke was entered every man made place/ so that the duke might see the king. first he made one courtesy and so passed forth a run or xii paces Than he made the second courtesy and rose again/ and so passed forth till he came before the king: Than the third time he kneeled down bare heeded and saluted the king and said. Sir/ I am come to see your grace/ god maintain your prosperity. I thank you sir quoth the king/ and we have great desire to see you: We shall see and speak with you at more leisure/ and therewith took him up by the arms. Than the duke inclined himself to all the other princes each after other. than he stood still before the king without speaking of any word. The king sore beheld him. then the Stewards and officers came forth with water and the king washed and the duke of Bretaygne put his hand to the basin and to the towel. And when the king was set the duke took his leave of the king and of his uncles. and the lord of Coucy and the earl of saint Poule with other lords conveyed him in to the court where his horses were. and there mounted and so returned to his lodging in the street of that harp/ and none tarried with him of them that conveyed him/ but such as came with him out of Bretaygne to Paris.  
AFter all this the duke of Bretaygne spoke at leisure with the king & his uncles/ so that every man was well content with him/ and he took well every thing that had been promised to him/ for he saw neither the constable nor Iohn of Bretayne. When the lords saw that every thing was in good state/ and that they needed not to doubt the duke of Bretaygne/ saying they had him at Paris (for they thought he should not depart thence till he had done in manner/ every thing as the king would) than it was thought good time to ordain forth for the voyage in to Guerles (whither the king had great affection to go) to subdue the duke of Guerles/ who had so shamefully defied the king (the which considered) was not thought good to be suffered. Than it was ordained/ that the lord of Coucy should draw to the marches of Rennes and Chalous in Champayn/ and to regard for the kings passage that way/ and to move the knights & squires in Bare and in Lorraine to go with him/ whither he would lead them/ not speaking of the king/ but bearing them in hand that he would go to recover his right in Austryche. The lord of Coucy thus departed fro Paris/ and went to Chalous in champagne/ and there tarried a month and retaygned on all parts knights and squires in Bare and in Lorraine/ in Champaygne/ and in Retheloys. And the French king departed fro Paris when he had communed with the duke of Bretaygne of divers matters (and not fully accomplished) For the suit in the court of France is long when they list/ and right well they can food forth the people to make them spend moche/ and bring little to effect. The king came to Moustreau on fault you/ in the marchesse of Brie and Gastenoys/ and there he held his court/ and of ten times chased hearts and other wild beasts in the forest of Brie. The same season there was a deed of arms done there/ between an english knight who was there with the duke of Ireland/ called sir Thomas Harpyngham/ and sir johan of Bars/ whereof great brute was made in France and other places. Their challenge was/ five courses with a spear/ five strokes with the sword/ five with a dagger/ and five with the axe: and if any of their weapons broke than they to get new/ till their challenge were accomplished. These two knights on a day leapt on their horses well armed/ as appertained (The king and all other lords being present and moche people) and ran together four courses right valiantly (and as me thought the usage was than/ their Helms were tied but with a lace/ to the intent the spear should take no hold). the first course sir johan of Bars struck the english knight on the targe/ in such wise/ that he bore him over the horse crope/ so that he lay stonyed on the ground/ and moche pain to relieve. Than they performed forth all the rest of their challenge/ in so goodly manner/ that the king and all the other were well content with them. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the earl of Arundel being on the see more than a month came to the haven of Marante/ a little fro Rochel: And how he sent a messenger to Perotte le Bernoys/ that he and other captains should keep the fields. Cap. C.xxxiii.  
IT is long sith I made any mention of the english army on the see/ whereof richard earl of Arundel was captain/ and with him many knights/ squires/ and archers of England. I shall now somewhat speak of him/ for the matter requireth it.  
yE have herd here before of the treaty that the king of England made with the duke of Bretaygne. This navy on the see all this season/ lay ever coasting the fronters of Bretaygne and Normandy/ if joined and wether drove them thence/ they ever came thither again. And they had in their fleet some small vessels called Balyngers/ who went ever and scoured the see The fleet had lain at anchor more than a month against the isle of Breshatte in Bretayne. And there they heard tidings/ how the duke of Bretaygne was gone to Bloyes to speak with the dukes of Berrey & of Burgoyne/ And how they were so agreed/ that the duke was gone to Paris. And the renoeranne through Bretaygne/ how the duke had good cheer of the French king/ and was welcome to him and to all his cousayle at Paris/ and should not depart thence till the matters were in good estate. when the earl of Arundel heard those tidings he was pensive: and went to counsel what was best to do/ & whither they were best to draw to employ their season. Than they determined to draw to rochelois though they had no castles there/ yet they had men enough there to keep the Field/ and to abide all the puissance of Xaynton and of Poyctou/ so that they should signify their estate in to Awergne and in to Lymosynne/ so that they might send to pass through Bretaygne. As than the truce was not confirmed on the river of Loire: but they were a treating to begin the first day of August. And sir Helyon of Lignacke was going or coming (as the earl of Arundel imagined) other to the duke of Lancastre to Bayone/ or else returning in to France. They had in their navy a Breton bretonaunt of the nation of Wannes/ servant to sir William Helmon/ who could speak well four manner of languages/ That is to say/ Bretysshe/ english/ Spaynysshe/ and French: and gave him in commandment to go a land and said to him. Go thou the most preuyest ways thou canst (thou knowest all the privy ways of the country) and get the to the garrison of Chaluset/ and have us all commanded to Perotte le Bernoys/ and show him fro us/ that he set forth a company of men of arms/ such as be in garrisons forth king of England/ and make war in his title/ thou shalt bear no letters for fear of taking. Thou mayest go like a merchant of Rochel to by wines: and say to Perot that he raise up these men of war and keep the countries of Berrey/ Awergne/ and Lymosyn in doubt/ and keep the fields/ for we shall land in Rocelloyes/ and shall make there such war/ that it shallbe herd of and well known. The Breton said he should do his message/ if he had no great let by the way. He was set a land on the sands/ and (as he that knew all the country of Bretayne) went of from all the great towns/ and passed by the country of Poyctou and entered in to Lymosyn/ and so came to Chalucet/ whereof Perot le Bernoys was captain. The messangere came to the barrier's/ and gave knowledge of his coming to them of the garrison. After he had been examined at the gate he was let in/ and so brought before Perotte/ and died well his message/ whereof Perot had great joy/ For he greatly desired to here tidings of the army on the see. Than he said to the Breton/ thou art welcome: Both I and all my companions have great desire to ride forth abroad/ and so shall we do/ and accomplish that thou hast showed us.  
THus Perotte le Bernoys made him priest and sent to Carlate to the Bourge of Champaygne/ to the captain of Ousacke/ olive Barb/ and to the capitain of Aloyse beside saint Flower/ Aymergotte marcel/ and to other captains a long the country in Awergne an Lymosyn. oesyring all these to make them ready/ for he would ride out abroad/ for he saw it than a good season for them. commanding them to leave sure men in their garrisons till their return. These companions who had as great desire to ride abroad as Perot (for they could not wear rich without some other lost) made than ready and came to Chalucet/ where they assembled. They were well to the number of four hundred spears/ they thought themself sufficient to do a great feat. they knew no lord in the country as than able to resist them/ nor to break their enterprise. for the siege of Vandachore of sir William of Lignacke nor of Boesme Lance/ was not defeated as than. Thus they road forth and were lords of the fields and passed Awergne on the right hand/ and took the right way to Berrey: for they knew well the duke was not as than there/ but was in France with the king at Mountereau or fault you. ¶ Now let us leave to speak of Perot le Bernoys and of his enterprise/ and speak of the earl of Arundel and of his army on the see/ and show how he percevered after he was departed fro the cost of Bretayne.  
When the earl of Arundel & such lords as were with him were departed fro the cost of Bretayne/ they sailed with good wind and wether/ for the time was fair & pleasunt/ and goodly to behold the ships on the see. They were a sixscore one and other/ with banners and streamers waving in the wind/ glytring with the lords arms against the son. Thus they went sailing by the see freshly (like a horse new coming out of the stable brayeng and crying/ and foaming at the mouth) The see was so prompt and so agreeable to them/ as though by figure the see should have said to them. be merry sirs I am for you/ and I shall bring you to good port and haven without peril. Thus these lord sailed fronting Poyctou and Xaynton & cast anchor before Rochel/ in the haven toward Marant. Than some of their company seeing the flood coming/ entered or it were full water in to botts more than two hundred one and other/ and arrived near to the town of Marant. The watch of Marant had spied the english fleet/ and saw how the botts were coming to land ward with the flood. Than he blewe his trump and made great noise/ to awake the men of the town to save themself/ so that many men and women took their goods and went and saved them in the Castle/ the which came well to pass for them/ or else they had lost all. When they saw the englishmen come at their he lies/ they took that they had and left the rest/ and saved their bodies. The english archers and other entered in to the town/ & fell to pillage (therefore they came thither) but little they found there/ saving coffers void and empty/ all their goods was withdrawn in to the Castle. As for corn/ wine/ salt becone/ and other provision they found enough/ for there was more than four hundred ton of wine in the town. Wherefore they determined to abide there a certain space to keep that provision. It came well to pass for them/ for they said if they should depart thence/ all should be withdrawn in to the fortresses/ and carried away by the river to Fountney/ as moche as they might/ and the rest destroyed. They tarried all that night in the town. They came thither in the evening/ and sent word to them on the see what case they were in/ and the cause why they tarried. The earl of Arundel and the other lords said/ how they had done well. This night passed. The next morning when the tide began to return/ they disancred all their small vessels/ and every man went in to them/ and put all their harness in to botts and barges/ and lafte their great ships still at anchor/ for they could not cum near to the land for lack of water. and they last an hundred men of arms and two hundred archers still there to keep their ships which lay at the mouth of the haven. than with their small vessels they arrived at Marant/ and took land at their leisure/ and so lodged all between Marant and the town of Rochel/ the which was but four leagues fro thence. Tidings spread abroad in the country/ how the english men were arrived at Barante/ a four hundred fighting men: the plain country/ the good towns and castles were a srayde and made good watch. Than they of the villages fled amaye/ and carried their goods in to Forestes and in to other places/ as shortly as they might. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How they of Marroys and rochelois were sore afraid of the englishmen that were a land/ & how they of Rochel made a serimysshe with them/ and how after the englishmen had pilled the country about Marant/ they drew again to the see with their pillage which was great. Cap. C.xxxiiii.  
IF the englishmen had been furnished with horses it had been greatly to their profit/ for the country as than was unprovided of men of war/ namely of such as were able to have merre with them. True it was/ the lord of Parteney/ the lord of Pons/ the lord of Lymers/ that lord of Tanyboton/ sir Geffray of Argenton/ the lord of Montendre/ sir Aymery of Roch chovart/ the viscount of to wars/ and divers other knights and squires of Poictou and of Xaynton/ were as than in the country: but they were not together/ for every man was in his own fortress/ for they were not ware of the english mens coming thither. If they had known a month before that the english men would have rived there/ they would have provided therefore/ but they knew it not. This fell suddenly/ wherefore they were the more afraid and every man took heed to keep his own/ & the men of the country to get in their corns/ for it was about the beginning of August. Also there was no heed Capitaygne in the country to bring men together. The duke of Berrey who was chief sovereign of Poittou/ was but newly gone to Paris. The seneschal of Xaynton was not in the country: And the Seneschal of Rochel sir Helyon of Lignacke was not at Rochel/ nor in the country/ He was in great business to ride in and out between the duke of Berrey and the duke of Lancastre. By these reasons the country was the more feeble/ for where there is default of good heeds/ there must needs be default in the body and in the foot: And he that hath no foot can do nothing that is worth. Thus these lords were in fear two ways. They had the englishmen armed before them that came fro the see: And on the other side they heard news fro Berrey and fro Limosyn/ that Perot le Bernoys road abroad with five or six hundred fighting men with him/ and was entered in to Berrey. So they wist not where to they should take heed/ but every man to keep his own. For the renome went/ how these two hosts should meet together/ either in the country of Poictou or Xaynton. This was the opinion of divers.  
TRue it was/ that in the town of Rochel/ the same season that the english men were landed at Marant there was two valiant knights/ the one called sir Peter of jovy/ and the other sir tail Pie/ whom sir Helyon of Lignacke had left at Rochel to keep the town and country thereabout. When tidings came to Rochel how the earl of Arundel and the army that had been so long on the see were a land and lodged beside Marant. Than these two knights said to them that were under their charge (and to the mayre of Rochel and men of the town) sirs it must behove us to go and look on these english men. It is showed us how they be arrived in these parties. I and my companion will go and give them there welcome/ for the which they shall pay us/ or else we them: For we shallbe blamed if we suffer them to rest in peace/ sith we have the charge of the keeping of this country. there is one point good for us/ they have no horses: They are men of the see/ and we be well mounted: We shall send our crossbows before/ they shall wake them/ and shot & hurt them/ and when they have done they shall return. Than the english men will issue out after them a foot/ and we shall suffer our crossbows to pass homeward/ and than we shall receive our enemies at the spear point We shall have of them such advantage/ that we shall do them great damage. Every man that heard these knights speak/ reputed them for noble valiant men/ and agreed to their counsel: And there assembled together/ what one and other a twelve hundred. The next morning at the breaking of the day/ every man was ready & assembled together. and the crossbows and men a foot issued out and went a great pace to raise the englishmen out of their lodgings. and in the mean season the horsemen made them ready upon a iii hundred/ for there were divers knights and squires come to Rochel. Certainly/ if by any manner inspiration th'Englishmen had known of their coming/ that they might have made an embusshe (but of two hundred archers and a hundred men of arms) there had not one Frenchman returned again. When they of Rochel came to the english mens lodgings/ it was carely in the morning/ and their watch was returned to their lodgings. Than the French crossbows began to shoot and entered in among their lodgings/ and hurt many. The english men lying on the straw had marvel of the noise/ & many were hurt or they knew that they were French men. And when the crossbows had shot every man a six shots/ or there about/ they returned (as it was before appointed). Than approached the horsemen and entered among the lodgings/ therewith the host began to stir/ and knights and squires drew together in to the field. And when the French men saw the host stir and draw together/ they drew back and returned toward Rochel a good pace/ for fear of the shot of english men/ who followed them near to Rochel. Than the Earl of Arundel with four hundred men of arms followed after a great pace/ every man his spear in his hand or on his neck. The press of the French footmen was great at the entering in to Rochel/ and always the two French knights were behind/ & set their men forward till they were within the barriers: and ever the english men followed/ in such wise/ that the two French knights were in great danger to be taken or slain They were sore set at/ because they seemed to be the chief captains (as they were in deed) so that sir Peter jovy had his horse slain under him/ and with great pain his men saved him/ and drew him within the barrier's. And sir Peter tail pie was stricken through the thy with a glaive/ and with an arrow through the bassenet in to the heed/ and his horse fell down deed within the gate. At the entering in to the town there were many slain and hurt/ more than xl the men of the town were above over the gate and cast down stones and shot out bombards/ so that the english men durst approach no nearer.  
Thus went the first skirmish between them of Rochel and the english men/ and when they had skirmished near to noon/ The earl of Arundel swooned the retreat: Than they withdrew in good order/ and returned to their lodgings & unarmed them and took their ease/ & they had well whereof. they lacked nouther wine nor flesh. The english men tarried there about a fifteen days/ abiding all adventures. But after that/ they of Rochel issued no more out to scrmysshe/ for they saw well the english men were wise and valiant/ and also the two captains were hurt/ wherefore the other had good cause to sit still in rest. The Earl of Arundel sent a three or four times abroad in to the country of Rochelloys toward Bresmure/ and in to the land of Towars/ and died great damage/ whereof all the country was afraid. The englishmen had done a great enterprise if they had been furnished with horsemen/ & in the country they got but sew: for as soon as they heard of their landing/ every man carried all that they had in to the fortresses. And when this army had tarried there a fifteen days/ and were well refreshed/ & saw that no man came against them and perceived the wind good for them/ they drew them in to their ships/ and carried with them moche wine & fresh flesh and so entered in to their vessels/ and drew up their sails and took the see: and the same day they met with xii ships of Bayon going in to England/ charged with wines and other merchandises: so they joined together and made good cheer. They gave to the earl of Arundel two pieces of Gascoyn wine. Thus they sailed forth at adventure. ¶ Now let us speak of Perot le Bernois and of the other captains that were in his company/ how they drew again in to their fortresses. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How Perot le Bernoys and his companions resorted again to their holds with great pillage. & how the duke of Guerles could have no aid of the english men/ to raise the siege before Grave: and how the brabansoys made a bridge over the river of Meuse/ the which they of Guerles died break/ brinne/ and destroy: as ye shall here after. Cap. C.xxxv.  
THe same season that the english army was at Marant/ Perot le Bernoyes and his rout/ to the number of four hundred spears were abroad and passed by Lymosyn and came to Berrey. And on a day they took all the merchants that were in the town of Blake in Berrey/ on the which day there was a great fair/ whereby they had great profit and good prisoners/ and than passed further and came to sells in Berrey/ and pilled and rob the town. Thus Perot and his companions road abroad in the country and died great damage/ for there was none that came against them. The country was sore afraid on both sides the river of Loire/ unto the county of Bloys and of Thourayne They could not imagine what these two armies were purposed to do/ some said they should meet togider but they did nat. for the army on the see drew again to the see/ and Perot in likewise to his fortress. When they had pilled and won great richesses in the country/ every man went to their own fortress to save that they had got. There was none other deed of arms done that season in Awergne and Lymosyn. than began the truce on that side the river of Loire the which should endure to the month of March: But still the siege endured before Vandachore/ by sir William of Lignacke/ sir johan Boesme lance/ sir johan Butlere and other. For sir Geffray Teate noyre was so proud and cruel/ that he set nouther by truce nor peace/ and all on the trust of the strength of his fortresses. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of the siege of Vandachore/ and show here after what end it took/ and speak now of Brabaunte and of Guerles.  
yE know well (as it hath been contained here before in this history) the duchess of Brabant was determined to make war against the duke of guerles/ and caused the siege to continue before the town of Grave/ with a great puissance of knights and squires/ and other men of the good towns of Brabante: and their entencion was not to depart thence/ till they had the town of Grave at their will. And the duchess to show that the matter touched her near the lay at 〈◊〉 a four leagues thence. The host was plentiful of every thing. They were often times refreshed with new provision coming fro divers parts/ aswell by see by fresh water & by the river of Muse as by the land of Brabant. This siege long endured and they had there great ingyns be sore the town to cast in great stones/ which died great damage. And beside that to infect the people within/ they cast in to the town all deed careyne: and the wether was hot/ the which greatly annoyed them within. The clear air was sore corrupted with the evil air. Sometime the knights and squires of Brabant would come to the barrier's and skirmish with them of the town/ and there were many feats of arms done/ For there were men in the town (set there by the duke of Guerles) that were ready to show forth their prows when time was. The duke of Guerles lay at Nimay & could not remedy the matter nor raise the siege/ nor yet fight with his enemies/ for he had no puissance thereto/ But he had sent in to England certifying what case he stood in/ trusting to have had socours fro thence/ but he had none/ For at that time there was moche trouble in England. For there was set a new counsel about the king by the means of his uncles and tharchbishop of Caunterbury About the feast of saint johan the baptist there was a counsel in England to know if there should be sent any aid of men of arms & archers to the duke of Guerles or not: But every thing considered/ they thought it best nay. For renome ran in England how the French king made a great assemble but no man knew whither they should draw. The english men by imagination doubted that they would come to Ca●●●s: On the otherside they doubted the scots wherefore they would not send their men of arms and archers out of the realm. Also they knew how there were many men of war on the see wherefore it was convenient to keep their own realm/ Therefore the noble men of England said: Let the duke of Guerles alone he is right valiant and is in a strong country he will do well enough against the brabansoys. Also he shallbe comforted by the almains if need be/ for they be allied with him and his neighbours. They have been with him or this against the French men. Thus the matters went in England/ but they within the town of Grave endured the pain/ with sautes and sore scrimisshing They of Brabante devised while they lay at the siege/ to make a bridge of timber over the river of Meuse/ thereby to enter in to the duchy of Guerles: And to over run the country/ and to keep that no victual should come to the town of Grave. And thereby to besiege it both before and behind/ and on all parts/ to keep it fro vitayling/ for they had men enough so to do. They set many carpentars a work with all diligence/ and they died so moche that their work was so forward/ that the bridge was near over the water within a spears cast. The duke of Guerles had perfit knowledge of the making of this bridge and died let them alone till it was nigh made. But when he saw it was nearhand finished/ than he came before it with gonnes and other artillarye: And shot fire to the bridge/ in such wise/ that the bridge was brent and broken/ and the brabansoys lost all their labour/ wherewith they were sore displeased/ and than took counsel what was best for them to do. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the brabansoys passed the river through the town of Ravesten/ over the bridge there/ and so entered in to Guerles. Than the duke departed fro Nimay with three hundred spears/ and came against them and discomfited them between Ravesten and the town of Grave. Cap C.xxxvi.  
A Three little leagues fro the town of Grave is the castle of Ravesten/ pertaining to the lord of Bourne/ who was subject and held of the duchy of Brabant. He was desired by the duchess counsel & by other lords and knights/ that he should open the town of Ravesten/ and suffer their host to pass through/ to enter in to the country of Guerles/ And at their desires he was content. The duke of Guerles dying at Nymay was surely informed (by such espial as he had) how the lord of Bourne would give his enemies free passage to enter into his country/ through the town of Ravesten/ whereof he was pensive and malemcolyous/ for he saw well he had not men enough to resist the puissance of Brabante/ for they were well a xl thousand men one and other. On this the duke had many imaginations. And finally all things considered/ he determined in his mind to assemble all his men together and to take the fields/ and to come towards the town of Grave/ to the intent that if they of Brabant entered in to Guerles/ than he would enter in to Brabant. For he thought surely not to be enclosed within the walls of any town. Than the duke spoke to the lord of Ghesime/ a great baron of Guerles/ who was his principal counsaylour/ and showed him his said mind and intent. And first this lord was not of the opinion that the duke should take the fields with so small a number. Well quoth the duke/ and what shall I do than? Shall I suffer myself to be enclosed in one of my towns? and in the mean time they shall burn and exile my country. That should be over dear to me to abide. I make a vow to god and to our lady quoth the duke/ I will draw in to the fields/ and resist my damage as near as I may. And as he ordained so he did. The next morning he departed fro Nymay (after he had been at church/ and made his offering to our lady of Nymay) Than he and his men drank a little/ and so mounted on their horses. He was a three hundred spears/ rather less than more/ and took the fields/ and drew towards their enemies the next way. Behold what a great courage this duke was of. Some said it was a great outrage. Howbeit he like a courageous knight full of comfort said. On on forward in the name of god and saint George against our enemies/ for I had rather die in the field with honour/ than with dishonour to be closed within a town. With him was the lord of Ghesime/ a valiant and a sage knight/ chief ruler of his army/ and the lord of Hauseberth/ the lord of Huckelin sir Ostez lord of Vaspre/ & divers other good knights and squires of valiant courage.  
THe same day that the duke of Guerles was in the fields early in the morning/ the seneschal of Brabant with his men knights/ squires/ and men of the good towns in Brabant/ by the consent of the lord of Bourne/ passed the river by the bridge of Ravesten/ to the number of ten thousand men. The seneschal of Brabante/ the lord of Lygnier/ the lord of Bourguenall/ the lord of Gence and other/ were right joyful when they saw they were over the river of Meuse. They said than among themself/ how they would go the same day and make a course before Nymay/ and burn the mills and fawbours and the villages there about. but soon after that they heard other tidings by their fore riders/ such as they had sent to discover the country. Than tidings also came to the duke of Guerles/ how a ten thousand of his enemies were passed the river of Meuse/ at the bridge of Ravesten. Than the duke stood in a stay/ and took counsel what was best to do. Some were sore abashed because they were but a handful of men to the regard of their enemies/ who were thirty or xl against one. Some said/ how might endure three hundred spears against ten or twelve thousand men. It lieth not in our puissance to overcome them. But it lieth well in their power soon to overcome us. Some knights came to the duke/ and counseled him to draw towards Grave. then the duke said he would not/ for in no wise he would be closed in any town that he had/ but said surely he would go and fight with his enemies/ for his courage he said gave him to discomfit them. and said as he did before/ that rather he would die with honour/ than to live with shame. We shall quod he this day overcome our enemies/ Whereby we shall have great profit and honour. Therefore all that love me/ set forward and follow me quickly.  
THe words that the duke spoke encouraged all his men/ and specially such as heard him/ and every man showed semblant to be of great courage to fight. every man made him ready and lase on his bassinet/ and gyrte their horses/ and set themself in good array together/ and road forth an easy pass to keep their horses well breathed. there were certain new knights made. Thus they rod in good array towards Ravesten. By that time the brabansoys were over the river. then tidings came to the Seneschal of Brabante/ how the duke of Guerles was in the field/ and so near them that incontinent they should meet together. Such as heard those tidings first had marvel of that adventure. Than they believed surely that for every man that the duke of Guerles had/ that he had been sire. Than they rested to set themself in order/ but they had no leisure. For there with came on them the duke of Guerles with his rout close together/ as fast as spurs would drive their horses/ crying their cries/ our lady of Guerles/ with their spears in the rests. There was a squire of Guerles greatly to be praised/ for the great desire that he had to exalt his renome. he galoped before all the battles/ and was the first that jousted/ and entered in among his enemies. the squire was called Arnolde Morber. With that course he bore one to the earth rudely/ I can not tell if ever he was relieved or not/ for the press was so great/ that hard it was/ if one were down to be relieved again/ without it were by great help. At this first rencounter there were of the brabansoys a sire score borne to the earth. There were many beaten down/ and small defence made by the Brabansoys/ for they were suddenly taken. and so should men of war do/ that think to do damage to their enemies. For the brabansoys for all that they were so great a number/ and so many great men/ yet they were so far a sunder/ and out of array/ that they could not get together in order of battle/ but their battle was pierced through and sparkled a broad/ some here and some there/ so that the lords of Brabante could not come to their own men/ nor their men to them. And such as were behind/ when they heard the noise and brewte/ and saw the dust and powder rise/ it seemed to them properly that the voice of the dyscomfetture came on them/ and how all their company were overcome. So that the fear thereof caused them to turn and to fly towards Ravesten again/ and some took the river at adventure both a foot and a horseback/ without serrching of the deepness/ or without having of any guide. And as they fled they thought ever their enemies had been at their backs. By this dyscomfetting of themself there were drowned and in apparel/ more than twelve hundred in the river of Meuse/ for they leapt in one upon another like beasts/ without order or reason And some of the great lords and barons of Brabante/ whom I will not name/ for it should be blame to them and to their heirs/ to be noted to fly away so shame fully/ and to seek for their safeguard neither the right passage of the river/ nor yet the high way to the town of Ravesten/ but rather other strange ways to fly fro their enemies. In this mischief fell that day the chivalry of Brabante/ between the town of Grave and Ravesten many were slain and taken/ For such as came to ransom yielded lightly/ and the almains were glad to take them/ for the profit that they thought to have by them. And such as returned to the lodgings before Grave abashed them that were there dying at the siege/ for they came like men clean discomfited. They came flying so fast that they lacked breath/ so that they could scant speak any word (that they said/ was) Sirs get us all hence for we be all dyscomfyted/ there is no comfort. When they in the host understood the truth of the matter/ and saw their company in that case/ they were than so a bashed & afraid/ that they had no leisure nor puissance to take their own goods/ nor to take down their tents nor pavilions/ nor to truss horse/ cart/ nor waggon/ but suddenly departed without bidding adieu/ and left all behind. They were so afraid that they made no countenance of a biding. They took with them neither victual nor carriage/ but such as had horses leapt on them/ and fled a way towards the duke's wood/ or else towards Hondan/ or to the mount saint Geruays/ or to Gertras'/ and Dordec. They had none other care but to save themself fro their enemies. And if they within the garrison of Grave had sooner known of the dyscomfetture/ it had been greatly for their profit/ and had slain or taken many of their enemies in their flying/ but they knew it not till it was late/ howbeit when they issued out they found great plenty of Tents and pavilions/ and provision of engines/ guns/ and artillery/ which they brought in to their town at good leisure/ for there were none to say them nay. Thus broke up the siege of Grave to the great damage of all the brabansoys/ whereof great brute ran in divers countries/ how that a handful of men discomfited xl thousand/ and raised the siege. there was taken the lord of Bourguenall/ and the lord of Linyer/ and other to the number of seventeen banners/ they were hanged before the image of our lady of Nymay/ for a perpetual memory. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Guerles after he had discomfited the brabansoys he went again to Nymaye. And how tidings came to the french king/ and how the king sent ambassadors to the king of Almaigne. Cap. C.xxxvii.  
I Have great pain to record or to write of this shameful discomfiture of the brabansoys/ for blemishing of their honours. but because I promised/ and said in the beginning of my book/ that if I shall write truly this history/ I must make true relation of the matter/ who so ever it do touch. Now to proceed further/ the young duke of Guetles had and optaygned this journey/ in the year of our lord god a thousand/ three hundred/ fourscore and eight/ about Mawdlyn tide/ in the month of july. And when this discomfiture and chase was passed/ and the field clean delivered (which was done within the space of two hours) Than the guerloys assembled together in the field/ and mad good cheer and were joyful. They had good cause so to be/ for their good adventure/ for they had as many prisoners or more/ than they were themself in number. Than their haraudes sought out the deed bodies of both parties/ and among other there was slain a young man/ son to th'earl of Namure/ called Vassyer of coles/ lord of Balaster/ of whose death the duke of Gnerles was sorry and sore disposed/ and that he showed well/ for greatly he complained his death/ and said/ how the death of a young knight disposed him greatly/ for he was a right lusty knight/ pleasant and jolly/ and also the year before he had been in Pruse with the duke of Guerles. Some counseled the duke to return to the town of Grave/ and there to refresh them/ and to bring thither their prisoners. Nay not so quoth the duke/ for army departing fro Nymay I avowed to our lady there that if I sped well/ to return thither to offer to our lady/ wherefore I will with a merry cheer that we all return thither/ and thank our lady/ who hath sent us the victory of our enemies. No man durst say nay against the duke's mind. And so they road thither a good pace/ it was but two good leagues fro thence as the battle was/ anon they came thither. When tidings came to Nymay of the truth of that business/ men/ women/ and children were joyful/ and the clergy issued out and received the duke with great joy. and the duke of Guerles incontinent with his knights went to the church/ where the image of our lady was/ in whom the duke had great affiance/ and there in the chapel he was unarmed of all his pieces in to his doublet/ and gave all his armure to the church/ in the honour of our blessed lady/ thanking her of the journey that he had achieved. And there all the pennons of the lords that were taken that day were hanged up before our lady. I can not tell if they be there as yet or not. Than the duke went to his lodging/ and so did every man with their prisoners/ for they thought surely they should well pay for their scot/ therefore they made good cheer.  
GReat brute spread abroad of this duke of Guerles/ who had thus over thrown the brabansoys/ whereby he was more doubted than he was before. The duchess of Brabante (who lay at the duke's wood with her train) when she saw how evil the matter went against her/ and that the siege of Grave was raised/ she was sore displeased and good cause why/ for it touched her near. Than she set a garrison at the dukes would/ to keep fronter there/ and so returned through champagne and came to Bruselles/ and wrote often times to the duke of Burgoyne/ advertising him of her a state/ for all her hope of recoverance was in him. ye may well know and believe that this discomfiture of the brabansoys was soon known in the french kings court/ but they made little account thereof/ sith they saw the king had such affection to go to Guerles. The kings counsel wrote to sir William of Tremoyle and to sir Geruais of Myrande/ who were sovereign capytays of the men of war that the duke of Burgoyne had sent in to the country/ and to the keepers of the three castles on the river of Meuse/ Buth/ Gaulgeth/ and null. Commanding them to keep well their fronters and not to make any issue out whereby to take any damage/ till they here more/ showing them surely how the king in proper person shortly would go see the duke of Guerles in his own country. This sir William was sore disposed of the adventure that was fallen on their party. but the tidings of France comforted him again/ and ordered himself according as he was commanded.  
Now let us return to the counsel of France who had great desire to go in to Guerles. They took such displeasure with the defiance that the duke had sent to the king/ that they neither regarded the beginning/ mids/ nor end/ and said/ what so ever it cost/ they would make the duke repent his deed and to deny it/ or else they would destroy and burn his lands and his fathers also/ the duke of julyers. Dukes/ earls/ barons knights squires/ and all other were warned every man to be ready/ according as it apertayned for so long a voyage. And it was ordained that one of the marshals of France should abide still in the realm/ that was sir Joys of Portevyr/ and he to take heed of the fronters on the other side of the river of Dordone to the see/ for in Languedoc/ bytwne the river of Gyronde/ descending to the river of Loire there was truce had between them. And it was ordained that the other marshal sir Moton of Blamuyll should go with the king. It was marvel to think of the great provision that the lords made. first for the king/ and for the dukes of Berrey/ Burgoyn Tourayne/ and Bourbon/ at the cities of reins/ Chalous/ Troy's and in all the countries of champagne/ reins/ in the bysshopprike of Laon/ and Lander. And carts and carriages were taken up in all parties. It was marvel to consider the great apparel that was made for this journey in to Guerles. All this season the duke of Bretaygne was at Paris/ and could not be delivered by the king/ who was most part all that season of Moustrevell Fault yond. But always he had good cheer/ and was always served with fair words and courteous/ and the lords would desire him not to think long/ for shortly he should be delivered/ but they showed him that the king had so much a do for his viage in to Almaigne/ that he could attend to nothing else. The duke was fain to suffer for he could do none other seeing he was at Paris/ and he thought he would not depart without the good will of the king. There he lay at great cost and charge.  
When the certain was known of this voyage in to Guerles/ and tails raised through the realm to pay every man their wages that should serve the king. Many of the wise men of the realm as well some of the counsel as other/ said/ how it was a great outrage to counsel the king to go far of to seek for his enemies/ and that he should thereby put his realm in a great adventure/ for the king was young/ and greatly in the favour of all his people. Wherefore it had been sufficient for him to have suffered one or two of his uncles to have gone thither with the constable of France/ and a six or seven thousand spears/ and not the king in proper person. The kings uncles were of the same opinion/ and often times they counseled the king to forbear his journey himself. But when so ever they spoke to him thereof he was disposed/ and would say. If any of you go without my company/ it shall be against my will/ and beside that ye shall have no money/ otherwise I can not restrain you. When the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne heard the kings answer/ and saw the great affection that the king had to go that voyage/ they answered and said. Sir/ a god's name ye shall go/ and without you we will do nothing therefore sir be of good comfort. Than the kings counsel regarded one thing the which they thought right necessary (and that was this) between the french king & the king of Almaigne of long time there had been ordinances made between them/ and that was/ that none of them should enter with any army in to any of their neighbours lands/ nor the french king to make no war against the king of Almaigne/ nor he against the king/ on pain to ryn in the sentence of holy church. and thereto they were bound and solempely sworn the day of their coronation/ to the intent to keep their realms in peace and rest. wherefore than it was advised that if the king should go this voyage in to Guerles (the which is holden of the king of Almaigne) that first he and his counsel should sufficiently inform the king of Almaigne/ how the duke of Guerles had shamefully defied the french king/ with fell words/ out of the style and usage that lords are wont to dfye each other in war. and to the intent to cause the duke to deny his deed/ and to repent him/ The french king will come in to Almaigne/ not against the king of Almaigne nor his signory/ but against his enemy/ and to seek him out where so ever he can find him. To go on this message was charged sir Guy of Hancorte/ a right sage and discrete knight/ and with him one of the masters of the parliament/ called master yves Orient. These two were called before the counsel and charged to go this voyage to the king of Almaigne/ and they were well informed what they should do and say. thus they departed and took their way by Chalous in champagne/ and road with a good train like notable persons/ ambassadors fro the French king. And they found the lord of Coucy at Chalous/ who lay there and retained knights and squires of Bar/ Lorraine/ and champagne/ to go in that voyage with him in the vanward. He made to these ambassadors good cheer/ and made them a great dinner at their lodging/ and the next day they departed and road towards saint Menehont/ and towards the country of Lusenburgh/ there to here certain tidings of the king of Almaigne.   

¶ How the french king gave leave to the duke of Bretayne to return in to his country/ and how the country of Brabant would not consent too the kings passage nor his aremy/ and how the ambassadors of France sped. Ca C xxxviii  
While these french ambassadors went to speak with the king of Almaigne/ in the mean time the french men let not still to make their provisions/ and commandment given/ every man to be in the field by the mids of August/ in champagne or there about/ for the king would be ready by that time they would not tarry for any answer fro the king of almain. Than the french king and his uncles thought it good that the duke of Bretaygne should depart home. He was sent for to the king/ to Monstrevell fault you/ and there he had good cheer of the king and of the duke of Burgoyne/ and of the duke of Tourayne/ for as than the duke of Berrey was not there/ he was in his own country assemblyge men together/ and had sent his commandment in to Poyctou to knights & squires there/ that they should draw in to the field. The king and the duke of Burgoyne treated amiable the duke of Bretaygne/ and showed him nothing but love. ye have herd here before how the duke had rendered again to the constable his three castles/ and the town of jugon/ but as for the hundred thousand franks that he had received/ he was loath to render them again/ for he axed allowance for such provisions as he had made/ and fortifyenge of his garrisons/ castles/ and towns/ and retaining of men of war/ and keeping them all the winter/ for he thought to have had war. but the king and his counsel fed him with so sweet pleasant words/ that finally he was agreed to pay again the hundred thousand franks in five year twenty thousand every year till it were paid. Than the duke of Bretayne departed right amiably/ and the king gave him many fair iovels. And so he returned to Paris/ and there the duke of Burgoyn made him a great dinner/ and there they took leave each of other. then the duke of Bretaygne paid for all his dyspenses/ and took the way to Estampes/ & road through Beaulce to Bogency on the river of Loire/ and there his men went on before and passed through the countries of Bloys/ Maine/ Thourayne/ Anjou/ and entered in to Bretayne/ but the duke himself had ready at Boygency his navy/ and there he entered into a fair ship/ and with him the lord Mountforde & the lord of Malestroit/ and so sailed down the river of Loire/ and passed under the bridge of Bloys/ and so went a long the river to Nauntes in his own country. ¶ Now let us leave to speak of the duke of Bretayne/ and as far as I could here he held well the covenant made between the french king and him/ and did nothing after to be remembered till I closed this book/ I can not tell what he will do hereafter/ if he do I shall speak thereof according as I shall know. Now I will return to the french king/ who prepared for his journey in to Guerles.  
When the lord of Coucy was come to the king to Monstreau/ he showed the king & his counsel how he had sped/ and how that all the knights & squires in Bare/ in Lourayne/ in Burgoin/ & to the rivers of Ryne and Some were ready to go with him. the king had thereof great joy/ & said by the grace of god he would the same yerese his cousins the duke of juliers and Guerles. first they determined which way they should take/ for the surest & way shortest (some said) that the right way was to go by Thyreashe and to pass by the fronter of Haynalt/ and of Liage/ & to pass through Brabant/ and so to enter in to Guerles/ and to pass the river of Meuse at Trecte/ and so to enter into the land of juliers and fro thence in to Guerles. Of this determination the king and his counsel wrote to the duchess of Brabant and to the country/ shewnge them the way that the french king purposed to keep. It pleased right well the duchess/ but the country would not agree thereto but said how the king and the frenchmen should have no passage that way for it should be greatly to their damage. The good towns and the knights of Brabante were of the opinion/ and said to their lady the duchess/ that if she consented to suffer the french men to enter into her country/ they would never aid nor succour her against the duke of Guerles/ but surely they said they would close their towns/ and go and defend their lands against the frenchmen/ saying how they should lose more by their passing through their country/ than if their enemies were in the mids thereof. when the duchess perceived the wills and intents of the people/ aswell knights as other/ she saw no remedy/ but to dissimule the matter. than she charged sir johan Orpen and sir johan of Grave/ and Nycholas de la Money/ to go in to France to speak with the french king & with the duke of Burgoyn/ to excuse the country of Brabant/ that he should not take his voyage that way/ for they of the country think they should be sore grieved and destroyed if he should pass through their country/ and she commanded them to say/ that as for herself she could be well content therewith/ and had done all that she could that it might so have been. They according to their ladies mind departed fro Brusels & road towards Paris/ and did so moche by their journeys that they came to Moustreau fault yond/ where the king and his uncles were/ and there was nothing spoken of/ but of their going in to Guerles. The duchess ambassadors first came to the duke of Burgoyne/ and showed him their letters and their message. And he at the request of his aunt was mean to the king and to his counsel/ and also the lord of Coucy did what he might. In so much that their first purpose as passing through Brabant to enter in to Guerles was broken/ and the duchess and the country excused. Than it was advised that they should go along the realm/ which way they said was moste honourable for the king/ and also for the brabansoys/ burgonions savoysyns'/ and other.  
THan it was concluded/ and such named as should go in vanward. There were ordained a xxv hundred hewers of woods/ hedgers & dykers/ to make plain the ways. The french men had way good enough through the realm till they came to Ardayne. Than their good ways began to fail/ than they found high woods divers and savage/ and walls/ rocks/ & mountains. These pioneers were sent before the vanguard with a thousand spears/ to advise the best passage for the king and for the host/ and for their carriage/ whereof they had a xii M. carts beside other carriages/ and they to hew down the high woods of Ardane and to make them plain/ and to make new ways where never none was before/ nor no man passed that way. Every man took great pain to do their diligence/ and specially such as were about the king/ for they had never so great affection to go in to Flaunders/ as they had than to go into Guerles. and the lord of Coucy was sent to A●●gnon/ to him that called himself pope Clement/ I know not for what cause/ & the viscount of Meaulx/ sir johan Roy/ and the lord de la Bone/ had the goveruaunce of his men till he returned again.  
Now let us somewhat speak of sir Guy of Hancourt & of master yves Orient who were sent to the king of Almaigne. They road so long that they came to Convalence where the king was. And when they had refreshed them they went towards the king/ who was informed of their coming before: and he had great desire to know what intent they came for. He assembled his counsel/ & than these two lords came before the king of almain and curtessy did salute him & delivered their letters of credence fro the french king. the king took & read them/ & than regarded them & said. sir Guy/ show forth your charge/ the knight spoke right sagely & by great leisure: & showed the king & his counsel how the french king with his army royal will come in to the frontiers of Almaigne/ not to make any war against him/ but against his enemy the duke of Guerles/ who had highly defied the king their master with shameful words/ & out of the style of all other defyaunces/ the which the french king nor his counsel can in no wise suffer. Wherefore sir qd they/ the king requireth you/ as ye be a noble king & of his blood and he of yours/ as all the world knoweth: that ye will not sustain/ aid nor mentayne the pride of this duke: but ye to hold the alliances and confyrmations sometime done & sworn between th'empire of Almaigne & the realm of France the which he will firmly keep on his part: Than the king answered & said. sir Guy we are informed that our cousin the french king will assemble together great number of people He needed not for so small a matter to assemble such people/ & to spend so moche to seek his enemy so far of/ for if he had desired me/ with less travail I could well have caused the duke of Guerles to hame come to mercy & reason. sir qd the knight/ we thank you that it pleaseth you to say so/ but the king our master regardeth but little his expenses nor travel of his men/ but he regardeth his honour/ & to this his counsel is agreed. & sith that you nor your counsel is not myscontent with our master (who will in no wise violate nor break the ordinances & confirmations of old time made between the two realms of France & almain) but keep & mentayne it/ on the pains the is ordained/ therefore sir we be sent now to you. Well qd the king I believe you well. & as for our cousin the french king shallbe welcome in to these ꝑtes/ as form I think not to stir There with the messengers were right joyous/ & thought they had sped very well. than they desired to have lets again/ the king said they should have. That day they tarried & dined with the king & had good cheer/ & after dinner they went to their lodgings. Whereto should I make long process/ they sped so well that they had letters & such answer as pleased them well. Than they took leave of the king of Almaigne/ & returned the same way they came. Now let us speak of the french king.   

¶ How th'earl of Bloys sent to the french king ii C. spears/ & the duke of Lorraine and the lord Henry of Bare came to the king. And how the dukes of jullyers and Guerles knew that the French king came on them. Cap. C xxxix  
TO accomplish this viage/ every lord in France aꝑelled themself of every thing needful. the lord/ knights & squires/ & other men of war departed fro their own places/ as well fro Auvergne/ covergne/ quercy/ lymosyn/ poytou/ & xaynton: as fro Bretayne/ normandy/ anjou/ tourayn/ & champayn/ and fro all the limitations of the realm of France. Fewest men came out of farthest countries and the most number out of Burgoyn/ picardy/ bare/ & lorayne. & because they of the body of France were in the way/ therefore they were best traveled. It was ordained by the king & his counsel/ that no man should take any thyg in the country without paying therefore/ to thencentintent that the poor men should not be grieved. but for all that ordinance/ the which was well known and spread abroad/ & upon pain of great punissyon. yet the men of war oft times sore traveled the countries as they passed through/ they could not abstain/ for they were but evil paid of their wages/ and they must needs live. That was their excuse when they were blamed for their pillage by the constable/ marshals/ or captains. The earl of Bloyes was sent unto/ to send two hundred spears of chosen men/ and was promised well to be paid. I can not say how he was dalte with all/ but he sent to serve the king two hundred spears/ out of the county of Bloyes. And captains of them was/ the lord of Vyenne/ sir Guyllyam of saint Martyne/ sir William of Chaumont/ and the lord Montigny: these four had the governance of the earl of Bloys band. They drew little and little towards champagne thither they were ordained to go. Than the French king departed from Moustreau Fault yond/ and took the way to Chalous in champagne. As than the duke of Berrey was not come/ for or his departing he looked to here tidings fro sir Helyon of Lignacke whom he had sent to the duke of Lancastre to Bayon/ to have to his wife the dukes daughter: as ye have heard before. But he had her not/ For the duke of Lancastre dissimuled with him/ and held still the knight with him at Bayon. He treated with two parties but he rather inclined to the king of Castyle than to the duke of Berrey/ and in like wise so died the lady Custance his wife. The duke made good cheer to both parties to the intent to inflame them the sooner to the marriage of his daughter. The king of castles messengers sore travailed in treating of this marriage: They rested not to ride in and out between the parties: They offered great gifts to those messengers/ but they offered nothing to sir Helyon of Lignacke. When it was known in the realm of France that the king was at Chalous on his way towards the duchy of Guerles/ than every man departed fro their houses and drew after the king. Than came the duke of Berrey and lodged at Espinay/ and the duke of Burbone at another place/ the earl of March/ the earl dolphin of Auvergne/ the earl of saint Pole/ and the earl of Tourayne. And with the king was the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Lorraine/ the duke of Tourayne/ the constable of France/ sir guy of Tremoile sir johan of Beull: And the country about Chalous and reins/ more than xii leagues all about was clean eaten up with the men of war. As than the lord of Coucy was not returned fro the pope: Than returned sir William of Hancourt and master yves Orient/ and found the king and his uncles at Chalous. The king was joyous of their coming and demanded tidings. They showed the king what they had found & done/ and said how the king of almain had made them good cheer/ and said to the king. Sir/ when the king had read the copy of the defiance that the duke of Guerles had sent to you/ both he and his counsel were evil content therewith: and said how it was done by great presumption and pride. And we can perceive none other/ but he and his counsel is well content with your enterprise/ and ye shall have no let by him: & the king is well content to uphold and maintain the ancient alliances that is between the empire and France: he saith ye shall have no doubt there of. Hereof the French king was right joyful how be it some said/ that whether the king of Almaigne would or not/ the king had puissance sufficient to do what he would without danger/ for all him. than the king ordained to depart fro Chalous in Champayn/ & so departed & took his way right to great Pre.  
When the king came to great Pre he tarried there a three days/ he could make no great journeys/ there was so moche people before him and behind/ and round about him/ so that he was constrained to ride easily to have good lodging/ and because of the great ꝓuisyon that followed after the host. from the first company to the last contained xxiiii leagues of that country/ & still daily came people. th'earl of great Pre received the king in to his town and country/ and offered all at the kings pleasure. The king was well content with him/ & th'earl was appointed to the vanguard. thither came to the king the duke of Lorraine & sir Henry of Bare/ with a fair company of men of arms. The duke of Lorraine was ordained to be with his son the lord of Coucy/ & sir Henry of Bare to abide with the king. the pioneers were sore busied in the forest of Ardane/ to cut down wood and to make ways where never non was before. they had great pain to fill the valleys to make the way plain for the carriage to pass. There were a three. M. that died nothing else. When the duchess of Brabant knew surely how the king was on his way/ and approached the forest of Ardayne/ she was thereof right joyful/ for she thought at that voyage she should be well revenged of the duke of Guerles/ & how the French king should bring him to reason. And also his father the duke of Julyers/ who had done to her many anoyaunces: Than she departed fro Bruselles/ and in her company the earl of Sammes in Ardain/ the lord of Bocelairs and divers other/ and took her way to Lusenbourge to see the king and to speak with him. She passed the river of Meuse and the river of Hue/ and at last came to Basconque and there tarried the king/ for he should pass thereby/ and so he died: For when he departed Grant Pre/ he passed the river of Meuse at Morsay with all his host/ & road small journeys. Than tidings came in to the duchy of Julyers and in to Guerles/ that the French king was coming on them/ with a hundred thousand men: And that he had never so much people together before. He was not so great a company when he came to Burboure/ where he thought the english army had been greater than he found them. The duke of Julyers than began to doubt/ but the duke of Guerles made nothing thereof/ but said. Let them come/ the further they come the more weryer shall they be and they and their carriages shall wax feeble and their provisions shall waste and winter shall draw on/ and I am in a strong country. They shall not enter at their ease. They shall recoil back sometime otherwise than by the sown of the trumpets/ and it shall behove them to be always together/ which they can not be/ if they will enter in to my country: And if they disrought and be out of order/ they shall soon be taken up whether they will or not. How be it to say the truth quoth the duke/ our cousin of France is of a good courage: he showeth and doth as I should do. Thus the duke of Guerles devised among his knights/ but the duke of Julyers was sore abashed/ for he saw well the French king would his land were but brent and lost. Than he took counsel of his brother the archbishop of Colonge and of his cousin the bishop. League/ sir arnold of Horns/ how he should do to save his land fro brenning and exiling. These two prelate's counseled him and said. how it must needs behove him to humble himself to the French king and to his uncles. The duke said/ he was well content so to do. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How sir Helion of Lignacke made his report to the duke of Berrey And how the lords of Scotland assembled together in the City of Berdane/ and determined to raise up an army to enter in to England And of an english squire/ Who was taken by the Scots/ who knew the secretness of both realms England and Scotland. Cap. C xl  
THan by the counsel of the bishop of Trect and by the advise of the bishop of Colonge/ the bishop of Laege was sent to the French king to treat for the duke of julyers. The king approached/ but he passed not two or three leagues a day/ for his train was great between Morsay and our lady of Amount/ where as the duke of Berey and all his rout/ with more than five hundred spears was lodged. thither came to the duke of Berrey sir Helyon of Lignacke/ and sir William his brother. Sir William came fro the siege before Vanchadore/ for the duke had sent for him/ and the duke of Burbone had sent for sir johan Boesme lance. and they had left still at the siege all their companies/ and had left for captains sir johan Butlere and sir Joys Dambier: And sir Helyon of Lignacke came out of Gascon fro Bayon/ fro the duke of Lancastre. The duke of Berrey made him good cheer/ and demanded tidings. Sir Helyon showed him and said. Sir/ the king of Castyle seeketh on the duke of Lancastre to have peace with him/ and treateth sore to have his son the prince of Wales/ to marry with the duke's daughter. With that word the duke of Berrey was pensive and said. Sir Helion/ yet I shall send you once again to know more certain/ and the bishop of Poycters with you/ but as at this time we have enough to do. Also the same week the lord of Coucy returned fro Auygnon and came to the king to Ardane/ every man was glad of his coming.  
yE have herd here before/ how king Richard of England had some trouble: He against his uncles/ and his uncles against him/ with other divers incydentes/ as by the duke of Ireland and other/ and many knights in England deed and beheaded/ and the archbishop of york brother to the lord Nevell was at a point to have lost his benefice. And by the new counsellors about the king/ and by the arch bishop of Caunterbury: the lord Nevell (who had been the chief ruler and kepar of the fronters of Northumberland agayst the scots five years together) was as than put out of wages. He had before every year sixteen thousand franks/ out of the county of york and bysshoprike of Durham. And there was set in his stead the lord Henry percy/ and he had to wages by the year but a xi thousand Frankes. Whereof other lords of his lineage/ though they were of his kin/ yet they had thereat great envy and indignation one against another: And all this knew right well the scots. Than the lords and knights of Scotland determined once again to raise up an army/ and to make a journey in to England. they said it was as than good time and hour/ for they saw the englishmen were not all of one accord. And where as often times past/ they had received great buffets/ than they said it was good time for them to be revenged. And to the intent that their purpose should not be known/ they ordained a feast to be holden on the fronter of the wild scots/ at a city called Berdane/ where assembled in manner all the lords of Scotland. At this feast they concluded and made full promise/ that in the mids of August/ the year of our lord god/ a thousand three hundred fourscore ano eight/ They should meet all with their puissance on the fronters of Gales/ at a castle in the high forest called Gedeours. Thus at that time they departed each fro other. And of this covenant there was none of them that made their king privy thereto/ For they said among themself/ their king was no man of war. There came to Gedeours at the day appointed. first the earl james Douglas/ sir johan of Morette/ earl of March and or Donbare/ sir William de Furio/ and sir Stephyn earl of monsters/ sir Aucebauce of Douglas/ sir Robert Auerceque/ sir Mark Odremneu/ sir William Lymsey/ & sir james his brother/ Thomas of Berry/ sir Alysaunder Lymsey/ the lord of Sechyn/ sir johan of Sobelas sir patrick of Donbare/ sir Iohn Senclere/ sir patrick of Hoteborne/ sir johan son to the lord Momogomercy/ sir Adam of glass divyn/ sir William Reduryn/ sir William Stonacke/ sir Iohn of Halpe breton/ sir Alider/ and sir Robert Lander/ sir Stephyn freseyle/ sir Alysander Ramsey and sir johan his brother/ sir Wyllm Morbereth/ sir Maubert Here/ sir William of Waleran/ sir Iohn Amonstan/ and Davy his son/ Robert Colemney/ and divers other knights and squires of Scotland. In threescore year before there was not assembled together in Scotland such a number of good men/ they were a xii hundred spears and xl thousand men beside with their archers: but in time of need the scots can little skill with their bows. They rather bear axes/ wherewith they give great strokes.  
When they were thus met together in the marchesse of Gedeours they were merry/ and said/ they would never enter again in to their own houses till they had been in England and done such deeds there/ that it should be spoken of twenty year after. And to the intent to make sure pointment/ they assigned a day to meet at a church in a fair land called zedon. Tidings came in to Northumberlande (as nothing can be hid if men put to their diligence to know) both to th'earl and to his children/ to the seneschal of york/ and to sir Mathue Redman captain of Berwick/ of this great feast that had been at Bredane. And to thenrent to know wherefore it was/ these lords scent to sertche covertly by heraudes & mynstrels. The scots could not do their matters so secrerly/ but the lords of England knew how men rose in scotland/ & how they should meet again at Gedeours. Brute of this came to Newcastle upontyne: And when the lords knew of this/ every man took good heed to his charge/ and provided themself ready to assemble if need were/ and this they died secretly/ because their enterprise should not be broken. Every man held himself in their own houses/ and were determined to meet together/ as soon as they knew that the scots came forward and said. If the scots come forth we shall have knowledge thereof/ If they draw towardis Carlyle we shall enter at another part in to their country/ and we shall do them more damage than they can do us/ for their country is all open. We may go where we list/ and our country is strong/ and the towns and castles well closed. And the better to know the state of the scots/ they sent a gentleman of England/ who knew right well the marchesse of Scotland/ and specially the forest of Gedeours where the scots should assemble. And the english squire went so forward/ that without espying he came to the church of zedon/ where the scottyss he lords were. And he encred in among them like one of their servants/ and there he heard and knew a great part of thententes of the scots. and at th'end of their counsel the squire went to a tree where he had tied his horse/ and thought to have found him there/ but he was gone. for a scotte (who be great thieves) had stolen him away. He durst not speak for him/ but so went forth a foot boted and spurted. And when he was gone fro the church two bow shot/ than there were two scottyss he knights devised between themself and said one to another. fellow/ I have seen a marvel/ behold yonder a man goeth alone/ and as I think he hath lost his horse/ for he came by and spoke no word/ I ween he be none of our company/ let us ride after him to prove my saying. They road after him and soon overtook him. when he saw them coming/ he would gladly have been thence. They came to him and demanded whether he would and from whence he came/ and what he had done with his horse. He began to vary in his saying/ and answered not directly to their purpose. They turned him/ and said he should go and speak with their lords. They brought him again to the church of zedon/ and presented him to the earl Douglas and to other lords: they examined him and perceived well he was an english man. Than they said they would know the truth why he came thither. He was evil willing to show the truth/ but they handled him in such wise/ that he was fain to show all the matter/ for they bore him in hand/ without he would show the truth/ incontinent he should lose his heed: and if he would show the truth/ he should have none evil. There they knew by him that the lords of Northumberlande had sent him thither: to know the estate of their entmprice/ and which way they would draw. Hereof the scots were right joyous/ and would not for a great good/ but that they had spoken with this squire. Than they demanded again of him/ in what part the english lords were/ and whither there were any aparence that they would assemble together/ and what way● they would take to enter in to Scotland: either by the see side by Berwyke/ or else by Donbare: or else the high way by the county of monsters toward Strevelyn. The squire answered and said. Sirs/ sith it behoveth me to say the truth I shall.  
When I departed from them fro Newcastle there was none aparence of their assembling/ but they be on a readiness to depart/ as well to day as to morrow. And as soon as they know that ye set forward and enter in to England/ they will not come to meet with you/ for they be not of the power so to do/ nor to fight with you/ sith ye be so great a number/ as it is said in England that ye be. Why quoth the earl of Moret: what number do they repute us at? Sir quoth he it is said how ye be a xl thousand men and xii hundred spears. And sir/ if ye take the way in to Gales they will go by Berwick/ and so to Donbare/ to Edenborome/ or else to Alquest. and if ye take not that way than they will go by Carlyle/ and in to the mountains of that country. When the lords heard that/ each of them regarded other. Than the english squire was put to the keeping of the Constable of Gedeours/ and commanded that he should be surely kept: than in the same place they went again to counsel.  
THe lords of Scotland were right joyful of that they knew surely the intent of their enemies/ and than they demanded counsel what way was best for them to take. The most wisest and best expert in war spoke first/ and that was sir Archanbas Douglas and th'earl of Fen/ sir Alysander Ramsey/ sir johan Saint clear/ and sir james Lymsey: They said for fear of failing of our intent/ we counsel that we make two armies/ to the intent that our enemies shall not know whereunto to attend. And let the most part of our host and carriage go by Carleon in Galls/ and let the other company (of a three or four hundred spears and two thousand of other well horsed) draw towards Newcastle upon Tyne/ and pass the river and enter in to the bysshorike of Durham/ and burn and exile the country. We shall make a great breull in England or our enemies be provided/ And if wese that they do follow us (as they will do) Than let us draw all our companies together/ and take a good place and fight with them. We doubt not but we shall have honour. Than let us be revenged of the dommages they have done to us. This counsel was accepted/ and ordained that sir Archanbas Douglas/ th'earl of Fen/ the earl of Surlancke/ the earl of monsters/ the earl of Mare/ th'earl of Astroderne/ sir Stephyn of Freseyle/ sir George of Donbare/ and sirtene other great lords of Scotland should lead the most part of the army towards Carlyle. And the earl Douglas/ sir Orge earl of Mare and of Donbare/ and the earl johan of Morette. These three to be captains of three hundred spears of chosen men/ and of two thousand other men and archers/ and they to go towards Newcastle and enter in to Northumberland. Thus these two hosts departed each from other/ each of them praying other/ that if the englishmen followed any of their armies/ not to fight with them/ till both their armies were joined together. Thus in a morning they departed fro Gedeours and took the fields. ⸪   

¶ How the earl Douglas wan the penon of sir Henry Percy/ at the barrier's before Newcastle upontyne: and how the scots brent the castle of Pondlen/ and how sir Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother took advise to follow the scots to conquer again the penone that was lost at the skirmish. Cap. C xli  
when the english lords saw that their squire returned at again/ at the time appointed/ & could know nothing what the scots did/ nor what they were purposed to do/ than they thought well the their squire was taken. The lord sent each to other to be ready when soever they should here that the scottis were a broad/ as for their messenger they thought him but lost. ¶ Now let us speak of the earl Douglas and other/ for they had more to do than they that went by Carlyle.  
When the earls of Douglas/ of Moret/ of de la Mare/ and Donbare departed fro the great host: they took their way/ thinking to pass the water/ and to enter in to the bishopric of Durham/ and to ride to the town and than to return/ brenning and exyling the country/ and so to come to Newcastle/ and to lodge there in the town in the despite of all the english men. And as they determined so so they died assay to put it in ure/ for they road a great pace under covert/ with out doing of any pillage by the way/ or assaulting of any castle/ tower/ or house: But so came in to the lord Percyes' land & passed the river of Tyne without any let/ a three leagues above Newcastle not far fro Braspathe/ and at last entered in to the bishopric of Durham/ where they found a good country. Than they began to make war/ to slay people and to brinne villages/ and to do many sore displeasures. As at that time the earl of Northumberlande and the other lords and knights of that country knew nothing of their coming. When tidings came to Newcastle and to Durham/ that the scots were abroad/ and that they might well see by the fires and smoke abroad in the country. The earl sent to Newcastle his two sons/ and sent commandment to every man to draw to Newcastle/ saying to his sons. ye shall go to Newcastle and all the country shall assemble there/ and I shall tarry at Nymyche/ which is a passage that they must pass by/ if we may enclose them we shall speed well. Sir Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother obeyed their father's commandment/ and came thither with them of the country. The scots road burning and exiling the country/ that the smoke thereof came to New castle. The scots came to the gates of Durham and skrymysshed there/ but they tarried not long/ but returned as they had ordained before to do/ and that they found by the way took and destroyed it. between Durham and Newcastle is but twelve leagues english and a good country. There was no town without it were closed/ but it was brent/ and they repassed the river of Tyne/ where they had passed before/ & than came before Newcastle/ and there rested. All the english knights and squires of the country of york and bysshoprike of Durham were assembled at Newecastell/ and thither came the seneschal of york sir Ralph Mombraye/ sir Ralph Redmayne capitain of Berwyke/ sir Roberte Angle/ sir Thomas Grey/ sir Thomas Holcon/ sir johan Felton/ sir johan Lyerborne/ sir Thomas Abyton/ the baron of Helcon/ sir johan Copuldyke & divers other/ so that the town was so full of people that they wist not where to lodge.  
When these three scottish earls (who were chief capitains) had made their enterprise in the bishopric of Durham/ and had sore over run the country/ than they returned to Newcastle/ and there rested and tarried two days/ and every day they skrymysshed. The earl of northumberlands two sons were two young lusty knights/ and were ever formaste at the barrier's to skirmish. There were many proper feats of arms done and archyved/ there was fighting hand to hand (Among other) there fought hand to hand the earl Douglas and sir Henry Percy/ and by force of arms the earl Douglas wan the penon of sir Henry Percyes/ wherewith he was sore disposed/ and so were all the englishmen/ and the earl Douglas said to sir Henry Perey. sir/ I shall bear this token of your prows in to scotland/ and shall set it on high on my castle of Alquest/ that it may be seen far of. Sir quod sir Henry/ ye may be sure ye shall not pass the bounds of this country till ye be met withal/ in such wise that ye shall make none avaunt thereof. Well sir qd the earl Douglas/ come this night to my lodging and seek for your penon/ I shall set it before my lodging/ and se if ye will come to take it away. As than it was late and the scots withdrew to their lodgings/ and refreshed them with such as they had they had flesh enough. They made that night good watch/ for they thought surely to be a waked/ for the words they had spoken/ but they were not: For sir Henry Percy was counseled not so to do. The next day the scots dislodged and returned towards their own country/ and so came to a castle and a town called Pouclan/ whereof sir Haymon of Alphell was lord/ who was a right good knight. There the scots rested/ for they came thither by times/ and understood that the knight was in his Castle. Than they ordained to assail the castle and gave a great assault/ so that by force of arms they won it/ and the knight within it. Than the town and castle was brent/ and fro thence the Scots went to the town and castle of Combur/ and eight english mile fro New castle and there lodged. That day they made none assault/ but the next morning they blewe their horns/ and made ready to assail the castle which was strong/ for it stood in the maresse. That day they assaulted till they were weary/ and did nothing. Than they swooned the retreat/ and returned to their lodging. Than the lords drew to counsel to determine what they should do. The most part were of the accord that the next day they should dyssoge without giving of any assault/ and to draw fair and easily towards Carlyle. but th'earl Douglas brake that counsel/ and said. in despite of sir Henry Percy (who said he would come and win again his penon) let us not depart hence for two or three days/ let us assail this castle/ it is prignable? we shall have double honour? and than let us see if he will come and fetch his penon/ he shall be well defended. Every man accorded to his saying/ what for their honour and for the love of him. Also they lodged there at their ease/ for there was none that troubled them/ they made many lodgings of bows and great herbs/ and fortityed their camp sagely with the maresse that was thereby/ and their carriages were set at the entry in to the maresses/ and had all their beasts within the maresse. Than they appareled for to enchant the next day/ this was their intention.  
Now let us speak of sir Henry Percy and of sir Ralph his brother/ and show some what that they did. They were sore disposed that th'earl Douglas had won the penon of their arms also it touched greatly their honours if they did not as sir Henry Percy said he would. For he had said to the earl Douglas that he should not carry his penon out of England/ and also he had openly spoken it be fore all the knights and squires that were at Newcastle. The englishmen there thought surely that th'earl Douglas band was but the scots vanguard/ and that their host was left behind. The knights of the country such as were well expert in arms/ spoke against sir Henry Percyes' opinion/ and said to him. Sir/ there fortuneth in war often times many losses/ if the Earl Douglas have won your penon/ he bought it dear/ for he came to the gate to seek it/ and was well beaten/ Another day ye shall win as much of him or more. Sir/ we say this because we know well all the power of Scotland is abroad in the fields/ and if we issue out and be not men enough to fight with them/ and peradventure they have made this skrimysshe with us/ to the intent to draw us out of the town/ and the number that they be of as it is said/ above. xl. thousand men/ they may soon enclose us/ and do with us what they will. yet it were better to lose a penon/ than two or three hundred knights and squires/ and put all our country in adventure. These words refrained sir Henry and his brother/ for they would do nothing against counsel. Than tidings came to them by such as had seen the Scots/ and seen all their demeanor/ and what way they took/ and where they rested.   

¶ How sir Henry Percy and his brother with a good number of men of arms and archers went after the scots to win again his penon/ that the earl Douglas had won before Newcastle upon Tyne/ and how they assailed the scots before Mountberke in their lodgings. Cap. C.xlii  
IT was showed to sir Henry Percy & to his brother/ and to the other knights and squires that were there by such as had followed the scots fro Newecastell/ and had well advised their doing/ who said to sir Henry and to sir Ralph. Sirs/ we have followed the scots privily/ and have discovered all the country. The scots be at Pountclan/ and have taken sir Haymon Alphell in his own castle/ & fro thence they be gone to Ottenburge/ and there they lay this night/ what they will do to morrow we know not. They are ordained to abide there/ and sirs/ surely their great host is not with them/ for in all they pass not there a three thousand men. When sir Henry heard that he was joyful and said. Sirs let us leap on our horses/ for by the faith jowe to god and to my lord my father/ I will go seek for my penon/ and dislodge them this same night. Knights and squires that heard him agreed thereto and were joyous/ and every man made him ready. The same evening the bishop of Durham came thither with a good company/ for he heard at Durham how the scots were before Newcastle/ and how that the lord Percies sons with other lords and knights should fight with the scots. Therefore the bishop of Dutham to come to the rescue had assembled up all the country/ and so was coming to Newcastle. But sir Henry Percy would not abide his coming/ for he had with him sire hundred spears knights and squires/ and an eight thousand footmen/ they thought that sufficient number to fight with the scots/ if they were not but three hundred spears/ & three thousand of other. Thus they departed fro Newcastle after dinner/ and set forth in good order/ and took the same way as the scots had gone and road to Ottebourge a seven little leagues fro thence/ and fair way/ but they could not ride fast because of their footmen. And when the scots had supped and some laid down to their rest/ and were weary of travailing and sauting of the castle all that day/ and thought to rise early in the morning in coal of the day to give a new assault. Therewith suddenly the englishmen came on them and entered in to the lodgings/ weening it had been the masters lodgings/ and therein were but varlets and servants. Than the englishmen cried Percy Percy/ and entered into the lodgings. and ye know well where such affray is/ noise is soon raised. and it fortuned well for the scots/ for when they saw the englishmen came to wake them/ than the lords sent a certain of their servants of footmen/ to skrymysshe with the englishmen at the entry of the lodgings/ and in the mean time they armed and appareled them/ every man under his banner & under his capitains penon. The night was far on/ but the moan shone so bright as and it had been in a manner day/ it was in the month of August and the wether fair and temperate.  
THus the scots were drawn to guider and without any noise departed fro their lodgings & went about a little mountain/ which was greatly for their advantage/ for all the day before they had well advised the place/ and said among themself. If the englishmen come on us suddenly/ than we will do thus & thus/ for it is a ioperdous thing in the night/ if men of war enter into our lodgings/ if they do than we will draw to such a place/ & thereby other we shall win or lose. When the englishmen entered in to the field/ at the first they soon overcame the varlets/ and as they entered further in always they found new men to busy them and to skirmish with them. Than suddenly came the scots fro about the mountain/ and set on the englishmen or they were ware/ and cried their cries whereof the english men were sore astonied. Than they cried Percy/ and the other party cried Douglas. There began a cruel battle/ and at the first encounter many were overthrown of both parties. And because the englishmen were a great number and greatly desired to vanquish their enemies/ and rested at their pas and greatly did put a back the scots/ so that the scots were near discomfited. Than the earl james Douglas (who was young & strong/ and of great desire to get praise and grace/ and was willing to deserve to have it/ and cared for no pain nor travail) came forth with his banner and cried Douglas Douglas. And sir Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother/ who had great indignation against the earl Douglas/ because he had won the penon of their arms at the barrier's before Newcastle/ came to that part/ and cried Percy/ their two banners met and their men/ there was a sore fight. The englishmen were so strong and fought so valiantly that they recoiled the scots back. There were two valiant knights of scots/ under the banner of the earl Douglas called sir patrick of Helborne and sir patrick his son/ they acquitted themself that day valiantly. the earls banner had been won and they had not been/ they defended it so valiantly/ and in the rescuing thereof did such feats of arms/ that it was greatly to their recommendation/ and to their heirs for ever after.  
IT was showed me by such as had been at the same battle/ as well by knights and squires of England as of Scotland/ at the house of the earl of Foiz. for anon after this battle was done I met at Ortays two squires of England called johan of Newecastell/ and johan of Cauteron. also when I returned fro Avignon I found also there a knight and a squire of scotland/ I knew them and they knew me/ bysuche tokens as I showed them of their country/ for I auctor of this book in my youth had ridden nigh over all the realm of Scotland/ and I was as than a fifteen days in the house of earl wyllyam Douglas/ father to the same earl james of whom I spoke of now.  
In a castle a five leagues fro Edenboro win the country of Alquest/ the same time I saw there this Earl james a fair young child/ and a sister of his called the lady Blaunche/ and I was informed by both these parties/ how this battle was as sore a battle fought as lightly hath been hard of before of such a number/ and I believe it well/ for englishmen on the one party and scots on the other party/ be good men of war/ for when they meet there is a hard sight without sparing. there is no hoo between them as long as spears/ sword/ ears/ or daggers will endure/ but lay on each upon other. and when they be well beaten and that the one part hath optaygned the victory/ they than glorify so in their deeds of arme● and are so joyful/ that such as be taken they shall be ransomed or they go out of the ●elde/ so that shortly each of them is so content with other/ that at their deparring courteously they will say/ god thank you. But in fighting one with another there is no play nor sparing/ and this is true/ and that shall well apere by this said rencountec/ for it was as valiantly fought as could be devised/ as ye shall here. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the earl james Douglas by his valiantness encouraged his men who were recoiled: and in a manner discomfyted/ and in his so doing he was wounded to death. Cap. C.xliii.  
Knights and squires were of good courage on both parties to fight valiantly. cowards there had no place/ but hardiness rained with goodly feats of arms/ for knights and squires were so joined to guider at hand strokes/ that archers had no place of neither party. There the scots showed great hardiness/ and feught merrily/ with great desire of honour. the englishmen were three to one/ how be it I say not but englishmen did nobly acquit themself for ever the englishmen had rather been slain or taken in the place/ than to fly. Thus as I have said the banners of Douglas and Percy and their men/ were met each against other/ envious who should win the honour of that journey. At the beginning the englishmen were so strong/ that they ●eculed back their enemies. Than the Earl Douglas who was of great heart and high of enterprise/ saying his men recoil back/ than to recover the place and to show knightly valour/ he took his are in both his hands and entered so in to the press/ that he made himself way/ in such wise/ that none durst approach near him/ and he was so well armed that he bore well of such strokes as he received. thus he went ever forward like a hardy Hector/ willing alone to conquer the field/ and to discomfit his enemies. But at last he was encountered with three spears all at ones/ the one struck him on the shoulder/ the other on the breast/ and the stroke glented down to his belly/ and the third struck him in the thy/ and sore hurt with all three strokes/ so that he was borne perforce to the earth/ and after that he could not be again relieved. Some of his knights and squires followed him/ but not all/ for it was night and no light/ but by the shining of the moan. the englishmen knew well they had borne one down to the earth/ but they wist not who it was/ for if they had known that it had been the earl Douglas/ they had been thereof so joyful and so proud/ that the victory had been theirs. Nor also the scots knew not of that adventure till the end of the battle/ for if they had known it/ they should have been so sore despaired and dyscoraged/ that they would have fled away. Thus as the earl Douglas was felled to the earth he was stricken in to the heed with an axe/ and another stroke through the thy. The english men passed for the and took no heed of him/ they thought none otherwise/ 〈◊〉 that they had slain a man of arms. On the other part the earl George de la Ma●●he and of Donbare fought right valiantly/ and gave the english men much a do/ and cried follow Douglas/ and set on the sons of Percy. Also Earl johan of Morette with his banner and men fought valiantly/ and set fiercely on the englishmen/ and gave them so much to do/ that they wist not to whom to attend. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ how in this battle sir Ralph percy was sore hurt/ and taken prisoner by a scottish knight. Cap. C.xliiii.  
OF all the battles and encountrynges that I have made melition of here before in all this history/ great or small/ this battle that I treat of now/ was one of the sorest and best fought/ without cowards or faint hearts. for there was neither knight nor squire but that died his devoir and fought hand to hand. this battle was like the battle of Bechercll/ the which was valiantly fought and endured. The earl of northumberlands sons/ sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy/ who were chief sovereign captains acquitted themself nobly/ and sir Ralph Percy entered in so far among his enemies that he was closed in/ and hurt/ and so sore handled that his breath was so short that he was taken prisoner/ by a knight of the earl of Morettes/ called sir johan Makyrell. In the taking the scottish knight demanded what he was (for it was in the night/ so that he knew him not) And sir Ralph was so sore overcome and bled fast that at last he said/ I am Ralph Percy. Than the scotte said/ sir Ralph rescue or no rescue I take you for my prisoner/ I am Makyrell. Well quoth sir Ralph I am content/ but than take heed to me/ for I am sore hurt/ my hosen and my griefs are full of blood. Than the knight saw by him the earl Moret/ and said. Sir here I deliver to you sir Ralph Percy as prisoner/ but sir/ let good heed be taken to him/ for he is sore hurt. The earl was joyful of those words/ and said. Makyrell thou hast well won thy spurs. Than he delivered sir Ralph Percy to certain of his men/ and they stopped and wrapped his wounds/ And still the battle endured/ not knowing who had as than the better/ for there were many taken and rescued again/ that came to no knowledge.  
Now let us speak of the young james earl of Douglas/ who did maruayls in arms or he was beaten down. When he was overthrown the press was great about him/ so that he could not relieve/ for with an axe he had his deaths wound. His men followed him as near as they could/ and there came to him sir james Lymsey his cousin/ and sir johan and sir Water saint clear/ and other knights and squires/ and by him was a gentle knight of his who followed him all the day/ and a chaplain of his/ not like a priest/ but like a valiant man of Arms/ for all that night he followed the earl with a good are in his hands/ and still skrymysshed about the earl/ there as he lay/ and recoiled back some of the english men with great strokes that he gave. Thus he was found fighting near to his master/ whereby he had great praise/ and thereby the same year he was made archedecon of Abredan. This priest was called sir William of Norbernyche/ he was a tall man and a hardy and was sore hurt. when these knights came to the Earl they found him in an evil case/ and a knight of his dying by him/ called sir Roberte Harte/ he had a fifteen wounds in one place and other. Than sir johan saint clear demanded of the earl how he did. Right evil cousin quoth th'earl/ but thanked be god there hath been but a few of mine auncytours that hath died in their beds. But cousin/ I require you think to revenge me/ for I reckon myself but deed/ for my heart fainteth often times/ My cosyn water and you I pray you raise up again my banner/ which lieth on the ground/ and my squire Davy Collemnie slain. But sirs/ show neither to friend nor so in what case ye seem in/ for if mine enemies knew it they would rejoice/ and our friends discomforted. The two brethren of Saint clear and sir james Lymscy did as the earl had desired them/ and raised up again his banner/ and cried Douglas. Such as were behind and heard that cry drew together and set on their enemies valiantly/ and recoiled back the english men/ and many overthrown/ and so drove the english men back beyond the place where as the Earl lay/ who was by that time deed/ and so came to the earls banner/ the which sir johan saint clear held in his hands/ and many good knights and squires of Scotland about him/ and still company drew to the cry of Douglas. thither came the earl Morette with his banner well accompanied/ and also the earl de la Mare and of Donbare. And when they saw the english men recule/ and their company assembled together/ they renewed again the battle/ and gave many hard and sad strokes.   

¶ How the scots wan the battle against the english men beside Otteburge & there was taken prisoners sir Henry and sir Ralph Percy/ and how an english squire would not yield him no more would a scottish squire and so died both/ and how the bishop of Durham and his company were discomfited among themself. Ca C xlv  
TO say troth the englishmen were sorer travailed than the scots/ for they came the same day fro Newcastle upon Tyne/ a sire english miles/ & went a great pace/ to the intent to find the scots which they did so that by their fast going they were near out of breath/ and the Scots were fresh and well rested/ which greatly availed them/ when time was of their business. For in the last skirmish they reeuled back the englishmen/ in such wise/ that after that they could no more assemble together/ for the scots passed through their battles. And it fortuned that sir Henry Percy and the lord of Mountcombre a valiant knight of Scotland fought together hand to hand right valiantly/ without letting of any other for every man had enough to do. So long they two fought that perforce of arms sir Henry Percy was taken prisoner by the said lord of Mountcomber.  
THe knights & squires of Scotland as sir Mare Adremench/ sir Thomas Auernesquyn/ sir William/ sir james/ and sir Alysander Lymsey/ the lord of Falcon/ for johan of saint de Laur/ sir patrick of Donbare/ sir johan and sir Water saint clear/ sir johan Makyrcll sir Guystewarde/ sir johan Halebreton sir Alysaunder Ramsey/ Roberte Colounnie and his two sons/ johan and Roberte/ who were there made knights/ and a hundred knights and squires that I can not name. All these right valiantly did acquit themself. And on the english part before that the lord Percy was taken and after/ there fought valiantly sir Ralph Longeble/ sir Mathewe Redman/ sir Thomas Ogle/ sir Thomas Grace/ sir Thomas Hekon/ sir Thomas Abreton/ sir johan Lyerbon/ sir William Walsyngham/ the baron of Helcon/ sir johan of Culpedup/ the seneschal of york/ and divers other footmen. Whereto should I write long process/ this was a sore battle and well fought? And as fortune is always changeable/ though the englishmen were more in number than the scots/ and were right valiant men of war/ and well expert/ and that at the first front they recoiled back the scots/ yet finally the scots optaygned the place and victory/ and all the foresaid englishmen taken and a hundred more/ saving sir Mathewe Rodman capitain of Berwyke/ who when he knew no remedy nor recoverance/ and saw his company fly fro the scots/ and yielded them on every side/ than he took his horse and departed to save himself. The same season about the end of this discomfiture/ there was an english squire called Thomas Veleton/ a goodly and a valiant man/ and that was well seen/ for of all that night he would neither fly nor yet yield him. It was said he had made a vow at a feast in England/ that the first time that ever he saw english men & scots in battle/ he would/ so do his devoir to his power in such wise/ that either he would be reputed for the best doer on both sides/ or else to die in the pain/ he was called a valiant and a hardy man/ and did so moche by his prows that under the banner of the earl of Morette he did such valiantness in arms/ that the scots had marvel thereof/ and so was slain in fighting. The scots would gladly have taken him alive but he would never yield/ he hoped ever to have been rescued. And with him there was a scottish squire slain/ cousin to the king of scots/ called Simon Glaudyn. His death was greatly complained of the scots. This battle was fierce and cruel till it came to the end of the discomfiture/ but when the scots saw the englishmen recoil and yield themselves/ than the scots were curtes/ and set them to their ransom/ and every man said to his prisoner. Sirs/ go and unarm you and take your case/ I am your master/ and so made their prisoners as good cheer as though they had been brethren/ without doing to them any damage. The chas●●ndured a five english miles/ and if the scots had been men enough there had none scaped/ but either they had been taken or slain: And if Archambault Douglas and the earl of Fen/ the earl Surlant and other of the great company (who were gone towards Carlyle) had been there/ by all likelihood they had taken the bishop of Durham/ and the town of Newcastle upon tyme. I shall show you how. The same evening that the Percyes departed fro Newcastle (as ye have herd before) the bishop of Durham with the rerebande came to Newcastle & supped. And as he sat at the table he had ymagmation in himself/ how he did not acquit himself well to see the english men in the field/ and he to be within the town. incontinent he caused the table to be taken away/ and commanded to saddle his horses/ and to sown the trumpets/ & called up men in the town to arm themself and to mount on their horses/ and foot men to order themself to depart. And thus every man departed out of the town/ to the number of seven thousand: two thousand on horseback and five thousand a foot. They took their way toward Ottenbourg where as the battle had been/ and by that time they had gone two mile from Newcastle/ tidings came to them/ how their men were fighting with the scots. There with the bishop rested there/ and incontinent came more flying fast/ that they were out of breath. Than they were demanded how the matter went: they answered and said. Right evil. We be all discomfited. Here cometh the scots chasing of us. These tidings troubled the englishmen and began to doubt. And again the third time men came flying as fast as they might. when the men of the bishopric of Durham heard of these evil tidings they were abashed/ in such wise/ that they broke their array/ so that the bishop could not hold together the number of five hundred. It was thought that if the scots had followed them in any number: seeing that it was night that in th'entering in to the town/ & the english men so abashed/ the town had been won.  
The bishop of Durham being in the field had good will to have succoured the englishmen/ & recomforted his men asmuch as he could/ but he saw his own men fly as well as other. Than he demanded cousaile of sir William Lussey and of sir Thomas Clyfforde and of other knights/ what was was best to do. These knights for their honour would give him no counsel/ For they thought to return again and do nothing/ should sown greatly to their blame/ and to go for the might be to their great damage/ and so stood still & would give none answer. and the lengar they stood the fewer they were/ for some still stolen away. Than the bishop said. Sirs/ all things considered/ it is none honour to put all in apparel/ nor to make of one evil damage twain. We here how our company be discomfited/ & we can not remedy it: For to go to recover them/ we know not with whom nor with what number we shall mete. Let us return fair and easily for this night to Newcastle and to more we let us draw together and go look on our enemies. Every man answered/ as god will so be it. Therewith they returned to Newcastle. Thus a man may consider the great defaute that is in men/ that be abashed and discomfited. For if they had kept them together/ and have turned again such as fled/ they had discomfited the scots. This was the opinion of divers. And because they died not thus/ the scots had the victory.   

¶ How sir Mathue Reedman departed fro the battle to save himself/ and how sir james Lymsaye was taken prisoner by the bishop of Durhame: And how after the battle scurrers were sent forth to discover the country. Cap. C.xlvi.  
I Shall show you of sir Mathewe Reedman/ who was on horseback to save himself/ for he alone could not remedy the matter. At his departing sir james Lymsay was near to him/ and saw how sir Mathue departed. And this sir james to win honour/ followed in chase sir Mathue Reedman/ and came so near him/ that he might have stricken him with his spear if he had list. Than he said. Ah sir knight turn/ it is a shame thus to fly. I am james of Lymsay/ if ye will not turn/ I shall strike you on the back with my spear. Sir Mathewe spoke no word/ but struck his horse with the spurs sorer than he died before. In this manner he chased him more than three miles. And at last sir Mathue Reedmans' horse founured and fell under him. Than he stepped forth on the earth and drew out his sword and took courage to defend h●mselfe: And the scotte thought to have seryken him on the breast/ but sir Mathewe Reedman swerved fro the stroke/ and the spear point entered in to the earth: Than sir Mathue struck a sunder the spear with his sword. And when sir james Lymsay saw how he had lost his spear: He cast away the tro●chon and lighted a foot/ and took a lytell bacayle are that he carried at his back/ and handled it with his one hand/ quickly and deliverly/ in the which feace scots be well expert. And than he set at sir Mathue/ and he defended himself properly. Thus they tourneyed together/ one with an are and the other with a sword/ a long season/ and no man to let them. Finally sir james Lymsay gave the knight such strokes/ and held him so short/ that he was put out of breath/ in such wise/ that he yielded himself and said. Sir james Lymsay/ I yield me to you. Well quoth he/ and I receive you/ rescue or no rescue. I am content quod Reedman/ so ye deal with me like a good companion. I shall not fail that qd Lymsay/ and so put up his sword. Well sir qd Reedman/ what will you now that I shall do? I am your prisoner/ ye have conquered me. I would gladly go again to Newcastle/ and within fifteen days I shall come to you in to Scotland where as ye shall assign me. I am content quod Lymsay: ye shall promise by your faith to present yourself within this iii weeks at Edinborough: And where soever ye go to repute yourself my prisoner. All this sir Mathue swore and promised to fulfil. Than each of them took their ho●ses and took leave each of 〈◊〉. Sir james returned/ and his intent was to go to his own company the same way that he came/ and sir Mathewe Reedman to Newcastle. Sir james Lymsaye could not keep the right way as he came/ it was dark and a mist: And he had not ridden half a mile/ but he met face to face with the bishop of Durham/ and more than .v. hundred englishmen with him. He might well escaped if he had would: But he supposed it had been his own company that had pursued the englishmen. When he was among them one demanded of him what he was. I am quod he sir james Lymsay. The bishop heard those words/ and stepped to him & said Lymsay ye are taken/ yield ye to me. Who be you quoth Lymsay? I am qd he the bishop of Durham. And fro whence come you sir qd Lymsay? I come fro the battle qd the bishop/ but I struck never a stroke there. I 〈◊〉 back to Newcastle for this night/ & ye shall go with me. I may not choose quod Lymsay sith ye will have it so. I have taken and I am taken/ such is the adventures of arms. Whom have ye taken quoth the bishop? sir quod he I took in the chase sir Mathue Redman: And where is he quoth the bishop? by my faith sir he is returned to Newcastle/ he desired me to trust him on his faith for three weeks/ and so have I done. Well qd the bishop/ let us go to Newcastle and there ye shall speak with him. Thus they read to Newcastle together/ and sir james Lymsay was prisoner to the bishop of Durham.  
Under the banner of th'earl de la mare and of Donbare/ was taken asquer of Gascone called Iohn of Newcastle. And under the banner of the earl of Moret was taken his companion Iohn de Cauteron. Thus the field was clean avoided or the day appeared. The scots drew together and took guides and sent out scurrers to see if any men were in the way fro Newcastle to the intent that they would not be troubled in their lodgings/ wherein they did wisely. For when the bishop of Durham was come again to Newcastle & in his lodging/ he was sore pensyfe/ & wist not what to say nor do: For he heard say how his cousins the Percies were slain or taken/ & all the knights that were with them. Than he sent for all the knights and squires that were in the town/ And when they were come he demanded of them/ if they should leave the matter in that case/ & said. Sirs/ we shall bear great blame/ if we thus return without looking on our enemies. Than they concluded by the son rising/ every man to be armed/ and on horse back and a foot/ to depart out of the town/ and to go to Octenbourge to fight with the scots. this was warned through the town by a trumpet/ and every man armed them and assembled before the bridge: And by the son rising they departed by the gate towards Berwyke/ and took the way towards Octebourge/ to the number of ten thousand/ what a foot and a horse back. They were not gone passed two mile fro Newcastle/ when the scots were signified that the bishop of Durham was coming to them ward to fight. This they knew by their spies/ such as they had set in the fields.  
AFter that sir Mathewe Reedman was returned to Newcastle/ and had showed to divers/ how he had been taken prisoner by sir james Lymsey. Than it was showed him how the bishop of Durham had taken the said sir james Lymsey: and how that he was there in the town as his prisoner. As soon as the bishop was departed/ sir Mathue Reedman went to the bishops lodging to see his master/ And there he found him in a study/ lying in a window and said. What sir james Lymsay what make you here? Than sir james came forth of the study to him and gave him good morrow/ and said. By my faith sir Mathewe/ fortune hath brought me hither: For as soon as I was departed fro you/ I met by chance the bishop of Durham/ to whom I am prisoner/ as ye be to me. I believe ye shall not need to come to Edenborowe to me to make your finance. I think rather we shall make an exchange one for another: if the bishop be so content. Well sir quod Reedman/ we shall accord right well together/ ye shall dine this day with me. the bishop and our men be gone forth to fight with your men/ I can not tell what shall fall/ we shall know at their return. I am content to dine with you quoth Lymsay. Thus these two knights dined together in Newcastle.  
When the knights of Scotland were informed how the bishop of Durham came on them with ten thousand men/ they drew to counsel to see what was best for them to do/ either to depart or else to abide the adventure. All things considered/ they concluded to abide/ For they said they could not be in a better nor a stronger place than they were in already. They had many prisoners/ & they could not carry them away if they should have departed. And also they had many of their men hurt: and also some of their prisoners/ whom they thought they would not leave behind them. Thus they drew together/ and ordered so their field/ that there was no entry but one way/ and they set all their prisoners together. And made them to promise how that rescue or no rescue they should be their prisoners. after that they made all their mynstrels to blow up all at once/ and made the greatest revel of the world. lightly it is the usage of scots/ that when they be thus assembled together in arms/ the foot men beareth about their necks homes/ in manner like hunter's/ some great some small/ and of all sorts: so that when they blow all at ones/ they make such a noise/ that it may be herd nigh four miles of. thus they do to abass he their enemies and to rejoice them selves. When the bishop of Durham with his banner and ten M. men with him/ were approached with in a league/ than the scott●s blewe their horns/ in such wise/ that it seemed that all the devils in hell had been among them/ so that such as heard them and knew not of their usage/ were sore abashed. This blowing and noise endured a long space/ and than cessed. And by that time th'englysshmen were within less than a mile/ than the scots began to blow again & made a great noise and as long endured as it did before. Than the bishop approached with his battle well ranged in good order/ & came within the sight of the scots/ as within ii bow shot or less/ than the scots blewe again their horns a long space. the bishop stood still to see what the scots would do & aviewed them well/ and saw how they were in a strong ground/ greatly to their advantage. Than the bishop took counsel/ what was best for him to do. But thing well advised/ they were not in purpose to enter in among the scots to assail them/ but returned without doing of any thing/ for they saw well they might rather lose than win. When the scots saw the english men recoil/ and that they should have no battle: They went to their lodgings and made merry/ and than ordained to depart fro thence: And because that sir Ralph Percy was sore hurt/ he desired of his master that he might return to Newcastle or in to some place/ where as it pleased him/ unto such time as he were hole of his hurts. promising/ as son as he were able to ride to return in to scotland/ either to Edenborowe or in to any other place appointed. The earl of Mare/ vuder whom he was taken/ agreed thereto/ and delivered him a horse litter and sent him a way. And by like covenant divers other knights & squires were suffered to return/ and took term other to return/ or else to pay their finance/ such as they were appointed unto. It was showed me by the information of the scots/ such as had been at this said battle/ that was between Newcastle and Octeburge/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and viii. the xix day of August: Now that there were taken prisoners of the english party. M. and xl men one and other. And slain in the field and in the chase xviii hundred and xl and sore hurt more than a thousand. And of the scots there were a hundred slain/ and taken in the chase more than two hundred: for as the englishmen fled when they saw any advautage/ they returned again and fought. By that means the scots were taken and none otherwise. Every man may well consider that it was a well fought field when there were so many slain and taken on both parties. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the scots departed and carried with them th'earl Douglas deed and buried him in the abbey of Nimays: And how sir Archambault Douglas and his company departed fro before Carlyle/ and returned in to Scotland. Cap. C.xlvii.  
AFter this battle thus furnished/ every man returned: And the earl Douglas deed body chested & laid in a char/ and with him sir Robert Hart and Simon Glaudyn. Than they prepared to depart. So they departed & led with them sir Henry Percy/ and more than xl knights of England/ & took the way to the abbey of Nimay. At their departing they set fire in their lodgings and road all the day/ and yet lay that night in the english ground/ none denied them. The next day they dislodged early in the morning/ and so came that day to Nimay/ It is an abbey of black monks on the border between both realms. There they rested/ and buried the earl james Douglas. The second day after his obsequy was done reverently/ & on his body laid a tomb of stone/ and his banner hanging over him. whether there were as than any more Earls of Douglas/ to whom the land returned or not/ I can not tell. For I sir Iohn Froissart author of this book was in Scotland in the earls castle of Alquest/ living earl Wyllm/ at which time he had two children/ a son and a dought: but after there were many of the duglasses/ for I have seen a.u. brethren all squires bearing the name of Douglas/ in the king of Scotlandes' house David. they were sons to a knight in Scotland called sir james Douglas. & they bore in their arms gold/ three oreyls goules/ but as for the heritage I know not who had it. As for sir Archambalt Douglas of whom I have spoken before in this history in divers places/ who was a valiant knight/ & greatly redoubted of the englishmen/ he was but a bastard.  
When these scots had been at Nymaye abbey/ and done there all that they came thither for. Than they departed each fro other and went in to their own countries/ and such as had prisoners some led them away with them/ and some were ransomed and suffered to return. Thus the english men found the scots right curtess and gentle/ in their deliverance and ransom/ so that they were well content. This was showed me in the country of Bierne in the earl of Foiz house/ by a knight named johan of Newcastle/ who was taken prisoner at the same journey/ under the banner of the earl of Mare and Donbare/ and he greatly praised the said earl/ for he suffered him to pass in manner/ as he desired himself.  
Thus these men of war of Scotland departed and ransomed their prisoners/ as soon as they might right curttesly/ and so returned little and little in to their own countries. And it was showed me/ and I believe it well/ that the scots had by reason of that journey/ two hundred thousand franks for ransoming of prisoners. For sith the battle that was before Strevelyne in Scotland/ where as sir Robert of Breuce/ sir William Douglas/ sir Robert Versey/ sir Simon Freseyle/ and other scots chased the englishmen three days/ they never had journey so profitable nor so honourable for them/ as this was. When tidings came to the other company of the scots that were beside Carlyle/ how their company had distressed the english men beside Octeburgh/ they were greatly rejoiced/ & displeased in their minds/ that they had not been there. Than they determined to dislodge and to draw in to their own countries/ saying their other company were withdrawn. thus they dislodged and entered in to Scotland.  
¶ Now let us leave to speak of the scots and of the english men for this time/ and let us return to the young Charles of France/ who with a great people went in to almain to bring the duke of Guerles to reason.  
When the French king and all his army were passed the river of Muese at the bridge of Morsay/ they took the way of Ardayn and of Lusenbourgh/ and always the pioneers were before beating woods and bushes/ & making the ways plain. The duke of Julyers and his country greatly doubted the coming of the French king: For they knew well they should have the first assault and bear the first burdone/ and the land of julyers is a plain country. In one day the men of war should do moche damage there/ and destroy & waste all/ except the castles and good towns. Thus the French king entered in to the country of Lusenbourgh/ and came to an abbey where as Vyncelant sometime duke of Brabant was buried/ there the king tarried two days. Than he departed and took the way through Basconque/ and lodged within a league where as the duchess of Brabant lay/ S●e sent word of her being there to the duke of Burgoyn/ and he brought her in to the field to speak with the king/ who received her right honourably/ and there communed together. Than the duchess returned to Basconque/ and thither she was conveyed with sir Iohn of Vyen and sir Guy of Tremoile. And the next day the king went forward/ approaching to the land of his enemies/ and came to them cringe in to Almaigne/ on the fronters of the duchy of julyers. but or he came so far forward/ arnold bishop of Liege had been with the king and had greatly entreated for the duke of juliers/ that the king should not be miscontent with him/ though he were father to the duke of Guerles/ for he excused him of the deflaunce that his son had made affirming/ how it was not by his knowledge nor consent. Wherefore he said/ it were pity that the father should bear the default of the son. This excuse was not sufficient to the king nor to his uncles/ For the intent of the king and his counsel was/ without the duke of Julyers would come and make other manner of excuse/ and to yield himself to the kings pleasure/ his country should be the first that should bear the burdone. then the bishop of Liege and the lords of Hasbane/ and the counsels of the good towns/ offered to the king and his counsel/ holly the bishopric of Liege/ for his army to pass and repass/ paying for their expenses: and to rest and refresh them there/ as long as it pleased them. The king thanked them and so died his uncles/ and would not refuse their offer/ for he knew not what need he should have after. ⸪   

¶ How the duke of Julyers came and excused himself/ of the defiance that his son the duke of Guerles had made to the French king/ and so became his subject: & of divers feats of arms done between the frenchmen and the almains before Rencongne. Cap. C.xlviii.  
THus the bishop of Liege returned to the duke of jullyers and to the archbishop of Coloigne/ and showed them what he had done and thereupon they took advise. The duke of juliers had great doubt of cryling & wasting of his country/ and sent for the knights of his country to have their counsel & advise/ and daily the Frenchmen approached. The lord of Coucy who was in the vanward and with him a thousand spears/ and the duke of Lorraine with him: and the viscount of Meaulx with two hundred spears. When the French men approached the fronters of Almaigne/ than they road together in good order and lodged wisely/ for there were a three hundred spears of lynsars almains/ beyond the river of Ryne gathered together. And they be noted to be the greatest pillars and robbers of all the world: And they always pursued and coosted the Frenchmen to find them dispurveyed/ to do them damage. The French men doubted the same/ and durst never go ● foraging but in great companies. And as I understood sir Boucequant the elder and sir Joys of Grache/ were retained and brought to Nimay. these said almains road always covertly/ like birds flying in the air seeking for their pray. This made the French men wise and to be well aware. Thus when the French king was come so forward/ as to the entry of the duchy of Julyers/ The duke of Julyers who would not lose his country/ believed the counsel of the archbishop of Coloyne and the bishop of Liege. These two entreated for him to the king and brought the matter to that point/ that his lands were in rest and peace/ by means of such conditions as followeth. These two prelate's died so moche/ that they brought the duke of Julyers in to the kings presence and before his uncles & the duke of Lorraine/ and other great lords of France of the blood royal. And when he was before the king he kneeled down/ and wisely excused him of the defiance that his son had made/ and said how his son was a fool/ and that he had never counsel of him to do as he died/ but died it of his own will: and offered the king/ saying. Sir/ to the intent to bring him to the knowledging of reason/ by your licence I will go to him and show him his folly/ as quickly as I can/ and counsel him to come and make his excuse before your grace and your counsel. And if he will not thus do/ but do against my counsel/ I shall abandon to you all the towns and castles in my country/ and to provide for men of war/ and to make war against him/ till ye have taken him to mercy. Than the king regarded his brother/ his uncles/ and his counsel and it seemed to him that this offer was fair and reasonable/ and so thought divers other. Than the king took up the duke of Julyers (who was on his knee/ while he spoke to the king) and said to him. Sir/ we shall take counsel and advise on your promises and words. Than the duke rose up & stood still by the bishops that brought him thither. Than the king and his uncles/ and such of his secret counsel drew together and debated this matter long/ with divers opinions The duke of Burgoyne to whom principally the matter touched/ because of the duchy of Brabant/ wherein he challenged to have great right of inheritance/ after the death of the duchess jane/ because of the lady Margaret his wife: and also to say the truth/ he was the chief causer of the kings coming thither with all that puissance. Wherefore he would that every thing might be for the best and to th'intent that a good peace might be made between all parties/ that there should be no more occasion to come thither again another time because the voyage is long and costly for the realm: Than he said to the king. Sir/ and it like your grace & you my brother of Berrey/ and to you all I say/ that in all things evil begun/ lieth great advise. We here how our cousin the duke of Julyers greatly exscuseth himself/ and he is so valiant a man and of our blood/ and we of his/ that we ought to believe him. He offereth to the king a great thing/ his body/ his country/ his towns and castles/ to be at the kings commandment/ in case that his son the duke of Guerles will rebel/ and come not to make amends of the defiance that he hath made. To speak according to reason/ it is a great thing/ to have with us the duke of juliers/ the duke of Guerles shall be the more feeble/ and the easier to correct/ and the more he shall dow us/ and sooner come to obeisance. wherefore I counsel that his offer be not refused/ for he meekly humyleth himself/ and other great lords of Almaigne entreat for him. To these words there was no contrary opinions/ but all consented by one accord. Than the bishops of Coloygne and of Liege were called to their counsel/ who had been chief entreatours in this business/ and to them it was declared fro point to point/ and from clause to clause/ what things the duke of Julyers should swear and seal to do/ if he would have his lands saved/ and to be in rest. first/ that he should go to his son the duke of Guerles and show him plainly his folly/ and the great outrage that he had done/ to send to defy so puissant a prince as the french king/ and specially by such fell defiance/ out of the style of right or reason/ and to cause him to come to reason and mercy. And if he would not thus do/ but abide still in his opinion (through feeble wit and counsel) than the duke of Julyers to swear and seal to renounce him fro all aid or succour that he might do/ and to become his enemy/ as other be/ and to suffer such as shall be appointed by the king and his counsel to abide there all this winter/ to lie in garrisons in the country of Julyers/ to make frounter war against the duke of Guerles/ and there to be well entreated and received.  
THese two prelate's were called to the kings counsel/ to the intent that they should show to the duke of Julyers these articles/ and so they did. And than the duke saw well how that it behoved him to agree/ or else to have his lands over tin and wasted/ wherefore he accorded and swore and sealed to uphold all the kings desire/ so that his land should not be overrun nor exiled/ and he was content that his land should victual the army. Thus the duke of Julyers became the french kings man/ and made relief for his land of Vierson/ being between Bloys and Berrey/ and supped that night at the kings table. first sat the bishop of Liege and the bishop of Coloygne/ than the king/ the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Thowrayn/ the duke of juliers/ and the duke of Burbone.  
THus the duke of Julyers was in rest and pease by the foresaid means/ and the king and his army were lodged in his country/ the which was pleasant and plentiful of all victuals. Than the duke of Julyers went towards the duke of Guerles his son/ But or he came there/ there was divers feats of arms done in the country/ for the almains who be covetous/ oftentimes by night or by day would jeopardy themself and set on the french men's lodgings to keep them waking/ and sometime they wan and some time they lost. But for one almaigne that was taken/ there were ever four frenchmen taken. And on a day the constable of France and the lord Coucy/ the duke of Lorraine/ the marshal of Blainuill/ sir johan of Vien/ sir johan de la Tremoyle/ & a four thousand men of arms came before a town in Guerles called Renconge/ & showed themself before it in good order of battle. The same time the duke of Guerles was within the town/ and praised moche their demeanour/ but he made none issue out/ for he had not men enough whereof he was right sore disposed. Thus the french men were there in good order of battle the space of four hours/ and when they saw that none would issue out/ they departed and returned to their lodgings. The same evening about the duke of berry's lodging/ certain knights and squires drew together/ to the intent to ride forth in the morning in to the land of their enemies to seek some adventure/ and promised each other to stick together like brethren. They were in number about a hundred spears. But when the morning came all their purpose was broken/ for there was a squire of Awergne called Godinos a valiant man of arms/ he pertained to the lord of Alegre. when he saw that they had refused his company/ and would not desire him to go with them/ he was sore disposed/ and broke his mind to another sort of companions/ so that they were to the number of thirty spears. They toad forth together/ and road all that morning and could find none adventure. And when Godynos' saw that they should return without doing of any feat/ he was sore disposed/ and said to his company. Sirs/ ride on fair and easily/ and I with my page will ride about this wood/ to see if any enbusshe be hidden therein/ and tarry me upon yonder Mountain. They agreed to him. Thus he and his page road forth costing the wood. When he had ridden a little way/ he heard one why stell in the wood/ and struck his horse with the sports/ and came to the side of the wood/ and there he found an almain guetloys cutting of wood. Than Godynos' took his glayre and came ry●nynge at this man/ whereof the man was sore abashed. Than Godynos' made sign to him that he should go with him/ and thought that this companions yet should see that he had found somewhat/ and thought the same man should do them some service in their lodgings/ and so Godynos' road on before on a low hackeney/ and the almain followed him a foot with a hewing axe on his neck/ wherewith he had wrought in the wood. Godinos' page leapt on his masters courser and bare his bassenette and spear/ and followed them half sleeping/ because he had risen so early. And the almain who knew not whither he should go/ nor what they would do with him/ thought to deliver himself/ and came fair and easily to Godynos'/ and lift up his are and struck him such a stroke on the heed that he clave it to the teeth/ and so overthrew him stark deed/ the page knew not thereof till he saw his master fall. Than the villain fled in to the wood and saved himself. This adventure fell to Godinos/ wherewith such as knew him were sore disposed/ and specially they of Awergne/ for he was the man of arms that was most doughted of the englishmen in those parties/ and he that did them most damage. If he had been in prison he should have been quited out/ and if it had been for twenty thousand franks. ¶ Now let us return to the duke of julyers.   

¶ How the duke of juliers and the archbishop of Coloygne departed fro the french king/ and went to Nymay to the duke of Guerles/ and how by their means he was reconciled and brought to peace with the french king and with the duchess of Brabante. Cap. C.xlix.  
YE know well/ as it hath been showed here before/ how the duke of Julyers made his peace with the french king/ by means of the bishops that treated in that behalf/ and also to say the truth/ the duke of Lorraine his cousin took great pain in the matter. And (as ye have herd) the duke promised to go to his son the duke of Guerles/ and to cause him to come to the kings mercy/ or else to make him war. Thus the duke of Julyers was fain to promise/ or else all his country had been lost. Thus the duke of Julyers and the archbishop took their journey to go in to Guerles/ and passed the river and came to Nymay/ where as the duke was/ who received his father with great joy as he was bound to do/ for there is nothing so near a man as his father and mother. But he was nothing glad of that he heard how that the duke his father was agreed with the french king. Than the duke of juliers and the bishop showed him at length the hole matter in what case he and his land stood in. He made little thereof/ for he was so sore allied with the king of England that he would not forsake him/ for his heart was good english/ and so excused himself greatly/ and said to his father. sir/ let me alone/ I will abide the adventure/ and if I take damage by reason of the french kings coming/ I am young enough to bear it/ and to be revenged hereafter on some part of the realm of France/ or upon my neighbours the brabansoys. there is no lord can keep war without some damage/ sometime lose/ and sometime win. When his father the duke of Julyers heard him so stiff in his opinion/ he was sore disposed with him/ and said. Son William/ for whom make you your war? and who be they that shall revenge your damage? Sir quod he/ the king of England and his puissance/ and I have great marvel that I here no tidings of the english army that is on the see/ for if they were come as they have promised me to do/ I would have wakened the french men oftener than ones or this tyme. What quoth his father/ do you trust and abide for the englishmen? they are so busied in every quarter/ that they wot not to whom to intend. The duke of Lancastre our cousin/ lieth at Bayon or at Bordeaux/ and is returned out of Spain in a small order/ and hath lost his men and time/ and he hath sent in to England for to have more men of arms and archers/ and he can not get to the number of twenty spears. Also the english men have had but late in plain battle a great damage in Northumberlande/ for all their chyvalry about Newcastle upon Tyne were overthrown/ and slain and taken/ so that as now the realm of England is not in good quiet nor rest. Wherefore it is not for you to trust at this time on the english men/ for of them ye shall have no comfort. Wherefore I counsel you to be ruled by us/ and we shall make your peace with the french king/ & shall do so much that ye shall nouther receive shame nor damage. Sir quoth the duke of Guerles/ how may I with mine honour accord with the French king though I should lose all my hole land/ & go dwell in some other place? surely I will not do it/ I am to sore allied with the king of England/ and also I have defied the french king. Think you that for fear of him I should revoke my words/ or break my seal? ye would I should be dishonoured? I require you let me alone: I shall defend myself right well against them: I set little by their threatenings. The waters/ and rains/ and cold wethers shall so fight for me/ or the time of january come/ that they shall be so weary/ that the hardyest of them shall wish themself at home in their own houses.  
THus at the beginning of this treaty the duke of juliers and the bishop of Coloyne could not break the duke of Guerles purpose/ and yet they were with him a six days/ and every day in counsel. And when the duke of Julyers saw no otherways/ he began sore to argue against his son and said. Son/ if ye will not believe me surely I shall displease you/ and as for your inheritance of the duchy of Julyers/ ye shall never have one foot thereof/ but rather I shall give it to a stranger/ who shall be of puissance to defend it against you. ye are but a fool if ye will not believe my counsel. When the duke of Guerles saw his father inflamed with ire/ than to appease his displeasure said. Sir/ than counsel me to mine honour/ and at your desire I shall lean thereto/ for sir jowe to you all obeisance and will do. Than the duke of Julyers said. Son/ now ye speak as ye should do/ and I shall look for your honour asmuch as I would do for mine own. Than it was devised by great deliberation of counsel/ that for to save the honour on all parties/ that the duke of Guerles should go to the french king and to do him honour and reverence/ as he ought to do to a King/ and to make his excuse of the defiance that he had sent to the king/ and to say after this manner. Sir/ true it is there was a letter at a time sealed with my seal sent in to France/ which came to your knowledge/ in the which letter was contaygned defiance/ pertaining to your grace and to your realm/ with words unreasonable/ out of the right style and usage that princes and lords defy each other/ the which I will not avow the ever any such words passed out of my mouth/ nor by my commandment/ any word touching or defaming your name or signory: and sir/ to verify that this mine excuse is of truth/ and that it may be had out of all suspect/ I shall declare the truth of every thing. Sir/ by reason of the great alliance and service that I have borne to my right redoubted lord the King of England/ at his request and his counsels/ I sent in to England four of my knights/ and delivered them my seal to seal to any thing that they concluded upon/ they sealed this letter and not I/ for I never knew before the sealing of that letter/ what was contained therein. Sir/ I require your grace accept this excuse for this is true. but sir/ as for the alliance and service that I have made to my lord the king of England I will never break it/ nor do contrary to that he commandeth me. But sir/ at his request and commandment I will defy you or any other when it shall please him who so ever they be/ except mine own natural lord the king of Almaigne to whom I am made servant by my mouth spoken/ and by mine hands in his. But sir for the honour of you/ considering and in recompensing the pains and traveyls that ye have sustained in your journey coming hither/ to know the foundation and truth of the defiance/ I shall swear to you and keep it/ that I shall never make war against you nor defy you/ but first ye shall be signified thereof an hole year before. And sir/ me think this should suffice you. To this devise the duke of Guerles said/ I am well content thus to do/ in this there in no dishonour nor blame to me/ as I think.  
THus on this point departed the duke of Julyers from his son the duke of Guerles/ and with him the archbishop of Coloygne/ and so they returned in to Julyers and came to Endesker. And when time was they went to the french king/ and showed him all the points and articles before rehearsed/ and said. Sir/ look what ye will do with the duke of guerles/ for other than this ye shall not have of him. The french king greatly desired to see the duke of Guerles his cousin/ by cause he had put him to so much pain/ wherefore the sooner he inclined to this treaty. And the duke of Burgoyn who would also that the duchess of Brabant and her country should a bide in rest and peace/ he took pain to bring this creatie to effect/ and that the duke of Guerles might come to speak with the king. And also there was one thing that made them the sooner agre/ winter approached and the nights began to be long and cold/ and also the lords of France were informed that Guerles was no country to rest in/ in the time of winter. and also daily they had report how they lost of their men/ both knights and squires by the synsars almains/ who daily lay in wait for them. So many reasons and considerations were laid and alleged that they fell to accord/ and the duke of Guerles approached and the duke of Julyers his father/ & the duke of Lorraine and the bishop of Coloigne brought him in to the kings tent/ where there was with the king his three uncles/ and his brother the duke of Tourayne & the duke of Bare/ the earl of March/ the earl of saint Pole/ the earl dolphin of Awergne/ the lord Coucy/ and the constable of France. There the duke of Guerles kneeled down before the king/ and as it was informed me/ the king took him up/ and there valiantly and wisely he exscused himself of the defiance that he had made to the king. And moreover he swore/ that if ever he would defy the king or make war to the realm of France/ that he would give the king knowledge thereof a year before/ and the countries of Guerles and Brabante to be still in the same case/ as they be in at that same present tyme. Thus the matter concluded between them. and the duke of Guerles supped with the king the same night at his table/ he was greatly regarded/ because he had put the king to so moche pain and cost. This treaty and conclusion was put in writing and sealed/ and when all was done the lords took leave to depart. but or they departed the duke of Guerles demanded of the king/ that all such prisoners as the French men had taken in that war/ that he might have them delivered frank and free. He had his desire/ they were delivered. then the king demanded of the duke/ that all such prisoners as his men had taken in that voyage should be delivered and rendered again. Than the duke of Guerles excused himself/ and said. Sir that I can not do/ I am but a poor man/ and when I knew of your coming I fortified myself the best I might with men of war/ knights and squyes fro beyond the river of Ryne/ and other places/ and I promised them that what so ever they wan in this war/ it should be their own. wherefore I can take nothing fro them of that they have won/ if I would/ I have nouther puissance nor power to do it/ for if I would show rigour to them/ they would make war against me. wherefore sir/ may it please you to let it pass/ for I can not remedy it. The king saw he could have nothing else/ he suffered it to pass/ and imagined that he and his realm were rich enough to increase poor men/ wherefore he let it pass/ and spoke no more words/ and at their departure each of them well contented other. Than it was ordained to dislodge and to return the same way they came/ and than it was said that the french king should be at the city of reins at the feast of all saints/ and there to hold a great feast. Thus every man dislodged and returned. ¶ Now let us speak of the english army on the see. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the earl of Arundel and the knights of England being on the see/ by fortune of the wind came to the palace beside Rochel/ whose being there was signified to sir Joys of Xanser/ and of the departing of the earl of Arundel. Cap. C.l.  
IN the mean season while the french king was in Guerles/ the english army was on the see/ whereof the earl of Arundel was chief capitain/ and some time sailed forward/ and sometime backward/ as the wind would serve them/ to seek for adventures/ as it is well known. Always lightly between the feast of saint Remey and all saints/ is a perilous season for storms and winds on the see/ and about the same time there rose such a tempest/ that it sperkled abroad the english navy in such wise/ that the hardyest marynere there was sore abashed/ so that perforce they were constrained to seek for land. And the earl of Arundel with xxvii vessels with him/ whether they would or not/ were fain to cast anchor in a little haven called the palace/ a two small leagues fro Rochel/ and the wind was so streynable on see board/ that they could not depart thence. when tidings thereof came to Rochel/ they were in great dought at the first/ lest the englishmen would come on them and do them great damage/ and closed their gates and held them shit a day and a half. Than other tidings came to them fro them of palace/ how the englishmen were but xxvii vessels/ and came thither by force of wind and wether/ and tarried for nothing but to depart again/ and that the Earl of Arundel was there/ and the lord Henry Beamonde/ sir William Helmen/ & more than thirty knights of England. Than they of Rochel took counsel what thing was best for them to do/ and all thing considered/ they said how they should but easily acquit themself/ if they went not to skirmish with them. The same season before the castle of Boutevyll/ was sir Joys of Xansere mershall of France/ and had besieged within the fortress Gylliam of saint Foye a gascon/ and with the marshal a great company of Poicto●/ of Xayntone/ of Piergourt/ of Rochel/ and of the low marches/ for all were not gone in to Almaigne with the knig. This sir Joys was sovereign capitain over all the fronters/ between Mountpellyer and Rochel/ till the return of the lord Coucy. They of Rochel sent word to the marshal of the Englishmen'S being at palace. When he heard thereof he was right joyful/ and sent to them that they should make ready seven or eight galees/ and to man them forth/ for he would come by land and fight with the englishmen. They of Rochel did as they were commanded/ and sir Joys departed fro his siege/ and broke it up/ for he thought it should be more honourable for him to fight with the earl of Arundel and the english men/ rather than to contyne we still his siege. Thus be went to Rochel/ and all knights and squires followed him. I can not tell by what inspiration the earl of Arundel had knowledge/ how the marshal of France with a great puissance of knights and squires was coming to fight with him at palace/ which tidings were not very pleasant to the earl of Arundel/ how be it the wind was some what laid/ and the see availed. Than the earl weighed up anchors and sailed in to the see/ in such good season/ that if he had tarried long after/ he had been enclosed in the haven and every man taken/ for in continent thither came the galees of Rochel/ well manned and furnished with artillery and gonnes/ and came straight to the haven of the palace/ and found the english men departed. They pursued after a two leagues in the see and shot gonnes/ howbeit they durst not long follow for fear of enbusshmentes on the see. Than the french ships returned/ and the marshal of France was sore disposed with them of Rochel/ that they sent him word so late. The earl of Arundel took the way by the river of Garon/ to come to Bordeaux/ and thereby the siege before Bowtevyll was defeated/ for Gillonet of saint Foy provided his garrison of that he needed/ in the mean time the the marshal went to fight with the english men.  
Now let us return somewhat to speak of the duke of Lancastre/ how he was in treaty with the spaniards/ and also with the Duke of Berrey/ for the marriage of his daughter. The king of Castyle treated with him for his son the prince of Castyle/ to the intent to have a peace with the english men. Also the duke of Berrey treated to have the duke of Lancaster's daughter for himself/ for he had great desire to be married. And the duke of Lancastre like a sage imagynat●●e prince/ saw well how it was more profitable for England and for him/ to marry his daughter in to castle/ rather than to the duke of Berrey/ for thereby he/ thought to recover the heritage of Castyle in time to come/ for his daughter. And if he should give her to the duke of Berrey/ and the duke fortune to die/ his daughter than should be but a poor lady/ to the regard of other/ because the duke of Berrey had children by his first wife/ who should have all the profit. Also the duchess of Lancastre inclined to the king of Castyles son. So that when sir Helyon of Lignac was departed fro the duke of Lancastre/ and returned to the duke of Berrey/ being as that in Almaigne/ than the king of castles messengers were well heard/ in such wise/ that their words were noted and their offers accepted/ and the covenant made and sworn between Kateryn of Lancastre and the king of Castylles son/ and writings and public instruments and oblygatory bonds made and concluded/ with out re●le or repentance. So that the duchess of Lancastre after every thing set in order/ should bring her daughter Kateryn in to castle.  
All this season the french king was still in the fronters of julyers/ concluding with the duke of Guerles (as ye have herd before) and how they departed. And as the french men returned/ it fortuned on the fronteres of Almaigne on a night about midnight/ as the moan/ ●hone fair/ certain almains robbers and pillars/ that did set neither by peace nor war/ but always sought for their advantage/ some pertaining to the lord of Blaqueneven/ and to sir Peter of Conebech/ they were well horsed/ and came and advised the french host/ and where they might have most profit and advantage/ and so passed by the lodging of the viscount of Meaulx/ and saw no styringe/ and returned without any noise making/ either passing or returning/ and came again to their enbusshe/ and showed them what they had seen and founde● and incontinent these almains came and entered at their advantage in to the frenchmens' lodgings/ and overthrew I can not tell how many/ and took xiiii men of arms prisoners. There was taken the lord of Viesuile/ and the lord of Mountkarell. This adventure the french men had the same night/ by reason they made but easy watch/ and were but evil ordered. The next day when these tidings were known/ how the lord of Viesuille/ and the lord of Mountkarell were taken/ the french men were sore displeased/ and took better heed after. When the french king departed fro the country of Julyers none tarried behind/ every man drew to their garrisons/ sir Guylliam of Tremoyle and sir Geruays Furrande/ and all other/ and the braban soys by the way every man went home. And in the returning of the french men/ it was ordained by great deliberation of counsel/ that the french king (who had been under the governing of his uncles/ ever sith the death of the last king his father) should then take on himself the governing and charge of his hole realm/ and his uncles to cease of the governing/ for they had enough to do in other businesses. The king as than was passed twenty year of age. This was openly published/ and every man thought it was reasonable. The king came to Rennes at the feast of all saints/ and there held a great feast/ and his uncles with him. And there they had first knowledge that the King of Castyle/ and the duke of Lancastre were concluded upon a peace and upon a marriage to be had/ between the kings son and the duke's daughter. Than the french king sported with the duke of Berrey/ and said. Fair uncle ye have failed of your intent/ another is like to enjoy the wife that ye would have had/ how say you thereto/ what sayeth your courage? The duke of Berrey said. Sir I say nothing but well/ if I have failed there/ I shall speed in some other place. Than the french men began to murmur upon this marriage/ and said. this can not be done without great alliances/ which shallbe a thing greatly prejudicial in time to come to the realm of France. And such as considered the bottom of the matter said: how that if Castyle/ England/ and Portugal be all of one alliance and accord/ these three realms/ what by see and by land/ they may make war to the realm of France. Wherefore they said/ it were good that the king should send and provide remedy by times/ consydringe that this unhappy king of Castyle hath made alliance in manner with a deed man: For the duke of lancastre is as a man without men and puissance. Nor also they said/ how the king of Castyll ought not to make any alliance with any man/ with out the counsel of the French king. If he do/ the king may send him word that he will make him as low a varlette/ as he hath made him a great lord. Let the king make war against the realm of Castyle and put out the unhappy king/ son to a bastard/ and let the king give the realm to his own brother the duke of Thourayne/ who as yet hath no great heritage: he shall well and sagely govern it. How can or dare this king of Castyle make or treat for any peace or alliance with the duke of Lancastre/ without the knowledge or consent of the French king/ who hath so moche aided/ honoured/ and advanced him? He had lost his realm/ if the puissance and blood royal of France had not been: He hath well marchaundysed/ and yet he will merchandise. But if it be (as it is said) let him be shamed and disherited/ and let him have such punishment/ that he may well know that he hath evil done.  
THese words multiplied/ in such wise/ that all things considered/ The king and his uncles/ and his counsel/ determined to send in to castle to king johan/ and to show him on the French kings behalf/ that he be well advised and take heed what he doth: And that he be not so hardy to make any treaty or alliance with the english men/ nor with the duke of Lancastre/ in any thing that should be prejudicial to the Crown or realm of France. And if he have done/ or do/ or thinketh to do: Let him be sure that the puissance of France shall/ as moche or more set him a back and hinder him/ as it hath advanced him before: And that the king and the realm shall intend to do nothing else/ but to destroy him. Than it was considered/ who should do this message. And it was thought that who soever should do it/ ought to be a hardy man & well spoken/ and sagely and valiantly to declare the kings pleasure. It was thought that a mean and a simple person ought not to do that message. Than there were three persons named the lord of Coucy/ sir johan of Vyen admiral of France/ & sir guy de la Tremoyle. Of these three to take one to go in to castle on this voyage. And all things considered/ sir johan of Vyenne was appointed to go. Than the king and his counsel said unto him. admiral make you ready/ ye shall go on this voyage/ and ye shall have none other letters to the king of Castyle but of credence/ ye are sufficiently instructed of the matter whereupon ye be sent. And say unto the king of spain/ that he advise well and cause to be advised: And to read and cause to be reed/ the alliances/ ordinances/ and promises/ sworn and sealed between him and us: and mark well your answer that ye shall have of him and of his counsel/ and thereupon we shall take our ground to proceed farther. The admiral answered and said/ it shallbe done. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the admiral of France was ordained by the French king and his counsel as ambassador/ to go to the king of Castyle. And how the Duke of Berrey sent to the earl of Foize to treat for a marriage/ between the duke of Berrey & the earls daughter of Boulonge. Cap. C.li  
THe admiral of France tarried not long at Paris/ but made him quickly ready to depart/ and took his leave of the king and of his uncles/ and took his way by Burgoyne/ because he would go by Auygnone to see the pope and his brother/ and so he died.  
¶ Now let us leave speaking of him/ and speak somewhat of Geffray. Tete noyre/ who was enclosed and besieged within the castle of Vandachore. But first we will speak of the duke of Berrey who had great desire to marry/ as he well showed within that year. When he saw that he had failed of the duke of Lancaster's daughter. he was informed that the earl of Boulonge had a fair daughter named jane/ daughter to the lady Elyanour of comings/ how be it she was not with her father nor with her mother/ she was in the country of Bierne with the Earl of Foiz her great friend and cousin. She had been there brought up and nourished & well entreated the space of nine years/ in the castle of Ortayes/ without cost or charge to father or mother. The earl often times had been desired to have had her married: but always the earl answered that the damosel was to young. Specially sir bernard brother to the earl of armagnac had desired to have her/ and promised that if he might have her in marriage/ the war should end between them/ for the challenge of the land of Byerne. But for all those promises/ the earl would not agree thereto/ but answered ever/ how that his cousin was to young. but among his own men he would say otherwise. For as sir spain du Lion showed me/ he would say/ how they of armagnac might well repute him for a be'st/ if he should grant their desire/ saying it was to his damage. For if he should grant them his cousin in marriage/ he should strength them/ and enfeble himself. Saying/ how they of Armynake held by force and not of right the county of comings/ the which heritage is by his mother and aunt to my cousin of Boloyne. I will well they know I shall marry her in so strong a place and puissant to make war with them for the heritage of comings. For as now there is none to answer but a deed man.  
THus when the earl of armagnac & sir bernard his brother/ saw that they could not come to their purpose/ as long as her aunt lived. Than they said to the duke of Berrey/ that this lady should be a fair marriage for Iohn of Berrey his son. And by their setting on/ the duke sent sufficient and noble messengers in to Byerne to the earl of Foiz. desiring him that all evil will might be set apart and every thing pardoned of times paste/ and that he might have the damosel of Boulonge/ for johan his son in marriage. So that the earl of Boulonge/ father to the damosel died thereto agree and assent. th'earl of Foiz made good cheer to these ambassadors but he excused him for that marriage/ & said how the lady his cousin was to young: And also he said/ how that when the countess of Boulonge her mother delivered her in to his charge/ She caused him to swear/ that he should never marry her in no place/ withher knowledge and consent. And in no wise he said he might/ nor would not break his promise nor oath/ and he said none ought to desire him thereunto. This excuse the Earl made/ for he knew well that his cousin of comings/ who was with the earl of vrgel her brother in the realm of Arragon/ would not agree thereunto. Thus the ambassadors of the duke of Berrey returned without any thing doing to their purpose. And when they were gone (as sir spain du Lion showed me) the earl said ah. The duke of Berrey and his counsel might well repute me for an ignorant/ when he would have me to enforce mine enemies. johan of Berry is cousin german to mine adversaries of Armynake. that bargain shall I never make/ I shall rather marry her in to England. It hath been spoken of to sir Henry of Lancastre earl of Derby/ son to the duke of Lancastre. If I thought not greatly to displease the French king/ there should none other have her but he. & as yet I know not what I will do/ for I shall rather marry her at my pleasure/ than they of Armynake should have her against my will. In me it lieth to do or to leave. I need not to trouble myself in the matter.  
When the duke of Berrey knew the certenlie that the duke of Lancastre should marry his daughter to the king of castles son/ & that he could not break that marriage in no wise: he was a .v. or six days so pensive/ that none about him durst demand what he ailed: at last he declared his intent to them of his counsel. than they said to him. sir/ if ye have failed of the duke of Lancaster's daughter/ ye may recover another/ as great and as good (as she is) how be it she is very young for your age. Wherefore we can not tell if the earl of Foiz will refuse it for that cause/ who hath the lady in his governance. Ah quod the duke/ that is the daughter of the Earl of Boulonge/ the earl of Foiz hath refused johan of Berrey/ how be it in the name of god let us yet assay. Than the duke wrote to the Earl of Foiz/ signifyeng him right sweetly that he would send to him four lords: as th'earl of Xancere/ the lord de la river/ sir Guy de la Tremoyle/ and the viscount Dassey/ to treat with him to have for himself in marriage the daughter of Boulonge/ being under his keeping/ so it may be to his pleasure. and desired the earl to send him an answer in writing the hole of his mind/ to th'intent that his messengers should not travail in vain/ nor lose there pain. The earl of Foiz received the messengers that brought the writing right amiably/ and wrote again by them to the duke of Berrey: saying/ how he was right glad of those tidings/ & would be ready to receive the said lords/ either in Foiz or in Byerne/ so that the Earl of Boulonge and the countess/ father and mother to the lady be agreed thereunto. And at their return when the duke of Berey heard his answer he was right joyful/ and all that winter still he pursued/ what here & there/ that he might attain to this marriage the next summer after. He could not bring his purpose about shortly/ for he knew well the earl of Foiz was no man lightly to be won/ for he was sure he should have many delays. wherefore the duke thought to work wisely/ & sent special messengers to pope Clement/ who was cousin and near a kin to the damosel of Boulonge. The pope was right joyous when he knew that his cousin might to highly be married/ as to the duke of Berrey/ uncle to the French king. Than the pope wrote to th'earl of Foiz/ signifyeng him right honourably/ & advysinge him that he should not vary fro the treaty of that marriage/ for thereby their lineage should be enhanced. Thus the earl of Foiz received letters fro all parties & he answered them all/ for right well he could dissimule in such business. He held all the parties in good love and favour/ both the pope and the duke of Berrey. yet there was not the wisest of them both nor of their counfayls/ that could know perfitly what the earl of Foiz thought surely to do. ¶ Now let us somewhat leave speaking of this matter/ and return to the siege of Vanchadore.  
ye have herd here before in this history/ how sir Wyllm Lignac and sir Iohn Boemlaunce/ & divers other knights and squires of Awergne and Limosin had besieged the castle of Vanchadore/ and Geffray Tete noyre within: But they could not win it by no manner of assault/ for they within were provided of all things necessary for vii year/ though they had no refreshing. They without oft times would come out of their bastides and skirmish. During the siege many feats of arms were done/ & divers hurt on both ꝑtes. And so it fortuned at a skirmish Geffray Tete noyre was there himself/ & advanced so forward/ that he was stricken through the bassenet in to the heed with a quarrel/ so that he was fain to keep his bed/ wherewith all his company was sore displeased/ and the season that he lay there was no scrimysshing. of this hurt if he had been well kept he might soon have been hole/ but he kept himself but evil and specially fro lechery/ the which he dearly bought/ for it cost him his life: but or he died he knew well before there was no remedy but death/ For it was plainly showed him/ by reason of his evil rule. He was in jeopardy of death for his head apostumed/ wherefore he was counseled to declare his will & to make him ready to god ward: than he made his testament. First he caused to come before him all the sovereign companions of the garrison/ such as were best expert in arms. Than he sat up in his bed and said. sirs/ and dearly beloved companions/ I know well I am in great danger of death: we have a long season been together/ & kept good company: I have been your master and true captain to my power. Wherefore I would gladly in my life days see that ye had another captain/ that truly should acquit him to you all/ and to keep this fortress. for I shall leave it well provided of every thing necessary pertaining to a castle of war both of wine/ vitaylles/ and artillery/ and other things requisite. Wherefore I demand of you all in general/ if ye be advised of any captain or captains meetly to be chosen to govern you and this castle/ as men of war adventurers ought to do/ for such hath been always the war that I have used. I have made war moche under the shadow of the king of England's quarrel. I have always be desirous to be there as somewhat was to be gotten/ & so always companions adventurers ought to do/ such as desire feats of arms to adventure themself. Here in these fronters is a good country and fruitful/ and great profit to be gotten therein/ though the French men now besiege us/ it will not endure always: the siege and their bastides will break one day. Sirs/ answer me to my demand. Have ye chosen any captain among you? The companions stood still and gave none answer. and when he saw that they spoke not he began to speak again with sweet words and said. Sirs/ I think surely of this my demand ye have thought before but little. Wherefore sirs/ as I have lain here in my bed/ I have thought and devised for you. Sir quoth they we believe it well: and it shallbe more agreeable to us that it cometh of you/ rather than of us. And sir/ show it us if it please you. Sirs quoth he I shall declare it to you/ and name him that I mean. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How Geffray Teate noyre died chose a captain over his company: and how he made his testament/ & so died. And how the duke of guerles departed fro his country to go in to Pruce/ and of the incydence that fell to him in the land of the duke of Stulpe/ where he was taken prisosoner and discomfited. Cap. C lii  
Fair sirs quoth Geffray/ I know well ye have always served and honoured me/ as men ought to serve their sovereign and captain/ and I shall be the gladder if ye will agree to have to your captain one that is descended of my blood. Behold here Aleyne Rour my cousin and Peter his brother/ who are men of arms and of my blood. I rear you to make Aleyne your captain/ and to swear to him faith/ obeisance/ love/ and loyalty here in my presence/ and also to his brother: How be it I will that Aleyne have the sovereign charge. Sir quoth they we are well content/ for ye have right well chosen. There all the companions made them seruyaunt to Aleyne Roux and to Peter his brother. When all that was done/ than Geffraye spoke again and said. Now sirs/ ye have obeyed to my pleasure/ I can you great thank/ wherefore sirs/ I will ye have part of that ye have helped to conquer. I say unto you/ that in yonder chest that ye see stand yonder/ therein is to the some of xxx thousand franks/ I will give them according to my conscience. Will ye all be content to fulfil my testament/ how say ye? Sir quoth they/ we be right well content to fulfil your commandment. than first quoth he/ I will and give to the Chapel of saint George here in this Castle/ for the reparacious thereof a thousand and five hundred franks: And I give to my lover/ who hath truly served me two thousand and five hundred franks: And also I give to Aleyne Roux your new captain four thousand franks: Also to the varlets of my chamber I give five hundred franks. To mine officers/ I give a thousand and five hundred franks. The rest I give and bequeath as I shall show you. ye be upon a thirty companions all of one sort/ ye aught to be brethren and all of one alliance/ without debate/ ryotte/ or strife among you. All this that I have showed you/ ye shall find in yonder chest/ I will that ye depart all the residue equally and truly between you thyr tie. And if ye be not thus content/ but that the devil will set debate between you/ than behold yonder is a strong axe/ break up the coffer and get it who can/ to those words every man answered and said. Sir and dear master/ we are and shallbe all of one accord Sir we have so much loved & doubted you/ the we will break no coffer/ nor break no point of that ye have ordained and commanded.  
Thus Geffray Teate Noyre made his testament and lived not passed two days after/ and was buried in the chapel of saint George within the castle. His will was accomplished/ and the xxx thousand franks divided as he had ordained. And Aleyne Roux and Peter Roux his brother/ were captains of the castle of Vanchadore. All this season the siege still endured/ but there were but few skirmishes made. Howbeit when the death of Geffray Teate noyre was known in Awergne and Lymosyn/ the knights & squires there were right joyful thereof/ and doubted less than they died before. For this Geffray in his time was sore doubted/ for he was a good and a sage captain and expert in all war.  
Now let us return to the duke of Guerles and show what fell to him in this season/ because I have spoken of him before: For by his means the French king/ his uncles/ and his brother/ & other nobles of France came to the entry of the country of Guerles: and the king departed thence and the duke/ having no great damage. And when the duke of Guerles saw that all the men of war were departed/ and that he was appeased with the duchess of Brabant and with all his enemies/ by reason of the composition that was made/ as to render up the town of Grave upon certain points and articles/ ordained between the duke of Burgone/ the duchess of Brabant/ and the duke of Guerles. Than he thought (to then tent to employ his season) to go in to Pruce/ He made him ready/ and gate him company of knights and squires of his own country/ and other places. And about the utas of saint Martin he road forth through almain/ and in every place where as he passed he had good cheer. And so long he road that he came to the land of Pruce/ I know not by what insydence. Certain men laid in wait on him/ and in the fields set on him or he was ware/ and overthewe him and all his men/ so that they lost all their horses/ armour/ vessel/ gold and silver/ and were all led prisoners to a town/ and there swore faith and truth to pay their rannsomes'/ and specially the duke of Guerles became prisoner and made promise to pay his rannsome to a squire called arnold/ his surname I know not. Than the duke and his men were led to a strong town in the land of the duke of Stulpe/ whether the duke was there or not I was not informed thereof. but when the great masters of Pruce herd how the duke of Guerles was taken as he was coming in to their country/ they were sore displeased therewith/ and said: how the matter should not rest in that case/ for they to suffer it should be greatly to their blame. Tha●● they raised up men and departed fro Connysbredge/ and came with a great strength of men towards the town and castle/ where as the duke of Guerles was in prison. When the squire that had taken the duke was informed of the coming of the great master of Pruce with such a puissance doughted greatly/ and determined not to abide their coming to the castle/ but thought to depart But or his departure he came to the duke of Guerles and said to him. Sir duke/ ye are my prisoner and I am your master. ye are a gentleman and a true knight: ye have sworn and given me your faith where soever I go and will go/ ye aught to follow me: I can not tell if ye have sent for the great master of Pruce or not/ he cometh hither with a great puissance: I think not to abide him tarry you here if ye list/ I will carry with me your faith and promise. The duke to those words gave none answer: and the squire took his horse and departed/ and went to a place strong enough: And at his departing he said again to the duke. Sir/ ye shall find me in such a place/ he named him a strong castle and out of all high ways. And when he was gone the great master of Pruce came to the duke of Guerles where as he was/ for there was none to let him/ and so delivered the duke out of prison: and if he had found the squire there/ surely he had been slain. Than the great master of Pruce returned to Connysbredge/ and the duke of Guerles with him.  
I Shall show you what fell of this business. True it was/ great brute ran in divers countries/ and specially in almain of the taking of the duke of Guerles/ every man that heard it had great marvel thereof. Thus when the duke of Guerles was come to Connisbredge and was delivered/ as ye have herd: than he remembered himself/ how he was bound by his faith to the squire that took him/ and remembered the words that the squire spoke at his departing. than he thought in himself that in no wise he would break his promise/ but truly acquit his faith/ and said to the great master of Pruce/ that he would no lengar tarry there/ but go to the squire that had his faith. And so determined to do for any thing that the great master could say or do: Nouther dispensation/ absolution/ nor other thing/ could not cause the duke to abstain/ but that he would needs go to the town where as the squire was/ whom he called his master: every man that heard thereof/ reputed it for a great valiantness. When this came to knowledge of his friends and kinsmen/ than they treated for his deliverance. and so he was delivered by the help & means of the duke of Stulpe/ who took great pain in the matter: How be it the duke of Stulpe or he consented that the duke of guerles should be delivered out of danger/ and out of his land/ would in any wise that the duke of Guerles should swear and scale/ that he and his heirs never after that day/ nor none other man for him/ should take any vengeance for that matter/ by way of dissimulation or otherwise. Thus he was fain to do or he departed. This adventure had the duke of Guerles that year. ¶ Now let us return to sir johan of Vyen admiral of France/ and show what he died and what he said to the king of Castyle/ on the French kings behalf. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How sir johan of Vyen did his message to king johan of Castyle/ fro the French king and his counsel/ and what answer the king of Castyle made. Cap. C.liii  
THe admiral of France sped so in his journeys/ that he entered into castyle/ and demanded where to find the King. It was showed him how he was at Burgus/ he road thither/ and alighted at his lodging and refreshed him/ and than made him ready to go to the kings palace: and he was received after the manner of the country right honourably/ for the love and honour of the French king. And he was brought in to the kings chamber/ & there the king received him joyfully. Than he delivered the king his letters. The king read them and called his counsel a part/ and when they perceived by his letters that he had credence/ than the admiral was called forth/ and was commanded to declare the intent of his coming. And he who was ready said in fair language. Sir king and all ye of his counsel. The french king hath sent me to you/ because it is come to his knowledge/ how ye shall marry your son to the duke of Lancaster's daughter. & sir/ ye know well that he is the king my masters adversary. The king and his counsel have great marvel how ye may here or intend to any treaty in all the world for any marriage without their knowledge. for they say and true it is/ that marriage of children can not be without alliance/ and amity of peace and love. Sir/ he sendeth you word by me/ that ye be well advised what ye have done/ or are minded to do. And that in no wise it be prejudicial to the king nor to the realm of France/ nor thereby to break the bounds and alliances that hath been sworn and sealed between king Henry your father/ the prelate's and noble cities of this your realm/ and the noble king and realm of France. Regard well that they in no wise be broken for if they be and once openly known/ ye ryn in the church's sentence/ and to be excommunicate on pain unpardonable: And also to be in the indignation of the king and of all the nobles of France/ and beside that to have them your great enemies. Sir/ this is the commandment of the king & his counsel/ that I have to show to you.  
When the king of Castyle & part of his counsel/ such as were there had heard the french kings ambassador speak so quickly/ they were abashed/ and each of them looked on other: there was none that gave any answer/ but sat still. At the last a bishop spoke and said. Sir johan/ ye are newly come in to these parts/ and the king and all we say how ye be right heartily welcome. The king hath well herd and understand what ye have said/ ye shall have shortly and answer/ within a day or two/ such as shall content you. that is sufficient quod sir johan of Vyen/ and so took his leave of the king and of his counsel/ and went to his lodging. And it was showed me how he tarried there more than seven days/ without having of any answer/ he saw nothing but dissimulation/ wherewith he was sore disposed/ for all that time he could not see the king/ for he kept him close in his chamber. And when sir johan of Vien saw that he could have none other exploit in his business/ he spoke on a day to some of the kings counsel/ and said. Sirs/ surely I will depart without answer. They doubted lest he would do as he said/ and surely so he had done/ and they had not called him on a day/ and made him his answer as they did. Than it was said to him how he might well show the french king/ and such as had sent him thither/ that they should have the king of Castyle nor his counsel in no manner of suspect/ for they had not done nor would not do any thing with the king of England/ that should break or adnychilate in any manner of ways/ the alliances that hath been sworn and sealed between France & Castyle/ how be it though the king of Castyle marry his son to the daughter of the duke of Lancastre/ thereby to make a final peace/ for the challenge that the duke maketh to the realm of Castyle by right of his wife/ and generally all the realm counseleth the king there to/ & though he assent & will do it/ yet the french king nor his counsel ought not to be disposed there with/ for always the king of Castyle and his men will be conjoined & allied with the french king/ and with the realm of France. This was the substance of the answer that sir johan of Vien brought in to France fro the knig of Castyle/ who proceeded forth with the duke of Lancastre in his marriage/ & made an amiable peace together/ by means of messengers that went between them/ for the duke lay in the marchesse of Burdeaulx and came thither fro Bayon/ and the duchess and her daughter/ where as they were received with great joy/ for they were greatly desired there. And fro Bordeaux they went to Lyborne.  
When true and certain tidings was come into the earl of Foiz house how the King of Castyle was agreed with the duke of Lancastre/ and should marry his son with the duke's daughter/ and to give great lands in Castyle/ and great number of florins/ about a two hundred thousand nobles/ whereof the earl had great marvel. This I know well/ for I sir johan froissart was there the same tyme. Than the earl of Foiz said. Ah/ this king of Castyle is unhappy/ for he hath made peace with a deed man/ for I know well the duke of Lancastre is in that case/ and in such danger/ that he can not help himself. But the king of Castyle hath met with a sage and a valiant prince of the duke of Lancastre/ for he hath valiantly borne himself all the war season.  
Now let us somewhat speak of the army on the see. So it was that about the feast of christmas/ the earl of Arundel who had been a long season on the see/ costing the fronters of Bretaygne/ and of Rochel/ Xaynton/ and of Normandy/ and so passed before Karenten/ but afore that they took land at Chirbroke/ and would have done there some deeds of arms. And the same season there were sovereign captains in the town and garrison of Karentyne/ the lord of Hambre and the lord of Coucy/ and with them a great number of knights and squires of Normandy. When the earl of Arundel knew how the town of Karentyne was so well provided and furnished with good men of war/ than he passed forth/ for he saw well in assautinge thereof he might rather lose than win. Than he came to another town thereby/ called Toraguy/ and assailed it/ and took it perforce/ and pilled it/ and wan there great richesse/ and took with them many prisoners/ and than came before the good town of Bayeux/ and came to the barrier's/ and there they made a skirmish and none assault. Than the englishmen passed the watches of saint Clement/ and did great damage in the country/ for they tarried there a fifteen days/ and no man encountered them. the marshal of Blann●uille was in Normandy/ but he knew not of their coming/ if he had he would have provided for the matter. And when the english men had done their enterprise/ and done great damage to the country of Normandy/ asmuch as a hundred thousand franks came unto. Than they drew back and passed again the watches/ and returned to Chyrbroke/ and did put all their conquest in surety and safeguard in to their ships. And when they had wind & wether/ and their ships charged/ than they entered and dysancred and took the see/ and returned in to England/ & arrived at Hampton. Thus the army of the earl of Arundel on the see concluded in that season.   

¶ How sir Joys of Xancere went to see the earl of Foize at Ortays/ and how before the duke of Lancastre at Bordeaux/ there were deeds of arms done between five frenchmen and five english men/ and how the duchess of Lancastre went with her daughter in to castle to king johan. Cap. C.liiii.  
IN this season sir Joys of Xancer marshal of France was in Languedoc/ in the marches of Tholouse and Carcassone/ and he knew well of the treaty that was made between the duke of Berrey and th'earl of Foiz/ for the marriage of the duke of Bowlonges daughter/ whom the duke of Berrey would have/ though the damosel were right young. Than the marshal had affection to go & see the earl of Foyz/ as I was informed by his men at Ortays/ for when he came thither he found me there. He came at the sending of the french king/ and I shall show you why & wherefore. The french king was as than young and had desire to travail/ and he had never been as than in Languedoc/ which is a great country/ and full of cities/ towns and castles and as than nigh all destroyed and wasted/ for the duke of Berry and his counsel/ who had the governance of that country/ had greatly enpoverysshed and pilled the country/ by tails and great oppressions/ the complaints whereof came to the kings ears/ by reason that he was newly entered in to the domination of his Realm. And the king said he would go in to Languedoc to visit that country/ and also to go and see the pope whom he had never seen before/ and also in that voyage he said he would see the earl of Foiz/ of whom he had herd so moche honour and largesse spoken of. Thus the marshal went forth on his way/ and departed fro the city of toulouse/ with a five hundred horse/ and road so long that he came to Tarbe in Bygore/ and fro thence to Morloys in Bierne. And the earl of Foiz who was signified of his coming was joyful/ and commanded all his officers that the town of Ortays should be well appareled to receive him/ for he said the marshal's coming pleased him right well. lodgings for his men were made ready/ and the earl road out in to the fields to meet with him/ and mo than three hundred horses/ and there received him with good cheer. And he was at Ortays a sire days/ and the marshal said to the earl/ how the french king had great affection to see the country of Languedoc/ and to see him. Than the earl answered and said. Sir/ the king shall be right welcome/ and glad I would be to see him. yea/ but sir quoth the marshal/ it is the kings entension at his coming plainly to know/ whether ye will hold you french or englissh/ for always ye have dissimuled out the war/ for ye would never arm you for no desire. A sir quod the earl I thank you/ in that ye have showed me so much/ For sir/ though I would never arm me/ nor take no part/ there hath been good cause why. As for the war between England and France/ I have nothing to do therewith/ I hold my country of Bierne of no man/ but of good and the sword. What have I to do to put myself in servitude or in displeasure of one king or other/ yet I know well mine adversaries of Armynake have done that in them is to bring me in the indyngnation of both parties/ for or the prince of Wales went in to Spain by the information of the earl of Armynake/ the prince would have made me war/ he was so sore moved thereto/ that he had done so/ and sir johan Chandos had not broken his purpose/ but I thank god always I have borne myself as meekly and as curteyssy as I could/ and shall do as long as I live/ and when I am deed/ let the matters go as they will. Thus the earl of Foyze and the marshal passed the time together. And at their departure the earl gave him a fair courser/ a fair mule/ and a nother good horse/ all three together richly sadylled and appareled. And he gave to sir Roberte of Challus and to sir richard dolphin/ to each of them two hundred franks/ and to five other squires/ to each of them fifty franks. Than the marshal took leave to depart to toulouse. And I sir johan froissart was there the same time/ and would have departed fro Ortays with him/ but the Earl of Foyze would not suffer me/ and said I should not as than depart. So it behoved me to bide his pleasure. Sir Joys departed fro Ortays and road to Tarbe/ and the lord dolphin of Bygore conveyed him/ and sir Peter of Calestan one of the earl of Foiz knights.  
About the same season there was at Bordeaux a deed of arms done before the duke of Lancastre/ by five englishmen of his own house/ and five french men/ some of them were of the marshal of France house. first/ by sir Pecton Dallagnie a Gascon englyssh/ against sir Mores Mannigment french. second between sir Arragon Raymon english/ against the bastard of Chavigny French. The third/ between Joys Malapus/ capitain of Agremortes french/ against jaquemyn Corn de Cerfe english. fourth between Archambalte de Villyers' french/ and the son of the lord of Chaumonte Gascon english. The fift by William Foucalt french/ against the brother of the lord of Chaumont english. And to see these arms acomplysshed/ divers knights and squires of Bierne of th'earl of Foiz house/ took their way toward Bordeaux/ & I went with them in company. between Ortars and Bordeaux is but xxiiii mile. There we saw the said arms done before saint Andrews/ in the presence of the duke of Lancastre and the duchess/ their daughter/ and other ladies and damosels of the country. These knights were not all armed at ones/ but every man by himself with his fellow apart. their arms were three courses with a spear/ three strokes with a sword/ three with an are/ and three with a dagger and all a horsehacke. And this they did in three days/ and none of all ten hurt/ but sir Raymon slew the bastards horse/ wherewith the duke of Lancastre was sore displeased/ and blamed greatly the knight because he bore his staff so low/ and the duke gave the bastard one of his horses. When this was accomplished/ every man departed to their own houses.  
AN one after the duchess of Lancastre ordained to go in to castle/ and to lead with her Katherine her daughter/ who should have in marriage the king of castles son. And the duchess intent was/ first or she would enter in to Castyle to go to Mantuell/ where sometime was the battle between king don Peter her father/ against king Henry of Castyle/ and of sir Bertram of Clesquyn. And there she purposed to make just inquiry where the king her father lay buried/ and to dig up his bones/ and to have them to the city of civil/ and there to bury them again richly/ as it appertained to a king. In the beginning of March/ when the son began to mount/ and the days to increase/ than the duchess of Lancastre was ready with her daughter/ and so departed fro Bordeaux and went to Bayon/ and there the duke of Lancastre took leave of her/ and he returned to Bordeaux. And the ladies road forth to Dape/ and there she was well received/ for the city of Dape was under the obeisance of the king of England. There she rested two days/ and than passed through the country of Basquence/ and passed by the pass of Roucevalx/ and entered in to Naverre/ and came to Panpilona/ and there found the king of Naver and the queen/ who received the duchess honourably. The queen of Naver was sister to the king of Castyle. The duchess and her daughter were a month passing through the realm of Naver/ for they tarried with the King and with the queen a certain space/ and their costs and charges were borne and paid for. Than they entered in to spain/ and at the entry of the realm they found of the king of castles servants ready there to receive them/ according as they were commanded. And than the young prince was called prince of Galyce.   

¶ How the duchess of Lancastre departed fro the king of Castyle/ and went to Mantuell to bring her father's bones to civil/ and how the french king sent ambassadors to the earl of Foize to treat for the marriage of the duke of Berrey his uncle/ with the daughter of the earl of Boloyne. Cap. C.lu  
When all these matters were renewed and the marriage confirmed/ than the duchess of Lancastre left her daughter with the king & with her young husband that should marry her/ who was of the age of eight years. the duchess took leave of the king to go to Mantuell/ the king sent with her of the greatest men of the court to a company her. Thus she came to Mantuell/ and did so moche that she knew the troth where her father was buried. Than he was digged up/ and his bones washed and bawmed/ and wrapped in lead/ and brought to the city of civil/ and there received with procession without the city/ and the bones brought in to the cathedral church/ and there reverently and solemnly his obsequy was done/ and there at was king johan and his young son the prince of Galyce/ and the most part of prelate's and barons of the realm. After the obsequy done/ every man returned to their own places. The king of Castyle went to the vale of Sorry/ and his son and his young wife with him/ and the duchess of Lancastre to Medena de Campo/ a good town/ whereof she was lady/ by reason of the confirmation of the peace/ & there she lay a season. ¶ Now let us leave to speak of them and of Castyle/ till another time/ and let us speak of the marriage of the duke of Berrey/ and also of other incidents that followed.  
THe duke of Berrey who had married the lady jane of Armynake to his first wife/ after she was diseased he had great imagination to be married again/ and that he well showed. for when he saw how he had missed of the duke of Lancastres' daughter/ he than set clerks to write/ and sent messengers to th'earl Gascon of Foiz/ who had the keeping of the earl of Boulonges daughter/ more than the space of nine years. And because the duke of Berrey could not come to this marriage/ but by the danger of the earl of Foize/ for neither for pope/ father/ mother/ nor friend that the damosel had/ the earl would do nothing/ without it were his own pleasure. Than the duke of Berrey desired effectuously the french king his nephew/ and the duke of Burgoyne his brother to help and assist him in this marriage.  
THe french king laughed and had good sport at the duke of Berrey his uncle/ because he was old/ and so hot in love/ and said to him. Fair uncle/ what shall ye do with a young maid/ she is not twelve year of age/ and ye be xl by my faith it is great folly for you to think thereof/ speak for my cousin johan your son/ he is young/ the matter is more meet for him than for you. sir quoth the duke/ I have speaken all ready for my son/ but the earl of Foize will in no wise agree thereto/ because my son is of the blood of them of Armynake/ who be at war together/ and have been long. If the lady be young I shall spare her a three or four year/ till she be a perfit woman. Well fair uncle quoth the king/ I fear me she will not spare you so long/ but saying ye have so great affection thereto/ I shall aid you as much as I may. It was not long after but that the king ordained the lord de la river and sir Bureau his sovereign chamberlain to go in that voyage to the earl of Foiz/ and with them the earl of Dassy. And the duke of Burgoyne ordained to go thither on his be half the bishop of Anthune/ and sir Gylliam of Tremoyle/ and the duke of Berrey desired johan earl of Sanxer/ a sage and a valiant knight to go with the other. These five lords were appointed to go to the earl of Foize/ and to desire to have the young lady in marriage for the duke of Berrey. These lords departed and appointed to meet together at Avignon with pope Clement/ about Candelmas they departed and took the way to Nysmes/ and so to avignon. They passed by mount pellyer/ and road by small journeys and great expense/ and passed by Besyers' and came to Carcassone/ and there they found sir Joys of Xancere marshal of France/ who received them with good there/ and he showed them moche of the earl of Foiz estate/ for he had been there within two months before. Than they departed fro Carcassone and went to toulouse/ and there rested/ and than sent messengers to the earl of Foiz to Ortays in Byerne. And there began to treat for this marriage/ but it was far of/ for at the beginning the Earl of Foyze was cold/ because the duke of Lancastre had sent to him to have the same lady/ for his son the lord Henry earl of Derby. By reason of this long tarrying and delaying of this treaty/ it was said and noised that the marriage should not be. And all their answers that they had fro the earl of Foize/ wickely they sent word thereof to the duke of Berrey/ who was at Nonnecte in Awergne. And the duke who had none other desire but to bring the matter about/ wrote often times again to them with fresh messengers/ desiring them not to cease till they had brought the matter to pass. And the earl of Foyze who was sage and subtile/ saw well the ardent desire that the duke of Berrey had/ and the hotter that he was the colder was he/ and he handled the matter so wisely/ that by the full agreement of all parties/ and yet sore desired thereto/ he had thirty thousand franks for the charges of the ladies expenses/ for such years as she had been with him/ if he had more demanded more he should have had/ but he did it so to have thank of the duke of Berrey/ and that he should perceive that he had done some what for him.  
When this matter was concluded and all parties agreed/ than the earl of Foiz sent his cousin the lady to Morleaus/ accompanied with five hundred spears/ of whom were captains sir Espaigne du Lynn/ sir Raynolde Guyllam/ sir Peter Calestan/ sir Adam of Cacasse/ sir Manalte of Nonnables/ and sir Pier of Kees/ and in the fields the lady was delivered to the french ambassadors/ on the behalf of the duke of Berrey. There was sir Joys of Xancere with a five hundred spears/ and other company/ who received the lady/ and there took their leaves and departed. They of Foize returned/ and the french men led forth the lady. The duke of Berrey had sent to her chares and chareottes richly garnished/ and horse/ hackeneys/ and apparel for her body and for her heed/ as fresh and as rich as though it had been for the french queen. Thus they road forth/ and I sir johan froissart auctor of this book road in their company/ for often times when I would have taken leave of the earl of Foiz/ he would say to me/ how I had no deed to make so great haste/ and bad me when I would return to go in good company/ so I returned in this said company. This young duchess of Berrey (for so I will name her fro hence forth) and all her company road so long that they came near to avignon. There she rested at a town called Vile Neufe/ without the town of avignon/ in a house of the pope's. And the next day about nine of the clock/ all the cardinals that were there at that time met with her/ and so passed the bridge of Rosue in great estate/ the lady riding on a white palfrey which the pope had sent her. Than she came to the pope's palace in Avignon and there alighted and went to see the pope/ who sat in consystory in a chair pontyficall. The pope kiss her mouth because of lineage. Than the duchess and her company went to dinner with many cardinals/ to the house of the cardinal of Thuryn/ near to the pope's palace. This was on a wednesday/ and the next day they all dined in the same house again. I may well say that the coming of this lady to avignon cost the pope the some of ten thousand franks. The friday she supped in the palace and took her leave of the pope/ and the saturday she departed and road to dinner to Orange/ and there lay all night/ for her cousin germayne was princess thereof. The sunday she departed and he● carriage before and passed to Valance/ and than to Vien/ and so to Lion sur le Rone/ and there rested two days/ than fro thence to Bres●e/ and so entered in to the county of Forestes/ and passed through the country/ and so came to lafoy Palesse in Burbonois and so to Quissy/ than to Hanche/ and so to Ryon in Awergne/ and there rested two days or the duke of Berrey came thither/ who came thither on Whytsonevyn/ and on Whytsonday betimes he married the lady. This was a noble wedding and a great feast/ there was the earl of Boloyne/ the earl of Estampes/ and the earl dolphin of Awergne. this feast and jousts endured four days. All this I sir johan froissart auctor of this book saw with mine eyen/ for I was there present. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How certain wise men treated for a peace to endure three years between France and England/ and all their alyes aswell on the one part as on the other by land and by see. Cap. C.lvi  
YE have herd here before how there was a truce taken between all parties and garrisons/ between the river of Loyr and the river of Dordone/ and of Geronde/ unto the feast of saint johan baptist/ counted as than in the year of grace a thousand three hundred fourscore and nine. This truce duting/ there were some great men and sage on both parties/ both of England and of France/ that busied themself to treat for a peace to endure three years/ both by water and by land. And the intention of them the treated in this matter was to comprise in their treaty for the french party/ all such as were busied with their war. First to have comprised the realm of Castyle holy/ as well by land as by water/ and in like manner the realm of Scotland. And on the english party should be comprised all their alyes/ and the king and realm of Portugal/ and divers barons of high Gascon. These entreatours had moche pain and travail or they came to their intents/ for the scots would in no wise consent. For when word thereof came to king Roberte of Scotland fro the french king/ his own person would lightly have 'greed thereto/ for he desired no war. On a day he called before him all the barons and prelate's of scotland/ such as aught to give counsel in that matter/ for without their knowledge the king would do nothing/ if he had done/ they would not have kept it. There openly was red in all their presence/ the letters that the french king had sent thither to the king/ and to the realm of Scotland/ the intent whereof was/ that the french king would have them of Scotland to be comprised with him/ 〈◊〉 to agree to a truce for three years by land and by water between England and them. This tidings was hard to them/ and they said. The french king can do nothing but to have truce/ when it is time to make war. We have in this year overcome the englishmen/ and the season is right good/ and likely that we shall overcome them again the second time: yea/ and the third also. There was great debating of the matter between them/ but in no wise they would consent thereto. Finally they accorded to send a bishop and three knights in to France to the king and to his counsel/ to the intent to break the treaties/ and to show the good will of the scots that they had to the war. The bishop of saint Andrews and sir Archambalte Douglas/ sir William Lymsey/ and sir johan saint Clere. These departed as soon as they might/ and took the see and arrived at Sluse and than road to Paris. and before the king and his counsel they showed their letters of credence/ sent in the name of all the barons and prelate's of the realm of Scotland. They were well heard/ and the french men percyved well the great affection that they had to proceed/ and to contyne we the war against England/ how be it the treaty was so far passed and promised that it could not be revoked again. Than the scots were sweetly answered/ how there was no remedy but that they must needs proceed to the peace. Thus the french men took a truce/ by means of such as treated for the matter/ there were divers meetings between the parties at Balingham/ between Boloyne and calais. So often they met and debated the matters that a truce was taken/ given and accorded/ between England and France (for such as were treaters of the matter/ were prelate's/ great lords and wysemennes of both realms) and all their adherentes and alyes/ by see and by land/ to endure firmly without dissimulation of any shadow of male engine/ the space of three years. The entreatours of the french party were at Boloyne/ as the bishop of Bayeur/ the earl Valery of saint Pole/ sir William of Melyn/ sir Nycholas Bracque/ and sir johan le Mercier. And at calais for the english part was the bishop of Durham/ sir William Montague earl of Salisbury/ sir William Beauchampe captain of Calais/ johan Lavon and Nycholas of Gaberthe/ and richard Roell clerk doctor in law. These met together in the mids of the way between calais and Boloyne. at a place called Balyngham.  
In this time great brute was in France and in other places/ of a great feast and jousts that the young king Charles would make at Paris/ at the first entering of Isabella the french queen: against which feest knights/ squires/ ladies and damoselles appareled them to be at that triumph: Of the which feast I shall speak more here after/ and of the charter of the peace that was engrossed & sealed between the parties.  
yE shall know that when I sir johan Froyssarte author of this history was departed fro Ortays fro the earl of Foiz/ as ye have herd here before: and went in company with the lord de la river and the lord Guyllyam of Tremoyle/ who brought the young duchess of Berrey/ daughter to the earl of Boulonge to the duke of Berrey/ who wedded her in the town of Ryon in Awergne/ as it is contained here before in this history: for at all these matters I was present/ wherefore I may well speak thereof. And when I came to Paris I found there the gentle lord of Coucy a good lord of mine/ who had newly married a young lady/ daughter to the duke of Lorraine: Which lord made me good cheer/ and demanded of me news of the country of Foiz and Biern/ and of pope Clement being at Auygnon/ and of the marriage between Berrey and Boulonge/ and of another great friend of mine and good lord and master/ th'earl Beraunt dolphin of Awergne. And to all his demands I answered all that I knew/ so that he was content. Than he desired me to go with him in to Cambresys/ to a castle that the king had given him/ called Creve cure/ a two leagues fro Cambrey/ and nine leagues fro Valensenes. And so I road in his company. And as we road by the way he showed me/ how the bishop of Bayeux and the earl of saint Pole and other were at Boloyn sent thither by the french king/ to conclude the truce. & how that for king Richard king of England there were at Calys/ the bishop of Durham & th'earl of Salisbury/ with other. and how they had been there the space more than a month/ abiding for the ambassadors of Scotland/ who were as than newly come thither. He said how his cousin the earl of saint Pole had written to him thereof/ and how the french king had sent to the king of Scots/ and to his counsel that he should agree to the truce/ for the english men would consent to no peace/ without the scots were comprised in the same. Thus we road till we came to Creve cure/ and there I was with him three days. Than I took leave of him and went to Valencennes/ and there I tarried fifteen days. Than I went in to Holande to see a gentle lord and good master of mine the earl of Bloyes/ and found him at Estonchoucke. he made me good cheer and demanded of me some tidings/ and I showed him such as I knew. I tarried with him a month there and at Gede. Than I returned in to France to know the truth of the conclusion that was taken between England and France at Balyngham. Also I purposed to be at the feast that should be at Paris at the entry of the French queen/ to know the truth of all these matters/ I returned through Brabaunt and so came to Paris/ eight days before the feast began. Than I fell in company with the lords of France and of Scotland/ such as had been at the making of the truce between England and France. And I fell in acquaintance with sir Guyllyam of Melyn/ who showed me all the hole matter/ and how the Earl of saint Pole was passed in to England to see king richard/ and to confirm the truce that was granted for three years: and that he should return again to be at the said great feast. Than I demanded of the said sir Guillyam/ what lords of Scotland had been at the said treaty. I demanuded it/ because in my youth I had been in scotland/ and searched all the realm to the wild scots. And while I was there I tarried a space in that court of king david of Scotland/ & there I had acquaintance of the most part of the lords & knights of scotland/ therefore I demanded who had been there. And this sir Melyn answered me and said/ how there had been the bishop of Bredon/ & sir james and sir david Lymsay/ and sir Water of saint Clere. I bore his saying away/ and died put in writing all that I had seen and heard. And shall show the truth what I saw & knew of this feast/ and of the first entering of queen I sabell in to Paris. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the ordinance of the entry of queen Isabella in to the town of Paris. Cap. Clvii.  
THe sunday the twenty day of june/ in the year of our lord god/ a thousand three hundred four score and nine. there was people in Paris and with out/ such number/ that it was marvel to behold. And the same sunday in the morning there was assemble made in the church of saint Denyce/ of noble ladies of France/ such as should accompany the queen/ and of such lords as should assist the queens litters & other ladies. And there was of the burgesses of Paris twelve hundred an horseback ranged in the fields on both sides of the way/ appareled in gowns of one suit/ of cloth of Baudkyn/ green and crymosyn. And the old queen jane and her daughter duchess of orleans/ entered first in to Paris one hour before noon/ in a litter covered/ well a companyed with lords/ and passed through the high street of saint Denyce/ and so road to the palace/ and there tarried for the king. That day these two ladies went no further. Than the french queen and the other ladies set forward/ as the duchess of Berrey/ the duchess of Burgoyne/ the duchess of Thourayn/ the duchess of Bare the countess of Nevers the lady of Coucy/ and other ladies and damoselles all in good order. all their litters were appareled as richly as might be. But the duchess of Thourayne had no litter/ she road alone upon a fair palfrey richly appareled/ and she road on the one side by the queens litter/ and it was assisted with the duke of Thourayne and the duke of Burbone/ at the fore heed on both sides. And in the mids on both sides the litter were the duke of Berry and the duke of Burgoyne/ and at the feet was the lord Peter of Naver and th'earl of Ostrenaunt. The queens litter was richly appareled and discovert. Than next followed on a rich appareled Palfrey the duchess of Berrey/ & she was assisted with the earl de la March and with the earl of Nevers/ and she riding a soft pace between them both. than followed the litter all discovered and open of the duchess of Burgoyne/ and Margarete of Heynalte her daughter countess of Nevers. That litter was assisted with the lord Henry of Bare and the young earl of Namure/ called sir Guylliam. And than the lady of orleans on a palfrey richly appareled/ and the lord james of Burbone and the lord philip Dartoys assisted the lady of orleans. Than another litter with the duchess of Bare/ and the daughter of the lord of Coucy. Of other ladies and damoselles that came after in chariots and palfreys/ and knights that followed/ there was no mention made. And as for sergeants and officers of arms had business enough to do to make way/ and to break the press. There was such people in the streets/ that it seemed that all the world had been there.  
AT the first gate of saint Denice entering in to Paris/ there was a heaven made full of stars/ & within it young children appareled like angels sweetly singing. And among them an image of our lady holding in figure a little child playing by himself/ with a little mill made of a great nut. This heaven was high and richly appareled with the arms of France with a banner of the son shining of gold/ casting his rays. This was devised by the king for the feast of the jousts. The queen and the other ladies as they passed under in at the gate/ they had great pleasure to behold it/ and so had all other that passed by. Than when the Queen and the ladies were passed by/ than they came a soft pace before the fountain in a street of saint Denice/ which conduit was covered over with a cloth of fine azure/ painted full of Flower de lyces of gold/ and the pillars were serte full of the arms of divers noble lords of France. and out of this fountain there issued in great streams Punent and clarre: And about this fountain there were young maidens richly appareled/ with rich chapelettes on their heeds synginge melodiously. Great pleasure it was to hear them: And they held in their hands Cups and goblets of gold/ offering and giving to drink/ all such as passed by/ And the queen rested there and regarded them/ and had great pleasure of that devise/ and so died all other ladies and damoselles that saw it.  
THan after/ under the minster of the trinity/ in the street there was a stage/ and thereupon a castle. And a long on the stage there was ordained the Pass of king Salhadyn/ and all their deeds in personages/ the Christian men on the one part/ and the Saracens on the other part. & there was in personages all the lords of name/ that of old time had been armed/ and had done any feats of arms at the Pass of Salhadyne/ and were armed with such armure as they than used. And than a little above them there was in personages the French king and the twelve peers of France/ armed with the blazon of their arms. & when the French queens litter was come before this stage/ she rested there a season. then the personages on the stage of king richard departed fro his company/ and went to the French king/ and demanded licence to go and assail the Saracens/ and the king gave him leave. Than king richard returned to his twelve companions. than they all set them in order/ and incontinent went & assailed the king Salhadyne and the Saracens. There in sport there seemed a great battle/ and it endured a good space. This pagiaunt was well regarded. than the queen passed forth and came to the second gate of saint Denyce. And there was a castle ordained/ as was at the first gate: and a heaven clouded/ and full of stars richly devised/ and therein the figure of God lytting in majesty/ the father/ the son/ and the holygoost. And within the heaven children in figure of angels sweetly singing/ which pagiaunt was greatly praised. And as the queens litter passed under the gate of Paradise/ there were two angels came out and came down holding in their hands a rich crown of gold/ garnished with precious stones. And they set fair and easily the crown on the queens heed/ singing right sweetly this verse. Dame/ as ye be enclosed between the Flower de lyces/ so ye be queen of the realm of France/ & so drew again in to paradise. Than they passed forth and came before the chapel of saint james. And there was a scaffold richly devised/ on the right hand as the queen road/ covered over with rich arras/ and drawn about with curteyns/ in manner of a chamber. And within there were men playing upon organs right sweetly: And all the street of saint Denyce was covered over with clothes of silk and chamlet/ such plenty/ as though such clothes should cost nothing. And I sir johan Froissart author of this history was present/ and saw all this/ and had great marvel where such number of clothes of silk were gotten. There was as great plenty as though they had been in Alysandre or Damas'/ and all the houses on both sides of the great street of saint Denice unto the bridge of Paris/ were hanged with clothes of Arras of divers histories/ the which was pleasure to behold. Thus they passed forth a soft pace and so came to the gate of the chatelet of Paris: and there the queen rested to see the other goodly devices that were there ordained.  
AT the gate of the chatelet of Paris there was a castle made of wood & timber/ as strongly made/ as it should have endured xl years. The which castle was enbatylled/ and at every lope there was a man of arms armed at all pieces. And in the same castle there was a bed made/ richly encourteyned and appareled/ as it had been to have stand in the kings chamber. & this bed was called the bed of justice: and in this bed there lay by figure saint Anne. in this castle there was a plain/ for the castle contained a great space: & this plain was full of trees/ and full of Hares/ cones/ & birds/ that flew in and out: For when they were a broad they flew thither again for fear of the people. And out of these trees there issued a white Harte/ and went to the bed of justice: and out of the other part of the wood there issued out a Lion and an Eagle properly/ and freshly approached the Heart and the bed of justice. Than came there out of the trees a xii young maidens richly appareled/ with chapelettes of gold on their heeds/ holding naked sword in their hands/ and they went between the Heart/ the Lion/ and the Eagle/ and there they showed themself ready to defend the Heart and the bed of justice. This devise the queen and all other had great pleasure to regard. than they passed forth and came to the bridge of Paris/ which was covered and richly beseen. The covering of green and crimosyn full of stars/ and the streets hanged to our ladies church. And by that time that the queen and the ladies were passed the bridge/ and approached to the church of our Lady/ it was late: For all the way as they went/ they road but a soft pace. And or the Queen and the ladies entered in to the church of our Lady/ they found by they way other plays and pastimes/ greatly to their pleasure.  
Among all other there was a master came out of Geane. He had tied a cord on the highest house on the bridge of saint Myghell over all the houses/ and the other end was tied on the highest tower in our lady's church. And as the queen passed by/ and was in the great street called out ladies street/ because it was late. This said master with two brenning candles in his hands/ issued out of a little stage that he had made on the height of our ladies tower: And singing he went upon the cord all a long the great street/ so that all that saw him/ had marvel how it might be: And he bore still in his hands the two brenning candles/ so that it might well be seen over all Paris/ and two mile without Paris. He was such a tombler/ that his lightness was greatly praised. And before the church of our lady the bishop of Paris was revested with the arms of our lord jesa Christ/ with all the college and great number of other of the clergy. There the Queen a lighted out of her litter/ and was taken down by the four dukes/ that is to say: the duke Berrey/ the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Thourayne/ and the duke of Burbone: and all other ladies in likewise taken down by them that were their assysters/ both out of their litters and fro their horses/ and in good order. So they entered in to the church. The bishop and the clergy before them singing/ in the honour of god and of our blessed lady. the queen was led & assisted and brought up to the high altar/ and there she kneeled down and said her prayers/ such as pleased her/ and offered to the treasury of our lady four clothes of cloth of gold/ and the goodly crown that the angels died set on her heed/ and than incontinent sir Iohn de la river and sir johan le Mercyer delivered the bishop of Paris a more richer crown. And the bishop and the four dukes died set it on the queens heed. than they returned again through the church/ and the queen and the ladies set again in their litters/ as they were before. There were more than five hundred torches brenning for it was late. Thus they were brought to the palace of Paris/ where the king/ the old queen/ and the duchess of orleans her daughter were. There the queen and the ladies lighted fro their litters/ and each of them brought in to several chambers: and the lords went to their lodgings/ after the dancing was passed.  
THe next day Monday/ the king made them all a dyner at his palis. And at the hour of the high mass/ the queen was led with the foresaid four dukes in to the holy chapel: and there in the mass season the queen was sacred & anointed/ as a Queen ought to be: And the archbishop of Roan died the observance/ who was called sir William of Vyar. After the mass song solemnly/ the king and the queen returned in to their chambers/ and all other ladies such as had chambers in the palace. Than anon after the king and the queen returned in to the hall/ and all other ladies. The great table of Marble that always standeth still in the hall/ was made lengar with a great planch board of Oak/ of four inches thick/ which board was richly covered. And above the great table/ against one of the pillars/ was the Kings dressing board/ standing full of vessel of gold and silver/ which was greatly covered of many that saw it. Before the table a long descending down/ there were barrier's made of wood with three alyes/ & there were sergeants and ushers a great number keeping the entrees/ to the intent that none should enter/ but such as were seruytours of the table/ for the hall was so full of people that a man could not turn him/ but with moche pain. minstrels a great number pleasantly played/ every man after his faculty. Than the king and the prelate's/ and the queen and the ladies washed & sat down at the tables. At the kings table sat down as chief/ the bishop of Noyan/ than the bishop of Langers/ than the king/ and by the king the archbishop of Rohan. The king sat in a surcote of scarlet furred with armyns/ & a rich crown of gold on his heed. Than the queen/ and by her the king of Armyne/ than the duchess of Berry/ than the duchess of Burgoyne/ and the duchess of Thourayne: Than the lady of Nevers/ and the good damosel of Bare/ than the lady of Coucy and Mary of Harecourt. more there sat not at the high table/ saving beneath all sat the lady of Sailly/ wife to sir guy of Tremoyle. And at two other tables a long down the hall/ sat more than five hundred ladies and damosels. The press was so great/ that it was great pain to serve them with their messes/ which were great and no table. I have not to do to make great process thereof/ I shall so what speak of the pastimes that were made between the messes/ the which had been great pleasure for the king to have seen/ if he had tarried out the hole dinner.  
first in the mids of the palace there was a castle made of timber xl. foot long and twenty fore broad with four towers/ in every quarter one and one in the mids/ higher than the other.  
This Castle was figured for the city of Troy/ and the tower in the mids for the palace of ylion: And there were penons with the arms of the Trojans/ as of king Priamus/ Hector his son/ and his other children. And also the arms of such other kings and princes/ as were enclosed in Troy with king Priam. This castle went upon wheels/ the which might be turned every way properly. This castle came to assail another sort that was thereby in a pavilion/ which also went upon wheels/ so softly & covertly/ that the moving thereof could not be perceived/ and there was the arms or the kings of Grece/ and of other such as were at the siege. Also there was a ship properly devised/ wherein might well be a hundred men of arms/ and all moved by the craft of wheels/ both the Castle/ Pavilyon/ & ship. They of the pavilion and of the Ship/ assailed ever the castle/ and they within the Castle made great defence. But this sporce endure not long/ for the press of the people was so sore about them/ that no man could stir. The people were sore chafed with the heat/ and put to much pain. And there was a table by the parliament chamber door where at sat many ladies and damoselles. It was by reason of the press overthrown to the earth/ and the ladies caused suddenly to rise without order/ and sore chafed with the press and heat that was in the palace. The queen herself was at the point to have been sore displeased: Perforce a back door was broken up to get fresh air. The lady of Coucy was sore diseased. when the king saw this matter/ he commanded to cease/ and the tables in great haste to be taken up/ to let the ladies and damoselles at large. They left taking of wine and spices and went to their chambers. Than some of the ladies tarried still in the palace/ and some went in to the town to their lodgings/ to be the more at their ease: for with press and with heat/ they had been sore grieved. The lady Coucy went to her lodging/ & held her there till it was late.  
THan about five of the clock the French Queen/ accompanied with the foresaid duchesses/ departed fro the palace of Paris and took their litters all open/ and so went through the streets to the kings lodging/ called saint Polle/ on the river of Sayne. with the queen there were more than a thousand horses. And the king went fro the palace to the river of Sayne/ & took there a barge/ & went by water to his house of saint Polle. And for all that the house was great and large & well amended/ yet the king had caused in the great court near to the gate fro the river/ to be made a great hall which was covered over with clothes of the arms of Normandy: And the walls were hanged with clothes of arras of sundry histories. In this hall the king gave the ladies a supper/ but the queen kept her chamber/ she was no more seen that night. The other ladies and the king and the lords danced and reveled all that night/ nerchande till it was day in the morning. Than every person departed and went to their lodgings to sleep for it was good tyme. Now I shall show you what gifts and presents they of Paris gave on the Tuesday before noon to the queen and to the duchess of Thourayne/ who was but newly come in to France out of Lombardy/ for she was daughter to the duke of milan: and she had the same year wedded Joys duke of Thourayne. She was named Valentyne/ she had never before been at Paris/ therefore the burgesses of Paris gave her her welcome.  
ON this Tuesday about xii of the clock about a xl burgesses of Paris of the most notablest persons of the city/ all in one suit of clothing came to the kings house of saint Polle/ & brought a present for the queen through the streets of Paris. The present was in a litter richly wrought and borne between two strong men properly appareled like two ancient sage persons. The litter had a cellar of a thin five cloth of silk/ so that the jewels that were in the litter might well be seen through When they came to saint Polle/ first they came in to the kings chamber/ which was ready appareled to receive them/ for always such as bringeth any thing are welcome. than these burgesses set down the litter on two trestels in the mids of the chamber: Than they kneeled down before the king and said. Right dear lord and noble king/ your burgesses of Paris presenteth your grace these jewels here in this litter/ in the welcoming of your grace into the governance of your realm of France. Than the king said. good men I thank you/ they are right goodly and rich. than the burgesses rose & drew back/ & therewith took their leave. When they were gone/ the king said to sir William of Lords and to Montague/ who were by him. Sirs/ let us go near to this litter/ & see these presents more nearer. Than the king well regarded them. first there were four pots of gold/ six laver of gold/ & six plats of gold: All this vessel weighed a hundred and fifty mark of gold. In like manner another sort of burgesses richly appareled all in one livery/ came to the queen and presented her another litter/ which was borne in to her chamber/ showing how the good men of Paris died recommend them to her grace and sent her that present. Which present was a ship of gold/ two great flagons of gold/ two dredge boxes of gold/ two salts of gold/ six pots gold/ six laver of gold xii Lamps of silver/ two basons of silver. The some was three hundred mark/ what gold what silver. This present was brought in a litter between two men/ one in semblance of a Bear/ and the other in semblance of an Vnycorne. The third present in likewise was brought in to the duchess of Thourayns chamber by two men/ figured in the form of two black Moors richly appareled/ with white towells about their heeds like saracens. The litter was fair and rich/ covered with a fine cloth of silk and brought by xii burgesses all in one apparel/ who gave this present to the said duchess. In the which present there was a ship of gold/ a great pot of gold/ two ewers gold/ two great plats gold/ two salts gold/ six pots silver/ two dosin saucers sylner/ two dosyn bowls silver. Some gold and silver two hundred marks. This present greatly rejoiced the duchess of Thourayne/ as it was reason/ for it was goodly & rich/ and courteously she thanked them of their gift. Thus this tuesday these presents were given to the king/ the queen/ and to the duchess of Thourayne. It was greatly to be considered the valour of these presents/ & also the puissance of the Parisians. For it was showed me by one who saw all these presents/ that they cost the parisians more than threescore thousand crowns of gold. After these presents this delivered/ it was time to go to dinner: But that day the king and the queen & other ladies dined in their chambers/ the sooner to have done: For at three of the clock at after dinner they should draw in to the field of saint Katherine/ where as there was ordained stages and scaffolds a great number/ for the king and the queen and other to behold the jousts.  
¶ Now shall I name by order/ the knights that were called the kings knights/ of the son of gold there were thirty of them.  
first the duke of Berrey/ the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Burbone/ the earl de la March/ sir jaquemarte of Burbone his brother/ the lord Guillyam of Namure/ sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France/ sir johan of Vien/ sir james of Vien lord of Espaigny/ sir Guy of Tremoyle/ sir Gillyam his brother/ sir Phylyp of Bare/ the lord of Rocheforde bretone/ the lord of Rays/ the lord Beamond/ sir johan of Barbencon/ the hazle of France/ the lord of Tourty norman/ sir johan of Bars/ the lord of Nantoyllet/ the lord of Rochfouca●t/ the lord of Garanciers/ sir johan of Harpedante/ the baron Dinury/ sir William Marcyell/ sir raynold of Roye/ sir Geffrey of Caryn/ sir Charles of Changeet/ and sir Gylliam of Lignac. All these knights were armed and sheldes like there in the son ray/ and about three of the clock they were in the place of saint Kateryne/ and thither was come ladies and damosels. And first the queen came thither in a char richly appareled/ and all other ladies in good order/ and entered into the scaffolds that were ordained for them. Than came the french king ready appareled to just/ which pastime he loved right well/ he was well accompanied. Than the jousts began/ there were many lords of divers countries. Sir Gyllyam of Heynalt earl of Ostrenant jousted right goodly/ and so did such knights as came with him/ as the lord of Gomminies/ sir johan of Andregenes/ the lord of Cautan/ sir Ausell of Transegynes/ and sir Clinquart of Hermo/ all died well their devoir to the prays of the ladies. Also there jousted well the duke of Ireland/ who was all that season with the french king. Also there jousted well a knight of Almaigne/ beside the Ryne/ called sir Seruays of Mirando. These jousts were well continued/ but there were so many knights that one could not run for another/ and the dust with running of their horses was so great/ that it troubled them sore. The lord of Coucy did marvelously well. These jousts continued till it was night/ than they departed/ & the ladies brought to their lodgings. The king with his company was brought to his lodging of saint Pole/ and there was a supper for the ladies/ with such abundance/ that it were hard to record it/ and the feast and revel with singing and dancing till the next morning the son rising. And the prize of the jousts of the aunswerers/ that had best done and longest continued/ was given to the french king/ by consent of all the ladies/ and judgement of the heralds. and of the challengers the Halze of ●launders/ bastard brother to the duchess of Burgoyne. The knights complained of the dust so that some said they lost their deeds by reason thereof. The king made provision for it/ he ordained more than two hundred barrels of matter that watered the place/ whereby the ground was well amended/ and yet the next day they had dust enough and to much. Than the wednesday came to Paris the earl of saint Pole from out of England/ he had made great haste to come to these jousts and feast/ and he had left behind him in England sir johan of chattel Morant/ to bring the charter of the truce with him. The earl of saint Pole was well welcomed of the king and of all other lords/ and the Queen and all other were glad of his coming.  
ON the wednesday after dinner every man drew to the field/ and the ladies came thither in goodly array/ as they had done the day before/ and mounted upon their stages. Than the jousts began fiercely/ and was well continued till it was night. Than every person returned/ and the ladies had a great supper at saint Polle. Than the pryses were given by consent of the ladies/ and judgement of the heralds. of the answerers/ the prize was given to a squire of Haynalte called johan de Flaron/ who was come thither in the company of th'earl of Ostrenant. and of the challengers/ the prize was given to a squire of the duke of Burgoyns/ called johan de Pokerers. And again the thursday jousted knights & squires all together: every man pained himself to do well/ and it endured till night. And the ladies supped again at saint Polle/ and there the prize was given of the utter party to sir Charles of Armoyes/ and of them within to a squire of the queens/ called Lons. The friday the king made a dinner to all the ladies and damoselles/ and about the end of the dyner/ there entered in to the hall (the king sitting at the table) the duchess of Berrey/ the duchess of Burgoyne/ the duchess of Thourayne/ the counts of saint Polle/ the lady of Coucy/ and a great many of other ladies and damosels. they brought in two knights on horseback/ armed at all pieces for the jousts/ with their spears on their thighs. The one was sir Raynold of Roy/ and the other sir Bouciquant the younger/ and there they two jousted goodly together. Than came thither other knights/ sir Raynold of Troy's sir Gyllyam of Namure/ sir Charles of Armoyes/ and the lord of Garancyers/ the lord of Nantoyllet Lardenoys of ostend and divers other. all these jousted there the space of two hours before the king and the ladies. than they returned to their lodgings. That friday such ladies and damosels as would return to their own houses/ took their leaves of the king & of the queen/ and also such lords as would depart. The king and the queen thanked them of the pain they had taken/ coming to his feast. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the lord of the Chateau Morante/ whom the earl of saint Polle had left behind him in England/ returned in to France with the charter of the truce/ sealed by king richard and his uncles/ to endure three year by see and by land. Cap. C.lviii.  
AFter that all these lords and ladies were returned fro this great feast to their own houses/ than the lord of castle Morant/ whom the lord of saint Polle had left in England returned in to France/ to the king and to his counsel/ and showed forth the charter of the truce/ sealed by king richard of England/ and by his uncles and other/ to endure three year/ as well by see as by land/ and the words in the charter said. That whosoever breaketh by any manner of condition/ any point or article contained in that treaty/ should be taken and reputed as traitors/ and to run in a mortal punysyon. And because that the lord of Coucy was sovereign capitain chosen by the king and his counsel/ to defend and keep the outward marches/ between the river of Durdone and the see/ and all the country of Iwergne and Lymosyn. The copy of this treaty was delivered to him/ to the intent that he should publish and show it to all them that would do any thing to the contrary. And also to the intent that they of Vandachor/ of Chalusset of Dorbesidousac/ and of the garrisons the made war for the english title/ should have knowledge of that truce/ that they should make none excuse if they fell in the pain. In likewise the marshal of France the lord Joys of Xancer had also the copy thereof/ which was right needful/ for he was governor of the outward marches of Languedoc/ fro the river of Run and the bridge of Amyngnon/ and about the countries and signories apendaunt to the river of Dordone/ as the countries of Beaucaire/ of Carcassone/ of toulouse/ of rovergne/ of Dagen/ of Querca/ of Bygore/ of Pyergourte/ and of Lymogines. and in these countries were divers garrisons/ that smally regarded or obeyed any peace or truce/ but always intended to make mar/ as the castle of Cullyer/ & the strong castle of Londre in Bygore/ on the fronters of Byerne/ they were greatly feared of their neighbours. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ The marriage of king Joys son to the duke of Anjou/ to the daughter of king Peter of Aragone/ and how he went with the queen of Napoles his mother to avignon/ to see pope Clement. Cap. C.lix.  
IN this time there was a treaty made of a marriage between Joys of anjou/ son to the duke of Anjou/ who wrote himself king of Napoles/ of Cycyll/ and Iherusalem/ and earl of province/ and the daughter of king Peter of Arragon. The queen of Napoles went to Auygnone to see pope Clement/ and there she found the lord of Coucy/ and had in her company her young son Joys. The lord of Coucy was right joyous of her coming. The queen was received right honourably of pope Clement/ and of the cardinals/ as she was well worthy/ for she was a noble woman/ and a diligent in all her business. There she desired the lord of Coucye to help to convey her son Joys in to the realm of Arragone/ and to be about him till he were married. The lord of Coucye would not refuse it/ but ordained himself so to do and said. Madame/ there was no viage this six year/ that I would be more gladder to accomplish/ than to go in to the marches of Cicyll & Naples/ which my lord your son/ if I had licence of the king my sovereign lord. Sir quoth the lady I thank you/ I see well your good will/ I doubt not but the king will be content that ye go with my son in to Arragon: And the queen of Arragon will be glad to see you/ for your daughter hath married her brother sir Henry of bare The lord of Coucy agreed to go this voyage. Thus the young king of Cicyll took his journey well accompanied/ when he had taken his leave of the Pope and of his mother/ all weeping: For at the departing of the mother and the son/ caused their hearts to relent: For they should depart far a sunder/ & knew not when to see together again For it was ordained/ that when the marriage was accomplished/ that the young king and the young Queen should take the see at the port of Barcelone/ and so to go and arrive at the port of Naples/ or as near as they might.  
SO long this young king Joys journeyed/ that he passed Mountpellyer and Besyers'/ and so came to Narbone/ where he was received joyfully of every man. There they refreshed them and their horses one day/ and than departed and went to Parpygnen: the first town of the realm of Arragon. The coming of this young king was well known in the court of the king of Arragon. He sent men to meet with him and to convey him/ as the viscount of Ro●uebertyn and sir Raymonde of Baighes. So long they road/ that they came to the city of Barcelone/ where the king & the Queen and their daughter was. There the young king was nobl● received/ and specially the queen of Arragon was right joyous of the coming of the lord of Coucy/ and thanked the young king her son that should be/ for bringing of him in his company/ and said/ that all other matters should do and achieve the better. This Marriage was confirmed between these two children/ but because winter approached/ they delayed their voyage going to the See/ For in winter the great Sees are perilous. They said they would make their provision that winter/ to go in to Naples the next March after. The lord of Coucy being in Arragon/ received letters fro the French king/ commanding him to return. Than he took his leave of the king of Arragon and of the queen/ and of the young king and his wife/ and of all other lords such as were there/ and departed. And if he might have had leisure/ he would have returned by Avignon to have seen the pope and the old queen of Naples. But he sent to them his excuse/ and returned by Awergne in to France.  
When this marriage was made between the young king Joys of Cycyll/ and the daughter of the king of Arragon/ whereby there was great alya●ces between the parties/ and they of Arragon were bound to aid & to serve the young king/ to bring him in to the realm of Naples/ and not to leave him till he had the realm peaceably of Naples and of Cicyll/ with the appendauntes/ as Paul and Calabre/ and the city of Gaiet/ the which Margarete of Duras held. The aragonoys should serve him as long as his war endured with ii hundred spears at their cost and charge/ & a thousand crossbows/ and a thousand bregandiers. When the sweet time of March was come/ and that the winds were apealed and the waters suaged of their rages/ and the woods reverduced/ and that their provisions were made ready at Barcelone/ and the galees ready such as should go with the young king. Than he and his young queen took their leaves of the king of Aragone and of the queen/ who wept at their departing. than the queen recommended the young queen her daughter to the earl of roods/ a valiant knight/ & to sir Raymon of Baighes. These two took the special charge natwithstandinge that the earl of vrgel and the earl of Line were there in a great company. In these galees were a fifteen hundred spears/ two thousand crossbows/ & two thousand of other men of war/ with darts & pavesses. They went thus fortified and well acompanyed/ to resist the better if need were against their enemies. And also to resist all rencounters upon the see/ for it is a long way by the see fro Barcelone to Naples. And Margarete of Duras their adversary might trouble them by the way/ therefore they thought to go surely. ¶ Now we will leave to speak of this young king of Cicyll/ and speak of other business of the realm of France. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the French king had desire to go and visit the far parts of his realm: & how he went first in to Burgoyne and to Auygnon to see pope Clement. Cap. C.lx  
AFter this great feast was accomplished/ & that every lord and lady were gone home to their own houses/ as ye have herd here before: & that the French king saw that he had truce with England for three year: he had than imagination to go & visit his realm/ specially the outward marchesse of Languedocke. For the lord de la river and sir johan Mercier/ who were as than chief of his privy counsel. They exhorted him to go to Auygnon to see pope Clement and the cardinals/ who desired to see him/ and also to go to toulouse/ for they said to the king. Sir/ a king in his youth ought to visit his realm/ and to know his people/ and to learn how they be governed/ the which should be greatly to his profit/ and the better to be beloved with his subjects. The king lightly inclined to their counsel/ for he had desire to travail and see new things. And the lord de la river who was but newly come out of those marchesse/ heard great complaints of the people of toulouse/ of Carcassone/ & of Beaucayre. and they desired greatly to see the king/ for they had been sore charged with tails and aids by the duke of Berrey/ by the information of a servant of his called Betysache/ who had pity of no man: He so pilled the people that nothing was left/ therefore he counseled the king to go thither to provide some remedy/ And also that the king should send for the earl of Foize to come to him to toulouse. The king made him ready to go thither/ and sent afore all the way that provision should be made for his coming/ & sent word thereof to his uncle the Duke of Burgoyne and to his aunt the duchess/ how he would come a long through their country/ and would see his cousins their children/ and to bring in his company his brother the duke of Thourayne/ and his uncle of Burbone/ which pleased greatly the duke and the duchess. And the duke caused to be proclaimed a feast and a jousts to be holden at Dygnon. and knights & squires of Burgoyne/ of Savoy/ and of other marches adjoining were required to be at this feast. And so every man ordered themself accordingly.  
THus whiles the kings provision was a making/ to go to avignon & to Languedocke. The duke of Burgoyne on his part made great provision to receive the king/ and so died every man in their marchesse/ that purposed to be at the feast at Dignon. The same season other matters fell in France. ye have herd how the duke of Ireland (who was called earl of Oxenford) was banished out of England/ by the uncles of king richard/ and specially the duke of Gloucestre had greatest displeasure to him/ so that to save himself he was fled in to holland/ and tarried there but a small season/ in the town of Dordregh for he was fain to depart thence. For duke Aubert/ who was lord of that town and of Holande/ denied him the tarrying in his country/ for he would not keep him against the will of his cousins germans of England/ for all that the king of England had written for him/ yet he was fain to depart and to go to Trecte a franchises town for all manner of people/ paying for that they take. And the duke of Ireland had enough to pay. For beside that he brought with him/ he had threescore thousand franks out of France fro the Constable/ for the redemption of johan of Bretayne. And he was come to the French king under safeconduct/ and was there with him more than a year. The king made him good cheer/ because he was a stranger/ how be it true it was/ though this duke was with the king/ yet the lord of Coucy hated him in his herie/ for he had good cause. For though the duke in all affairs was provided of wit/ honour/ eloquence/ and of great largesse/ yet he had greatly trespassed against the lord of Coucies' daughter/ who was his wife lawfully spoused. And forsook her without any title of reason/ but by false and evil temptation and disobeyed/ was deceived. And took another wife/ a damosel of the queen of England's of the country of Boeme/ & the king and the queen of England sinfully consented thereto. And was dispensed by pope Urban of Rome/ at the instant desire of the king and queen of England. This sin grieved greatly the conscience of the duke of Ireland. And because the lord of Coucy/ who was of the counsel of France/ and well worthy so to be/ for he had done good service/ & was well able to do. He ꝓcured so moche by means of his friends/ as sir Oliver of Clysson and the lord de la river sir johan Marcyer and other/ That it was said to the duke of Ireland/ that he should depart out of France/ and to go and choose himself another place to abide in/ where he list/ so that it be not in the realm of France/ and thither he should surely be conveyed. The duke of Ireland saw well/ how he was daily in paryll by means of the lord of Coucy and his lineage. Wherefore he thought it should be best for him to go far of/ rather than to abide near. than he advised to draw in to Brabant/ and desired the king to write to the duchess of Brabant/ that it would please her to suffer him peaceably to abide in her country. The king wrote to his aunt the duchess of Brabant/ and she condescended to the kings desire. The duke of Ireland was conducted by men of the kings to Louayne and there he tarried/ and sometime he went to a castle not far of fro the town of Lovaygne/ the which he had borrowed of a knight of Brabant. With the duke of Ireland was the archbishop of york/ who in likewise was banished out of England/ all for one cause. This bishop was one of the Nevelles of England/ who in the country of Northumberland were puissant men/ both of lands and of lineage. There tarried these two lords at Lovayne or there about/ as I heard say/ as long as they lived: For they could never come to mercy nor peace with the king of England's uncles. I can no farther speak of them.  
ABout the feast of saint Mychell the French king departed fro his house of Beauty beside Paris/ and left there the queen/ and took his way by Troy in champagne to go in to Burgoyne/ & his uncle the duke of Burbone/ and duke Joys of Thourayne and the lord of Cou●y/ and many other lords and knights in his company. The king road so long that he came to Dignon. The duke of Burgoyne and the earl of Nevers his son were come before to the Chatelon on the river of Sayne. when the king was come to Dignon/ the duchess of Burgoyne and the countess of Nevers her daughter received the king joyfully/ and all other lords for love of the king. And to his welcoming to Dygnon/ many ladies and damosels were come thither to see him. there was the lady of Sully/ the lady of Vergy/ the lady of Pagny/ and divers other fair ladies and fresh/ and well appareled. Than began feesting/ dancing/ and carolling. These ladies enforced themself to dance & to sing/ and to make joy for love of the king: and the duke of Thourayne/ the duke of Burbone & of the lord of Coucy. Monday/ tuesday/ and wednesday/ all three days there was goodly jousts/ and prices given to the best doers. The king was eight days in the town of Dignon in great triumph and sport. The x. day he took leave of his uncle the duke of Burgoyne/ and of the duchess and their children. th'intent of the duke of Burgoyne was shortly after to follow the king his nephew and to go with him that journey. The king departed fro Dignon/ when he had taken his leave of all ladies and damoselles/ and road so long by his journeys that he came to Vile neufe beside Avignon. There his house royal was appareled for him/ & there was the cardinals of Amien's/ of Aigrevell of saint marcel/ of Chatell neufe/ and more than xiii. other came and met the king in the field/ & all were glad of the kings coming.  
THe duke of Berrey was come to Auygnon and was lodged in the pope's palace/ but he came to Vile neufe to the king/ and lay in the liver of arras called Amontays/ in the way to Mountpellyer. The duke of Burgoyne arrived there the next day that the king came thither/ by the water of Rone/ for the duke took a barge at Lyonsur le rone. Thus the king and these four dukes were together. Than they determined to pass the bridge of Avignon and to go & see the pope. And about ix of the clock in the morning the king passed the bridge/ acompanyed with his brother and his three uncles and xii cardinals/ and so went to the pope's palace/ and pope Clement was ready in his chamber of consystorie/ sitting in his chair of papality. When the French king came in to the chamber and saw the pope he inclined himself/ and when he came near the pope rose/ and the king kissed his hand & his mouth. Than the pope sat down and caused the king to sir down by him/ on a place purposely prepared for him. Than the dukes kiss the pope's hand and sat down among the cardinals. Anon it was time of dyner/ than they drew in to the pope's great chamber/ where the tables were ready covered. the pope watchet & sat down at a table alone and kept his estate. The French king sat down at another table alone/ and the cardinals and dukes sat down in order. The dinner was plentiful/ & after dinner they had wine and spices. Than the king and the four dukes went in to their chambers/ each of them had a chamber appareled in the palace/ and there they tarried a certain days. The .v. day after that the king came thither/ the young earl of Savoy cousin to the king/ and nephew to the duke of Burbone came thither. The king was right joyful of his coming. The French king/ the duke of Thourayne his brother/ and the earl of Savoy/ who were light of courage and of spirit/ though they were lodged in the pope's palace/ near to the pope and to the cardinals: yet for all that they would not abstain to dance and to carol/ and to make sport among the ladies and damoselles of avignon. And the earl of Genesne brother to the pope/ brought them in acquaintance with the ladies and damoselles of the town. The king gave great gifts to the ladies and damoselles/ whereby he had great laud and praise.  
THe pope and the cardinals were right joyful of the kings being there/ as it was reason that they should so be/ for without the love of the French king their port should have been but small. For they considered or ought to have considered/ that there was no king christened/ that were obedient to them/ except it were for love and favour/ and alliance of the French king. The king of spain and the king of Scots obeyed this pope Clement/ and the king of Arragon was but newly so determined/ and that made the queen yolande of Bare (who was cousin germayne to the French king) else he had not done so/ for before/ the king of Arragon and his father before him was as neuter. Therefore this pope and cardinals ought well to feast the French king/ saying their puissance and profit that they lived by to keep their estate/ came by means of the French king. Thus the king tarried there a certain season in great joy & sport. And for joy of the kings coming thither/ the pope opined his graces to all clerks being in the court for the space of a month. And gave the nomynations to the king/ of all coledges/ cathedrals/ and to every coledge two prebends/ and revoked all other graces before given/ and would that the kings graces should precede before (as they did) whereby many of the kings clerks were promoted. Also the pope gave graces to the duke of Thourayne/ the duke of Berrey/ the duke of Burgoyne/ and to the lord Coucy/ all other were stopped that had been granted before. The pope was so curtess & liberal/ that for love of the kings coming/ he granted every thing that was asked.  
When the king had been there a certain space/ the pope showed him his complaint/ how that the other pope of Rome greatly hindered his right/ & made moche trouble and difference in the church. The king heard him well/ and promised this pope Clement that after his return again in to France/ he would intend to none other thing/ but to bring the church in one accord. With those words the pope was greatly comforted. The king took his leave and returned to Vile Neufe/ and so died his brother and uncles of Berrey & Burgoyne. And there on a day the king made a dinner to all the cardinals and to the earl of Genesne brother to the Pope. After dinner they took their leaves/ for the king said/ that the next day he would ride toward Mountpellyer/ and he thanked them of the reverence that they had done to him. The cardinals returned to Auygnon. Than it was ordained that the king should depart the next day/ his brother and the duke of Burbone in his company. And so he did/ & took leave of his uncles of Berey and of Burgoyne/ and said/ how they should return in to their own countries/ for they should go no further with him at that time: For he said he would go to toulouse and send for th'earl of Foiz to come thither. His uncles were content therewith/ for as than the king had such counsel about him/ that the duke of Berrey and the duke of Burgoyns voices were not heard/ without it were in small matters. The governing of Languedocke was taken away fro the duke of Berrey/ and divided in to Seneschaunces to the kings profit/ whereof the countries and marchesse of Carcassone/ of Besyers'/ of Narbone/ of Fonges/ of Bygore/ and of toulouse/ were greatly rejoiced. For before that season they had been sore oppressed with tails/ that the duke of Berrey had raised on them: as ye shall here after when the matter requireth it.  
When the duke of Berey & the duke of burgoyn saw that the king would go to Mountpellyer and visit Languedoc/ and would not suffer them to go in his company/ they were sore displeased therewith howbeit sagely they disymuled the matter/ & said each to other. The king goeth in to Languedoc to make in●sycyon on them that governed there/ & to make a treaty with th'earl of Foiz/ who is the most proudest earl now lyveng. he never loved nor praised any neighbour that ever he had/ nouther French king/ England/ spain/ Arragon/ nor Naver. The king taketh with him of his counsel/ no more but river and Mercier/ Montague and the Beghe of Villains. How say you to this brother qd the duke of Berrey? The duke of Burgoyne answered and said. The king our nephew is young/ and he believeth young counsel: they shall deceive him/ for surely the conclusion shall not be good/ and that ye shall see. It must behove us to suffer for this present time/ but the time shall come that such as counseleth him shall repent and the king also. Let him go on god's name whider it shall please him/ and let us return in to our own coutreis'/ As long as we hold to guider/ there is none shall do us any wrong. We are two of the chief members of France. Thus these two dukes devised together/ & the French king departed the next day and took the way to Nymes/ and road thither to dinner. The said two dukes tarried still with the Pope three days/ and the lord of Coucy in likewise. the fourth day they departed & road in to their own countries/ and the king went fro Nymes and lay all night at lunel.  
When the king departed fro lunel he went to dinner to Moutpellyer/ it was but three little miles. There he was received of the burgesses/ ladies/ and damosels of the town/ for they greatly desired to see the king/ and many rich presents were given to him/ for Mountpellyer is a puissant town/ rich/ & full of merchandise. The king praised the town much/ and well considered their puissance. And it was showed the king that the town had been much richer before than it was at that present time: For the duke of Anjou and the duke of Berrey/ each of them in their turn had greatly pilled them. The king was sorry that the good people had endured so moche damage/ and said/ how he would reform the country in to a better state Than it was showed the king/ that the poverty of that town was nothing/ to that he should find forward/ For that town of itself hath good means of recoveraunce/ by reason of the merchandise that is there used/ both by land and by see. But in the marchesse of Carcassone & Tholous'/ & thereabout/ where as the said two dukes had the governance. Look on what thing they had puissance to lay on their hands there was nothing left/ but all taken away. For ye shall find the people there so poor/ that such as were wont to be rich and puissant/ now they are scant able to labour their wines nor lands. It is a great pity to see them/ their wives/ and children. for they have had every year five or six tails laid on their shoulders/ and are ransomed to the third or fourth part of their substance/ & sometime to all together. One tail could not be paid/ but that another was ready in the neck thereof. for sir/ as it is well known these two dukes your uncles while they ruled in Languedocke/ they have levied in the country fro Vile Neufe in to Tholousyn/ round about to the river of Garon/ and returning to the river of Dordone/ the sum of xxx hundred thousand franks. And specially sith the duke of Anjou departed/ the duke of Berrey hath done the more damage for he found the plain country and commonty in good case/ for the duke of Anjou took but of the rich men/ who had wherewith to pay. But the duke of Berrey spared neither poor nor rich/ for he gathered all before him specially by one of his counsel his treasurer named Betysache/ who is of the nation of the city of Besyers'. As ye shall here by the complaints of the people that will cry out on him. To these words the king said. As god have my soul/ I shall provide for this matter or I return/ & I shall punish the trespassers. For I shall make an inquisition of the servants and o●nycers of mine uncles such as had ruled here before in the parcies' of Languedocke/ and such as have deserved shallbe corrected.  
The king tarried at Mount pellyer the space of xii days/ for the order of the town and the pastime of ladies and damoselles/ such as he found there pleased him greatly. To say truth the king/ as at/ that time was in his lusty youth/ and light & quick of spirit. He danced and caroled among the frysco ladies and damoselles of the town sometime all night: And gave and made banquets and suppers largely/ and would give to the ladies and damosels rings of gold and chains/ to them that he reputed worthy The king died so moche that he had great laud and praise. And some of them would that he had tarried there lengar than he did/ for he kept revel/ dancing/ and solas: and every day it was new to begin. ¶ ye have herd oftentimes said/ how the sport of ladies and damosels encourageth the hearts of young lusty gentlemen/ and causeth them to desire and to seek to get honour. I say this because with the king there was three gentlemen of high enterprise and of great valour and that they well showed/ as ye shall here. first there was the young sir Boucequant/ the other sir Raynold of Roy/ and the third the lord of saint Pye. These three knights were chamberleyns with the king/ and well beloved with him for they were well worthy They were fresh/ and served him well in arms/ and in all other matters. These three being at mountpelier among the ladies & damosels/ they took on them to do arms the next summer after. And as I was informed/ the principal cause that inclined them thereto was/ as I shall show you. ye know well as it hath been rehearsed here before in this history how that in the days of king Charles there was an english knight called sir Peter Courtney (a valiant knight in arms) came out of England in to France to Paris/ and demanded to do arms with sir Guy of Tremoyle/ in the presence of the king or of such as would see them. sir Guy would not refuse his offer/ and in the presence of the king and of other lords/ they were armed on a day & ran together one course. And than the king would not suffer them to ryn again together/ wherewith thenglyssenglish he knight was right evil content. For as he showed/ he would have furnished his challenge to the utterance/ but he was appeased with fair words. and it was said to him/ that he had done enough he ought to be content therewith. The king and the duke of Burgoyne gave him fair gifts and presents. Than he returned again towards calais. And the lord of Clary who was a friscay and a lusty knight was charged to convey him. They road so long together that they came to Lucynen/ where as the countess of saint Poule lay/ sister to king Richard of England. The lady was joyful of the coming thither of sir Peter Courtney/ for she had married first his cousin the lord of Courtney/ but he died young/ and after she married the earl of saint Poule. The english men called her madame Courtney/ and not Countess of saint Poule. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How sir Peter Courteney came in to France to do arms with sir guy of Tremoyle/ And how the lord of Clary conveyed him/ and by what occasion he died arms with him in the marchesse of Calais. Cap. C.lxi  
THus as sir Peter of Courtney and the lord of Clary were at Lucenen in Arthoys with the countess of saint Paul/ who was right joyous of their coming. And as they devised of many things/ the countess demanded of sir Peter Courtney/ what he thought of the state of France. He answered and said. Certainly madame/ the states of France are well and goodly served/ we can not be so served in our country. Sir quoth the lady. Do the lords of France and the manner there content you? Have they not made you good cheer? Surely madame quod he/ their there contenteth me passynglye well/ but in the case that I passed the See for/ they have but easily acquitted me therein. And madame I will ye know/ that if the lord of Clary here present had come in to England/ and desired to have done arms with any man/ he should not have departed or he had been answered at his pleasure. But I am served to the contrary. True it was sir guy dela Tremoyle and I were armed in the field each against other/ and ran together but one course. Than it was showed me fro the king that we should do no more/ saying how we had done enough. Wherefore madame I say and will say where soever I become/ that I could find none to do arms with me/ and that was not in my defaute/ but in the knights of France. The lord of Clary noted well his words/ and held his pease with great pain. How be it he suffered him/ because he had the charge of the conveyance of him. Than the countess said. Sir/ ye departed right honourably fro France/ when ye obeyed to the kings desire/ for ye could do no more/ sith it was his pleasure that ye should nat.  
IN coming/ returning/ and doing as ye have done/ none can lay any fault in you. All such as shall here there of/ on this side the see or on the other/ shall repute in you more honour than blame wherefore sir I require you be content therewith. Madame quod the knight so I do and shall do/ I shall never take thought for it. Thus they left that matter and fell in other talking: There he tarried all that day and night. The next morning sir Petr Court nay took his leave of the Countess of saint Poule/ and she gave him at his departing a little chain of gold/ and to the lord of Clary another. Thus in the morning they departed fro Lucenen/ and took the way to Bouloygne and came thither and there lay all night/ and the next day road towards Margyson to go to Calais.  
between Boloygne and calais are but seven or eight leagues/ and fair plain way. When they came near to Calais/ there sir Peter of Courtney said to the lord of Clary. Sir/ we be now in the king of England's land/ and ye have well acquitted you in the conveyance of me and of your company/ I thank you. The lord of Clary who had displeasure in his heart/ for the words that sir Peter had spoken at Lucenen/ in the presence of the countess of saint Pole and other. Which words he thought he would not suffer to rest in that case/ for he reputed them to haute and too high against the honour of the chivalry of France/ for he understood him that he said how he was come out of England in to France/ to do arms/ and how there were none that would answer him. Than the lord of Clary at their leave taking said. Sir Peter/ ye be now in the king of England's land/ and sir/ I have conveyed you hither by the commandment of the king my master and of the duke of Burgoyne. And ye remember well this last day when we were in the countess of saint Paul's chamber/ who made us good cheer. ye spoke there over largely/ as me thinketh/ to the great prejudice & blame of the knights of France. For ye said/ how ye came fro the kings court/ & could find none to do arms with you. By the which words may be understand/ that there is no knight in France that dare do arms or just with you/ three courses with a spear. Wherefore sir/ I will that ye know that here I offer myself/ though I be one of the most simplest knights in all France. And say and justify/ that the realm of France is not so void of knights/ but that ye shall well find yvowe to do deeds of arms with you. And sir/ if ye list ye shall find me ready to answer you/ be it incontinent/ this night or to morrow. I say not this for any hatred that I have to your person. I do it all only to maintain the honour of our ꝑtie/ For I would not ye should return to Calais or in to England/ to make your avaunt that without stroke stricken/ ye should discomfit the knights of France. Sir answer me if it please you to my words. Sir Peter Courtney was soon counseled what answer to make/ and said. Sir of Clary/ ye speak well/ and I accept your demand And I will that to morrow in this same place/ ye be armed at your pleasure/ and I shall be in like wise. And than let us run each at other three courses with a spear/ and thereby ye shall win again the honour of the French court/ and ye shall do me a great pleasure. Sir quoth the lord of Clary/ I promise you/ I shall not fail to be here at the hour ye have assigned. Thus these two knights promised each other to just. The lord of Clary returned to Marguysen/ & there provided him of his armure/ shield/ spear and horse. He had anon all that he lacked for on the fronters of calais and Boloyne men were soon provided. There he made his provision/ as shortly as he might/ for he would natte that over many should have known thereof. In like manner sir Peter Courtney when he came to calais/ he forgot not the promise that he had made. But provided him of good armure/ and of every thing else. As for harness he had ready/ such as he had carried with him out of England in to France. As at that time sir johan Bernes was captain of calais. Sir Peter showed him the promise that was made between him and the lord of Clary. Than sir johan Bernes said/ how he would accompany him thither/ and other good fellows of calais. The next day these two knights came to the place appointed/ the english knight came moche better accompanied than died the French knight/ for the captain of calais was with him. When they were come together/ there was but few words between them. They knew well enough wherefore they were come. they were both well armed and horsed/ and took their sheldes. Than they took their spears with sharp heeds well filed/ and spurred their horses and ran together. The first course they failed/ wherewith they were both sore displeased. At the second just they met so together/ that the lord of Clary struck the english knight through the ●arge and through the shoulder a handful/ and therewith he fell fro his horse to the earth. The Lord of Clary passed forth and kept his course and turned and stood still/ for he saw well how the english he knight was unhorsed/ & how that many men were about him He thought surely than that he was hurt/ for his spear was brokenne in pieces: Than he road to them. And the english men came to the lord of Clary and said. Sir/ ye be no courtesy juster. Wherefore quoth the lord of Clary. because qd they ye have hurt this knights shoulder/ ye might more courteously have jousted. sirs qd he/ that courtesy lay not in me/ seeing I was appareled to just/ for the same case or worse might have fallen to me aswell as to him. How be it sir/ I require you demand of him or else will I/ whither he will do any more or ●atte. Than sir johan Bernes said. Nay nay sir knight/ ye may depart when ye list ye have done enough. Than the lord of Clary departed with his company/ and the english men led sir Peter Courtney to calais/ to be healed of his hurts. And the lord of Clary returned in to France/ thinking that he had right well done/ and that he should have had for that deed great laud and praise/ But I shall show you what fell thereof.  
When tidings came to the French king and to the duke of burgoyne/ and to their counsel: how that the lord of Clarye had done arms with sir Peter Courtney/ in returning to Calais/ so that the said sir Peter was hurt/ and in paryll of death. The king and the duke/ and specially sir guy of Tremoyle were sore disposed with the lord of Clary/ and said: how he had done (at the least) as much as to lose his lands/ and to be bannysshed the realm of France for ever/ without appeal. And some other (such as would him no good will) said: how he had done like a false traitor/ saying a strange knight under the kings save guard/ should be required by him to do deeds of arms/ and by that means to be brought to the jeopardy of death. They said such a deed ought not to be pardoned. The lord of Clary was sent for: he came to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne. There he was examined and laid to his charge/ and demanded how he durst be so outrageous to a knight stranger that was come to the kings court for good love and to exalt his honour/ to do feats of arms/ and departed thence with good love and joy. And the intent that he should not be troubled by the way/ in his returning was delivered to him to conduyt. and than at the departing of both realms/ he to be so bold to do arms with him in camp or jousts mortal/ without licence of his sovereign lord of whom he holdeth his land. It was showed him the trespass was so great/ that it was not to be pardoned/ but to be punished so highly/ that all other should take ensample thereby. The lord of Clary when he heard those words he was abashed/ for he thought he had done well/ and for to have had thank. Than he said. My lords/ it is of truth/ sir Peter of Courtney was delivered to me to conduct and to keep him company till he came to Calais/ or to the frontiers thereof. And of all that I had in charge I have well and truly acquitted myself/ and if need be/ I shall prove it by the witness of himself. And true it was/ that by the way when we came to Lucyen to the countess of saint Poule/ who received & made us good cheer. There sir Peter Courtney had certain words/ as I shall show you.  
THe countess demanded of him and said. sir Peter of Courtney. how are ye content with the Lords of France/ and with the manner of France? he answered courteously and said. Madame/ the manner of France is right noble and goodly. As for the lords of France I am right well content with their cheer/ except in one thing/ and that is with great pain and travail and great cost/ I have issued out of England to do deeds of arms/ and so came to the french kings court/ but there I knew not with whom to do arms. Thus my lords/ when I heard him say so in the presence of so noble a lady/ as the countess of saint Poule/ sister to the king of England/ the words were right heavy to me to bear. how be it I suffered them for that time/ because I had the charge of the conveyance of him. I never made semblant thereof to him/ as long as we were in company together within the realm of France. And at our leave taking in the marchesse of Calais/ true it is/ than I laid unto him the said words and said/ how they were not courteously spoken/ nor honourably. For the words sounded that the chivalry of France was so abated/ that none durst do deeds of arms with him Than I said if he would abide thereby/ that I was one of the knights of France borne of the nation. And I said I would not that he should make his avaunt in England/ that he could not find in France/ nor by the way/ with whom to do arms. Therefore I said I was ready/ and desired to do arms with him/ and to fulfil his pleasure and desire/ as to run three courses with a spear/ the same day or the next. Certainly my lords/ I said these words for the honour of the realm of France/ and the chyvalry thereof. And me thonght he had great joy thereof/ and accepted to do arms with me the next day and so died I/ and the next day we met at the same place. He was a companied with them of the garrison of Calais/ And with me there were certain of the fronters there/ knights and squires: as the lord of Mount carell and sir johan of Longuyllers. There we jousted together as well as we could/ and the adventure of arms fell so that at the second course I struck him through the shoulder/ so that he fell to the earth. Than I returned again to know if he would do any more. Than the captain of Calis said it was sufiycient that was done/ and that I might depart when I list. And than I returned. I believed I had right well done/ and well defended the honour of the realm of France/ and of the knights therein. Thus I have showed you the very truth of this deed/ for my well doing of this amends shall follow/ I report me and will abide the judgement of my lord the Constable/ and my lords the high marshals of France. And beside that/ to the voice and discretion of the knight himself sir Peter curtney/ at whose request I died these arms. And also I report me to all knights and squires of honour/ both of France and of England/ credibly informed of the hole matter.  
When the lord of Clary had showed the matter/ and sagely made his excusations/ as ye have herd. It greatly assuaged their and displeasure of th●● that had complained of him. How be it for all his words and excusations/ he could not be delivered/ but was committed to prison. & there tarried a long season in great danger/ of losing of all his lands/ and to be banished for ever. but the lord of Coucy and ●he duke of Bourbon/ they laboured sore for his deliverance/ and with moche pain they made his peace/ with the aid of the countess of saint Puole/ before whom the words were spoken. Than at his deliverance it was said to him. Sir of Clary/ ye supposed to have done right well/ how be it ye died shamefully/ when ye offered to do arms with sir Peter Courtney/ who was under the kings save guard/ and delivered to you to conduct to calais by the kings commandment. ye died a great outrage/ when ye renewed the words the which were spoken but in sport before the countess of saint Poule. Or ye had done it/ ye aught to have returned to the king and have showed him the words that should have swooned against the honour of the knights of France: & than what counsel the king had given you/ ye aught to have followed. & because ye died not thus/ ye have had this pain. Beware better another time/ & thank the lord of Burbone and the lord of Coucy of your deliverance/ for they have sore laboured for you: & also the lady of sayut Poule. Quod the lord of Clary/ my lords I thank you all/ how be it I thought I had done well. Thus he departed. ⸪ ⸫   

¶ How the jousts at saint Inguelyert/ otherwise called Sandyngfelde were enterprised: By sir reynold of Roy/ the young sir Boucyquant/ and the lord of saint Pye. Cap. C.lxii  
THe French king lay at the good town of mountpellyer in great mirth and sport/ and at a banquet that the king made to the Ladies and damoselles of the town/ There was rehearsed all this said matter of the lord of Clary and of sir Peter Courtney. True it was/ I began to speak of three valiant knights/ of the young sir Bauciquaunt/ sir reynold of Roy/ and the lord of saint Pye. The which three enterprised to do deeds of arms in the fronter beside Calais in the time of Summer next after/ abiding all knights & squires strangers the term of xxx days/ who soever would just with them in jousts of peace or of war. and because thenterprise of these three knights seemed to the French king and his counsel to be an high enterprise. There it was said to them/ that they should put it in writing/ because the king would see th'articles thereof/ that if they were to high or to outrageous/ that the king might amend them/ because the king nor his counsel would not sustain any thing that should be unreasonable. These three knights answered and said. It is but reason that we do thus/ it shall be done. Than they took a clerk and caused him to write as followeth.  
FOr the great desire that we have to come to the knowledge of noble gentlemen/ knights and squires strangers/ as well of the realm of France as else whereof far countries/ we shall be at saint Ingylbertes/ in the marches of calais/ the twenty day of the month of May next coming/ and there continue thirty days complete/ the fridays only except/ and to deliver all manner of knights and squires/ gentlemen strangers of any manner of nation/ whatsoever they be that will come thither for the breaking of five spears/ either sharp or rokettes at their pleasure. And without our lodgings shall be the sheldes of our arms/ both on the sheldes of peace and of war/ and who so ever will just/ let him come or send the day before/ and with a rod touch which shield he please/ if he touch the shield of war/ the next day he shall just with which of the three he will. and if he touch the shield of peace he shall have the jousts of peace and of war. So that who soever touch any of the sheldes show or cause to be showed their name to such as shallbe there limited by us to receive their names/ and all such knights strangers as will just/ to bring some noble man on their party/ who shall be instructed by us what ought to be done in this case. And we require all knights and squires strangers that will come and just/ that they think nor imagine in us that we do this for any pride/ hatred/ or evil will/ but all only we do it to have their honourable company and acquaintance/ the which with our entire hearts we desire. Nor none of our sheldes shall be covered with iron nor steel/ nor none of theirs that will come to just with us/ without any manner of frauds/ advantage/ or male engine/ but every thing to be ordered by them that shall be committed by either part to govern the jousts. And because that all gentlemen/ noble knights and squires to whom this shall come to knowledge/ in that it should be reputed farm and stable/ we have sealed this present writing with the seals of our arms. written at mountpelier the twenty day of Novembre/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and nine/ and signed thus. raynold du Roy/ Boucyquant/ saint Pye.  
OF the high courage and enterprise of these three knights the french king was right joyful thereof/ and or the matter went forward every thing was well examined and seen/ that no fault should be therein found. Some of the kings counsel thought it was not reasonable/ that these arms should be done so near to calais/ for the english men might take it for a presumption/ the which would be eschewed/ because of the truce that is taken between England and France/ to endure for three year/ wherefore they said there ought nothing to be written nor done/ that should be occasion of any dyscensyon to be had between the realms. The kings counsel rested on this matter a hole day/ and wist not what to do/ they would faint have broken it. Such as were sage said it were not good always to consent to the purpose of young people/ for often times thereby may grow incydentes/ rather evil than good. How be it the king who was young inclined greatly to these knights/ and said. Let them do their enterprise/ they are young and courageous/ they have promised & sworn to do it before the ladies of Mountpellyer/ we will that the matter go forward/ let them purse we their enterprise. when every man saw that it was the kings pleasure/ there were none durst say against it/ wherefore the knights were right joyful. And so it was concluded and agreed that the matter should go forward as the knights had written and sealed. than the king sent for the three knights into his chamber apart/ and said to them. Sirs/ in all your doing regard wisely the honour of us and of our realm/ and to maintain your estate spare nothing/ for we shall not fail you for the expense of ten thousand franks. The three knights kneeled down before the king and thanked his grace.  
THus the french king took his sport in the good town of Mountpellyer a fifteen days/ most part with ladies and damosels. And the king and his counsel had perfectly regarded the business and necessities of the town/ for principally he was come thither for the same cause. and by the advise of his counsel every thing was well reformed and brouggt to good estate/ and their oppressions do one away/ whereby the good people had been sore travailed. Than the king took his leave of the ladies and damoselles/ and in a morning he departed and went to dinner to Al●pyam/ and at night lay at Vbere/ the next day to Besyers'/ where he was goodly received/ for the good men of the town greatly desired to see him/ and so did all the countries/ both of Pesenas/ of Cabestan/ and of Narbone/ for they were ready to make complaints to the king of the duke of berry's office called Betisache/ who had pilled the countries. This Betysach fro that time the king came fro avignon/ he road always in his company/ but no man showed him as they thought/ for they might have given him warning if they had list/ but they drove him forth with fair words/ and such promised him nothing but honour/ as thought the contrary. The king entered into Besyers' between three & four at after noon/ he was met with procession without the town with all the clergy and burgesses/ and ladies and damoselles. as the king came riding they were a both sides of the way/ and did their reverence. So he came to the cathedral church and there alighted at the door/ where there was an altar made/ richly garnished with jewels and relics. There the king kneeled down and did his prayers/ and than entered in to the church with the bishop of Besyers'/ and his uncle the duke of Burbone and other lords followed after. then the king went to his lodging to the palace/ which was not far thence/ and his brother the duke of Thourayne and the duke of Burbone with him/ and the other lords were lodged abroad in the town/ where as they were well and easily lodged/ for Besyers' is a good city. ⸪   

¶ Of the complaints made to the king by the people of Languedoc in the town of Besyers'/ against Betysach treasurer to the duke of Berrey of the great extorsyons that he had made/ and of the confession that he made/ and of the cruel death that he had in the said town. Cap. C.lxiii.  
Three days the king was at Besyets in great joy and revel among ladies and damosels/ and all that time Betysache was nothing spoken unto/ but the enquisirours who we● ordained by the king/ did secretly inquire of his deeds/ and they found by inquest divers cases horrible/ not to be pardoned. The fourth day that the king had been there/ this Betysache was called before the kings counsel in a chamber/ and there straightly examined/ and it was said to him. Betysache/ answer wisely to these writings that ye see here. There was showed him a great number of bills of complaints that were put up to the king against him/ making mention of the extortions that he had done to the people. All these bills of complaints were red before him one after another. To some he answered wisely/ making his excuse/ and to some he plainly denied them and said. I know nothing of those matters/ lay them to the seneschalles of Beaucayr and of Carcassone/ and to the chancellor of Berry/ it pertaineth to them to answer to those matters. How be it finally it was showed him that he must keep prison for a time/ till the matter were better examined. He obeyed because he might not choose. As soon as he was in prison the inquysitours went to his lodging/ and took into their hands all such writings and accounts as they found there/ which partayned to such matters as he had intermeddled with all before/ and they aviewed them at leisure/ and found in them the reckonings of great sums of money/ such as had been raised and levied of the people. Than he was demanded where all that money was become and whether the sums were true or not/ he answered and said/ as for the sums are true/ and the money delivered to the duke of Berrey/ and so passed through his hands and his treasurers/ whereof I have good quyttaunces in my lodging in such a place/ the which quitaunces were sent for before the counsel and there they were red/ and they agreed with the sums of his receit. Than the counsel and the enquysytours were appeased/ and Betysache sent again to a curtess prison. Than the counsel communed together on that matter/ and said. It seemeth that Betysache is clear of such causes as are laid to his charge/ for the money that hath been raised/ the duke of Berrey hath had it/ how so ever it hath been spent.  
ALl things considered/ Betysache excusations were lawful/ for the duke of Berrey was the most covetous man in all the world/ so he might get good he cared not where nor how he had it/ and when he had it he would bestow it but simply/ as many lords do and have done in times passed. Thus the kings counsel saw no fault in Betysache/ whereby he should lose his life. some were of that opinion and some contrary/ & said. Betysach hath done so many cruel deeds/ and hath so sore inpoverysshed the people/ for to accomplish the desire of his lord the duke of Berrey/ that the blood of the poor people crieth out/ and sayeth/ how he hath deserved death. For he that is a man borne of these parties/ and counsellor with his master/ and saying the poverty of the people/ he aught in good manner to have showed the troth to the duke his master/ and if the duke would not have herd him/ than he should have come to the king/ and to his counsel/ and have showed them the poverty of the people/ and how the duke of Berrey had daulte with them/ than he had been well excused. So Betysache was sent for again to the counsel/ and straightly examined where the money that had been gathered was become/ for they found the some of thirty hundred thousand franks received. He answered thereto and said. My lords/ it were herd for me to tell where my lord the duke of Berrey hath bestowed it. Moche he hath laid out on buildings and reparations of castles and houses/ also he hath bought certain lands in the county of Boloygne/ and in the county of Estampes. Also he hath spent moche in buying of precious stones and jewels/ the which ye know well he hath always been desirous to buy. Also he is well stuffed to maintain the estate that he hath always kept. Also he hath given such gifts and rewards to Thybaulte and Morynot/ and to his servants about him/ in such wise that they be rich men. Well Betysache quoth they of the counsel/ and ye have had for your part to your singular profit a hundred thousand franks. My lords quoth he that I have had was by the consent of my lord the Duke of Berrey/ for he would that his servants should become rich. Than the counsel said all with one voice. A Betysach that word is foolishly spoken/ that richesse is not good nor reasonable that is evil gotten/ ye shall return again in to prison/ and we shall take further advise/ on that ye have said and spoken. ye must abide the pleasure of the king/ to whom we shall show all your excusations. My lords quoth he all shall be as god will. Than he was again set in prison/ and there remained four days or he was sent for again.  
When these tidings were spread abroad in the country that Betysach was in prison/ and that inquire was made of his deeds/ and that it was published that who so ever had any matter to him should come forth. thereby moche people came to Besyers'/ and put up supplications to the king of the cruel deeds of Betysach. Some complained of him that he had disherited them without cause or reason. And other complained of him that he had by force taken their wives and daughters. When the kings counsel saw so many great causes laid to Betysache/ they were weary thereof. And beside all these complaints he was sore behated with the people. And all this came to him by reason to fill the duke of berry's purse/ he did ever what he would have him to do. The kings counsel wist not what to do/ for than there was come thither two knights fro the duke of Berrey/ the lord of Nantonelet and sir Peter Mespyn/ who had brought letters to the king fro the duke/ and they in the duke's behalf avowed all that ever Betysach had done before/ and the duke required the king and his counsel to have again his man and treasurer. The king had great hatred to Betysach/ because of the evil name and fame that ran upon him. The king and the duke of Thourayne his brother inclined greatly to have had him hanged/ saying how he had well deserved it. But the kings counsel durst not judge him for dought of the duke of Berrey. They said to the king/ sir if the duke of Berrey avow all his deeds what so ever they be/ we can not see by no way of reason that he hath deserved death/ for the season that he meddled in these countries by ceasing of tails/ subsydyes'/ and aids/ and receiving of them/ he did it at the instance of the duke of Berrey who had at that time there puissance royal/ as well as ye have now. but sir/ according to the deserts of his deeds/ ye may seize in to your hands all his movables and heritages/ and leave him in the same case as the duke of Berrey found him first/ and with his goods make restitution to such poor men as be unto by him. What should I make long process/ Betysache was at the point of his deliverance with the loss of his goods/ till at the last other tidings came in place. I shall show you what.  
I knew not nor I could not know but by knowledging of himself/ if he were in deed so evil as he judged himself/ he said he was an heretic and had done many horrible deeds. As it was showed me there came some to him on a night being in prison to put him in fear/ whether they were his friends or foes I know not/ they said. Betysach thou art in a hard case/ the french king/ his brother/ and the duke of Burbone doth hate you mortally/ there be so many complaints put up against you fro divers place/ of such oppressions as ye have done when ye had rule in Languedoc/ so that they all judge you to be hanged/ for ye can not scape with the loss of your goods/ the which hath been offered to the king. But the king who hateth you mortally/ hath answered how that all your goods are his/ and your body also/ the which he sayeth he will not keep long. I show you this for good will/ for to morrow it is thought ye shall be delivered to be judged to die. Those words greatly afraid Betysach/ and said to them. Ah saint Mary is there no remedy. yes quod they/ to morrow say how ye would speak with the kings counsel/ & than other they will come to you or send for you to them/ and when ye be in their presence/ than say thus. My lords I knowledge myself I have greatly displeased god/ and for the displeasure he hath to me/ this false slander is raised on me. Than they will demand of you wherein. Than ye shall answer/ how ye have a long season arred in your faith/ and that ye be an heretic/ and keep still that opinion. When the bishop of Besyers' shall here that/ he will then challenge to have you in his keeping/ than ye shall be delivered to him/ for such causes ought to be declared by the law of the church/ than ye shall be sent to avignon/ there will be none against the duke of Berrey/ the pope will not displease him/ and by this means ye may be delivered/ and neither lose body nor goods. But if ye bide still in the case that ye be in/ ye shall not scape paste to morrow/ but that ye shall be hanged/ for the king hateth you because of the slander of the people. Betysache who trusted on that false information/ for he that is in apparel of death knoweth not well what to do/ wherefore he answered and said. ye be my friend and counsel me truly/ where of god thank you/ and I trust the time shall come that I shall thank you. The next morning he called the jailor and said. Friend I require you cause such men and such to come to speak with me/ and named such as were the enquysitours over him. The jailor showed them how Betysache would speak with them. They came to him and demanded what he would. He answered and said. Sirs/ I have searched my conscience/ I knowledge myself I have highly displeased god/ for long time I have arred against the faith/ I never believed of the trinity/ nor that the son of god would come so low/ as to come fro Heaven to come in to this world to take human kind of a woman. for I believe and say/ that when we die there is nothing of the soul. Ah saint Mary quoth they/ Betysach ye are greatly against holy church/ your words demandeth for a fire/ advise you better. I can not tell quod Betysache whether my words demandeth fire or water/ but I have holden this opinion sith I have had knowledge/ and shall hold it till I die. The enquysitours would hear no more of him at that time/ and were glad to find such a matter against him/ thereby to put him to death. Than they commanded the jailer to keep him straightly/ and to suffer no man to speak with him/ to the intent that he should not be turned fro that opinion. then they went to the kings counsel and showed them all the matter/ than they went to the king and showed him all the manner of Betysache (as ye have herd) whereof the king had great marvel & said. We will that he be put to death/ it is an evil man/ he is a false heretic and a thief/ we will he be brynte and hanged/ than he shall have as he hath deserved/ he shall not be excused for all mine uncle of Berrey. Anon these tidings were spread abroad in the city of Besyers'/ how Betysache had of his own voluntary will without any constraint confessed how he was an heretic/ and had used long the sin of bowgery/ and how the king had said how he should be brynte and hanged/ whereof moche people were right joyous/ for he was sore hated. the two knights that were come thither fro the duke of Berrey were greatly abashed and wist not what to suppose. Than sir Peter Mesquyn said to the lord of Nantonelet. Sir/ I fear me Betysache is betrayed/ peradventure some person hath been with him secretly in the prison/ and hath borne him in hand that if he hold that horrible error/ that the church than shall challenge him/ and so be sent to Avignon to the pope/ and thereby be delivered. Ah fool that he is/ he is deceived/ for the king sayeth he will have him both brent and hanged. Let us go to the prison to him and reform him/ and bring him to another state/ for he is far out of the way and evil counseled. They went straight to the prison/ and desired the jailor that they might speak with Betysache. The jailor excused himself and said. Sirs ye must pardon me/ for I am straightly charged to suffer no man to speak with him/ and also here be four sargeauntes of arms sent by the king to keep him/ and we dare not break the kings commandment. Than the two knights saw well how they laboured in vain/ and how there was no remedy by all likelihood/ but that Betysache should die. than they returned to their lodging and reckoned and paid/ and took their horses and returned to their lord the duke of Berrey and showed him all the case.  
THe conclusion of Betysach was such that the next day 〈◊〉 ten of the clock he was taken out of prison/ and brought to the bishops palace/ and there were ready the judges and officers spiritual/ and the bailie of Besyers' brought forth the prisoner/ and said. Behold sirs here is Betisache whom I deliver to you for an heretic and a synnet in bodgery/ and if he had not been a clerk he had been judged or this according to his deserts. Than the official demanded of Betysach if it were with him according as he was acused/ and to confess the frouth there openly before all the people. And Betysache who thought to have said well/ and to have scaped by reason of his confession/ he answered and said that all was true. He was demanded this three times/ and at every time he confessed it to be true before all the people. Thus ye may know whether he was deceived or not/ for i● he had made no such confession he had been delivered/ for the duke of Berrey had fully avowed all his deeds/ the which he had done at his commandment in the country of Langue doc. But it was to be supposed that fortune played her turn with him/ for when he thought to have been most assuredest on the height of fortunes wheel/ he was turned up so down fro her wheel/ as she hath done a hundred thousand more sith the world began. Than Betysach was delivered again by the spiritual judge to the bailie of Besyers'/ who under the king ruled the temperalte/ the which Betysache without delay was brought to a place before the palace. He was so hasted forward/ that he had no leisure to answer nor to say nay/ For when he saw a fire ready prepared in the place/ and saw that he was in the hands of the hangman/ he was sore abashed/ and saw well than that he was deceived and betrayed. Than he cried out a loud/ requiring to be herd. but than was no heed taken to his saying/ but the hangman said. It is ordained that ye shall die/ for your evil work hath brought you to an evil end. He was hasted forward to his death/ and the fire made ready/ there was also raised a pair of gallows/ and thereto tied a chain of iron/ and at the end thereof a collar of iron/ the which was put about his neck/ and than the chain drawn up a high and tied round about the gallows. Than he cried and said. Duke of Berrey they cause me to die without reason/ they do me wrong. As soon as he was tied to the gallows/ there was setre round about dry segge/ read/ and ●ago●●es/ and fire put thereto/ and incontinent the faggortes were a fire. Thus Betysache was hanged and brent/ and the french king out of his chambered might well see him if he would. To this poor end came Betysache/ and so the people were revenged of him. And for to say the truth he had done many extortions and damages to the people/ while he had the governing of the country of Languedoc. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the french king being at Tholouse sent for the earl of Foiz who came thither and did homage to the king for the conntie of Foiz. Cap. C.lxiiii.  
AFter this cruel justice the french king tarried not long after at Besiers/ but departed and took the way to Carcassone. and always sith his departure fro Auygnon/ his marshal sir Joys of Xancere road in his company. The king road so long by his journeys that he visited the countries and kept not the right high ways. He was at Cabestan/ at Narbone/ at Lymons/ at mount royal/ and at Fongaur/ and than he returned to Carcassone/ and there tarried four days. Than he road and passed Vile Franca/ Auygnollet/ and Mongistarte/ and so came to Tholouse/ and the burgesses there who greatly desired to see the king/ received him joyfully/ and met the king without the town/ all in a livery/ and so with great solemnity he was brought to the castle of Thoulouse. They of the city gave the king many fair presents wherewith the king was greatly rejoiced. When the king had been there three days/ than he was counseled to send for the earl of Foiz/ who was come out of Byerne in to the county of Foiz/ and was in the town of Nasiers/ four leagues fro Thoulouse/ for he knew of the kings state and ordinance. The marshal of France and the lord de la river were appointed to go for the earl of Foize. They departed on a wednesday/ and lay at a city in Tholousyn called jordayn/ and the next day they came to Nasyers'. The earl of Foiz who knew well of their coming received them nobly for the love of the King/ and also he knew the lords well/ he had seen them before Sir Joys of Xancere had the words/ and said. Sir my lord of Foiz/ the king our sovereign lord hath sent us to you/ commanding you to come to see him at Thoulouse/ or else he will travail so far that he will come and see you in your own country/ for he greatly desireth to see you. The earl of Foyze answered and said. Sir Joys I would not the king had so great travail to me/ it is more meet I have it for him/ wherefore if it please you ye shall show him that I shall be at Tholouse within four days. That is well said sir quoth they/ we shall return and show him these tidings fro you. So be it qd he/ how be it ye shall abide here all this day and refresh yourselves/ and to morrow ye shall depart/ they obeyed and tarried that day and the night at their pleasure/ and the earl devised with them sagely & craftily/ for he was a man by reason of his fair language/ to draw out by one means or other the secrets of one heart. The next day they took leave each of other/ and road so long that the same day they came to Tholouse/ and found the king playing at chess with his uncle the duke of Burbone. Than the king demanded of them aloud and said. Sirs how say you/ will the earl come or no. yes sir quoth the lord de la river/ he hath great affection to see your grace/ he will be here with you within these four days. Well quoth the king and we will gladly see him. The two knights departed fro the king/ and left him playing & went to their supper and to rest them/ for they had ridden that day a great journey. The earl of Foiz who was at Nasyers'/ remembered well the voyage that he had to do. He made him ready and sent before to toulouse for his ꝓuisyon accordingly. He had sent in to Bierne for knights and squires/ for more than two hundred to serve and to accompany him that voyage.  
THe day that the earl of Foiz had appointed he entered in to the City of toulouse/ with more than six hundred horses/ and well acompanyed with knights and squires. There was with him Bonnuquell and sir johan his brother/ sir Roger of spain his cousin/ the lord of Courase/ the lord of Valentyne/ the lord of quare/ the lord of Burnge/ sir spain du Lion/ the lord of Roquepayre/ the lord of Lane/ the lord of Besache/ the lord of Pearl/ sir Peter of Cabestayne/ sir Monaunt of Nonnalles/ sir richard de la Meet/ sir arnold of saint basil/ and divers other. Sir Peter of Byerne and sir arnold his two brethren/ and his two bastard sons/ sir jobbayne and sir Gracyen of Foiz. The entencion of the earl was to inherit those two his sons/ in to the most part of all the land of Bierne. Of the which land he might do therewith at his pleasure/ for he held it frank and free/ holding of no man but of god. Thus the earl took his lodging at the Freers preachers. There he kept his house/ and his men lay as near there about as might be The burgesses of toulouse made him great cheer for they loved him well/ for always he had been their good neighbour/ curtess and treatable: For he never suffered any of his company to do them any displeasure nor violence wherefore they loved him much the better. They gave him many fair presents of wine and other things/ so that he was well content. He entered in to toulouse when it was near night. The next day about ten of the clock he took his horse/ & such other of his company as pleased him/ more than two hundred knights and squires men of honour. And in that estate he road a long through the streets/ to the Castle where the king was. Than he a lighted in the first court entering in to the castle. Than the earl mounted up the greces in to the great hall. The french king was come out of his chamber in to the hall/ and there tarried for the Earl/ and had great desire to see him/ for his great valour and renome that ran on him. th'earl of Foiz who was a goodly prince and of a formal stature bear heeded entered in to the hall. And when he saw the king and other lords of France/ the kings brother & his uncle/ he made his reverence to the king and to none other/ and kneeled down on his one knee. than he a rose and passed forth/ and at the third time he kneeled near to the king. The king took him by the hand and embraced him and took him up and said. earl of Foiz my fair cousin ye be right welcome/ your coming greatly rejoiceth us. Sir quoth the earl I thank your grace that it please you to say so. There the king and the Earl talked together/ the which words I heard not all. than the king went to dinner. At the kings table at the upper end sat the archbishop of toulouse/ than the king and his uncle the duke of Burbone/ than next the earl of Foiz/ than sir Iohn of Burbone earl of March and of Vandone. At that table sat no more. At the second table sat sir johan de la Brethe earl of Harcourte/ sir philip of Bare/ & four knights of the earl of Foiz. And at another table there sat the marshal sir Joys of sanxere/ sir Roger of Spain/ and eight other knights of the earls. This was a great dinner and well stuffed of all things/ and after dinner and grace said/ they took other pastimes in a great chamber/ and hearing of instruments/ wherein the earl of Foiz greatly delighted. than wine and spices was brought. The earl of Harecourt served the king of his spice plate. And sir Gerrarde de la pyerserued the duke of Burbone. And sir Monnaunt of Nonnalles served the earl of Foiz. Thus about four of the clock the earl took leave of the king and of the other lords. He issued out of the hall/ and in the court were his hourses ready/ and his men. The earl mounted/ and all such as accompanied him/ and so returned to his lodging/ and was well content with the cheer that had been made to him and his/ and praised it moche to his knights.  
TThus between the French King and the Earl Gascoigne of Foize being at Tholous/ There was divers treaties and apoyntmentes of love/ and the marshal of France and the lord de la river/ died their pain to help it forward. The earl of Foiz made a dinner to the duke of thou rain and to the duke of Burbone/ to th'earl de la March/ and to other great Lords of France. This dinner was great and sumptuous/ and sitting at the tables more than ii hundred knights. And or the dinner was fully ended/ the French king who had dined in the castle/ and with him sir Charles de la Brethe and sir philip of Bare/ and his two cousin germans. Than the king said. Go we thither: and so he died but with xii in his company. The earl of Foiz was greatly rejoiced/ in that it pleased the king to come to his lodging/ and so was all the company. There was sport after dinner of wrestling and casting the bar/ the stone & the dart/ between the French men and the gascoins Thus they passed the time till it was nearhand night. Than the king and the other lords returned. The earl of Foiz gave the same day to the kings knights and squires/ and to the duke of Thourayne and to the duke of Burbone/ more than threescore courser's palfreys and mulettes/ all with white saddles ready dressed to appoint. Also he gave to the kings minstrels and other/ two hundred crowns of gold. And to the heraudes and officers of arms other two hundred crowns/ so that every man praised the largesse of the earl of Foiz. The fourth day after the earl came to the kings palace/ well acompanyed with lords and knights of Byerne and of Foiz/ to see the king and to do as he was required/ that is to say/ to do his homage for the county of Foiz/ with the appendauntes/ reserving the land of Bierne. Before that secretly there had been great treaties between the king and the earl of Foiz/ by means of the lord de la river & sir johan Mercier/ and the bishop of Noyon/ who was newly come thither fro Auygnon. It was said/ that the earl desired of the king that his son jobbayne of Foiz/ might after the earls disease/ inherit the county of Foiz. By that the earl when soever he died/ should leave to the king a hundred thousand franks in money. And sir Gasyon his brother to have the land of Air in Bierne with the City/ and the Mount of Marcen/ and all other lands that the Earl of Foiz had bought in Bierne/ should return to the heritance of the viscount of Castyllon. These assygnementes were in debate and in difference between the earl and the barons/ and knights of his country. Some said/ he could not do thus with a general consent of all Byerne and Foize. And because that the mean homage of the county of Foize was dew to the French king/ therefore the king said to the Earl and to the barons of Foiz. Sirs/ I hold in my hands the homage of the land of Foiz. and if it be so in our days that the land of Foiz be vacant by the death of our cousin the earl of Foiz/ than we shall so determine and appoint by the advise of good counsel/ that jobbayns of Foiz and all other men of the county of Foiz shall hold them content. Those words well contented th'earl of Foiz/ and the other lords and knights of Foiz that were there present. These ordinances written and sealed/ the earl took his leave of the king and of all other great lords/ but that day he dined with the king & than went to his lodging. The next day he departed fro toulouse and left his furriers behind him/ to pay for every thing. The earl passed the river of Gyronde by the bridge of toulouse/ and returned in to his country by the mount of Marsen/ and so to Ortayes. Than he gave leave to every man to depart/ saving his ordinary. It was showed me and I believe it well/ that the coming of the french king in to Languedocke/ in to toulouse/ & in to those marchesse/ cost the earl of Foize more than threescore thousand franks. The earl was so liberal/ that whatsoever it cost him/ he paid it willingly. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the feat and covenant that was done between the king and the duke of Thourayn his brother/ which of them should soonest come to paris fro Monntpellyer/ which is a hundred and fifty leagues a sondre/ each of them but with one knight. Cap. C.lxv.  
THe French king being at Tholous/ he ordered all his business/ and removed & renewed seneschales and officers/ and reform the country in to good estate so that every man was well contented. And on a day/ the king (present/ his brother/ his uncle of Burbone/ & the lords of France and Gascoigne/ to th'intent to have a perpetual memory) gave to his cousin germayne sir Charles de la breath/ for the augmentation of his honour/ two quarters of arms of France with flower delyces for afore the lords de la breath bare always in their arms/ a field of goules' plain without any other thing. now they be quartered with the arms of France/ which thing the lord de la breath took for a great gift. which lord made the same day a great dinner/ which cost him more than a thousand franks/ and he gave to heraudes & mynstrels ii hundred franks. Anon after it was ordained that the king should depart fro Thoulous to return in to France/ every man made him ready and took leave of the king/ the bishop of toulouse/ the seneschal & the burgesses/ and lords and damoselles of the town. The king departed & road that night to the new castle of Alroy/ and so forward every day/ so that he came to Mountpellyer/ where he was joyfully received/ & there tarried three days/ for the ladies and damosels there pleased him moche. Than he had great defyre to return to Paris to see the queen. on a day as he communed in sport with his brother of Thourayne/ he said. Fair brother I would that you and I were at Paris/ and all our estate here still as it is/ for I have great desire to see the queen and your fair sister of Thourayne. than the duke said. Sir/ we can not be there with wysshing/ it is a far journey hens. that is true qd the king/ yet I think I might besoone there & I would. ye qd the duke with help of good horses/ for so could I be/ but my horse must bear me. well quoth the king lay a wager you and I who shall be there soonest. I am content qd the duke/ for he was ever ready to win money of the king. The wager was laid between the king & the duke/ that who soever of them twain came soonest to Paris should win five thousand franks of other/ & to depart the next day all at one hour/ & each of them to take but one knight or servant with them. there was no man that durst break their wager. the next day they departed as it was ordained. The lord of Garanciers road with the king/ and the lord of Viefuyll was with the duke of Thourayn. thus these four road night & day like young lusty galantes: they changed many horses: thus they road in post. the duke of burbone returned by Puy in Awergne/ & road to see his grauntfather by the way/ th'earl dolphin of Auvergne/ & the countess & their children/ of whom there were to the number of eight/ what sons what daughters/ all brethren & sisters to the duchess of Burbone his wife/ but that was by reason of two marriages. Thus the french king and his brother the duke of Thourayne road in great haste/ each of them to win the wager. Consider well the great pain of these two great & rich lords. youth & liberty of courage made them to do that enterprise. their estates abode behind. The french king made it four days & a half or he came to Paris/ and the duke of Thourayne no more but four days & a quarter of a day/ they followed each other so near. the duke won the wager/ by reason that the french king rested himself about viii of the clock at Trois in champagne/ and the duke took a barge in the river of Seyne/ and went a long the river to Melyn/ and there took his horse & road so till he came to Paris/ and so went to saint Poule to the queen & to his wife/ & demanded tidingis of the king/ for he wist not whether he were come or not. & when he knew that the king was not come he was joyful/ & said to the queen. Madame/ ye shall shortly here tidings of the king. He said truth/ for the king came soon after. When the duke of thou rain herd that the king was come/ he went and met him & said. sir/ I have won my wager let me be paid. it is reason qd the king & so ye shall. there they showed before the ladies all their journey/ & how that in four days and a half they were come fro mountpelier to Paris/ which was a. C.l. leagues asunder. The ladies turned all the matter to sport & laughing/ but they well judged that they had endured moche pain. and judged that youth & courage of heart caused them to do it. & the duke of thourayn was truly paid for his wager.   

¶ Of the death of pope Vrbayne of Rome called the Antepape/ & how pope Clement wrote to the French king and to his uncles/ & to the university: & of the election of pope Boniface by the cardinals of Rome. Cap. C.lxvi.  
ABout the said season died at Rhome pope Urban the vi the romans were sore displeased with his death/ for he was well beloved. he was buried in the church of saint Peter and after his obsequy done well and reverently. Than the cardinals went in to the conclave to choose a new pope/ and so they died/ or that pope Clement knew thereof in Auynon/ for it was ten days past or they knew it. And assoon as pope Clement and his cardinals knew thereof/ they assembled together at the pope's palace/ and had great communication together/ and were in great hope that the business of the church should leave and be concluded/ and to come to a full unyon/ for the error had long endured. They thought that the cardinals at Rome should not agree so soon to enter in to conclave/ but rather to submit themself to pope Clement at Avignon. They sent also word to the french king of the death of urban called the antepape/ and desired him (the sooner to come to their purpose) that he would write to his cousins the king of Almaigne and the king of Hungy/ to th'earl of Virtues & to the duke of Austrych/ who had ever holden with pope Urban/ that they should now cease/ & help to make rest and peace in the church/ & to show them by his letters/ that in our faith there ought to be no variation. for as there is but one god in heaven/ so there ought to be but one god in earth. The same season the duke of burgoyne was with the king at Paris/ to whom pope Clement & the cardinals wrote in like manner. than the king showed his uncle these news/ and was right joyful & said. Fair uncle/ we have had great desire to go with great puissance to Rome to destroy thinfidels/ but as now our journey is well shorted/ for Urban the antepape is deed/ as Clement hath written to us/ and he thinketh that the cardinals will not enter in to conclave to choose any new pope/ but rather to come to avignon & to submit themselves under pope Clement. and we are desired by him & by the cardinals at Avignon/ for the more surety to write pleasant letters to our cousin's the king of Almaigne and to his brother the king of Hungry/ & to the earl Virtues a to the duke of ostrich. What counsel will ye give me to do. The duke of Burgoyne said. Sir/ true it is pope Urban is deed/ but as yet we know nothing of the state of the cardinals at Rome/ nor of the romans/ nor whether they will keep their old opinion or not. I fear it will be hard for them to leave it/ for the romans are masters over the cardinals. Byforce they made them to choose the archbishop of Bare/ and made him pope/ and so maintained him to th'end. And so if now by perfoce they cause the cardinals to enter in to conclave/ and to choose a Pope at their pleasure. Wherefore sir: ye shall not need to enter so far into the matter/ as to desire them that will do but little for you/ as they have showed yet hyderunto. Suffer sir till ye here other news. And peradventure it may so be/ that the cardinals at Rome shall not be all of one accord/ and peradventure will dissimule with the romans/ and choose none other pope but Clement. And to appease their furor to promise them/ to cause Clement to come to Rome/ which he will do right gladly on that condition. And if the matter go so than shall it be time for you to write to all the princes christened/ that are of the opinion contrary to you/ in the best manner ye can to a void the Schism/ and to bring the church to an unyon & peace/ as by reason every man ought to do. But as yet ye be not sure how the matter goeth: it is best ye abide the adventure thereof. It shall not be long or we here other tidings.  
When the duke of Burgoyne had said these words to the king and to his counsel/ there was none that spoke contrary thereto. The king thought his words were reasonable & said. Fair uncle/ we believe it is good reason that ye say/ yese more clearer in the matter than we do/ and as for the business or the Church/ we will do nothing therein/ but by your counsel and advise. Thus they cess of that communication. Great murmuration there was a 'mong the clerks of the Vniversite of those tydingis/ whereby they cess to read or to study. And intended to nothing/ but to hearken and to know how the Cardynalles of Rome maintained themself. whether they would elect a new pope/ or else to return to the pope at Avignon. They died cast many doughtes and argued one with another. They knew well how Clement had written to the king and to the duke of Thourayne and to the duke of Burgoyne/ and to the kings counsel. In likewise letters were written generally to the university/ that they should conclude to an universal peace in the church. Thus the clerks devised among themself/ and such as would the advancement of Clement said. Now it is time that the king and the lords of France writ to the great princes of Christendom: As to the king of almain/ the king of Hungry/ the lord of milan/ and to the duke of Austryche: and to such other as are of our opinion/ to th'intent that they should return to the same state. such writing may much aveyle. In three days three times the notable clerks of the university of Paris assembled together/ and at last came to saint Paul's to speak with the king and his counsel/ to desire him to set to his hand to oppress the Cysme of the church/ & to intend to the ordinance of pope Clement/ who had humbly written to him. But when they came to saint Paul's they were not answered/ the king dissimuled the matter with them/ so that they were evil content. Finally the king contented them/ saying how shortly they should here other news/ and so they did/ for the cardinals of Rome entered in to the conclave and made a new pope/ the cardinal or Naples a noble and a valiant clerk. He was called Bonyface. When the French king and his counsel heard thereof they were pensive/ for than they well imagined how that the cysme was likely to endure long. Than the duke of Burgoyne said to the king. Sir/ now regard whether your writings had not been lost or no. It is now fallen as I said. Fair uncle quoth the king/ ye say truth. than graces were opined to all clerks at Rome by Bonyface/ and all promises certified there/ of such as were under his obeisance/ and such as would receive such graces went towards Rome. And when they approached the marchesse of Danconne/ they road in great paryll/ For sir bernard de la Salle/ who kept the fronters there/ & made war to the Romans in the quarrel of pope Clement/ took such clerks as passed by and died them much trouble/ and many slain and lost. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of these pope's/ and turn to other matters. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the yielding up and taking of the strong castle of Vanchadore in Lymosyn/ of old pertaining to sir Geffcay Tete Noyre. Cap. C lxvii  
YE have herd here before: how sir Geffray Tete Noyre/ who had been long captains of the castle of Vanchadore in Lymosyn/ reigned valiantly/ and how he held his fortress against all men/ as long as he lived. And in his life days had pa●esed the country/ more than xxx mies to long about him. also ye have herd how he died/ and by what incydence: And how on his death bed he ordained his ii nephews Alayne Roux & Peter Roux to be captains of that castle of Vanchadore after his death. and caused in his presence/ all the companions of that garrison to swear faith/ truth/ and homage: service and true obeisance to the said two captains. And after the death of this Geffraye Tete Noyre/ these two brethren reigned there a certain space/ & held always the country in war and in composition of patesing. And because that castle pertained to the heritage of the duke of Berrey (for he had bought it of the earl of Mount pensyer/ and his son johan of Berey bore his name thereby) therefore the duke was sore displeased that it was out of his hands/ but he could not amend it. yet he had laid siege thereto divers times by bastides and none otherwise/ but they within set little thereby. for they would issue out and ride abroad in the country at their pleasure. This Alayne nor Peter would in no wise obey any peace or truce that was taken between England and France. They said they were not bound to obey/ but would make war at their pleasure/ whereby the countries of Awergne and Lymosyn were sore travailed. And the duke of Berrey to resist them caused sir William Butler a gentle knight of Awergne/ & sir johan Boesme lance and sir Joys Dambier/ with divers other knights and squires of Awergne and Lymosyn/ to lay siege by bastides to the castle of Vanchadore/ & lay there at the cost of the country. There they lay a louge season.  
SO it fell the same season/ as it was showed me: Alayn and Peter Roux took their advice together and denysed to attrape & to take by craft sir William Butler and sir johan Boesme lance who had done them divers displeasures. These two brethren imagined between them and said one to another/ How they would secretly say/ how they would yield up their fortress for a certain sum of florins: And to say how they are weary and will keep the garrison no lengar/ but to return in to their own countries. To the which devise they said surely the duke of Berrey will gladly lean unto. Also they devised to demand no more but ten thousand franks/ because that some might soon be made And also they said they would have again their money and the two knights also prisoners/ by reason of a bushment that they would lay in a great tower. Behold now what a foolish imagination these two Bretons were of to betray these two knights/ and to have their money/ if any evil came to them thereby it ought not to be complained. Upon this determination they put out of the castle one of their varlets/ and said to him. Go thy way to the French bastides and suffer them to take the. Than require to be brought to sir William Butler and to sir johan Boesme lance. Than deliver them this letter fro us and demand for an answer/ for the matter toucheth us and them also greatly. The varlet said it should be done/ for he thought none evil/ and so went to the French bastides. And when he came near to the bastides he was demanded what he would/ he answered and said he would gladly speak with sir William Butler or with sir johan Boesme lance. He was brought to them/ for as than they were together. When he saw them he made his reverence and drew them apart/ and delivered to them the letter that Alayne and Peter Roux had sent them. Of that tidings they had great marvel/ and so took the letter and reed it/ and therein they found/ how that Alayne & Peter Roux would speak with them for their profit. When they heard that they had more marvel than they had before/ & doubted of treason. How be it they sent them word that if they would come out of the castle/ and speak with them without/ they would assure them to enter again in to their fortress without danger or trouble. This was the answer that the varlet brought to their master. then Alayne and Peter roux said/ we think we may be sure enough by these words/ sith their faiths and seals be at the writing/ they are true knights and also we shall speak with them for a treaty/ whereunto we think they will gladly intend. The next morning they opynned a wicket joining to the gate/ & availed down a planche board hanging by two chains and issued out and stood on the planche. than sir William Butler and sir johan Boesme lance came thither and lighted of their horses/ and made their men to draw aback. Than the two captains within said. Sirs may we surely come out and speak with you. ye surely quoth the knights. shall we be as sure again of your part without treason. ye sir surely quoth they without doubt. Than Alayne and Peter Roux passed the bridge & came to them/ so they four were together with out other company. Than the two French knights said. Sirs/ how say you. What communication will ye have with us? Are ye in mind to yield up your Castle to us? ye truly sirs quoth they on a condition/ & that is to give us ten thousand franks for the provisions that is in the castle/ for we are weary of the war/ we would draw in to Bretayne. These two knights were right glad of those words and said. Ah/ ye speak to us of merchandise/ and we shall here you gladly. But as now we have not here the money ready we shall provide for it. Well sirs qd they of Vanchador when ye are ready give us knowledge/ and we shall keep covenant. But sirs/ keep this matter secretly and sagely/ for if it were known among mine own company they would take us perforce and slay us/ than should both you and I fail of our intents. Sir quod they dow not thereof/ we shall so convey the matter that ye shall take no damage. Therewith they departed one fro another/ the bretons entered in to Vanchador/ and the french knights returned to their bastides.  
SIr William Butler and sir johan Boesme lance/ in this matter thought nothing but good/ supposing that the bretons would not deceive them/ as to have their money and to betray them also. in continent they wrote to the duke of Berrey/ who was as than at Ryon in Awergne. they sent with the letter a gentleman named Guyomell of saint Wydall/ and informed him of all the matter/ thinking how it should be joyous tidings to the duke/ for he greatly desired to have that castle. This squire took the letter and departed fro the bastides/ and road so long through Lymosyn & Awergne that he came to Ryon/ and there he found the duke of Berrey/ and delivered him his letters fro the two knights. The duke reed the letters/ and when he had well understand the contents thereof the duke was glad/ and anon after the duke called his counsel and his treasurers/ and said. Sirs behold here is new tidings/ our knights that keepeth the bastides before Vanchador have written to us that they are in certain treaty with the captains within the castle/ they offer to yield up the fortress for the sum of ten thousand franks/ that is no great sum for every year it cost them of Lymosyn and of Awergne to keep war against them/ more than threescore thousand franks. We will accept their offer betimes lest they repent them hereafter/ therefore my treasurers make up the some of ten thousand franks/ we will lend them to the country/ and when I am in possession of the castle I will raise a tail in Lymosyn and in the fronters/ which were under their patesing/ they shall pay me the double. Sir quoth the treasurers/ it shall be made ready within these five or two days. Well quoth the duke I am content. Thus that matter was concluded. The tresourers made ready the money in crowns of the son/ and put it in to four coffers. The same day that the money should have been sent/ there came to Ryon to the duke of Berry/ the dolphin of Awergne and the lord of Reveyll/ for certain matters touching themself. They were welcome to the duke/ and the Duke was so joyful of the treaty for Vanchador that he could not keep it secret but showed to these two knights the letters sent to him fro sir William Butler/ and sir johan Boesme lance. When they heard it they studied a little. Than the duke said/ sir whereon do yemuse see you any suspectiousnes in this matter/ I pray you show me or I send the money? Sir quoth the earl dolphin/ ye know well how th'earl of Army take and I were ordained to by and to get again as many fortresses as we could in the countries of Awergne/ Carnesyn/ Rovergne/ and Lymosyn. With divers we made treatyes/ but for all that ever we could do/ we could never bring them of Vanchador to herkyn or to lean to any manner of treaty/ neither to give it up/ nor to sell it. When we spoke thereof they would scant make us an answer. and sir I know if they now will make this treaty with you it is not for default of victuals/ for if none came to them this eight year yet they have enough/ wherefore we have marvel what should move them thereto at this present time/ therefore it maketh us to doubt of traysone/ for men of war enclosed in fortresses are sore imagyners/ and when their imagination inclineth to any evil deed/ they will craftily colour it/ wherefore sir take good advise. Well sirs quoth the duke ye have said well/ we shall provide for the matter more substantially than I thought to have done.  
then the duke of Berrey called to him one of his knights/ called sir Peter Mespyn/ and said to him. Sir ye shall go with this money to the bastides before Vanchadore/ and say to sir William Butler & to sir johan Boesme lance/ that in the matter they wrote to me of/ that they deal therein substantially/ and that they trust not to much in the bretons within Vanchador/ and show them that we have heard more tidings than they be ware of/ wherefore let them be well advised of all points. Thus this knight departed fro Ryon with the money/ he road with his company till he came to the bastides whither he was welcome. The summer's with the money were discharged and put in safeguard. Than sir Peter Mespyn opened his message and said. Sirs my lord the duke of Berrey sendeth you word by me that as touching the treaty that ye are in hand withal/ touching the garrison of Vanchador he commandeth you to work wisely/ that ye lose not both your bodies and the money that he hath sent you. also he saith he hath herd tidings that pleaseth him nothing/ wherefore he will ye take good heed & be well advised/ for he doubteth of treason/ he sayeth that often times the country of Awergne and Lymosyn would have given for the fortress of Vanchadore threescore thousand franks/ and now to offer it for ten thousand/ causeth my lord the duke and his counsel to have suspect. The two knights when they heard that they were pensive/ and answered and said. We see well double wit is better than single/ ye say well/ we thank you of your advise/ and ye shall abide here still with us and help to counsel us as it is reason/ within these two days we shall see how the matter shall come to pass/ he said he was content so to do. then anon after these two knights sent a varlet to the castle of Vanchador/ for it was as than treuce between the parties/ signified to Alayne Rour and to Peter Rour/ that the ten thousand franks were ready/ and desiring them to keep their promise. And they answered the varlet/ that they would keep their promise surely/ and that when so ever they would come/ to send them word thereof.  
ALayne and Peter Rour who thought no good as it was known and proved/ when their purpose was broken and known for they had devised to have taken sir William Butler and sir johan Boesme lance/ as they should have entered in to the castle of Vanchador by reason of a great tower that was within the castle/ the which was always able to beat the castle. These two knights bretons who intended nothing but malesse/ laid in bushment in this tower thirty men in harness/ to the intent that when the french men were entered in to the castle/ thinking to be lords thereof/ that in the night these thirty should issue out/ and slay & take the french men at their pleasure. When they had thus ordained/ than they sent to sir William Butler and to sir johan Boesme lance/ that they should come and bring with them their money/ and they should have the castle opened. Of these news the french men were joyous/ and said to the messenger. Return to your masters and show them that to morrow in the morning we shall come thither. The messenger returned and showed this to his masters. The french knights went to counsel together and did cast more doubts than they did before/ by reason of the words that the duke of Berrey had sent them by six Peter Mespyn. Than they ordained and concluded to lay a bushment of their men near to the castle/ and than they with thirty of their men harnessed under covert should go before and enter into the castle/ and to regard wisely the castle within/ and to cast all manner of doubts/ and than if they see any thing to suspect/ than one of them to blow a horn/ and to keep the bridge and gate open/ and at the sown of the horn the bushment to come to the gate as fast as they can/ and to enter and take season of the castle. Thus as it was ordained so it was done. The next morning every man was ready/ & the bushment laid of a six score spears/ and the two knights with thirty in their company covertly armed came to Vanchador/ and sir Peter Mespyn was with them/ with the money trussed properly in three panyers upon two summer's. they found the two bretons ready at the barrier's/ who opened the barrier's against their coming. When they were entered and within the gate/ than the two bretons would have closed the gate after them/ but the french knights said. Nay sirs not so/ be ye true merchants or not/ ye know well ye must yield up to us this castle for the paying of the some of ten thousand franks/ the which is here ready. ye may see them here upon this summer/ if ye keep troth with us so shall we do with yond. With those words Alayne and Peter Rour wist not what to say/ but to bring the french men out of suspect they answered. Sirs ye say well/ we are content as ye please. Thus they went forth and left the barrier's open/ for if it had been closed the bushment could not have entered to have come time enough to have resisted the false turn that the bretons had devised. For ymagyners should have every thing as they list/ and if there were not counter ymaginers against them. Both the french men and bretons entered in at the gate/ than Alayne and Peter Roux would have closed the gate/ but than the french men said. Sirs let the gate alone/ we will have it open/ it is reason/ we are ready to deliver you our money according to our promise. Well sirs quoth the bretons/ let see lay forth the money. With a good will quoth the french men. There they laid forth a coverlet/ and the florins laid abroad. In the mean season while Alayne and Peter Roux beheld the fair sum of florence/ the french knights went about to see the manner of the castle. then sir Peter Mespyn came/ to sir William Butler & said. sir cause this great tower to be opened/ or ye pay all your money/ for there may be within it a busshment/ whereby we may be atrapped and lose both our bodies and the money also. Than sir William said to Alayne. Sir/ open this tower/ we will see it open or we deliver our money. Sir quod Alayne I can not do so/ the keys be lost. With those words the french knights had more suspect in the matter than they had before/ and said. Alayne it can not be that ye should lose the keys of the sovereign tower of this castle/ open it with fairness/ or else we shall open it perforce/ forye have promised and sworn to render to us the castle as it is without fraud or male engine/ and therefore you to have ten thousand franks/ the which some is here ready to be delivered. than Alayne answered again and said/ I will not open it till I have received the money/ and laid it in safeguard. than when I have received the money I shall search for the keys. Sirs quoth they/ we will not abide so long/ we see clearly by your words that your meaning is not good/ for you will deceive and betray us/ wherefore we lay our hands on you/ Alayne and on your brother Peter/ in the name of the king our sovereign lord and the duke of Berrey/ we will have this tower incontinent opened perforce/ and search every place within this castle both above and beneath/ to see if ye have laid any bushment or not/ and if we find in the castle any thing done by you/ that ought not to be done/ ye are lost without redemption or pardon/ for reason will so/ and if we find the castle as it ought to be we shall keep our bargain with you well & truly/ and shall conduct you whereout ye list/ to the gates of avignon if ye will. when Alayne and Peter Roux saw how the matter went/ and that they were arrested they were sore abashed/ and were as half deed/ & repented them that they had done so moche/ for they saw well they were deceived. Than the french knights perceived well how they were culpable/ and that the matter was not well. than they made a sign to him that bore the horn to blow/ & so he did. When the french bushment heard it/ they came to the castle as fast as their horses could ryn & said. Go we to Vanchadore they blow for us/ it seemeth our men hath not found the castle according as it was promised/ we think there be some treason/ anon they were come to the castle/ for they were not far of/ the barrier's were open and kept by the frenchmen/ for the bretons within were not masters of the castle/ for their busshement were within the tower. The French men entered and found the capitains in the court communing with the bretons.  
THan Alayne and Peter were sore abashed/ saying so many of their enemies about them. And as for them that were within the tower knew nothing of the business/ nor could se nor here nothing the tower was so thick. some that were with in said. Hark sirs me think I here much murmuring without/ we may be deceived french men be subtile/ we thought to take/ but I fear we be taken/ our capitain Alayne is deceived and we to/ I fear we shall not issue out without their congye. Thus when the french men saw how they were lords of the castle/ they were than bolder than before/ and took and put up again their florins/ & said to Alayne. deliver us the keys of this tower/ for we will see what is within. The bretons prolonged the matter and said. Sirs begin first to search in other places and than return to this tower. The frenchmen answered. Alayne/ ye do but prolong the matter/ for we will begin here first. and other at once deliver the keys or else thou shalt be slain with these daggers. when the two brethren heard that they doubted the death/ they fled fro it as long as they might/ how be it to say the troth it had been more honourable for them to have been slain there than to have tarried any longer/ for afterward they died a shameful death/ as ye shall here. And Alayne Roux being in this danger yet practised another craft if it would have served/ and said. Sir William and you sir johan/ it is of troth that within this tour are thirty men in harness/ my brother and I did set them there with moche pain/ for we knew well they would never agree to our apoyntement/ therefore we have closed them within this tower to be sure of them/ till ye have the full possession of the castle and there ye may have them and ye will/ they are all good prisoners/ and deliver us our money as ye have promised/ and let us go our ways. When the french knights heard that they were somewhat better content than they were before and studied a little/ than sir Willm Butler said/ how so ever it be/ or we deliver our money we will have knowledge of all the keys of this castle/ therefore show us where they be. When Alayne saw it would be none otherwise/ he sent for them in to his chamber. When they were brought to the place than it was demanded which keys served for the tower. Alayne full sore against his will showed forth the keys of the great tower. Than they opened the tower/ and found within the thirty companions in harness hid privily within the tower. Alayne and his brother were sore abashed when they saw the frenchmen enter into the tower/ and hard the words that sir William Butler said/ which were these. Sirs/ issue out fair & easily one by one/ if not ye are all but deed/ we take you as prisoners/ fear not the death ye shall have no hurt/ so ye will show the troth of that we shall demand of you. When they saw the french men and understood that they should not be slain but taken as prisoners/ they laid down their weapons and harness/ and yielded themselves/ for they saw well defence could not avail them. There the thirty men were taken and put a part and examined/ and there they justified the treason before Alayne and Peter Roux/ who could not deny it. Than the knights of France said to them. Sirs/ it greatly displeaseth us to find you in this default/ we can not punish the matter the cause is so weighty/ we shall put it to the discretion of the duke of Berrey/ if he will have pity on you we shall be glad thereof/ we trust he will for the joy that he will have for the recovering of this castle/ for it was the place that he most desired to have again of all the world. These words somewhat comforted them. They were put in to a chamber under sure keeping/ and other in to divers chambers and towers. Than the castle was searched above and beneath/ there they found great provision/ and left it all there still and took away nothing thereof at their departing/ and as for gold/ silver/ and harness/ thereof was made a boty & every man had his part/ and the prisoners the knights had them for their part.  
THus as I have showed/ the strong castle of Vanchadore was taken by the french men in this season. And than sir William Butler set there a capitain a squire of Lymosyn a valiant man/ called Pier Mardych/ and with him a thirty spears of good men of war/ and they ransomed their prisoners such as were worthy to be ransomed/ and such as were great pillars and robbers/ and frenchmen borne/ they struck of their hedes/ and hanged them upon gybettes/ new made before the castle gate. Than the french knights departed to go to Ryon to the duke of Berrey/ & took with them Alayne and Peter Roux. Tidings sprang abroad how the strong castle of Vanchadore was taken/ whereof the country of Awergne and Lymosyn & those marchesse were greatly rejoiced/ for the castle had been out of the french men's hands more than fifteen year/ and during that season that garysone had done great damage to the country. Sir William Butler found in the castle a young squire of Bretayne/ a fair young man named Monadich/ and was cousin to Geffray Tetenoyre/ and he was but newly come thither to learn to exercise deeds of arms. He had been brought up in an abbey in Bretayne/ & was come out of the house because he would be no monk. The french men would have stricken of his heed among other/ but sir Willm Butler had pity on him and saved his life/ with that he would become french and serve him. Thus the frenchmen road to the duke of Berrey/ and broke up their bastides. The men of arms departed and went every man to their own/ and the capitains came to Ryon to the duke of Berrey/ & led with them the bretons/ who desired them on the way that they should not inform the duke of Berrey to sore against them. the frenchmen promised to fulfil their desire. So long they road that they came to Ryon/ and there found the duke and the duchess/ who received them with great joy/ for he reckoned it to be a great act/ the conquering of the castle of Vanchadore/ and gave them fair gifts & presents. Than they demanded of the duke what his pleasure was should be done with Alayne and Peter Roux. he answered he would take advise in that matter/ and so took counsel/ and there it was determined that he should send them to the king. And so they were delivered to the seneschal of Awergne/ and he conveyed them to Paris/ and there they were put in prison in the castle of saint Anthony/ in the keeping of the viscount of Affer/ who as at that time had the keeping of that castle. And they had not been long there but that they were delivered to the provost of Paris/ and put in to the chatellet and there judged to die as traitors and robbers of the realm of France. Than they were delivered to the hangman and fast bound and laid in a car and brought with trumpets to the place of execution named the halls/ and there set on the pillery and turned four times about in the sight of all the people/ and there was openly red and published all their deeds/ and than beheaded and quartered/ & their quarters sent to the four chief gates of the city. Thus Alayne and Peter Rour lost shamefully their lives/ & the castle of Vanchadore.   

¶ Of the deeds of arms at saint Ingylvertes continuing thirty days against all comers of the realm of England and other countries every man three courses. Ca C.lxviii.  
IN this season and in the mean time that the truce was thus bytwenene England and France/ both by land and by see/ though the kings and their subjects held well the peace/ yet was there certain pillars & robbers in Awergne who made war to the poor men on both sides the river of Dordone/ but the captains that had given up their fortresses by reason of that treaty dyssymuled the matter. By reason of their dissimulation the country of Awergne received great damage/ so that the complaints thereof came to Paris. Than the french king was counseled to send to the king of England/ signyfyenge him of the state of these robs that made war thus in the country under colour of their patesing/ the which ought not to be done. I think the king of England excused himself of the matter. And to provide therefore. the same/ season the three foresaid knights/ that is to say the young Bouciquant/ Raynolde of Roy/ & the lord of saint pie/ who had enterprised to do arms about the marches of calais/ near to saint Ingilbertes/ made them ready to a complysshe their desire & to fulfil their promise & the right of arms/ for it was openly declared & published/ and specially in the realm of England/ in the which realm there were knights & squires quickened to the matter/ and were in great imagynations to know what they might best do. Some said it should be greatly to their blame and reproach/ such an enterprise taken so near to calais without they passed the see/ & look on those knights that should do arms there. Such as spoke most of the matter was/ first sir johan of Holande earl of Huntyngdon/ who had great desire to go thither/ also sir johan courtney/ sir johan Traicton/ sir johan Golouffer/ sir johan russel/ sir Thomas Shyrborne/ sir William Clyfton/ sir William Clinton sir Willym Taylboys/ sir Godfrey Seta/ sir William hacquenay/ sir johan Vobeas' sir johan Dambretycourt/ sir Henry Beamond and divers other/ more than a hundred knights and squters/ all these said. Let us provide to go to calais/ for the knights of France hath not ordained that sport so near our marches/ but to the intent to see us there/ and surely they have done well/ and do like good companions/ and we shall not fail them at their business. This matter was so published abroad in England/ that many such as had no desire to do deeds of arms themself/ yet they said they would be there to look on them that should. Such as thought to be there sent afore to calais to make provision to keep their estate/ and sent over their horse and harness both for peace and war. When the day approached sir Iohn Holand brother to the king of England first passed the see/ & more than lx knights & squires with him/ & arrived at Calys & there took up their lodgings.  
At th'entering in of the jolly fresh moveth of May/ these three young knights of France/ such as should do dedis of arms at saint Ingilbertꝭ. thus first they came to Boloyne & tarried there a season/ & than came to th'abbey of same Ingilbertꝭ. Than they understood how there were a great number of knights & squires come out of England to calais/ whereof they were right joyful. And to the intent that the brute should come to calais/ they ordained in a fair plain between calais and saint Ingilbertes three fresh green pavilyons to be pight up/ and at the entry of every pavilion there hanged two sheldes with the arms of the knights/ one shield of peace another of war/ and it was ordained that such as should ryn & do deeds of arms/ should touch one of the sheldes/ or cause to be touched/ which as pleaseth them/ and he should be delivered according to his desire. to speak of this matter I shall show you. The xxi day of the month of May according as it had been published/ these three french knights were ready in the place to furnish their enterprise. And the same day knights & squires issued out of calais such as would just/ and also such other as had pleasure to regard that sport/ and they came to the said place appointed and drew all on the one part. The place to just in was far green & plain. Sir johan Holande first sent to touch the shield of war of sir Boucyquant/ who incontinent issued out of his pavilion ready mounted with shield & spear. These two knights drew fro other a certain space/ and when each of them had well advised other they spurred their horses & came together rudely/ and Boucyquante struck the earl of Huntyngton through the shield/ and the spearcheed glente over his arm & did him no hurt/ and so they passed forth/ and turned and rested at their pace. This course was greatly praised. The second course they met without any hurt doing/ and the third course their horses refused and would not cope. The earl of Huntyngton who had great desire to just and was somewhat chafed came to his place/ abiding that sir Boucyquant should take his spear/ but he did not/ for he showed that he would no more tin that day against th'earl. And when the earl saw that/ he sent his squire to touch the shield of war of the lord of saint Pye. And he that would not refuse issued out of his pavilion/ and took his horse/ shield/ and spear. And when the earl saw that he was ready spurred his horse/ and saint pie in likewise/ they couched their spears/ but at the meeting their horses crossed/ but with the crossing of their spears the earl was unhelmed. Than he returned to his men/ and incontinent he was rehelmed and took his spear/ and saint pie his/ and than ran again/ and met each other with their spears in the mids of their sheldes/ so that near hand they were both borne down to their earth/ but they griped fast their horses with their legs/ and so saved themselves/ and returned to their places/ and took their breathes. Sir johan Holande who had great affection to do honourably/ took again his spear & spurred his horse/ and when the lord of saint pie saw him coming he dashed forth his horse to encounter him/ each of them struck other on their helms that the spre flasshed out. With that ataynt the lord of saint pie was unhelmed/ and so they passed forth and came again to their own places. This course was greatly praised/ and both french and english said that those three knights/ the earl of Huntyngton/ sir Bouciquant/ and the lord of saint pie/ had right well done their devoyrs without any damage either to other. Again the earl desired for love of his lady to have another course/ but he was refused. Than sir johan Holland went out of the renke to give place to other/ for he had run all his sire courses well and valiantly/ so that he had laud & honour of all parties. Than stepped forth a gentle knight of England called the earl Martial/ he sent to touch the shield of war of sir raynold of Roy/ who issued out of his pavilion armed at all pieces/ and took his horse/ shield/ and spear. And when these two knights were a sunder they spurred their horses & came fiercely together. The first course they failed by outraging of their horses/ wherewith they were sore disposed. At the ii course sir raynold was stricken & the spear broken. the iii course each struck other on their helms with such force/ that the fire slew out/ & th'earl Marshal was unhelmed who passed forth & returned to his place & jousted no more that day/ for he had done enough than came forth the lord Cl●fford/ a right apt & a valiant knight of England/ cousin german to sir Iohn Chandos/ who was a noble valiant knight in his days/ he sent to touch the shield of war of sir Bouciquant/ incontinent the knight issued out of his pavilion with shield and spear. These two knights came rudely together & struck each other on the helm that the fire sparkled. Their spears broke not nor the knights lost no styropes/ so passed by & came to their places & made them ready to ryn the ii course/ & so came together without any sparing. sir Bouciquamt broke his spear but he was unhelmed & yet fell not. they passed forth & came to their places. Sir Joys Clifforde made him to just again but Bouciquant did not put on again his helm/ that seeing/ the lord Clifforde advised to perform his course with another. Than he sent his squire to touch the held of war of the lord of saint pie/ who came forth ready to just. They ran together & met each other/ the lord Clifforde brake his spear in three pieces on the lord of saint Pies shield/ and the lord of saint pie struck the lord Clyfforde on the helm/ so that he was dishelmed/ & so passed forche/ each of them drew to their place/ and the lord Clyfforde ran no more that day/ for it was showed him how he had right honourably borne himself that day. Than came forth a noble knight of england called sir Henry Beamonde/ he caused to be touched sir bouciquantes shield of war/ who was soon ready to answer/ they ran together. the lord Beamonde crossed & Bouciquant struck him so rudely/ that he bore him to therche & passed forth. the knight was relieved by his men and set again on horse back/ & ran again together two other courses without any damage. than sir Peter Curency who had great desire to ryn six courses/ caused his squire to touch all three sheldes of war/ whereof the frenchmen had marvel & demanded what he intended thereby/ he answered/ that it was his pleasure to ryn with each knight ii courses/ without he were let by the way. his desire was granted. Than sir raynold du Royran first. They came together with good advisement/ howbeit the first course they failed for their horses refused at the cope/ wherewith they were sore displeased. they railed not at the two. course/ but sir Raynold dishelmed the english knight/ & passed forth & returned to his place & held him still for he had run his two courses. Than the lord of fair Pie ca●e forth to just & ran each against other & broke their spears/ & the ii course the lord of saint pie struck sir Peter Courtney a cross/ & sir Pet struck him on the helm & unhelmed him/ & so came to their own places. than sir Bouciquat to acomplisshe sir Peter's desire came forth & ran & met each other in the myddis of their heldes so rudely that both their horses stakered in the place. more hurt there was not. the ii course they unhelmed each other. These vi courses done/ sir Peter Courtney desired to ryn one course more with one of the three knights which as pleased them/ but he was refused/ & it was said to him that he had done enough for the day/ so he rested. Than preced forth a gentle man of England called sir Iohn Gouloufer/ he sent to touch the shield of sir Raynolde 〈◊〉 Roy/ who was ready to answer. they ran freely together & ataynted each other of the helms without dishelming or breaking of their spears/ & so passed by. the second course their horses refused to mete. the iii course they met in their sheldes & broke their staves. the fourth course they missed. the .v. course they unhelmed each other & returned to their places. Than a valiant knight of England called sir Iohn Rolscau/ who was a well traveled knight & well known/ he touched the shield of the lord of saint pie/ that knight was ready to answer. they ran together & met so rudely that their horses stayed with the cope. the ii course their horses swerved aside & mist each other/ whereof the knights were displeased. & the iii course they met & struck each other in the viser of their helms/ so that they were both unhelmed. The english knight returned to his company & jousted no more. Than came forth sir Peter Shirborne a young knight & touched the shield of sir Bouciquant/ the knight was ready & ran together & mist/ by outraging of their horses they tarried not long but ran together again the ii course/ & struck each other in the sight of their helms/ sir Bouciquamtes' spear broke th'English knights spear held/ so that thereby sir Boucyquant was unhelmed so rudely/ that the blood ran out at his nose/ & so he returned to his pausiyon & ran no more that day/ for it was near night/ but sir Peter shirborne would not leave so but would ryn out his iii course/ he sent to touch the shield of the lord of saint pie/ who was incontinent ready. They ran together & tainted each other on the helms but their spears grated not/ if they had/ by most lykelhod they had taken hurt/ the ii course they struck each other on the sheldes & broke their staves in three pieces/ & th'english knight was borne to th'earth/ they ran no more that day/ for it was near night. Than the englishmen drew together & departed and road to calais/ and there devised that night of that had been done that day. In likewise the frenchmen road to saint Ingylbertes & communed & devised of that had been done the same day.  
The tuesday after mass/ all such as should just that day or would give the looking on road out of Calis & came to the place appointed/ and the Frenchmen were ready there to receive them. the day was fair and hot. When th'Englishmen were armed/ than sir Wyllm Clyfron and expert knight of England/ caused his squire to touch the targe of sir Bouciquant. Incontinent the knight issued out of his pavilion armed at all pieces. the two knights came toguider & tainted each other on the shield and passed by without breaking of their spears. The ii course they crossed on their helms. the iii course they encountered each other so on the sheldes that their horses stood still. the four course was well employed they unhelmed each other. The english knight ran no more/ it was said to him he had done enough. Than on th'english part came forth a lusty young knight called sir Nicholas clynton/ he touched the lord of saint Pies shield/ the knight anon was ready. they met together so even that each of them broke their spears in three pieces/ with such force that the knight/ were in danger to have taken damage/ but they passed by & came to their places. the ii course they tainted each other on the helms & passed by. the iii. course their horses crossed & failed. the iiii course the lord of saint pie unhelmed the english knight/ who ran no more that day/ for men said he had well & valiantly done & quited himself/ & how other must have place to just. Than a kinsman of th'earl of Huntingdon came forth called Wyllm Stamert/ he caused to touch the shield of sir Raynold of Roy. they ran together with free-will & tainted each other/ the english knight lost his spear. the ii courie they met/ but th'english knight warued aside/ I can not tell whether the fault was in the knight or in the horse/ but sir raynold struck him so rudely on the targe that he sore reversed & so passed by/ & made them ready to ryn the third course/ & so tainted each other on the helms/ that the fire sprang out & lost both their spears. the iiii. course they ataynted each other in the sight of their helms/ with that course sir Wyllm stamert was dishelmed & nigh borne to th'earth howbeit he fell not/ & returned to his company & ran no more that day. Than another squire of England came forth called Lancastre/ he sent to touch the shield of sir Bou●iquant. they ran together & tainted each other on the helms that the fire flew out/ & marvel it was that they had not been unhelmed. It was not long till they ran the ii course but their horses crossed/ the third course they were both unhelmed/ and the english squire jousted no more that day. Than a young knight called sir Iohn tail boise jousted with the lord of saint pie/ and encountered each other on the sheldes and broke their staves/ the ii course their horses crossed/ and the three course they were both unhelmed/ the english knight ran no more that day. Than stepped forth it Godfray of Seca a gentle knight and a good juster/ & that was well seen by him/ he encountered with sir Raynolde du Roy. They came right together & met in their sheldes/ the spears were good and would not break/ so that it made their horses to reeule/ and than recovered & kept still their spears/ and than ran again these could course/ the ressed in fante of the horses and not of the knights/ and they lost both their staves. they ran again the iii course The english knight struck sir raynold on the helm that he was unhelmed/ and sir raynold struck that english knight on the targe so rudely and with such strength (for he was called one of the best iusters in all the realm of France. Also he lived in amours with a young lady which aveyled him in all his business) that he pierced thenglisshmans targe clean through/ & the spear heed entered in to the arm/ and the spear broke & the trouchon stack still in the shield & in the knight/ arm/ yet for all that the knight made his turn & came to his place freshly. than his company drew out the trouchyon & bound his arm/ and sir raynold returned to his company.  
Of that course sir Roynolde du Roy was greatly praised on both parties/ for all the hurting of the knight/ for such is the adventures of arms/ to some good to some evil. Than came forth an esquire of England called Balquet/ and sent to touch the shield of the lord of saint Py/ who was ready to answer They couched their spears & ran together. the first course they tainted each other on their helms and lost their staves. they took their staves again/ and in the approaching their horses crossed and so passed by/ and returned again to their places. They tarried not long but ran each at other/ with that course Blaque● struck the lord of saint pie a high on the helm and gave him a sore stroke/ & saint pie struck him in the sight of the heelm a sorer stroke so that therewith he was so unhelmed/ that the bocle behind broke/ and the helm fell to the ground. Than Blaquet returned to his company/ & jousted no more that day. And the lord of saint pie sat still on his horse abiding other comers. Than a gentle knight or England called sir Iohn Bolcas/ touched the shield of the lord of saint pie/ who was there ready to answer. they struck each other on the shield that it was marvel they were not pierced/ for their spears were strong/ how be it they passed by & lost their spears without any other damage. The ii course they tainted on the helms/ without any hurt/ & passed by. the iii course they crossed. the four course the lord of saint pie unhelmed rude lie sir johan Bolcas. After that course the english knight ran no more. Than a young knight of England richly armed/ named Thomelyn Massydone/ he touched the shield or war of sir Bouciquant. He was incontinent answered. The first course they crossed on the helms. the ii course they met/ and Thomelyn broke his spear in tronchions/ and Bouciquant struck him so sore/ that he bore him to the earth over his horse back. Than his companion took him up and he jousted no more. Than another squire of England called Naverton/ touched the shield of sir Bouciquant/ saying how he would revenge his company/ whom Bouciquant had overthrown in his presence/ who was ready to answer The first course they struck each other in the viser of their helms/ without any other damage. the ii course they struck each other in their sheldes/ so that their horses recoiled & broke their spears in three pieces. Than they returned to their places & took new spears/ and met again together. sir Bouciquant received a great stroke on the shield/ but he struck Naverton/ in such wise that he was unhelmed/ who ran no more that day/ for every man said he had well acquitted himself. Than another squire called Sequaqueton an expert man of arms/ sent to touch the shield of sir Raynolde du Roye/ the knight was ready to answer well mounted with shield & spear. They met so rudely that Sequaqueton bore himself well fro falling/ for he had such a stroke that he sore reversed howbeit he relieved and passed forth/ but he lost his spear. The next course they meet rudely on their helms/ so that the fire flasshed out. The iii course Sequaqueton was unhelmed/ so that both he & his horse were astonied and returned to his company/ and iusted no more that day nor no man else/ for the night approached: than the english men returned to Calys/ and the frenchmen to saint Ingylbertes.  
ye may well know that Charles the french king was sore desirous to be at those jousts/ he was young & light of spirit/ & glad to see new things. It was showed me that fro the beginning to thending he was there present/ disguised as unknown/ so that none knew him but the lord of Garasyers'/ who came also with him as unknown/ and every day returned to Margison. Than on the wednesday the englishmen road fro Calais and came to the place of the jousts. Than a squire of England called Iohn Savage/ sent to touch the shield of war of sir Raynold of Roy/ the knight was ready in his pavilion & issued out and mounted on his horse. than they came together with great random/ and struck each other on their sheldes/ in such wise that if their sheldes had not broken/ either one of the men or both had been stricken to the ground This was a goodly & a dangerous course/ howbeit the knights took no damage. Their spears broke to their hands & the heedis stack still in their sheldꝭ every man feared they had been hurt/ so every ꝑtie came to their company. & when it was known that they had no hurt/ every man was joyful and said/ how they had done enough for that day. but those words pleased nothing johan Savage/ for he said he was not come over the see to ryn but one course. Those words were showed to sir Raynolde du Roy/ and he answered & said. It is reason that he be answered/ either by me or by some of my company. Than they took new sheldes and spears/ and ran again together▪ but at the cope their horses crossed and so failed each other/ wherewith they were sore displeased/ & for anger cast away their spears & took new. And at the third course they tainted each other in the sight of their helms/ in such wise/ that both were unhelmed: every man praised that course. The english men came to johan Savage & said. how he had right honourably acquitted himself that day/ & how he had done enough/ for there were other to ryn. He obeyed & ran no more/ and a lighted of his horse/ and leapt on a small hackeney to so other run.  
THan a squire of England came forth cousin to the earl Martial/ called William Basquenaye/ He touched the shield of sir Bouciquant/ The knight was ready to answer. They came together as straight as they could devise/ and struck each other in the sight of the helms/ in such wise/ that both were unhelmed. they passed forth their course frank and freely. Anon they were again helmed/ and ran together and struck each other on their sheldes/ and broke their spears without any other damage. the third course they crossed wherewith they were sore displeased. The fourth course Wyllm Basquenay was again unhelmed/ & so ran no more that day. Than another english squire called Scot/ ran again the lord of saint Pye. the first course they encountered so rudely/ that their horses stakered & the spears held yet they lost their spears. Than they made them ready to ryn the second course/ & they met in such wise/ that the lord of saint pie was unhelmed/ & the squire much praised for that course. Again the third course they encountered each other on the sheldes/ in such wise that Iohn Scot was stricken down over his horse crope. thus the lord of saint pie was revenged. Thenglyssh squire was relieved & brought to his company and ran no more that day. Than another english squire called Bernarte Stapleton he touched the shield of the lord of saint pie they came together and tainted each other on their helms that the fire flasshed out/ & so passed by without any other damage/ and kept still their spears. the ii course they met in their sheldes rudely/ yet they kept their horses & so passed forth their course. The third course they unhelmed each other. thenglish squire ran no more that day. Than stepped forth a gentle knight of England/ young and fresh/ a jolly dancer and synger/ called sir Iohn Arundel/ he ran again sir Raynold du Roy. At the first course they met rudely & struck each other on their sheldes/ but they held themselves without falling/ & passed forth their course/ but they lost their staves. The ii course they attainted each other on their helms/ that sparkles of fire flew out without other damage. The iii course they crossed and lost their staves. the four course they tainted on their helms. The .v. course they broke their spears on their sheldes/ and than sir Iohn Arundel ran no more that day. Than another squire of England called Nicholas Scon a proper man of arms/ ran against sir Bouciquamt. The first course they struck each other on their helms a great attaint. the ii course they struck each other on their sheldes/ in such wise that their horses were astonied/ and lost their spears. the iii course they struck each other on the helms/ & Nicholas Seon was unhelmed and ran no more. Than another squire came forth called Iohn Martial/ & ran against sir Bouciquant for he was ready looking for nothing but to just/ he took his spear and couched it in the rest. The first course they met rudely on their sheldes & lost their staves. the second course they tainted on their helms/ & the third course they advised well each other and met rudely. johan Martial broke his staff in three pieces/ & sir Boucyquant struck him on the helm/ in such wise/ that he was unhelmed/ and so returned and ran no more that day. Than came forth a lusty young knight of England who desired greatly to win honour/ called sir Iohn Clinton/ he bare silver broken with azure/ a molet silver in the chief. He touched the shield of sir Reynold du Roye who was ready to answer/ and was glad of the coming of that knight/ they came to their places and took their spears. the first course they tainted on the helms and passed forth. The second course they struck each other on their sheldes and passed by and lost their staves. The third course they tainted on their Helms/ so that the fire flew out. the fourth course they crossed. the fythe course was well employed/ for each of them broke their spears. The two knights were sore chafed/ and showed well how they had great desire to prove theirselves. The sixth course each of them unhelmed other. that course was greatly praised. The english knight ran no more that day/ for he had done enough.  
then Roger leave another english squire advanced forth. He bare silver and sables quarterly in the mids a cross goules. he touched the shield of the lord of saint Pye. The first course they encountered so rudely that their horses were astonished/ for their spears held. The second course they tainted on their helms and passed forth. At the third course Roger leave was unhelmed & ran no more.  
THan advanced forth a right gentle knight of the nation of Heynaulte in the marchesse of Ostrenaunt/ but fro his youth he had been brought up in the court of the noble king Edward of England. This knight was called sir johan Dambrety court/ he was brother to the good knight sir Eustace. He bore in his armure party Gold and ermine. He touched the shield of sir Raynolde du Roye. The first course they tainted on their helms/ that the fire followed. The second course they entered so rudely/ that it was marvel how they scaped without damage/ for each of them were noble justers/ and feared neither pain nor death. The third course sir raynold du Roye was rudely unhelmed/ and sir johan Dambretycourt passed forth his turn and came again to his place. And sir raynold du Roye returned to his company/ and showed how he would no more just that day. Than the english knight desiring to just more/ sent to touch the shield of sir Boucyquant. They ran together so fiercely & struck each other in their sheldes/ that it was marvel they had not been pierced through. the second course they tainted on their helms/ and passed forth and lost their spears. The third course they met so rudely/ that each of them was unhelmed. Than the english men drew together and saw that it was nearhand night/ took their leaves and departed toward Calais. That night there was none other communynge/ but of the jousts that had been done that day. The French men went to Margyson/ and devised there at their pleasure.  
ON the thursday the fourth day of the week/ the english men being at Calais/ assembled together all such as had not jousted/ & were come over the see for that intent. They concluded to return again to saint Ingylbertes to do arms/ so they mounted on their horses and road out of calais and came to the place/ where as the jousts should be done. There was ready the three knights of France in their pavilions and such other as should serve them. first there came in to the place a knight to England called sir Godfray Eustace/ he touched the shield of sir Boucyquant/ who incontyvent issued out of his pavilion ready to answer. The knights advised each other/ and ran together and tainted on their helms/ and passed forth their course and kept still their staves. The second course they struck each other in the mids of their sheldes/ & their spears broke without any damage/ and passed forth and came again to their places. The third course each unhelmed other. the english knight jousted no more/ for it was said to him he had right valiantly acquitted himself/ and also that he must suffer other to just.  
Than an english squire came forth to just called Alayne borrow/ he touched the shield of the lord of saint pie/ the knight was ready to answer. The first course they tainted on their helms that the fire flew out/ they passed forth their course and returned again to their places. the second course they broke both their staves. The iii course they unhelmed each other. The english man ran no more/ for it behoved other to just after. Than another english squire called Scrope touched the shield of sir Bovecyquant. The first course they crossed. The second course they tainted on their helms. The third course Scrope was overthrown/ than he was relieved and brought to his company/ and ran no more.  
THan a knight of Behaygne/ one of the queen of England's knights/ called Herchaunce/ who bare in his arms silver/ three Gryffens feet sable armed azure. He was demanded with whom he would just he answered with Bouciquant. Than they made them ready and ran together but the knight of Behaygne made a forfeit/ whereof he was greatly blamed that he demeaned his course so evil. The english men saw well how he had forfeit his armure and horse/ if the French men would. Of this course there was great communication between the parties/ but finally it was pardoned/ the better to please the english men. Than Herchaunce required again to just one course/ he was demanded against whom he would ryn. He sent to touch the shield of sir Raynolde du Roy/ and he was ready to answer. The first course they met in the mids of their sheldes and sir raynold du Roye/ who was one of best iusters in the realm of France/ strake tother knight clean fro his horse/ in such wise/ that men thought he had been deed. Herchaunce with moche pain was relieved and brought to his company. The english men were not displeased in that he was overthrown/ because he ran the first course so ungodly. So he ran no more that day.  
THan came in a squire of England/ called Robert Storborne. he touched the shield of the lord of saint pie/ who was ready to answer. The first course they tainted on their helms. The second course they struck in their sheldes and lost their spears The third course each unhelmed other. the english squire ran no more. Than Iohn Morlande touched the shield of sir Raynold du Roy who was ready to answer. The first course they tainted on their helms. The second course they encountered each other that their horses were astonied/ and lost both their staves. The third course johan Morlande was stricken to the ground/ he was relieved and jousted no more. then another squire called johan Moten/ he touched the shield of Bouciquant/ the knight was ready The first course they tainted & passed forth the second course they tainted on their helms and lost their staves. The third course johan Moton was unhelmed. He ran on more that day/ but gave place to other.  
Than jaquevyne Scrope touched the shield of the lord of saint pie/ who was ready mounted. The first course their horses crossed/ wherewith they were sore displeased The second course they tainted on their helms/ that the fire flew out and lost their spears. The third course jaquevyne Scrope broke his spear/ but the lord of saint pie struck him so rudely/ that he fell over his horse crope to the earth/ he was relieved and ran no more that day. Than another squire came forth called Guyllyam Maquelee. He ran against sir Boucyquaunt who was ready to answer. The first course they tainted on their helms/ that the fire flew out. the course was praised of every party. The second course they struck each other in the sheldes & lost their staves. The third course they unhelmed each other/ so that both sat bareheeded in their coifs. They ran no more that day/ for they had done yough. Than another squire of England called Nycholas leave/ he touched the Shield of the lord of saint pie/ he was ready to answer. the first course they struck each other so sore on the sheldes/ that if their staves had not broken it had been to their great damage/ but they held themselves well fro falling. The second cope they attainted each other on the helms that the fire flew out/ for their strokes crossed and so passed by. The third was a goodly course/ for they struck each other so even in the sight of their helms/ that each of them unhelmed other/ so clearly/ that their helms flew in to the field over their horse cropes'. the iusters ceased for that day/ for there was none english man that offered to just any more that day. Than the earl of Huntyngdon and the earl Martial/ and the lord Clyfforde/ the lord Beaumont/ sir johan Clinton/ sir johan Dambretycourt/ sir Peter Shyrborne/ and all other knights that had jousted those four days with the french knights thanked them greatly of their pastance/ and said. sirs all such as would just of our party have accomplished their desires/ wherefore now we will take leave of you/ we will return to calais/ and so in to England. And we know well that who so ever will just with you shall find you here these thirty days/ according to the tenor of your challenge. and we once come into England/ such knights as desire to do deeds of arms/ we shall desire them to come to visit you. The three knights thanked them and said. They shall be right heartily welcome/ and we shall deliver them according to the right of arms/ as we have done you/ and more over we thank you of the courtesy that ye have showed to us. Thus in curtes manner the english men departed fro saint Ingilbertes and road to calais/ where they tarried not long/ for the saturday after they took shiping & sailed to Dover/ and was there by noon/ and the sunday they road to Rochester/ and the next day to London/ and so every man to his own. The three french knights kept still their place at saint Ingylbertes. The french king and the lord of Garancyers/ who had been there all that season was unknown (when the english men were departed) they never seized riding/ till they came to Crayll on the river of Oyse/ where the queen was at that tyme. After that the english men came in to England I heard not that any more came over to do any deeds of arms at saint Ingylbertes/ how be it the three french knights held still their place till their thirty days were accomplished/ and than at their leisure they returned every man and came to Paris to see the king and the duke of Thourayne and other lords that were at Paris at that time/ who made them good cheer/ as reason required/ for they had valiantly borne themself/ whereby they achieved great honour of the king and of the realm of France. ⸪   

¶ Of the enterprise and voyage of the knights of France and England/ and of the duke of Burbone who was chief of that army/ at the request of the genovoys/ to go in to Barbary to besiege the strong town of africa. Cap. C.lxix.  
I Shall now declare the manner of an high and noble enterprise that was done in this season by knights of France/ of England/ & of other countries/ in the realm of Barbary. Sith I have concluded the arms that was done at saint Ingylbertes/ now will I show of other matters/ for to me it is great pleasure to declare them/ for if pleasure had not inclined me to write and to inquire for the truth of many matters/ I had never come to an end as I have done. Now sayeth the text of the matter that I will proceed on/ that in this season news spread abroad in France and in divers other countries that the genovoys would make an army to go in to Barbary with great provision/ as well of bysquet as fresh water and wyneger/ with gales and vessels for all knights and squires that would go in that voyage. the cause that moved them thus to do I shall show you. Of along time the affrycans had made war by see on the fronters of the genovoys/ and pilled and rob their Islands/ such as were obeisant to them/ and also the river of Genes lay ever in apparel and danger of them of Auffryke/ which was a strong town on the parties/ garnished with gates/ towers/ and high and thick walls/ deep dykes. And like as the strong town of calais is the key whereby who soever is lord thereof may enter into the realm of France/ or in to Flaunders at his pleasure/ and may by see or by land suddenly invade with great puissance/ & do many great feats. In like wise by comparison this town of africa is the key of the barbaryns and of the realm of africa/ and of the realms of Bougne/ and Thunes/ and of other realms of the infidels in those parties. This town did much displeasure to the genovoys/ who are great merchants/ and by them of africa they were often times taken on the see/ as they went or returned fro their feat of merchandises. Than the genovoys who were rich & puissant both by land and by see/ having great sygnories/ they regarded the deeds of the affrycans/ and also considered the complaints of such isles as were under their obeisance/ as the isle Dabble the isle of Sire/ the isle of Guerse/ the isle of Bostan/ the isle of Gorgennem/ and unto the Gulf of Lion/ & to the isles of Sardonne and Finisse/ and unto the isle of Mayllorke/ which three isles be under the obeisance of the king of Arragon. Than the genovoys by common accord agreed to send in to the french court/ and to offer to all knights and squires that would go with them to be siege this town of africa/ to find them galees/ and other vessels charged with bysquet/ sweet water/ and wyneger/ at their cost and charge/ so that one of the french kings uncles or else his brother the duke of Thourayn/ who was young and lusty/ and likely to conquer honour/ should be capitain general. And the genovoys furthermore promised xii thousand crossbows genovoys well furnished/ and eight thousand of other with spears and pavesses/ at their cost & charge. This the genovoys died because they knew that there was a truce between England and France for three year/ wherefore they supposed that knights and inquyers as well of France as of England/ would be glad to be doing in some part.  
When tidings came first into France of this voyage/ the knights and squires of the country were right joyful/ and the messengers fro Genne were answered that they should not depart till they were well herd and so to have succour/ their request was so reasonable/ as to the augmenting of the christian faith. Thus they were caused to tarry a season at Paris. There to debate that matter/ and to see who should be chief sovereign of the army for that voyage/ and to whom every man should obey. The duke of Thourayne of his own voluntary will/ offered himself to go. but the king and his uncles would in no wise agree thereto/ saying how it was no voyage for him/ and they considered well how that genovoys desired other to have him or else one of the kings uncles. Than it was agreed that the duke of Burbone uncle to the king should be sovereign and chief of that army/ & should have in his company the lord of Coucy. When the ambassadors of Gene were answered that it was concluded without fail that they should have aid of knights and squires of France/ and the kings uncle the duke of Burbone to be sovereign and chief capitain/ whereof these ambassadors were well content/ and took their leave of the king and of his counsel/ and returned in to their own country. Tidings anon spread abroad in that realm of France of this voyage into Barbary. To some it was pleasant/ and to some not delectable/ and many that would have gone went not. There was none that went but on their own charge and cost. No lord sent any but of their own servants. Also it was ordained that none should pass of the nation of France/ without licence of the king/ for the king would not that so many should have gone to leave the realm destitute of knights and squires. Also it was agreed that no varlets should pass/ but all gentle/ men/ and men of feat & defence. Also to please all other nations/ knights & squires strangers had free liberty to come and to enter into this honourable voyage/ whereof all knights strangers greatly praised the french king and his counsel for that deed. The duke of Burbone who was one of the chief of the realm/ sent incontinent his officers to Gennes to make provision according to his estate. The gentle earl of Awergne sent also to Gennes to make his provisions/ and the lord of Coucy was not behind. Also sir Guy de la Tremoyle/ and sir johan of Vyen admiral of France/ and all other lords and knights such as were ordained to go in that voyage/ sent to make their provisions/ every man after his degree. Also so did sir philip de Arthoys earl of Ewe/ and sir Phylip of Bare/ the lord of Harcourt/ sir Henry Dantoinge. Also out of Bretayne and Normandy many lords & other appareled themselves to go into Barbary. Also of Haynalt the lord of Ligne/ the lord of Haureth/ and for them of Flaunders there was great ꝓuysion made. Also the duke of Lancastre had a bastard son called Henry of lancaster/ he had devotion to go in the same voyage/ & he provided him of good knights and squires of England/ that acompanyed him in that voyage. The earl of Foiz sent his bastard son called jobbayne of Foiz/ well provided with knights & squires of Bierne. Every man provided themselves nobly and each for other/ and about the mids of May the that were furthest of fro Gene set forward to come to Gennes/ whereas the assemble was appointed/ and where as all their galees and vessels were assembled. It was a month or they could all assemble there. The genovoys were right joyful of their coming/ and gave great presents to the chief lords/ the better thereby to win their loves. They were numbered when they were together by the marshals xiiii. hundred knights and squires. Than they entered in to the galees and vessels that were provided for them/ well furnisshed of all things necessary. Thus they departed fro the port of Gennes about the feast of midsummer/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and ten.  
GReat pleasure it was to behold their departing and to see their standards/ getorns/ and pennons waning in the wind and shining against the son/ and to here the trumpets & clarions swooning in the air/ with other minstrelsy. The first night they lay at anchor at the entering in to the high see. all varlets & horses abode behind/ a horse that was worth thirty franks at their departing was sold for ten franks/ for there were many knights and squires that wist not when they should return. they could not have five horses kept at Gennes for a frank a day/ and therefore at their departing they made money of them/ and that was but little. There were a hundred galees garnished with men of war/ crossbows/ & pavesses/ and more than a. C. of other vessels laden with ꝓuysion & other necessaries. The next day at the break of the day they weighed anchors/ and rowed all that day by force of owers and the night following/ costing the land. The third day they came to Portefyn/ and there cast anchor/ and tarried there all that night/ and the next day they came to another port & town called the port Vender/ and there tarried and refreshed them. The next day they passed further into the great see in the name of god & our lady/ and saint George/ & first they found the isle of Dabble/ and than that isle of Guerfe/ the isle of Argenen/ and the isle of Sardyns/ & passed the Gulf of the Lion/ which was a dangerous & a doubtful passage/ but they could not eschew it the way that they took/ they were there in great apparel all to have been lost. the season was so troublous & tempests so terrible/ that the wisest mariner that there was could give no counsel but to abide the adventure/ & the will of god/ whereby the fleet departed a sunder some here and some there/ they wist never where. This tempest endured a day & a night. when this tempest was sest/ and the winds pacified/ than the patrons & pilots set their courses to draw to the isle of Commeres/ a xxx mile fro Auffryke. and fro the town thither as they entented to go. For at the going out of the Gulf of Lion/ the patrons said one to another/ if it fortune that we be driven a sunder by force of wind and wether/ than let us draw to the isle of Commeres/ and there let us tarry each for other. And as they had devised so they did/ for the first that came thither tarried till the last came/ and or all could assemble there together it was a nine days. This isle of Commeres is a pleasant isle/ thought it be not great. There the lords refreshed them and thanked god/ whhan they saw they had lost none of their company. then the lords and patrons took counsel what was best for them to do/ considering they were so near the town of africa.  
¶ Now I will leave to speak of these lords of France for a season/ and speak of other matters that was done in that season in Frauncel and specially in the country of Awergne/ in the marches of the land of the earl dolphin/ who was forth in the said voyage. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ Of a capitain a robber and a pillar of the country/ called Aymergot marcel/ who held a strong castle in the marches of Rovergne called the Roche of Vandois/ and how it was besieged by the viscount of Meaulx/ and of the taking thereof/ and how Aymerygotte was taken and brought to Paris. Cap. C.lxx  
IN this season while this assemble was a making to go in to Barbary for a good intent/ as to exalt the christian faith/ certain robbers and pillars in Awergne/ & Rovergne/ and in Lymosyn/ were of contrary minds/ for though the countries thought themself in surety/ by reason of the chartre of the truce that was taken between England and France/ which had been ꝓclaymed and published in all fortresses/ and before all the captains that made any war/ or held any fortresses of the english part. And an article there was/ that who so ever broke or violated any point or article comprised in the treaty should receive punyssyon of death/ without hope of any remission/ & specially Perot le Bernoys capitain of Caluset/ Amergot marcel/ olive Barb capitain of Dousac/ in the marches of Awergne/ were enclosed by name in the charter of the crabtree/ to the intent that if they or any of theirs did or consented to do any thing contrary/ that they should not ercuse themself. some of the captains that feared to die a shameful death/ or to run in to the indignation of the french king/ held surely all the points of the charter. But some did not so which they dearly bought/ as ye shall here after.  
ye shall know as it hath been here before rehearsed/ how johan earl of Armynake & bernard dolphin of Awergne/ and th'earl Clermounte/ were in treaty with certain captains that held fortresses in the said countries against the french king. These said lords made such diligence that they brought divers of these captains to composition/ and to the selling of their fortresses. Their treaty and composition was that they should renounce the war between England & France/ and during the truce they to go with the earl of Armynake in to Lombardy/ or whither as he would lead them/ to aid him in his war a 'gainst the lord Galeas earl of Virtues/ who had disherited his cousin germans/ children to his uncle the lord Barnabo/ as it hath been showed here before/ and so what to have their aid and to avoid the country of these robbers & pillars (who had done so much hurt in the country/ both to men and women) the said earl of Armynake/ and the earl dolphin his cousin/ took great pain in that matter. And at the instant requests & prayers of the good men of the cities and towns of the plain countries aforesaid/ so that there was a tail gathered in Awergne/ Guynaldan/ Rovergne Carnosyn/ and in Lymosyn/ to the sum of two hundred thousand franks/ so that poor and rich paid somuch/ that divers sold & laid to pledge their heritages/ and were glad so to do to live at rest in their countries. And the good men thought by reason of paying of this money/ and avoiding of the said five robbers & pillars/ that they should then have been quite for ever of them/ but it proved not so in divers places/ & specially of Aymergot marcel and of his men. For after that the castle of Aloys was yelden up and sold by Aymergot marcel to the earl of Armynake/ which fortress stood in the heart of all Awergne/ this Aymergot was well worth in ready money a hundred thousand franks/ which he had gotten by robory & pillage/ and by raunsominge of men/ and patesing of the country/ and he had kept the rule more than ten year. th'earl of Armynake desired greatly to have in his company the said Aymergot Mercell & thought not to leave him behind him for two reasons. One was/ because he would gladly have the counsel & advise of him/ for he was expert and subtile in all feats of arms/ both in sauting/ sealing/ and stealing of fortresses. The second reason was/ the earl feared that if this Aymergot should a bide behind in the country/ though he had sold to him the fortress of Aloyse and other fortresses/ yet he might do moche damage in the country of Awergne and Rovergne/ wherefore th'earl made great labour to have him. But always Aymergot dissimuled the matter and said. When I see the certain of the earl of armagnacs departing/ than I know mine own will is so good that I will not bide behind. Other answer the earl could not get of him. The earl of Armynake lay at Coming and about Tholousyn/ in his country/ and there made his assemble/ which voyage had been more hasted/ and the voyage in to Auffryke had not been/ that letted him a season/ for divers knights and squires that went in that voyage had promised him/ and this voyage in to Barbary came so suddenly that it hindered his voyage. When tidings was known in France of the treaties that the earl of Armynake had made with the said captains in Awergne/ there was made as much haste as might be to pay the money to the captains.  
Aymergot Marsell was sore disposed with himself in that he had sold and delivered the strong castle of Aloyse/ for he saw his own authority thereby greatly abated/ and perceived well how he was the less feared/ for all the season that he kept it he was doubted and feared/ and honoured with all men of war of his part/ and had kept a great estate always in the castle of Aloyse. The patesing of countries that he held under subjection/ was well worth yearly twenty thousand florayns. When he remembered all this he was sorrowful/ his treasure he thought he would not minish/ he was wont daily to search for new pillages/ whereby increased his profit/ and than he saw that all was closed fro him. Than he said and imagined/ that to pill and to rob (all thing considered) was a good life/ and so repented him of his good doing. On a time he said to his old companions. Sirs/ there is no sport nor glory in this world among men of war/ but to use such life as we have done in time past. What a joy was it to us when we road forth at adventure/ and sometime found by the way a rich prior or merchant/ or a rout of mulettes of Mountpellyer/ of Narbone/ of Lemons/ of Fongans/ of Besyers'/ of toulouse/ or of Carcassone/ laden with cloth of Bruselles/ or peltre aware coming fro the fairs/ or laden with spicery fro Bruges/ fro Damas'/ or fro Alysaunder/ what so ever we met all was ours/ or else ransomed at our pleasures/ daily we gate new money/ and the villains of Awergne and of Lymosyn daily provided and brought to our castle wheat meal/ breed ready baken/ oats for our horses/ & litter/ good wines/ beffes/ and fat mottons/ pullen/ and wyldefoule/ we were ever furnished as though we had been hands. when we road forth all the country trymbled for fear/ all was ours going or coming? How took we Carlaste/ I and the Bourge of company/ and I and Perot of Bernoys took Caluset? How did we scale with little aid the strong castle of Marquell/ pertaining to the earl dolphin/ I kept it not past five days but I received for it on a fair table five thousand franks/ and forgave one thousand for the love of the earl Dolphins children? By my faith this was a fair and a good life/ wherefore I repute myself sore deceived in that I have rendered up the fortress of Aloys/ for it would have been kept fro all the world/ and the/ day that I gave it up/ it was furnished with victuals to have been kept seven year without any revytayling. This earl of Armynake hath deceived me/ olive Barb & Perotle Bernoys showed me how I should repent myself. certain I sore repent me of that I have done. And when such of his companions as had served him long heard him speak those words/ they perceived well how he spoke them with all his heart unfeigned. Than they said to him. Aymergot we are all ready yet to serve you/ let us renew again our war/ and let us get some strong hold in Awergne or in Lymosyn/ and let us fortify it/ and than sir we shall soon recover our damages. we shall make a goodly flight in Awergne and in Lymosyn/ for as now the earl dolphin and Hugh his brother are out of the country/ & divers other knights and squires in their company in to the voyage of Barbary/ and specially the lord of Coucy/ who hath the sovereign regard under the king of all those marches/ therefore we shall not need to fear him/ nor the duke of Berrey/ for he is at Paris/ so thus we shall have now a good season. Well quoth Aymergot/ I have good will thus to do/ saving I am by name expressed in the chartre of the truce. What for that sir quoth his company/ ye need not care therefore if ye list. ye are not subject to the french king/ ye own him neither faith nor obeysayunce/ ye are the king of England's man/ for your heritage (which is all destroyed and lost) lieth in Lymosyn/ and sir we must live. and though we make war to live the englishmen will not be myscontent with us/ and such as be in our case will draw to us. And sir we have now good title to make war/ for we be not now in Awergne where the covenant was made that we be bound unto. let us send to the villains of the villages when we be once in a strong hold/ and command them to pay us a truage/ or else to make them sore war. Well sirs quoth Aymergot/ first let us provide for a strong place to abide in and to draw unto when we need. Some of them said/ sir we know where there is a strong hold/ with a little new fortifyenge/ pertaining to the heritage of the lord of the Tower/ no man keepeth it/ let us draw thither and fortify it/ than may we at our ease run in to Awergne and Lymosyn. Where lieth this place quoth Aymergot? Sir quod they within a league of the Tower/ and it is called the Roche of Vandoys. It is true quoth Aymergot/ I know it well/ it is a meet place for us/ let us go thither and fortify it. Thus on this purpose they concluded/ and on a day assembled together and went to the Roche of Vandoys. Than Aymergote aviewed the place to see if it were worth the fortifyenge thereof. And when he had well aviewed the situation thereof/ and the defences that might be made there/ it pleased him right well. Thus they took it and fortified it little and little or they began to do any displeasure in the country. And when they saw the place strong sufficiently to resist a against siege or assault/ and that they were well horsed and well provided of all things necessary for their defence/ than they began to ride abroad in the country and took prisoners and ransomed them/ and provided their hold with flesh/ meal/ wax/ wine/ salt/ iron/ and steel/ and of all other necessaries. There came nothing amiss to them without it had been to heavy or to hot. The country all about and the people/ weening to have been in rest and peace by reason of the truce made between the two kings and their realms/ they began than to be sore abashed/ for these robbers & pillars took them in their houses/ and where so ever they found them/ in the fields labouring. and they called themselves adventurers. when the lord of the tower knew that he had such neighbours so near him/ he was not well assured of himself but fortified and made good watch in all his towns and castles. The countess of dolphin a right valiant lady and of great prudence/ being with her children in a good town and strong castle of hers called Sardes/ she was not well assured of herself when she heard that Aymergotte and his company had fortified that Roche of Vandoys. She sent incontinent to all her castle and furnished them with men of war/ as Marquell/ Oudable/ Chyllac/ and Blere/ and in to other places/ to the intent they should not be surprised/ for she greatly doubted this Aymergot because he had of her before at one payment five thousand florayns. Surely all the country of Awergne and Lymosyn began greatly to be afraid. then the knights and squires/ and men of the good towns/ as of Cleremount/ of mount Ferante/ and of Ryon/ determined to send to the french king/ and so they did.  
IN the mean season while the said countess and the other good men of the country did send to the french king and to the duke of Berrey/ who as than were at Paris/ Aymergot and his company fortified greatly the Roche of Vandoys. first they made a lodging for their horses. When all other adventures who were discharged out of wages heard how Aymergot made war again/ they were right joyful thereof/ and many came to him. Anon he had more of these robbers and pillars than he would have/ they demanded no wages of him/ but all only that they might be of his band/ for all such as might be of his company they knew well they should lightly win somewhat/ for they were abandoned to rob and to pill. Thus they road up and down and made themself to be known in divers places. There was no speaking in Awergne and Lymosyn but of them of Roche Vandoys/ the country was sore afraid. They of Caluset (whereof Perotte le Bernoys was capitain) held and kept firmly the truce that was made/ and when he saw that Aymergot marcel over ran so the country/ he was sore disposed with him/ and said how he did evil/ and sent him word that he nor none of his should come in to Caluset/ nor in to none other place where he had any rule. Aymergot cared nothing for that/ for he had places enough to draw unto. beside that he had men enough/ and daily increased/ for such as were minded to do evil drew to him daily. Perot of Bernoys charged such as were under his rule on pain of their lives that none should ride out to do any damage to his neighbours for he said he would surely keep the truce. olive Barb captain of Ousac dissimuled the matter/ saying how he would keep the truce/ how be it as it was showed me some of his men sometime would ride forth secretly/ and what they wan he would have the profit thereof. The men of the countries of Cleremount/ of Mount Ferant/ and of Ryon who were going in message to the french king/ and to the duke of Berrey. They sped so in their journeys that they came to Paris/ and there found the king/ the duke of Berrey/ the duke of Thourayne/ and the constable of France sir Oliver of Clysson. They came first to the duke of Berrey and to his counsel/ and showed the cause of their coming/ how Aymergot marcel made war and destroyed the country of Awergne/ and how the evil people daily multiplied/ wherefore they desired for godsake to have some remedy. saying if these evil people should long contyne we/ they would destroy the country of Awergne/ and the fronters of Lymosyn. When these tidings came to the king and to the duke of Berrey/ they were sore disposed/ for they had thought all had been in peace/ by reason of the truce. Than the king demanded if they of the garrison of Caluset and Ousac did any evil or not. They answered and said/ they complained of no man but all only of Aymergot marcel and of his company/ who hath fortified the Roche of Vandoys. then the king and the duke of Berrey answered and said. Sirs ye good people take good herd to yourselves and we shall provide shortly a remedy/ that ye shall well perceive▪ return to your places and show this answer to them that sent you hither. These good men of Awergne were well content with their answer/ and tarried there two days/ and than returned and took their leave specially of the duke of Berrey and so departed.  
THe french king and his counsel forgot not these tidings/ nor the duke of Berrey/ whom the matter touched greatly/ because he held great heritages in Awergne/ therefore he advanced the business. ye have herd here before how the lord of Coucy was ordained by the king and his counsel to be captain/ and to have the sovereign rule of all the country/ fro the see by Rochel/ unto the river of Dordone and to Bordeaux on the river of Geron. As than the lord of Coucy was not in the country: He was going in the voyage to Barbary/ with other lords of France/ and of other countries. How be it at his departing he ordained his cousin sir Robert of Bethune viscount of Meaulx to be his lieutenant in the said country. Than the king said/ how it was most meetest that the viscount of Meaulx should have the charge of that voyage to go in to Languedocke/ rather than any other person. He was at Coude on the river of Marne. The king wrote to him. The messangere found him with his wife at Counde/ and there he delivered his letters fro the French king. The viscount received them/ and whane he knew what they mente/ he said he would obey the kings commandment. He prepared himself as soon as he might/ & departed fro Counde and road so long that he cae to Paris where he found the king and his counsel/ who said unto him. viscount make you ready/ assemble the men of war of your retinue/ for ye must go in to Awergne. There be of thes pillars and robbers/ of whom Aymergotte Mercell is chief/ as we be informed/ who distroyech and sore traveleth the good people there. Do ye so much as to drive them out of that country: And if ye may attrap the said Aymergotte bring him to us/ and we shall have great joy thereof. It is ordained that there shallbe delivered to you/ such sums of money at Cleremount/ that shall suffice for your men of war. And to go fro hens thither speak to our treasurers/ & they shall deliver you for your expenses. Make haste/ for it requireth diligence. The viscount answered how he was ready/ and so went to his lodging. And there he wrote letters to knights and squires in France and Picardy of his acquaintance & retynewe/ that they in all haste should meet with him at Charters/ and there to make their musters. such as he wrote unto obeyed/ they loved the viscount/ for they held him for a good captain. So they came to the city of Charters at their day prefixed. There assembled a two hundred spears of good men of war. when they were assembled/ they departed fro Charters and took the way towards Awergne/ and so came in to Burbonoys. tidings came in to Awergne how socours was coming to them out of France/ whereof all the country was rejoiced.  
IT was needful that these men of war came thither so soon as they died/ for and they had tarried but six days lengar/ aymergot marcel and his band had thought to have over run the plain country/ between Cleremount and Mountferante/ and about Ryon to Ganape. And if they had made that voyage they had done great damage to the country/ more to the value than a hundred thousand franks/ for in those marchesse lay the richesse of Awergne/ and no man should have resisted them for the country as than was void of any man of war. And also the brute was/ that Aymergotte Mercelles company was far more in number than they were in deed. Aymergotte was ready to have made this journey/ but tidings came to him how soever it was by pilgrims or by espies that the viscount of Meaulx with a great company was coming against him to make him war/ and to put him out of his fortress of the Roche of Vandoys. These news letted his enterprise/ and kept himself within his hold/ and thought they should be besieged. Than Aymergot marcel began to dought and repent him of that he had done/ for he knew well if that he were taken/ there should no ransom go for him. then he said to some of his company. I am shamed: I have believed evil counsel: covetousness shall destroy me/ without I have comfort. than they said to him. Sir/ why dow ye thus? We have seen you the hardyest man of arms of all these marchesse. We have a good garrison and well provided and we are men of defence/ and love as well to defend our bodies/ as ye do to defend yours/ ye can lose nothing but we must lose also. If by adventure ye be taken/ ye shall make your finance according to reason. ye have good enough and we have nothing. If we be taken it lieth on our heeds/ we get none other remission. We shall sell ou● lives dear. Let us defend ourself aswell as we can/ be not abashed with any thing that we here or see. We think we shall natte need to care for any siege. Let us war wisely. Thus these companions comforted Aymergot marcel.  
THe viscount of Meaulx with his company came forward till they came to Moleyns' in Burbonoys. There the duchess of Burbone/ daughter to the Earl dolphin received the viscount and his knights right honourably/ and made them to dine. Than they passed forth and lay that night at saint Pursant/ and fro thence to Ganape and so to Argre Prose/ and than to Ryon/ and fro thence to Cleremount where they were well received with the bishop and with them of the town. There the men of war had money/ for there was a tail gathered and delivered at Clerimont. then they passed forth and came to our lady of Dorinall a four leagues fro the Roche of Vandoyes. There the viscount rested and sent for the knights and squires of Awergne and of Lymosyn. There they assembled. They were than to the number of four hundred spears one and other/ and about a hundred cross bows of Genoese. There was with the viscount of Meaulxe the lord of Montague/ Vermendisyens/ and his brother the lord of Dommart/ and sir Bernard de la river/ sir Guyllyam Butler/ the lord of the Dumb/ the lord de la Roche/ the lord of the Tower/ sir Joys Dambyer/ the lord of saint Ampysse/ and sir Robert Dalphyn/ and divers other. And captains of the Genoese were two valiant squires/ The one named Aubert of Nespynolle and Callenace. And as than chief Steward with the viscount of Meaulx was a gentle squire called Joys of Lesglynell. These Genoese and cross bows were armed at all pieces/ else they should not have past wages with the viscount. ⸪  
when Aymergot marcel and Guyotdu Shall his uncle/ understood that these men of war of France/ of Picardy/ of Awergne/ & of Gene were come to our Lady of Dornall/ and were minded to come & lay siege to their hold of Roche vandoys. Than they advised what was best for them to do to make defence. first they considered well/ that it was ●at for them to keep any horse/ seeing they should be besieged. not far of fro the Roche of Vandois there was another strong hold called saint Souperye/ under the rule of Aymergotte Mercell/ and there was his wife/ and thither he sent all his pages and horses and the most part of all his richesse. This roche of Vandoys was well fortified/ and it stood in a strong ground. The lord of the Tower was sore blamed of them of the country/ that he had left that place unfortifyed and unprovided It was commonly said in Awergne/ that they might thank the lord of the Tower for all the damage they had taken/ because he might well have kept the Roche of Vandoys/ or if he would not have kept it for cost/ he might have delivered it to the men of the country/ that they might have razed it/ in such wise/ that it should not have been tenable/ but he left the walls hole and entire/ as he found them. This Roche of Vandoys is set among high mountains/ and that rock standeth a part/ and on the one side the walls be of a rock. They had so fortified it/ that it could not be assailed but on the fore part by scrymysshing. The viscount of Meaulx departed fro our lady of Dorcynall/ and knights and squires/ and genovoys' cross bows/ and so came before the Roche of Vandoys. there like good men of war they laid their siege/ and little and little amended their lodgings. when the countess of Alfyne being at Sardes/ knew the true tidings that the Roche of Vandoys was besieged she was right joyful. And because that she thought that the Viscount of Meaulx was come so far (as out of France and Picardy) that he had brought with him no tents nor pavilions. She ordained for him two fair and good tents/ pertaining to th'earl dolphin/ and sent them to the viscount/ by manner of lending of them to him during the siege. The viscount took the present in good gree/ and recommended him heartily to the countess/ thanking her for the tents that she had sent him/ for they should do him good service. The lord of the Tower was in his own country/ and was within a mile of a castle of his own/ so that he lacked nothing: other knights and squires made provision as well as they might. They had victuals plenty fro all parts at a reasonable price. the season was fair/ dry/ and hot/ as in the month of August. The knights and other companions refreshed themselves under the green bows. Than tidings came in to the host that died put the lords and their companions in doubt. It was showed them that the garrisons of their enemies/ as of Caluset and of Dousacke assembled together/ & were determined in a morening to awake the host or they were ware/ and to raise the siege. Than the viscount of Meaulx and his knights took counsel together and determined to send a herald to Perot of Bernoys captain of Calusette and to olive Barb captain of Dousac to know their minds/ to the intent that they were not surprised/ but that they might be assured of the english garysons. And according as they had answer again/ thereafter to provide for themself. They sent an herald and instructed him what he should do and say. the herald departed fro the host and road to Caluset/ and thereby adventure found Perotte at the barrier's with many of his company/ who were there sporting and casting the stone. Than the messenger lighted from his horse and demanded for the captain. He was brought to him/ and when he came before him he died his message fro point to point. Than Perot le Bernoys said. Heraude/ say to your masters that we will hold and keep as affermely and truly/ the truece that is taken between England and France/ in like manner/ as we would they should keep with us. And if we know any of ours that will break or violate the peace by any manner of incident. If we may take them/ we shall do such correction as aparteyneth to be done/ as we have promised. And we will that ye say to your masters/ that look what Aymergotte hath done/ was without our counsel/ for he never showed us of his purpose. We died charge him and all his/ that he should not meddle in our signory/ if he died/ he should have an evil end. The herald was had in to the fortress and there dined. Than he took leave and there was given him ten franks. than he departed and demanded the way to Dousacke/ and found there olive Barb/ captain of that fortress. The herald spoke to him in like manner/ as he had done to Perot le Bernoys. olive Barb answered that in no wise he would break the crabtree/ because he would not be dishonoured/ and there he gave him ten franks/ and than departed and returned to his master/ before the roche of Vandoys. Than the knights were sore desirous to here tidings/ they drew about the viscount. There the herald showed how he had been at Calyset and at Dousacke/ and what answer he had of the captains. than the Viscount praised moche Perotte le Bernoyes and olive Barb/ and was as than out of doubt/ and so continued their siege.  
THe siege being before the Roche of Vandoys/ every day there was scrimysshing & often times some hurt with shot of the genovoys cross bows/ for the genovoys were good shooters. Thus the siege continued a nine weeks. Thenterprise of the garrison was greatly to the advantage of them within/ I shall show you the manner how. At certain places they might issue out at their pleasure/ in despite of all their enemies/ for & they should have kept them fro their issues/ they had need to have had more than six. M. men. Thus during the siege Aymergot was right ymaginatife and considered all things/ and saw well how he had not done well/ but to turn his deed in good manner/ and to th'intent that the Roche of Vandoys should still remain with him. He sent in to England a varlet of his with letters of credence/ to the king of England and to the duke of Lancastre. And of this purpose he broke his mind to an uncle of his called Guyot du Sall/ a man of a three score year of age/ who had greatly used deeds of arms/ and knew moche of the world When Aymergote had showed him the manner how he would send in to England/ this Guyotte was well agreed thereto/ and said how to send a wise man thither could do no hurt. Than they sent a varlet/ who had been brought up among them. Aymergot instructed him and said. We shall set the out of this house in save guard out of all peril/ and thou shalt have gold and silver enough. Thou shalt go in to England with these letters/ one to the king/ another to the duke of Lancastre/ and the third to the kings counsel/ and all these letters are of credence. Than they will demand of the the occasion of thy coming thither. And after thou hast made thy recommendation/ thou shalt say that Aymergot Mercell their poor soldier and subject/ and ready with good will to do them service/ is enclosed and besieged in a little fortress pertaining to the fealty of Lymosyn/ belonging to the king of England's heritage. And they that lie at the siege/ traveleth & taketh great pain daily to win us that doth defend the fortress. And the captain of them without is a lord/ cousin to the lord of Coucy called sir Robert vycount of Meaulx/ set there by the French king. Therefore desire the king & his counsel/ and specially the duke of Lancastre who hath the sovereign governance in Burdeloys/ and of the king of England's heritage in these parties. That it would please them to write and to command the viscount of Meaulx to depart fro the siege and to raise his army. And to write to the viscount that he is about to break the peace that was taken at Balyngham/ between Boloygne and calais. And because I am in doubt what answer the viscount will make to these letters (for he is somewhat strong and fro ward) Therefore desire that I may have in likewise letters fro the king and his counsel/ and fro the duke of Lancastre to the duke of Berrey. For if the duke of Berrey will/ incontinent the siege shall be raised. And for the more surety/ desire to have with the some knight of honour of the kings house or of the duke of Lancaster's/ such one as the duke of Berrey knoweth/ and the other lords of France. And show him fro me that I shall give him a. C. franks. Remember all these words and do thy message accordingly and show them that thou speakest withal that this little fortress that I have fortified/ if it may abide still english. It shall come well to point/ and specially to them that will make war in these parties for the king of England/ for the fortress standeth on the frontiers of the country/ for thereby may be won at a season in Awergne and Lymosyn/ two thousand franks.  
When Aymergot marcel & Guyotdu Shall his uncle had well instructed this varlet/ and that the letters of credence were written and sealed/ and delivered. The varlet departed by night and was well accompanied and conveyed a foot to another fortress ꝑteyning to Aymergot called saint Soupery. There he took a horse such as he would chose/ for he had a great journey to ride. He road forth through the realm of France like a French man of Awergne/ and so came to Calais and acquainted himself with the captain sir johan Beauchampe/ and showed him part of his business/ to the intent to have the sooner passage/ as he had. So he came to Dover and than took his journey to London. And it was his fortune that the king of England and his two uncles/ and the duke of Lancastre and the kings counsel were the same time at the palace of westminster in counselling for matters of Northumberlande/ for the scots held not well the truce/ as complaints were made. The same time Aymergottes varlet came to London and there took his lodging/ and showed his host part of the cause of his coming. His host brought him to westminster/ and caused him first to speak with the duke of Lancastre who was in his chamber. it was or he went to the counsel. there the varlet delivered him his letters. the duke took & read them. Than he drew him a part/ & demanded what credence he had. Than the varlet showed him all the hole matter/ as ye have herd here before. The duke heard him well/ and demanded if he had any more letters/ and he said that he had letters to the king and to his counsel/ that is well quoth the duke/ I shall cause the to have audience. than the duke went to the counsel. And when he saw the hour and time he moved the varlets matter/ and by the duke's advancement the varlet was sent for. Than he delivered to the king and to his counsel the letters/ they were opined and reed: and than he was demanded what was his credence/ and the varlet who was hardy and not abashed/ showed the business of Aymergot marcel right sagely/ and the better assured because every man gave him good audience. When he had said as much as he would/ than he was answered/ that the king would take counsel in the matter and make an answer. Than he went out of the counsel chamber and tarried till he had an answer.  
THe answer was/ that the king would write to the viscount of Meaulx and also to the duke of Berrey according as Aymergot had required/ and in likewise so promised the duke of Lancastre. and when the letters were written/ there was a gentleman of the duke of Lancastres' appointed to bear these letters. So they passed the see/ and with them went Derby an herald the better to further the matter/ because he was acquainted with the lords of Awergne/ and specially with the duke of Berrey. The gentleman of the duke of Lancaster's named Herbery/ went with the better will/ because the varlette promised him in the behalf of Aymergot a hundred franks. Thus they three departed and came to Dover/ and fro thence at a tide to Calis. And when their horses were unshipped/ they took the way to Boloygne and so through Picardy/ and went to Paris/ & fro thence in to Awergne. And when they approached near to Lymogines/ and to the country where the roche of Vandoyes was set. They road about the more secretly to come thither.  
THus as I have showed you thes messengers died so moche that they came near to the roche of vandoyes. when they were near where the siege lay/ the squire and the herald thought it for the best/ not to enter in to the town at that present tyme. But they sent the varlet in to the town/ saying they would do well enough without his company. For they said if he should be seen with them/ they at the siege would suppose/ that he had been sent in to England for them. the varlet obeyed/ & in the night he entered in to the town without danger. than Aymergot marcel & Guyot du Sall made him good cheer/ and had marvel that he had sped his journey in so short a space. There be showed how he had sped/ and how a squire of the duke of Lancaster's and a herald was come with him with letters fro the king and fro the duke of Lancastre/ both to the viscount of Meaulr and to the duke of Berrey if need were. And why quoth Aymergot mercell/ be they not come hither into this castle Sir qd the varlet/ they said they two would do their message well enough/ nor they would have no man seen in their company that should come fro you. They are the wiser qd Guyot du Sall/ thereby it shall seem that the matter toucheth the king of England and the duke of Lancastre. Sir it is true quoth the barlet. Of those tidings Aymergot was joyful and said to the varlet. Thou hast well and diligently sped thy matters/ and that in a short season/ I shall well reward the for thy labour. Thus the squire and the herald came straight to the siege and demanded for the Vycountes lodging. They were brought thither and there they found the viscount beholding men casting the stone. than they kneeled and saluted him and he them again/ and demanded fro whence they came. They answered and said/ how they came out of England/ sent thither by their king and by the duke of Lancaster. ye are welcome qd the viscount/ what matter hath brought you in to this wild country. Sir quoth the herald behold here this squire of the duke of Lancaster's/ who hath brought to you letters fro the king of England and fro the duke of Lancastre/ if it please you to read them. and because I somewhat knew the country I am come in his company. Than the squire delivered his letters/ and the vycount received them and beheld the seals/ and knew well they came out of England. Than he took one apart that could read/ and there he read the letters fro point to point two or three times till he knew well what they meant. than he studied & regarded well the king of England's writing/ who said in his writing that he had marvel that he would lodge/ sleep/ and rest him with an army of men of war on his heritage. & that he doth daily all that he can to break the peace/ which he ought in no wise to do/ for it is greatly ●iudiciall to them that have set to their seals to the confirmation of the peace. and the conclusion of the letter was/ how the king commanded them incontinent after the sight of his lets that he and his company should depart and raise their siege/ and suffer Aymergot Mercell peaceably to enjoy the house pertaining to his heritage/ which hath cost him great goods the fortifying. These words and such other were enclosed in these letters all to the aid of Aymergot marcel. in like manner as the kings letters spoke/ the duke of Lancaster sang the same note/ commanding like the excellent duke of Acquitayne and of all that duchy. And when the viscount of Meaulx had well advised himself he said. Fair sirs/ these tidings that ye have brought requireth counsel and advise/ I shall take counsel and than ye shall be answered. Than they were made to drink of the viscounts wine. In the mean time the viscount took counsel/ for he sent for the lord of the Tower & for sir Guyllyam Butler/ sir Robert dolphin/ sir Joys Dambyer/ and also for the lord Montaguy/ and for sir Berat de la river/ who was of his house. And when they were all together/ he renewed the words/ and showed them the cause why he had sent for them/ and there caused the letters to be reed before them. When these lords herd that/ they had great marvel how these letters could be brought out of England/ for as than they had not lain at the siege past a month. I shall show you quoth the viscount what I suppose. Aymergot marcel is a subtle man/ as soon as he saw that he should be besieged/ I think he sent incontinent some messenger in to England to attain these letters/ the which I may obey if I list/ but I shall answer them shortly But as in that the king of England and the duke of Lancastre commandeth me to do/ I will nothing obey their commandments/ for I am not bound to obey them/ but all only the French king/ by whose commandment I am sent hither. Call forth the squire and the herald I shall make them their answer/ they were brought forth. Than the viscount began to speak as followeth.  
you Derby and Tomelyn Herbery/ thus ye be named according to the tenor of your letters/ and as it appeareth ye be sent hither froth king of England/ & fro the duke of Lancastre/ they are informed I can not tell how other by Aymergot marcel or by some other that would aid him/ and hath been in England in his name/ how I am at this present time with an army of men of war lodged on the heritage of the king of England's/ and he commandeth me to depart and raise my siege/ and to suffer Aymergot marcel peaceably to enjoy this little fortress/ which hath cost so much the fortefyenge/ and also they send me word how I do put myself in apparel of dyshonoring/ in that I should consent to break the peace/ sealed and conf●rmed to endure three years between the two kings and their alyes. Fair sirs I say unto you that I will do nothing that shall be against the charter of peace/ I will keep the truce/ and do nothing against it/ and though I am lodged here it breaketh no peace nor truce. I am subject to the french king who hath sent me hither/ and hath admitted me as his marshal of this small army/ for it came to the knowledge of the king my master and his counsel/ by grievous complaints of the noble men & other of the country of Awergne and Lymosyn/ how they had taken great damages and losses/ by the means that Aymergot advised a strong place between the countr●●s/ which was void and not inhabited/ he took and fortified it/ and hath not made it a house of peace or solace/ but a strong fortress and a resorting place for thieves/ robbers/ and murderer's/ whereupon I am commanded to be here to defend the country/ and to the intent that such as be assembled in this forttesse should not multiply in their wickedness/ but to punish them by such sentence as apartayneth to their trespass/ and for that intent I do put to my pain to take them if I can/ the which commandment of my master I will obey/ and shall do my devoir to acquit me truly. and fro hence I will not depart what so ever commandment I have/ till I have the fortress/ and them that be within. And if Aymergot marcel will say that I am advanced to break the peace/ let him come forth and he shall be fought withal with one that is better than he/ and shall cause to be proved by divers points and articles/ that he himself breaketh the peace. Sirs all things considered I make you this answer/ ye may return when it please you/ and when ye come there as ye would be/ say none otherwise nor no less than I have said to you/ for often times reports not truly set/ informeth lords often times otherwise than the truth is in deed. Sir quoth the squire we are come hither for none other purpose but to report the troth of that we here and see/ and sith ye will none otherwise do/ we need no longer to abide here and so took their leave. And there was given to the herald ten franks/ for the honour of the king of England and the duke of Lancastre.  
When they were departed they took the high way to Cleremount/ and said they would again to Paris/ & when they were half a league on their way than they began to enter in to their matter and said. As yet we have done nothing/ it behoveth us to go to the duke of Berrey in to Awergne/ who is lord of this country/ for he writeth himself duke of Berrey and of Awergne/ the by count of Meaulx dare not displease the duke if he command him to depart/ and we have letters fro the king our master and fro the duke of Lancastre to him/ wherefore it is reason that we deliver them/ and that we may know his intent. They concluded on that purpose/ and so road to Cleremounte/ thyder they were welcome/ for the herald knew the country/ and when they were demanded what they were/ they answered that they were messengers sent fro the king of England/ and than they demanded where the duke of Berrey was/ and it was showed them that the duke and the duchess was in a castle of theirs named the Nonec●e. The herald knew it well/ he had been there before. Than they departed fro Cleremount/ and road to Vyore/ and fro thence to Nonect. There is a high mountain to pass or one come to the castle. When they came there the duke of Berrey with many other was sporting without the gate/ the herald was known with divers. Than they were brought to the duke/ who for the love of the king of England and of the duke of Lancastre/ made them good cheer. the squire delivered his letters to the duke/ who received them/ and opened and read them at length two times over. Than he studied a little and answered them courteously and said. Sirs for the love of our cousins in England we shall gladly do our power. Of the which answer the squire and the herald were right joyous and thought than how they had sped all their matter/ but it was not so as ye shall here after. how be it the duke of Berrey at the beginning did his devoir to have raised the siege to please thereby the king of England and the duke of Lancastre/ who desired that the siege might be raised before the Roche of Vandoys/ and that the little fortress might abide still to Aymergot marcel & if he have done any thing to displease the french king or his counsel the king of England would see that there should be amends made. And the duke of Berrey because he would acquit him truly to the english men's desires/ such as were in his house/ he wrote incontinent letters well endyghted to the viscount of Meaul●/ and these letters were red or they were sealed before the english men/ who thought them well ordained. These letters were sent by a notable squire of the duke of Berreys to the viscount of Meaulx/ who received them and opened them. Than the viscount caused them to be red before such lords as were there with him/ while the messenger was a drinking. for they made him good cheer/ for the love of the duke of Berrey/ as it was reason. Sirs quoth the viscount/ we shall not be in rest sith the duke of Berrey will bear Aymergot who is the man of the world that this twelve year hath most gr●ued and travailed the country of Awergne. I had thought that the duke had hated him greatly/ but it seemeth nay/ sith he hath ●rpresly commanded that I should depart fro hence. But by my faith at this time I will not obey this letter/ but I will make excuse by reason of the king and his counsel/ who sent me hither and at my departing fro Paris he straightly commanded me that for any commandment fro any person/ and if it were not fro the king kymselfes/ that I should not depart fro hence till I had taken the strong hold of the Roche of Vandoys/ and Aymergot therein/ which I will do if I can/ and now the duke of Berrey commandeth me the contrary/ for he chargeth me incontinent his letters seen/ that I should raise the siege. By my faith I will not do it. Sir quod they that were about him/ ye speak royally and truly/ and we shall abide with you/ but we suppose the occasion that the duke of Berrey writeth thus for Aymergot/ is that the english squire and the herald hath thus desired him to write. we think also they have brought letters to him fro the king of England/ and fro the duke of Lancastre/ as they brought to you this other day. ye say well quoth the viscount/ and I shall know it if I came. Than the duke of berry's squire was sent for to have his answer/ and the viscount said to him. Pyer/ I will well that ye know that I own obeisance to the duke of Berrey/ for he is so near a kin to the king that I dare not displease him/ but I and my companions who have been here these five weeks at this siege to win this fortress/ and to take the thieves that be within it/ by the straight commandment of the king and his counsel/ and we have great marvel (and good cause why) how my lord of Berrey doth command us and maketh request for his enemies/ that we should raise our siege/ by reason of that we say generally that we shall give ensample to all thieves and robbers/ such as will over run the realm to do the worst they can. Wherefore Pyer ye shall say to the duke of Berrey fro us all/ that we are and shall be ready inclined to do any thing that he commandeth us to do/ but as in this case I am so straightly enjoined and commanded by the king and his counsel to keep this siege/ and to continue it till I have the fortress and them within at my pleasure/ which commandment I dare not brake. and say that surely I will obey to no commandment/ but alonely to the kings whose subject Jame/ and by whom I am sent hither. But sir I require you show me one thing if ye can/ who hath made this request for Aymergotte marcel/ who hath done so moche evil and annoyance to the country of Awergne and Lymosyn/ and now he is atrapped like as a traitor should be/ and is near come to an evil end/ which he hath well deserved/ for he hath erred and done contrary to his oath. Sir quoth the squire/ there came to my lord the duke of Berrey two men of England/ an herald and another/ who brought letters to my lord fro the king of England and fro the duke of Lancastre/ and they made great request for Aymergotte. I believe you well quoth the viscount/ it was Derby the herald and a squire called Herbery/ they brought me this other day like letters/ wherefore I suppose that the king of England and the duke of Lancastre wrote to the duke of Berrey in this matter. wherefore show to my lord of Berrey that I desire him to consider all things well/ for all these requests that are come fro the other side of the see/ be but desires purchased by our enemies/ to the which no lord on this side the see (if he love the honour and profit of the realm of France) should incline nor condescend. Sir quoth the squire I shall forget nothing of that ye have showed me/ for I love not Aymergot/ I had rather see his punishment than his deliverance. So the squire departed and road to Nonecte where he found the duke of Berrey/ and did his message right sagely/ the conclusion was that the viscount of Meaulx said/ surely he would not depart fro the siege before the Roche of Vandoys/ without the king sent him straight commandment so to do. With this answer the duke of Berrey was not well content/ he had thought that as well his commandment should have been obeyed/ specially in Awergne.  
When the english squire and Derby the herald heard of the answer that was made to the duke of Berrey/ and how that the siege was not raised/ they were sorry/ and saw well they travailed in vain/ than they said to the duke. Sir what will ye counsel us to do/ shall we thus depart from you without speeding of any thing to purpose. The king of England and the duke of Lancastre have great trust and affiance in you/ that ye should cause this siege to be raised/ because the Roche of Vandoys is under our signoury. Sirs quoth the duke suffer a season/ Aymergot marcel is in a strong place/ he needeth not to fear taking/ without a great unhap/ and shortly I purpose to go in to France to the king/ and than I will speak with the King and his counsel/ and for the love of my cousins of England/ I shall do the best I can to bring the matter to pass/ and ye shall go with me and see how I shall speed. With those words the squire and the herald were content. Than the fourth day after the duke departed fro Nonecte/ and left there the duchess his wife with a great part of his household/ and so the duke road to Ryon in Awergne/ and there he tarried more than eight days/ for the earl of Sanxere and the lord Rule/ who were gone to Avignon about the duke's business. and when they were come they departed fro Ryon all together/ and took the way through Burbonoys/ and at last came to Bourges in Berrey/ and there the duke tarried two days. Than he road to Mehun on the river of yeure to a castle/ one of the fairest houses of the world/ as than the duke had newly bylte it/ and it had cost him three hundred thousand franks. There the duke tarried fifteen days/ wherewith the english messengers were sore troubled/ howbeit they could find none other remedy. The duke as than made little force for the deliverance of Aymergot/ I shall show you how and by what means. So it was the earl of Sanxere and the lord of Rule who were chief of the duke's counsel/ with sir Peter Mespyn/ they in fair manner blamed the duke/ and said how he had nothing to do to meddle with the business of Aymergot/ saying that his life hath been always dyshonourable/ and how that he was but a false palyarte/ and always against the crown of France/ and had done many villain deeds and roboryes in Awergne and in Lymosyn/ and how that he was no meet parson to be entreated for/ wherefore sir quoth they/ suffer the king and his counsel to deal with him as they list. These words and such other refrained the duke of Berrey to speak any further in the matter. How be it the two english men did their best to remember the duke. And the duke dissymuling answered them curtessy and said. Sirs suffer a season/ we shall be shortly at Paris. but for all his words he tarried still at Mehun more than three weeks devising with his master workman: as carvers and painters/ for therein he had great fantasy. He had a master workman called master Andrew/ as than one of the best work men of the world/ an english man borne/ but he dwelt in France and in Haynalte a long season.  
Now shall I show you what fortuned of Aymergot marcel/ and of the roche of Vandoys This Aymergot was a far casting man/ and when he saw that that siege was not raised/ he thought well that the king of England's messengers could not speed of their suit. than he thought on another turn as to depart thence and to ride night and day to speak with the captains of Piergourt/ and Pyerguyse/ and with Guyot of saint faith/ and Ernalton of saint Calombe/ & Ernalton of Rostem/ Iohn of Morsen/ Pier Danchin/ and Remonet of Compayne/ and with divers other gascoins and bernoyse in the english garysons/ and he thought that with his fair words he should cause them to assemble together/ and to come in to Awergne on trust to win great botyes/ and so on a morning or in the night to come and raise the siege before Vandoys/ and to take there the french men prisoners/ which should be worth to them a hundred thousand franks/ beside other botyes. then he showed his uncle Guyot du Sall all his purpose/ who answered him and said. Sir I see in this nothing but good/ for otherwise we can not be delivered fro these french men. Well uncle qd Aymergot I shall do this message myself sith ye counsel me thereto/ but I shall desire you of one thing or I depart. What is that quoth he. It is so quoth Aymergot/ that what so ever skirmish that the french men do make/ issue you in no wise out of the gates/ nor open not your barrier's/ for and ye do/ ye may rather lose than win. Sir quod Guyot I shallbe aware enough there of/ we shall keep ourselves close here within till your return/ or that we here tidings fro you. Well fair uncle I require you so to do/ for they can not displease us none/ otherways/ as for their assaults or skirmishes/ ye need not fear/ so ye keep yourselves close within. Thus within three days after Aymer goat departed fro the Roche of Vandoys all only accompanied with a page/ he passed forth without danger of the french men. his intention was to bring thither companions adventurers to raise the siege. many of them that were within the house knew nothing of his departure/ for he might depart when he lost without knowledge. Every day there was skirmishing and assaults at the barrier's/ and within a five or six days after the departure of Aymergot/ there was a great assault made by the french men in three parts. This Guyot du Sall was a good man of arms/ and long time had used the exercising thereof/ how be it as on that day he fortuned evil by reason of a little pride/ for he broke the ordinance that his cousin Aymergot had set or he departed/ for he had charged him that for any manner of assault he should not issue out of the barrier's. At this assault there were three squires of the french party/ two of Awergne and one of Bretayne/ who were skrimysshing valiantly upon a pane of a wall near to the fortress. These three squires above all other that day did most valiantly/ they of Awergne were called richard de la Violecte/ and Lubinet of Rochfort/ and the breton was named Monadyke/ who was taken before in Lymosyn in the castle of Vanchador/ & was pertaining to sir William Butler. The assault endured till night. These three squires achieved there great laud and praise/ but for all their travail & pain they won nothing. Than at another assault the viscount of Meaulx made a bushment of twelve men of arms and their companies/ and laid them in an old house without the fortress/ and commanded another sort to go and skirmish at the barrier's/ saying I think surely we shall see them within issue out/ for they are covetous to win. if they do so/ than withdraw yourself lytell and little till they be past our bushment/ than they shall break out/ and also return you again/ thus they shall be enclosed and taken or slain. This is the best way that I can see for our advantage. thus as the viscount had devised & ordained it was done/ they were named that should lie in the bushment/ as Joys of Lesglynell/ Robert of Bertencourte/ Guylliam de Saulsoy/ Pyer du saint Vydall/ Guyonet Villeracque/ Pier of Colle/ and Iohn Salmage/ with other to the number of twelve. They laid themself in an old house without the fortress/ and another sort went and skrimysshed at the barrier's/ as Belynot of Rochfort/ richard of Violecte/ and the Monadyke with other. They were freshly armed and appareled/ to th'intent that they within should have the more courage to issue out to them/ they were also twelve alonely. When they came to the bartyers they began to skirmish but faintly/ and like such persons as could but little skill of feats of arms. Wherefore Guyot du Sall made little force of them/ but issued out and said to his companions▪ by saint marcel we will issue out/ for at the barrier's be a sort of young companions/ for by that they show/ they know but little of deeds of arms/ but we shall teach them to know it/ they shallbe all our prisoners they can not escape us. Therewith they opened the barrier's and issued out/ first Guyot du Sall/ and remembered noching the charge that Aymergot had given him at his departing/ for the great desire that he had to do deeds of arms/ and to win somewhat/ made him to begin the skirmish. when the french men saw that Guyot du Sall and his company were come out of their barrier's/ they were right joyful/ than they began to draw back little and little/ and they of the fortress pursued them/ and they went so far that they passed the bushment/ & when they saw their time they broke out of their bushment/ between them and the fortress/ crying Coucy the viscount. Thus they of the fortress were enclosed both before and behind. when Guyot saw that/ he knew well he had done a miss/ and saw well it was hard for him to scape/ than he recoiled to get again to his garrison/ but the frenchmen were in his way. Whereunto should I make long process/ they were all taken/ not one escaped. They were brought to the viscounts lodging before the knights/ who had great joy of their taking.  
THus by the counsel of the bycount of Meaulx/ Guyot du Sall and his company were atrapped & taken and brought before the lords of France and Awergne. When the viscount saw Guyot du Sall/ he demanded where Aymergot marcel was/ and charged him to say the truth/ for he thought he had been still in the fortress. Guyot du Sall answered/ how he could not tell where he was/ for he was departed a twelve days paste. Than the lords thought surely that he was gone to purchase some aid. than the prisoners were commanded a part/ and the viscount demanded of the knights of Awergne what were best to do with Guyot du Sall and with his company/ saying how he would use himself according to their counsel. Than sir William Butler answered and said. Sir quod he/ I suppose that Aymergot is gone for succour and to raise by the companions in the garrisons of Pyergourt & Pierguyse/ for he shall find some always there to come upon us early or late/ or we beware of them/ whereby they may do us damage/ for any peace or truce that is taken. This Aymergot is a subtile man. sir let us do one thing/ show unto Guyot du Sall and his company/ that without they cause they fortress to be rendered in to your hands/ that ye will strike of all their heeds incontinent/ and without they do thus let it not be spared. This counsel is good quoth the viscount/ for in deed the chief occasion that we become hither for is to have this fortress/ and though we can not have at this time Aymergot marcel/ another season shall fortune right well. Than the viscount and the lord of the tower/ sir Roberte dolphin and other came before the fortress as near as they might aporche/ and thither was brought Guyot du Sall and his company. Than the viscount spoke and said to Guyot du Sall. Guyot and all other of your company/ know we for truth that incontinent all your heeds shall be stricken of/ without ye yield up the fortress of the Roche of Vandoys/ and if ye will render it up we shall suffer you to go quite. Now advise ye well what way ye will take/ other life or death. Of those words Guyot & his company were sore abashed/ at last they thought it was best for them to save their lives. Than Guyot answered and said. Sir I shall do the best I can that the fortress may be yelden to you. Than he came to the barryer and spoke with them that were within/ who reckoned themselves clean discomfited/ saying they had lost their two masters/ and the best of their company. As soon as Guyot had spoken with them/ and declared what case they stood in/ they agreed to yield up the fortress conditionally/ that they might depart with bag and baggage as much as they could carry/ and to have respite for a month to withdraw them whither they list. All this was granted to them/ and a suit safeconduct made and sealed. Thus the french men had the Roche of Vandoys delivered/ by reason of their good fortune of their last skrimysshe/ wherefore it is commonly said/ that all fortunes good and evil falleth often times in arms/ to them that followeth war.  
When the Roche of Vandois was yielded up to the lords of France and Auuergn● they of the country were right joyous thereof and the lords held well and truly the promise that they had made to Guyot du Sall▪ when they had carried away as much as they could do/ than they departed with good assurance for a month to go whither it pleased them. Than the viscount of Meaul● abandoned the Roche of Vandoys to the men of the country/ who incontinent did raze it down in such wise that they left no wall hele nor house/ nor stone upon stone/ but all was reversed to the earth. The french men that were they in the kings service with the viscount/ took their leaves of the knights and squires of Awergne/ so they departed/ and they of Awergne and Lymosyn went to their own houses. The viscount of Meaul● gave leave to part of his company/ & he went to Rochel and lodged at saint johans Dangle/ to keep there the fronter/ for in the country there were some pillars and robbers that ran sometime in to Xantoigne/ when they saw their advantage. In the manner and form as I have showed you the fortress of the roche of Vandoys was conquered/ and razed down whereof all the country was joyful/ for than they were in better surety than they were before. For to say the troth if it had continued/ it would have done them many displeasurs. tidings of this deed came to the knowledge of the duke of Berrey to Cautelon/ a place of his own/ standing between Charters and Mount le Herrey/ a nine leagues fro Paris/ he cared nothing for it/ for he was as than but cold to are any grace of the king for Aymergot. When Derby the herald was informed by some of the duke's knights how the Roche of Vandois was taken & beaten down/ than he said to the squire that came thither with him. sir ye have lost a hundred franks that Aymergot had promised to you. How so quoth the squire. Surely quoth the herald the Roche of Vandoys is given up and rendered/ the french men have won it/ therefore let us take our leave of the duke of Berrey/ and return in to England/ we have nothing here to do. Well quoth the squire sith it is so I accord thereto. Than they took their leave of the duke. Than the duke wrote to the king of England and to the duke of Lancastre/ and gave to the herald at his departing xl franks/ and to the squire a horse. Thus they departed and took the next way to calais/ and so in to England. Than tidings came to Aymergot marcel where he was purchasing of friends to have raised the siege before the fortress of Vandoys/ that it was given up. When he heard thereof/ he demanded how it fortuned. It was showed him how it was by reason of a skirmish/ and by the issuing out of his uncle Guyot du Sall unadvisedly. Ah that old traitor qd Aymergot/ by saint marcel if I had him here now/ I should slay him mine own hands/ he hath dishonoured me and all my companions. At my departing I straightly enjoined him that for no manner of assault or skirmish made by the frenchmen/ he should in no wise open the barrier's/ and he hath done the contrary. this damage is not to be recovered/ nor I wot not whether to go/ they of Caluset and they of Dousac will keep the peace/ and my companions be spread abroad like men discomfited/ they dare never assemble again together/ and though I had them together/ yet I wot not whither to bring them. Thus all thing considered I am in a hard part/ for I have greatly disposed the french king/ the duke of Berrey/ and the lords of Awergne/ & all the people of the country/ for I have made them war the peace during/ I had trusted to have won/ but I am now in a great adventure to lose/ nor I wot not to whom to resort to are counsel. I would now that I and my goods/ with my wife were in England/ there I should be in surety. but how should I get thither and carry all my stuff with me/ I should be rob twenty times or I could get to the see/ for all the passages in Poictou/ in Rochel/ in France/ in Normandy/ and in Pycardy are straightly kept/ it will be hard to scape fro taking/ and if I be taken I shall be sent to the French king/ and so I shall be lost and all mine. I think the surest way for me were to draw to Burdeaulr/ and little and little to get my good thither/ and to abid there till the war renew again/ for I have good hoop that after this truce/ war shall be open again between England and France. Thus Aymergot marcel debated the matter in himself/ he was heavy and sorrowful/ and wyste not what way to take/ either to recoversone fortress in Awergne/ or else to go to Bordeaux & to send ●or his wire thither/ and for his goods little and little secretly. if he had done so he had taken the surest way/ But he died contrary/ and thereby lost all: life & gods. Thus ●ortune payeth the people when she hath set them on the highest part of her wheel/ for suddenly she reverseth them to the lowest part/ ensample by this Aymergotte. It was said he was well worth a hundred thousand frakes/ and all was lost on a day Wherefore I may well say that fortune hath played her pagiaunt with him/ as she hath done with many more/ and shall do. This Aymergot in all his trybulaci●s remembered himself/ how he had a cousin germayne in Awergne/ a squire named Turn mine/ and determined to go to him and to show him all his trouble/ and to take counsel of him as he devised so he did. He and his page all only came to the castle where Turn mine was/ thinking to have been there in surety/ because of lineage/ but it proved contrary/ for this squire was not in the duke of berries grace nor favour. When he saw his cousin Aymergot in his house/ he advised to take him prisoner & to advertise the duke of Berey/ that if he would forgive him his displeasure & evil will/ he would send him Aymergot mercell/ to do with him his pleasure. And as he had devised so he died/ for when Aymergot was within his cousins Castle and brought to a chamber/ than he laid by his sword and changed his aparyll: than he demanded of the servants and said. Where is my cousin Turn mine/ as yet I have not seen him? Sir quoth they he is in his chamber please it you to come and see him: with right a good will quoth Aymergotte/ and the servants knew right well their masters pleasure. When Aymergot had changed his apparel and done of a Coat of defence/ that he was wo●t usually to wear/ and laid away his sword. Than he said. Sirs/ let us go/ I would see my cousin Turn mine/ it is long sith I saw him. they brought him straight to Turn mine/ and when he came to him Aymergot died salute him/ as he that thought none evil. Than Turn mine answered and said. How is it Aymergotte▪ Who sent for you to come hither? ye would dishonour me/ wherefore I take & arrest you as my prisoner: otherwise I should not acquit myself truly to the crown of France/ nor to my lord the duke of Berrey/ for ye are a false traitor. ye have broken the truce whereto ye must answer. And for your cause my lord of Berrey hateth me deadly/ But now I shall make my peace by you/ for I shall deliver you to him/ either quick or deed: with the which words Aymergotte was sore aba●shed/ and said. How so sir? I am your cousin. Is this for certainty ye show me/ or do you speak it to assay me. I am come hither on the great trust that I have in you/ to show you my business/ & you to make me such cruel cheer and to give me so hard word/ I have great marvel that of. I can not tell quod Turn mine wha● ye will say/ but this that I have said I shall fulfil/ and so laid hades on him. And his servants knowing their masters pleasure/ took Aymergot without any de●●●e making/ for he was without weapon or arm●r● and also enclosed in the castle. For any words that he could say/ there he was taken & irons put upon his legs and laid in a tower/ and sure keepers about him.  
When this was done he caused the castle gate to be shit/ and took the keys himself. And commanded all his servants on pain of their lives/ none of them to be so hardy to go to the gate without he sent them thither. His comaandement was uphold. Than he wrote lets at his pleasure/ directed to the duke of Berrey: certifying him how he had Aymergot marcel in prison/ and that ●●he he would pardone him his evil will/ he would deliver Aymergot in to his hanoes. When this letter was written and sealed/ he commanded one of his servants/ such as he trusted/ to go in to France to the duke of Berrey/ & to deliver him his letter/ and to recommend him lowly to him/ and not to return with out an answer. The varlet took the letter/ and mounted on a good horse and so departed/ & road so long that he came to Paris/ where the duke of Berey was/ and there delivered to him his masters letter. The duke took the letter and reed it and smiled there at/ & said to such knights as were about him. s●rs/ will ye here new tidings? Aymergot marcel is taken prisoner his own cousin germayne Turn mine hath taken him: the knights answered and said. sir/ it is good tidings for the country of Awergne & of Lymosyn/ for they have had of him a long season an evil neighbour. He hath done so moche evil/ that if it please you he were worthy to poise the gibet: he ought to have none other ransom nor pardon. I can not say qd the duke what the king and his counsel will say thereto/ I will speak with them therein. It was not long after but that the duke of Berrey took a barge on the river of Seyne and so came to the castle of Lour where the king and his counsel was: he showed there these news/ he caused the letter that Turn mine had sent him to be reed/ of the which tidings every man was joyful/ and the lords said. it is well seen that such manner of robbers and pillars can never come to a good end. Than the duke of Berey was desired to send for him by the seneschal of Awergne/ and to be brought to Paris/ & to be put in the castle of saint Antony's. Furthermore it was ordained/ that Turn mine/ for the good service he had done to the crown of France/ that all displeasures should be clean for given him: and thereupon letters patents were made & sent to him by his servant whereof he was well content/ and trusted on those letters. Than with in a short space after/ the seneschal of Auvergne by a commission fro the duke of Berrey came to the castle of Turn mine/ & there Aymergot marcel was delivered to him/ whereof Aymergotte was sore abashed/ when he saw himself in the company of his enemies. Whereto should I make long process/ the seneschal carried him with men of arms a long through the country/ and passed the rivers of Seyne and Marewe/ by the bridge of Charenton/ and so fro thence to the castle of saint Antony's. There the Viscount Darchy was charged with him who as than was captain of that castle. He kept him not long but that he was delivered to the provost of the Chatelet of Paris. And true it was/ Aymergot offered for his ransom threescore thousand franks/ but it would not be taken/ He was answered the king was rich enough. After that he was sent to the Chatelette/ he was not long kept there but that he was judged to die shamefully like a traitor to the Crown of France. And so on a day he was carried in a chariot to a place called the halls/ and there set on the pyllary. Than all his trespasses were reed before him/ and by him was sir William of Trune who spoke moche to him. It was thought/ that it was to know the state of certain captains in Awergne/ and whether they were consenting to his deeds or not. The lords knew well/ but I could never have knowledge thereof. Thus he was executed. His heed stricken of and his body quartered/ and the quarters set at every gate of Paris. To this end came Aymergotte marcel. As of his wife and of his goods/ I knew not what became further of them. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the christian lords and the geno ways being in the isle of Conymbres at anchor/ departed thence to go and lay siege to the strong city of africa in Barbary/ and how they maintained the siege. Cap. C.lxxi.  
WHere as I have spoken at length of the life of Aymergot Mercell/ it was to furnish this history. for the conditions both of evil and good/ aught to be always treated in a history/ and specially when it toucheth any great feat/ for ensample of other/ and to give matter and occasion to do well: For if Aymergotte had led his life in good virtues/ he had been a man of great valour/ and because he died the contrary he came to an evil end. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of him/ & let us return to the high enterprise that the Christian knights of France and other nacyous did in that season in the realm of africa/ & I will begin there as I left. The said lords assembled in the isle of Conymbres. after they had passed the tempests and perils in the Gulf of Lion: there they tarried each for other/ for there were in the city of Aufryke a xxx thousand. In this isle of Conymbres they were a nine days & refreshed them: and there the patrons of the galees said to the lords. Sirs/ we be in the land next approaching to the marchesse of africa/ whider by the grace of god ye are purposed to go and lay liege. Wherefore it is behovable to take co●sayle each of other/ how we may enter in to the haven/ & to take land To save ourself it is best we senoe formast our little ships/ called Brigandyns/ and let us tarry in the mouth of the haven/ the first day that we approach and all the night after/ and the next morning to take land/ by the grace of god at our leisure/ & than lodge ourselves as near the city as we may/ without the shot of their artillery/ and let us set our crossbows genovois in order/ who shall be ready to defend all scirmysshes. And we suppose well that when we shall take lading/ ye have here in your companies many young squires/ who to enhance their honours will require to have the order of knighthood. In structe them wisely and sweetly/ how they shall mentayne themselves. And my lords/ know for truth/ that all we see men shall acquit us unto you well and truly/ and always show you by what manner of order/ we shall most grieve our enemies. And we shall take pain and study how the city of africa may be won/ for oft times they have done us great damage. For on that cost it is the chief key of Barbary/ and of the realms that followeth. First the realm of Aufrike/ of Mallorques/ and of Bougy. And if god of his grace will consent that we may win this city of Aufrike/ all the saracens will tremble to the realm of Libya & Sury/ so that all the world shall speak thereof. And by the aid of other christian realms & isles marching near to Aufrike/ we shall always be refreshed with victuals and new men/ for this is a common vo●age/ For every man will desire daily to do deeds of arms/ and specially on god's enemies: and thus in the conclusion of their process the patrons said. lords/ we say not this by no presumption/ nor by manner as to teach you what ye should do. but this that we have said is all only for love & by humility/ for ye be all noble men sage and valiant/ & can better order every thing than we can devise and speak. Than the lord of Coucy said. sirs/ your good counsel & advise ought greatly to content us/ for we see no thing therein but good. And sirs/ be ye sure that we shall do nothing without your counsel/ for ye have brought us hither to do deeds of arms.  
THus in the presence of the duke of Burbone/ the lords and other counseled together in the isle of Conymbres/ how they might approach the strong town of africa. When every thing was well advised and set in good order by the admiral and patrons of the galees/ & that wind and wether served them/ every lord entered in to his galley among their own men having great desire to encounter with their enemies the saracens. Than the trumpets blewe up at their departing. It was great pleasure to behold their oars/ how they rowed abroad in the see/ which was peaceable/ calm and fair/ so that in manner the see showed herself that she had great desire that the christian men should come before the strong town of africa. The christian navy was goodly to regard & well ordered/ and it was great beauty to see the banners and pennons of silk/ with the arms and badges of the lords and other waving with the wind/ and shining against the son. And within an hour of noon/ the christian men perceived the high towers of the town of Aufrike/ & the farther they sailed the nearer it showed to their sights/ wherefore every man rejoiced and good cause why/ seeing all they desired to come thither. They thought than in a manner their pains released & their voyage accomplished. Thus as they approached to th'entry of the realm of africa/ they communed & devised among themself. and in like manner the saracens that were within the town of africa spoke and devised and were sore abashed/ when they saw their enemies approach with such a number of sails & said/ that surely they were likely to be besieged/ how be it they thought their town so strong with towers and walls/ & with artillery/ that therewith they reconforted and took courage. And to give warning to the country (as soon as they saw their enemies on the See/ on the high towers) They swooned Tymbres and tabours/ according to their usage/ in such wise/ that the men abroad in the country drew together. Such men of Barbary as had been sent thither by the king of africa/ and by the king of Thunes and Bougy. When they knew of the Christian men's coming/ by reason of the noise of the Tymbres and tabours/ to th'intent that they should not enter to far in to their countries. Every man took heed to his charge & scent certain of their captains to the See side/ to see the approaching of the Christian men/ and to behold their dealing that night. Also they provided to defend the towers and gates about the haven of africa/ to the intent that by their negligence the town of africa should take no damage/ which town was so strong/ that it was not likely to take great hurt without long siege. And I johan froissart author of this chronicle/ because I was never in Aufryke/ and because I might truly write the manner and fashion of this enterprise. Always I desired such knights and squires as had been at the same voyage/ to inform me of every thing. And because I had been oftentimes in my days at calais/ I demanded also of such there as had been at the said voyage. And it was showed me of a surety/ that the saracens among themselves said/ how the Christian men that were there were expert and subtile men of arms. Whereupon an ancient saracen said to all his company. Sirs/ all things considered/ it is best that the Christian men at the beginning see not our strength and puissance/ nor also we have not men sufficient to fight with them/ but daily men will come to us. Wherefore I think it best to suffer them to take land: they have no horses to over run the country: they will not spread abroad/ but keep together for fear of us. The town is strong enough and well provided/ we need not fear any assautis. The air is hot and will be hotter. They are lodged in the son and we in the shadow: and they shall daily waste their vitaylles/ and shallbe without hope to recover any new/ and they lie here any long season. And we shall have plenty for we be in our own country. and they shall oftentimes be awaked and skirmished withal/ to their damage and to our advantage. Let us not fight with them/ for other wise they can not discomfit us. They have not been used with the air of this country/ which is contrary to their nature. I think this the best way.  
TO the saying of this ancient knight sarazyn all other agreed. than it was commanded on pain of death that no man should go to the see side to scrymysshe with the Christian men without they were commanded/ but to keep themself close in their lodgings/ & suffer the christian men to take land. This determination was up hold none durst break it. And they sent a certain of their archers in to the town of africa/ to aid to defend it. The saracenes showed themselves nothing/ as though there had been no men in the country. The Christian men lodged all that night in the mouth of the haven of africa/ and the next morning the wether was fair and clear/ and the air in good temper/ and the son rose/ that it was pleasure to behold. than the Christian men began to stir/ and made them ready/ having great desire to approach the town of africa and to take land. Than trumpets and clarions began to sown in the Gallees and vessels/ and made great noise: and about nine of the clock when the christian men had taken a little refresshynge with drink: than were they rejoiced & lighted. And according as they had appointed before/ they sent in first their light vessels called Brigandyns/ well furnisshed with artillery. They entered in to the haven/ and after them came the armed Galees/ and the other ships of the fleet in good order. and turning towards the land by the see side/ there was a strong castle with high towers/ and specially one tower which defended the see side/ and the land also. And in this tower was a bricoll or an engine which was not idle/ but still died cast great stones among the Christian men's ships. In like wise in every tower of the town against the See side/ there were engines to cast stones. the saracens had well provided for their town for they looked ever long before whane they should be besieged. When the Christian men entered in to the haven of africa to take land/ it was a pleasant sight to behold their order/ and to here the clarions and trumpets sound so high and clear/ divers knights and valiant men of the realm of France/ spread abroad that day their banners/ with divers other new made knights. The lord johan of Lignye was there first made knight. He was of the country of Chauny. He was made by the hands of a cousin of his named sir Henry Dantoygne/ and there he spread abroad first his banner: The field gold/ a bend of goules. And in his company was his cousin germayne the lord of Hauret in Chauny. Thus the lords knights and squires with great desire advanced them/ & took land and lodged on the land of their enemies in the sight of the false saracens. on a wednesday in the evening of Mary Magdaleyne/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred & fourscore. And as they took land they were lodged by their marshals. The saracens that were within the town praised moche the christian men's order: and because that the great Galees could not approach near to the land/ the men issued out in bots'/ and took land and followed the banner of our lady.  
THe Saracens that were within the town/ and such as were abroad in the country/ suffered the Christian men peaceably to take land/ for they saw well it should not be for their advantage to have fought with them at their landing. The duke of Burbone who was as chief of the christian army there/ was lodged in the mids of his company right honourably/ his banner displayed powdered full of Flower du Lyces/ with an image of our Lady in the mids/ and a scochynne with the arms of Burbone under the feet of the image. ¶ first on the right hand of the duke/ there was lodged his brother sir Guylliam of Tremoyle with his penon/ and the lord of Bordenay with his banner/ and sir Helyon of Lygnacke with his penon/ the lord of Tourse with a penon And than the Henowers with the standard of the lord William of Heynaulte/ as than earl of Ostrenaunt/ eldest son to the duke Aubert of Bavyere/ earl of Heynaulte. Of holland and of zeland/ the devise in the standard was a Hearse gold/ standing on a bell goules. There was the lord of Haureth with his banner/ the lord of Ligny with his banner and than sir philip Dartoys earl of Ewe with banner/ the lord of Mateselon with banner/ the lord of Calam with penon/ the Seneschal of Ewe with penon/ the lord of Lynyers with banner/ the lord of Thune with banner/ the lord of Amevall with banner/ sir Water of Champenon with penon/ sir Ioh● of the Castle Morant with banner/ the marshal of Sanxeres brother with penon/ the lord of Coucy with banner/ best appointed next the duke of Burbone/ sir Stephyne of Sanxere with penon. Than the French kings penon with his device/ and thereby was sir johan of Barroys'/ with the penon of his arms. Than sir Guylliam Morles with banner/ and the lord of Longuevall with penon/ sir johan of Roye with banner/ the lord of Bourse with penon/ the viscount Dausney with banner/ the lord admiral with banner/ called johan of Vyen. ¶ Now here after followeth they on the dukes lift hand.  
ON the lift hand of Joys duke of Burbone were lodged as followeth. First the lord of Ausemont of Bavyere/ and sir johan of Beauforde bastard son to the duke of Lancastre/ with his banner displayed/ sir johan Butler english with a penon/ sir johan of Crama with a banner/ the Souldyche of Lestrade with penon sir johan Harcourt with banner/ and the lord Beraulte earl of Cleremount/ and the Dolphin of Awergne with banner/ and sir Hugh dolphin his brother with penon/ the lord of Bertencourt with penon/ the lord Pyer Buffyer with banner/ the lord of saint Semere with banner/ the lord of Lawart marshal of the host with banner/ the lord Bergue of Beausse with penon/ the lord of Lowy with banner/ sir Gerarde of Lymo●yn his brother with penon/ the lord of saint Germayne with banner/ And than the penon and standerde with the device of the duke of Burgoyn/ sir philip of Bar with banner/ sir Geffray of Charney with banner/ sir Joys of Poicters with penon/ sir Robert of Calabre with penon/ the viscount of Ses with banner/ the lord Montague with banner/ the lord of Vile Neufe with penon/ sir William of Molyne with penon/ the lord of Longny with penon/ sir Angorget Damboyse with penon/ sir Aleyne of champagne with penon: all these banners and pennons were set in the front before the town of africa/ and beside that a great number of other knights and squires right valiant men and ●fhighe courage/ were lodged abroad in the field/ I cannot name them all/ also it would be to long a writing. There were a fourteen thousand all gentlemen. It was a company to do a great feat/ and to sustain a great batyle/ if the saracens had come forth to have given them battle/ which they did not/ for as on that day they showed no manner of defence/ but casting out of their towers great stones.  
When the Christian men were lodged as well as they might/ & refreshed themselves with such as they had brought with them/ for they might not ryn abroad in the country to gather bows of trees to make with all their lodgings/ ●or it had been to their damage if they had adventured themself abroad. The lords had tents and pavilions that they had brought with them fro Geane. Thus they lodged in good order. the crossbows of the genovoys were lodged on the wings/ and closed in the lords. They occupied a great space of ground for they were a great number/ all their provisions were in the galees/ and all the day the mariners conveyed their stuff to ●ande by botts. And when the christian isles adjoining/ as Naples● Cicyll/ and also the main lands/ as Puylle and Calabre. When they knew how the Christian men had besieged the strong castle of africa/ they did what they could to victual the christian army. some to have advantage thereby/ and some for love and affection that they had to the genovoys/ fro the isle of Caude came to them the good malueysies in great plenty/ without which comfort they could not long have endured/ for they were a great number/ and good drinkers and good caters/ how be it their provisions came not always to them in like manner/ for sometime they had plenty and some season they wanted. ¶ Now I shall somewhat speak of the saracenes aswell as I have done of the christian men/ as it is reason to conclude all things.  
True it was that they of Aufrike and of Barbary knew long before how the Genoese had threatened them/ and they looked for none other thing/ but the same year to be besieged/ as they were in deed. They had made provision to resist against it. & when the tidings were spread abroad in the country how that the christenmen were come to Aufryke they were in doubt/ for he is not wise that feareth not his enemies though they be never so few. How be it the saracenes reputed the christian men right valiant & good men of war/ wherefore they greatly doubted them: and to the intent to resist & to defend the fronters of their countries/ they assembled together of divers parties/ as they of the land and signory of Aufrike and of the realm of Maroche/ and of the realm of Bougye/ the best men of war in all those countries/ and such as least feared death. Thus they came and lodged on the sands against the christian men/ and they had behind them an high wood/ to th'intent that they should receive on that side no damage by means of bushments or skirmishes. These saracens lodged themselves right sagely & surely they were of men of war a xxx thousand good archers/ and ten thousand horsemen and more. How be it the Christian men could never know surely what number they were for they supposed they had a greater number lodged in the woods/ which might right well be. For they were in their own country and might go and come in to their host at all hours without paryll or damage at their own liberty. They were often times refreshed with new victuals brought to them on summer's and camels. And the second day that the english men had been a land/ in the morning at the break of the day/ and that the same night the lord Henry Dautoygne had kept the watch with two hundred men of arms and a thousand crossbows genowayes. The saracens came to awake and to skirmish with them/ which endured the space of tow hours. There were many deeds of arms achieved/ but the saracens would not join to fight hand to hand/ but they scrimysshed with casting of darts and shooting/ and would not foolishly adventure themselves/ but wisely and sagely recoiled. the christian host than appareled them to go to the skirmish/ and some of the great lords of France came thither to see the dame anour of the saracens/ thereby to know a n●ther time their manner in skirmishing. Thus the saracens drew to their lodging and the christian men to theirs. And during the siege the christian men were never in surety nor rest/ for either evening or morning the saracens would awake them and skirmish. Among the saracens there was a young knight called Agadingor Dolyferne/ he was always well mounted on a ready and a light horse/ it seemed when the horse ran/ that he did fly in the air. The knight seemed to be a good man of arms by his deeds/ he bare always of usage three fedred darts/ and right well he could handle them/ and according to their custom he was clean armed with a long white to well about his heed. His apparel was black/ and his own colour brown/ and a good horseman. The christian men said they thought he did such deeds for the love of some young lady of his country. And true it was that he loved entirely the king of Thunes' daughter/ named the lady Azala/ she was inheritor to the realm of Thunes/ after the disease of the king her father. This Agadingor was son to the duke of Olyferne. I can not tell if they were married together after or not/ but it was showed me that this knight for love of the said lady during the siege did many feats of arms. The knights of France would fain have taken him/ but they could never atrape nor enclose him/ his horse was so swift and so ready to his hand that always he scape.  
THe christian men would gladly have taken some saracen to the intent to have known the state of the town and country/ but for all their skirmishing they could never get none. The saracens took good heed to themself/ and did pavesse themself against the crosebowes genovoys/ they werenat so well armed as the christian men it was not their usage/ nor they had no armourers nor metal to forge harness withal/ for most commonly they lack iron and steel/ they be ever armed in leather/ and bear targets about their necks covered and made of Cure boley of Capadoce/ no weepen can pierce it and the leather be not hot. so that when they come near to their enemies they cast their darts all at ones. And when the genovoys do shoot at them/ than they couch themself low and cover them with their targes/ and when the shot is passed/ than they cast again their fedred darts. Thus the space of nine weeks during the siege they often times skrymysshed/ so that divers were hurt on both parties/ and specially such as lightly without a vysement adventured themself. thus the christian men took good heed to themself/ and so did the saracens on their part/ and the lords of France and such other as were com● thither to their aid/ gladly regarded the dealing of the saracens. To say the truth to lords of estate and to great men/ all newelties are delectable. And if the christian men had pleasure to behold them/ the saracens had as great pleasure to regard the manner of the christian men/ among them there were young lusty knights/ who had great pleasure to behold the armure banners/ standards/ and pennons/ with richesse and nobleness that was among the christian men/ and at night when they were at their lodgings they spoke and devised. But as it was showed me there was one thing among them to be marveled at/ I shall show you what.  
THe saracens within the town of africa had great marvel by what title or instance that the christian men came thither so strongly to make them war. It was showed me how they took advise among them how to know the troth thereof/ and determined to send to the christian men to know their minds/ and so took a truchman that could speak italian/ and commanded him to go to the christian host/ and to demand of them in what title and instance they are come to make us war/ and why they be come so strongly in to the empire of Barbary/ and in to the land of africa/ and say how we have in nothing trespassed them. of a troth afore this time there hath been war between us and the genovoys/ but as for that war by reason ought not to touch the christian men of far countries of. as for the genovoys are our neighbours/ they take of us and we of them/ we have been ancient enemies and shall be/ except when truce is between us. with this message the trucheman departed/ and road to the christian army/ and met first with a genua/ and showed him how he was a messenger sent fro the saracenes to speak with some lord of France. The genua had to name Anthony Marthy/ he was a centurion of the crossbows/ he brought this messenger to the duke of Bourbon and to the lord of Coucy/ who gladly heard him speak/ and the words that he spoke in his own language the centurion genua exponed them in french. When this messenger had declared his message/ he desired to have an anuswere. The lords of France said he should have/ but first they would take advise in the matter. Than a xii of the greatest lords drew together to counsel in the duke of Bourbon's tent/ and concluded/ and so sent for the messenger/ and the genovoy made him his answer in all their names. Saying how the title and quarrel that they made war in was/ because the son of god called jesus christ and true profit/ by their line and generation was put to death and crucified/ and because they had judged their god to death without title or reason/ therefore they would have a mends/ and punish that trespass and false judgement that they of their law had made/ and also because they believed not in the holy baptism/ and are ever contrary to their faith & law. nor also because they believed not in the virgin Marry m●ther to Ihesu Cryst. F●r these causes and other they said they took the saracens and all their sect for their enemies/ and said how they would revenge the dispytes that they had done and daily do to their god and christian faith. With this answer the treuchman returned without apparel or damage/ and showed to his masters all as ye have herd. At this answer the saracens did nothing but laugh/ and said how that answer was nothing reasonable/ for it was the jews that put Chryst to death/ and not they. Thus the siege still endured every party making good watch.  
Anon after the saracens took counsel together/ and determined that a seven or eight days together they should suffer the christian men in rest/ and not to make any manner of skirmish with them/ and than suddenly on a night about the hour of midnight to set on the host/ trusting thereby to do a great feat. As they ordained so they did/ and an eight days together they made no skirmish/ and on the ix day about midnight they secretly armed them with such armure as they were accustomed to/ and so came close together without any noise near to the lodgings of the christian men/ and had enterprised to have done a great feat/ & to have entered/ not on that side that their watch was on/ but on the other part of the field/ where there was no watch kept. They had come to their intents/ and god properly had not been against them/ in showing of apparante miracles/ I shall show you how.  
As the saracenes approached they saw suddenly before them a great company of ladies and damosels/ all in white colour/ and one in especial who in beauty without comparison exceeded all the other/ and there was borne before her a banner all of white and reed within. with this sight the saracens were so abashed that they lacked spirit and force to go any further and so stood still/ and the ladies before them. Also it was showed me that the Genovoys had a great dog in their company that they brought with them/ but they knew not fro whence he came/ there was none that challenged the dog to be his/ which dog did them great service/ for the saracens could never come so privily to skirmish/ but the dog would bay and make such brewte that he would not rest till such as were a sleep were awaked/ every man knew when they heard the dog bay/ that the saracens were coming to skirmish with them/ whereby ever they appareled themself to resist them. The genovoys called the dog our lady's dog. The same season that the saracens stood still in a trance/ and the ladies before them this dog was n●t idle/ but he made great brute and ran bayeng first to the stand watch/ the lord of Coucy and sir Henry Dantoigne kept the watch that night. When every man heard this dog make such brute they rose and armed them ready/ for they knew well that the saracens did approach to awake them. and true it was that the virgin Mary and her company was before them/ to defend the christian men fro all parels/ so that they took that night no manner of damage/ for the saracens durst not approach/ but returned to their lodgings. And after that the christian men took better heed to their watch.  
THe sarazyns' knights and squires such as were in the town of africa and specially such as had seen these ladies/ were so abashed that they wist not what to think. and the christian knights and squires that lay at the siege/ studied day and night/ how they might win the town/ and they within studied again how to defend their town. The season was hot and dry/ for the son was in his most strength/ as in the month of August/ and the marches of africa are right hoot/ by reason of the sand/ and also they be nearer to the son than we be. And the wines that the christian men had came fro Pull and Calabre/ and they be hot and dry/ far fro the nature of the french wines/ whereby many fell in to hoot fevers. And to consider according to reason/ I can not tell how the french men and other of low countries could endure the pain of the hot and gross air that they found there/ without refreshing of good/ sweet/ and fresh water/ which they lacked there. yet they made fountains and wells in the sand/ which died them great pleasure/ for there they found'st fresh water/ how be it often times the water was sore chafed by reason of the heat. And also often times they had great default of victuals/ and some season they had enough coming fro Cicyll/ and fro other isles adjoining. Such as werehole comforted them that were diseased/ and such as had victuals/ departed with them that lacked/ other wise they could not have endured. they dalte each with other like brethren and friends. The lord of Coucy specially had the chief resort of gentlemen/ he could behave himself sweetly among them/ moche better than the duke of Burbone/ for the duke was some what of an high courage/ proud and presumptuous/ nor spoke not so sweetly nor so humbly to knights/ squires/ and strangers/ as the lord of Coucy did. Most commonly the duke of Burbone would sit all day without his tent with his legs across/ and who so ever would speak with him/ it behoved him to have a procurer/ and to make great reverence. He considered not the state of poor men so well as the lord coucy did/ wherefore he was more in the grace and love of the people than the duke of Bourbon was. And as it was showed ●e by divers knights and squires strangers/ that in their opinions if the lord Coucy had been sovereign capitain alone/ they had sped otherwise than they did/ for by reason of the pride of the duke of Bourbon/ many feats and enterprises were left undone. It was the opinion of many that he kept himself sure enough fro taking.  
THis siege enduring before the town of africa/ which continued a lx days and one/ there was many skirmishes made on both parties labrode and at the barrier's of the town. It was needful for them within to make good defence/ for against them was the flower of chyvalry and squyry. The knights adventurers said one to another. If we may get this town with assault or otherwise/ than we may refresh ourselves in it all the winter/ and at summer some great army of christian men will come byther/ for there by we and they shall have a goodly entry into the realms of Barbary/ Aufryke/ and Thunes. than other did say/ would to god it were so/ for than such as should be lodged here should lie honourably/ for daily they should be ready to do deeds of arms. They that were within the town doubted greatly the matter/ wherefore they took great pain to defend themselves. The great heat and brenning of the son did put the christian men to great pain and travail/ for when they were in harness by reason of the heat/ it brent them within their armure. Marvel it was that any scape the death/ by reason of the heat/ for about the mids of August the air was sore corrupted. Beside that there fell another marvelous incydente/ which if it had long endured/ they had been all deed without stroke So it was that by reason of the great heat and corruption of the air/ there fell among them such a sort of great flies/ that they covered all the host/ for no man wist how to defend himself/ and every day a week together they increased/ whereof every man was abashed/ how be it by the grace of god and the virgin Mary/ to whom every man avowed themself/ on a day did send a remedy. There fell such an hail and lightning fro heaven that it slew all the said flies/ And by reason of this hail/ the air was brought in to a good temperateness/ whereby the knights and squires were in a better estate than they were before.  
WHo so ever had been in the case that these christian men were in at that time/ it must have behoved them to take every thing in gree/ they could not have had every thing with wishing/ nor at their demand. When any fell sick it behoved them to be well kept/ or else they should have died/ but they were come thither with so good wills and affection/ that they purposed honourably to accomplish their voyage/ which mind greatly supported them to endure pain and travail. All things that was meet for their complexions they wanted/ for nothing came to them out of the realm of France/ tidings nor other. nor in France they knew no more of them. sometime there came to the army fro the city of Barcelone in the realm of Arragon in a galley provision/ wherein was more oranges and pomegarnettes than any other thing. These fruits yet refreshed greatly the appetites of the christian men/ but when so ever any galley came to them/ it returned not again/ what for doubt of the encountering of the saracens on the see/ as for to abide there to see the conclusion of the siege. The young king of Cicyll often times sent to the host victuals/ for he was the nerte christian prince adjoining. If the saracens had been of that strength to have stopped the passage of the see fro them/ and to have kept fro them such victuals and provisions as came to the army/ fro Pule/ Calabre/ Naples/ and Cicyll/ the christian men had been deed without any stroke striking/ but they made no war but by land/ nor also they be not of such puissance on the see/ neither in gales nor in other vessels/ as the genovoys and venysians be. For if the saracenes be on the see it is but by stealth/ for they dare not abide the christian men/ without they have far the advantage. A galley with christian men well armed/ will discomfit four galees of saracens. True it is the turks are of greater force and better men of arms/ either by land or by see/ than any other sect of the miscreants contrary to our believe/ but they dwell far of fro the land of africa/ the affrikans can not be aided by them. The turks had certain knowledge how the town of africa was besieged by the christian men/ they wished them often times there.  
THe christian men studied how to do damage to the saracens/ and in like wise so did the saracens against the christian men/ studied how to deliver their country of them. and on a day Agadingor Doliferne/ Madefer de Thunes/ Belyns Madages/ and Brahadyn of Bougy with divers other saracens/ devised among themselves and said. Behold here the christian men our enemies/ who lie here before our faces in our own country/ and yet we can not discomfit them/ and they are but a handful of men/ as to the regard of us/ how be it we think verily they have some great comfort of some valiant men out of their own countries/ for at no manner of skrymyssh that we can make/ and for all that ever we can do/ we can take never a prisoner/ for if we might take one or two of their valiant men/ it should be greatly to our honour/ and by them to know their demeanour and puissance/ and what they purpose to do. Sirs qd Agadingor/ let see what counsel is best in this case/ as for me I am one of the youngest/ yet I speak first. we are content therewith quoth all the other/ say what ye will. Sirs quoth he I desire greatly to do some deed of arms with some christian man/ and I think verily if I were matched with one to discomfit him in plain battle. And sirs/ if ye will do so that we might find a twenty or xxx valiant men a 'mong us/ I shall cause and I can the christian men to set forth as many: our quarrel is good/ for they have no cause of reason to make war against us. and I think what by reason of our just quarrel and the good courage that we be of shall give us victory. Than Madyfer of Thunes answered and said. Sir in your words is nothing but honour/ to morrow if ye will ride and be in the former front of the battle with a trucheman with you/ and make some token that ye would speak with some christian man/ and than do you so much as to offer the battle of ten of yours against ten of theirs/ than shall ye here and see what they will answer/ and yet how so ever they answer we may be advised what we will do/ at lest the christian men shall repute us the more valiant. They all agreed to that appointment/ and so passed that night. the next morning they road forth to skirmish with their enemies/ and Agadingor formest/ mounted on his good horse/ and his trucheman with him. The day was clear and bright/ and a little before the son rising/ the saracenes set themself in order of battle. The same night sir William of Tremoyle had kept the watch on the christian part/ and with him sir Guy his brother. Than the saracens appeared before the christian men within a three crossbow shot/ and Agadingor had his truchman by him/ he road on before all his company/ and made token to speak with some christian man/ on the one wing of the field. And a gentle squire called Affrenall/ seeing the saracen and the signs that he made/ road fro his company & said. Sirs stand still here/ and I will go and speak with yonder saracen/ and torn again to you/ he hath a truchman with him/ he cometh to speak with some man. this squire came to the sarazyn/ who tarried for him. Than the truchman said/ ye christian man. are a noble man and a man of arms/ and ready to give answer to our demand? I am such a one quod Affrenall/ say what it please you/ ye shallbe hard and received. Than quoth the trucheman/ sir behold here a gentleman and a noble man of ours/ who demandeth the battle to fight with you hand to hand/ and if ye will have more/ we shall find to the number of six of ours ready to fight with vi of yours/ and the quarrel of our men shallbe this. They say and will justify that our faith is better and more of valour than yours/ for our faith and law hath been written sith the beginning of the world/ and as for your law was found out by one man/ whom the jews hanged on a cross. Ahsyr quod Affrenall/ speak no further of that matter/ it appertaygneth not to the to speak or dispute our faith and law. but say to this saracen/ that he swear by his faith and believe to affirm the battle/ & let him bring to the number of ten all gentlemen of name and arms/ and within this three hours I shall bring as many to try the matter. The truth-man resyted those words to the saracen/ who be seeming had great joy to accept and affirm the battle. Thus they took this enterprise between them twain and departed/ and returned to their own companies. tidings hereof came to sir Guy of Tremoyle and to sir William his brother/ and when they met with Affrenall they demanded fro whence he came/ and what he had done with the saracen. Than Affrenall showed him all the hole matter/ and how that he had taken the battle/ whereof the said two knights were joyful and said. Affrenall speak to other/ for we two shall be of the number of the ten. sir quod Affrenall/ as god will so be it/ I trust I shall find enough that would be glad to fight with the saracens. Anon after Affrenall met with the lord of Thune/ and showed him the adventure/ and demanded if he would be one of the company. The lord of Thune would not refuse but gladly granted to be one of their company. For every one that Affrenall did get/ he might have gotten a. C. if he had would. Sir Boucyquant the younger/ sir Helyons of Lingnac/ sir johan russel english/ sir johan Harpedon/ Aleys Bodet/ and Bochet/ all these accepted the battle. When the number of ten were accomplished every man drew to their lodging to arm them incontinent to do battle. When this was known in the host/ and the knights named that had taken on them that enterprise. Than all other knights and squires said. a these ten knights were borne in a good hour/ that have found this day so happy an adventure. would to god quoth divers that we were of that number. Every knight and squire was joyful of this enterprise/ and greatly praised the adventure/ saving the gentle lord of Coucy/ who was not cotente therewith.  
THe lord of Thune was of the company of the lord of coucy/ he showed him the covenant he had made with Affrenall/ to be one of the ten to fight with ten saracens. as many as heard thereof praised greatly that adventure/ but the lord of Coucy spoke against it and said. Ah sirs ye young people that know but little of the world/ but rather exalt a foolish ded than a wise deed. In this enterprise I can see no reason for divers causes. one is that ten knights and squires of our men/ all gentlemen of name and blood/ must fight against as many saracens. How shall our men know whether they be gentlemen or no? if they list they may set against our men ten ribalds or varlets/ and if they hap to be discomfited/ we shall win nothing but ten varlets/ and yet we shall be never the nearer to win the town of africa/ but we shall thus put our good men in adventure. peradventure they will set a bushment/ and when our ten men be in the field to tarry for their men/ they will close them round about/ whereby we shall lose them and be so much the feebler. There I say quoth the lord of Coucy that Affrenall hath not wrought wisely in this matter/ for at the first when the saracen did defy him he should then have made another manner of answer than he did. he should have said how he was not the chief heed of that army/ but rather one of the poorest/ & where as ye blame our faith and believe/ ye are not meet to have an answer made to you thereof by me/ but if ye list I shall bring you to the great lords of our army/ and I shall take you under my safeconduct/ that ye shall go and return in safeguard and surety/ and the● ye shall here the lords speak. Thus Affrenall should have led the saracen to the duke of Burbone and to the counsel/ and there he should have been herd at leisure/ and answered by good advise/ such defiance in arms for such quarrel ought not to pass without great deliberation of good counsel. And than if the battle had been agreed unto by us/ yet it would have been known of them what men by name and surname should acomplyssh the battle. Thereupon we to have chosen other of our men for our honour and profit/ and thereupon to have had of the sarazyns' surety and hostage/ and they of us. This had been a more meetly manner to have used/ wherefore if this treaty might be withdrawn with reason/ it should be well done/ and I will go and speak with the duke of Burbone/ and to take counsel with the lords of the army/ and to know what they will say thereto. thus the lord of Coucy departed fro the lord of Thune/ and went to the Duke of Bourbon's tent/ where all the barons assembled together to take counsel in that matter. For all that the lord of Coucy had said these words to the lord of Thune/ by manner of good counsel and advise/ yet for all that he left not/ but armed himself/ and so came forth with other of his company ready to fight with the saracens/ and sir Guy of Tremoyle the formest knight. Thus the lords of France were in counsel in the duke of Bourbon's tent. Some thought this defiance to be reasonable/ and sustained greatly the words and opinion of the lord Coucy/ saying how it were better to make another manner of treaty. And some other/ as special the lord Joys earl of Arthoys/ and sir Philip of Bare said. Sith the arms be taken and accepted on our part/ it should be great blame to let it/ wherefore in the name of god and our lady let our knights and squires furnish their enterprise. This purpose was holden and sustained/ but than all things considered/ it was thought for the best that all the hole host should be armed/ and be in order of battle/ to th'intent that if the saracens would do any falseness they should be ready to resist them. This was accomplished and every man well armed/ and drew in to the field in good order of battle ready to fight/ the genovoys' crosebowes on the one side/ and the knights and squires on the other side/ every lord under his banner or penon of their arms/ it was a goodly sight to behold them. The christian men showed well how they had great desire that the saracens should have come and fought with them. And the ten christian knights and squires were ready in the field alone of fro their company/ abiding for the ten saracens that should have fought with them/ but it seemed well they had no will thereto/ for when they saw how the christian men ordered themself & were ready in battle/ they doubted them and durst not come forward/ for all that they were three times as many men as the christian men were. The saracens would often times come well mounted/ and skrymyssh before the christian men's battle/ and than return again. and this they did of pure malice to put the christian men to pain and travail. This day was so hot with the son/ that before nor after there had been no such seen/ so that they that were most lusty and fresh were so sore chafed in their harness that they were near overcome for fault of air and wind. And always the ten christian men tarried a part for the ten saracens/ but they neither saw nor heard tidings of any. Than they advised to approach the town of africa and to assail it/ saying they were all ready armed and ready in battle. And all day to keep their honour the ten knights kept the field till it was night. there went to the assault knights and squires/ desiring to do deeds of arms/ they were hot and sore chafed/ and yet they travailed themself more and more. And if the saracens had well known what case the christian men were in/ they might have done them great damage/ and a raised the siege/ and by likelihood to have had the victory/ for the christian men were so weary and so sore travailed that they had but little strength/ how be it they conquered by assault the first wall of the town where no man dwelt. Than the saracenes retrayed in to the second fortress/ skirmishing without taking of any great damage/ but the christian men had damage enough/ for in skrimisshing and assauting they were in the heat of the son and in the dust of the sands till it was might/ whereby divers knights and squires took their death/ which was great pity and damage. By the said occasion there died/ first sir William of Gacill/ and sir guysharde de la guard/ sir Lion Scalet/ sir Guy de la saluest/ sir Willm of Staple/ sir Wilyam Guyret/ sir Geffrey of the chapel/ the lord of Pierbuffier/ the lord of Bonnet/ sir Robert of Hangs/ sir Stephyn Sanxere/ sir Aubert de la mote/ sir Alaine of champain/ sir Geffrey Fresiers/ sir Ralph of Couffan/ the lord of Bourke artysion/ sir johan of Crey bastard/ sir Bertram de Sanache/ sir Pyncharde of Morlayne sir Trystram his brother/ sir Aim of Cousay/ sir Aim of Tourmay/ sir Foukes of Stanfours/ sir johan of Chatevas/ all these were knights. And there died of squires/ Foucans' of Liege/ johan of Isles/ Blondelet of Areton/ Iohn de la Mote/ Boumberis floridas of Roque/ the lord of Bell's/ brother to William Fondragay/ Water of Cauforus/ johan Morillen/ Pier of Malnes/ Gyllot Villain/ Iohn of Lound/ Iohn Perier/ johan men johan of Lavay/ and William of Park. There died more than a lx knights and squires/ which wisely to consider was a great loss. And if the lord of Coucy had been believed this had not fortuned/ for and they had kept their lodgings as they did before/ they had received no such damage.   

¶ How after this adventure and damage that fell to the christian men by reason of this assault before the town of africa & that so many knights & squires were deed/ they maintained themself more wisely after than they did before/ and continued their siege a long season after. Cap. C.lxxii.  
OF this foresaid adventure the knights and squires of the host/ were sore displeased and abashed: every man bewailed his friends: at night they drew to their lodgings and made greater watch than they had made before/ for doubt of the saracens: they passed that night without any other damage. Of this adventure the saracens knew nothing/ for if they had known what case the Christian men had been in/ they might have done them great damage: but always they feared the Christian men: They durst never adventure to advance themself/ but by scrimysshing & casting of their darts. They that were most renowned in arms of their party was Agadyngore of Olyferne/ for he loved the daughter of the king of Thunes/ whereby he was most freshest and jolly in deeds of arms. Thus continued the siege before the town of africa. In the realm of France & England/ and in such countries as these knights came fro/ they heard no manner of tidings of them/ whereof their friends were sore abashed/ & wist not what to say nor think. In divers places/ both in England/ Heynalte/ and in France there were processions made/ to pray to god for the prosperity of these christian men. Thentention of the christian men being at the siege/ was to abide there till they had conquered the town of Africa/ either by force/ famine/ or treaty The king of Cicyll would gladly it had been so/ & so would all other xp̄en isles adjoining for this town of Africa was their utter enemy: and specially the genovoys took great pain to serve the lords to their pleasure/ to th'intent they should not be annoyed by reason of their long siege. To speak properly/ it was a marvelous enterprise/ & came of an high courage of the christian knights and squires/ and specially the Frenchmen/ who for all the loss of their knights and squires/ & poverty that they endured/ yet they continued still the siege at their great costs & chargis without aid or comfort. And the genovoys/ who were the first setters on that enterprise/ began than to faint and dissimule/ for as the bruteran than/ they would have been glad to have made a treaty with the saracens/ and to have left the knights of France and England/ and of other Christian countries still in that business. as I shall show you here after/ as it was informed me. ¶ Now at this present time let us leave to speak of this siege of africa/ and speak of a fest that the king of England made the same season in London. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of a feast and jousts made by the king of England in London/ while the Christian knights and squires were at the siege before the town of africa against the saracens. And how this feast was publish in divers countries and lands. Cap. C.lxxiii.  
YE have heard before in this history/ what a feast was held at Paris when queen Isabella of France made there her first enter/ of the which feast tidings spread abroad in to every country. Than king richard of England & his three uncles/ ●●●yng of this goodly fest at Paris/ by the reports of such knights & squires of their own as had been at the same fest. Ordained a great fest to be holden at the city of London where there should be jousts & lx knights to abide all comers/ and with them lx ladies freshly appareled to keep them company. & these knights to just two days beside sunday. & the challenge to begin the next sunday after the fest of saint Michael. As than in the year of our lord god. M.CCC. fourscore & ten/ which sunday the said lx knights & lx ladies at two of the clock at after noon should issue out of the tower of London/ and so to come a long the city through Cheap/ and so to Smyth. eld. and that day xii knights to be there ready to abide all knights strangers such as would just. This sunday was called the sunday of the fest of challenge. And on the monday next after/ the said lx knights to be in the same place ready to just/ & to abide all comers courteously to run with rokettes. and to the best doer of the out side should be given him for a price a rich crown of gold. and the best doer of the in side/ duly examined by the ladies in the queens chamber/ should have for a price a rich girdle of gold. And the tuesday following the knights should be again in the same place/ and to abide all manner of squires strangers and other/ such as would just with rokettes. and the best juster on the out side/ should have for his price a courser saddled: and the chief doer of the in side should have a falcon. the manner of this fest was thus ordained and devised/ and heralds were charged to cry and publish this feast in England/ in scotland/ in Almaigne/ in Flaunders/ in Brabant/ in Heynalt and in France/ the heralds departed some hider and some thither. These tidings spread abroad into divers countries. The heraudes had day and time sufficient. Knights and squires in divers countries appareled themselves to be at this feast/ some to see the manner of England and some to just. When these tidings came in to Heynalt sir William of Heynault earl of Ostrenaunt who was young and liberal/ and desirous to just. Purposed in himself to go to the feast in England/ to see and to honour his cousins/ king richard of England and his uncles/ whom he had never seen before. He had great desire to be acquainted with them/ and desired other knights and squires to keep him company/ and specially the lord of Gomegynes because he was well acquainted with english men/ for he had been divers times among them. then sir William of Haynaulte purposed while he made his provision to go in to holland to see his father Auberte/ earl of Heynaulte/ holland/ and zeland/ to the intent to speak with him/ and to take leave to go in to England. He deꝓted fro Quesnoy in Haynault/ and road till he came to Hay in holland/ where the earl his father was at that tyme. and there he showed his father his purpose that he was in to go in to England to see the country & his cousins/ whom he had never seen. Than th'earl his father answered and said. William my fair son/ ye have nothing to do in England for now ye be by covenant of marriage allied to the realm of France/ and your sister to be married to the duke of Burgoyne/ wherefore ye need not to seek none other alliance. Dear father quoth he/ I will not go in to England to make any alliance. I do it but to feast and make mirth with my cousins there/ whom as yet I never saw, & because the feast which shallbe holden at London/ is published abroad. wherefore sith I am signified thereof & should not go thither/ it should be said I were proud & presuptuous/ wher fore in the saving of mine honour I will go thither/ therefore dear father I require you agree thereto. Son quod he do as ye list/ but I think surely it were better that ye tarried at home. When the earl of Ostrenaunt saw that his words contented not his father/ he would speak no more thereof/ but fell in other communication. But he thought well enough what he would do/ and so daily sent his provision towards Calais. Gomegynes the herald was sent in to England fro th'earl of Ostrenaunt/ to give knowledge to king richard and to his uncles/ how that he would come honourably to his feast at London. Of those tidings the king and his uncles were right joyous/ and gave to the herald great gifts/ which after stood him in great stead. For after in the end of his days he fell blind/ I can not tell if god were displeased with him or not/ in his days he lived marvelously/ wherefore in his old days and that he had lost his sight there were but few that were sort thereof. Thus the earl of Ostrenaunt departed from hay in holland/ and took leave of his father/ and so returned to Quesnoy in Heynaulte to the countess his wife.  
THis noble feast whereof I make mention/ was published and cried in divers places/ whereby knights & squires and other/ advanced themselves to go thither. The earl waleran of saint Pole who as than had to his wife king Richard of England's sister. He prepared greatly to go in to England/ and so came to Calys. And also the earl Ostrenaunt departed fro Heynaulte/ well accompanied with knights and squires/ and so passed through the country of Arthoys/ and came also to Calis and there he found the earl of saint Poule/ and the ships passagers of Dover were there ready. and when the ships were charged and the wind good/ these lords took the see: how be it as it was showed me/ and I think it true/ that th'earl of saint Poule passed first in to England before the earl of Ostrenaunt. And when he came to London/ he found there the king/ and his brother in law sir johan holland/ and other lords and knights of England/ who received him with great joy/ and demanded of him tidings of the realm of France. He answered well & wisely. Than th'earl of Ostrenaunt passed over on a thursday and so came to Cauterbury/ and on the friday he visited saint Thomas shrine and offered there in the morning/ and lay there all that day/ & the next day road to Rochester. And because he had so great a company and carriages he road but small journeys/ to ease his horse. And on the sunday he road to dinner to Dertforde/ & after diver to London to be at the feast/ which began the same sunday.  
ON the sunday next after the feast of saint Michael/ this feast and triumph should begin/ and that day to be done in smithfield/ jousts called the challenge. So the same sunday about three of the clock at after noon/ there issued out of the tower of London. first threescore coursers appareled for the justes/ and on every one a squire of honour riding a soft pace. Than issued out threescore ladies of honour mounted on fair palfreys/ riding on the one side richly appareled: and every lady led a knight with a chain of silver/ which knights were appareled to just. Thus they came riding a long the streets of London with great number of trumpets and other minstrels. And so came to Smythfelde/ where the queen of England and other ladies and damoselles were ready in chambers richly adorned to see the jousts/ and the king was with the queen. And when the ladies that led the knights were come to the place/ they were taken down fro their palfreys/ & they mounted up in to chambers ready appareled for them. Than the squires of honour alighted fro the coursers/ & the knights in good order mounted on them. than their helms were set on and made ready at all points. Than thither came the earl of saint Poule/ nobly accompanied with knights and squires all armed with harness/ for the jousts to begin the feast/ which incontinent began: and there jousted all knights strangers/ such as would and had leisure and space/ for the night came on. Thus these jousts of challenge began/ and continued till it was night. Than knights and ladies withdrew themselves: & the queen was lodged beside Paul's in the bishops palace/ and there was the supper prepared. The same evening came th'earl of Ostrenaunt to the king/ who was nobly received. ¶ Now for these jousts on the sunday. For the aunswerer without/ The earl waleran of saint Poule had the price. And of the challengers the earl of Huntyngdon. There was goodly dancing in the queens lodging/ in the presence of the king and his uncles/ and other barons of England: and ladies and damoselles continuing till it was day/ which was time for every person to draw to their lodgings/ except the king and the queen/ who lay there in the bishops palace/ for there they lay all the feestes and jousts during.  
ON the next day which was mondaye/ ye might have seen in divers places of the city of London/ squires and varlets going about with harness/ and doing of other business of their masters. After noon king Richard came to the place all armed richly appareled/ accompanied with Duke's/ earls/ lords/ and knights. He was one of the inner party. Than the queen well accompanied with ladies and damosels came to the place where the jousts should be/ and mounted in to chambers and scaffolds ordained for them. Than came in to the field the earl of Ostrenaunte/ well accompanied with knights of his country/ and all were ready to just. Than came the earl of saint Poule and other knights of France/ such as would just. Than began the jousts/ every man pained himself to get honour. Some were stricken down fro their horses. These jousts continued till it was near night. Than every person drew to their lodgynges' knights and ladies/ & at the hour of supper/ every man drew to the court. There was a goodly supper & well ordained. And as that day the price was given to the earl of Ostrenaunt/ for the best juster of the utter party/ and well he deserved it. The price was given him by the ladies lords and heralds/ who were ordained to be judges. And of the inner party a knight of England called sir Hugh Spenser/ had the price.  
THe next day Tuesday/ there was jousts again in the same place of all manner of squires/ which endured till it was night/ in the presence of the king/ queen/ lords/ and ladies. Than every man drew to their lodgings/ as they had done the days before/ and at supper they returned to the bishops palace/ where the king/ the queen/ and the ladies were. There was a goodly and a costly supper/ and after great dancing/ continuing all night.  
The wednesday after dinner they jousted in the same place/ all manner of knights & squires such as would just. that was a sore and a rude jousts/ enduring till night/ and than withdrew: & at the hour of supper they resorted where they supped before. The Thursday the king made a supper to all knights and gentlemen strangers/ and the queen to all ladies and damoselles. Than on the friday the duke of Lancastre made a dinner for all knights & squires strangers/ which was a goodly dinner. And on the saturday the king and all the lords departed fro London to Wyndsore/ and th'earl of Ostrenaunt and the earl of saint Poule/ with all other knights and squires strangers were desired to acompany the king to Wyndsore/ every man road as it was reason to the castle of Wyndsore. Than there began again great feestis/ with gardeners and suppers given by the king and specially the king died great honour to the earl of Ostrenaunt his cousin/ which earl was desired by the king and his uncles that he would be content to take on him the order of the garter. The earl answered/ how he would take counsel in that matter. Than he counseled with the lord of Gomegines and with Fierabras of Vertan bastard/ who in no wise would discourage nor counsel him to refuse the order of the garter. So he took it on him/ whereof the knights and squires of France such as were there had great marvel/ and murmured sore thereat among themself: saying the earl of Ostrenaunt showeth well that his courage inclineth rather to be english than French/ when he taketh on him the order of the garter/ and weareth the king of England's devise. He showeth well he regardeth not the house of France/ nor the house of Burgoyne. The time will come he shall repent himself. All things considered/ he knoweth not what he hath done for he was well-beloved with the french king/ and with the duke of Thourayne his brother/ and with all the blood royal/ in such wise/ that when he came to Paris or in to any other place to any of them/ they ever made him more honour than any other of their cousins. Thus these French men evil accused him without cause/ for that he had done/ was nothing contrary nor hurtful to the realm of France/ nor to his cousins nor friends in France. For he thought none otherwise but honour and love/ and to please his cousins in England/ and to be thereby the rather a good mean between France and England/ if need were. Nor the day that he took on him the order of the garter/ and his oath/ every man may well understand that he made none alliance/ to do any prejudice to the realm of France. For that he died/ was but for love and good company/ how be it/ no man can let the envious to speak evil.  
When they had danced and sported them a certain ●pace in the castle of Wynsore/ and that the king had given many fair gyttes to the knights and squyres of honour/ of the realm of France and Heynaulte/ and specially to the young earl of Ostrenaunt. Than every man took leave of the king and of the queen/ and of other ladies and damoselles/ and of the kings uncles. than the earl of saint Poule and the French men/ and the Henowayes and almaygnes departed. Thus ended this great feast in the city of London/ and every man went to their own. Than it fortuned/ as a a none brute runneth far of. The French king/ his brother/ and his uncles/ were informed by such as had been in England at the said feast/ of every thing that had been done and said/ nothyuge was forgotten/ but rather more put to/ in the exalting of evil deeds/ than furthering of good deeds. It was showed the king plainly/ how the earl of Ostrenaunt had been in England and taken great pain to exalt and to do honour to the english men/ and in helping forward the feast holden at London. and how he had the chief prize and honour of the jousts above all other strangers. and how he had spoken so fair to the English men/ that he was become the king or England's man/ and had made service and alliance with him. And taken on him the order of the Garter/ in the chapel of saint George in Wyndsore/ which order was first stablished by king Edward the third/ and his son prince of Wales. And how that no man might enter in to that confrary or company/ without he make seruyaunt or oath/ never to bear armour against the crown of England. Which promise they said/ the earl of Ostrenaunt had made with out any reservation. with these tidings/ the French king/ his brother/ and his uncles were sore troubled/ and grievously displeased with the earl of Ostrenaunt. Than the French king said. Lo sirs/ ye maye●e what it is to do for him. It is not yet a year passed/ sith he desired me that his brother might be bishop of Cambrey. And by these tidings that gift were rather prejudicial to the realm of France/ than advancement. It had been better we had given it to our cousin of saint Poule. The Heynoways did never good to us/ nor never will: for they be proud/ presumptuous/ and to fierce. Always they have owed better good will to the english men than to us/ but a day shall come they shall repent them. We will send to the earl of Ostrenaunt/ commanding him to come to us/ to do us homage for the county of Ostrenaunt/ or else we shall put him fro it/ and annex it to our realm. They of his counsel answered and said. Sir/ ye have well devised/ let it be done as ye have said. It may well be thought that the duke of Burgoyne/ whose daughter the earl of Ostrenaunt had to his wife/ was nothing content with those tidings/ for always he had advanced his son of Ostrenaunt/ towards the king and his counsel. This matter was not forgotten/ but incontinent the French king wrote sharp letters to th'earl of Ostrenaunt/ who was at quesnoy in Heynaulte/ commanding him to come to Paris to do his homage/ before the king and the other peers of France/ for the coutie of Ostrenaut/ or else the king would take it fro him/ and make him war. When the earl had well overseen these letters/ and perceived how that the French king and his counsel were displeased with him/ to make his answer he assembled his counsel. as the lord of fountains/ the lord of Gomegynes/ sir William of Hermes/ the lord of Trassegnies/ the bailie of Heynaulte/ the lord of Sancelles/ sir Raze of Montigny/ the abbot of Crispyne/ johan Sulbart/ jaquemart Barrier of Valencennes. These wisemen counseled together/ what answer might be made to the kings letters. There were many reasons alleged/ at last all things considered/ they thought it for the best to write to the French king and to his counsel/ to take a day to answer clearly to all manner of demands/ by the mouth of certain credible persons/ and none by writing. And in the mean season they sent certain notable personages to the earl of Heynaulte and duke Aubert of Holand to have their counsels what answer to make. Thus they died. They wrote sweetly and courteously to the king and to his counsel/ so that with those first letters the king and his counsel was well content. Than th'earl and his counsel sent in to holland the lord of Trassegines and the lord of Sancelles/ johan Semart and jaques Barrier. They road to the earl of Heynault/ and showed him the state of the county or Heynault/ and the letters that the French king had sent to his son the earl of Ostrenaunt. the earl of Heynaulte had marvel of that matter and said. Sirs/ I thought never otherwise/ but that it should come thus to pass. William my son had nothing to do to go in to England. I have delivered him the rule and governance of the county of Heynaulte. he might have done & used himself/ according to the counsel of the country. Sirs/ I shall tell you what ye shall do. Go to my fair cousin the duke of Burgoyn/ for it lieth well in his power to regard and to set an order in all things demanded by the French king/ I can give you no better counsel. With this answer they departed out of holland and came in to Heynault/ and there showed what answer they had/ wherewith the earl & his counsel were content. There was assigned to go in to France to the duke of Burgoyne/ the lord of Trassegnies/ sir Wyllm of Hermyes/ sir Raze of Montigny/ johan Semart/ and jaques Barrier: To show and declare all the process and suit that they made at the French court/ should be over long to recite. But finally all things concluded/ for all that the duke of Burgoyne could do/ there was none other remedy/ but that the earl of Ostrenaunt must come personally to Paris/ and to know his homage due to the French king for the county of Ostrenaunt or else surely to have war. The lord of coucy & sir Oliver of Clysson took great pain for the earls sake/ but sir Iohn Mercier and the lord de la river laboured on the contrary side/ as moche as they might. ¶ Now let us leave to speak any more of this matter/ and return to speak of the lords & knights of France/ who were at the siege before the strong town of africa against the saracens. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ how and by what incident the siege was raised before the town of africa/ and by what occasion and how every man returned to their own countries. Cap. C.lxxiiii.  
YE have herd here before/ how the christian men had besieged the strong town of africa/ by land & by see: Setting all their intents/ how to conquer it/ for they thought if they might win it/ the brute thereof should sound/ to their great honours and praise. and how they might there keep themself together/ and to resist against their enemies: saying how they should always have comfort of the Christian men/ and specially of the French king/ who was young and desirous of deeds of arms/ consydring how he had truce with the englishmen for two years to come. the saracenes feared the same/ wherefore daily they made provision for the town/ and refreshed always their town with new fresh men/ hardy adventurers/ according to their usage. Thus the season passed on/ and after the christian men had suffered the great loss of their companions with little winning or advantage on their party/ all their hole host were in a manner discomforted/ for they could not see how to be revenged. Than many of them began to murmur/ saying we lie here all in vain/ as for the skirmishes that we make/ thereby shall we never win the Town of africa/ for if we slay any of them/ for each of them they will get again ten other. They be in their own country/ they have victuals and provisions at their pleasure/ and that we have is with great danger and apparel. What shall we think to do? if we lie here all this winter/ long and cold nights/ we shallbe morfounded and frozen to death. Thus we shall be in a herd case by divers ways. first in winter no man dare take the see for the cruel and tyrryble winds and tempests of the see/ for the sees and tempests are more fierser in winter than in summer/ and if we should lack victuals but eight days together/ and that the see would suffer none to come to us/ we were all deed and lost without remedy. Secondly though it were so that we had victuals and all things necessary with out danger/ yet how could our watch endure the pain and travail continually to watch every night. the apparel and adventure is over heard for us to bear/ for our enemies who be in their own country/ and know the country/ may come by night and assail us to their great advantage/ and do us great damage/ as they have done all ready. Thirdly if for fault of good air & of sweet fresh meats/ wherewith we have been nourished/ that mortality hap to fall in our host/ we shall die every man fro other/ for we have no remedy to resist against it. Also furthermore if the genovoys turn against us/ which are rude people and traitors/ they may be night time enter in to their ships/ & so leave us here to pay for the scotte. All these doubts are to be considered by our capitains who lie at their ease/ and regard not the case we be in▪ and also some of the genovoys spared not to speak/ and said in railing to the christian men. What men of arms be ye french men/ when we departed fro Genne we thought that within fifteen days that ye had lain at siege before the town of africa/ ye should have conquered it/ & now we have been here more than two months/ and as yet we have done nothing/ as for such assaults & skirmishes as ye make/ the town needeth not to fear this year/ nor yet the next. by this manner of means ye shall never conquer this realm of africa nor yet of Thunes. This comuning spread so abroad in the host/ that it came to the knowledge of the great lords and capitains of the army/ and specially the lord of Coucy/ who was sage and discrete/ and to whose counsel the chief part of the host inclined ever unto. He said to himself and considered how all these doubts were greatly to be feared/ and to the intent to ordain hastily remedy/ he assembled secretly all the great lords of the host together in counsel/ because winter approached. This counsel was kept in the duke of Bourbon's tent/ and the conclusion was to dislodge for that season/ and every man to return the same way as they came/ the lords prepared secretly for this. than the patrons of the galees were sent for/ and their purpose was showed unto them/ and they wist not what to say to the contrary/ at last they said. My lords take no doubt nor suspect in us/ we have made you promise/ wherefore we will acquit us truly to you/ for if we would have inclined to the treaties of the affrykans/ they would gave desired to have had peace with us/ but we would never give hearing to them. we will keep our faith to you/ sith we have promised so to do. Sirs quoth the lord of Coucy/ we repute you for good and true/ and valyasit men/ but we have considered divers things/ winter approacheth/ and we are destitute of victuals & other provisions. By the grace of god we once returned in to the realm of France/ we shall so inform the king/ who is young and lusty and desirous to know the manner of these marches/ and saying that he hath truce with the english men/ we think small counseling will cause him to come hither with a puissance royal/ as well to aid the king of Cicyll/ as to make some conquest upon the saracens/ wherefore sirs/ we require you make ready your galees and all other vessels/ for we will depart within short days. The genovoys were nothing content with the french men/ in that they would depart fro the siege before the strong town of africa/ but they could find none other remedy/ wherefore it behoved them to suffer. A general brute ran through the host/ how the genovoys were about to bargain with the saracens/ & take their part/ and to betray the christian men. The christian men believed this to be true/ and some said one to an other. our sovereign captains as the duke of Burbone/ the earl dolphin of Awergne/ and the lord Coucy/ sir Guy de la Tremoyle/ sir johan of Vyen/ and sir Phylyppe of Bare/ they know surely how every thing goeth/ and therefore we shall thus suddenly depart fro the siege. Their departure was published through the host/ and every man commanded to convey every thing in to their ships. Than saruauntes and varletres were ready to truss all manner of baggages/ and to carry it in to their vessels dying at anchor. When every thing was conveyed/ every man entered in to such ships as they came in/ and divers barons and knights made covenant with their patrons and masters of their ships/ some to sail to Naples/ some to Cicyll/ some to Cyper/ and some to Rhodes/ to the intent to go to Iherusalem. Thus they departed fro the siege of africa/ and took the see in the sight of the saracens that were within the town. When they saw their departure/ they made great noise with blowing of horns and swooning of taburs/ and shouting and crying/ in such wise/ that the host of saracens that lay abroad knew thereof. than ye should have seen the young sarazyns' mount on their horses/ and came to the place where the siege had lain/ to see if they could have found any thing there. Agadingor of Olyferne/ and Brahadyne of Thunes formest. And there they saw how the christian men were so clean departed/ that they had left nothing behind that they might carry. There the saracens road up and down more than two hours/ to see the manner how the christian men had lodged themself at the siege/ they greatly praised the christian men's subtlety/ in that they had made so many pits in the earth to have thereby fresh water. And when they had been there a certain space/ and well regarded the galees and ships on the see/ some of them entered in to the town of africa/ to see their friends and alyes/ and other departed again to their lodgings/ and made boast of their voyage/ saying how the christian men durst abide there no lengar/ and said how their puissance was nothing to regard/ and that they would never more set so much by the french men nor by the genovoys/ as they had done before. and of this they said troth/ I shall tell you how & wherefore.  
AFter that this siege was thus continued/ as I was informed the saracens waxed proud/ for they saw well how the genovoys had done their full power to hurt and to annoy them/ and they saw that this voyage was to their great cost/ and yet had won but little/ which was of truth. And all that season the saracens knew nothing of the death of so many christian knights and squires as were slain at the great skirmish/ but the same day that the christian men departed/ they had knowledge thereof/ and I shall show you by what means. The saracenes found in the field a varlet of the genovoys/ dying on the ground sore sick of the hot fever/ and was not able to go to the galees when his fellows departed. And of the finding of this varlet/ the saracens were right joyful/ and brought him before their lords/ and showed how they had found him/ than a trucheman was set to here his examination. In the beginning he would show nothing/ for he reekened himself but deed/ and he desired the saracens incontinent that they would put him to death. than the lords of the host/ as Agadingor Dolyferne/ Brahadyn of Thunes/ and divers other/ thought if they should cause him to die they should win nothing thereby/ yet rather to save his life/ so that he would show the truth of that he should be demanded. Than it was showed him that if he would without dying show the troth/ his life should be saved/ and to be delivered frank and free/ and sent into his own country by the first ship that should come thence/ either in to the land of Geneve or Marcyll/ and also that he should have given to him a. C. besantes of gold. When the varlet who feared death heard this promise he was well comforted/ for he knew well what so ever the saracens promise by their faith should be truly kept/ and also ye know well naturally every man is loath to die. Than he said to the truchman. cause the lords to swear on their law to uphold all that ye said/ and than shall I answer you to all that I shallbe examined of/ as far forth as I know. The trucheman showed this to the lords/ and they made faithful promise by their faith to fulfil their promise. Than the varlet said. now demand what ye will/ and I shall answer. Than first he was demanded of whence he was. He answered and said/ he was of Portnances. Than they demanded of him of the feats of the french men that had been at the siege. He named to them divers/ for he had kept often times company with heralds/ by whom he had learned divers of their names. Than they desired to know the occasion why they departed so suddenly fro the siege. where to he answered wisely and said. As for that I can not tell/ but by supposing/ and according as I have heard spoken in our host/ as for me I was never a counsel with the lords. but as the brute went/ the frenchmen were in doubt of the genovoys that they should betray them/ and the genovoys denied it and said/ they never thought it nor never would/ and blamed the frenchmen that they should so slander them. Also it was said that part of the occasion of their departure was because the winter druenere/ and they were afraid of taking of such damage as they had received before. what damage was that quoth the lords. Sirs qd he/ the same day that ten of our men should have fought with ten of yours/ they lost about a lx knights and squires of name and arms/ the genovoys said for that cause they departed. They believed well the varlet/ of which news the lords saracens had great joy. They inquired of him no further/ but upheld to him all their promesses/ & so he returned to Portnances and to Geane/ and showed all this adventure/ and what he had said and heard/ and he received no blame thereof. Than the saracenes said among themself/ they should not need to care for the french men nor for the genovoys of a long season after/ and said how before the town of africa they had taken no profit/ how be it they said they would take better heed to their ports and havens and the see costs of their realms/ and specially to the straits of Marroke they set sure watch/ that the genovoys nor venysians should not pass that ways in to England/ nor in to Flaunders/ with their merchandises/ without paying of a great tribute/ and yet that to be by great grace and licence. Thus the saracenes assembled and allied them togethers of divers realms/ as of Aufryke/ Thunes'/ Bogy/ Martoke/ Belmaryn/ Tremessyans/ & Granade/ all agreed together to keep straightly their ports and passages/ and to set galees armed on the see to a great number/ to the intent to be lords and masters of the see. and all this they did for the great hatred that they had to the frenchmen and genovoys/ because they had been at the siege before Aufryke. thus they did great trouble to the goers and comers on the see/ so that moche evil and mischief grew thereby/ for by means that the saracens were thus lords of the see/ such merchandises as came fro Dammas/ fro Cayrel fro Alexaunder/ fro Venyce/ fro Naples/ and fro Geane/ were in that season so dear in Flaunders and so scarce/ that many things could not be got/ nouther for gold no silver/ and specially all spicery was wonderful dear and gaysome.  
YE have herd here before how the christian men departed for the siege of africa. They all passed the see/ but all arrived not at one port/ for some were so sore tormented on the see/ that they returned in great danger/ how be it some of them returned to Geane. processions were made in France for their good speed/ for there was no tidings heard of them. The lady of Coucy/ the lady of Sulley/ the lady dolphin of Awergne/ and other ladies of France/ who had their husbands in this voyage were in great sorrow/ as long as the voyage endured. and when tidings came how they were passed the see/ they were right joyful. The duke of Burbone and the lord of Coucy returned privily/ and left behind them all their carriage and train/ and so they came to Paris about saint Martyns tide in winter. The french king was joyous of their coming/ as it was reason/ and demanded of them tidings of Barbary/ and of their voyage. they showed all that they knew/ and had herd and seen. The king and the duke of Thourayne were glad to hear them speak. Than the king said/ if we can bring it about to make peace in the church/ and between us and England/ we shall gladly make a voyage with an army royal in to those parties/ to exalt the christian faith/ and to confound the infidels and to acquit the deeds of our predecessors/ as king Ppilyp and king johan/ for they both each after other took on them the crossey/ to have gone to the holy land/ and they had gone thither if the wars had not fallen in their realm. In like wise we would gladly make such a voyage. Thus the French king communed with these lords/ and so the day passed/ and little and little men came home fro their voyage/ and the king held himself that season most commonly at Paris/ sometime at the castle of Lower/ and another time in the house of saint paul/ where the queen most commonly lay. So it fell in the same season about the feast of saint Andrew/ and that all knights and squires were returned fro their voyage into Barbary/ whereof all that world spoke. than in the french kings court there was a motion moved for a new journey to be made thither. And because that the french king had great affection to deeds of arms/ he was counseled and exhorted thereto/ and it was said to him. Sir ye have devotion and great imagination to go over the see/ to fight against the infidels/ and to conquer the holy land. That is true quoth the king/ my thought night and day is on none other thing. and as I was informed/ it was the lord of Tremoyle and sir johan Mercier that had these words to the king/ for they owed their favour to pope Clement being at Avignon. and look what they two said the king would agree to them/ for they were most special in favour. Than they said to the king. Sir ye can not with good conscience take on you this voyage/ with out first the church be all one. sir begin first at the heed/ than your enterprise shall take good conclusion. Why quoth the king where would ye have me to begin? Sir quod they at this present time ye be not charged with any great business/ ye have treuce with the english men for a long space. wherefore sir if it please you this peace during/ ye might make a goodly voyage. and sir we can see no better nor more honourable a voyage for you/ than to go to Rome with a great puissance of men of arms/ and pull down and destroy that antepaye/ whom the romans by force hath created and set in the seat cathedral of saint Peter/ if ye will ye may well accomplish this voyage/ and we suppose ye can not pass your time more honourably. And sir/ ye may well know that if this antepape and his cardinals know ones that ye be minded to come on them with an army/ they will yield themself/ & ask mercy. The king remembered himself a little and said/ how he would do as they had devised/ for surely he said he was much bound to pope Clement/ for the year passed he had been at Auygnon/ where as the pope and his cardinals made him right honourable cheer/ and had given more than was demanded/ both to himself/ to his brother/ and to his uncles/ wherefore the king said it had deserved to have some recompense. and also at his departure fro avignon/ he had promised the pope to help & to assist him in his quarrel. At that season there was at Paris with the king/ the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne. than it was agreed and concluded that the next March after the king should depart fro Paris/ and take the way towards Savoy and Lombardy/ and the earl of Savoy to send his cousin Germayne with him/ and the king to have under his charge the duke of Tourayne his brother with four thousand spears/ and the duke of Burgoyne with two thousand spears/ and the duke of Berrey two thousand/ the constable of France two thousand spears/ with the bretons/ raintoners and low marches/ the duke of Bourbon a thousand spears/ the lord of saint Poll and the lord of Coucy a thousand spears/ & all these men of arms to be paid in hand for three months/ and so fro term to term. And when those tidings were known in Avignon/ pope Clement and his cardinals were greatly rejoiced/ and thought in a manner their enterprise achieved. Also the king was counseled not to leave the duke of Bretayne behind him/ but to send and to desire him to prepare himself to go with him in this voyage. The king wrote notably to him/ and sent his letters by a man of honour an office of arms/ signyfyenge the duke in his letters the state of this voyage. When the duke had read these letters he turned himself & smiled/ and called to him the lord of Mountboucher and said. Sir hark and regard well what the french king hath written to me/ he hath enterprised to depart this next March with a great puissance to go to Rome and to destroy such as take part with pope Bonyface. As god help me his journey shall turn to nothing/ for in short space he shall have more flax to his distaff than he can well spin/ I think he will leave soon his foolish thought. And also he desireth me to go with him with two thousand spears/ howbeit I will honour him as I ought to do/ and I will write to him joyously/ because he shall be content/ and show him/ how if he go in this voyage he shall not go without me/ seeing it pleaseth him to have my company/ how be it sir of Mountboucher I say unto you/ I will not travail a man of mine for all that the king hath purposed and said/ nothing shall there be done in that behalf. The duke of Bretayne wrote goodly letters and sweet to the french king/ and the officer of arms returned with them to Paris/ and delivered them to the king/ who red them and was well contented with the answer. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the english knights that were sent to Paris to the french king/ fro the king of England and his uncles to treat for a peace. Cap. C .lxxv.  
THe will and purpose of the french king none would break/ for it pleased greatly all the knights & squires of France/ because they wist not where better to enploy their season/ and every man prepared towards that voyage/ and namely the clergy of all the provinces of the realm/ ordained and granted a tail/ to send at their costs and charges men of war with the king. How be it this voyage turned to nothing/ as the duke of Bretayne had said before/ and I shall show you by what incidence. About the feest of Candelmas came other tidings to the French king and to his counsel/ which they looked nothing for. Certain of the king of England's counsel/ and such as were of his privy chamber/ were sent nobly to Paris to the french king/ and they that were chief of this legation was/ sir Thomas Percy/ sir Joys Clyfforde/ and sir Robert Briquet/ with divers other knights in their company/ but I heard as than no more named. When these three knights were come to Paris to him/ than the french king was desirous to know what it might mean/ that the king of England did send so hastily of his counsel to him. These knights of England/ sir Thomas Percy and other/ alyghted in Paris in the street called the Cross/ at the sign of the castle. The french king as than lay in the castle of Lowere/ & his brother the duke of Tourayne with him/ and his other three uncles in other lodgings in the city/ and the constable sir Oliver Clysson. It was near hand noon when the english men came to Paris/ and they kept their lodging all that day & night after/ and the next day about nyve of the clock they leapt on their horses right honourably and road to the castle of Louvre to the king/ where he with his brother and uncles/ the earl of saint Poll/ the lord of Coucy/ the constable of France/ sir johan of Vien/ & sir Guy de la tremoyle with divers other barons of France/ were ready to receive the english ambassadors/ who alighted at the gate and entered in/ and there received them the lord de la river/ sir johan Mercyer/ sir Lion of Lignach/ sir Peter Villers/ sir William of Tremoyle/ and sir marcel. there they received them honourably/ and brought them in to the chamber/ where the king tarried for them. Than they did of their bonnets and kneeled down. sir Thomas Percy had the letters of credence that the king of England had sent to the french king/ he delivered them to the king who took them/ and caused the knights to stand up/ than they stepe some what back. The king opined the letters and red them/ and saw well that they had credence/ than he called to him his brother and his uncles and showed them the letters/ than his uncles said. Sir call forth the knights/ and here what they will say. Than they approached and were commanded to declare their credence. than si● Thomas Percy spoke and said. Dear sir/ the intention of our sovereign lord the king of England is/ that he would gladly that such of his special counsel/ as his uncles dukes of lancaster/ york/ and Glocestre/ and other prelate's of England/ such as his special 〈…〉 might come in to your presence and to your counsel/ as shortly as might be/ to treat for a manner of peace/ so that it he and you together might covenably and reasonably be con●oyned/ and means sound to have a conclusion of peace/ he would be thereof right joyful/ and for that intent he would nouther spare his own pain and labour/ nor yet none of his men/ neither to come himself or to send sufficient persons over these to the city of amiens/ or to any other place assigned. And sir we be come hither for this intent to know your pleasure in this behalf. Than the king answered and said. Sir Thomas Percy/ you and all your company are right heartily welcome/ and of your coming and words we are right joyful/ ye shall ●ary here in Paris a season/ and we will speak with our counsel and make you such a covenable answer or ye depart/ that it shall suffice you. With this answer the english men were well content. Than it was near dyner time/ and the english men were desired to tarry to dine. And so the lord of Coucy brought them in to a chamber and the lord de la river. There they dined at their leisure/ and after dy●er they returned in to the kings chamber/ and there had wine and spices and than took their leave of the king and went to their lodging.  
THe coming of sir Thomas Percy and his company in to France and the tidings that they brought/ pleased greatly the french king and the duke of Burgoyne/ and divers of his counsel/ but not all● and specially such as aided to sustain pope Clementes quarrel/ for they saw well by these tidings/ that if the french king inclined to this treaty/ that it should greatly let & hinder the voyage that was minded to go to Rome/ to destroy pope Bonyfac● and his cardinals/ or else to bring them to the believe of pope Clement But the matter of treaty of peace was so ●egh/ and touched so much the wealth and prefyte all christendom/ so that no person durst speak against it. The duke of Burgoyn and his counsel/ with the king and his brother and the duke of Burbone/ were all of one accord. The king made good cheer to sir Thomas Percy & to the englishmen/ but among them there was one knight/ called sir Robert Briquet/ wheme the french king loved not/ he was a french man borne/ but always he held himself other naveroys or english/ and as than he was one of the king of England's privy chamber. The french king dissimuled with him sagely/ for when he spoke to them/ always the king would turn his self to sir Thomas Percy or else to sir Joys Clyfforde/ and said. Sirs/ we would gladly see this peace to be had between us and our adversary the king of England/ for the quarrel and war hath to long endured between us. and one thing I will ye know/ that it shall not be hindered on out part/ though it be greatly to our cost. Sir quoth they the king our sovereign lord/ who hath sent us hither hath great affection to have peace/ and saith that it shall not be let on his part/ and hath marvel that the war and dyscensyon between your lands hath endured so long/ and that no good amiable means hath been had or this tyme. Than the french king answered and said/ we shall see the good affection that he hath thereunto.  
THese englishmen tarried at Paris vi. days/ and every day dined with one of the dukes of France/ and in the mean season it was determined/ that the french king/ his uncles and his privy counsel should be at amiens/ by the mids of March next after/ there to abide the coming of the king of England/ his uncles/ and his counsel/ if they would come thither. And the english knights said/ they made no doubt but at the lest the king of England's uncles should be at the day assigned at amiens. this was the conclusion of this treaty. The day before that they should depart out of Paris/ the king came to the palace where his uncles were/ and there he made a dinner to the english knights/ and caused sir Thomas Percy to sit at his board and called him cousin/ by reason of the northumberlands blood/ at which dinner there was given to sir Thomas Percy and to the english knights and squires great gifts and fair jewels/ but in the gyunge of them/ they over slypte sir Robert Briquet. and sir Peter Villers chief steward with the french king/ delivered the gifts/ and be said to sir Robert Briquet. Sir when ye have done such service to the king my master/ as shall please him/ he is rich and puissant enough to reward you. With which words sir Robert Briquet was sore abashed/ and perceived well thereby that the king loved him not/ but he was fain to suffer it. after dyner mynstels began to play/ that pastime once past sir Thoms Percy came to the king & said. Sir/ I and my company have great marvel of one thing/ that ye have made us so good cheer and given us so great gifts that sir Robert Briquet hath nothing/ who is a knight of our masters privy chamber. Sir we desire to know the cause why: thereto answered the french king and said. Sir Thomas/ the knight that ye speak of/ sith ye will know that matter. he hath no need to be in battle against me/ for if he were taken prisoner his ransom should soon be paid/ and therewith the king entered in to other communication. Than wine and spices were brought forth/ and so took leave & returned to their lodging/ and made a reckoning and paid for every thing. The next day they departed & sped so in their journeys that they arrived in England/ and showed the king and his uncles how they had sped/ and greatly praised the french king/ and the cheer that he had made them/ & showed of the gifts and jewels that he had given them. ¶ Now let us leave a little to speak of the english men/ and some what show of king johan of Castyle. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the death of king Iohn of Castyle/ and of the crowning of king Henry his son. Cap. C lxxvi  
YE have herd here before in this history/ how peace was made between the king of Castyle and the duke of Lancastre/ who challenged to have right to the realm of Castyle/ by reason of the lady Custance his wife/ daughter to king Dompeter. And by means of a fair daughter that the duke of Lancastre had by the said lady Custance/ the peace was made and confirmed. For the said king johan of Castyle had a son to his heir/ called Henry/ who was prince of Galyce. This Henry was married to the duke of Lancaster's Daughter/ whereby good peace was made between England and Castyle: and within two years after this marriage king johan of Castyle died/ and was buried in Burgus in spain. Anon after his death/ the prelate's and lords of spain drew together/ and determined to crown the young herytoure the prince of Galyce. This prince Henry was crowned the ninth year of his age/ and his wife daughter to the duke of Lancastre was a fifteen year of age. Thus the duke's daughter by the lady Custance was queen of Castyle/ and lady and heritour to all the lands and signories/ that king Dompeter/ king Henry/ and king johan held/ except that the duke of Lancastre her father and his wife her mother had during their lives/ which was a pension of a hundred thousand doreyns by year: And four of the best earls of Spain were pledges and debtors for the same. Thus the duke of Lancastre saw his two daughters (one queen of spain/ the other queen of Portugal) bestowed.  
¶ Now let us speak of the young earl of Armynake/ and of the voyage he made in to Lombardy/ for the matter requireth it: and we shall leave to speak of the king of Castyle. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the army of the young earl johan of Armynake/ and of the viage that he made in to Lombardy: And how he died at the siege before the town of Alexandre. Ca C lxxvii  
IT hath been showed here before/ what great of fectyon the young Earl of Armynake had to go in to Lombardy with men of war/ to aid and assist his sister germayne/ and his brother in law her husband the lord Barnabo/ eldest son to the lord Barnabo whom the duke of milan had caused to be slain marvelously. And this duke of milan was earl of Virtues/ and named Galeas/ Whose daughter the duke of orleans had to wife. This said lady/ who was daughter to the old earl of Armynake and sister to the young earl/ was greatly abashed and discomforted/ and had no trust but on her brother. She signified to him all her estate/ her poverty and necessity/ and damage that she suffered: And humbly required her brother/ that he would help to keep and defend her against the tyrant the earl of Virtues/ who would disherit her without any title of reason. And to the request of his sister the earl of Armynake condescended/ and said. That what soever it should cost him/ he would do his devoir to aid his sister. And all that he promised he accomplished in deed. for he had by the aid of the earl dolphin of Awergne/ made divers treaties in Awergne/ Rovergue/ Quercy/ Lymosyn/ Piergourte/ Engoulmoys/ and Agenoyes/ and had bought certain fortresses which had been kept by the english men/ gascoins/ and bretons/ such as had made war against the realm of France/ under colour of the king of England/ and all such as he had agreed withal/ had their pardons of the French king: and beside that/ the king gave gold and silver to be given among them. But they were all bound to the earl of Armynake/ to go with him in to Lombardy to aid him in his wars there. And every man showed himself thereto well willing/ & every man drew to the river of Rosne and to the river of Sosne. The duke of Berrey and the duke of Burgoyne suffered them in their countries to take victuals at their pleasure/ for they would gladly have had them clean delivered out of the country. And in that season under the king there ruled in the Dolphynry/ the lord Engueram Durdyn. And the king had written to him/ commanding that these men of war pertaining to the earl of Armynake/ should peaceably pass through the country/ and to have that they needed for their money.  
When the earl of Foiz being in Byerne in his castle of Ortays/ understood how the earl of Armynake assembled men of war together/ he began to muse/ for he was a man greatly ymaginatife Well he had herd how the brute was/ that the earl of Armynake made this assemble to go in to Lombardy against the lord of Myllaygne. But because in time past the earl of Armynake and his predecessors before him and his brother bernard of Armynake had made him war/ therefore he doubted lest the said assemble should turn against him. wherefore he thought he would not be unprovided/ but prepared his fortresses with men of war/ and made such provision/ that if he were assailed/ to resist it with all his puissance. But the earl of Armynake nor his brother were nothing of that purpose/ but thought surely to uphold the truce that was between them/ and to achieve his enterprise in to Lombardy. There were many knights and squires english/ gascoins/ bretons and other that were bound to serve the earl of Armynake in his wars. But if he should have made war against the earl of Foiz/ they would have taken the earl of Foiz part/ and have forsaken the earl of Armynake/ the earl of Foiz was so well-beloved with all men of war/ for the wisdom/ largesse and prowess that was in him. And when the duchess of Thourayne was informed how th'earl of Armynake was ready to pass over the mountains/ to enter in to Lombardy with puissance of men of war/ to make war against the duke of milan her father. And how that the French king and his uncles/ the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne consented thereto/ because they would have their countries clean avoided of the companions and routs of pillars/ such as had often times grieved sore their countries. this lady thought not to forget the matter/ but wrote to her father the duke of milan/ all that she knew/ to the intent that he should take heed to himself/ and to his country. The lord of milan was well informed of the business/ and provided for men of war where he might get them/ and refreshed his towns/ cities/ and castles with victual/ and other munysions of war. and looked surely to have war with the earl of Armynake/ as they had in deed.  
ABout the mids of the month of March/ the most part of these companions were assembled together in the marchesse of avignon/ all a long the river of Rosne/ to the number of fifteen thousand horses/ and passed the river: and so entered in to the Dolphynny of Vyen/ and lodged abroad in the villages/ and some passed forward to have the more easy passage thorough the mountains/ which were perilous to pass/ both for man and horse. The earl of Armynake and his brother/ with certain other knights went to Auygnon/ to see him that was called pope Clement/ and the cardinals there. And offered their service to the pope/ to aid him against the tyrants the lombards/ for which offer they were thanked. And when they had been there an eight days/ and that great part of their company were passed forward/ They took their leave of the pope and of the cardinals/ and prepared to follow their men. there the two brethren departed a sondre/ the earl johan of Armynake and sir bernard his brother. Than the Earl said. Brother/ ye shall return back to Armynake and keep our heritage/ of comings and Armynake For as yet all the fortresses be not delivered fro the companions. There is as yet the garrison of Lourde/ where as Peter Arnaulte keepeth under the king of England: And also the garrison of Bountevyll/ which is kept by sir johan of Granley/ son to the captal of Buse. And though it be so/ that as now we have peace with the earl of Foiz yet it is good to doubt him/ for he is cruel and hasty: his thought is unknown/ therefore it is good that our lands be not dyspurueyed. Wherefore Brother/ for these causes & other ye shall return home/ and ye shall here often fro me and I fro you. Sir bernard lightly agreed to this purpose. The devise seemed good to him. Nor also he had no great affection to go forth in that journey. Than at his departing/ the earl his brother said to him. Brother/ in your returning ye shall go to our cousin Raymonde of Thourayne/ who holdeth land of the pope in the county of Venus/ and maketh war against him/ and my cousin hath married his daughter to the prince of Orange/ and show him how I am desired of the pope/ to require him to go with me in this voyage/ and I shall make him my companion in every thing/ and I shall tarry for him at the city of Gap between the mountains. Sir quod bernard I shall do your message. Thus the two brethren departed a sondre in the field/ and never met to guider again after. The earl of Armynake took the way to the city of Gap in the land of Ganoes. And bernard his brother went to the castle of Bolongne/ where sir Raymonde of Thouraygne was/ who received his cousin joyously. Than sir bernard showed him the message that he had to say/ fro his brother the earl of armagnac/ with as fair words as he could devise/ the rather thereby to incline him thereto. Than sir Raymonde answered and laid. Fair cousin/ or your brother the earl of Armynake be entered far in to Lombardy/ and hath besieged any town/ I shall follow him/ but as yet it is to soon for me and my men to go forward. Writ unto your brother my cousin/ that about the month of may I shall follow him. & by the time I trust to have an end of the war between mine uncle pope Clement/ and the cardinals at Avignon & me/ who as yet will do me no right/ and keepeth away fro me perfoce/ that mine uncle pope Gregory gave me. they ween to weary me/ but they shall not They desire knights and squires/ and giveth them pardons to make war against me/ but they have no list thereto. For I can have more men of war for a thousand florins in one day/ than they can have for all their absolutions in six year. Fair cousin quoth sir bernard that is true. Keep on your purpose/ I would not counsel you otherwise. And as ye have answered me/ so shall I write to my brother th'earl of Armynake. So be it quoth sir Raymonde. Thus they were together all a hole day. than sir bernard departed and passed the river of Rosne at the bridge. Saint Espyrite/ and so returned in to Query and in to Rovergue by the mountains/ and so came thither as he would be/ and left the earl of Armynake his brother alone with his war/ against the duke of milan earl of Virtues. Or he departed fro Bolonge he wrote to his brother all the news that he knew/ and the answer of sir Raymonde of Thourayne. The earl of Armynake received the letters in the way going to the city of gap. He red the letters/ and so passed forth and made no great force of the matter.  
WE will continue to speak of the young earl of armagnac and show his feat/ or I speak of any other matter. And thus I say The good love and great affection that he had to comfort his sister & brother in law her husband/ whom the earl of Virtues/ who called himself lord of Myllaygne falsely disherited without cause or tytell● caused the earl joyously to pass in his journey as far as Pyemount in Lombardy. There was two great reasons that caused the earl of Armynake to assemble/ and to make that journey at that tyme. The first was/ that the realm of France thereby was clean rid of the routs of these companions/ that had done much hurt in the reaime/ and thereby the countries better assured than they were before. The second reason was to aid his sister/ for he had great pity that she and her husband should lose their heritage/ whereby they should live and maintain their estate/ and for these considerations he took on him this enterprise. The captains of the companions said one to another. Let us ride forth merrily against these lombardꝭ/ we have a good quarrel and a inste title/ and we have a good captain/ whereby our war shallbe moche the better. And also we shall go in to the best country of all the world/ for Lombardy receiveth fro all costs the fatness of the world: and the e lombards be naturally ever rich and cowards: We shall attain against them moche profit: There is none of us that be captains/ but that shall return so rich/ that we shall never need to make war more against any man. Thus the companions de used one with another/ and when they came in to a plenteous country/ there they would tarry a season to refresh them and their horses.  
In the same season the good abventurous fought of England sir johan Hacton was in the marchesse of Florence/ and made war against the florentyns/ in the quarrel of pope Bonyface of Rome/ for they were rebel against the pope's commandment/ and so were also the Perusyns. The earl of Armynake thought that if he might get this english knight to take part with him/ he should have a great treasure of him/ because of his wisdom & valiantness. The earl wrote to him/ signyfieng him all the hole matter of his enterprise/ desiring him of his aid. Which letter was sent by a discrete person to sir johan Hacton being in the marchesse of Florence/ and had a two thousand fighting men. He received the letter and red it. And when he had well understand all the substance thereof he was right joyful/ and answered and said. That his own war once achieved/ he would do nothing after/ till he were in the company of the earl of Armynake. The messenger said. Sir ye say well/ I require you write your mind to my lord the earl of Armynake/ he will the better believe it. With right a good will sir quoth the knight/ it is reason that I so do. Than the english knight wrote/ and delivered the letter to the messangere/ who returned and came again to his lord/ and found him as than in the marchesse of Pyneroll/ where was great treaty between him and the Marquis of Salves/ who should be allied with him/ to aid him in his war against the duke of milan earl of Virtues.  
THe tidings that the earl of Armynackes squire brought to him fro sir johan Hacton/ and of the Words that were written within the letter/ The earl was greatly rejoiced and said. that he trusted to make such war to the duke of milan/ that he would bring him to reason/ or else to die in the pain. When all his company were passed the straits of the mountains/ and were in the good country of Piemounte near Thouraygne. Than they road abroad/ and died moche hurt in the villages/ such as could not hold against them. Than the earl laid sige before Aste in Pyemount/ & intended to rary there for sir Iohn Hacton. provision came to them fro all parts/ and also the companions won certain small holds/ and took the victuals that was within them. The country of Pyneroll/ and the lands of the Marks Mount feraunt were opined and appareled to deliver victuals/ & other things nercessary for the host both for men and horse. And also great provision came to them out of the Dolphyne and out of the county of Savoy. Many folks greatly inclined to the earl of Armynake/ because they saw his quarrel was good & just/ and also because the earl of Virtues had caused to be slain his own uncle sir Bernabo for envy/ to set again the lords of Lombardy in to their heritages/ and disherited his cousin germans/ whereof many great lords/ though they spoke but little thereof/ yet they had great pity of the case. While the earl lay thus at siege before Aste/ he heard tidings of sir Iohn Hacton/ whereof he was greatly rejoiced. The tidings was/ that the florentines were come to the pope's mercy/ and also the Venisyens. And how that the said sir Iohn should have threescore thousand florins/ for him and his company. And that money once paid/ received/ and delivered/ where as it should be departed/ than he promised with a five hundred spears and a thousand brigans a foot/ to come in to the fronter of Gennes/ and to pass over the river/ whether their ennemeys would or natte/ and so to come to the earl of Armynake where soever he should be. These tidings greatly rejoiced the earl of Armynake and all his company/ for the aid of this sir Iohn Hacton was right pleasant. Than the earl of Armynake was counseled to depart thence and to go and lay siege before a great city called Alexandre/ at the entering of Lombardy and when they had won that/ than to go to Bresuell/ which was also a good city and a fair.  
THus the earl of Armynake and his company laid siege before the city of alexander/ standing in a fair country and a plain. at the departing out of Pyemount and at the entering of Lombardy/ and the way to go to the river of Gennes. These men of war passed the river of Thesyn and lodge at their ease at large/ for the country was good and pleasant there about. The Lord Galeas lord of milan and earl of Virtues/ was as than in a town called the city of Pavy/ and daily heard tidings what his enemies died/ but he had marvel of one thing/ how th'earl of Armynake could get the richesse to pay wages to so many men of war as he had brought with him/ but his counsel answered him and said. Sir/ have no marvel thereof/ for the men that he hath be such companions/ that desireth to win and to ride at adventure. They have used long to overrun the realm of France/ and to take holds and garrisons in the country/ so that the country could never be delivered of them. And so it is/ that now of late the duke of Berrey and the dolphin of Awergne/ to whose countries these rutters died moche damage/ for they kept them there against the lords wills/ and over ran the best part of their he rytages/ and made them war. And they caused the Earl of Armynake to treat with these companions/ so that the French king should suffer them to come in to this your country to make war. And thereby/ and by means of certain money given to them/ they are avoided out of all the forteresses in the country. And also beside that/ the French king hath pardoned all such as made war against him/ on the condition that they should serve the earl of Armynake in his wars/ & all that they could get should be their own. They demand none other wages. And such be named men of arms among them/ with a five or six horses/ that if they were in their own countries they would go a foot/ and be but as poor men. It is great apparel and jeopardy to fight against such men/ & also lightly they be all good men of war. Wherefore sir/ the best counsel that we can give you/ is to keep your towns and fortresses/ they be strong and well provided for/ and your enemies have none artillery nor engines/ for the saute to be regarded. They may well come to the barrier's of your towns and skirmish/ other damage they can do none. And this appeareth well/ for they have been in your country this two months/ & as yet have taken no fortress little nor great. Sir let them alone/ and they shall weary themself/ and be destroyed at the end/ so ye fight not with them. And when they have destroyed the plain country/ and have no more to live by: They shall then be fain to return for famine/ without any other evil fortune fall on them in the mean tyme. And it shall be well done that your men of war in your fortresses keep together to aid each other/ in time of need. And sir/ send to such places as ye think your enemies will besiege to resist them/ for towns men have but small defence/ for they be not so used nor accustomed to war/ nouther to assault nor to defend as men of arms knights and squires be/ who are nourished & brought up therein. sir/ send your men of war to the city of Alexandre/ Thereby ye shall have double profit. your city shallbe defended and your people shall love you the better/ when they see ye do aid and comfort them. And sir thereto ye be bound sith ye have governance over them/ & that they pay to you their rents/ subsidies/ & aids that ye have demanded of them divers times. your enemies can not be so strong in the field before alexander/ that the town should be closed in round about: they have no such number to do it/ wherefore your men shall enter in to the town at their case. And when they of the town shall see them sel● e refreshed with your men of war/ they shall have the more courage/ and love you much the better/ and shall put out of their hearts all manner of treaty with your enemies. To this counsel the lord of Mayllayne 'greed and incontinent he assembled together his men of war a five hundred spears. And he made captain of them an ancient knight called sir jaques of Byerne/ a expert man of arms/ and they road through the country privily/ and so on a night they entered in to the town of alexander. They of the town were greatly rejoiced of their coming/ and good cause why. Because the earl of Armynake saw no men stirring in the town. Therefore three days together they sauted & skirmished at the barriers/ and yet with the small number that were there/ the armynakꝭ were so well resisted that they won nothing When sir jaques de la Byerne and his company were entered in to the strong city of alexander and were lodged and refreshed/ the governor of the city and other came to visit than in their lodging. Than sir jaques demanded of them the state of the city/ and the demeanour of their enemies/ to take counsel thereupon. The ancient men and most sagest answered and said. Sir/ sith the earl of Armynake hath laid siege before us/ every day we have had assaults & skirmishes before our barrier's. Well sirs qd the knight to morrow we shall see what they will do. They know not of my coming/ I will make a secret issue/ and lie in an enbusshe for them. Ah sir quoth they/ ye have need to be ware what ye do/ for they are a sixteen thousand horses/ and if they discover you in the field without any battle/ they shall raise such a dust with their horses against you and your company/ that ye shallbe clean disconfit among yourself. Well quoth the knights/ to more. own we shall see how the matter shall go. We must do some feat of arms sith we become hither. Than every man returned to their lodging/ and the knight gave know ledge to his company/ how that the next morning secretly he would issue out of the city and lie in a buishment in the fields/ and commanded every man to be ready.  
THe next morning sir jaques dela Bierne armed him and all his company/ and issued out secretly/ and with him a ioure hundred/ half a mile outs of the town/ and assembled in a valley/ and caused other two hundred to abide at the barriers. And commanded them/ that if their enemies came to assail them/ that they should make but faint defence/ and recule back thy derwarde/ where as they would lie in the bushment. The day was fair and clear and the earl of Armynake who was young and lusty/ after he had herd mass in his pavilion/ armed him and displayed his penon/ & took with him but a hundred men/ thinking that no man should encounter him. And so came with his company before the barrier's little and little/ some followed him and some sat still & said. What need we to arm us/ when we come to the barrier's we shall see no man there/ and so sat still eating and drinking and th'earl of Armynake went to skirmish before the barrier's/ and there began to skirmish one with another. & within a short season the defenders began to recule little and little/ till they came to their enbusshe. When sir jaques de la Bierne saw his enemies come before him/ he discovered himself and set on the acmynagoys/ who valiantly defended themself/ for always little and little succour came to them/ there was many a feat of arms done. It was on saint Christofers day/ and the day was so hoot that such as were in their harness/ thought verily they had been in a furnes/ the weather was so faint with out wind/ so that the lustyest they had much a do to do any feat of arms. The party of milan were three against one. The dust and the powder was so great that they could scant see one another/ and specially they of the earl of armagnacs part. There fell to the earl a great adventure/ he was so oppressed with heat/ that he was so feeble that he could scant help himself/ so that he drew apart out on the one side of the field and no man with him/ and there found a little river/ when he felt the air of the water he thought he was in paradise/ and sat down alone beside the water/ and with moche pain did of his bassenet and sat bareheded/ and washed his face and drank of the water/ whereby he was worse than he was before/ for the coldness of the water cooled so his blood that he was faynter than he was before/ and fell in a paluesy/ so that he lost the strength of his body and speech/ and his men had lost him. there were many taken. After a knight of the duke of Millayns found the earl of Armynake. When he saw him he had marvel what he was/ he perceived well he was a knight & a man of honour. Than the knight said. Sir who be you? yield you ye are my prisoner. The earl understood him not/ nor he could not speak/ but he held up his hand/ and made token to yield him. The knight would have had him to rise/ but he could not. The knight tarried still with him while other did fight/ in the which battle many a feat of arms was done.  
When sir jaques de la Bierne who was a sage knight/ saw how the journey was good for his party/ and how that a great number of his enemies were taken and slain/ and also saw well that his own men world ●ery/ and that his enemies began to multiply with fresh men/ than he recoiled toward the city skirmishing and defending. The knight that had taken the earl of Armynake/ thought not to leave him behind/ for he thought surely he was some man of honour/ and desired his company to aid him/ to bear his prisoner in to the town promising them to have part of his ransom. They did so/ and with moche pain brought him in to the city/ and was unarmed and laid in a bed. Than sir jaques de la Bierne entered in to the city and took his lodging and unarmed him/ and refreshed him and his company. And when the earl of armagnac was mist in the host without/ they were sore dismayed/ and wist not what to say nor do/ and some came to the place where the battle had been to seek for him/ and returned again clean discomfited. The knight that had taken the earl of Armynake had great desire to know what man his prisoner was/ and came to another squire that was in likewise taken prisoner a gascon/ desiring his master to suffer him to go with him to his lodging. so they went together. The lombarde knight led the squire of France in to a chamber/ and brought him to the bed where the earl of Armynake lay sore complaining/ and caused torches to be lighted up/ and than said to the french squire. Sir/ know you not this man? The squire regarded him well & said/ I know him well for I ought so to do/ it is our captain the earl of Armynake. With the which words the lombarde was joyful/ but the Earl was so sick that he understood nothing that was said to him. Than his master said/ go we hence let him rest. Thus they left him/ and the same night he died/ and passed this transitory life. The next day when it was known that the earl of Armynake was deed in Alexaunder in his bed/ sir jaques of Bierne would not that his death should be unknown/ but caused it to be published in the host/ by such prisoners as he had/ to see what his enemies would do. They of the host were sore discomfited as they well showed/ for as than they had no captain to draw unto/ for they were but companions gathered of all parts. Than they said/ let us return and save ourself/ for we have lost our tyme. Anon it was known in the City/ how the armynois were discomfited/ and had no capitain. than they armed them/ and issued out a horseback and a foot/ and set on the host crying Pavy for the lord of milan. There they were taken and slain without defence. The conquest and booty was great with the companions that were come thither with sir jaques of Bierne the Armynage is yielded themself without defence and cast away armour and fled/ and were chased like beasts. Lo what a hard adventure th'earl of Armynake and his company bad/ and where as his intent was to do well/ it turned him to great evil. If he had lived five days longer/ sir johan Acton had come to him with five hundred spears/ and a thousand brigandyns a foot/ whereby he might have done many feats of arms/ and all lost by hard adventure.  
When the duke of Myllayn knew the troth that his enemies were slain and taken/ and specially the earl of Armynake slain/ he was joyful thereof/ and loved sir jaques de Bierne the better in his heart/ and made him sovereign over all his chyvalry/ and made him chief of his counsel. The duke of milan to avoid his country of his enemies/ gave to every prisoner that was a gentleman a horse/ and to every other man a florayne and quited them clean of their ransoms/ but at their departing he caused them to swear that they should never after arm them against him. Thus these companions departed out of Lombardy and Piemount/ and entered in to Savoy and in to the dolpheny/ and had such poverty that it was marvel for as they passed every town was closed against them. Anon every man had spent his florayn/ some had pity of them and did give them alms for charity/ and some rebuked and mocked them/ saying. Go your ways seek out your earl of Armynake/ who is drinking at a well before alexander. yet they were in more mischief when they came to the river of Rone they had thought lightly to have passed over in to the realm of France but they did not for the french king had commanded all the passages to be closed and kept against them/ whereby they fell in great danger and poverty. After that they could never assemble together again. Thus the young earl of armagnacs army broke a sunder & his sister abode still in as evil case as she was in before. Than the duke of milan sent for a bishop of his country/ and for such as were most next to the earl of Armynake/ as had been there with him at that journey/ and the duke commanded that th'earls body should be baumed/ and sent to his brother sir barnard/ who was right sorrowful of those tidings/ and good cause why/ but there was no remedy. Than the earl of Armynake was buried in the cathedral church of Rodays/ and there he lieth.  
IT ought to be known as it hath been contained here before in this history/ how sir Thomas Percy was sent by king richard of England in to the realm of France/ and showed well how he had great affection to have a firm peace between England and France/ and specially two of the king of England's uncles/ as the duke of Lancastre and the duke Edmonde of york/ but the kings other uncle the duke of Glocestre and constable of England/ would in no wise accord to have any peace with the french men/ without it were to the kings honour and theirs/ and that there might be rendered again all such cities/ towns/ castles/ lands and sygnories/ which had been given to the king of England and to his heirs/ which falsely had been taken away by the frenchmen/ without title or reason/ and beside that the sum of four thousand franks/ which was owing when the frenchmen began the war again. And of this opinion was divers lords of England/ saying that to the death they would justify the same. Many said that the duke of Glocestre had good right and reason to sustain that opinion/ but they dissimuled the matter covertly/ because they saw the kings mind and affection inclined greatly to have peace. But the poor knights and squires/ and archers of England/ rather inclined to have war/ such as had sustained there estates by reason of the war. consider well than/ how peace/ love/ or accord might be had between these parties/ for the french men in their treaty demanded to have Ealays beaten down/ & to have the sygnorie of Guysnes/ Hams/ Mark/ and Die/ & all the lands of Froyton/ and the dependants of Guysnes unto the limits of the water of Gravelling. and the french king offered to deliver to the crown of England as much lands in values in Acquytayn/ against which article that duke of Gloucestre held and said. The frenchmen will pay us with our own/ for they know well enough how we have charters sealed by king johan/ & all his children/ that all hole Acquytayn should have been delivered to us/ without any resort or sovereignty to any man and all that ever they have done sith/ hath been by fraud and false engine/ and night and day intend to no other thing but to deceive us/ for if calais and such lands as they demand/ were delivered in to their hands/ they should be lords of all the see cost/ and than all our conquests were as nothing/ I shall rather never agree to peace as long as I live. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How sir Peter of Craon fell in the french kings displeasure and in the duke of Thourayns/ & after he was received by the duke of Bretayne. Cap. C.lxxviii.  
IN this said season there was a knight of France of the country of Anjou/ a gentle knight and of noble extraction/ called sir Pyer of Craon/ marucylously well beloved/ and specially with the duke of Thourayne/ for about the duke no thing was done but by him. Also this knight held a great estate about the duke of Anjou/ who was called king of Naples/ Cicyll/ & Iherusalem/ and also he was rich. Asclaunder was brought up on him through the realm of France/ how he had rob the young king of Cycyll duke of Anjou/ for the which brute the said sir Peter absented himself fro the young king and fro his mather/ who had been wife to the old duke of Anjou/ how be it he dealt so that he was well-beloved with the french king/ and with his brother the duke of Thourayne. Also the same season sir Oliver of Clysson/ as than constable of France/ was greatly in favour with the king and with the duke of Thourayne/ which favour he had get by reason of the good service that he had done in arms/ as well in France as else where/ in the kings days and in his father's days king Charles/ and sir Olyer of Clyssons daughter had wedded johan of Bretayne/ brother germayne to the queen of Iherusalem/ and this sir Oliver Clysson by reason of the alliance that he had by the marriage of johan of Bretayne/ was greatly in the duke of Bretayns indignation/ in somuch that the duke held him for his mortal enemy/ and johan of Bretayne in likewise/ and the duke of Bretayne repent him that he had not slain sir Oliver of Clysson when he had him in prison in his castle of Ermyn. This sir Peter of Craon was in such favour with the duke of Bretaygne that he might do with him what he list/ he was his cousin. and while he was in favour with the french king and with the duke of Thourayn/ he would gladly have brought out of the kings favour sir Oliver of Clysson the constable/ if he could have brought it about.  
THus the envious which covertly always hath reigned in France/ dissymuling their matters till they come to an evil conclusion. The constable of France had always been so true in all his deeds to the crown of France/ that every man loved him/ except the duke of Burgoyn/ who loved him nothing. the hatred came by the duchess of Burgoyne/ who was a lady of high courage/ for she could not love the Constable/ for the duke of Bretayne was near of blood to her/ and all that her father the earl of Flaunders loved she loved/ and such as he hated she did the same/ she was of that condition. This sir Peter of Craon while he was in the french court/ and great with the duke of Thourayne/ he wrote often times to the duke of Bretayne secretly every thing that he knew/ & the duke wrote again to him. Th'effect of their writings I could not know/ how be it I johan Froy sart auctor of this history/ on a time when I was at Paris/ on a night when a great mischief was likely to have fallen upon sir Oliver Clysson constable of France/ by a marvelous enterprise of sir Peter of Craon/ as I shall hereafter more plainly declare/ when time shall require. And because I saw the matter dark and obscure/ & likely to be great trouble and danger/ I did all the pain I could to know the ground and occasion of the matter/ why sir Peter of Craon was so suddenly banished fro the french kings love and the duke of Thourayns. Such search I made and such inquiry of them that knew the matter/ that some of them informed me of the troth as the fame & renome ran. first the duke of Thourayn was disposed with this sir Peter of Craon through his own fault/ for he disclosed the secretness that was between the duke of Thourayne and another lady. If he did so he did evil.  
THe duke of Thourayne as than had such favour to sir Peter of Craon/ that he took him as his companion/ and aware ever like apparel/ and had him always with him where so ever he went/ and showed him all his secrets. This Duke of Thourayn as than was young and amorous/ and gladly would company with ladies and damosels/ and sport him among them/ and specially as it was showed me/ he loved entirely a fair lady of Paris/ young and fresh. His love and secrets were known in such wise that it turned to great displeasure to the duke/ and he wist not whom to blame but sir Peter of Craon/ for the duke had showed him all his secrets in that matter/ and had taken him in his company/ when he would secretly speak with the said young lady. The duke on a time promised the said lady a thousand crowns of gold/ so that he might have his pleasure of her. But the lady as than refused it and said/ how she loved him not for his gold nor silver/ but pure love inclined her to bear him her good will/ but as for gold or silver she would not sell her honour. All these words and promesses were known by the duchess of Thourayne/ who incontinent sent for the said young lady in to her chamber. Than she called her by her name/ and in great displeasure said. wilt thou do me wrong with my lord my husband? The young lady was abashed/ and all weeping said. Nay madame by the grace of god/ I never did think it nor never will. than the duchess said. Thus it is/ Jame informed that my lord my husband loveth you/ and you him/ and the matter so far gone between you/ that in such a place and at such a time he promised you a thousand crowns of gold to have his pleaser of you/ how be it ye did refuse it as than/ wherein ye did wisely and therefore as at this time I pardon you/ but I charge you as dearly as ye love your life/ that ye commune nor talk no more with him/ but suffer him to pass/ & herkyn not to his communing. Than when the young lady saw herself accused of troth she answered and said. Madame/ I shall deliver me fro him as soon as I can/ and shall so/ deal that ye shall have no cause of displeasure in this matter. Therewith the duchess gave her leave to depart/ and so she returned to her lodging. The duke of Thourayne who knew nothing of this matter/ and as he that entirely loved this young lady/ fortuned on a day to come where as she was. when she saw him she eschewed his company/ and made him no manner of semblant of love/ but did clean contrary to that she had used before/ for she durst not/ and also she had sworn & promised/ to the duchess. When the duke saw her countenance he was pensive/ and thought he would know why she dealt so strangely/ and demanded of her the cause of her strangeness. The young lady all weeping said. Syrye have bewrayed your love/ and the secret promise an offer that ye made me/ to my lady your wife/ or else some other/ remember you well to whom ye have showed your secretness/ for sir I was in great danger by my lady your wife/ and by none other/ and I have sworn and promised her that after this time I will never company nor talk with you/ whereby she should have any jealousy. when the duke hard that they were sore words to him/ and greatly to his displeasure and said. Ah my fair lady/ I swear to you by my faith/ that rather than this matter should have been showed to my wife/ that I had lost a hundred thousand franks/ sith ye have sworn/ keep your promise/ for what so ever it cost me I will know the troth who hath bewrayed our secrets.  
THus the Duke departed fro the young lady/ and made no semblant as than/ but patiently suffered/ how be it he thought the more. and at night came to his wife to supper/ & showed her more token of love than ever he did before/ and he did so much with fair words that the duchess showed him all the matter/ and how that she knew it by sir Peter of Craon. than the duke spoke no more at that tyme. that night passed/ and the next day about nine of the clock/ he took his horse and road fro the house of saint Poll to the castle of Lower/ where he found the king his brother hearing of mass. The king sweetly received him/ for he loved him entirely/ and the king saw well by the duke's manner that he had some displeasure in his mind/ and said. Ah fair brother. what is the matter? it seemeth ye be troubled. Sir quod he good cause why. Wherefore quoth the king I pray you show me. The duke who would hide no thing fro the king/ showed him all the hole matter/ and complained greatly against sir Peter of Craon/ and said. Sir by the faith that I owe to god and to you/ if it were not for your honour I would slay him. We shall do well enough quoth the king/ he shall be warned by our counsel to avoid our house and service/ and in likewise cause him to avoid your house and company. I am well content with this qd the duke. The same day the lord de la river and sir johan Mercyer said unto sir Peter of Craon on the kings behalf/ that he should avoid the kings court and service/ and go where he list. In likewise sir johan of Buell and the lord of Dernaulx seneschal of Thourayne/ gave him like commandment/ on the duke of Thourayns behalf. When sir Peter of Craon saw this he was abashed and took it in great despite/ and could not imagine why it should be. And true it was/ he desired to come in to the kings presence and the dukes/ to know the cause of their displeasure. But he was answered that neither the king nor the duke would not hear him speak. When he saw none other remedy he appareled himself/ and departed out of Paris in great displeasure in his heart/ and so road into Anjou to a castle of his own called Sable/ and tarried there a season fore troubled in his mind. He saw well he was chased out of the french court/ and out of the house of Thourayn/ and also out of the house of the queen of Naples and Iherusalem. than when he perceived these three houses closed fro him/ he thought to go to the duke of Bretaygne his cousin/ and to show him all his adventures. so he did/ and road in to Bretayne/ and found the duke at Wannes/ who made him good cheer/ and knew somewhat before of his trouble. And than this sir Peter showed him all the case. When the duke of Bretaygne had well heard all the matter/ he said. Fair cousin recomfort yourself/ all this is surely brought about by sir Oliver of Clysson.  
THis rote and foundation of hatred multiplied greatly after/ as ye shall here in this history. Sir Peter of Craon tarried so long with the duke of Bretaygne/ that he forgot France/ for the constable sir Oliver of Clysson and the kings counsel were against him/ and also they were not content with the duke of Bretayne in that he kept sir Peter Craon in his house. As for the duke of Bretaygne cared not greatly/ neither for the good will nor evil will of the French king/ he provided sufficiently for his cities/ towns/ and castles/ in such wise/ that he loved as well war as peace. And all that ever he did was well known in France/ and with the kings counsel. and such as were next about the king reputed the duke of Bretaygne proud and presumptuous/ and threatened him greatly/ but the duke died set little thereby/ and said/ that he would make war against the earl of Pointhieur in a just quarrel/ for the earl of Pointhyeur our cousin/ writeth and nameth himself johan of Bretayne/ as though he were heritor of this country. I will he be called johan/ for that is his name and earl of Pointhieur/ and I will he put out of his arms the Ermyns/ and write himself johan of Bloys or of Chatellon/ and none other. and if he will not do thus I shall cause him to do it/ and take fro him his land/ for he holdeth it by faith and homage of us/ as for the heritage of Bretaygne he hath nothing to do therewith/ so that it should return to him/ for I have both sons and daughters that shall be mine heirs. Let him purchase him lands in some other place/ for as of this he hath failed. Thus often times the duke of Bretayne would devise with sir Peter of Craon/ who would not reply against his pleasure/ but rather did further it/ and all for the evil will that he bore to the constable sir Oliver of Clysson/ and to the counsel of France. ⸪  
¶ Now let us leave speaking of this matter and treat a little of another piteous matter concerning the earl Guy of Bloys/ of whom mention is made here before in this history. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the death of the young earl Joys of Chastelone/ son to the earl Guy of Bloys. Cap. C.lxxix.  
IT hath been showed here before in this history/ when I spoke of the alliance and marriage of Lois of Chatellon/ son to the earl of Bloys/ married to the lady mary/ daughter to duke johan of Berrey/ and at the confirmation of this marriage the duke of Berrey provided greatly for his daughter/ for she was assigned for her dowry in the county of Bloys/ the sum of six thousand pound money/ corante in France/ to be paid in florayns/ if the foresaid Joys of Bloys died before his wife. than all the county of Blois to be bound to pay these foresaid sire thousand franks. And so it fortuned that about the feast of saint johan the baptist in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and a leaven/ this young Joys of Bloys son to the earl Guy/ departed fro his father fro the castle of Moltyz in Bloys to go in to Haynalt/ to see his mother and wife/ and when he came to Beaumonte in Haynault he fell sick of a fever/ by reason that he had ridden great journeys/ and the season was boot/ and he was but evil kept/ and but tender of age/ as of xiiii. years/ by which sickness he died with out help/ for the physicans could not put a way his hot fever. ye may well know that the father and mother were right sorrowful/ when they knew of the death of their son and heir. In likewise so was his wife the young lady of Berrey/ who loved him entirely/ and thought herself hyghtly married/ specially the trouble of the father was right great/ for he imagined that the duke of Berrey was right covetous/ and feared lest he would enter in to the county of Bloys/ and put him out for the dowry of his daughter. Thus the duke of berry's two daughters were both widows in one year/ the eldest called Boesme was countess of Savoy/ and her husband the young earl of Savoy called Am died the same year right marvelously/ of whose death there came great business/ and it was laid to sir Oath of Grau●●ome/ in such wise that he was fain to fly out of Savoy/ and out of France and Almaigne/ and so went & dwelt in the realm of England. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ Of the sudden death of the Earl Gascon of Foiz/ and how the earl of Chastellon came to then heritance. Cap. C.lxxx.  
THe same season also died the noble and gentle earl of Foiz right marvelously/ I shall show you by what incydente. Truly of all sports this Earl loved hunting with hounds and grey hounds/ and of them he was well provided/ for always he had at his commandment more than xvi hundred. The earl as than was at Barrey/ in the marches of Orthays/ and went daily a hunting in to the woods of Saluaterra/ the way to Panpylona in Naverre/ and the same day that he died he had hunted and killed a bear/ and by that time it was high noon. Than the earl demanded of them that were about him where his dinner was provided. It was showed him at the hospital of Ryon/ a two little miles fro Ortays/ and so thither he road to dyner/ and so a lighted there and went in to his chamber/ the which was strawed with green herbs/ & the walls set full of green bows/ to make the chamber more fresh/ for the air without was marvelously hot as in the month of May. When he felt that fresh air he said. A this fresshnesse doth me much good/ for the day hath been very hoot/ and so sat down in a chair. Than he talked and devised with sir Espayne du lion of his hounds/ which had run best/ and as he thus devised/ there came in to the chamber sir jenbayne his bastard son and sir Peter of Cabestan/ and the tables were ready covered in the same chamber. Than water was brought forth to wash/ and Coiandon of spain took asyluer basin and sir Tybaulte took the towel. Than the earl rose & put out his hands to wash/ and as soon as the cold water fell on his fingers/ he waxed pale in the face/ and suddenly her heart failed him/ and so fell down/ and in the falling said. Ah I am but deed. God have mercy on me: He never spoke word after/ how be it he died not so soon/ but lay in great pain. The knights that were about him were sore abashed and so was his soon: They took him in their arms and laid him on a bed and covered him/ trusstynge that he was but in a trance. The ii knights that had given him water/ to the intent that it should not be said that they had enpoisoned him/ took the basin and the ewer and said/ Sirs/ here in your presence behold here this water/ the which we took assay of and yet will do. And there they drank thereof/ so that every man was content with them. They put in to the earls mouth drink and spices/ and other things comfortable/ but all that aveyled nothing. For in less than half an hour he was deed/ and yielded up his breath sweetly. God of his pity have mercy on him. all such as were there were greatly troubled and abashed. Than they closed the chamber door/ to the intent that his death should not be so suddenly known abroad. The knights beheld sir jenbayne his son/ who wept piteously and wrong his hands. And the knights that were with him said. Sir jenbayne/ ye have now lost your father: We know well he loved you entirely. Leave your sorrow/ and leap on your horse and ride to Orthayes. Take you possession of the castle and of your father's treasure that is within it/ or ever the death of your father be known abroad. Sir jenbayne inclined to those words & said. Sirs I thank you of your good cowsaile the which I shall deserve. But than let me have some token that is on my father/ or else I shall not be suffered to enter in to the castle. That is true sir quoth they/ take some token fro your father. Than he took a ring fro his father's finger/ and a Knife that he bore always about him. These tokens the porter of the castle knew well: If he had not brought them/ he should not have enered in there.  
THus sir jenbayne of Foiz departed from the hospital of Ryone and three with him/ and road in haste to the castle of Orthayes. He road through the town/ no man mistrusted him/ and so came to the Castle and called the Porter/ who answered and said. sir/ what would you have? Where is my lord your Father? He is at the hospital of Ryon quoth the knight/ and hath sent me for certain things that is in his chamber: and than I must return again to him. And to the intent that thou shouldest believe me/ Behold here his ring and knife. The porter opined a window and saw the tokyns: which he knew well. Than the porter opined the wicket and he entered in/ & his varlets did set up his horse. As soon as he was entered he said to the porter. Close again the gate. Than he took the porter and said. deliver me the keys/ or else thou art but deed. The porter was abashed & said. Sir/ why say ye thus? Because quoth he my father is deed/ and I will have the possession of his treasure/ or any other come here. The porter obeyed for he durst do none otherwise and he loved sir jenbayne as well as another. The knight knew right well where the treasure lay/ which was in a strong tower/ whereto belonged three strong doors/ surely bolted and barred/ and divers keys pertaining to them. Which keys he could not find readily/ for they were in a coffer of steel/ and locked with a little kaye of Steel. which kaye the earl ever bare on him/ wheresoever he went/ in a little purse about his neck. Which (after sir jenbayne was departed fro the hospital) was found by the knights that were about the deed corpse. than they marveled what kaye it should be that the earl bore so privily about himself. than th'earls chaplain called sir Nicholas of Escall/ who knew all the earls secrets (for the earl loved him well/ & ever when he went in to his treasury house/ he had his chaplain with him) said/ As soon as he saw the kaye. Ah/ sir jenbayne hath but lost his pain/ for this is the kaye of a little coffer wherein are all the keys of the Tower and coffer/ where all the Earls treasure lieth. Than the knights said. Sir Nicholas. Go & ride you to Orthayes and bear him the kaye. Sirs quoth he/ sith ye give me the counsel I shall do it/ for it were better he had his father's treasure than another: and also I know well his father loved him entirely Than he took his horse and took the kaye and road to the castle of Or●hayes. And all that season sir jenbayne was sertching all about for they keys/ and could not find them/ nor wist not how to get the tower door open/ it was so strong: nor also he had no instruments to break it opyn with all. And in this mean season the men of the town had soon knowledge/ by varlets or women that came/ to the hospital/ how th'earl should be deed. These were hard tidings to them/ for the earl was well-beloved withal his people. They of the town assembled to guider in the market place/ and said one to another/ such as had seen sir jenbayn pass through the town alone. We have seen sir jenbayne pass through the town alone towards the castle/ & it seemed by his councynaunce he was not content. Surely there is some thing a miss/ for he was not wont to come home before his father. Thus as they were communynge together/ there came in to the town the Earls captain. than the men of the town came about him and demanded news of th'earl their lord. It hath been showed us that he is deed. Is it so or not? Nay quod the priest he is not deed/ but he is sore sick/ and I am come home before to cause things to be dressed for him/ and than I must return again to him. And so therewith he passed forth to the castle/ and died so moche that he entered/ of whose coming sir yvan had great joy/ For without the kaye that he brought he could not have entered in to the Tower where as the treasure was. Than the men of the town had great suspect of the Earls death and said. It is near hand night/ and as yet we hear nothing of our lord/ nor of none of his officers/ and sir yvan and his chaplain are entered in to the castle suspeciously. Let us watch the castle this night/ and to morrow we shall here other tidings. Let us send secretly to the hospital/ than shall we know how the matter goeth. Also we know well/ the most part of the earls treasure is with in the Castle/ and if it be stolen away by craft/ we shallbe blamed for it. Ignorance shall not excuse us. They all thought it was best for them so to do. than the men of the town drew about the castle and kept the gates of the town surely/ that none should enter nor issue without licence. Thus they watched all night/ and in the morning they had perfit knowledge of the death of their lord. Than every man/ woman/ and child cried out and wept piteously/ for the Earl was well-beloved. Than the watchmen doubled and increased in harness about the castle.  
When sir yuan of Foize saw the manner of the men of the town/ and saw well how he was perceived/ and that they knew the certainty of the death of his father. Than he said to sir Nycholas. Sir/ I have failed of mine intent/ I see well I can not depart hens without licence. The men of the town have knowledge of my fathers death/ and they assemble in great number before the castle. It behoveth me to humble myself to them/ for force can not avail me. sir/ ye say truth quoth the priest: ye shall win more by sweet and fair word/ than by rude and froward dealing. Go your way and speak with them. Than sir yuan went in to a tower near to the gate/ & opined a window over the bridge/ in the which tower he was brought up in/ till he married the lady jane of Boloyne/ who afterward was duchess of Berrey: as ye shall here after in this history. Sir yuan opined the window and spoke to them that were the princypals of the town/ who came on the bridge near to the window/ to here what he would say. Than he spoke a loud and said. O ye good people of Orthays/ I know well the cause of your assembly: it is not without a great occasion: how be it I require you as dearly as ye loved my lord & father/ that ye be not displeased with me/ though I have advanced myself to enter in to this castle first/ or any other shude enter/ and to take possession thereof/ and of such goods as be within it/ for I will do nothing but good. ye know well my lord my father loved me as well and entirely/ as his own son/ and would fain have found the ways to have made me his inheritor. And now it hath pleased god to call him to his mercy/ without accomplishing of any thing of mine advancement: And now he hath left me among you/ where I have been brought up/ and left now as a poor knight/ bastard son to the earl of Foize/ without I have your aid and help. Wherefore sirs/ I require you in god's behalf to have pity on me/ wherein ye shall do great alms. And I shall open the castle and suffer you to enter/ I will not keep it against you. Than they answered and said. Sir yuan/ ye have spoken so nobly/ that it ought to suffice. And sir/ we say that we will abide with you/ and our intent is to keep this castle and goods with you. And if the Viscount of Chastellon your cousin/ who is next inheritor to this country of Byerne/ as next parent to your father come hither/ to challenge his heritage and movables/ or he have it/ he shall know well how we shall defend you and your right/ fro him and fro your brother sir Gracyen. But we suppose/ that when the French king was last at toulouse/ and my lord your Father with him/ that some order was takenne/ as touching your father's inheritance: And this can sir Roger of spain your cousin tell/ no man better than he. We shall write to him and show him of the death of the earl your father/ and desire him to come hither to help and counsel us in all things/ concerning the lands of Bierne and of Foiz/ and also for the movables: and for thentirement of my lord your father. And this we promise you faithfully to uphold. With this answer sir yuan was well content: And than opined the gate of the Castle of Orthayes/ and such entered as would: And the same day the Earls body was brought thither. At the meeting of the corpse/ men and women wept piteously/ in the remembrance of his nobleness and puissant estate: His wit and prudence/ his Prowess and largesse/ and the great prosperity that he lived in: For there was nouther French nor english that durst displease him. most part of the people said. Now our neighbours will make us war/ where as we were wont to live in peace and freedom. Now shall we be in bondage/ in misery/ and subjection. Now there is none to aid us.  
AH Gascone Gascone fair son. Why died ye ever so displease your father/ that it cost you your life. If ye had been left with us it should now have been to us a great comfort but we lost you to young/ & your father hath tarried to short a season with us. He was but threescore and three years of age. He might have lived for any age/ many a year lengar. It was no great age for such a prince/ having every thing at his ease and wish. Ah thou land of Bierne/ destitute and without comfort of any noble heritor. What shall become of thee? Thou shalt never have again such another/ as was this gentle earl of Foiz. With such lamentations and weepings/ the body of this Noble Earl was borne through the town of Orthayes/ by eight noble knights. The first the viscount of Brunyquell/ and against him the lord of company. The third sir Roger of spain/ and against him sir Raymonde of Laysne. The fifth sir Raymonde de la Mote/ against him the lord of Besache. The seventh sir Menault of Novalles/ and against him richard of saint George. And behind was sir yvan his bastard son. The lord of Corase. The lord of Barantyne. The lord of Baruge. the lord of Quere/ and more than threescore other knights of Byerne/ who were soon come to the hospital of Ryone/ when they knew of the Earls death. Thus he was carried with open visage to the freers in Orthayes/ and there he was enbaumed and laid in lead/ & so left under good keeping/ unto the day of entierment. And night and day without cease/ there was brenning about his body/ four and twenty torches borne by eight and forty yeomen. Four and twenty in the night/ and four and twenty in the day. ⸪  
THe death of this noble earl of Foiz/ was anon known in divers countries/ & more were rather sorry of his death than glad/ for he had in his days given such gifts/ so liberally/ that it could not be eschewed: wherefore he was be loved of every man that knew him. Pope Clement when he knew of his death was right sorrowful for him because he had taken great pain in furthering of the marriage/ of his cousin jane of Boloygne/ who was duchess of Berrey. The same season there was at Avignon the bishop of Palms/ who durst not come at his benefice for a displeasure that the earl of Foize had to him/ and yet he was of his lineage. The cause was/ the bysshopp would have exalted his jurisdiction and abated th'earls/ for all that th'earl made him bishop. Than the pope sent for the bishop to come to his palace/ and when he was come the pope said. Sir bishop of Palms/ your peace is made/ the earl of Foiz is deed. Of those tidings the bishop was glad/ and within a short season after he departed fro avignon/ and went to his bysshoprike in to the country of Foize. Tidings of the death of this earl was anon come into France to the king/ and to his counsel. The French king and his brother/ and the duke of Burbone were sorry of his death/ because of his nobleness. Than the counsel said to the king. Sir/ the county of Foiz is yours by right succession/ seeing the earl of Foiz is deed without heir of his body lawfully begotten/ no man can debate with you therein. Also they of the county think the same. And sir/ there is one thing that helpeth greatly your title/ ye have lend there on fifty thousand franks. Sir/ send and take possession of your guage/ and keep it as your own inheritance. For they of the same country desire to be under your hand. It is a fair country and shall come to you to good purpose/ for it marcheth near to the Realm of Arragone/ and also to Chattelone. And peradventure here after ye may hap to have war with the king of Arragon. Than the county of Foiz shallbe a good fronter/ for therein be many fair and strong castles to keep in men of war/ and to make good garrisons. The king heard well those words/ and anon inclined to their counsel/ and said. Sirs/ let se/ whom shall we send on this message. than it was determined to send the lord de la river/ because he was known in that country/ and with him the bishop of Noyon. These two lords prepared themself to go on this legation. and when they departed they road at leisure by small journeys/ and took their way by Avignon.  
IN this mean season word was sent to the Viscount of Chastellon/ being in the realm of Arragon/ of the death of his cousin the earl of Foiz. Than he road till he came in to Bierne/ straight to Orthays. They of the town made him good cheer/ how be it they took him not as than for their lord/ and said/ how all the country was not assembled/ and that first they must assemble together the prelate's/ lords/ and men of the good Towns/ and to counsel together what they should do. Saying: that is a good country that holdeth of himself/ and the lords that dwelleth therein/ and hath heritages to be free. than it was advised for the best. First to make the entierment of the earl Gascone of Foiz at Orthays/ and to send for all the nobles of Bierne and of Foize/ such as would come/ and than to take counsel whom they should accept for their lord. Than all barons and prelate's/ and heeds of good towns of Bierne and of Foiz were sent for. They of Bierne came thither/ but they of Foiz refused to come there and said/ they would keep their country. For they heard say the French king would send thither to challenge they country of Foiz. How be it the bishop of Palms was desired to come to Orthais/ because of lineage/ and so he came thither in good array/ as to him apparteyned.  
The day of the obsequy of the gentle earl Gascon of foiz/ last earl of that name/ done in the freres in the town of Orthays/ the year of our lord god/ a thousand three hundred fourscore and a xi on a monday. There was moche people of the country of Bierne and of other places/ both lords/ knights/ and other prelate's. There were four bishops the bishop of Palms who said the mass/ and the bishops/ of Air/ of Auron/ and of Tenues in Bierne. There was a goodly hearse and well ordered. And during the mass time/ there was holden before the altar by four knights four banners/ with the arms of Foiz & of Bierne. The first held sir Raymon of Newcastle. The second sir spain du Lyon. The third sir Peter deguier. The fourth sir Menaulte of Novalles. sir Roger of spain offered the sword/ between the Bourge of campaign and Pier of Arnaulte of Bierne/ captain of Lourde. The shield bare the Viscount of Bruniquell between sir johan of Newcastle and Iohn of Chanteron. The helm offered the lord of Valentyne and of Bierne/ between Arnalton of Rostem and Arnalton of saint Colombe. The horse was offered by the lord of Corase/ between Arnalton of Spain and Raymonet of Campaygne. This entierment was honourably done/ according to the usage of the country: and there were the two bastard sons of the earl of Foiz/ sir yua● and sir Gracien/ and the Viscount of Chastel●on/ and all the barons of Bierne and some of Foiz. But assoon as the service was done/ they of Foiz departed and road the same day to dinner to Herytell/ two miles fro Orthais. and the next day be times the bishop of Palms departed/ he would not be at the general parliament which was the same day a 'mong them of Bierne. Thus the earl was buried in the freers before the high altar. So there is no more mention made of him/ god have mercy upon his soul. ¶ Now let us speak of the order that was taken at Orthais.  
AS it was informed me/ it was said to the viscount of Chatelion. Sir/ we know well that as next of blood ye ought to succeed in the herytagis/ as well of Bierne as of Foiz: But as now we can not receive you as our lord/ for thereby we might bring the land of Bierne in to great trouble/ war/ and danger. For as we do understand/ the French king who is our good neighbour doth send hither of his counsel/ we know not for what intent/ till we here them speak. We know well & so do you that our lord the earl/ whom god pardon/ was this last year at toulouse with the french king/ and had secret communication together/ the which first hath need to be declared/ for if he have given and released to the French king Foiz and Bietne/ the king than with puissance will have & obtain it. Wherefore or we do any thing we will know the articles/ for we of Byern be in other case & of other condition than they of Foiz. We be all fire without homage or servitude/ and the county of Foiz is holden of the French king: and also the people of Foiz their hearts be so French/ that lightly they will receive the french king to their lord and soucraygne: For they have said sith the earl was deed/ he hath none heritour of his body lawfully gotten. Wherefore the county of Foize they say/ should pertain to the ordynaunca of the French king. But sir we shall keep our hold/ and we will serve no lord but such as we ought to do/ whether it be the french king or you. But sir/ we will counsel you to work wisely in this business/ by treaty or otherwise. Than the viscount said. sirs/ by what means will ye counsel me to work/ for I have promised to work by your advise in every thing/ according to reason. sir quoth they/ we will advise you to desire sir Roger of spain your cousin to keep you company/ at your cost and charge. And go in to the county of Foiz and treat with the prelate's and noble men/ and with them of the good towns/ that they would receive you to their lord/ or else to sit still and dissimule the matter till ye have appeased the french king/ and taken with him some composition/ by means of gold and silver/ that ye might have the inheritance in rest and peace. if ye do thus than do ye wisely/ and if ye may be herd with them that be sent fro the French king in to the county of Foize/ though it cost you a hundred thousand or two hundred thousand franks/ ye shall find enough to pay it with all/ For the earl that is deed/ hath left enough behind him. Howe beit sir/ in any wise we will that his two bastard sons have part largely of his goods. Than the lord answered and said. Sirs/ I am content as ye will. And here is my cousin sir Roger of spain/ and in all your presences/ I desire him to ride with me in this journey. Than sir Roger answered and said. Sir/ I am content to ride with you to be as mean between both parties. But if the French king my sovereign lord or his ambassadors desire me to be of their counsel/ or else command me not to meddle/ than I must needs leave you. The viscount was content and said. Cousin/ I trust they will not against your will take you fro me. and if I may have you near me/ I think to make a good end of all my business.  
THan (as I was informed) the viscount of Chastellon made a request before them all/ to borrow five or vi thousand franks to perform his journey. Also the two bastards made their request/ that they might have part of their father's richesse. Than the counsel took advise together/ & at last accorded that the Viscount should have five thousand franks: And the two bastards of Foiz each of them two thousand franks and incontinent the tre●ourers were commanded to deliver the money. All officers that were in the Earls days/ were suffered to occupy still without any changing and than keepers were set to keep the castle of Orthais/ and the richesses that was within it. The Viscount at his first coming to Orthais/ gave pardon to all the prisoners with in the castle/ whereof there were a great number. For the earl of Foiz was a cruel man & would spare no man/ but to punish at his pleasure/ though he were never so great a ꝑsonage. He had once in prison the said viscount of Chastellon in the bottom of a dungeon/ eight months/ for all that he was his cousin germayne. And whanc he delivered him/ he set him to ransom at xl thousand franks/ which was truly paid. And also as long as he lived he loved him never after/ so that the Viscount durst never come in his sight/ for if the earl had lived two years lengar/ the Viscount should never have had any part of the heritage of Foiz or of Bierne.  
THus this counsel at Orthays broke up/ and every man departed and left the viscount to prepare for his journey/ who made him ready as soon as he might/ and desired certain knights & squires to go with him. Thus he departed fro Orthais with a two hundred horse/ and road to Moriens a good town on the fronter/ between Byerne and Bygore/ a four miles fro Pavy and a six mile fro Tarbe. And the second day he road to saint Gausens'/ another good town at the entry of the county of Foiz on the river of Garone. and there tidings came to him how the bishop of Noyon/ and sir Buryaulx de la river and other of the French kings counsel were come to toulouse. Than the viscount took counsel of sir Roger of Spain what was best for him to do: sir Roger answered and said. Scythe we have herd tidings of them/ let us tarry here and see what they will do. I think they will send shortly to us: and so there they tarried/ for in deed they could go no further in to the county of Foiz/ for all the good towns/ castles and passages were closed against them: As Calumuche/ Casteres/ Mounttesquen/ Carthas'/ Ortyngas/ Fossat/ the city of Palms & the castle/ Montaunt/ and all the castles on the fronter of Arragon. they of the county of Foiz said/ that no stranger with any puissance should enter in to no castle nor town of their country/ till the matter were determined. and as they of the country showed themself they were better minded to be French/ & to be governed by a seneschal (as the country and city of toulouse was/ and Carcasson and Beawoyre) rather than to be under any other ruler. How be it the matter went otherwise/ as ye shall here. For when the French kings commyssaries were come to toulouse they demanded news of the archbishop/ and of the seneschal of Foiz and of Bierne/ and of other/ such as had been at Orthays at the burying of the earl of Foiz. There they were informed in what case the country stood in. Than they took advise together/ & determined to send for sir Roger of spain/ because he was the French kings man by faith and homage/ and his oftycer/ as seneschal of Carcassone. They sent a credible person with a letter to him. The messenger road to saint Gausens'/ a xii mile fro thence. Than he delivered to sir Roger of spain his letter/ sir Roger took & read it/ and said to the squire Sir/ ye shall tarry here all this day & to morrow ye shall depart/ I think ye shall not go without company. Than sir Roger and the viscount counseled together. Than it was thought for the best that sir Roger of Spain should ride to toulouse and speak there with the bishop of Noyon and with the Lord de la river/ to know what they would say. The next day sir Roger of Spain and the messenger road forth together/ and came the same night to Tholouse. Sir Roger took up his lodging/ and the messenger went to his masters. Than the commissioners said to morrow we shall here tidings/ saying sir Roger is come. The next day after mass sir Roger drew to the bishop and to the lord de la river/ & made good cheer each to other/ because they were all of acquaintance/ and there communed the cause of their coming. Than the kings commissioners showed forth the kings procurations/ and how they were set and stablished to take possession and season of the county of Foiz. and when sir Roger had well heard them at length/ he replied with sweet words and said. Lords I am not so near of the kings counsel as ye be/ and if I were saving your correction/ I would counsel the king that he should take again his money/ and somewhat more (true it is he hath lente money on the heritage of Foize/ to be raised after the death of the earl) yet let the king leave the right of the inheritance to the next inheritor of the blood/ this shall be for the kings profit/ honour/ and salvation/ and in this that I say/ I shall lay divers reasons/ if ye will here it. There is one thing which is clear/ the earl of Foiz laid his land to pledge by fraud/ for as for gold and silver he had enough/ for that he did was for nothing but to disherit the Viscount of Chastellon wrongfully/ because he hated him without cause. Also as touching the kings profit/ I ensure you the keeping of the land of Foize should cost the king more than the rents or revenues cometh unto. And thirdly the king shall lose thereby the homage and service of such a man as is able to do him good service/ this aught to be well regarded. also it should be a great charge to the kings conscience to disherit any person/ without a reasonable cause/ for if the heritage of Foiz should have been bought and sold/ first all such as claimeth any right therein should have been a greed with all and satyfyed/ which was not so. wherefore my lords these reasons well considered/ saying ye be great wise men and counsellors to the king/ take good heed what ye do/ or ye pronounce any thing that should turn to the kings slander/ or hurt to his conscience/ if ye do otherwise it were great sin/ and as yet there is time sufficient to find remedy. My cousin the Viscount of Chastellon/ hath sent me hither to you/ to show you this matter/ and right effectuously desireth you/ and so do I in his name/ to take regard in this behalf. It is not good nor convenient a man to take every thing byforce/ that he may take. When he had said/ than the bishop and the lord de la river looked on each other/ at last the bishop said. Sir Rodger/ we se and know well that all that ye have said is for good intent/ but our commission stretcheth not so far to quite the bargain that was between the king and th'earl of Foize/ how be it for the love of you/ and to bring the matter somewhat to good purpose/ and that all parties might be content/ we shall put this matter in sufferance/ and ye shall take the pay●e to ride with us into France to the king and to his counsel/ and than show there your reasons as ye shall think best/ and if by your means ye can cause the viscount of Chastellon to enjoy the heritage of Foiz/ who is inheritor thereto/ as ye say/ we shall be right glad thereof/ for we will disherit no person. Sirs quoth sir Roger I am well content with your saying/ if it please you to abide here a season/ your costs shall be borne of the good that is in the castle of Orthays.  
THe third day sir Roger of Spain took leave of the kings commissioners and said. Sirs/ I think to bring this matter to a good purpose/ I must be fain to make a journey into France/ if I tarry long I pray you be not miscontent/ for it shall not be in my fault/ and I shall send you daily messengers and letters. Thus they departed/ they tarried at Tholous/ and sir Roger road to saint Gausens to the viscount of Chastellon/ and showed him all the matter. the viscount was joyful of those tidings and said. Fair cousin sir Roger/ all my trust is in you the matter toucheth me near it is for thenherytaunce whereof I bear the arms/ I can not tell whom to send in to France/ but all only you to show my title to the king and to his counsel/ wherefore sir for the love of me/ and for that I may deserve to you in time to come/ take on you the charge of this voyage: sir Rodger said. Sir for the love of you and of your lineage I shall do it. Than sir Roger prepared for his journey to ride in to France and so took the way to Rhodes/ and the shorter way/ for as than truce was between France and England/ or else the way that he took had not been sure for him/ for on the fronters of Rovergue/ Quercy/ & Lymosyn/ there were many fortresses that made war for the englishmen. ¶ Now I will leave for a season speaking of sir Roger of Spain/ and speak of the french king/ and of the duke of Bretayne. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the treaty of peace renewed at Towers in Thourayn/ between the French king and the duke of Bretayne and of the marriage of the daughter of France to the lonne of Bretayne/ and of Iohn of Bretayne earl of Pointhieur and the daughter of the duke of Bretaygne. Cap. C.lxxxi.  
YE have herd here before in divers places in this history/ how the duke of Bretayne and sir Oliver of Clysson/ as than constable of France/ hated mortally each other/ and beside the hatred that the duke had to sir Oliver/ he had great envy that he was so great with the king/ and so secret of his counsel/ and gladly he would have troubled him/ but he doughted the kings displeasure/ and often times the duke repented him that he had not slain him when he had him in prison in the castle of Ermyn/ for he thought if he had slain him/ than he should never have had more trouble by him. The evil will that he had to him caused him to be hard minded to be obedient to the crown of France/ how be it he knew well he did evil/ therefore he suffered all thing to pass at adventure/ and held in his love the english men/ and provided sufficiently his towns and fortresses with artillery & victuals/ and sent privily in to England for men of arms and archers/ & did set them in his garrisons/ and made to be believed that he looked to have war but his men know not with whom/ how be it all that ever he did was known in France/ and many spoke largely against him. He knew well that certrayne lords of France were not content with him/ but he did set little thereby/ but so passed on his tyme. He had great affiance in his cousin the duchess of Burgoyne/ as it was reason/ for he had of her a special support and aid/ for the lady because of lineage loved him/ and because that the earl of Flaunders her father/ who was cousin germayne to the duke had always loved and comforted him in all his tribulations. This lady of Burgoyne was a good lady/ so that the duke her husband would not gladly displease her/ and good cause why/ for the duke by her held great heritages/ and had by her fair children. all the realm of France was bound to love her/ and she had not been/ great dyscensions had moved between the parties/ for notwithstanding that the duke of Bretayne had been at Paris with the french king/ and made to him homage/ yet I can not well say if it was with good heart or no/ for as soon as the duke was returned in to Bretaygne/ there appeared in him but small amendment/ he had sworn obeisance and to be obedient to the pope at Avignon/ but he was not/ for rather he despised him in his words. Nor also he would suffer no man to be promoted in his country by that pope's bulls/ but held himself neuter in divers things/ & would give the benefices himself. No clerk could attain to any promotion of any benefice in his country/ without he had been well pleased therewith. Also any commandments that came out of the parliament chamber of Paris/ he set nothing thereby. The prelate's and bishops of Bretayne lost great part of their jurisdictions by this duke/ so that great complaints thereof was made in the parliament of Paris/ but they had small remedy. And when he was sent for to come to Parysꝭ or else to send thither some able personages to make answer to such matters as should be alleged against him/ and when any of the kings officers came in to Bretaygne to summon him to apere/ than he would not be spoken withal/ but ever made sundry seve. And when the kings officers did depart again thence/ than he would say. I will go to Paris to see what right I shall have there. It is not yet three years sense I was there/ to see what right I should have/ but I could see nor here of no right there ministered/ the lords of the parliament turn every thing as they list. They reckon me very young and ignorant/ to be led as they list/ but I would they knew that if all my men of the duchy of Bretaygne/ were all of one accord/ and obedient to my pleasure/ as they ought to be/ I would give the realm of France so much to do/ that I would bring them that be unreasonable to reason/ and such as hath done truly should be rewarded acordyngly/ and such as have deserved to have justice/ should have as they have deserved/ and such as would have right should have it. Thus many complaints were made often times to the king/ and such as were of his secret counsel said. This duke is right presumptuous and proud/ sith he will be brought to no reason/ and if he should be thus suffered in his lewd opinion/ it should greatly enfeble the nobleness of this realm/ for by him other lords shall take ensample to do evil/ and thereby the iurysdictyon of the realm little and little shall be lost. Than it was devised to withstand/ and to find remedy for such inconuenyentes/ and to send sweetly to him to come to Towers in Thourayne/ and there to meet with the french king and with the duke of Berrey/ and the duke of Burgoyne/ the bishop of Charters/ the bishop of Dothune. These four were specially named/ because the duke loved them best above all other lords of France/ except the earl of Estampes/ and the lord Coucy.  
THus there was sent in to Bretayne to the duke the earl of Estampes and master Ive of Noyent. They took great pain and travail to move the duke to meet with the french king at Towers. they spoke so fair with fresh coloured words/ armed with reason/ that the duke agreed to go to Towers/ but further he said in no wise he would go/ and also that he should not see his enemy sir Oliver of Clysson in no wise. All this was accorded & agreed/ or he would come to Towers. These ambassadors returned in to France and showed the king and his counsel how they had sped. They were content therewith/ sith they could bring him to none other purpose. The king and his counsel made them ready to go to Towers and to tarry there a two or three months/ for they thought their treaty with the duke of Bretayne should not soon be acomplisshed. Thus the french king/ the duke of Thourayne his brother/ the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne/ and johan of Burgoyne his son/ the duke of Bourbon/ the lord Coucy/ the earl of March/ the earl of saint Poll/ and other of the counsel of France came to Towers in Thourayn. Also thither came the constable of France and johan of Bretayne his son in law/ and their counsels/ for they had matters there to do. And a fifteen days after/ thither came the duke of Bretayne. or he came it was said he would not come/ for he had three times sent to excuse himself/ saying he was speak and could not ride/ how be it finally he came/ and was lodged at his ease. There was sir Roger of Spaygne to have been answered/ but the king and the counsel had so much to do with the duke of Bretayns matters/ that they could intend to nothing else. This sir Roger was there more than two months or he could be answered/ but daily he was answered that he should be herd/ but it was long first. Also the same time there fell another let/ for thither came fro king richard of England sir johan Clapam/ one of the kings counsel and of his chamber/ and richard Choall clerk and doctor of law/ to speak with the French king and his counsel/ for the same matter that sir Thomas Percy and the lord Clyfforde had been at Paris for with the king. When the english men were come to Towers/ all other treaties were closed up and intended to their deliverance. It was showed me that they brought letters of credence to the king and to the dukes of Berrey & Burgoyne. they were herd. Their credence was/ that the king of England and his Uncles would know if the french king and his counsel were in will and mind to keep their meeting at amiens to treat for a peace to be had between the two kings/ their alyes and confederates. The french fing (who as he showed/ desired no thing so moche as peace/ and answered and said/ that he was ready to accomplish all promesses/ saying that as soon as he had delivered the duke of Bretayne and were departed fro Towers/ he would intend to nothing e●s/ till he were come to amiens/ and there to abide for the english ambassadors/ and there to make them as good cheer as he could. Here with the english ambassadors were well content/ and were a five days at Towers with the king/ and than took their leave of the king and of the other lords. The king gave them great gifts and their costs there paid for/ and so departed. and all that season they saw not the duke of Bretayne nor spoke not with him/ for the duke weld not/ lest the french men should have any suspect in him. Thus the englishmen returned to calais and so to Dover/ and to London and found the king and his counsel at Westmynster/ and there showed what they had done/ heard/ and seen. The answer that they brought pleased well the king and his counsel/ and ordained for their journey to go to amiens.  
¶ Now let us some what speak of the messengers that were sent to the french king/ fro the viscount of Chastellon/ out of Foize and Bierne.  
SIr Roger of Spain & sir spain du Lion/ who were sent in to France fro the viscount of Chastellen/ they took on them great pain and travail to pursue their cause/ for certain clerks and knights of the kings counsel/ advised the king to take the county of Foiz/ and to attribute it to the crown of France/ sith they of the country would agree thereto. The king inclined well thereto/ but the duke of Burgoyne who was sage and ymagynatyve would not agree thereto/ but said always. Let the king take again his money/ and somewhat more. How be it as it was showed me the duke of Burgoyne could not be herd. But the duke of Berrey took the business him/ by means as I shall show you. ye have herd here before what fell between him and the old Gascon earl of Foize/ when the duke sent in to Bierne to the earl such notable persons/ as was the earl of Sanxete/ the viscount Dassey the lord de la river/ and sir Wyllm of Tremoyle/ to treat for the marriage of the lady jahan of Boloyne/ whom the earl of Foize had in keeping/ and at that time the earl was well content with the marriage that the duke of Berrey should have her/ so that he would pay thirty thousand franks for the keeping and bringing up of the lady/ and the duke paid the said some/ and so had the lady to his wife. The duke of Berrey remembered the matter than/ and sent for sir Roger of Spain and for sir Espayne du Lion/ to come speak with him in his chamber/ and so secretly he said to them. Sirs if ye will come to a good conclusion in your suit. ye shall attain thereto by my means/ but first I will have again the thirty thousand franks/ which I paid to the old earl of Foiz when I had my wife. I have always imagined that if I might over live the earl of Foiz to have the money again. When these two knights heard the duke say so/ they regarded each other & spoke never a word. Than the duke said again. Sirs to say truth I have taken your words fro you/ speak together and advise you well/ without this treaty ye shall not attain to your purpose/ for my brother of Burgoyne will do as I will have him/ he hath the governance of the country of Picardy/ and I of Languedocke/ against my will no man will speak. The viscount of Chastellon shall find good enough/ for the earl that is deed had more richesse than the king hath in his treasure. Than sir Roger of Spain said. sir though we would agree to your demand/ yet we have not here with us the treasure to content you withal. Ah sir Roger quoth the duke/ that shall not let nor hinder the matter/ and ye promise the debt on your faith and writing I will believe you/ and if it were in a greater matter than that is. Sir quoth the knight I thank you/ we shall sheke together and to more we give you an answer. It pleaseth me well quoth the duke. They departed fro the duke and went to their lodging/ and took counsel together whether they should return again home without agreement or else accord to the dukes demand/ so that the heritage might clearly remain & abide with the viscount of Chastellon. The next day they returned to the duke and offered him all his demand/ and so there sir Roger of Spain and sir spain du Lion became debtors to the duke of Berrey for xxx thousand franks/ on the condition that he should be mean that the king should take again the some of money that he had lente to the earl of Foize/ and that the Viscount of Chastellon might peaceably enjoy the heritage. well quoth the duke let me alone/ I shall do it I trust. After that day the duke of Berrey (who desired to have these xxx thousand franks) was so good an adunocate for the viscount of Chastellon/ that he concluded his business at his own will. The king and his counsel put all the matter to his pleasure. and so these two knights had letters sealed of the confirmation of the county of Foiz to be the true inheritance of the Viscount of Chastellon/ with letters thereof addressed to the bishop of Noyon and to the lord de la river/ being at Tholouse. The menour of the letters as I was informed by such credible persons as went on the same legation/ was as followeth.  
Charles' by the grace of god king of France/ we send and commend us to the right reverend bishop of Noyon/ and to our knight and chambrelayne the lord de la river. We will that ye suffer the viscount of Chastellon inheritor of Foiz and of Bierne/ to enjoy & possede his heritage of the county of Foiz/ with the purtenaunces/ so that ye take in to your possession the some of lx thousand franks at one payment/ and the money paid/ than our seneschal of Tholouse to make a sure quytaunce of the recryte thereof. Also at another payment I will ye receive twenty thousand franks for your costs and charges in going and returning/ and that money paid than make quytaunce thereof under the seal of offyre of Tholouse. Also we will that sir yuan and sir Gracyen of Foiz/ bastard sons to the earl Gascon of Foiz/ have part and ceasonable assignment both in lands and goods of that was their father's/ by the advise and discretion of sir Roger of Spain and of the viscount of Bruny quell/ sir raynold of Newcastle and the lord of Corase/ to whom we shall write that they may so acquit them to discharge our conscience/ for we made such promise to the earl their father. And if there be any fault in these four lords or any rebellion in the viscount/ than we disannul all this said treaty/ and will that it stand as voyde. In witness her of to these letters we have set to our seal in out city of Towers/ the xxii year of our teygne/ the twenty day of the month of Decembre.  
THese letters made and sealed/ and delivered/ the knights of Foiz returned fro Towers/ their leave taken. This season sir Joys of Sanxere marshal of France/ lay in the marches of Carcassone as sovereign governor there/ instituted by the king. The bishop of Noyon and the Lord de la river sent for him to Tholouse/ and when he was come thither they said to him. Sir marshal/ the viscount of Chastellon (reputeth himself to be inheritor of the country of Foiz) and we have sent in to France to the king to know what he and his counsel will say in that matter/ wherefore be ye ready with men of arms on the fronters of Foiz/ and as soon as sir Roger of Spain and sir Espayne be returned/ or that we have other message fro the King that they agree not on any peace/ and that the king will have the land of Foiz/ than enter you incontinent and take possession according to the right and puissance that the king hath given us in that quarrel. Thus the marshal was ready provided/ and every day looked for answer fro the king. ¶ Now we will leave speaking of this matter/ and show somewhat of the duke of Bretayne.  
YE have herd here before what treaty was at Towers in Thourayn/ between the french king and the duke of Bretaygne/ the which duke died put the king and his counsel to much pain/ for he would fall to no reason. It was said the king demanded of him and he refused. In likewise he demanded/ and the king refused. Moche treaty there was/ but no conclusion taken. The duke he was ready to serve the king and to do him homage/ as far forth as he was bound to do. then the kings counsel said to him. Sith ye knowledge yourself to be the kings liegman/ why will ye not than obey to reason? Why sirs quoth he wherein am I rebel? Than they laid to him divers points. first in the believing on the pope at Auygnon/ whom they said the king took for the true pope/ ye differ there/ fro and dissimule the matter/ for ye will obey none of his commandments/ but give all the benefices yourself in Bretaygne/ and such as bring any bulls fro the pope ye will not know them/ this is against the majesty royal/ and great sin to your conscience and soul. Than the duke answered and said. As for my conscience there is no man ought to speak thereof nor judge it but all only god/ who is sovereign judge in all such causes/ and sith ye argue and appose me in that manner▪ I shall answer you. As for these pope's who are indifferent/ there is no sure declaration made of them/ and the season that the first tidings came of the choosing of pope Vrbayne/ I was in the town of Gaunt/ with my cousin the earl of Flaunders/ and there he received letters sealed with the pope's seal/ as than called Robert of Quesne cardinal/ and in his letter he certified to the earl my cousin/ that by the grace of god and by the divine in spyratyon he was chosen pope/ and had to name Vrbayne. How than can this be undone again/ me think it were hard to do? I will not argue against the kings majesty/ for I am his cousin and lyege man/ and shall well and truly serve him when so ever I be required/ as far forth as I am bound to do but I will speak against them that counsel not the king well. Why sir quoth they/ show us who they be that do not counsel the king as they ought to do/ and we shall find remedy for them. Sirs ● he ye know them better than I do/ for ye company with them oftener than I do/ but as touching the benefices of my country/ I am not so haute nor so cruel against such as desire them/ but that I suffer the clerks of my country to en●oy them/ by the bulls of pope Clement/ but such cerkes as be not of the same country I refuse them/ and the cause why I shall show you. They would bear away the richesse of my country out thereof/ and deserve it not/ which is against right and conscience/ wher fore I can not agree thereto. And where as ye say that I am rebel and 〈◊〉 to against the kings officers/ when they come in to my country, that is not so, nor will not be. ye ought to know/ and if ye do not learn it/ the fee of the ●uchy of Bretayne is of so noble a condition/ that soveraygnely there ought none to enterprise any matter there/ but alonely their own natural lord/ that is to say/ the duke of Bretayne holdeth his court open to here all rights/ and his officers to execute all rights in the land of Bretaygne/ and to do according to their office. And if I have any office that doth contrary to right/ that either stranger or other have cause to complain/ I punish them and shall do/ that other shall take ensample by them. more over I say that some of the kings counsel do so that they ought to be reproved/ for they do as much as they may do/ to nourish war and hatred between the king and me/ the cause why is clear enough. they suffer my cousin Iohn of Bloys to do two things against me unreasonable. The first is/ he writeth himself johan of Bretayne/ by reason of that name it seemeth he intendeth to attaygne to the heritage of Bretaygne/ of the which he is without and shall be/ for I have children/ son and daughter that shall succeed after me. Secondly he beareth the ermyns which are the arms of Bretaygne/ but of truth to do me displeasure withal/ sir Oliver clysson maintaineth him in that opinion/ and as long as he is in that case I wyllagre to no treaty with the king. As for war I will make none to the king/ because he is my natural lord/ but if by evil information the king make me war/ I shall defend me/ & he shall find me in mine own country. all this I will that the king know.  
THus the treaty between the king and the duke of Bretayne continued rigorously/ for the duke was lord and master of his counsel/ but the french king was not so of his/ but was ruled by sir Oliver Clisson/ and the Begue of Vyllains/ sir johan Mercyer/ and by sir William of Montague, the duke of Burgoyne/ who had clear understanding of every thing/ suffered the duke of Bretaygnes reasons and defences to be said in place/ and covertly he sustained them/ and had the duke of Berrey of his opinion/ for he hated inwardly them of the kings privy chamber/ because they had destroyed his treasurer Betysache shamefully/ by justice at Besyers' (as ye have herd here before) but he suffered it/ for he saw no time to be revenged. In this difference the duke of Bretaygne tarried at Towers three months/ that their treaty could come to no good conclusion/ and were at the point to have departed/ and the king was in will that as soon as he was returned in to France to make a great assemble to make war the next summer after in to Bretayne against the duke/ & such of his accord/ & to leave all other business but the dukes of Berrey & of Burgoyne/ the lord Coucy/ th'earl of saint Poll/ sir Guy of Tremoile/ the chancellor of France/ and divers other prelate's & high barons of France such as were there/ imagined to withstand this rigorous rebellion's/ & spoke together and said to the king. sir/ we that be the ioverayn lords & piers of your realm/ and be near of your lineage/ we should have a treaty this next lent for a peace to be had at Amience with th'Englishmen. Wherefore sir ye had need to make haste/ & leave this evil will between you and the duke of Bretayne/ for if the duke depart hens without any agreement made between you/ th'Englishmen will be the harder in all their treaties/ for they will think them to be aided and comforted by the duke of Bretayne and by his country/ for the duke hath th'Englishmen at his hand when he will/ & if we have war at once/ both with the englishmen & bretons/ as we have had or this they will put us to great pain. These lord died so moche with the king & his counsel/ that at last they found a mean between the king & the duke/ I show you what it was/ & surely without the same means had been found/ they should have come to no conclusion of good accord. So it was the french king had a daughter. & the duke of Bretaine had a son. there was a marriage made between this son & this dought. In likewise Iohn of Bretayne had a son by the dought of sir Oliver of Clysson & the duke of Bretayne had a daughter and it was thought to make sure peace/ that the marriage between them two were necessary. These marriages were agreed & concluded/ howbeit for all these alliances/ yet Iohn of Bretayne should leave the arms of Bretayne & bear them of Chastellon/ & because he was extract by his mother side of a duke of Bretayne (for his mother was daughter to a duke of Bretaygne) therefore he was allowed to bear in his arms a bordet of ermyne with three labels goules/ on the heed of a scochyn of ermyns. Thus he bore these devices/ & every thing was appeased. So the duke of Bretayne gate the love of the king & of his uncles/ and dined with the king/ and so Iohn of Bretayne was earl of Pon●hieuts. And thus showed great love together by means of these marriages/ how be it the duke in no wise would see nor speak with sir Oliver of Clysson/ he had such displeasure to him/ howbeit sir Oliver made light thereof/ for he hated the duke also with all his puissance. These marriages thus accorded/ & the lords sworn and bound to fulfil them/ when the children should be somewhat of more age. Than these lords determined to depart fro Tourse & to draw to Paris/ for the time approached that they should be at amiens personally. The french king/ his brother/ his uncles and his counsel/ to mere there with the king of England/ his uncles and counsel/ who should be there. So the duke of Bretayne took leave of the French king and of his brother & uncles/ and of such other as he loved best/ and so departed fro Tourse & went in to his own country: and in likewise so did all other lord. The duke of Berrey/ the duke of Burgoyne/ & the lord Coucy tarried there still/ I shall show you why.   

¶ How th'earl of Bloys and Mary of Namure his wife/ sold the county of Bloys & all their lands to the duke of Thourayne/ the french kings brother. Cap. C.lxxxii.  
YE have herd here before in this history/ how Joys of Bloys/ son to th'earl Guy of bloys died when he was young/ in the town of Beauniont in Heynalt/ where by the lady Mary daughter to the duke of Berrey was a widow/ & thereby she lost her wealth of this world/ for the child was a great inheritor/ & if he had lived he had been a great lord. I speak of it because it should be known in time to come thenheritaunceinheritance/ to whom it went out of the right line/ and by what manner. th'earl of Blois & Mary of Namure his wife/ were not in the case to engender children together/ for by great drinking & moche eating of wete & delicate meats/ they were overgrown with fatness/ so that the earl could not ride/ but was always carried in a litter fro one place to another/ or when he would go a hunting or hawking/ which sport was greatly used with the lord of France The same season while the French king was at Tourse/ the duke of Thourayne had an imagination which he brought to effect as I shall show you. The duke of Thourayne knew well/ he had moche richesse lying by him/ peradventure a myllion of Floreyns'/ which had by reason of his marriage with the lady Valentyne of milan/ daughter to the earl of Vertus. He wist not how to enploy these flornes. Than he remembered how the earl Guy of Bloys had great herytagis/ and that after his death they were likely to go to divers persons. The earldom of Bloys should return to johan of Bretayne/ for he was the earls cousin germayne/ and the lands of Heynault should go to the duke julyers and to the duke of Lancastre/ except Chinay which should go to them of Conflans by homage/ and the county of Soissons/ which pertained to th'earl of Bloys and was anciently allied to him. The lord of Coucy was inheritor thereof/ by reason of his deliverance out of prison in England Also the lands of Drages & money should return to other heirs: And the lands of Holande and zeland/ should return to the earl of Heynaulte. Thus these fair heryteges should be sparkled abroad: & this knew well the lords of France. wherefore the duke of Thourayn who had money lying by him thought to buy these lands/ if he might have any reasonable bargain. Than he thought to entreat the king to move th'earl of Blois in this matter/ and specially at the lest to buy the county of Bloys/ which was a fair and a noble country/ and well sitting for him/ for the county of Bloyes marched on the duchy of Thouraygne: and to the County of Bloys pertained many goodly fees. This duke of Thourayne rested still on his purpose/ & seized not till he spoke with the king his brother & the duke of Burbone/ & with the lord of Coucy: because he was great with the earl of Blois/ and had to wife the daughter of his cousin germayne the duke of Loreyne. The duke of Thourayne and the other lords of his affyvite kept this matter secretly fro the duke of Berey/ I shall show you why The lady Mary his dought was endowed in all the county of Bloys to the some of vi M. franks by year: and the duke of Berrey trusted by reason of his daughters dowry the the county of Bloys should be his after the earls death. this duke of Berrey was a marvelous covetous prince. the duke of Burgoyne in like wise trusted the lands of Holande/ zeland/ & Heynalte to be his/ because that Margarete his eldest dought was married to William/ son to th'earl of Heynalte: whereby he thought other by bieng or by some other incident that chose lands should return to his son earl of Ostrenant/ otherwise called Iohn of Burgoyne/ who as than had married Margarete elder daughter to th'earl of Heynalte. Thus the king and these said lords purposed that at their departing fro Tourse iii Thourayn to ride by Blois to see their cousin th'earl Guy of Bloys/ who was an eight mile fro Tourse/ in a castle of his own called the castle morant & there to treat of this merchandise with him & with his wife the lady Mary of Namure/ who was a covetous lady. So it was there was a valiant knight and of great prudence bailie of Blois/ called sir raynold of Sens/ who had perfit information of all this business/ by what means I know not. When he knew it he had great pity thereof/ for love of th'earl his lord/ for he thought by reason of his sale of his lands/ he should be dishonoured for ever/ & disherit the true rightful heirs/ which should be damnation to his soul. He thought to let this matter if he could/ & so road fro Blois & spoke with th'earl & said. sir/ the french king & the duke of Thourayn/ the duke of Burdon and the lord Coucy cometh hither to you. that is true qd th'earl/ why speak you that? Sir qd he I say it because ye shallbe required to sell your inheritance/ wherefore ye have need to take good advise therein. of those words th'earl had great marvel & said/ I can not let men to speak & make requestis/ but or I make any such bargain to sell mine inheritance/ or to disherit mine heirs to my shame & rebuke/ I shall rather sell or lay to pledge all the plate I have. Well sit qd the knight/ remember well the matter when time is/ for this that I have showed you is without doubt. Bayly qd the earl/ I am not so young nor foolish to incline to any such treaties. thus the bailie departed fro th'earl & road again to Blois/ for he would not be seen there at the kings coming. When the king and these said lords came to the castle/ the earl made them good cheer/ as it was reason. The earl and the countess were right joyful/ that the king would visit them in their own castle. Than the king to draw the earl to his love/ & to bring him to his intent said. Fair cousin/ I see well ye be a lord of our realm garnished with honour and largesse: and have been at great cost/ and to aid you/ and somewhat to recompense you/ We will you give and aid/ that shall be well worth to you twenty thousand franks in the county of Blois. th'earl thanked the king of his gift/ but he had never profit thereof/ for he had never nothing. Than the king began to treat the Earl to sell the county of Bloyes to the duke of Thourayn The king and the duke of Burbone spoke first/ and found th'earl very cold and tar of in that matter. Than the lords drew to the countess of Bloyes/ and showed her so many coloured reasons/ and she hers/ that after her husbands death/ she was like to be but a poor lady. Wherefore they said it were much better for her to be a rich lady and a puissant of gold and silver/ and jewels/ than to be poor. Saying how she was likely to overlyve her husbade. Therefore they desired her to counsel her husband to make this merchandise. The countess/ who was a covetous lady: And for love to have the florins/ she inclined to their desires/ and she did so moche with the help of other as the aid of a varlet of the Earls chamber called Sohier borne at Malygnes/ son to a weyver of clothes/ but he was so great with the earl of Bloyes/ that all thing was done by him/ & without him nothing done. And the earl had given him in fees and herytagis more than five hundred franks by year. Be hold and consider what mischief great lords be brought unto by mean of servants. This Sohier had neither wit nor reason/ to be greatly allowed/ but it was alonely the foolish love that his master had to him. In likewise the duke of Berrey the same season had one with him called jaques Thybaulte/ who was of no reputation/ yet the duke at divers times had given him the some of two hundred thousand franks/ and yet all was but lost. This Sohier could nor can not excuse himself/ but that if he had listed he might well have broken that merchandise/ that th'earl his master made. but to please the king/ the duke of Thourayne/ the duke of Burbone/ the lord of Coucy and the countess/ who was agreed thereto by covetousness of the florins. He rowned so in his masters ear/ that the Earl went from his promise that he had made to his bailie. And to there the reversion of the county of Bloyes after his disease was sold/ for the sum of two hundred thousand franks/ and the duke of Thouraygne to deliver to the lady of Dunoyes for her dowry/ which was assigned to her/ six thousand franks. And furthermore he should have made another sale of all his lands in Heynaulte: And the Duke of Thourayne to have paid for that two hundred thousand franks. How be it therein the earl of Bloys reserved to know the earl of Heynaltes' pleasure therein/ who was his natural lord/ to whom he owed faith and homage for those lands. How be it that king and the duke of Thourayn took that charge on them/ and to discharge the earl/ what soever should fall after. Thus or they departed they bound the earl by promise and by writings sealed/ as they might well and easily do/ for he had there none of his counsel save Sohier/ who never was at school/ nor knew no letter on the book: Moche after this manner went this merchandise. and I have written this matter as justly as I could/ to th'intent that hereafter in time to come/ by reason of writing/ the truth should be known. For the earl guy of Bloys my lord & master/ as he that was ignorant and evil counseled/ more by his wife and varlet Sohier than by any other/ made this evil bargain. And when these matters were concluded and surely made by the king/ the duke of Thourayne/ and their counsel/ than the lords took their leave and returned in to France. Great brute was made of these sales in divers countries.   

¶ How sir Roger of spain and sir spain du Lion sped with the french king and his counsel/ for the Viscount of Chastelons' business: and how how he was set in possession of the county of Foiz/ & of the money that he paid. Cap. C.lxxxiii.  
How let us somewhat speak of sir Roger of spain and of sir spain du Lion/ and show how they sped/ aft they were returned fro Tourle to go to toulouse to the bishop of Noyon and to the lord de la river/ So long they journeyed that they came thither/ they were welcome/ for their coming was fore desired. There they showed their letters and how they had sped. By semblant the bishop and the lord de la river were joyous/ of that the heritance should abide with the viscount of Chastellon/ on such conditions (as is before written). Than sir Roger and his companion thought to take some more pain/ as to ride to the viscount of Chastellon/ and to the counsels of Foize and of Bierne/ to see that every thing be set in good order. Than they departed fro toulouse and road to saint Gracyens. the Viscount was not there/ but he was at the entry of Berne/ in a fair castle called Pau/ and there they found him/ who was joyful of their coming. And when he knew that the French king had given up his title of the buying of the county of Foiz/ he was gladder than he was before. As for the money that he should pay/ he wist well enough where to have it/ and moche more. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the great assemble that was made at amiens/ of the French king and his counsel/ and of the king of England's uncles: on the treaty of peace. Cap. C.lxxxiiii.  
I Think I have sufficiently treated of the business of Bierne and of foiz for if I should rehearse all things/ it would require long writing: therefore I will leave speaking thereof and create of other matters. Thus all things concluded/ the viscount of Chatellon was earl of Foiz and lord of Berne/ in like manner as the older earl held it/ and all such as ought so to do made homage to him/ & he departed largely with sir yvan and sir Gracien/ th'old earls bastard sons/ in such wise that they were content/ and paid to the French king all such money as was promised to be paid. This matter was not soon done/ summer was first well onward/ and the bishop of Noyon and the lord de la river tarried still at toulouse till every thing was set in good order/ according as they were charged. Now let us speak of th'assembly of the lords of France and of England/ in the good city of amiens on the treaty of a peace or of a truce/ as than being the year of our lord. M.CCC.lxxx. & xi in the mids of lent great provision was made there for these lord or they came thither. First for the french king & for his estate/ and for his three uncles/ and also for other great lords of France/ every man after his degree/ for it was said that king Richard of England should be there/ wherefore many desired to see him/ such as had never seen him before/ howbeit he came not there/ yet he came to Dover/ to th'intent to have passed the see & his three uncles with him/ that is to say the dukes of Lancastre/ york/ & Gloucester. & when they came to Dover they took advise whyder it were meet for the king to pass the see or not All things considered/ the counsel of England was of opinion that the king should bide at Dover & the duke of Gloceter with him and the duke of Lancastre/ the duke of york th'earl of Huntyngton/ th'earl of Derby/ sir thomas Percy/ the bishops of Durham & London/ and other of the kings counsel to pass over/ so they came to Calais. And when the day approached that they should meet at Amyence/ they departed fro Calysmo than xii C. horse. it was a goodly sight to see them ride in good order. The french king had ordained/ that after th'Englishmen came out of Calis/ both going abiding & returning/ all their costs and charges were borne of the french kings charge/ as meet/ drink/ lodging & horse meet With the duke of Lancastre & the duke of york there came their cousin/ dow to their sister & to the lord Coucy/ who was a fair young lady called the lady of yrelande/ for she was wedded to the duke of yrelande. this lady came to Amiens to see the lord her father the lord Coucy/ for she had not seen him much before/ wherefore she had great desire to see him. She came like a noble widow/ having but small joy in her co. age.  
THe French king had ordained to make the english men as much honour as could be devised/ and to the four duke's/ that is to say: The duke of Thourayn the French kings brother/ and the dukes of Bourbon/ of Berrey/ and or Burgoyne/ leapt on their horses and road out of the town to meet with the englishmen accompanied with many other great lords. first met with than the duke Joys of Thourayn well accompanied and honourably received his colyns of England/ & there communed a certain space with them. than he took his leave and departed again with all his company/ and so road straight to the city to the king his brother: And the other three dukes the kings uncles/ Berrey/ Burbone/ & Burgoyne met with the english dukes in the field and made great cheer and honourable each to other/ that joy it was to see. Than the gentle earl dolphin of Awergne/ who had been as an hostager in England/ and moche in the duke of Lacasters' company/ and loved him very well/ He came and humbly saluted the duke of Lancaster. When the duke saw him he embraced him in great token of love/ and spoke together a little. Than the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne came to them/ & the duke of Bourbon/ the lord Coucy/ and th'earl of ●aynt Poule came to the duke of york/ the earl of Huntyngton and to sir Thomas percy/ and so ●ode talking together with amorous words/ till they approached the city of amiens. Than the duke of Lancastre road between the duke of Berrey and the duke of Burgoyn. Thus they road all three in a front making honour each to other/ till they came to the bishops palace/ where the king & the duke of Thourayne was. There they a lighted/ and the two dukes led the duke of La●castre up the steres/ and the other dukes and lords followed. Than the French lords came in to the kings presence: & made their reverence/ and left the english dukes standing alone. Than a little they inclined themself to the king. than the king ca●e to them and took them by the hands/ & lytte them up/ and spoke sweetly to them & they to him/ and other lords of France fell in talking with the other lords of England. & when they had commaned a season/ they took their leave of the king/ his brother/ & uncles and departed & were conveyed to their lodgings by the constable of France/ the lord Coucy/ the earl of saint Poule/ sir johan of Vyenne/ and other Lords of the realm of France. Than they took their leaves & departed again to the king: and the lady of Ireland daughter to the lord Coucy/ was lodged in her father's lodging & all her company.  
IT was ordained by the french king & his counsel/ before th'english lord came to the city of amiens (which ordinance was published and proclaimed openly/ to th'intent that no person should be ignorant thereof) but every man to beware of ●re king of any article in the proclamation/ on pain of lefing of their heeds. First that no manner of person make any riot/ or give any riotous words to any Englysshman: & also that no knight nor squire speak or make any challenge of arms to any englishman/ on pain of the kings high displeasure/ & they to company with the with sweet words and goodly behaviour/ in that town/ lodgings or field: nor that the French pages make any debate nor riot in any place on pain of death. And what soever any englishman demandeth to su●●re them peaceably to have it. & that no ho●t nor victualler demand any money other for meat or drink/ nor for other such comen charges. Also it was ordained that no knight nor squire of France/ should go by night time without torch or torches/ and that the englishmen should go at their pleasure without any controlment. & that if any frenchman meet any englishman in the night in any street/ that they should sweetly & gently convey him or them to their lodging or to their company. Also it was ordained that in four places of the city/ four watches to be set of a thousand men in every watch: and that if any fire hap to fall in the night by any incydence/ the watch in no wise to remove for no manner of cause: but at the so wning of a bell/ all other people to draw to quench the fire. Also it was ordained that no french knight nor squire for no manner of cause should presume to speak to the king without the king first died call him. Nor also that the knights nor squires of France should talk nor commune together/ as long as any of the english men were present/ But to find comuning and pastime with them. Also it was ordained/ that all hosts and their servants/ in anywyse/ should not convey or hide any Bows or Arrows/ or any other thing pertaining to the english men/ without making of large amends/ without it were given them by the englishmen of their courtesy: than to take it or else not. All these things were determined by delyberation or good counsel/ to do the english men the more honour/ for they trusted of a good conclusion of peace. Nigh every day a fifteen days together/ these lords were in counsel/ and brought nothing to conclusion/ for their demands were greatly different. The French men demanded to have Calais razed and beaten down/ in such wise/ that no person should dwell there after. The english men would in no wise agree to that treaty: for it ought to be believed/ that Calais was the town of the world that the commons of England loved best/ for as long as they be lords of calais/ They said they bore the keys of France under their girdle. Though the lords departed every day unagreed yet they departed a sunder right amiably/ for every day they pointed to were again the next day/ both parties trusting at last to conclude on some good point. The french king made th'english men in that space three notable gardeners at his palace. In likewise so died the duke of Thourayne/ the duke of Berrey the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Burbone/ the lord of Coucy/ and the earl of saint Poule: Each of these made the english men a great dinner And for every thing that the englishmen took in the town was paid for/ and clerks appointed by the king and his counsel to write every thing/ and every man appointed for their money to the chamber of accounts It ought to be known/ that johan duke of Lancastre and his brother the duke of york for all that they were come thither on trust of peace/ yet they had charge of the king of England and of his counsel/ that what soever treaty they made/ in no wise they should nouther give nor take any manner of thing.  
MAny were of the opinion/ that the commonalty of England rather inclined to war than to peace/ for in the time of good king Edward the third/ and of his son the prince of Wales/ they had so many fair and high victories on the french men/ and so great conquests/ with so moche money for ransoms/ selling and patesing of towns & countries/ that they were become marvelous rich: for many such as were no gentlemen of birth/ by reason of their hardiness and valiant adventures/ wan and conquered so moche gold and silver that they became noble/ and rose to great honour. And so such as followed after would follow the same life/ howbeit after that days of the said king Edward and the prince his son/ by the wisdom and high enterprise of sir Bertram of Clesquy/ and by the aid of other good knights of France. The englishmen were than again sore put back The duke of Gloucestre son to the said king Edward/ and uncle as than to king richard/ than being at amiens/ & divers other lords/ knights/ and squires were of the same opinion that the commons were of in England/ and inclined rather to the war than to peace/ to the intent thereby to sustain their estate. By the occasion thereof the peace was the harder to drive. yet the king & the duke of Lancastre would fain have had peace/ for by their means that meeting at Amyence was appointed/ howbeit they would not displease the commons of England. The english men would gladly have had a peace/ so they might be restored again to all such lands as was agreed on/ at the treaty before Charters/ and that the French men should pay fourteen hundred thousand franks/ which was unpaid when the war began to renew.  
IN this season/ thus great communication there was at the city of amiens/ on treaty of peace: and the lords that were there on both parties took great pain in the cause. It might well be marveled why this peace took none effect/ for specially the duke of Burgoyne did what he could for the French party/ and the duke of Lancastre for the english party. Saving the charge that he had/ which he durst not pass. When these lords saw that they could come to no good conclusion/ than the frenchmen somewhat to appease and to please the englishmen/ and the rather thereby to fall to some reason/ it was offered to them to enjoy still peaceably/ all that ever they were as than in possession of in aquitane/ and nine dyoces to be quite delivered without any resort/ so that calais might be beaten down. And also they offered to pay in three year after/ the sum of xiiii hundred thousand franks. Than the duke of Lancastre and the english counsel answered and said. Sirs we have tarried here a long season and have concluded nothing/ nor we can not conclude till we be returned in to England/ and than we shall show all your desires and offers to the king our sovereign lord/ and to the three estates of the realm/ and of one thing be you sure/ that as much diligence as I & my brother of york can do/ shall be done to bring your desire to pass/ except the beating down of calais/ we dare not speak thereof/ for if we did we should ryn in the indignation and hatred of the most part of all the realm of England/ and yet were we better to speak no word thereof. these words somewhat contented the french king and his counsel/ and desired them that when they were returned into England to do their diligence in the matter/ & they said they would do what they could for the french party/ saying how the war had endured over long/ and many evil inconvenients hath ensued thereby in the world. than it was considered between the parties/ because the truce failed the next midsummer after/ between England and France/ to continue it lengar the space of an hole year/ both by land and by see between them/ their alyes/ and adherentes/ and thereto the lords of England were agreed. Than the french kings counsel desired to send two french knights to go with them into England/ and at their return to bring word what case they should find the realm of England in. The duke of Lancastre and the duke of york were content therewith. It was showed me/ and also the appearance was great/ how that the french king desired greatly to have peace/ for as than great brute ran through France and other places how that Lam●rabaquyn was entered with great puissance of turks in to the realm of Hungry. sir Boucyquant th'elder marshal of France brought those news/ and sir johan of Charon/ who were newly returned fro the parties of Grece and Turkey/ wherefore the french king in his youth/ had great affection to go in voyage/ and to go and see the said Lamorabaquyn/ and to recover the realm of Armony/ which the turks had won fro the king Lion of Armony/ who was the same time at amiens/ and he showed the cause of his coming thither/ to the duke of Lancastre and to the duke of york. They knew him well for they had seen him before in the realm of England. He was in England to treat for the peace when the french king was at Sluse. And considering the king of Armonyes business at the end of their parliament/ the french king said to the duke of Lancastre. Fair nephew if peace may be had between us and the king of England/ we might then make a voyage in to Tukey/ comforting the king of Hungry/ and the emperor of Constantynople/ whom Lamorabaquyn doth moche trouble/ and let us recover the realm of Armony/ which the turks keep. We here say that Lamorabaquyn is a valiant man/ and of great enterprise/ and against such persons as are contrary to our believe/ and daily doth trouble and grieve us/ we aught to incline ourself to defend our christian faith/ wherefore fair nephew help you to provide for this voyage in the realm of England. The duke of Lancastre promised to do his devoir in that behalf. Thus they took leave each of other.  
THis counsel at amiens endured a fifteen days/ than the english men departed/ and had with them in writing the conclusion of their treaty/ to show to the king of England and his counsel. Than the duchess of Ireland departed fro Amyence and took leave of her father the lord of Coucy/ and returned with the english lords. And fro that time that they departed fro Calais till they came thither again/ they spent nothing without they list/ for the french king made every thing to be paid/ both for themself and for their horses. The duke of Burgoyne than returned into Archoys to the city of Arras/ and there he found the duchess his wife/ who had visited the country of Flaunders. The duke of Thourayne/ the duke of Berrey/ and the duke of Butbone/ tarried with the king and the king purposed to go to Beamoys & to Gysors to sport him there in the way to Paris. With the duke of Lancastre & the duke of york certain knights of France went in to England/ as sir johan of castle Morante/ & sir Taupyns of Cantmell/ to bring answer again out of England/ and sir raynold du Roy/ the lord of Moncaurell/ and the lord of the old town/ conveyed them to calais/ and than took their leave/ and the english men passed over the see to Dever/ and there found the king and the duke of Glocestre tarrying for them. When the king saw them he had great communing with them of the s●ate of the parliament of amiens. The king was well content with that his uncles had done/ but than the duke of Glocestre/ who was always hard against the treaty of peace said/ how there could no good conclusion be taken in this treaty till the matter were brought to westminster to a general counsel of all the three astates of the realm/ and than to follow their advices and none otherwise. The duke of Glocesters words were well heard/ no man would say against him/ for he was greatly in the love of the realm. Than it was showed to the knights of France that they must go with them to London/ otherwise they could have none answer. The two knights obeyed as it was reason. Than the king took his way and the lords with him to London. When the king came to Darfforde/ he took his way to Eltham/ and refreshed him there with the queen and than came to Shene/ and went against saint George's feast to Wyndsore/ and there the knights of France were answered. but or I show you their aunswereꝭ I will somewhat speak of the french king.  
AFter that this assemble and counsel had been at amiens/ the French king for lack of good guiding fell sick of the fever/ wherefore he was counseled to change the air. So he was laid in a litter and carried to Beamoys/ and there tarried in the bishops palace till he was hole and recovered/ his brother the duke of Thourayne with him/ & his uncles the dukes of Berrey and Burbone/ there he held his Easter. And after when the king was strong and might well ride/ he road to Gysors/ the entering in to Normandy/ to have there the sport of hunting/ for thereabout were many fair woods. The king being there sir bernard of Armynake/ who was brother to johan of Armynake came to the king in good array/ and the dolphin of Awergne in his company/ whom he found at Paris in his way. There the earl of Armynake and the Earl of Rodays made their relief and homage to the king/ according to the custom as other lords of France made their relief/ for such lands as they held in fee of the king. And when every thing was written and registered/ they took their leave and returned to Paris together/ and fro thence to their countries/ to Awergne and to Languedoc. And about the feast of Ascensyon tide the french king returned to Paris in good health/ and lodged at his house of saint Poll/ the which was ordained for him/ and thither was come the french queen and the duchess of Thourayne.  
Now let us speak of sir johan of castle Morante/ and of sir Taupyn of Cantmell/ who were in England tarrying for an answer of the king and his counsel. They were at windsor at saint George's feast/ where was the king/ his uncles/ and other great lords of England. There these lords counseled together on such promise as they had made to the french king and his counsel at amiens/ and determined to deliver the two French knights/ that daily called on them for an answer. Than these knights were sent for on a day/ and it was said to them thus. Sirs be content/ for all things considered ye can have of us no full answer at this time/ for it would be hard as now to assemble together the three estates of the realm/ until the feast of michaelmas/ at which time they must needs be at the parliament at Westmynster/ and to excuse you we shall write letters for the same purpose/ at which season if you or any other for the party of France will travail so far as to come thither/ they shall have a reasonable answer/ such as generally the hole counsel of the three astates shall agree unto. when the french knights saw what answer they had/ and could have none other/ they answered and said. Sir we are content with that ye have said/ let us have our letters and we shall return. Than their letters were delivered to them/ and so took their leave of the king and of other lords/ and so came fro windsor to London and/ made them ready to depart. The king of England caused all their cestes and charges to be paid for/ and conveyed to Dover/ and there tarried a five days for lack of wind/ and on the sixth day they departed and arrived at Boloyne/ and when their horses were unshipped they road to Amyence by small journeys/ & so to Paris/ and there they found the king and his lords. It was about the feast of Penthecost. Their letters were red/ whereby they understood the ordinance of the englishmen. As it was showed me the king nor his counsel took little regard to the matter/ for within a season after they had moche ado in other places. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How sir Peter of craon through evil will/ by subtile craft/ beat down sir Oliver of Clysson/ wherewith the King and his counsel were sore displeased. Ca C.lxxxv.  
YE have well heard here before how sir Peter of Craon/ who was a knight of great lineage/ but he was far out of the french kings grace and the duke of Thourayns. if he did so much to cause them to be displeased with him he did evil. ye have herd also how he was gone in to Bretayne to the duke/ who showed him that the evil will that the king bore him was by the means of sir Oliver of Clysson. It may well be that he was so informed/ in that he had so great hate to the constable sir Oliver of Clysson/ for he studied ever after how to destroy him. Thus while sir Peter of Craon was with the duke of Bretaygne/ they would often times common together/ and devise how they might bring sir Oliver of Clysson to death/ for they said that and he were ones deed there was none that would greatly revenge his death. The duke repented him that he had not slain him when he had him in prison/ and would as than that it had cost him a hundred thousand franks/ that he had him again at his will. When sir Peter of Craon saw that the duke had such hatred to sir Oliver of Clysson/ he purposed a marvelous ymaginacien in himself/ for by appearance men should give judgement. This knight thought how so ever it were that he would slay the constable/ and thought to intend to nothing else till he had slain him with his own hands/ or caused him to be slain/ and afterward entreat for peace. He doubted nothing Iohn of Blois/ nor the son of the viscount of Rohan/ who had wedded two of the constables daughters/ he thought to do well enough with them as long as the duke was on his part/ for he saw well the strength and puissance of Bloys was greatly feblysshed/ for the Earl Guy of Bloys had sold the heritage of Bloys to the duke of Thourayn/ which should have run by succession to th'earl of Pointhycur johan of Bloys/ whereby he thought that the duke of Thourayne showed him but small love nor alliance of lineage/ to buy away his inheritance/ wherefore this sir Peter thought if sir Oliver of Clysson were deed/ son to appease the kings evil will and the duke of Thourayns/ and thereby soon to overcome the lord de la river and sir johan Mercyer/ Montagu/ the Begue of Villains/ and sir johan of bull/ and other of the Kings chamber/ such as sustained the constable. for he knew well that the duke of Berrey and the duke of Burgoyne loved them nothing inwardly/ whatsoever they showed outwardly. Thus sir Peter of Craon perceyvered still in his opinion/ and devised in his imagination by the enticing of the devil/ who never sleepeth/ but waketh and embraceth their hearts to do evil that inclineth to his exhortation. Thus the devil daily laid the matter before this knights eyen/ or he put the matter to execution/ but if he had justly imagined the doubts and parels/ and myschevousnesse that might fall by his evil deed/ reason and wise atemperaunce should have caused him to have done otherwise. But it is often times said that the great desire that a man hath to have the execution of that thing/ or it be fallen often times quencheth reason and wisdom/ therefore often times vices are masters and virtues violate and corrupted/ and for because that specially this sir Peter of Craon had so great affection to the destruction of the constable/ therefore he lightly inclined to the temptation to do outrage and folly/ and thought that if he might slay the constable and return again safely in to Bretayne/ that no man would seek him there if they did he trusted that the duke would excuse him/ and that if the worst fell/ that the French king came thither with a great puissance/ than in a night to enter in to a ship and so to go to Bordeaux to Bay on/ or in to England/ and there he thought well he should not be pursued/ for he knew well that the english men hated the constable because of the cruelties that he had done and consented to be done sith he was turned french how be it before that he had done many notable services to the english men/ as it hath been rehearsed here before in this history.  
SIr Peter of Craon for to accomplyssh his desire/ had long studied in his mind/ how to bring his purpose to pass/ and kept his purpose close and secret. I know not if he showed it to the duke of Bretayne or not/ some thought ●es/ because after the deed done by him and his company/ he took the next way he could in to Bretayne/ and took for his safeguard the duke of Bretaygne. and also before the deed done he sold his castles and heritage that he had in Anjou to the duke of Bretaygne/ and renayed his homage to the french king/ and said how he would go over the see. Of all these matters I pass briefly/ but I shall declare the deed/ for I sir johan froissart author of this history/ when this unhappy deed was done by sir Peter of Craon/ against sir Oliver of Clysson/ I was the same time at Paris/ wherefore I ought to be well informed of the matter/ according to the inquiry that I made therein to know the truth. The same time this sir Peter had in the town of Paris a fair house standing in the church yard of saint johans'/ as divers other lords had in the city for their pleasure. In this house there was a keeper. sir Peter of Craon had sent of his servants to Paris/ and they provided largely in the house with wine/ corn/ flesh/ salt/ and other provisions. Also he had written to the keeper that he should buy certain armure as coats of steel/ gauntletes/ stoles and other harness for xl men/ and that done to send him word thereof to th'intent that he would send for them/ and secretly all this do be done. The keeper who thought none evil and to obey his masters commandment/ bought all this merchandise. And all this season he was in a castle of his own in Anjou called Sable/ and he sent one week three or four servants to his house in Paris/ and so weakly till he had there a xl and showed them nothing for what cause he sent them thither/ but he charged them to keep themself close in his house in any wise/ and what so ever they lacked the keeper of his house should provide for it. and on a day I shall show you the cause why I send you thither before/ & ye shall have good wages. They did as he commanded them/ and came privily to Paris/ and entered in to the house by night and in the mornings/ for as than the gates of Paris night and day stood open. There assembled in that house so many together/ that they were a xl companions hardy men and outrageous. How be it there were some that if they had known wherefore they came thyderꝭ they would not have come there/ yet they kept themself secret. Than at the feast of Pentecost sir Peter of Craon came to Paris secretly & entered into his house/ disguised like a servant. Than he called for the porter that kept the gate/ and said. I command the on pain of thy life let no man/ woman/ nor child enter in to this house/ nor none to go out without my commandment. The porter obeyed as it was reason/ and so did the keeper/ and he commanded the keepers wife & her children to keep her chamber and not to issue out thereof/ wherein he did wisely/ for if the woman and children had gone abroad in the streets/ the coming thither of sir Peter Craon had been know/ for children and women naturally are hard to keep counsel/ of that thing a man would have kept secret. Thus sir Peter and his company were secretly in his house till the day of the holy sacrament/ and every day sir Peter had a broad his spies that brought him word of the state of sir Oliver Clysson/ and till that day he could find no time to execute his enterprise/ wherewith he was sore displeased in himself. The said day the french king kept a feast with open court with all the lords that were there. Also the queen and the duchess of Thourayne were there in great joy and solace. The same day after dinner the young lusty knights were armed and jousted valiantly/ in the presence of the king and of the queen/ and other ladies and damosels/ and continued till it was near night/ and by the judgement of the ladies and heralds/ the price was given to sir Gillyam of Flaunders earl of Namure. And the king made all the lords and ladies a great supper/ and after supper danced till it was one of the clock after midnight. than every man departed to their lodgings/ some to one place & some to another without fear or doubt of any thing. Sir Oliver of Clisson who as than was constable of France/ departed fro the kings place last of all other/ and had taken his leave of the king/ and than went through the duke of Thourayns chamber/ and said to him. Sir will ye tarry here all night/ or else go to your lodging of Poullayne. This Poullayn was the duke's treasurer/ and dwelt a little beside the sign of the Lion of silver. Than the duke said/ constable I can not tell as yet whether I do tarry here or else go thither/ go ye your way to your lodging/ for it is tyme. Than sir Oliver took his leave of the duke and said. sir god send you good night/ and so departed/ and in the street he found his servants and his horse/ an eight persons/ and two torches. Than he road forth to enter in to the high street of saint Kateryns.  
SIr Peter of Craon had the same night laid good espial on sir Oliver of Clisson/ and knew well that he was bidden behind his company with the king/ and that his horse tarried at the kings gate for him. Than he mounted on his horse and all his company well armed covertly/ and there past not sire of his company that knew his intent. and when he came in to saint Katheryns street there he tarried/ and abode privily for the constables coming. And as soon as the constable was issued out of the street of saint paul/ and came in to the high street and his torches beside him/ and came riding talking with a squire of his/ saying. To morrow I must have at dinner with me the duke of Thourayne/ the lord Coucy/ sir johan of Vyen/ sir Charles Dangers/ the barone of Vrey/ and divers other/ wherefore speak to my steward that they lack nothing. And saying of those words sir Peter Craon and his company came on him/ and at the first they struck out the torches. And when the constable heard the rushing of the horses behind him/ no thought it had been the duke of Thourayne that had followed and sported with him/ and said. Ah sir it is evil done/ but I pardon you/ ye are young and full of play and sport. With those words sir Peter of Craon drew out his sword and said/ slay the constable slay him/ for he shall die. What art thou quoth Clysson that speakest those words? I am Peter of Craon thine enemy/ thou hast so often times disposed me/ that now thou shalt make amends/ and therewith struck at the constable/ and sir Peter's men drew out their sword and struck at the constable/ who had no weapon/ but a short knife of two foot of length/ and defended himself as well as he might/ and his men were without armure/ and soon put a broad fro their master. Than sir Peter's men said shall we slay them all. yea quod sir Peter/ all such as make any defence. Their defence was but small/ for they were but eight persons and without armure. Sir Peter demanded nothing but the death of the constable/ some that were there when they knew it was the constable they gave him but faint strokes/ for a thing done by treason is done cowardly without any hardiness. The constable defended himself valiantly with that wepyn that he had/ how be it his defence had veiled him but little/ and the great grace of god had not been. Still he sat on his horse till he had a full stroke on the heed/ with which stroke he fell fro his horse right against a bakers door/ who was up and busy to bake breed/ and had left his door half open which was happy for the constable/ for as he fell fro his horse he fell against the door/ and the door opened and he fell in at the door/ and they that were a horseback could not enter after him/ the door was to low and to little. God showed great grace to the constable/ for if he had fallen in the streets as he died in at the door/ or if the door had been shit/ he had been slain without remedy/ but they that were a horseback durst not alight/ and also they thought/ and so did sir Peter that on the stroke that he had on the heed/ that at last it should be his deaths wound. Than sir Peter said/ go we hence/ we have done enough/ for if he be not deed/ he will die on the stroke that he hath on the heed/ for it was a great stroke. Therewith they departed and road a way a good pace to the gate of saint Anthony/ and road out thereat/ for as than the gate was open and had been ten year/ sith the french king returned fro the battle of Rosebeque/ and that the said constable put down the malles of Paris/ and punished them for their rebellions.  
THus sir Oliver of Clysson was left in this case/ as a man half deed and more/ in the bakers house/ who was sore abashed when he knew it was the constable/ as for his men had little hurt/ for sir Peter and his men looked for nothing but to have slain the constable. Than sir oliver men assembled together/ and entered in to the bakers house/ and there found their it master sore hurt on the heed/ and the blood running down by his visage/ wherewith they were sore abashed/ and good cause why. there they made great complaints/ first they feared he had been deed. Anon tidings hereof came to the kings lodging/ and it was said to the king/ as he was going to his bed. Ah sir we can not hide fro you the great mischief that is now suddenly fallen in Paris. What mischief is that quoth the king? Sir quod they/ your constable sir Oliver of Clisson is slain. Slain quod the king/ and how so/ and who hath done that deed? Sir quod they we can not tell/ but this mischief is fallen on him here by in the street of saint Kateryn. Well quoth the king/ light up your torches/ I will go & see him. torchs anon were lighted up. The king put on a cloak and his slippers on his feet. Than such as kept watch the same night went forth with the king/ and such as were a bed & herd of these tidings rose up in haste and followed the king/ who was gone forth with a small company/ for the king tarried for no man/ but went forth with them of his chamber with torches before him and behind him/ and had no more chamberlayns with him but sir Gaultier martel and sir Iohn of Lygnac/ Thus the king came to the bakers house and entered/ and certain torches tarried without. Than the king found his constable near deed as it was showed him/ but not fully deed/ and his men had taken of all his gear to see his wounds/ how he was hurt. And the first word that the kynge said was. Constable how is it with you? Dear sir qd he right feebly. Who hath brought you in this case quoth the king. Sir quod he Peter of Craon and his company traitorously/ and without defence. Constable quoth the king/ there was never deed so dearly bought as this shall be. Than physicans and surgeons were sent for on all parts/ and when they came the king said to his own surgeons. Sirs/ look what case my constable is in/ and show me the truth/ for I am sorry of his hurt. Than they searched his wounds in every part. Than the king demanded of them and said. Sirs how say you/ is he in any apparel of death. They all answered and said. sir surely there is no jeopardy of death in him/ but that within these xu days he shall be able to ride. With that answer the king was right joyous and said/ thanked be god these be good tidings/ and than said. Constable be of good cheer and care nothing/ for there was never trespass sorer punished than this shall be/ upon the traitors that have done this deed/ for I take this matter as mine own. The constable with a feeble voice answered. Sir god reward your grace for your noble visitation. Than the king took his leave and departed and returned to his lodging/ and in continent sent for the provost of Paris/ and by that time that he came it was clear day light. than the king commanded him and said/ Provost get you men together well horsed/ and pursue that traitor sir Peter of Craon/ who thus traitorously hath hurt nigh to the death our constable/ ye can not do to us a more acceptable service than to pursue and take him and bring him to us. Than the provost answered and said/ sir I shall do all that lieth in my puissance to do. Sir can your grace know which way he is gone. inquire quod the king and do your diligence.   

¶ how in great diligence the provost of Paris pursued sir Peter of Craon. Cap. C.lxxxvi.  
AS at that time the four sovereign gates of the city were ever kept opyn night and day which ordinance was made eversythe the battle of Rosebeque/ where the French king disconfited the ●●mynges/ and that the parisyence would have rebelled/ and that the malettes were laid down/ to the intent to keep under the parisyence. and by the counsel of sir Oliver of Clysson/ all the chains in the streets were laid down/ and the gates taken of their hokes. In this case the city was in a ten year/ so that every man might enter night or day in to Paris who so list. Lo/ it may be well considered what fortune is. The constable gathered the rod wherewith himself was beaten/ for if the gates of Paris had been closed and the chains lift up/ sir Peter of Craon durst never have done that he died/ for if he had ● he could not have gone out of the town as he died. But because he knew well he might issue out at all hours/ that made him execute his evil purpose. Wha he departed fro the Constable/ he thought surely he had been slain/ how be it he was not/ wherewith he was sore displeased. When he issue out of Paris/ it was about one of the clock after midnight/ and passed by the gate saint Anthony. And some said he passed the river of Seyne at the bridge of Charenton/ & than took the way to Charters/ and some said he issued out of Paris at the gate of saint Honour/ under Mount martyr: and passed the river of Seyne at Ponthieur. Where so ever he passed/ he was by eight of the clock at Charters/ and such as were well horsed with him/ all followed him not/ but broke a sondre for less suspeciousnesse/ and for fear of pursuit. And when this sir Peter of Craon came first to Paris/ he had left at Charters with one of the canons there/ who had been a servant of his beforetime/ a twentte fresh horses. It had been better for the canon he had never known him/ how be it of his purpose nor of the executing thereof/ he knew nothing therein. When sir Peter was returned to Charters/ he drank and changed his horses and died of his harness/ and took the way to Maine/ and road so fast/ that he came to a castle of his own called Sable/ and there rested himself/ and said he would go no further/ till he heard tidings of sir Oliver of Clysson/ and how the matter went. ye may be sure that the same friday after the deed was done/ great brute ran all about the city of that deed/ & many blamed greatly sir Peter of Craon. The lord of Coucy as soon as he knew thereof in the morning leapt on his horse with eight persons with him/ and road to the Constable's lodging to visit him/ for they loved entirely together/ and called each other brother in arms/ his visitation did the Constable great good. In like manner other lords according to their turn came and visited him/ & specially the duke of Thourayne who was sore displeased for that deed. And the king and he said both/ how that sir Peter of Craon had done that deed in despite of them/ and how it was a thing prepensed by false traitors/ to put the realm to trouble. The duke of Berrey/ who was than was at Paris/ dissimuled the matter and made no great business in the cause. And I sir johan Froissarte author of this chronicle/ as I was credibly informed of this adventure/ there had been nothing done/ if the duke of Berrey had list. for if he had would/ he might well have broken that enterprise/ I shall show you the reason how.  
THe same thursday of Corpus Christy day/ there came to the duke of Berrey a clerk/ secretary to sir Peter of Craon/ and said to him in secret manner. sir/ I will show you a thing in secretness/ which is likely to come to a poor conclusion. And sir/ ye are more likely to remedy it than any other. What matter is that qd the duke. Sir quoth he I shall show you/ but I would not be named the bringer out thereof. Spare not quoth the duke/ I shall bear out the matter well enough. Well sir quoth the Clerk/ I doubt me greatly that sir Peter of Craon will slay or cause to be murdered/ the constable sir Oliver of Clysson/ for he hath assembled together in to his house/ within the Church yard of saint johanes/ a great number of men/ and hath kept them there covertly/ eversyth the feast of whitsuntide. And sir/ if they should do that deed the king will be sore dyspleapleased / and bring the Realm in to great trouble/ therefore sir I show it to you. for sir I am abashed thereof myself/ though I be sir Peter's servant/ and have made service to him/ yet I dare not consent to this outrage. And sir/ and ye provide not for the matter/ there is none can do it. And sir/ for goddessake take heed to this that I have showed you. And sir/ to eschew that may fall I dare not return to him. The duke heard him well and said. Abide here with me this night/ and to morrow by times I shall inform the king thereof. It is now farforth days/ I will not trouble the king therewith/ but to morrow without fault we shall provide for the matter/ sith that sir Peter of Craon is in the town/ I knew not thereof before. Thus the duke drove of the matter/ and in the mean time this mischief fell. Than the Provost with more than threescore horses issued out of the city at the gate of saint Honour/ and followed the track of sir Peter of Craon/ and came to Ponthieur to pass the river of Seyne/ & demanded of the kepar of the bridge/ if any horses passed that way that morning/ and he said yes: how that there passed about a twelve horse/ but I saw no knight nor person that I knew. What way took they quoth the Provost? sir quod he the way towards Wannes. Ah qd the provost it may well be/ I think they will ride to Chierbourge. than the provost took that way and lest the way to Charters/ and thereby the lost the just pursuit of sir Peter of Craon. And when he had ridden till noon/ than he met with a knight of the country who had been a hunting of the Hare/ and he showed him how that he saw the same morning about a fifteen men a horseback/ traversing the fields and (as he thought) took the way to Charters. Than the provost and his company entered in to the way to Charters/ and so road till it was near hand night/ and than came to Charters. And there it was showed him/ how sir Peter of Craon had been there with the canon about eight of the clock/ and there unarmed him and took fresh horses. Than the provost saw well he had lost his pain and should do to follow him any further/ Saying/ seeing that he was so far passed. Than the saturday he returned to Paris/ because the certainty/ which way sir Peter of Craon took was not known at Paris. Therefore the king and the duke of Thourayne who had a great affection to have sir Peter of Craon taken/ sent sir Iohn of Barrois with a threescore horse out of Paris to sertche for him. And they issued out at the gate saint Anthony/ and passed the rivers of Marne and Scyne/ at the bridge of Charenton/ and road all about the country and came towards Estampes/ and finally at dinner they came to Charters/ and there heard sure tidings. And when the Barrois knew that sir Peter of Craon was gone/ and saw that he should but travail in vain/ to follow any further. Than he returned again the sunday to Paris/ and showed the king what he had done/ and in likewise so had the provost done. The saturday there was found in a village as they went a sertching two squires and a page/ parteyning to sir Peter of Craon. They were taken and brought to Paris and set in prison/ and on the monday beheaded. First they were brought to the place where the deed was done/ and there each of them had their right hand stricken of/ and than to the halls and there beheaded and hanged on the gibet and the wednesday after the kepar of sir Peter of Craons' house in Paris was executed and beheaded. many men said he had wrong But because he showed not the coming of sir Peter in to Paris/ he was put to death. in likewise that canon at Charters with whom sir Peter died refresh him and changed his horse/ he was accused and taken and put in the bishops prison/ and took fro him all that he had/ and deprived him of all his benefices/ and was condemned to perpetual prison/ to live with breed and water/ all the excusations that he could make availed him nothing. He was reputed in the town of Charters to be a noble wise man. sir Peter of Craon being in his castle of Sable/ was sore displeased when he knew that sir Oliver of Clysson was not deed/ nor had no hurt/ but that within six weeks he should be hole. Than he considered that he was not in good surety in that Castle/ and feared to be enclosed/ in such wise/ that he should not issue when he would. than he took a certain with him & issued out secretly/ and road so long that he came in to Bretaygne/ and there found the duke/ who received him and knew all the matter/ and how the Constable was not deed: Than he said. Ah sir Peter of Craon ye are unhappy/ that could not slay the Constable/ when ye had him under your hands. Sir quod sir Peter/ the devil was on it. I think all the devils in hell died held him out of my hands/ and out of my companions. I am sure there was stricken at him more than threescore strokes/ with sword and javelins. And when he fell fro his horse/ in deed I thought surely he had been deed: and so he had been/ and it had not been his fortune to fall in at a bakers door the which stood half open/ for if he had fallen in the street he had never risen a live. Well quoth the duke/ as now it will be none otherwise/ I am sure I shall here shortly some news fro the french king/ & I think I shall have war with him (as ye have). Keep you privily with me the matter shall not thus rest/ and sith I have promised to aid and sustain you I will keep promise. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the great army and voyage that the French king purposed to make in to Bretayne against the duke/ because he sustained sir Peter of craon: and how in that voyage the king fell sick/ whereby the voyage broke Cap. C.lxxxvii.  
Tidings came to the French king as he lay at Paris/ that the duke of Bretayne had received sir Peter of Craon. than the king was counseled by such as were of his privy Counsel/ that he should incontinent send in to Bretaygne to the duke/ commanding him on his faith and homage/ that he ought to the crown of France/ to take the traitor sir Peter of Craon and to send him to Paris. These letters were written/ sealed and delivered to a squiet/ and he road so long that he came in to Bretayne/ & found the duke at his castle of ermine/ and there delivered his letters. The duke took & read them. Than he said to the messenger that he would write again to the king/ and so did in excusing of himself: Saying that as of sir Peter of Craon he knew nothing/ nor where he was/ nor would not know/ nor it aparteyned not to him to know: Nor as for the hatred nor war that was between sir Oliver of Clysson and sir Peter of craon he took no regard thereto/ for it touched him nothing. And therefore in those matters/ he prayed the king to hold him excused. This letter was sealed & delivered to the kings messenger/ & so he returned again to Paris/ and there found the king & his counsel who were sore desirous to here tidings out of Bretaygne. Than the messenger delivered his letters to the king who took & read them. Than the king said to his brother & to his counsel. This excusation of the dukes is not sufficient. It seemeth well the duke of Bretayne hath caused all this business This dispyre and outrage is so great/ that it ought not to be suffered/ for it toucheth greatly mine honour. The same season the duke of Berrey was at Paris/ and often times the king would speak to him of this trespass/ and the duke said. Sir/ surely he hath done a great outrage: if he might be found/ it were reason he made amends. Fair uncle quoth the king/ he is in Bretaygne with the duke. We will go and seek him there/ and ye shall go with us. The duke dissimuled the matter and said. Sir/ as it shall please you/ but ye must have also my brother of Burgoyne with you. We will have him with us quoth the king/ for without him we will make no voyage. We will go in to Bretayne with such an army/ able to resist all our enemies. We may see now openly/ that this duke loveth nor setteth by us but little: He is proud and presumptuous/ and we shall intend to nothing/ till we have brought him to reason. Thus the French king devised with the duke of Berrey/ and manysshed greatly the duke of Bretayne and his assysters. The duke of Berrey accorded to all his saying/ but he dissimuled/ for he thought the contrary.  
THe French king had great affection to be revenged/ of the despite that was done to his constable/ wherefore he prepared himself to go in to Bretayne/ and first to go in to Anjou to destroy and beat down sir Peter of Craons' castles/ for all that the duke of Bretayne said he had bought them. yet the king and his counsel said it was no point of the duke's heritage but that the duke said so to excuse and to sustain sir Peter of Craon/ wherefore personally he was in the kings indignation. yet in the same season a treaty of marriage was had between the duke of Bretaygnes son and the kings daughter.  
IN the mean season while this voyage was thus ordered/ & great brute thereof spoken through all France. There returned to Paris the bishop of Noyon and the lord de la river fro Foize and Bierne/ and there showed the king and his counsel how they had sped. They were well heard/ but the voyage in to Bretayne busied so the king and his counsel/ that they had no leisure to intend to any other matter. And the king would gladly that the constable had been hole/ that he might be able to ride. and or the king went fro Paris/ he commanded to be beaten down sir Peter of Craons' house/ that stood in the church yard of saint johans'/ and than the king died give the ground to make a church yard of to bury in deed bodies. The French king made his provision in the way to Anjou/ to Maine/ to Bretayne/ and in to Thourayne on the river of Loire/ to the intent to go in to Bretayne/ none durst speak the contrary.  
REnome was throughout all Paris and (it was well known) that sir Oliver of Clisson constable of France/ when he lay thus sick of his hurtis made his testament/ to the intent that his heirs should know the truth of every thing that he had/ and where it was. His heirs were two daughters/ the one was married to johan of Bretayne earl of Ponthieur. It was he that sir Oliver had quit out of prison in England/ and paid for him sixscore thou sand franks to the duke of Ireland/ as it hath been showed here before in this history. And his second daughter was or should be vicountes of Rohan by reason of her husband The some of the testament mounted to the some of sevyntene hundred thousand franks beside his heritage. Every man that heard thereof had great marvel/ how he should gather toguider/ such richesses/ and specially the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne/ & their counsels/ had great marvel thereof/ and spoke largely & said. What the devil how may it be that the constable hath gathered to guider so many florins/ and such movable goods? the king himself hath not so moche. It may well be believed and known/ that he hath not won all this by no just means. Thus the matter passed/ but such as loved him not thought nevertheless. Thus all such as the king had written unto prepared themself to go with him in to Bretaygne. This voyage pleased nothing the duke of Burgoyn/ he said this was a war without reason/ and that the conclusion there of could take no good end/ nor the realm of France/ nor the duchy of Bretayne/ nor the lords/ knights and squires/ in them had nothing to do with the war between sir Oliver of Clysson and sir Peter of Craon. What need they quoth he to take pain or travail to make war in their quarrels? We should rather suffer them and their own men to grieve and make war each upon other. The duke of Berrey was of the same opinion/ but they could not be herd nor believed/ for the king was counseled contrary to their opinions/ by such as the king loved better than them. These dukes could not tell how to break that enterprise/ and when they saw none other remedy/ they obeyed/ But that was slothfully/ how be it by the promotion of the duke of Burgoyne/ the earl of Ostrenaunt was written unto by the king to go with him in this journey with three hundred spears. The earl who loved deeds of arms provided him to go with the king/ and when he was ready/ and had assembled together his company to his great cost and charge. Than he was countermanded again/ and that in no wise he should stir. ⸪   

¶ How the duke of Thourayn brother to the king resigned the duchy of Thourayne in to the kings hands: and how by exchange the king gave him the duchy of orleans and so ever after he was called duke of orleans. Cap. C.lxxxvii.  
IN the same season that the king was thus nigh ready to depart out of Paris/ to show that he took that business/ as to himself/ there was an exchange made of lands greatly to the profit of the duke of Thourayne/ for he resigned in to the kings hands the duchy of Thourayne/ and the king gave him the duchy of orleans/ in like manner as anciently duke Philip of orleans held it/ which was four times better in value than the other was. so thus fro hens forth in this history I shall name him that was duke of Thourayne duke of orleans. ¶ When sir Oliver of Clysson was all hole and that he might ride/ the French king was right joyful and said: how he would tarry no lengar and so on an evening he took his leave of the queen Isabella his wife/ and of the new duchess of orleans/ and of all other ladies and damoselles/ and so died the duke of Orlaunce in likewise. Than they departed and road to supper to Montague/ and the duke of Burbone/ the earl of Namure/ and the lord of Coucy with him. There the king lay & dined there/ & after dinner they departed and lay all night at saint germans/ and there lay a six days. and as than the king was somewhat diseased/ and his physicians would have had him to have rested himself/ but the king was so willing in his journey/ that he said how he was moche better at his ease/ than he was in deed/ which he died to give courage to his men to set forward/ for as than his two uncles/ the dukes of Berrey & Burgoyne were behind/ & showed well by their manner/ that the same journey grieved them/ nor they would not have gone by their good wills/ how be it they had made their assemble and to save their honour they obeyed and followed.  
When the French king had rested him a fifteen days at saint germans/ and that his army was assembled/ than he departed and passed the river of Seyne/ and took the way to Charters/ and so to Annens/ a good town and a castle/ pertaining to the lord de la river/ as heritage of his wives. With the king was his brother the duke of orleans and the duke of Burbone. The lord de la Ryreceyved the king honourably/ and there tarried three days/ and than road to Charters where as Montague was bishop. The king was lodged in the bishop palace and the two dukes. And the second day after thither came the duke of Berrey and the earl of March in his company. And the fourh day thither came the duke of Burgoyne/ where of the king was right joyful/ and people came daily/ and the king said he would not return to Paris till he had brought the duke of Bretayne to reason/ who so often times had put him to pain and trouble. The kings counsel had so set him on that war/ that the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne would gladly have modered the matter/ but they could not be herd/ wherewith they were sore displeased/ & so were such as were of their counsels: and they said each to other that surely the matter could not long endure in that state/ for it is full likely that the king and the realm shall have some business to do/ sith the king refuseth the counsel of his uncles/ and leaneth to other at his pleasure/ who be nothing like to them. When the king had tarried at Charters a six days/ than he departed and took the way to Man's and his men followed/ some fro far parts/ as out of Arthois/ Beamoys/ Vermandois/ and Picardy: and some said one to another. Ah/ this duke of Bretayne maketh us to have moche to do/ & putteth us to great pain and travail. He hath been always hard & high hearted against the crown of France/ nor he never loved nor honoured it. And his cousin the earl of Flaunders and the duchess of Burgone (who have always borne him and as yet do) had not been/ he had been destroyed long a go/ for eversyth the lord Clysson turned French/ he never loved him. Surely by an likely, ●de he is ●●●yable of this deed/ for he hath always 〈◊〉 sir Peter of Craon against the king and against the Constable. Than other said. Let the king alone/ for as at this time he hath the matter so at his heart/ that he will bring the duke to reason or he return. That is true qd other if there be no treason. But we fear that all such as go with the king be not enemies to the duke/ as it may be well 〈◊〉 (if we durst speak it) by some tokens. For there be some that night and day do what they can to counsel the king to break his voyage/ which so troubleth the king that he can scant get himself any health or recovery of his last sickness. Thus knights and squires devised among themself as they road in their countries. Still the king approached to the city of Man's/ and there the king lodged in the castle and his lords in the city/ and his men of war abroad in the country. There the king tarried a three wickes/ for he was sore vexed with the fever: and his physicians said to his brother and to his uncles. My lords we ensure you ye do evil to travail the king for he is in no good state to ride/ rest were far better for him/ for sith he came fro the city of Amien's/ he hath not been in so good health/ as he was before. They showed this to the king but he had so great affection to go in this journey/ that he would neither believe them nor yet his physicians/ but said. how he found more ease in traveling than in resting. Therefore who so ever counsel me the contrary shall not please me/ nor he loveth me not. Other answer they could not have of the king. Every day the king would sit in the mids of his counsel/ till it was noon/ to th'intent that none should lay any let of his journey. Thus the king being at Man's/ and somewhat to accomplish the desires of his uncles. He sent four notable knights to the duke of Bretayne/ as sir Raynolde du Roy/ the lord of Varensiers/ the lord of Castle morant/ and sir Tampyne of Cauten●l chateleyne of Gysors/ and they were charged to show the duke/ how the king and his counsel reputed that he died great offence/ to sustain the kings enemy and the realms/ and to make amends/ that he should send sir Peter of Craon to Man's to the king/ whereby means should be found that he should take no damage/ nor his country/ for all the kings voyage. Thus they departed fro Mans with a xl spears/ & passed through the city of Angiers and at last came before the city of Nauntes/ and entered/ and there sound the duke who made them good cheer/ and on a day made them a dyner/ and than they died their message and declared the kings intent and his counsels/ whereunto the duke answered wisely and sagely/ & said How it should be hard for him to deliver sir Peter of Craon/ and said as god might help him in all his business/ he knew not where he was. Wherefore he desired them in that case to hold him excused/ But he said he had well herd of him a year past/ that he loved not sir Oliver of Clysson/ but would make him mortal war to his power/ what soever end came thereof. And at that time I demanded of him if he had given sir Oliver knowledge thereof/ and he said he had utterly defied and would slay him if he could/ either by day or by night/ where soever he could find him. Of his deeds I know no further/ wherefore I have marvel that the king will make war against me for his cause. for as to the covynauntes of marriage between our children by the grace of God/ shall not be broken on my part/ wherefore I have done nothing to him nor to his counsel/ that he should make war against me This was the answer that the duke made to the French kings messengers/ and so when they had tarried a day at Nauntes/ than they took their leave and departed and returned to Man's to the king/ who thought long till he heard their answer/ and as ye have herd before: they declared it to the king and his counsel. The dukes of Berrey & of Burgoyne were well content with the answer and said it was reasonable/ but the king by reason of such information as he had said the contrary: and said sith he was so forward in his journey/ he would not return again in to France nor to Paris/ till he had brought the duke of Bretayne to reason Gladly the two dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne would have modered that voyage/ but they might not be herd/ for the king had taken such displeasure with the duke of britain/ because he sustained sir Peter of craon that no excusation could be taken. The same time a brute ran in France/ that the queen of Arragon my lady yolant of Bare/ cousin germayne to the french king/ had in prison in the city of Barcylona/ a knight that no man knew his name/ men supposed it had been sir Peter of Craon. this queen had written right amiably to the king/ signifying him that the fift day of the month of july/ a knight in good estate and array came to Barcylona/ to have past the sce/ and had hired for his money a ship (as he said) to have sailed in to Napoles/ and because we keep our passages that no stranger shall pass without he be known what he is/ and this knight will not show his name/ therefore we keep him in prison/ & by the abasshment that we see in him/ we think surely it be the same person ye would so fain have. Therefore we writ to you thereof/ that ye should send some person hither/ such as knoweth sir Peter of Craon/ to see if it be he or not/ for what so ever he be he shall not be delivered till we have answer fro you/ and I would that these tidings might be agreeable to you and to your counsel/ as knoweth the holy ghost/ who preserve you. written at Parpygnan the ninth day of july/ by yolante of Bare/ queen of Arragon and of Maiolles/ and lady Sardyne & Sardane. And on the super scryption/ to the redoubted king of France.  
THese tidings somewhat modered divers men's hearts/ so that they were near at the point to have broken their voyage/ how be it such as were sir Oliver of Clyssons friends said/ that those tidings were but feigned tales/ made and devised to break the kings voyage/ saying that sir Peter of Craon was in none other prisoneꝭ but with the duke of Bretayne/ who hath sustained him and doth. Of the queen of Aragon's letter the king made but light/ saying it was but treason and fables. Than the duke of Burgoyne said. Sir yet at lest to a pease my sneeze the queen of Arragon/ and for the deliverance of the knight that is there in prison/ who petaduenture is nothing guilty of this trespass/ send unto her that she may be content with you and with us. I am content therewith quoth the king to please you/ but I believe surely the traitor sir Peter of Craon is in none other Barcylona nor prison/ but about the duke of Bretayne/ and by my faith that I own to saint Denyce/ he shall once make account thereof. There could no man turn the king fro the opinion/ but that sir Peter of Craon was with the duke of Bretaygne. The duke of Bretayne who was well informed of all this business/ thought himself not well assured/ for he saw well the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne could not bring their purpose about/ for sir Oliver of Clyssons friends led the king as they list. Than the duke provided for to keep his towns and garrisons/ how be it he durst keep no town except Wannes'/ Campell/ Doll/ Camper/ Lermyn/ Corantyne/ and Susement/ and he wrote to such knights and squires as he thought should aid him/ but they all dissimuled with him/ because they knew that the french king was so sore displeased with him/ and also they thought it was not a thing covenable for the duke to sustain sir Peter of Craon against the constable of France/ as he did. The duke in a manner repented him that he had done so moche/ how be it his courage and heart was so high that he disdained to speak it/ but said if the king came in to Bretayne/ as it seemed he would do/ at the beginning he would let him alone/ and than shall I see who be my friends or foes/ I will not be to hasty to make him war/ and when he weeneth to be at most rest/ than will I awake him if I can not be a greed with him by love. Thus the duke devised sometime with his counsel/ and thought surely he should have war/ how be it he had not/ for the matters turned otherwise to his great advantage. therefore it is an old proverb/ he is not poor that is happy. This duke was fortunate/ by reason of apytuous incydence that fell suddenly on the french king/ for otherwise the duke was not likely to have scaped all dangers/ and to have lived in peace as he did.  
When the French king had tarried the space of three weeks in the city of Man's/ and the knights returned that he had sent in to Bretayne. Than he said sith he had heard the duke's answer he would no longer tarry there/ for he said the tarrying there greatly displeased him/ and would pass forth in to Bretaygne to see his enemies/ that was the duke of Bretaygne/ who sustained the traitor sir Peter of Craon. The intention of the king was/ that if any knights and squires came against him/ or that he found any towns closed he would put down the duke for ever/ and set a governor in the country till the duke's children were of lawful age/ and than render to them the berytage/ and the duke never to have any part theof. This opinion the king held still and no man could put him therefro. and thus on a fair day about ten of the clock the king departed fro the city of Man's/ and had commanded his marshals the night before to cause all his at my both before and behind to dysloge and to draw to Angers/ and said that he would not return till he had been in Bretayne and destroyed the traitors that had put him to so moche pain and trouble. The marshals did the kings commandment. The day that the king departed was marvelous hoot/ for me son as than naturally was in his chief force/ and to the intent to declare the troth of every thing. The same season that the king lay at Man's/ he was sore travailed with daily sitting in counsel/ and also he was not perfitly hole nor had not been all that season/ he was feeble in his brain and heed/ and did eat or drink but little/ and nigh daily was in a hoot fever/ so that he was greatly annoyed and pained/ and also for the displeasure that he had for the constables hurt/ he was full of melancholy and his spirits sore troubled and travailed/ and that his physicians spied well and so did his uncles/ but they could not remedy it/ for no man durst counsel him to break his voyage in to Bretaygne. And as it was informed me/ as he road forward in the forest of Man's/ a great signification fell to him/ by the which if he had done well he should have called his counsel about him and well advised himself or he had gone any further. Suddenly there came to the king a poor man bore heeded/ bare legged/ and bare footed/ and on his body a poor white cote/ he seemed rather to be a fool than wise/ and boldly suddenly he took the bridle of the kings horse in his hands and stopped the horse and said. Sir king tide no further forward for thou art betrayed. Those words entered into the kings heed/ whereby he was worse disposed in his health than he was before/ so that his heart & his blood was moved. Than the kings servants struck so the poor man that he let the kings horse go/ and made no more of his words than of a fools speaking/ which was folly as divers men said/ for at the lest they should have better examined the man/ and to have seen if he had been a natural fool or no/ and to have known fro whence he came/ but they died not so/ but left him behind/ & he was never seen after to any man's knowledge/ but such as were near to the King heard him speak these words. The king passed forth/ and about twelve of the clock the king passed out of the forest/ and came in to a great plain all sandy. the son also was in his height & shone bright/ whose rays were marvelously hot/ whereby the horses were sore chafed/ and all such persons as were armed were sore oppressed with heat. The knights road together by companies/ some here and some there/ and the king road somewhat a part because of the dust/ and the duke of Berrey and the Duke of Burgoyne road on his left hand talking together/ an acre breed of land of fro the king. Other lords as the earl of March/ sir jaques of Burbone/ sir Charles de la breath/ sir Phylyppe Darthoys/ sir Henry and sir Phylip of Bare sir Peter of Naver and other knights road by companies. the duke of Bourbon/ the lord Coucy/ sir Charles Dangers/ the baron Dyviry & divers other road on before the king/ and not in his company/ and they devised and talked together/ and took no heed of that fell suddenly on the chief parsonage of the company/ which was on the kings own person/ therefore the works of god are marvelous/ and his scourges are cruel and are to be doubted of all creatures. There hath been seen in the old testament and also in the new/ many figures and examples thereof. We read how Nabugodonosor king of Assyryens/ who reigned a season in such triumphant glory/ that there was none like him/ and suddenly in his greatest force and glory/ the sovereign king out lord god king of Heaven and of earth/ fourmer and ordeyner of all things/ a parelled this said king in such wise that he lost his wit and reign and was seven years in that estate/ and lived by acorns and mast that fell fro the Oaks/ and other wild appels and fruits/ and had taste but as a boar or a swine. and after he had endured this penance god restored him again to his memory and wit. And than he said to Danyell the prophet/ that there was none other god/ but the god of Israel. Now the father/ the son/ and the holy ghost/ three persons in one god/ hath been/ is/ and ever shall be as puissant to show his work as ever he was/ wherefore no man should marvel of any thing that he doth. Now to the purpose why I speak all these words. A great influence fro heaven fell the said day upon the french king/ and as divers said/ it was his own fault/ for according to the disposition of his body/ and the state that he was in/ and the warning that his physicians did give him/ he should not have ridden in such a hoot day/ at that hour/ but rather in the morning and in the evening in the fresh air/ wherefore it was a shame to them that were near about him/ to suffer or to counsel him to do as he did. Thus as the french king road upon a fair plain in the heat of the Son/ which was as than of a marvelous height/ and the king had on a ●ac●e covered with black velvet/ which sore chafed him/ and on his heed a single bonnet of scarlet/ and a chapelet of great pearls/ which the queen had given him at his departure/ and he had a page that road behind him/ beating on his heed a chapewe of Montaban/ bright and clear shining against the son/ and behind that page road another bearing the kings spear/ painted red/ and frynged with silk/ with a sharp heed of steel/ the lord de la river had brought a dosyn of them with him fro Tholouse/ and that was one of them he had given the hole dosyn to the king/ and the king had given three of them to his brother the duke of orleans/ and three to the duke of Bourbon. And as they road thus forth the page that bore the spear/ whether it were by negligence or that he fell a sleep/ he let the spear fall on the other page's heed that road before him/ and the heed of the spear made a great classhe on the bright chapewe of steel. The king (who road but afore them) with the noise suddenly started/ and his heart trymbled/ and in to his imagination ran the inpressyon of the words of the man that stopped his horse in the forest of Man's/ and it ran in to his thought/ that his enemies ran after him to slay and destroy him/ and with that abusion he fell out of his wit by feebleness of his heed/ & dashed his spurs to his horse/ and drew out he sword/ and turned to his pages/ having no knowledge of any man/ weening in himself to be in a battle enclosed with his enemies/ and lift up his sword to strike he cared not where/ and cried and said. On on upon these traitors. When the pages saw the king so inflamed with Ire/ they took good heed to themself/ as it was tyme. They thought the king had been disposed because the spear fell down/ than they stepped away fro the king. The duke of orleans was not as than far of fro the king. The king came to him with his naked sword in his hand. The king was as than in such a fransey/ and his heart so feeble/ that he neither knew brother nor uncle. When the duke of orleans saw the king coming on him with his sword naked in his hard ●he was abashed and would not abide him/ he wist not what he mente/ he dashed his spurs to his horse and road away/ and the king after him. The duke of Burgoyne who road a little way of fro the king when he heard the rushing of the horses/ and heard the pages cry/ he regarded that way/ and saw how the king with his naked sword chased his brother the duke of orleans/ he was sore abashed & said. Out harowe what mischief is this/ the king is not in his right mind/ god help him. Fly away nephew/ fly away/ for the king would slay you. The duke of orleans was not well assured of himself/ and fled away as fast as his horse might bear him/ and knights and squires followed after/ every man began to draw thither. Such as were far of thought they had chafed an hare or a wolf/ till at last they herd that the King was not well in his mind. The duke of orleans saved himself. Than men of arms came all about the king/ and suffered him to weary himself/ and the more that he travailed the feebler he was/ and when he struck at any man/ they would fall down before the stroke. At this matter there was no hurt/ but many overthrown/ for there was none that made any defence. Finally/ when the king was well ●eryed/ and his horse sore chafed with sw●te/ and great heat/ a knight of Normandy one of the kings chamber ●aynes/ whom the king loved very well/ called Gyllyam Martell● he came behind the king suddenly and took him in his arms/ and held him still. Than all other approached/ and took the sword out of his hands/ and took him down fro his horse and did of his ●acke three refresh him. Than came his brother and his 〈◊〉 uncles but he had clean lost the knowledge of them/ and rolled his eyen in his heed marvelously/ and spoke to no man. The lords of his blood were sore abashed and wist not what to said or do. Than the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne said/ it behoveth us to recourne to Man's/ this voyage is done for this tyme. They said not as much as they thought/ but they showed it right well after when they came to Paris/ to such as they loved not/ as ye shall here after.  
REasonably to consider all things according to the truth/ it was great pity that the french king (who as at that time was reputed for the most noble and puissant king in all christendom/ fell so suddenly out of his mind with out remedy/ but as god would. than the king was laid in a horse lyttoure/ and so brought back again to the City of Mans. Than the marshals gave knowledge to all the army/ that they should return/ and how that the voyage was broken as at that tyme. some had knowledge why/ and some not. The night that the king came to Man's/ the physicians had much a do with him/ and the lords of the blood royal had great trouble. Every man spoke than in dyuer● manners. some said that such as had the rule about the king had poisoned him/ to bring the Realm of France in to shame and trouble. These words multiplied in such wise that the duke of orleans and his uncles and other lords of the blood royal noted them/ and spoke together and said. How say you sirs/ have ye not herd these words/ and how men do murmur in dyvets places upon them that hath had the governance of the king. some saith he should be poisoned/ let us sertche how this may be known. Than some of them said how it should be best known by the physicians/ they aught to know it/ for they are acquainted with his complexion. The physicians were sent for and examined. They answered how the king of long time had engendered the same malady/ for we knew well the weakness of his brain would sore trouble him/ and at last show itself/ we have said as much before this tyme. Than the duke of Burgoyne said. Sirs it is true/ and therein ye did well acquit yourself/ but he would neither believe you nor us his affeciyon was so sore set upon this voyage/ it was devised in an evil tyme. This voyage hath dishonoured us all. It had been better that Clysson/ and all those of his affinity had been deed many a day agone/ rather than the king to have taken this malady. These tidings shall spread abroad in many places/ and seeing that he is but a young man/ the blame shall be laid in us that be his uncles/ and of his blood/ men will say that we should otherwise have counseled him. Thus we shall be laid in the fault without cause. but sirs quoth the duke/ yesterday when he went to dyner/ were ye with him? The physicians answered and said yes. Did he eat his meat well quoth the duke? No certainly quoth they/ he did eat and drink but little/ but sat and mused. And who gave him drink last quoth the duke? Sir quod they we can not tell you that/ for as soon as the table was taken up/ we departed and made us ready to ride/ but his chamberlayns or butler's can tell that best. Than Robert de Tulles a squire of Pycardy was sent for/ and demanded who gave the king drink last. Sirs quoth he/ sir Robert of Lygnac. Than he was sent for. Than he was inquired where he had the wine that the king drank last of in his chamber when he went to his horse. Sir quod he/ here is Roberte of Tulles and I/ we took the say in the presence of the king. That is true quod Roberte of Tulles/ ye need not doubt therein nor have no suspeciousnesse/ for as yet there is of the same wine in the flagons/ whereof we will drink and assay before you. Than the duke of Berrey said/ this need not/ for surely the king is not poisoned/ his malady proceedeth of evil counsel/ it is no time to speak of this matter now/ let all alone till another season. ⸪  
THus after this manner these lords departed each fro other that night/ and went to their lodgyage. Than the kings uncles had ordained four knights of honour to wait about the king/ as sir raynold du Royꝭsyr raynold of toy/ the lord Grauseers/ & sir Gyllyam of mart/ and the kings uncles sent commandment to the lord dela river and to sir Iohn Mercyer/ to Montagu/ to the Begu of villains/ to sir Gullyam of Boards/ and to sir Helyon of Lygnac/ that they should in no wise come about the king/ till he were in better estate. The next day the kings uncles came to see the king/ and found him right feeble. Than they demanded what rest he had taken that night. They were answered/ but small rest. That is poor news quoth the duke of Burgoyn. And than to them came the duke of orleans/ and so went all together to the king/ and demanded of him how he did. He gave none answer/ and looked strangely on them/ and had lost clean the knowledge of them. These lords were sore abashed/ and communed together and said. We have no more here to do/ the king is in an herd case/ we do him more trouble than aid or good. Let us recommend him to his chaumberlayns and physicians/ they can best take heed to him/ let us go study how the realm may be governed/ or else things will go amiss. Than the duke of Burgoyne said to the duke of Berrey. Fair brother it is best we draw to Paris/ and ordain to have the king easily brought thither/ for better we shall take heed on him there than here in these parties/ & when we be there let us assemble all the counsel of France/ and ordain who shall have the governance of the realm/ the duke of Orlayunce or we. That is well said quod the duke of Berrey/ it were good we studied where were best to have the king to lie that he might the sooner recover his health. Than it was devised that he should be brought to the castle of Crayell/ where is good air/ and a fair country on the river of Oyse. when this was ordained than all the men of war had leave to depart/ and were commanded by the marshals every man to return peaceably in to his own country/ without doing of any violence or damage to the countries as they should pass through/ and if any did/ their lords and captains to make a mends. And the kings two uncles and the chancellor of France sent anon sundry messengers to the good Cities and towns of France/ that they should take good heed to keep well their towns/ considering that the king was not well disposed in his health. Their commandments were fulfilled. The people of the realm of France were sore abashed when they knew how the king was fallen sick and in a fransey/ and men spoke largely against them that counseled the king to go in to Bretaygne. And some other said/ how the king was betrayed by them that bore the duke of Bretaygne and sir Peter Craon against the king. Men could not be let/ but that they would speak/ the matter was so high that words ran thereof diversely. Thus finally the king was brought to Crayell/ and there left in the keeping of his physicians/ and of the said four knights. Than every man departed. And it was commanded to hide and to keep secret the kings malady fro the knowledge of the queen for a season/ for as than she was great with child. and all of her court were commanded to keep it secret on pain of great punishment. Thus the king was at Crayell/ in the marches of Seulis and of Compyen/ on the river of Oyse/ and kept by the said knights and physicans/ who gave him medicyns/ but for all that he recovered but little health. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the dukes of Burgoyn and Berrey uncles to the king had the governance of the realm/ & how they chased and took such as governed the king before. Cap. C.lxxxix.  
IN this season there was in the realm of France a wise and a sage physician/ the brewte was that there was none like him/ and he was well be loved with the lord Coucy/ he was native of his country. As at that time his a biding was in the city of Laon/ he was called master Guylliam of Harsley. When he knew first the kings malady/ and by what accident he fell sick/ he said as he that thought himself to know the kings compleryon/ how this malady is fallen to the king through fault his complexion holdeth to much of the moister of the see. these words were reported to the lord Coucy/ who was as than at Paris with the duke of orleans and with the kings uncles/ for as than the counsel of France the noble men and prelate's were at Paris/ to determine who should have the governance of the realm/ as long as the king should be in that malady/ either his brother the duke of orleans/ or his two uncles/ or one of them. upon this communication they were a xu days or they agreed. Finally it was concluded because the duke of orleans was very young to take on him so great a charge/ that the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne should have the governance of the realm/ and specially the duke of Burgoyne/ and that the duchess of Burgoyne should be about the queen and to be as second person. Thus as I have said before the lord of Coucy showed to the kings uncles/ the great wisdom and practise of the said physician/ master Guyllyam Harseley. When the dukes heard that they sent for him/ and so he came to Paris. And than the lord of Covey presented him to the kings uncles/ and said. My lords behold here is master Guyllyam Harseley/ that I showed you of. He is right welcome quoth the dukes/ they received him and made him good cheer/ and ordained him to go to Crayell to visit the king/ and to abide about him till he had recovered his health. Than the said master at their commandment went to Crayell to the king/ and had the chief over sight of ministering any thing to the king/ and he saw well the kings malady was curable/ and saw how he had taken it by reason of feebleness of his heart and heed/ and through fault/ therefore he did his diligence to recover his health.  
THe tidings of the kings malady spread far abroad/ but who so ever was sorry/ ye may well know the duke of Bretaygne nor sir Peter of Craon wept never a deal/ nor had no great sorrow. Also when pope Boryface of Rome and his cardinals know the truth/ they were right joyful/ and drew together in consistory/ and said how their greatest enemy the French king was beaten with a cruel rod/ seeing god had taken fro him his wit/ and said how that influence was sent to him fro heaven to chastise him withal/ because he had so much sustained the pope at Avignon/ therefore this cruel plague was sent to him to cause the hole realm to be better advised/ therefore they said their quarrel was the stronger. And truly to have wisely considered every thing it was a great token to have caused the cardinals at Auygnon to have been advised/ but they made but little force thereof/ neither to the honour of god nor to the realm/ for the pope at Avignon and his cardinals said/ how by reason that the king was young/ and would have his own will/ thereby he is fallen in to this malady/ through fault/ for such as have had the rule about him/ have not done their duty/ but have suffered him to run on the bridle/ and to ride night and day excessively in traveling of his body out of measure. therefore such as hath had the rule ought to be charged therewith/ and none other/ for it is through their fault/ for if they had ordered him in his youth/ and so continued by a reasonable regiment/ and have followed the counsel of his uncles/ this sickness had not fallen to him now. Also he hath broken his promise against reason/ for he promised the year passed and swore by the words of a king/ that he would so ordain to destroy the antepape at Rome and his cardinals/ and to subdue the schism of the church/ and to set the matters that be in trouble in good estate/ which is nothing done/ but hath done contrary to his promise/ wherewith god is disposed/ and to cause him better to advise himself/ he hath punished him with this cruel rod. And if he return to helte/ as he may well do/ than it shall behove us to send to him sufficient legates/ to show him wisely the default and breaking of his promise/ that he forget it not by reason of our negligence.  
THus the pope and his cardinals at Avignon spoke and communed together/ and laid the default of the kings malady/ on the counsel of France/ and on such as were about the king in his chamber. Of the same opinion were many other folks in the realm of France. They that were about the king sense the kings offering to a town called Aresnecke/ in the county of Heynaulte/ between Cambrey & Valencennes. In the which town there was a Church/ pertaining to an abbey of saint Waste in Arrasce/ wherein there lieth a saint called saint Acquayre/ of whom there is a shrme of silver/ which pilgrimage is sought far and near/ for the malady or frasey. thither was sent a man of wax/ representing the French king/ and was humbly offered to the saint/ that he might be mean to God/ to assuage the kings malady/ and to send him health. In likewise the kings offering was sent to saint Hermyer in Romayes/ which saint had meryce to heal the Fransey. And in likewise o●ryngꝭ were sent in to other places for the same intent. When the tidings were come in to England/ the king and his counsel were sore troubled therewith/ and specially the duke of Lancastre/ and he said to such knights and squires as were about him. Sirs/ surely it is great pytic of the French king/ for he seemed to be a man of great enterprise/ and of great desire to do well. He said to me at amiens when I departed fro him. Fair cousin or lancaster/ I desire you heartily to do your diligence/ that a firm peace may be made between our nephew the king of England and us/ and our realms/ to the intent that we might go together against Lamorabaquyn/ who hath conquered the Realm of Armony/ and doth that he can to destroy Christendom. By our goyne thither our faith should be exalted/ & we are all bound thereto. And now by the French kings malady the matter is sore letted and hindered for he shall never be of the credence he was of before. All that heard the duke said. It was true/ and that it was like to be great trouble in France.  
Thus all manner of people both tar and near spoke and devised of the kings malady/ and the king lay still at Crayle/ in the keeping of the foresaid knights/ & of master Guyllyam of Harsely: And no man spoke with the king/ nor entered in to the castle but such as were ordained thereto. Sometime the duke of orleans and the duke of Burbone/ came thither to visit the king/ and the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne lay still at Paris/ and had done nothing of new/ but they were in purpose shortly to do somewhat/ against such as they loved not/ because they had been always hard to them before. and the duke of Berrey said to the duke of Burgoyne. Brother/ le river/ Clysson/ le Mercyer/ and the Begue of Vallayns/ when they were with the king in Languedocke/ ccuelly they punished to death/ my treasurer and good servant Betysache by ewy. And for all that I could do or say/ I could not get him out of their hands/ nor save his lyre. Therefore now let them beware or me/ for I shall pay them again with the same money/ forged in the same forge. In likewise the duke of Burgoyne could not jove them that governed the king for ever whane he had any business to do in the court/ they were ever against him. Also the same time the duchess of Burgoyne/ who was a cruel lady/ was about the queen as chief ruler/ and non spoke with the queen but by her means.  
THis lady hated mortally sir Oliver of Clyisone for love of the duke of Bretayne/ for he was near of blood to her/ and often times she spoke to the duke her husband/ saying how he was greatly to blame to bear so moche sir Oliver of Clisson against so mighty a prince/ as the duke of Brecaygne. And the duke of Burgoyne/ who was a cold/ a sage/ and an imaginative prince/ and died his business always at length/ and would not willing bring the realm of France in to trouble/ but always willing to keep all parties in love and peace/ as near as he might. And also as he that was never willing to displease any of the great lord answered right sagely & wisely to his wife. Dame qd he/ it is good in all times somewhat to dissymnle a mannes displeasure. True it is our cousin of Bretayne is a great lord/ & hath signory & puissance enough against sir Oliver of Clysson/ if I had taken his part against Clysson/ it should greatly have weaked the Realm of France. For sir Oliver of Clyssone saith and sustaineth/ that all the hate that he hath to the Duke of Bretaygne/ is to sustain up the realm of France wherein we have great part. And also this is the common renome in France. Also (as yet) I have seen no article/ wherein I should take part with my cousin of Bretaygne against sir Oliver of Clysson. therefore it hath behoved me to dissimule/ or else can could not have had the good will of the king nor of the realm/ whereto I am more bound by faith and service/ than to the duke of Bretaygne. Now it is so that the king is not in good case (as ye know well) and all this is against the lord Clisson/ and shallbe. and to such as have given counsel against us/ my brother of Berrey and me/ that the king should proceed in his journey to Bretaygne The rod is gathered wherewith they shall be shortly beaten and corrected: as ye shall briefly here/ if yet will take a little patience.  
Dame dame/ there is no season/ but at last is paid: Nor no fortune/ but that sometime turneth: Nor heart troubled/ but sometime again rejoiceth: Nor none that is joyful/ but sometime is sorry and troubled. Clysson/ le river/ Montague/ le Mercyer/ & le villains: they have done evil/ and that shallbe showed them briefly. With such like words the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess his wife sported them together.  
ON a day it happened that the duke of Burgoyne and the duke of Berrey communed secretly together/ & said. It were time that we began to destroy them that have dishonoured our nephew the king/ and have led him at their wills. And first let us begin at the constable/ he is the greatest and hath most to lose/ for this other day he made his testament of sevyntene hundred thousand franks. Where the devil hath he gathered together all that richesse? And yet the marry age of his daughter to johan of Bretayne/ whom he delivered out of prison in England and paid for his ransom two hundred thousand franks of England. Let us see what points we can lay to him by reason/ for our nephew the duke of orleans beareth him greatly/ and so do divers other barons of France. How be it and we stick thereto/ we shall find matter enough to him by law and parliament. That is true quoth the duke of Burgoyne. And the first time that he cometh to speak with me (and that I think will be or to morrow at night) I shall so receive him/ that he shall well know that I love him not/ and if he come to you good brother of Berrey do likewise. That shall be done quoth he/ and so departed at that tyme.  
SO it fortuned that the lord of Clysson/ who knew nothing but that he had been in good grace with the said dukes. And certain knights & squires (such as had been in the said voyage with the king) came to the constable/ & were sent by the chancellor and treasurers to him/ to pursue for money for their wages. Whereupon in a morning he came to the house of Arthois in Paris/ to show the state of the business to the duke of Burgoyne/ and to none other/ because he had the hole governance of the realm of France. when he came thither he entered in to the court/ for the porter had let him in. Than he a lighted and mounted the steers in to the hall/ alone lie acompanyed with one squire/ and in the hall he found ii squires of the dukes. than he demanded if he might speak with the duke or not. Sir qd they we can not tell you/ tarry here and we shall go & know his pleasure. The squires entered in to the duke's chamber and found him at good leisure/ talking with an herald/ who was come fro a great feast that had been holden in Almaigne. Than the squires said. Sir/ the Constable is in your hall/ and saith he is come to speak with you if it be your pleasure. A goddesname quod the duke let him come in/ we be at good leisure to here what he will say. One of the squires went in to the hall and said to the constable. sir come on/ my lord will have you to come in. The constable entered/ and when the duke saw him he changed colour/ and repent in that he had caused him to come in to his chamber/ and yet he had great desire to speak with him. The Constable died of his hat and made his reverence to the duke & said. Sir I am come to you/ to know of the state and governance of the realm/ and how every thing shallbe ordered/ for by reason of mine office I am daily called upon/ and as now/ you and my lord of Berrey have the rule/ therefore it may please you to show me what I shall do. The duke lightly answered and said. Clysson Clysson/ ye have nothing to do to busy you with the governing of the realm/ ye have meddled therewith to long/ and in an evil tyme. How the devil have ye gathered such richesse/ as ye made your testament of but late? The king nor my brother of Berrey nor I/ have not so moche. Go your way depart out of my presence/ and let me no more see you/ for and it were not for my shame/ I should put out your better eye. And therewith the duke departed and left the lord Clysson alone/ who issued out of the chamber and hanged down his heed/ and so passed through the hall/ and in the court took his horse with his company/ and returned privily in to his lodging without speaking of any word. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How sir Oliver of Clysson Constable of France departed out of Paris/ after the answer that the duke of Burgoyne had made him/ and went to Mount le Heury/ and fro thence in to Bretayne. Cap. C.xc  
When the lord of Clysson was returned to his lodging/ he was in many imaginations/ to remember what was best for him to do. for he perceived well the matters went but evil for him/ nor he wist not to whom to make his complaint/ nor to declare his business/ for the duke of orleans was at Crayell. and though he had been at Paris/ yet it lay not in his power to defend him/ and he feared lest the duke of Burgoyne would have caused him to be arrested/ and to spoil his house. Wherefore he durst not abide that adventure/ but shortly made him ready/ and showed to certain of his servants what he would do. And against night he went out of his lodging privily on the backside and but three persons with him/ and issued out of Paris at the gate of saint Anchony/ and passed the river of Seyne at the bridge of Charenton. And rood so long that he came to a Castle of his own/ a six leagues fro Paris/ called Mount le Heury/ and there tarried till he hero other tidings. The same day that the duke of Burgoyne had spoken with the Constable. The duke of Berrey and he met together/ for they assembled at the palace to commune together of certain matters/ touching the Realm. Than the duke of Burgoyne showed his brother what he had said to sir Oliver of Clysson. The duke of Berrey answered and said. ye have done well/ for we must have a beginning to enter upon them. For surely Clysson/ le river/ Mercier and Montague/ have rob the realm of France/ but the time is come that they shall leave all yea/ and lose their lives/ and I may be believed.  
THe same proper day that the Constable departed/ Montague in likewise departed secretly/ by the gate saint Anthony/ and took the way to Trois in champagne and in to Burgoyne/ & said he would not rest till he came to Auygnon/ for thither he had sent before the chief of his richesse/ and left a certain with his wife to keep her estate courteously. For he saw well sith the king had lost his wit/ that all matters should go but evil for him. for he saw how the dukes of Burgoyne and Berrey would not speak to him. Sir johan Mercier in likewise would fain have been gone and he might/ But there was such watch laid on him/ that he could not go out of his lodging/ without knowledge. And such of his goods as he had saved before/ stood him in right good stead afterward. For as much as could be found of his/ was departed between the dukes of Burgoyn and Berrey/ and he was committed by them to prison/ in to the castle of Louvre. And in likewise so was commanded the Begue of villains earl of Rebydewe in Spain. There were men sent to the house of Montague/ but he was not found/ nor no man knew where that he was become. In lykecase to the Constable's house to have had him to prison but he could not be found/ for there was no man there but the kepar/ who knew nothing where he was become. And within two days after/ it was known that he was at his castle of Mount le Heury. When the dukes that loved him not knew that/ they ordained the Barroys of Bars/ sir Iohn of castle Morant/ the lord of Coucy/ and sir William of Tremoyle/ with three hundred spears to go thither/ and commanded them to besiege the Town and castle/ and not to depart thence/ till they had brought sir Oliver of Clysson to them/ either quick or deed. These knights died as they were commanded/ they durst do none otherwise/ for the two dukes had the administration of the realm. So they departed fro Paris with a three hundred spears/ but not all at one time but in five parts/ to the intent to be the less known. But god aided so well the Constable/ and had so good friends of some in that company/ that he had such warning/ that he took no damage/ for he and his company departed and road by covert ways through woods/ and left closed towns/ so that at last he came surely in to Bretaygne/ and entered in to a castle of his own called the castle joselyn/ and there tarried to here other news. For all that the Barrois or Bars and the other knights in his company/ let not to do their enterprise as they were charged/ but came to Mount le Heury/ and entered in to the town/ and besieged the castle and tarried there all a night/ weening that the Constable had been within/ but he was gone/ as ye have herd: and the next morning they thought to assault the Castle. The servants within the castle sent out to know what they would have/ or what they demanded. They said they would have sir Oliver of Clysson/ & therefore they were come. They answered and said/ that he was departed thence four days passed/ and offered to open the gates to sertche for him. the knights went in to the castle with all their company armed/ for scare of enbusshement within the castle. They sertched high and low and found for truth that he was not there. than they departed and returned to Paris/ and showed how they had sped.  
When the dukes of Burgoyne & Berrey knew that sir Oliver Clysson was scaped/ they were sore displeased/ and the dukes of orleans and of Burbone right joyful. Than the duke of Burgoyne said. It seemeth well that he doubteth himself/ saying he is fled away. yet for all that he is so quit/ we shall cause him to come again shortly/ or less he shall lose all that he hath/ that we can set our hands on. for we have to lay to his charge/ divers articles unreasonable/ which require judgement of punisyon. and if such as be great be not corrected/ the matters shall not be equally proportioned/ for such as be but small personages shall grudge/ and say they have wrong to be punished/ and the great to scape. therefore justice ought to be equal/ and to spare neither great nor small/ whereby any ensample should grow. Thus the duke of Burgoyn devised of sir Oliver of Clysson/ who was in Bretaygne/ in his castle called joselyn/ which fortress was well provided for of all things necessary. When the Barrois of Bars was returned to Paris/ and had showed that sir Oliver of Clysson was departed fro Mount le Heury/ and gone to the castle of joselyn in Bretayne. Than he was commanded to go to amiens & there to take the lord de la river. The next day he road with his company to amiens/ a fair fortress beside Charters/ which the lord de la river held by right of his wife/ the lady of Mans. He had greatly amended that castle/ and was well-beloved of the men of his country/ for he loved always nothing but troth. Than the duke's commissyoners came thither and died as they had in charge/ and found the lord de la river there/ and his wife & his children. the knight looked for nothing else/ for he might have been gone before if he had list/ for he had knowledge that sir johan Mercyer and the earl of Ribydewe were in prison/ and that the Constable was fled in to Bretaygne. And he was counseled before by one of his friends/ who said to him. Sir/ save yourself/ for the envious do now reign/ and fortune as now is on their sides. He answered and said. Here and else where/ I am at the pleasure of god. If I should fly or hide myself/ I should yield myself guilty/ where I know my self clear. God hath given me that I have/ and he may take it fro me when it is his pleasure. The will of god be fulfilled. I have served king Charles/ and now his son well and truly. My service hath been well known with them/ and they have greatly rewarded me. And seeing that I have so truly served at their commandments/ and travailed for the business of the realm of France/ I dare well abide the judgement of the parliament chamber in Paris. and if they can find any fault in my deeds or words/ let me be punished. Thus the lord de la river said to his wife and to his counsel. This he said or the duke's commissioners came to his castle. At last one showed him and said. Sir/ here cometh such men and such with a great army. Now say you/ shall we open the gates or not? yea quoth he what else/ they are welcome. Therewith he went and met them/ and received them one after another right honourably. Thus they all entered in to the castle of Mans. Than the barroys of Bars when they were within the hall executed his commandment/ and arrested the lord de la river/ who obeyed meek lie. Thus he was prisoner in his own castle of Mans. It may well be thought that the good lady his wife was sore discomfited/ when she saw fortune courne her wheel/ against her lord and husband/ and also she doubted the conclusion.  
THus the lord de la river was prisoner in his own Castle of Mains. And anon after he was sent for by them that had the governance/ both of the temporalty and of the spirytualtie. For pope Clement of Avignon had nothing in the realm of France/ but by their means. The lord de la river was brought to Paris/ and set in prison in the castle of Louvre. Many men in the realm of France had great pity on him/ how be it they durst not speak but privily. The people cared not so much for the trouble of sir johan Mercyer/ as they died for the lord de la river. For he was always sweet/ curtess/ meek/ patient/ and gencyll to poor men: and a good mean always for them that might not be herd. It was said daily in Paris/ that these prisoners should lose their heeds. And a slander ran upon them/ how they were traitors against the crown of France/ and pilled the realm/ and thereby kept their great ports and estates: and made fair houses/ castles/ & buildings. And other poor knights and squires/ such as had adventured their bodies & members in deeds of arms/ and served truly the realm of France/ and had sold and laid to pledge their heritages/ & yet could not be paid/ for that they had served/ Nother by the constable nor by none of them that were in prison: nor by Montague that was fled. The envious condemned and judged them to die. So by reason of this they were in great danger/ and also it was said that by their counsel the king took on him the journey in to Bretaygne/ whereby he fell in to that malady of Fransey/ and had given him drinks of poison at their pleasure and how that the kings physicians could not be herd nor believed/ by reason of them. Such matters were laid to the lord de la Rivers charge and to sir johan Mercyer/ that they were delivered out of the Castle of Louvre/ in to the hands of the provost of Paris/ and put in to the castle of saint Anthony/ in the keeping of the Viscount of Achy who as than was Chateleyne there. When it was known that they were there/ than the common brute ran/ that they should be executed to death. But to say truth/ there was no cause why to trouble them. For such as hated them/ could find in their conscience/ no cause why they ought to die. But every day they were borne in hand/ and it was said to them. Sirs/ think on your soul's/ for as for your bodies are but lost/ for ye are judged to die/ and for to be beheaded. In this case they were in prison a great space. The Begue of villains a right valiant knight in arms/ of the country of Beance/ who was in prison also for the same cause. He had such friends and was so aided that he was delivered out of prison/ and was clean pardoned of all things. And such as were of his lineage/ as sir Barroys & other/ counseled him to go in to castle/ where as he had fair heritages/ by reason of his wife/ countess of Ribydewe/ and as he was counseled so he dyede. And as soon as he might departed out of France & went in to castle/ and the other two knights remained still in prison/ in danger of losing of their lives.  
ALl the movable and unmovable gods and possessions pertaining to sir johan Mercyer within Paris and without/ in the realm of France/ that might be laid hand on/ was taken as goods forfeit/ and given to other persons. his fair house of the bridge of Aubumen in the diocese of Laon/ which had cost him a great good/ was given to the lord Coucy/ with all the appurtenance. I know not whether the lord of Coucy desired it or not/ but sir johan Mercier was disherited/ he and his heirs for ever. Also the lord de la river was sore handled. True it was/ all his movables was taken away/ and such lands as he had bought/ reserving to the lady of Man's his wife all her heritages/ which came by her by father & mother. Also he had a young damosel to his daughter of ten year or age/ who was married to a young gentleman called jaques of Chastellon/ son to sir Hugh of Chastellon/ who had been before master of the crossbows of France. and he was heir to his father/ and had fair heritages/ and was likely to enjoy more/ how be it against the young man's mind/ he was dismaryed. And married again to another gentlewoman/ at the pleasure of the duke of Burgoyne and of the lord de la Tremoyle/ who took on them that quarrel. more over/ the lord de la River had a son to his heir/ which son was married to the daughter of the earl Dampmartyne. And the earl had no more children nor was not like to have which daughter was his heir. And the duke would have broken that marriage/ & have married her unto an heir of blood/ But the earl Dampmartyne like a valiant knight would not/ but said. As long as the lord de la Rivers son had life in his body/ his daughter should have none other husband and said/ he would put her heritage in to such men's hands/ that he trusted such as would wrongfully have it/ should not attain thereto. When the earls mind was known they let him alone. So that marriage stood still/ but the first marriage was broken/ and pope Clement made a dispensation whether he would or not/ for as at that time the pope had no more puissance in France/ Than such as the governors would consent to. The church was so subject/ what by reason of the Schism/ and by them that governed France. Many men specially in the realm of France/ excused greatly the lord de la river/ but all that would not serve/ For none durst speak though they saw the matter never so clear. Except all only the valiant lady jane of Boloyne/ duchess of Berrey. Oftentimes the good lady would fall on her knees before her husband/ holding up her hands and saying. Ah sir/ ye suffer to much the envious to inform you so wrongfully/ against the valiant knight. The lord de la river he hath clearly wrong/ there is none that dare speak for him but I. And sir/ I will ye know that if he die thus/ I shall never have joy in this world/ but I shall always continue still in sorrow and heaviness/ for he is a true and a valiant knight. Ah sir/ ye consider but little the fair service that he hath done to you or this time: the pains and travail that he hath had for you and for me/ to bring us together in marriage. I say it not for any thing of boasting of myself/ for I am but little worth in comparison to you. But when ye would needs have me/ ye remember how hard the earl of Foiz was to you/ with whom I was brought up/ And if the sweet words/ and wise demeanour of the lord de la river had not been/ I had never come in to your company/ but I had been rather as now in England. For the duke of Lancastre would have had me for his son the earl of Derby/ and the earl of Foiz inclined rather that way than to you. Right dear sir/ ye aught to remember this/ for all that I say is true. Wherefore I require you right humbly/ that this gentle knight who brought me to you/ have no damage of his body nor of his members. The duke of Berrey who saw his wife fair and gentle/ and loved her with all his heart/ and also knew well that all she had said was true/ it molifyed greatly his heart towards the lord de la river/ and to appease his wife/ because he saw she spoke with good heart/ said unto her. Dame as god help me I would it had cost me twenty thousand franks/ on the condition the lord de la river had never made forfette to the crown of France/ for before this malady came to the king/ I loved him entirely/ and took him for a wise and a sage knight. but sith ye desire so effectuously for him I will do no displeasure to him/ he shall far much the better at your instance/ and for your sake I shall do as much for him as my power may extend/ and rather at your desire than and all the realm had spoken for him/ for surely I see well it is alms to help him/ and I believe he hath no advocate but you. Thus the lady was well pleased with her lords words/ for surely and she had not been he had been deed/ but for her sake the duke of Berrey dissimuled the matter/ and that was happy for sir johan Mercyer/ for he and the lord de la river were accused for one cause/ wherefore the dukes had conscience to cause one to die and not the other/ how be it for all the promise that was made to them/ yet they thought themself not well assured of their lives/ as long as they were in prison/ for they saw well they had as than many enemies/ who as than reigned and were in their prosperity/ and some were right angry that they were saved so long/ and they could amended it. Sir johan Mercyer being in prison wept so continually/ that he had almost lost his sight/ it was pity to see his lamentation.  
While these two knights were thus in prison more than a year/ and no man knew what end should come of them. Than the dukes and their counsel did all that they could to have taken sir Oliver Clysson/ and to have put him fro his honour and office. They had rather have had him than all the residue/ but he kept himself out of their hands/ wherein he did wisely/ for if he had been taken they had so ordained for him/ that he should have had judgement of death without remedy/ and all for envy to have pleased thereby his adversary the duke of Bretaygne/ who never did good in the realm of France. when the lords saw that he was scaped their hands/ they took other advise/ & did as ye shall here. They summoned him to apere in the parliament chamber at Paris/ to answer to such articles as he was accused of/ on pain to lose his honour and to be banished the realm of France/ certain commissioners were sent in to Bretaygne to summon him to apere. They that were sent road in to Bretaygne/ and demanded where as they came where sir Oliver of Clysson was/ and said how they were sent by the king to speak with the constable/ wherefore they desired to know where he was. The men of such towns and garrisons as held of the constable were determined before what answer to make/ and said/ sirs ye be welcome/ and if ye will speak with the counstable ye must go in to such a place/ there we think ye shall find him without fault. So the commissioners were sent fro town to town/ but they could not find him. And so long they sought that they were weary/ and so returned to Paris/ and declared what they had seen and found. such as had accused him were glad that he dalte so/ for than they said his falseness was plainly showed/ and thereby according to reason they said he should have as he had deserved. Than by the course of the parliament they proceeded to all his sommonynges/ to th'intent that such as loved him should not say he had any wrong/ by Envy or hatred. And when all his xu sommonynges were accompilsshed/ and that they could hear no tidings of him/ nor of his aparaunce/ and that he had been openly called at the parliament chamber door/ and on the steyres/ and in the court/ with all other seremonyes thereto belonging/ and no answer made for him/ he had process made against him cruelly in the parliament. There he was openly banished the realm of France as a false traitor against the crown of France/ and judged to pay a hundred thousand mark of silver for the extortions he had done/ and for that he had so traftely in time passed occupied the office of the constablery of France/ and therefore to lose for ever without recovery the said office. At the giving of this sentence the duke of Orleaunet was desired to be present/ but he would not/ & excused himself/ but the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyn were there with many other great lords of the Realm of France. Thus a man may see the walks of fortune/ how farm and stable they be/ saying how this good and valiant knight/ who in his days had so much travailed for the realm of France/ and as than was put to so moche shame/ as to be dysgrated fro honour and goods. How be it he was happy he appeared not at their summoning/ for if he had/ surrly he had shamefully lost his life. As than the duke of orleans durst not speak for him/ if he had/ it should have done him no good. It is not to be doubted but that the duke of Bretaygne and sir Peter of Craon were right joyful of those tidings how be it they were sorry that he was not prisoner in Paris as well as sir johan Mercier and the lord de la river. Of this shameful banysshing great brute ran thereof in the realm of France and else where. some complained secretly and said that he had wrong. And some other said he was worthy to be hanged/ and that he had well deserved it. and moreover said/ how the devil could he assemble together so moche rychess as a million and an half of florayns? he could never get that by rightwise means/ but rather by polling and robbing/ and retaining to himself the wages of the poor knights & squires of the realm of France that had deserved it. as it may well appear in the chaunceryor treasury/ where every thing is written and registered/ in the voyage that the King made in to Flaunders. there and than he raised great profit to his own use/ and also in the voyage to Almaigne/ for all manner of tails and subsidies that were raised in the Realm to pay men of war/ passed through his hands he paid where as it pleased him/ and the rest he kept to himself and none durst speak against it. In this manner sir Oliver of Clysson was accused in many men's mouths. It is said in an old prourebe/ he that hath misfortune/ every man offereth him wrong. If the french king/ the duke of Berrey/ and the duke of Burgoyne had not been/ the duke of Bretaygne had been able to have subdued sir Oliver of Clysson/ saying he was in the duke's country/ but he suffered him for a season to see how the matters should proceed. Also he saw well that sir Oliver of Clysson was set on the height of fortunes wheel/ and as than again he saw how he was cast down/ and like to lose his office. Thus the duke of Bretayne and sir Peter of Craon were set upon their feet/ and all by the works of fortune/ which is never permanent/ but now up/ now down. The constable sir Oliver of Clysson/ the lord de la river/ & sir johan Mercyer/ were principally acused for the chief cousers of the kings malady. And such as loved them not/ said how they had poisoned the king. how be it every man may consider by reason that it was not so/ for they were the persons that should lose most by the kings malady/ wherefore it is to be thought they sought most for his health/ but they could not be believed. So the two knights remained still in prison in danger openly to have lost their heeds/ and by all likelihood so they had done/ if the king had not recovered his health/ and by the mean of the duchess of Berrey/ who made instant labour for the lord de la river. And the lord Clysson was still in Bretayne/ and made sore war against the duke there/ and the duke against him/ which war cost many a man's life/ as ye shall here/ here after in this history.  
True it is this sickness that the king took in the voyage towards Bretayne/ greatly abated the joy of the realm of France/ and good cause why/ for when the heed is sick the body can have no joy. No man durst openly speak thereof/ but kept it privy as much as might be/ and it was covertly kept fro the queen/ for till she was delivered and churched she knew nothing thereof/ which time she had a daughter. The physician master Guyllyam/ who had the chief charge of healing of the king/ was still about him/ and was right diligent/ and well acquitted himself/ whereby he gate both honour and profit/ for little & little he brought the king in good estate/ and took away the sever and the heat/ and made him to have taste and appetite to eat and drink/ sleep & rest/ and knowledge of every thing. how be it he was very feeble/ and little and little he made the King to ride a hunting and on hawking. And when tidings was known through France how the king was well mended/ and had his memory again/ every man was joyful/ and thanked god. the king thus being at Crayell/ desired to see the queen his wife and the dolphin his son. So the queen came thither to him/ and the child was brought thither. The king made them good cheer/ and so little and little through the help of god/ the king recovered his health. And when master Guyllyam saw the king in so good case/ he was right joyful/ as reason was/ for he had done a fair cure/ and so delivered him to the dukes of orleans/ Berrey/ Burgoyne/ and Burbone/ and said. My lords/ thanked be god the king is now in good state and health/ so I deliver him/ but beware let no man displease him/ for as yet his spirits be not fully farm nor stable/ but little and little he shall wax strong. Reasonable disport/ rest/ and mirth shall be most profitable for him/ and trouble him as little as may be with any counsels/ for he hath been sharply handled with a hot malady. Than it was considered to retaygne this master Guylliam/ and to give him that he should be content with all/ which is the end that all physicians require/ to have gifts and rewards. He was desired to abide still about the king/ but he excused himself and said how he was an old impotent man/ and could not endure the manner of court/ wherefore he desired to return in to his own country. When the counsel saw he would none otherwise do/ they gave him leave/ and at his departing gave him a thousand crowns/ and retained him in wages with four horses when so ever he would resort to the court. How be it I believe he never came there after/ for when he returned to the city of Laon/ there he continued and died a rich man. He left behind him a xxx thousand franks. All his days he was one of the greatest niggards that ever was/ all his pleasure was to get good/ and to spend nothing/ for in his house he never spent past two souses of Paris in a day/ but would eat and drink in other men's houses/ where as he might get it. With this rod lightly all physicians are beaten. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the truce which was accorded between England and France for three years/ was renewed. Cap. C.xci  
AS ye have herd here before in the books of this high and excellent history/ at the request of the right high and mighty prince/ my dear lord and master Guy of Chastellone/ earl of Blois/ lord of Auesnes/ of Chymay/ of Beaumond/ of Streumehont/ & of the Good. I johan froissart priest and chapeleyn to my said lord/ and at that time treasurer and canon of Chymay/ and of lisle in Flaunders/ have enterprised this noble matter/ treating of the adventures and wars of France and England/ and other countries conjoined and a lied to them/ as it may apere clearly/ by the treaties thereof made unto the date of this present day/ the which excellent materꝭ as long as I live by the help of god I shall continue/ for the more I follow and labour it/ the more it pleaseth me. As the noble knight or squire loving the feats of arms/ do perceiver in the same/ and be thereby expert and made perfit/ so in labouring of this noble matter/ I delight and take pleasure. ¶ It hath been here before contained in our history how truce was made at Balyngham/ to endure three year between England and France/ and for that purpose the earl of saint Poll/ the lord of castle Morant/ and sir Taupyn of Cautevell/ ambassadors of France had been in England with the duke of Lancastre and the duke of york/ for to understand the kings pleasure/ and the opinion of the commons of England/ for at the communication and parliament at amiens/ they were at a point of agreement of peace/ upon certain articles specified/ reserving the agreement thereto of the commons of England. thus these ambassadors were returned in to France/ and were answered how that at the feast of saint Mychell next ensuing/ there should be a parliament at westminster of the three estates of England/ at which time the matter should be declared/ and a full answer made. When tidings was come in to England of the french kings sickness/ that matter was greatly hindered/ how be it king richard of England/ and the duke of Lancastre/ had great affection to have had peace/ so that if they might have had their intents/ peace had been made between England and France. But the commonalty of England desired war/ saying how war with France was more convenient for them than peace. and of that opinion was one of the kings uncles/ Thomas duke of Glocestre/ earl of Perces/ and constable of England/ who was well-beloved in the realm/ he inclined rather to the war than to peace. And of his opinion were the young gentlemen of the realm/ such as desired feats of arms. But his brother the duke of Lancastre/ because he was eldest and of most puissance in England/ he thought and said that the war between England and France had endured long enough/ and that peace were more meet▪ for by the war cristende me was sore feebled/ for the great turk Lamorabaquyn was with great puissance on the fronters of Hungry wherefore he said it should be honourable to all young lusty knights and squires to take their way thither/ and there to exercise deeds of arms.  
Let us wisely consider the duke of Lancaster's words/ who spoke them of good intent/ for he had greatly travailed in the wars of France/ and conquered but little/ and sore travailed his body/ brent and destroyed the plain countries in his way/ and after his return soon recovered again/ he saw this war drew never to n●ne ●nde/ but rather increased. Also he saw that if/ fortune should turn against the englyssh party/ that great damage thereof should ensue/ and perceived well that the king his nephew was inclined moche rather to the peace than to the war. I johan froissart author of this history/ can not well say/ whether this duke's opinion was good or not/ but it was showed me that because the duke of Lancastre saw his two daughters married in higher degree than himself/ and out of the realm of England/ the one was queen of spain/ the other Queen of Portugal. This caused him greatly to incline to the peace/ for he knew well that the king of Spaygnes son/ who had married his daughter/ was as than but young/ and in danger of his own subjects/ and knew well that if he should peaceably enjoy the heritage of spain/ it was convenient that the english men should keep the peace with France/ for if the peace should be broken by any incident/ than the French men might shortly be revenged of the realm of Spain, for they had open entrees as well through Arragon and Chathalone/ as Bierne and Byskay/ for the lady yolant of Bare was queen of Aragone/ and she was good french and governed Arragon/ Chathalone/ Bierne/ and Byskay/ for the viscount of Chatellon/ who was heir to th'earl of Foiz had so sworn and promised the french queen/ whereby the french men had many fair entrees in to spain without danger of the king of Naver/ who would not willingly displease the french king his cousin germayne/ for as than sir Peter of Naverre his brother/ was with the french king/ who always appeased the french kings ire and displeasure/ when he had any to his brother the King of Naver/ for he was a true french man/ and never found the contrary. All these imagynations the duke of Lancastre had in himself/ and showed his mind to his son the earl of Derby/ though he were but young/ yet he was of great wisdom/ and likely to come to great honour/ which earl had three son/ johan/ Humphrey/ and Thomas/ and two daughters by the lady his wife/ daughter and heir to the Earl constable of England/ earl of Herforde and Northampton/ by which lady he held great heritage.  
THe conclusion of the parliament holden at westminster by the three estates of the realm. A truce was taken by see and by land/ between France and England/ their friends and alyes/ to endure fro the feast of saint Mychell/ to the feast of saint johan baptist next after/ and such commissioners as the french king had sent to this parliament were dispatched/ and the charter of the truce sent by them sealed/ which treuce was well upholden on all parties. The French king was sore feebled by reason of his sickness/ and the physician master Guyllyam Harselay was as than deed/ but when he departed fro Crayell fro the king/ he ordained many receipts for the king to use/ whereby in the winter season he recovered his health/ whereof all his lovers and friends rejoiced/ with the hole commynalte of France/ for he was well be loved/ and so he and the queen came to Paris/ and held their household most part at saint paul/ and sometime at Louvre/ and the long winter nights they passed the season with dancing and carolling/ and other revels and disports. The queen was acompaned with the duchess of Berrey/ the duchess of orleans/ and other ladies. The same season the viscount of Chastellon was come to Paris/ who was newly entered in to the heritage of the earldom of Foize and of Bierne/ as right heir/ and he relieved the said earldom of Foiz/ and did his homage to the king but not for Bierne/ for that country held themself of so noble condition/ that they held service to no man living. How be it the prince of Wales said to the earl of Foiz that last died/ that he ought to relieve of him/ and to have his resort to the Duchy of Acquitayne. But always the said earl denied and defended it. And it is to be thought that the challenge that the prince of Wales made thereunto/ was by the setting on and moving of johan earl of Armynake/ as it hath been showed here before in this history/ wherefore as now I will over pass it. When this viscount of Chastellon (called fro henseforthe earl of Foiz) was at Paris with the french king/ he had there in his company with him his cousin sir yvan of Foize/ bastard son to the last Earl of Foize/ who was a goodly knight. The earl of Foiz or he died would have made him his heir/ with another of his bastard sons called Gracian/ who dwelt as than with the king of Naver/ but the knights of Bierne would never consent thereto/ therefore the matter rested as it did/ and the earl died suddenly (as ye have herd before) When the French king saw this young knight sir yvan of Foiz/ he liked him marvelous well/ also the king and he were moche of one age/ and by reason of the favour that the king bore to this young knight/ the earl of Foiz had the shorter speed/ and was delivered of all his business/ and than departed in to his own country/ and sir yvan abode still with the king/ and retained as one of his knights of his chamber/ with xii horses/ & all other things thereto belonging.   

¶ Of the adventure of a dance that was made at Paris in likeness of wodehowses/ wherein the French King was in apparel of death. Cap. C.xcii.  
IT fortuned/ that soon after the retaynmge of this foresaid knight/ a marriage was made in the kings house/ bytwen a young knight of Vermandoys/ and one of the queens gentlewomen/ and because they were both of the kings house/ the kings uncles and other lords/ ladies/ and damosels made great triumph. There was the dukes of orleans/ Berrey/ and Burgoyne/ & their wives/ dancing and making great joy. The king made a great supper to the lords and ladies and the queen kept her estate/ desiring every man to be merry. And there was a squire of Normandy called Hogreymen of Gensay/ he advised to make some pastime. The day of the marriage which was on a tuesday before Candelmas/ he provided for a mummery against night. He devised two coats made of linen cloth/ covered with pitch and thereon flare like hear/ and had them ready in a chamber. The king put on one of them/ and th'earl of jovy/ a young lusty knight another/ and sir Charles of Poicters the third/ who was son to the earl of Valentenoys/ and to sir yvan of Foiz another/ and the son of the lord Nanthorillet had on the fift/ and the squire himself had on the sixth. And when they where thus arrayed in these said coats and sowed fast in them/ they seemed like wild wood houses full of bear fro the top of the heed to the soul of the foot. This devise pleased well the french king/ and was well content with the squire for it. They were appareled in these coats secretly in a chamre that no man knew thereof/ but such as holp them. When sir yvan of Foiz had well advised these cores/ he said to the king. Sir command straightly that no man approach near us with any torches or fire/ for if the fire fasten in any of these coats/ we shall all be brent without remedy. the king answered and said/ yuan ye speak well and wisely/ it shall be done as ye have devised/ and incontinent sent for an usher of his chamber/ commanding him to go in to the chamber where the ladies danced/ and to command all the varlets holding torches to stand up by the walls/ and none of them to approach near to the wovehouses that should come thither to dance. The usher did the kings commandment/ which was fulfilled. soon after the duke of orleans entered in to the hall/ acompanyed with four knights and six torches and knew nothing of the kings commandment for the torches/ nor of the mummery that was coming thither/ but thought to be hold the dancing/ and began himself to dance. Therewith the king with the five other came in/ they were so disguised in flax that no man knew them. five of them were fastened one to another. The king was lose and went before and led the devise.  
When they entered in to the hall every man teke so great heed to them/ that they forgot the torches. The king departed fro his company and went to the ladies to sport with them/ as youth required/ and so passed by the queen and came to the duchess of Berrey/ who took and held him by the arm to know what he was/ but the king would not show his name. Than the duchess said/ ye shall not escape me till I know your name. In this mean season great mischief fell on the other/ and by reason of the duke of orleans/ how be it/ it was by ignorance/ and against his will/ for if he had considered before the mischief that ●ell/ he would not have done as he did for all the good in the world/ but he was so desirous to know what personages the five were that danced/ he put one of the torches that his servants held so near/ that the heat of the fire entered in to the flax (wherein if fire take/ there is no remedy) and suddenly was on a bright flame/ and so each of them set fire on other/ the pitch was so fastened to the linen cloth and their shirts so dry and fine/ and so joining to their flesh that they began to burn and to cry for help. None durst come near them/ they that did brent their hands/ by reason of the heat of the pitch. One of them called Nanthorillet/ advised him how the botry was thereby/ he fled thither/ and cast himself in to a vessel full of water/ wherein they rynsed pots/ which saved him/ or else he had been deed as the other were/ yet he was sore hurt with the fire. when the queen heard the cry that they made/ she doubted her of the King/ for she knew well that he should be one of the six/ wherewith she fell in a sown/ and knights and ladies came and comforted her. a piteous noise there was in the hall. The duchess of Berrey delivered the king fro that apparel/ for she did cast over him the train of her gown/ and covered him fro the fire. The king would have gone fro her. whither will ye go quoth she/ ye see well how your company brennes? What are ye? I am the king quoth he. Haste you quoth she and get you in to other apparel/ that the queen may see you/ for she is in great fear of you. Therewith the king departed out of the hall/ and in all haste changed his apparel/ and came to the queen. And the duchess of Berrey had somewhat comforted her/ and had showed her how she should see the king shortly. Therewith the king came to the queen/ and as soon as she saw him/ for joy she embraced him and fell in a sown. Than she was borne in to her chamber/ and the king went with her. And the bastard of Foiz who was all on a fire/ cried ever with a loud voice. save the king/ save the king. Thus was the king saved. It was happy for him that he went fro his company/ for else he had been deed without remedy. This great mischief fell thus about midnight in the hall of saint paul in Paris/ where there was two brent to death in the place/ and other two/ the bastard of Foiz and the earl of jovy borne to their lodgings and died within two days after in great misery and pain. Thus the feast of this marriage broke up in bevynesse/ how be it there was no remedy. The fault was only in the duke of orleans/ and yet he thought none evil when he put down the torch. Than the duke said. Sirs let every man know there is no man to blame for this cause but all only myself/ I am sorry thereof. If I had thought as much before/ it should not have happened. Than the duke of orleans went to the king to excuse him/ and the king took his excuse. This case fell in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and twelve/ the tuesday before the feast of Candelmas/ of which fortune great brute spread abroad in the realm of France/ and in other countries. The dukes of Burgoyne and of Berrey were not there present at that season/ They had taken their leave before of the king/ and were gone to their lodgings.  
THe next day these news spread abroad in the city/ and every man had marvel thereof. and some said how God had sent that token for an ensample/ and that it was wisdom for the king to regard it/ and to withdraw himself fro such young idle wantonness/ which he had used overmuch being a king. The commons of the city of Paris murmured & said. Behold the great mishap and mischief that was likely to have fallen on the king/ He might as well have been brent as other were. What should have fallen than of the kings uncles and of his brother. They might have been sure none of them should have scaped the death: yea/ and all the knights that might have been found in Paris? As soon as the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne heard of that adventure/ they were abashed and marveled greatly. They leapt on their horses and road to the king/ and comforted and counseled him/ which was necessary/ for he was sore troubled/ and the paryll that he was in/ was still in his imagination/ he showed his uncles how his aunt of Berrey had saved him. But he said he was very sorry for the death of the earl of jovye/ of sir yuan of Foiz/ and of sir Charles of Poicters. His uncles reconforted him & said. Sir/ that is lost can not be recovered: ye must forget the death of them/ and thank god of the fair adventure that is fallen to your own person. For all the realm of France by this incident might have been in great danger of losing. For ye may think well that these people of Paris will never be still/ for God knoweth/ if the misfortune had fallen on you/ they would have slain us all. Theriore sir/ apparel you in estate royal and leap on your horse and ride to our lady in pilgrimage/ and we shall accompany you/ and show yourself to the people/ for they desire sore to see you. The king said he would so do. Than the kings uncles took apart the duke of orleans and in curtess manner somewhat blamed him of his young deed that he had done. He answered and said/ how he thought to have done none evil. Than anon 〈◊〉 the king and his company leapt on their horses/ and road through the city to appease the people/ and came to our lady Church/ & there heard mass and offered/ and than returned again to the house of saint Poule/ and little and little this matter was forgotten/ and the obsequys done for the deed bodies.  
Ah earl Gascoigne of Foiz/ if this had fortuned in thy life days/ thou shouldest have had great displeasure/ and it had been hard to have peased thee/ for thou lovedest him entirely. All lords and ladies through the realm of France/ and elsewhere/ that heard of this chance had great marvel thereof. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How pope Bonyface and the cardinals of Rome/ sent a frere a wise clerk to the french king. Cap. C. xc.iii.  
POpe Bonyface being at Rome with his cardinali es rejoiced of this said adventure/ because the French king was against them The pope said it was a token sent fro God to the realm of France/ because they supported the pope at Auygnon/ who was proud and presumptuous/ and never had done good in all his life/ but deceived the world. The pope at Rhome and his cardinals were in counsel/ and concluded to send to the french king secretly a man of prudence/ a frere minor a great clerk/ and he wisely to preach and to counsel the king to follow the way of reason/ for they said the king took a wrong way/ saying he was named to be the chief king of Christendom/ by whom holy church ought to be illumined and aided. Wherefore they charged this frere to go in to France/ and delivered him instructions of the effect that he should say and do. This was done but it was by leisure/ for the Frere had far to go/ and also knew not whether he should have audience when that he cam● thither or not. ¶ Now let him go on his journey/ and we shall somewhat speak of the business of France.  
notwithstanding/ for all these adventures/ the dukes of Berrey & Burgoyne and their counsels/ left not to pursue to have destroyed the lord de la river and sir johan le Mercier/ who were in prison in the castle of saint Anthony/ in the keeping of the viscount of Archy. And it was said/ that they should be put to death/ and delivered to the provost of the Chattelet. And it was ordained/ that as soon as they should come in to his hands/ that they should be beheaded openly as traitors against the crown of France: and so they had been/ if God had not provided for them. And at the special instance and request of the duchess of Berrey: for and she had not been/ their death had been hasted. specially she prayed for the lord de la River/ for by his means she was brought in to France/ & the marriage made between the duke of Berrey and her. She said on a time to the duke her husband all weeping. Sir/ that is laid to the lords de la river is but a false selaundre/ and done for envy. And sir/ Remember what pain and travail he took to bring us together/ ye reward him but smally to consent to his death Though all his lands and goods be taken fro him/ yet let him have his life. For and he die in this opyn shame/ I shall never have joy in my heart. Sir/ I say not this of feigned courage/ but that I say is with all my hole heart/ wherefore sir/ I require you provide for his deliverance. When the duke heard his wife speak so effectuously/ and also knew well that she said but truth. Than he had pity and suaged his displeasure/ and the lord de la river had been the sons delivered and sir johan Mercier had not been/ for they sought all the ways that might be/ to have put him to death/ which they could not do/ without both should have died.  
THis sir johan Mercyer had wept so moche in prison/ that his sight was thereby sore feebled. It they had followed the duchess of Burgoyns counsel/ they had been put to execution long before shamefully/ without favour. For she hared them/ because they and sir Oliver of Clysson had counseled the king to go in to Bretaygne to war against her cousin the duke. Also she said/ that Clysson/ le river/ and Mercyer/ were causers of the kings malady/ how be it the king was well recovered and in good estate. The dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne kept still the governance of the realm of France/ for they had great profit thereby. They had appointed such persons as them pleased to be about the king.  
In those days the king bore the name of a king/ but as touching the business pertaining to the crown of France/ he was but little obeyed/ for the dukes would see and know how every thing paste. The duchess of Burgoyne was next person to the Queen/ where with the Duchess of orleans was nothing pleased/ for she would have had the honour and pre-eminence. And she said to such as were secret with her. What/ the duchess of Burgoyne ought in no condition to go before me/ nor is not so nigh to the crown (as I am). My lord my husband is brother to the king/ and it might so fall/ that he should be king and I queen: I wot not why she should take on her this honour/ and put me behind? Thus some envy was among these ladies.  
¶ Now let us leave speaking of them/ and return to sir Oliver of Clysson.  
YE have herd how he was summoned fifteen days to apere in the parliament chamber/ & how certain knights were sent in to Bretaygne to seek for him/ as sir philip of Savoises and other/ who went in to Bretaygne and sertched for him in all places/ but they found him not/ for he hid himself so covertly/ that they could never speak with him/ for if they had/ they would have rested him. At their return in to France/ they made relation of their voyage. Than it was judged by the lords of the parliament/ that sir Oliver of Clysson Constable of France/ had forfeited lands/ life/ and goods: And so judged him to be banished for ever out of the realm of France/ and to lose all his offices and heritages within the realm. And because he had not sent the martel/ which is the token of the office of the Constablery/ as he was summoned to do: therefore the office was vacant and void. Than the dukes and their counsels/ such as were against sir Oliver of Clysson/ thought it necessary to provide some person to occupy the said office/ which was so noble and of so great renome/ that it might not long be without a governor/ for the incidentes that might hap to fall. They advised that the lord Coucy was a meet man for it/ and laid it to him/ but he excused himself and said/ that in no wise he would meddle therewith/ he would rather forsake the realm of France. When they saw he would not meddle therewith/ than the dukes took other advise. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the marriage was treated/ of the lord Philip of Arthoys Earl of Ewe/ and the lady Mary of Berrey widow/ daughter to the duke of Berey/ and how he was admitted Constable of France. Cap. C. xc.iiii.  
IN this same season there was a treaty of marriage to be had between the lord philip of Arthoys & the young widow lady of Berrey/ sometime called countess of Dunoys and wife to Joys of Bloys. The French king would gladly have had this marriage advanced/ but the duke of Berrey was natre willing thereto/ for he thought the earldom of Ewe but a small thing/ as to the regard of her first husband/ wherefore he thought to marry her more highlyer. In deed the lady was beautiful & endued with all virtues/ that should aperteyne to a noble lady. How be it finally/ the duke of Berrey was loath to displease the king/ yet he had many offers made him for his daughter/ as by the young duke of Loreyne/ by the earl of Armynake/ & by the son and heir of the Earl of Foiz. The king broke of all these marriages/ and said to his uncle. Fair uncle of Berrey/ we will not that ye shall put our cousin your daughter come of the Flower delice/ in to so far countries/ we shall provide for her a marriage meet/ for we would gladly have her near us/ it is right meet that she be with our aunt your wife/ for they be moche of one age When the duke saw the kings intent/ he refrained himself of making of any promise/ to any person for his daughter. Also he saw well that the king inclined his favour to his cousin the lord philip of Arthois/ who was a young lusty knight and of high courage/ and had endured many traveyls in arms/ beyond the see and other places/ and had achieved many voyages to his great laud and honour. Than the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne agreed between them/ that if the king would give to their cousin philip of Arthois/ the office of Constablery of France/ which as than they reputed void/ by reason of the forfeiture of sir Oliver of Clysson/ than they to agree at the kings pleasure in this said marriage. For the duke of Berrey thought/ that if he were constable of France/ he should then have sufficient to mentayne his estate. On this the two dukes determined to speak to the king and so they died/ and said to him. Sir/ your counsel generally are all agreed/ that the lord Philip of Arthoys be preferred to the office of constableshyp of France/ which is now void. For by judgement of your parliament/ Oliver of Clysson hath forfeited the office/ which may not be long vacant/ but it should be prejudice to the realm. And sir/ both you and we also are bound to advance and promote our cousin of Arthoys/ for he is near of blood and of lineage to us. And sir/ seeing the office is void/ we can not tell where ye should better enploy it/ than on him. He shall right well exercise it: he is well-beloved with knights and squires: and he is a man without envy or covetousness. These words pleased well the king/ who answered & said. Uncle (if it void) we had rather he had it than another. The kings uncles sued still for the lord philip of Arthoys/ for the duke of Berrey hated sir Oliver of Clisson/ because he consented to destroy Betysache his servant. And the duke of Burgoyne hated him/ because he made war against the duke of Bretaygne/ and yet the duchess hated him worse. Finally the king assented/ so that the duke of Berrey would agree to the marriage/ between his daughter & the said lord philip of Arthoys. And yet to satisfy the king and the duke of orleans/ who bare sir Oliver of Clysson in that office. They sent sir Guyllyam of Bourdes and sir Guyllyam martel/ both knights of the kings chamber. And sir philip of Savoises a knight of the duke of Berreys in to Bretaygne/ to speak with sir Oliver of Clysson. These knights took their journey and road to Angers/ and there they found the queen of Jerusalem and johan of Bretaygne/ who received them right honourably for the honour of the French king. There they tarried two days/ and demanded news of sir Oliver of Clysson. Saying they had curtess letters and message fro the French king to him/ and fro none other person And they were answered no man could tell where he was/ but that he was surely in Bretayne/ in one of his fortresses. But they said he was so flitting fro one place to another/ that it was hard to find him. Than these knights departed and took leave of the queen and of her son Charles the prince of Thatent/ and of johan of Bretaygne earl of Ponthieu/ and road to Rennes. And the duke of Bretayne and the duchess were at Wannes and road not lightly forth out of the town/ for he ever doubted the bushments of his enemy sir Oliver of Clysson. There was so hard war made between them/ that there was no mercy but death. And though the duke was lord and sovereign of the country/ yet there was neither barone/ knight/ nor squire in Bretaygne/ that would arm them against sir Oliver of Clysson/ but dissimuled and said/ that their war touched them nothing/ wherefore they sat still. The duke could have none other comfort.  
When these French knights were at Rennes: they inquired where to find sir Oliver of Clysson/ but they could hear no certainty of him. then they were counseled to draw to the castle of joselyn/ where sir Oliver of Clyssons men received them well/ for the love of the French king. Than they demanded where they might here of sir Oliver of Clysson/ Saying they had to speak with him/ fro the french king and from the duke of orleans/ and from none other persons. But his men could tell nothing of him/ or else they would not tell. But they said. sirs/ surely it will be hard to find him/ for this day he is in one place/ and to morrow in another. But if it please you/ ye may ride over all the duchy of Bretaygne/ and sertche over all his forteresses and houses/ none shall be closed against you. When they saw they could have none other answer they departed thence/ & road and visited all the fortresses great and small/ pertaining to the lord Oliver of Clysson. than they came to Wannes/ and there found the duke of Bretaygne and the duchess/ who received them/ and there they tarried but half a day/ and dyscovered not to the duke/ the secret matter that they came thither for/ nor also the duke examined them nothing of the matter. Also they could not see there sir Peter of Craon.  
THus they took leave of the duke and of the duchess and returned to Paris/ where they found the king and the lords/ and there reported to the king & to the duke of orleans/ how they had sought all the places and towns pertaining to sir Oliver of Clysson/ but in no wise they could find him. The dukes of Burgoyn and Berrey were right glad of these news/ and would not it had been otherwise. Than anon after proceeded the marriage between the lord Philippe of Arthois and the lady Mary of Berrey. and so this lord philip was Constable of France/ and used the office/ with all profits and advantages thereto belonging/ of ancient ordinances. yet the lord Oliver of Clysson had not renounced the office/ nor delivered up the martel/ which is the token of the Constable of France. For he continued/ and said he would abide still Constable/ and had done no cause why to lose it/ nouther to the king nor to the realm. He knew well the earl of Ewe was proffered to have the office of the Constable/ and to enjoy the profits thereof/ by consent of the King/ and how he had married the daughter of the Duke of Berrey the lady Mary. He took but little regard to all this/ for he knew himself true to the king/ and to the crown of France. And knew well/ all that was done against him was through envy and hatred/ that the dukes of Burg●yne and Berey had against him. Thus the lord of Clysson let the matter pass/ and continued still his war against the duke of Bretayne/ which war was right fierce and cruel/ without mercy or pity. The lord of Clysson road ofter abroad and laid bushments/ than the duke died. And all other lords of Bretayne sat still & would not meddle. The duke died send for the lords of his country/ and they came to speak with him/ & to know his intent. than the duke required them of their aid & help against his enemy sir Oliver of Clysson. Than the lords of Bretayne/ as the viscount of Rohan/ the lord Dignan/ the lord Hermen of Lion/ and divers other excused them and said. they knew no cause why/ nor they would not make no war against the lord Clysson/ but they said they would right gladly endenour themselves to bring them to a peace/ if they could. When the duke saw he could have none other comfort of them/ and perceived well how he lost and was likely to lose more men in that war than sir Oliver of Clysson/ than he consented that the said lords should go to sir Oliver of Clysson & treat for a peace/ and to bring him under safeconduct to Wannes to speak with him/ at which time he said he should be found treatable/ and to agree to all reason. And if sir Oliver had done him any displeasure/ that he might have amends according to their advise. These lords were well agreed thus to do/ and so they all three went to the lord Oliver of Clysson/ and died so moche that they spoke with him (as I was informed) in the castle of Io●elyn/ and showed him the duke's intent. And moreover to bring them to a peace (for they saw well war was not fytting between them/ but greatly noyed the noble men/ merchants/ and commons of Bretaygne) they said to the lord Oliver. Sir/ if it will please you to go to the duke/ we shall bind us to abide here in this castle till your return. And we doubt not/ ye being once in his presence/ ye shall find him so reasonable/ that peace and good accord shallbe had between you. Sir Oliver said. Sirs what shall it profit you if I were deed? Think you that I know not the duke of Bretayne? He is so cruel and so haute/ that for all his safeconduct/ or what soever he saith/ if he saw me in his presence/ he would never cease till I were deed: and than should you die likewise/ for my men here would soon slay you without mercy. Wherefore it is best that both you and I save our lives/ rather than to put us in that danger. I shall keep me fro him and I can/ and let him keep him as well fro me. than the lord Charles of Dignan said. Fair cousin/ ye may say as it please you/ but we think surely though he saw you/ he would do you no displeasure This that we offer you is of good affection/ and to bring you to accord/ and we pray you that ye will thus do. Than the lord Clysson said. Sirs/ I believe surely ye mean well/ but I ensure you upon this assurance I shall never go to him. But sith ye meddle in the matter between us/ we shall not think that I shallbe unreasonable. I shall tell you what I will do. Return you again to the duke/ and say that I will not take you for no pledge nor hostage. Let him send me his son and heir/ who is married to the daughter of France/ and he shall abide here in this castle with my men/ till I return again. This way I think more surer than the other/ for if ye should abide here (as ye offer) Who should than entremedell in the business between the duke and me? For without a mean we shall never come to accord.  
When these lords of Bretayne saw they could have non other answer they took their leaves and returned to Wamnes to the duke/ and showed him what they had done/ but in no wise the duke would consent to send his son to the castle of joselyn. So their war continued still/ whereby no person durst ride abroad/ and merchandise was laid down/ thorough which the people of good towns & cities were sore hindered/ and poor labourers let labouring of the earth. The duchess of Burgoyn covertly aided her cousin the duke of Bretayne with men of arms/ aswell of Burgoyne as of other places. for the duke could get none of his country to take his part in that quarrel against sir Oliver of Clysson. They always dissimuled the matter except such as were of his own house. The duke of orleans on the other part/ loved well the lord Oliver of Clyison/ and secretly so coured him with men/ and sent him horses. Sir Oliver of Glysson rood ofter abroad then the duke died. And it fortuned on a day he encountered two squires of the dukes/ the one called Ber●ard & the other yvonet. they were taken and brought to sir Oliver/ who was glad of them: He knew them well/ one of them had done him service in time past/ and the other not/ but he had done him displeasure. Than sir Oliver said to yvonet Remember'st thou not how in the Castle of ermine thou sheweddest me but small courtesy: and thou bernard hadst pity on me and didst put of thy gown and put it on me/ when I stood in my doublet on the pavement/ the which kept me fro cold. I will now yield thy courtesy to thee/ thy life shallbe saved. but thou false knave and traitor yvo net/ thou mightest have done otherwise than thou didst/ therefore thou shalt repent it/ and therewith drew his dagger and struck him to the heart. Another time the lord Clisson road with three hundred spears in his company/ toward the castle of Alroy/ where the duke and duchess of Bretayne were. This was about midsummer/ and by fortune he encountered a forty of the Duke's servants/ who had tied their horses to the trees/ and had sickels in their hands/ and were cutting down the corn/ and making trusses to carry to their lodgings like foragers. When the lord Oliver came on them/ they were sore afraid/ and the lord Oliver said Sirs/ how dare ye come in to the fields/ to steal and to take away poor men's corn? ye never sowed them/ and yet ye cut them down or they be type: ye begin harvest to soon. Leap on your horses and take your sickels/ for this time I will do you no hurt/ and say to the duke of Breraygne who is in Alroy/ that if he will come or send his men to drive me away/ here he shall find me till the son going down. These poor men were glad they were so delivered/ they feared to have been slain. So they returned to the castle of Alroy to ye●●ke/ and showed him what they had herd and seen/ but the duke nor none of his men issued out of the castle. Many skirmishes were made in Bretaygne/ between the duke and sir Oliver of Clysson/ and they of the country meddled not between them. ¶ Now we will leave to speak of the duke of Bretayne and of sir Oliver of Clysson/ and of their war/ and speak of the business between England & France. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the form of the peace made between the French king & the king of England/ by means of the four duke's uncles to both kings. Cap. 195  
YE have herd here before/ how the parliament was holden in the city of amiens/ and how the english lords departed/ and upon what articles. & how the French king sent after in to England to the duke of Lancastre/ and the answer that they had of the englishmen/ who were hard to be brought to any peace. For it lay not all only in the king nor in the dukes of Lancastre and york/ for great part lay in the commons of England and archers/ and other serving men. they said how they had rather have war than peace/ & many young knights & squires were of that same opinion/ for by reason of the war they had maintained their estates/ how be it perfoce they were fain to obey as the king & his uncles would The duke of Lancastre because his ii daughters were queens/ the one of spain/ the of Portugal. And also because he saw the king his nephew inclined to have peace/ he said the war had endured long enough/ and said he would take pain therein/ so it might be for the honour of the king and the realm. On the other party the duke of Burgoyne died all that he might do to have peace/ consydring how he was greatly charged with the business of France. And that his two nephews/ the French king and the duke of orleans were young of age and of discretion. Also he considered how he was inheritor to the duchy of Brabant/ and thought/ that if ever Flaunders and Brabant should vary against the crown of France with the aid of England/ as they had other times done before/ that the realm of France should then have over moche to do. the duke of Burgoyne was a wise and a far casting prince/ and deeply regarded his businesses. This duke of Burgoyne and the duke of Lancastre/ took great pain to have a parliament again to be holden at Balynghm/ which was agreed/ and both parties sufficiently provided/ with full authorities to conclude a full peace. And this counsel to be holden at Balyngham/ in the month of May than next after/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and xvii and all such as should be at this assemble were named and appointed.  
first on the party of king richard king of England were appointed his two uncles/ the duke of Lancastre and the duke of Gloucestre/ who were greatly in favour with all the commons of England/ and with all such that loved berter to have war than peace. and with them should be the archbishop of york/ the bishop of London/ and other clerks of the law. It was appointed that these lords should come to calais/ as they did) about the mids of April/ anon after the feast of saint George/ holden at the castle of windsor/ by the king and other knights of the order of the garter. And on the french party there was aisygned the dukes of Bertey and Burgoyne to be there/ and other counsellors of France/ and it was ordained that they should come to the town of Boloyn/ and the french king/ who (as he showed had great affection to have peace between England and him) said to his uncles/ that he would come as near to the parliament as he might/ where upon it was advised where the french king should lie/ the parliament during at Balyngham. Somesayd at saint Omers/ and some said at Thourayne/ and some at Mutterell or Abuyle. But all things considered/ it was advised that the king should lie at Abuyle/ because the town was strong and well fournysshed/ and there every man should be well lodged. When this was determined drousyon was made there for the king/ and he to be lodged in the abbey of saint Peter's/ an abbey of black monks/ and thither came the king and the duke of orleans/ and their counsel/ and the lord reynold of Corby/ chancellor of France. The dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne/ and such other as were in their commission/ were at Boloyne. And the dukes of Lancastre and Gloucestre & other/ were at calais. It was goodly to behold to see the order of this parliament that was holden at Balyngham/ between the french men and englishmen. There were tents and pavilions pight up/ to refresh both parties/ and twice or thrice a week the commissioners met there in a fair tent/ ordained for that purpose/ about nine of the clock in the fore noon/ and there communed upon many articles. It which time I johan froissart (author of this book) was at Abuyle/ and desirous to know the effect of this treaty/ I inquired the troth of such lords and other as I thought should know the certainty. Is it was showed me/ when they entered in to comunycasion/ and had seen each others authority/ and perceived that they had full power to conclude a peace/ both by land and see/ between France and England/ and all their alyes. Than one of the first demands that the french men desired/ was to have calais razed down/ in such manner that there should be never after any habitation there. Thereto the dukes of Lancastre and Gloucestre answered and said/ how they had no such authority to cause calais to be beaten down/ but that England should hold it in his demayne and true heritage. And said/ that if they purposed to enter any further in tr●atye of peace/ to cease of that demand/ and to speak no more thereof. When the Duke's 〈◊〉 Berrey and Burgoyne heard their two cousins of England answer so quickly in that 〈◊〉/ they seized to speak any more of that mat●er/ for they saw well their travail should be but in vain/ and so than spoke of other matters. Than the english men demanded to have restitution of all such lands as had been delivered to king richard their sovereign lord/ or to king Edward the third/ or to any of their deputies or commissioners/ and also to have fully paid the some of florayns that was left unpaid at the time when the war renewed between England and France/ and this the english clerks and lawyers proved reasonable and lawful to be had. The lords and chancellors of France argued to the contrary/ and said/ as to return all the lands again to the governing of the king of England and his successors/ was impossible to be done/ saying how such lands/ cities/ towns/ castles/ lordships/ and homages as the english men demanded/ were given away when the peace was concluded at Bretygny/ and after confirmed and sealed at calais/ whereby they were clean put a way fro the king of England/ which peace & grants was made in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred threescore and one/ and thereupon the french king granted to such lands great liberties/ by his oath/ writing/ and promise/ which in no wise can be broken again nor revoked/ wherefore they said that if the englishmen purposed to have peace/ they should draw to some nearer point. Than by delyberation of the four duke's/ it was devised that the french men as well as the englishmen should put all their demands in writing/ & the same to be delivered to either party/ that they might be regarded at length on both parts/ and such as were unreasonable to be razed and canceled/ and such as were good to be upholden. this ordinance seemed to all parties good and reasonable. Before this order was taken the sour dukes had to much business to do specially the english men had moche pain to here and to understand the french men/ who were full of subtile words/ and cloaked persuasions and double of understanding/ the which the french men would rovine as they list/ to their profit and advantage which english men use not in their language/ for their speech and intent is plain. And also the englishmen were informed that the French men had not always upholden the articles/ promises/ and conditions/ ratified in the articles of peace/ yet the frenchmen would ever find one point or other in their writings/ by some subtile cloaked word/ affirming that the english men had broken the peace/ and not they. Wherefore when the english men saw or heard in the french men's writings any dark or cloaked word/ they made it to be examined by such as were profoundly learned in the law/ and if they found it a miss/ they caused it to be canselled and amended/ to the intent they would leave nothing in trouble. And the englishmen to excuse themself/ would say that french men letning such subtylties in their youth/ must needs be more subtile than they. Sometime such froward words between the parties greatly drove of the time of treaty. The french men held themself free/ and thought they should not be charged with no such demands/ as to make restytucy on of all the lands/ with the apendances pertaining to the duchy of aquitane/ with the arerages of that hath been levied sith the war renewed/ to the which they would never accord. The french men offered to render the country of Terbe and of Bygore/ and the county of Piergourt and Pyergyns/ and the county of Again and Agenoys. but Kaours/ Rover gue/ Ouercy/ and Lymosyn/ they would in no wise deliver/ nor the county of Ponthyeur/ nor of the county of Guysnes/ more than the english men had in their hands at the same tyme. Thus these lords continued a fifteen days and made no conclusion/ but these dukes determined to send word to the two kings/ to give them knowledge what they had done. The french dukes road to Abbevyle and showed the king all the matter/ and how they had desired their cousins of England to write the hole treaty to the king of England/ and so they said they had promised to do. And as I was informed/ on the english party the duke of Glocestre was harder to entreat than the duke of Lancastre/ and because the commons of England knew somewhat of his intent therefore they agreed that he should be sent to this treaty/ for they knew well that nothing should pass him without it were for the honour of the realm. Thus these four dukes amiably departed each fro other/ and concluded to meet there again the ninth day after. Thus these english lords returned to calais/ and the french lords to Boloyne/ and so to Abuyle. That time in Abuyle there was a fair garden/ closed with the river of Some/ whereas often times the french king passed the tyme. He said to his brother of orleans and to his counsel/ that his being at Abbevyle did him much good in his health. There was there the same season with the king/ the king Lion of Armony/ newly come thither out of Grece/ and out of those marches/ in to his own country he durst not enter/ for the turks had conquered it● except the strong town of Conych/ standing on the see side/ which the geno ways held and kept for doubt of the turks/ for if the turks had gotten that port/ they should have done moche evil by the see to the cyprians and to the Rhodes/ and other bounds of christendom. The king of Armony would gladly have had peace between England and France/ in trust that all young knights and squires should go in to Grece to help to conquer again his realm of Armony. When the french kings uncles were come to Abbevyle/ the king was glad and made them good cheer/ and demanded how they had sped/ and they showed him all the hole process/ and upon what point they departed/ whereof the king was glad/ for he showed to be glad to have peace. In like manner the english dukes when they came to calais they wrote to the king of England all the points and articles of that treaty. And shortly they had again a good answer/ commanding them to proceed for a peace/ saying the war had continued long enough/ and that christendom thereby was sore damaged. Thus at the day prefixed/ these dukes met again at Balyngham/ and with the french lords came the king of Armony/ to show to the lords of England his business and necessity. He was well known with the duke of Gloucestre/ for he had been in England when the french army was ordained at Sluse/ to have gone in to England. The duke of Glocestre the same time received the king of Armony and made him good cheer/ at a fair place of his in Esser/ called plashey. At Balyngham also the Dukes of England made the king of Armony good cheer/ and was glad to hear him speak. And they answered him that gladly they would aid him/ whereof the king was right joyful. Many things were treated in this parliament. And all this season the cardinal of Line lay at Abbevyle/ who was sent thither in legation/ by him that called himself pope Clement/ for matters concerning the church. The french dukes at this assemble at Balyngham/ would have had certain articles comprised in their treaty/ concerning the church/ and sustaining the opinions of this pope Clement/ Robert of geneva. But when the english dukes hard that/ they said to their cousins of France. cousins/ and ye will that we shall fall to any point of conclusion/ speak no more of that cardinal/ we have nothing to do with him/ his matter is a business without profit or effect/ we are determined upon a pope to whom we will obey/ we will hear no speaking against him/ if the other meddle any thing with us we shall depart and god hence/ and leave all togytder. After that time there was no more words of that cardinal/ he tarried still at Abbcuyle. Than these lords proceeded in their treaties/ the duke of Lancastre was well inclined to have peace. The French king the year before had sore desired him to be a good mean to entreat for a peace/ and so he promised to do. howbeit his brother the duke of Gloucestre was hard to agree/ for he laid forth the frenchemens' deceits and coloured words that they used always in their writings/ saying how the french men would always wrestell with their arms discovered/ which was ever perceived. On a day there came a squire of honour a french man/ called Robert the hermit to the duke of Gloucestre/ he was one of the french kings privy chamber/ whether he was sent to the duke of Glocestre or came on his own heed/ I can not tell/ but as the duke showed me in England at plashey/ this squire said to him. Sir for the love of god be not against this treaty of peace/ for ye see how the lords of France do their diligence to bring it about/ ye shall do an alms deed/ for the war hath to long endured/ and sith that both kings are content to have peace/ all their subjects ought to obey thereto. Than the duke answered him as he said. Roberte I am not against it/ nor will not be/ but ye french men among you/ ye have so many coloured words/ so dark and obscure to our understanding/ so that when ye will it is war/ and when ye list it is peace/ thus have ye led us unto this present day. But if the king my sovereign lord had believed me/ and such other of his realm as are bound to serve him/ peace should never have been between England and France/ till restitution had been made to us of all that is taken fro us without cause/ by subtlety and craft/ as god and all the world knoweth. But sith the king my sovereign lord inclineth to the peace/ it is reason that we agree to the same. and therefore if we make a peace according to the desires of both kings/ sith we be here assembled/ let it be well holden on your side/ for it shall be well kept on our party. And thus the duke showed me that this Roberte the hermit departed fro him/ and went to his company. And so these lords continued still their treaty.  
I Will make no further process/ but come to conclusion. These four dukes that were at this assemble/ and had full power a●d authority of their kings to take a tretice/ and to make a peace. They did so in such wise/ that general voice and 〈◊〉 through the town of Abbevyle that a peace was taken upon certain articles between the two kings/ their alyes and consyderates. But I sir johan froissart author of this history/ being the same time in Abbe●●yle/ could not learn the certainty of the articles comprised in that peace. How be it I knew that a peace was taken to endure four years/ to be kept farm and stable/ both by see and by land. And it was concluded and agreed that within the said space of the four year/ should be delivered to the king of England for ever/ and perpetually to all kings of England and to his commissioners/ all the lands and sygnories in the country of Languedo●/ and to be as of the demayne and heritage of the crown of England. And this done and accomplished/ it was agreed by the same ordinance that certain captains and their men that held some holds and fortresses in the Realm of France/ should avoid and depart all such as made war/ and do make any war/ under the shadow and colour of the king of England and the english men/ of what nation so ever they were. To all these articles these lords that were as than at Balyngham were bound in writings signed and sealed/ and the copies thereof sent to both kings. Than the dukes of Lancastre and Gloucestre/ sent an herald called March/ with letters to the King of England/ showing and declaring all the hole process & ordinance concluded in their treaty/ upon the form of peace. Thus this herald departed with his letters/ and road to Calys/ and passed over to Dever/ and road forth till he came to the king/ who was at a manor of his own beside London. When he came in the kings presence he delivered his letters. And when the King had red them/ he was right joyous/ and gave to the herald for his good tidings bringing great gifts/ as the same herald showed me after at leysare/ as I road with him in to the Realm of England. These four dukes of France and of England/ were still at Balyngham/ and sojourned there in fair tents and pavilions/ and well and diligently perused and examined the articles of their treaty/ and would pass nor seal to none till all dark and obscure words were clearly declared and made perfit. Now in the same season there happened to fall a great let and trouble in this matter/ whereby all was nigh at a point to have been broken and made void/ and it is reason I tell you the cause/ to the intent that the history be plain and true.  
YE have herd here before how the french king had great pleasure to lie at Abbevyle/ and also to be near to here daily how the treaty went forward at Balyngham. And when the four dukes were at a point (as ye have herd) at the conclusion of the matter/ the dukes of Lancastre and Gloucestre said/ how that it was the intention of king richard king of England and his counsel that pope Bonyface being at Rome (whom the romans/ almains/ hungaryons/ lombards/ venysyans/ and all the nations of the world/ chrystened/ held to one pope/ and he that named himself Clement degraded and condemned) that they should desire the french king to take the same way. When the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne understood those words/ the duke of Burgoyne (to the intent somewhat to please his cousins of England/ and to the intent that their treaty of peace should not be hindered thereby) said. Fair cousins/ we desire you to have some respite to take counsel upon that matter/ which was granted them. And thereupon they took counsel/ and than answered/ and the Duke of Burgoyne spoke and said. Fair cousins/ the matter and question of the two pope's/ is not covenable to be moved nor spoken of here among us/ and we marvel why ye put this matter in communication/ for at the first beginning of our treaty/ ye refused to see or to speak with the Legate de la Lyne/ who is as yet in Abbevyle/ wherefore we rest us on that. When the cardinals at Rome did chose pope Vrbayne/ and after his disease pope Bonyface/ none of our party nor yet of yours were called to that election/ and in likewise we say of Clement/ who is at Auygnon. We say not against/ but that it were great alms to a pease them/ and to uny the church/ who so might intend to do it/ but let us leave that matter/ and let the unyversitees and clerks determine it. and when all our business is concluded/ and a firm peace ratified/ than by the counsel of our cousin the king of Almaigne/ we shall intend thereto gladly on our party/ and in likewise do you on your party. With this answer the dukes of England were well content/ for it seemed to them reasonable. Than they answered and said. Fair cousins ye have said very well/ we are content with the same. Thus that matter rested. Than there fell another great let and trouble/ for the french king who had lain at the town of Abuyle a great season/ because of the great disports/ pleasure/ and pastime that he found there/ suddenly he fell again in to his malady of frenzy/ in like manner as he had been the year before. He that first perceived it was sir William martel/ a knight of Normandy/ who was always near to the kings person in his privy chamber. The same season the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne were at Boloyne/ or at Balyngham/ upon th'end of their parliament/ and they had in a manerall concluded for that season. And as soon as the duke/ of orleans brother to the king/ knew of this chance of the kings sickness/ and that he had seen him/ he sent a secret squire of his named Bonyface to his uncles to Boloyne/ advertising them secretly of the kings disease. when the dukes knew that/ they were right sorry and departed/ for they had all ready taken their leaves of their cousins of England/ who were also departed to calais/ and tarried there to here tidings fro the king of Naverte and fro the duke of Bretaygne/ for they had moved in their treaty that the castle of Chyerbourge/ standing on the seaside/ upon the close of Constantyne in Normandy/ which the king of England had in gawge and in keeping/ as I was informed/ for the sum of threescore thousand nobles of England/ that the french king should pay the said some/ and the castle to return to the King of Naverre/ and also the strong castle of Breast that the english men held/ should return to the duke of Bretaygne. The dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne abode not the conclusion of that matter/ but came to Abbevyle/ and found the king in right evil estate of his health/ where of they were sorry. The kings sickness was kept secret as long as it might be/ but it was not very long/ for such adventures are soon spread abroad. Thus all the lords that had been in Abbevyle departed one after another every man home to his own house. Than it was determined that the king should be carried in an horse litter to the castle of Crayll upon Oyse/ where he had been before. thither he was conveyed by night time/ and the day time he rested/ for the heat of the son. The duke of Berrey and the duke of orleans road to Crayell with the king/ and the duke of Burgoyne road in to Arthoys and in to Flaunders/ vysiting his countries/ and found the duchess his wife at the castle of Hedyn. As than there was no more words spoken of the lord de la river nor of sir johan Mercyer/ they were as than all forgotten/ no man spoke of their grievance nor of their deliverance. This second malady that Charles the french king was fallen in/ did put away greatly the speaking of the people. The wise and sage men of France feared before greatly this chance/ for they saw the king was likely to fall in to that malady/ by reason of the great excess that he had used in times passed/ and through the feebleness of his heed. master Willm of Harsley was as than newly deed/ and such as were near about the king could not tell where to have a good sure pysician to wait upon the king/ howbeit they that were about him did the best they could devise.   

¶ Of the death of pope Clement at Auygnon/ and of the lectyon of pope Benedic. Cap. C.xcvi.  
IN that time in the month of Septembre/ passed out of this world at Auygnon Roberte of geneva/ named pope Clement/ and it came by him as he had always said before. when any man spoke of the peace and vny●n of the church/ he would say always/ how he would die pope/ and so he did/ in manner as ye have herd here before/ wrongfully or rightfully I will not determine. Than the Cardynalles there were sore abashed/ and studied whom they might choose to be pope. The same time the French king returned again to his health/ whereof all such as loved him had great joy/ and specially the good queen/ who had given moche alms and done many pilgrimages for the king/ and caused general processions to be made in Paris. As I was informed the cardinals at Auygnon did elect and choose to be pope the cardinal de la Line. To speak truly this cardinal was an holy man and of good life. This election was made condycionally/ that if the french king and his counsel were content therewith/ or else not. Now regard and consider the great subjection that the church was in/ In that where the church should be free/ they submitted them to be under such as should have been ordered by them. Thus this cardinal de la Lyne was chosen pope/ and named Benedic. He gave general graces to all clerks that would come to avignon. And by the counsel of his brethren the cardinals/ he wrote of the creation of his papality to the French king. But as I was informed the king took little regard thereto/ for as than he was not determined whether he should take him for very pope or not/ and thereupon the king sent for the greatest clerks of the university of Paris/ to have their advise and counsel. Than master johan of Gyg●neourte and master Pyer Placyous (who were in prudence and learning/ the greatest clerks in Paris said to the king in the name of all the hole university/ how that the cysme of the church corrupted the christian faith/ and how that it might not long endure in that estate/ without all christendom should repent it/ and run in great danger/ and specially the prelate's and priests of the church. They of the university were determined to send no rolls to Auygnon/ for any clerks to have any graces of this Pope Benedyc. The french king saw well their opinions were reasonable/ and would have none of his clerks enroled to seek for the pope's graces/ till the matter were better determined. Thus that matter abode still in that estate. How be it the duke of Berrey exalted greatly this pope Benedic/ and sent his roll/ whereby moche people were purveyed of graces of this Benedic. The duke of Burgoyne and the duchess dyssymuled the matter with the king/ and so did the duke of orleans with many other great lords of France. and some for favour held them to this pope Benedyc/ who denied no man his graces/ to the intent that his court at Auygnon should be full/ and to have the more reputation. The duke of Bretaygne followed the french kings opinion/ for he was before time so abused by the information of his cousin the earl of Flaunders/ that his heart would never incline to believe on Pope Clement/ though the clerks of Bretaygne believed and held him for pope. So when any promotion was void in France/ the king promoted his clerks/ without giving any knowledge thereof to this pope Benedic/ wherewith he and his cardinals at Auygnon were sore abashed/ and doubted lest the french king would restrain such rents and profits as they were wont to have of the benefits given in the realm of France. Than they determined to send a legate in to France to speak with the King and his counsel/ to know how he would order him against the church/ and to show him how that he that is chosen pope is under this condition/ that if he be pleased/ than he to abide still as pope/ or else they to put him out of his papality/ and the cardinals to enter again in to conclave/ and chose one after the kings pleasure/ At this time was come to Paris and was about the king/ the freer mynour a meek man/ who was sent in to France by pope Bonyface of Rome. The french king heard gladly this freers preaching. Than came in to France the legate fro Auygnon/ who was a great and a subtile clerk and well languaged. Than the hole university counseled the king/ and said how it were well done that either Bonyface or else Benedyc to be put out of th● is papality/ and all his cardinals to be put out of their cardynalyties. And in stead of them to be chosen good clerks/ wyfemen/ and of good conscience/ as well of Almaigne and France/ as of other nations. And they to be set together by good delyberation and counsel/ without favour or evil will to set the church thereby at one point with one pope. They said/ they saw well there was none other way to bring it to a good conclusion/ because pride and envy so reigned in the world/ that the princes and lords each held their own party. This preposytion that the unyversite had made before the king/ pleased right well the king/ and the dukes of orleans & of Surgoyne. And the king said he would write and send messengers to the king of almain and of Bo●sme/ and of Hungry: and to the king of England. And he thought himself sure enough of the kings of Castyle/ of Naver/ of Arragon/ of Cicyle/ of Naples/ & of Scotland/ that they would obey to such a pope as he and his Realm obeyed unto. And upon this/ the french king sent his letters & messengers to these said kings. There was good leisure in doing of this/ both in going and coming again with answer. and in that mean time there passed out of this world at Paris/ the noble clerk masters johan of Gygencourt/ of whose death the king and the lords/ and the hole university were right sorry/ for he last not his fellow behind him and he had in his days taken great pain to reform the church/ and to have brought it in to a perfit unity.   

¶ Of a clerk named master Iohn of warennes. Capi. C.xcvii.  
THe same season there was a great clerk at Auignone/ both of science and of prudence/ doctor in the laws & auditor of the palace of the casion of Ramnes/ called master johan of warennes: And by reason of such service as he had done to pope Clement & to other/ he was greatly avaunted and promoted with benefices/ and he was at that point to be a bishop or a cardinal: he had been chapelayne with one at Auygnone/ called saint Peter of Lusenbourge. The same master johan Warennes for all his promotions he resigned them all/ and retained to himself but a small living/ and that was the sextenty of our lady church in Renes/ worth by year if he be resident a. C. franks/ & in absence but xxx and so departed fro avignon/ & came to dwell near to Renes in a village called saint Ley. & there he led an holy life & preached the word of god/ and exalted moche the pope at Auygnon and condemned in his words the pope at Rome. He was visited of moche people of all countries that came to see him/ and to see the holy life that he led. He fasted every day. Some people said that the cardinals at Avignon/ by craft and subtlety had sent him thither/ to exalt and to colour their opinion/ or else he was come thither to show his holy life. He would in no wise be called the holy man of saint Ley/ but the audytor. He had always in his company his mother: He said mass every day devoutly/ and all that was given him/ he would give it again for god's sake: He would ask nothing of no man. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of him/ and speak of other business/ as the matter requireth. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the king of England gave to the duke of Lancastre and to his heirs for ever the duchy of aquitane/ and how the king prepared to go in to Ireland/ and the duke in to aquitane. Cap. C.xcviii.  
YE have herd here before in this history/ how Trewce was taken between England and France/ and there adherences and alyes/ both by see and by land. For all that/ yet there were robbers and pillars in Languedocke/ which were strangers and of far countries: As of Gascoigne/ of Bierne/ and of almain. And among other/ sir johan of grail bastard (son sometime of the captal of Beuses/ a young and an expert knight) was captain of the strong castle of Boutevyll. These captains of the garrisons in Bigore and marching on the realm of Arragone/ and on the fronters of Xaynton/ and in the marchesse of Rochel/ and of the garrison of Mortaygne/ were sore displeased that they might natte over run to country/ as they were accustomed to do. For they were straitly commanded on pain of grievous punishment/ to do nothing that should sound to the reproach of the peace.  
IN this season it was agreed in England/ considering that the king was young/ and that he had peace with all his enemies/ far and near/ except with Ireland. For he claimed that land of inheritance/ and his predecessors before him/ and was written king and lord of Ireland. And king Edward/ graunfather to king richard/ made all ways war with the irish men. And to the intent that the young knights and squires of England should employ themself in deeds of arms/ and thereby to augment and increase the honour of the realm. It was concluded/ that king richard of England should make thither a voyage with puissance of men of war: And so to enter in to Ireland/ and not to return again without they had an honourable composition or conclusion. The same season it was concluded/ that the duke of Lancastre who had greatly travailed both by See and by land/ for the augmentation and honour of the reralme of England/ should make another voyage with five hundred men of arms and a thousand archers/ and to take shiping at Hampton or at Plommouthe/ and so to sail to Guyane and to Acquitaygne. And it was the intention of king richard/ and by consent of all his counsel/ that the duke of Lancastre should have for ever to him and to his heirs/ all the country of Acquitayne with the purtenaunces/ as king Edward his father had/ or any other kings or dukes of Acquitayne/ before time had holden & obtained: And as king richard at that time had/ reserved always the homage that he should do to the king of England/ & to any kings to come after. But as for all the obeysaunces/ rents/ lordshypes/ and revenues/ should parteygne to the duke of Lancastre and to his heirs for ever. Of this the king made to him a clear grant/ & confirmed it under his writing & seal. With this gift the duke of Lancastre was well content & good cause why. For in that Duchy are lands and countries for a great lord to maynteygne his estate with all. The Charter of this gift was engrossed and duly examined/ and passed by great delyberation/ and good advise of counsel. Being present the king and his two uncles/ the dukes of york and the duke of Gloucestre: The earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Arundel/ the earl of Derby/ son to the duke of Lancastre: And also th'earl Marshal earl of Rutland/ the earl of Northumberland/ the earl of Nottyngham/ the lord Thomas Percy/ the lord Spensar/ the lord Beamonde/ the lord William of Arundel: The archbishop of Caunterbury and the archbishop of york/ and the bishop of London/ and other: all these were present/ and divers oath Prelates and barownes of England. then the duke of Lancastre purposed to make his provision to pass the See to go in to Acquitayne/ to enjoy the gift that the king had given him. In likewise great provision was made for the kings voyage in to Ireland/ and lords and other were appointed/ such as should pass the See with the king/ & had warning to make them ready. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the death of Queen Anne of England wife to king Richard daughter to the king of Boesme & Emperor of almain. Capi. C.xcix.  
THus (as I have showed) great preparations was made/ at the ports and havens/ where as the king should take shyppeping for to go in to Ireland/ And in likewise there as the duke of Lancastre should pass to go in to Acquitayne/ Their voyage was let/ and tarried the space of two months lengar than it should have been/ and I shall tell you why.  
THe same season that all these preparations was made/ the Queen named Anne took a sickness/ whereby the king and all his lords were right sore troubled/ for she was so sore sick/ that she passed out of this world at the feast of Penthecost: the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and fourteen/ of whose death the king and all that loved her/ ladies and damoselles were sore troubled/ and in great heaviness. She was buried at Paul's in London/ and her obse●es done after at good leisure/ for the king would have it done sumptuously/ with great abundance of wax/ tapers/ and torches/ so that the like had not been seen before. The king would have it so/ because she was the emperors daughter of Rome and king of almain. The king loved her so entirely. They were married young/ how be it she died without issue. Thus in one season/ the king/ the duke of Lancastre/ and the earl of Derby were wydowers. And there was no speaking of remaryeng/ nor the king would hear no speaking thereof. Thus the kings voyage in to Ireland was somewhat retarded & let/ how be it the provision and other lords/ such as should go with the king/ passed over the see and landed at Dwelyn/ which was always english/ and there is an archbishop who was with the king. And anon after midsummer the king departed fro the marchesse of London/ and took the way through Wales hunting and sporting him/ to forget the death of his queen/ and such as should go with the king set forward. Two of the kings uncles/ Edmonde duke of york and Thomas duke of Gloucestre constable of England/ set forward in great array/ so died other lords: as the earl of Rutland/ son to the duke of york/ the earl marshal earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Arundel/ the lord William of Arundel/ the earl of Northumberlande lord Percy/ lord Thomas Percy his brother great Seneschal of England/ the earls of devonshire and Notyngham/ and great number of other knights and squires Such reserved/ as abode behind to keep the marchesse against the scots/ who were such people as never kept no truce nor promise. The lord johan of holland earl of Huntyngton was as than on his way to jerusalem and to saint Katheryns mount/ and purposed to return by the realm of Hungry/ for as he passed through France (where he had great cheer of the king/ and of his brother and uncles) he heard how the king of Hungry and the great Turk should have battle together/ therefore he thought sure lie to be at that journey. On the otherside the duke of Lancastre came to Plomouthe/ where his ships lay ready. And when his men were come and his vessels all charged and had wind at will/ they took shipping and disancred and sailed towards Bordeaux/ on the river of Gyron.  
Now let us speak of the king of England/ who had in his company four thousand men of arms and thirty thousand archers. They shipped at three places. At Brutowe/ at Holyheed/ and at Herforde/ they passed over daily. And in Ireland all ready there was a valiant knight of England/ called earl of Ormonde. He held lands in Ireland/ and so died his predecessors/ but it was as than in debate. The earl Martial of England had the vanward with fifteen hundred spears and two thousand archers. The king of England and his two uncles took shyppinge at Herforde in Wales. Thus the army passed over without damage/ & than they were lodged in Ireland/ by the appointment of the duke of Gloucestre constable of England and by the marshal's/ all abroad in the country/ beyond the city of Dwelyn a xxx mile/ for the country was as than inhabitable: How be it they lay wisely and surely for fear of the irish men/ as need was/ or else they might have taken great damage. And the king and his uncles were lodged in the city of Dwelyn: and as it was showed me all the while they were there/ they were largely provided of victuals: For the english men are/ such men of war as can well forage and take advantage/ and make good provision for themself and their horses. And what fell of this voyage I shall show you here after/ as I was informed. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How sir Iohn Froissart arrived in England/ and of the gift of a book that he gave to to the king. Cap. CC.  
True it was/ that I sir johan Froissart (as at that time treasurer and canon of Chymay/ in the earldom of Heynaulte in the diocese of Liege) had great affection to go and see the realm of England/ when I had been in Abbevyle/ and saw that truce was taken between the realms of England and France/ and other countries to them conjoined and there adherentes/ to endure four years by See and by land. Many reasons moved me to make that voyage. One was/ because in my youth I had been brought up in the court of the noble king Edward the third and of queen philip his wife/ and among their children/ and other barones of England/ that as than were a live: In whom I found all nobleness/ honour/ largesse/ and courtesy. Here fore I desired to see the country/ thinking thereby I should live much the lengar/ for I had not been there xxviii year before/ & I thought though I saw natte those lords that I left a live there/ yet at the least I should see their heirs the which should do me much good to see/ and also to justify the histories and matters that I had written of them. And or I took my journey/ I spoke with duke Aubert of Bavyere/ and with the Earl of Heynaulte/ holland/ zeland/ and lord of freeze/ and with my lord William earl of Ostrenaunt/ and with my right honourable lady jahane duchess of Brabant and of Lusenbourge/ and with the lord Eugerant/ lord Coucy/ and with the gentle knight the lord of Gomegynes/ who in his youth and mine/ had been together in England in the kings court. In likewise so had I seen there the lord of Coucy/ and divers other nobles of France/ holden great households in London/ when they lay there in hostage for the redemption of king johan/ as than French king: As it hath been showed here before in this history.  
THese said lords and the Duchess of Brabant/ counseled me to take this journey/ and gave me letters of recommendation to the king of England and to his uncles/ saving the lord Coucy: He would not write to the king because he was a French man/ therefore he durst not/ but to his daughter/ who as than was called duchess of Ireland. And I had engrossed in a fair book well enlumyned/ all the matters of Amours and moralytees/ that in four and twenty years before I had made and compiled/ which greatly quickened my desire to go in to England to see king richard/ who was son to the noble prince of Wales and of Acquitayne/ for I had not seen this king richard/ sith he was Christened in the Cathedral church of Bordeaux/ at which time I was there/ and thought to have gone with the prince the journey in to Galycia in spain. And when we were in the city of Aste/ the prince sent me back in to England to the Queen his mother.  
For these causes and other/ I had great desire to go in to England to see the king and his uncles. Also I had this said fair book well covered with velvet/ garnished with clapses of Silver and guilt/ thereof to make a present to the king/ at my first comining to his presence. I had such desire to go this voyage/ that the pain and travail grieved me nothing. Thus provided of horses and other necessaries I passed the See at Calais and came to Dover/ the xii day of the month of july. when I came there I found no man of my knowledge/ it was so long sith I had been in England and the houses were all newly changed/ and young children were become men/ and the women knew me natte nor I them. So I abode half a day and all a night at Dover: It was on a tuesday/ And the next day by nine of the clock I came to Canterbury to saint Thomas shrine/ and to the tomb of the noble prince of Wales/ who is there entered right richly. There I heard mass & made mine offering to the holy saint/ and than dined at my lodging: And there I was informed/ how king Richard should be there the next day on pilgrimage/ which was after his return out of Ireland/ where he had been the space of nine moneches or there about. The king had a devotion to visit saint Thomas shrine/ and also because the prince his father was there buried Than I thought to abide the king there/ and so I died. And the next day the king came thither with a noble company of lords ladies/ and damosels. And when I was among them they seemed to me all new folks I knew no person. The time was sore changed in xxviii year. And with the king as than was none of his uncles/ the duke of Lancastre was in Acquitayne/ and the dukes of york and Glocestre were in other businesses/ so that I was at the first all abashed/ for if I had seen any ancient knight that had been with king Edward or with the price/ I had been well reconforted and would have gone to him/ but I could see none such. than I demanded for a knight called sir richard Seury/ whither he were a live or not/ and it was showed me yes/ but he was at London. Than I thought to go to the lord Thomas Percy/ great seneschal of Englade who was there with the king. so I acquainted me with him and I found him right honourable and gracious. And he offered to present me and my letters to the king/ whereof I was right joyful/ for it behoved me to have some means to bring me to the presence of such a prince as the King of England was. He went to the kings chamber/ at which time the king was gone to sleep/ and so he showed me/ and bad me return to my lodging and come again/ and so I died. And when I came to the bishops palace/ I found the lord Thomas Percy ready to ride to Ospring. And he counseled me to make as than no knowledge of my being there/ but to follow the court/ and said he would cause me ever to be well lodged/ till the king should be at the fair castle of Ledes in Kent. I ordered me after his counsel and road before to Ospring/ & by adventure I was lodged in an house/ where was lodged a gentle knight of England called sir William lisle. He was tarried there behind the king/ because he had pain in his heed all the night before. He was one of the kings privy chamber. And when he saw that I was a stranger/ and as he thought of the marchesse of France because of my language/ We fill in acquayncaunce together/ for gentlemen of England are curcesse/ treatable/ and glad of acquaintance. Than he demanded what I was/ and what business I had to do in those parties. I showed him a great part of my coming thither/ and all that the lord Thomas Percy had said to me/ and ordered me to do. He than answered and said/ how I could not have a better mean/ and that on the Friday the king should be at the castle of Ledes. And he showed me that when I came there/ I should find there the duke of york the kings uncle/ whereof I was right glad/ because I had letters directed to him/ and also that in his youth he had seen me/ in the court of the noble king Edward his father and with the queen his mother. Than on the Friday in the morning sir William lisle and I road together/ and on the way I demanded of him/ if he had been with the king in the voyage in to Ireland. He answered me yes. Than I demanded of him the manner of the Hole that is in Ireland/ called saint patrick's purgatory/ if it were true that was said of it or not. Than he said/ that of a surety such a hole there was/ and that he himself and another knight of England had been there while the king lay at Dwelyn/ and said/ how they entered in to the hole & were closed in at the son going down/ and abode there all night/ and the next morning issued out again at the son rising. Than I demanded it he had any such strange sights or visions as was spoken of. Than he said/ how that when he & his fellow were entered and passed the gate that was called the purgatory of saint patrick/ and that they were descended and gone down three or four paces/ descending down as in to a cellar/ a certain hoot wapure rose against them/ and struck so in to their heeds/ that they were fain to sit down on the steres/ which are of stone. And after they had sit there a season/ they had great desire to sleep/ and so fell a sleep and slept there all night. Than I demanded that if in their sleep they knew where they were/ or what visions they had: he answered me/ that in sleeping they entered in to great imaginations and in marvelous dreams/ otherwise/ than they were wont to have in their chambers: and in the morning they issued out/ and within a short season/ clean forgot their dreures & visions/ wherefore he said/ he thought all that matter was but a fantasy. Than I left speaking any further of that matter/ because I would fain have known of him what was done in the voyage in Ireland. And I thought as than to have demanded what the king had done in that journey/ but than company of other knights came and fell in communication with him/ so that I left my purpose for that tyme. Thus we rob to Ledes/ and thither came the king and all his company/ and there I found the lord Edmonde duke of york. Than I went to him and delivered my letters fro the earl of Heynaulte his cousin/ and fro the earl of Ostrenaunt. The duke knew me well and made me good cheer and said. Sir johan/ hold you always near to us/ and we shall show you love and courtesy/ we are bound thereto for the love of time past and for love of my lady the old Queen my mother/ in whose court ye were: we have good remembrance thereof. Than I thanked him as reason required. So I was advanced by reason of him and sir Thomas Percy and sir William lisle. By their means I was brought in to the kings chamber/ and in to his presence by means of his uncle the duke of york. Than I delivered my letters to the king/ and he took and read them at good leisure. Than he said to me that I was welcome/ as he that had been and is of the english court. As on that day I showed not the king the book that I had brought for him/ he was so sore occupied with great affairs/ that I had as than no leisure to present my book. The king was sore busied there in counsel for two great & mighty matters. First was/ in determining to send sufficient messengers/ as th'earl of Rutland his cousin germayne and the earl Martial/ the archbishop of Dublyn/ the bishop of Ely/ the lord Joys Clyssorde/ the lord Henry Beaumonde/ the lord Hugh Spensar/ and many other/ over the See to Charles the French king/ to treat with him for a marriage to be had/ between the king of England and the French kings eldest daughter/ named Isabella/ of the age of eight years. The second cause was the lord de la Bard/ the lord of Taryde/ the lord of Pyntherne/ the lord of Newcastle/ the lord of Nesque/ the lord of Copane/ and the counsellors of Bordeaux/ Bayon/ and of Daxe were come in to England/ and had quickly pursued their matter/ sith the kings return out of Ireland/ to have an answer/ of the requests and process that they had put forth to the king/ on the gift that the king had given to his uncle the duke of Lancastre/ of the lands/ signories/ lordships/ and baronyes in aquitane/ which they verified to pertaygne to the king and realm of England. They had alleged to the king and his counsel/ that his gift might not pass so/ because it was unprofitable and mutyle. For they said/ all those lands held of right and of the demayne of the crown of England/ Wherefore they said/ they would not disjoin nor dissever them fro the crown. They alleged furthermore/ many other reasonable causes: as ye shall here after in this process. But thus to have co●sayle of those two great matters/ the king had sent for the most part of the prelate's and lords of England/ to be at the feast of Maudelyntyde/ at a manner of the kings called Eltham/ a six english miles fro London. And when they had tarried at Ledes a four days/ the king returned to Rochester and so to Elthame: & so I road forth in the kings company. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the refuse of them of aquitane made to the duke of Lancastre and how they sent in to England to the king and his counsel/ showing him the will of the hole country of aquitane. Cap. Cc.i  
IN riding the way between Lead and Eltham/ I demanded of sir William lisle and of sir Iohn of Graily captain of Boutevyll/ the cause why the king drew to London ward/ and why that great counsel should assemble at Eltham. They told me/ and specially sir johan Graily rehearsed to me plainly/ why the lords of Gascon were come thither/ and the counsellors of the good towns and cities. thus I was informed by this knight who knew the troth/ for he was often times among them/ they and he were in a manner all of one country and fronter/ he said thus. Surely when the Duke of Lancastre came first in to aquitane/ sufficiently fournysshed with charters and writings engrossed and sealed with the great seal of England/ and enroled and firmly decreed with full accord of all prelate's and lords of England/ and also by consent of the duke Edmonde of york and Earl of Cambridge/ and of Thomas duke of Gloucestre/ though the said heritages might by succession have come to them/ for King richard of England their nephew/ had as than no children/ and these said two dukes were brethren germans of father and mother to the duke of Lancastre/ which duke anon after he was come in to aquitane/ sent some of his counsel to the city of Bordeaux/ to show to the Mayor & counsellors of the town/ the form and tenor of his request/ and for what cause he was come in to the country. When they heard this they greatly marveled/ how be it they joyfully received the kings and dukes commissioners/ for the honour of the king/ to whom they ought their service and obeisance. Than they desired to take counsel/ and so they did. Than after they answered and said/ that the duke of Lancastre son to king Edward/ who had been their lord was welcome among them/ and none otherwise. for they said they had not so far forth taken counsel/ as to receive him to their sovereign lord/ for they said that to king richard their sovereign lord they had done fealty and homage/ and as than he had made them no quytance. Than answered the commissioners and said. Sirs fear not but that ye shall have sufficient discharge in that behalf/ so ye take the duke to your sovereign lord/ for ye shall see by the content of the kings charters/ that there shall never question be made thereof in time to come. when they of Bordeaux saw they were so near touched/ they found them another succour and said. Fair lords/ your commission extendeth not all only upon us/ but in likewise to them of the city of Bayon/ and to the prelate's and barones of Gascoigne/ and to all that be under the obeisance of the king of England. ye shall draw you towards them and as they do and order them/ we shall follow the same. Other answer the commissioners could not have at that time of them of Burdeau●. Than they departed and road to Lyborne/ where the duke of Lancastre lay.  
When the duke heard their answers/ he imagined in himself/ that the business that he was come thither for/ should not be so soon achieved as he trusted it should have been. Than he sent his counsel to the city of Bayon/ and as they sped in Bordeaux so they did there/ other answer could they have none. And finally all the prelate's and noble men/ counsellors of cities & good towns in Gascoigne/ under the obeisance of the king of England/ conjoined them together/ and concluded in the form and manner as I shall show you. They said they would gladly receive the duke of Lancastre in to their cities/ towns/ and castles/ as the son of king Edward/ and uncle to king richard of England/ so that at his enterings he should solemnly swear/ that peaceably and in good manner he and his should entreat the people with out enforcing of any thing/ and to pay reasonably for every thing that they should dispend/ and also to swear that he should not oppress nor cause to be oppressed the iurysdictyon of the Crown of England/ by no manner of way nor action. The duke answered to this and said/ that he was not come in to the country to grieve or oppress the people/ but would rather keep and defend them against all men/ as his heritage/ and desired and required them/ that the commandment of the king of England might be observed and acomplisshed. Than the hole country by a common voice/ said that in no wise they would depart fro the crown of England/ and that it was not in the king of England's power to give them away to another lord/ nor to put them fro the crown of England. These demands and denyenges were long a debating/ between the duke of Lancastre and the lords and towns of Gascon. And when the duke saw none other remedy/ than he made request to the country that the prelate's and noble men/ and counsellors of the good towns should send sufficient personages to the king of England and to his counsel/ and how he would send in likewise notable persons of his counsel. and look what so ever the king and his counsel should determine in that cause/ he promised surely to abide there by/ whether it were with him or against him. Than they of Gascon considered well that his request was reasonable/ and agreed to do as the duke had desired. Than the duke road to Burdeaur/ and was lodged in the abbey of saint Andrew's/ where he had been lodged before tyme. Than they of the city of Bayon and Dar/ appointed sufficient personages to send in to England and the barons of Gascon under the kings obeisance/ sent in like wise. Also ye shall know that when the french king and his uncles understood that the duke of Laucastre was peaceably entered in to the city of Bordeaux/ and knew not for what intent/ nor whether he would keep or break the truce. Than he and his counsel determined to send to him/ to know somewhat of his intent. There was appointed to go/ the lord Boucyquant marshal of France/ the lord johan of castle Morante/ and johan Bars of Barroys/ and they to have with them a thousand spears. Thus they road forth till they came to the city of Again/ and there tarried. Than they sent heralds and messnagers to Bordeaux to the duke of Lancastre/ showing him how they would gladly speak with him. The duke made these messengers good cheer/ and wrote again to these lords/ certifyeng them/ that where as they had great desire to speak with him/ in likewise he had the same to speak with them/ and because they should take the less pain he promised to come and meet with them at Bergerate. And when the french lords saw this letter/ they gave credence thereto and ordered them there after/ and as soon as they knew that the duke was come to Bergerate/ they departed fro Again and road thither. There they were received and lodged in the town/ and their company in the subbarbes. These lords spoke with the Duke and showed him their message. The duke received them sweetly/ and answered and said/ how he would be a good & a kind neighbour to the french king and the realm and to keep and maintain the truce taken between the two kings/ for he said he himself was one of the princypalles that aided to make and ordain that truce/ wherefore he said he ought not nor would not break it/ thereof they might be well assured. The dukes answer pleased greatly the lords of France. Thus the duke and they were lovingly together/ and the duke gave them a great dinner and supper/ and after they took their leave/ and the duke returned to Bordeaux and the french men in to France. They found in their way the duke of Berrey at the city of Poyeters'/ and they showed him what they had done. The duke of Berrey thought the duke of Lancaster's answer reasonable/ and so did the french king and the duke of Burgoyne/ and so the matter abode still in this estate. And for this cause quoth sir johan Graily the duke of Lancastre hath sent hither in to England of his counsel/ as sir William Pe●reer and sir Peter Clyfton/ and two clerks learned in the law/ as master johan Huche and master johan Richard of Leycettour/ to treat and to pleat his matters before the king and his uncles/ and for this cause the king rideth to Eltham/ and shall be there on thursday next/ that shall be Mary maudelyn day/ but what shallbe done as yet I know not. But as I am informed of some english men that know somewhat/ the duke of Gloucestre will be principally of the opinion that his brother the duke of Lancastre should abide still in Guienne/ rather than to retourue again in to England/ because he was so great with the king. for I ensure you this duke of Gloucestre is a marvelous minded man/ proud and presumptuous/ he would rule all himself/ and he is so beloved of the commonalty/ that what so ever he saith they will incline to him. He caused the valiant knight the lord Simon Burle and the duke of Ireland/ the archbishop of york and many other knights/ and other of the kings counsel to die for hatred and evil will/ during the season that the duke of Lancastre was beyond the see in Castyle. He is more dread in England than beloved.  
Now let this matter pass quod sir Iohn Graily/ and I shall show you now the second business that the king hath to do/ as I am informed. The kings pleasure is to be remaryed/ and hath sertched over all for a wife. if the duke of Burgoyne or the earl of Haynalte had any daughter to marry/ the king would gladly have had one of them/ but they have none/ but such as be married. It hath been showed the king that the king of Navarre hath both suffers and daughters/ but he will not intend that ways. The duke of Gloucestre hath a daughter able to marry he would gladly that the king should have had her/ but the king would not/ for he said she was to near of his kin/ for she is his cousin germayne. The king inclineth most his mind to the French kings daughter/ whereof all the country hath great marvel that he would take his enemies daughter. the king is not the best beloved Prince of the world with his people/ but he setteth little thereby. he showeth always how he had rather have war with any other realm than with France/ wherefore he would have a good peace between the french king and him and their realms/ for the king will often times say that the war hath endured to long between them/ and that many valiant men are deed thereby on both parties/ whereby the christian faith is sore mynysshed and feebled. And it is not pleasant to the realm of England that he should marry with France/ and it hath been showed him that the daughter of France is over young/ and that this five or two year she shall not be able to keep him company. Thereto he hath answered and saith/ that she shall grow right well in age/ and though he fast a season he shall take it well a worth/ and shall order herein the mean season at his pleasure/ and after the manner of England/ saying also how he is yet young enough to abide till the lady be of age. No man can break the king out of this purpose/ and or ye depart/ ye shall here much of this matter. And thus for these causes the king rideth now to Eltham.  
THus this gentle knight sir johan of Graily and I devised together as we road between Rochestre and Dertforde. this knight was captain of Boutevyle/ bastard son sometime to the captal of Beusz/ and I heard his words gladly and did put them in memory. And all the way between Lead and Eltham I road most part in his company/ and with sir William lisle. Thus the king came to Eltham on a tuesday/ and on the wednesday the lords of all costs began to assemble. thither came the duke of Gloucestre/ and the earls of Derby/ Arundel/ Northumberlande/ Kent/ Rutland/ and the earl Martial/ and the archbishops of Caunterbury and york/ and the bishops of London and Wynchester. And on the thursday about the hour of three/ they assembled together in the kings chamber in the kings presence. Than the knights of Gascoigne were sent for/ and the counsellors of the good towns/ And also the Duke of Lancastres' counsel was sent for. I was not present nor might not be suffered/ there were none but the lords of the counsel/ who debated the matter more than four hours. And after dinner I fell in acquaintance with an ancient knight whom I knew in king Edward's days/ and he was as than of king Rychardes' privy counsel/ he was called sir richard Sury he knew me anon/ and yet in xxiiii years he had not seen me before/ which was at Colbridge/ and at Bruselles/ in the house of duke Wyncelante of Brabant/ and of the duchess jahan of Brabant. this knight sir richard Sury made me good cheer/ and demanded of me many things/ and I answered him as I knew. And as I walked up and down with him in a gallery before the kings chamber/ I demanded him questions of that counsel/ and desired him to tell me if he might what conclusion was taken. He heard me well and paused a little/ and afterward said. sir johan I shall show you/ for it is no matter to be hidden and kept secret/ for shortly ye shall here them published all openly. ye know well quoth he/ and Jame sure ye have heard rehearsed how the duke of Lancastre is gone in to aquitane/ to rejoice the gyft● that the king my sovereign lord hath given him/ for the love that he hath to him/ for he hath done the king right good service and the crown of England/ therefore in reward the king hath clearly given to him and to his heirs for ever/ the hold duchy of Acquitayne/ so as it intendeth in meats and limitations/ seneschalles/ baylyages/ sygnories/ and wasselages/ and clean quiteth all them that hold of him by faith or oath/ and in all homage the resort reserved/ more the king hath reserved to the crown of England in time to come. And this gift is so sufficiently confirmed that all the kings other uncles and all the counsel of England hath accorded there to/ and the king hath given special commandment to all his subjects in the said limitations of aquitane/ to obey in all points without any othermeane/ his dear and well beloved uncle/ duke johan of Lancastre/ and after the sight of his letters to hold and to take him to their sovereign lord/ and to swear to him faith and homage/ and to hold of him truly/ as they have anciently done and held at the date of those letters/ given by the king of England or his deputies or commissioners. And who soever that rebelleth or speaketh against this the kings grant of what condition so ever he be/ to answer thereto within three days. The king gave to his uncle of Lancastre and to his commissioners/ full power and puissance to correct them/ and to put them out of all hope to have any other return or resort. yet not withstanding all these letters and straight commandment of the king/ the good towns and cities of Gascoigne/ under the king of England's obeisance/ and all other lords/ knights and gentlemen of the country/ are conjoined together to keep their towns close against the duke/ and will not nor are not in mind to obey the duke in this case/ for they say/ and have said/ and yet sustain at this hour/ that the gift that the king hath given to his uncle of Lancastre/ is not sufficient nor profitable/ and out of the order of reason. And that duke who would not win them but by gentleness/ heard patiently their defences. and that no further inconvenients should ensue/ therefore his counsel and their counsels are come hither to debate and to declare the cause why they do not obey the kings commandment. And surely as this day they have right wisely showed their answer/ and laid forth certain articles of reason/ and they have been well herd. And they have laid such reasons that in a manner the king and his counsel think they have cause to abide by their quarrel/ I shall show you how/ but I would ye kept it secret till it be known further abroad. And I answered I would so do. Well quoth the knight/ one (as me thought was offyciall of Bordeaux) spoke for all his party/ and first showed forth his procuration and authority/ to the intent he might the better be believed/ and than began and said/ that the city of Bordeaux/ and the cities of Bayon and Dax and all the sygnories and lorshyppes that be appendent to the limits of the said countries and cities/ be of so noble condition/ that no king of England by no manner of action or deed may put away or dyscever them fro the demayns of the crown of England/ nor to give or alyenate them/ to child/ uncle/ nor brother/ by reason of marriage or otherwise/ and to verify this we say that the above named towns/ cities/ and sygnories are sufficiently privileged by kings of England/ who have sworn faithfully to hold and to keep us so/ without revocasyon. For as soon as any King of England entereth in to the possession of the heritage of the Crown of England/ he sweareth sufficiently on the evangelists to hold this farm and stable without breaking. and ye right dear sir as king of England have made like oath. And sir to verify this to be of troth/ behold here these writings. And there with he showed forth letters and charters under the signs of notaries imperyalles/ and sealed with the great seal of England/ given by the same king richard there being present/ and there openly he red it from clause to clause. The charter was well herd and understand/ for it was both in latin and in French/ and it named in the end many witnesses of prelate's and great lords of England/ who were for the more surety testes of that deed/ at the lest to the number of xi when the kings counsel heard this/ they beheld each other/ and looked on the king. There was no man spoke a word nor made no replication. when he had red it over he folded it and put it up/ and spoke further/ addressing his words to the king/ and said. Right dear sir and redoubted sovereign lord/ and you my right dear lords/ and other/ at my departing out of the country/ I was charged to show you by the counsellors of the good Cities and towns of Gascoigne/ being under the obeisance of the crown of England/ hath well over seen the form and manner of your commandment/ sent unto them under your seal/ which they knew right well/ yet they think and say that this commandment may not be obeyed/ for if so were that the cities and good towns of Guienne would incline to receive the duke of Lancastre to their lord/ and acquit for ever the homage and obeisance that they own to you/ it should be greatly to the prejudice of the crown of England/ for though it were so that at this time present the duke of Lancastre is the kings uncle and subgiet/ and well beloved/ and would hold and keep all points and articles belonging to the crown of England/ yet it may so hap that such love and tenure may lightly be lost/ by change of heirs/ by reason of marriages that are made between lords and ladies/ in changing fro one to another/ though they be near of lineage/ by dispensation of the pope/ for sometime it is of necessity that marriages be made of high Princes or of their children/ one with another/ to hold their lands and sygnories in love and amity. And so it might fall that such heirs as might descend of the Duke of lancaster/ should conjoin them by marriage to the children of some king in France/ or of dukes of Berrey/ Bretaygne/ or earls of Foize/ or Armynake/ or kings of Navarre/ or dukes of Anjou or of Main/ and than they being beyond the see peradventure in the parties of France/ should claim their inheritance/ and thereby put the country of Guienne in discord/ and to bring it to be against the crown of England/ whereby the king of England than reigning/ and the Realm also/ should have peradventure over moche pain to recover it again/ and so the right to be put far of fro thence whereunto it should return and be/ as of the demayne of the Crown of England. Wherefore right dear sir and redoubted lords and noble counsellors/ please it you to consider all these points and articles which I have purposed in your presence/ and determine it as ye shall seem best/ for sir the full opinion of all the country is/ they say they will abide still in the obey sans of you right redoubted lord and king/ and in the demayne of the noble Crown of England. Therewith this offyciall held his peace/ and the prelate's and lords each of them regarded other. Than they drew together and approached to the king first his two uncles/ and the earls of Derby and Arundel. Than they of aquitane were commanded to depart till they were called again. They departed and also the two knights that were come thither fro the duke of Lancastre. Than the king demanded counsel what should be done/ and what answer should be made. The prelate's turned the answer to the kings uncles/ because the matter touched them rather than any other. At the first they excused them saying they might not well answer/ for the matter was common/ and aught to be debated by common counsel/ and not by lineage nor favour. Thus they bode a good space/ but finally the answer was laid on the duke of Gloucestre/ and he was prayed and required to say his advise. Than he answered and said/ how it was a herd thing to take a way or to disanul the gift of a king/ confirmed and sealed by the accord of all his subjects/ and by delyberation of his special counsel/ wherefore he said his subjects should be rebel that would not obey/ for in that they would make that the king should not be lord of his own inheritance/ if that he might not do with his own what it pleased him. some glossed those words/ and some thought in their courage/ that the answer was not reasonable/ but they durst not say against it/ the duke of Gloucestre was so sore dread/ and the earl of Derby son to the duke of Lancastre was there present/ who furthered those words and said. Fair uncle ye have well said/ I am of your opinion. Therewith the counsel began to break/ and some murmured one with another/ and they of Guienne nor yet the duke of Lancaster's knights were not called again at that tyme. When the king saw all the matter he dyssimuled a little/ and it was his intention that they should assemble together again in counsel after dinner/ to see if any other proper way might be taken for the honour of the crown of England. Than the king caused the bishop of Caunterbury to speak of that he had given him in charge in the morning to speak of/ that was upon the state of his marriage/ and to send in to France. The lords were of accord and named them that should go/ which were the archbishop of Dwelyn/ the earl of Rutland/ the earl Martial/ the lord Beaumonde/ the lord Hugh Spenser/ the lord Joys Clyfforde/ and twenty knights and xl. squires. These were sent in to France to treat for the marriage of the french kings daughter Isabella/ of eight year of age/ and yet she was all ready promised to the duke of Bretayns son/ by a treaty that was made in Towers in Thourayne. Now behold how this might be broken/ for the French king and his uncles had sealed with the duke of Bretayne/ yet for all that thenglysshe ambassadors had their charge given unto them/ and so they departed out of England and arrived at calais/ & there tarried a five days/ and than departed in great array/ and took the way to amiens/ and they sent before March the herald/ who had brought to them safeconduct going and coming/ and beside that the lord Moncheverell was set to be their guide/ and to see them served of all things necessary. ¶ Now we shall leave to speak of them and return to our first purpose.  
Now as I have showed you before/ the counsellors of the Cities and good towns of aquitane/ prayed the king and his counsel/ to whom they were boude/ to maintain their liberties and franchises/ as in the demayne of the Crown of England/ as he was sworn to do/ affirming that surely they would keep their ancient liberties/ and will not break it for no manner of cause or condition/ and in holding thus their opinion/ four parts of the counsel and the common voice of the country/ reputed them for valiant and worthy men. But the duke of Gloucestre was of another opinion/ for he would that his brother the duke of Lancastre should have bidden still in aquitane/ for he thought he was over great in England/ and to near the king/ as for his brother the duke of york he cared not/ for the duke of york was a prince that loved his ease and little business. Also he had a fair lady to his wife/ daughter to the earl of Kent/ on whom was all his pleasure. But the duke of Gloucestre was subtile/ and ever demanded somewhat of his nephew king richard/ yet he was but poor/ for all that he was a great lord and constable of England/ and earl of Hertforde & of Perces/ and of Bokyngham/ and also he had yearly out of the kings coffers four thousand nobles/ and never road on the kings business nor for the realm one day/ without he knew why and wherefore. For these causes he was not indifferent/ for the matters of aquitane/ for he would have had his brother of Lancastre to have bidden still in Acquitayn for ever/ for than he thought he would have shifted well enough in England. As soon as he had said his sentence (as ye have herd before) and that he saw some murmured in the kings chamber/ and that the prelate's and lords talked together two and two/ he issued out of the chamber/ and the earl of Derby with him/ and came in to the hall at E●tham/ and made a cloth to be laid on a table and so sat/ down to dinner/ and left all other still talking together. When the duke of york knew that he was at dyner/ he went to keep him company. and after dyner which he made short/ the duke of Gloucestre dissimuled the matter/ and took his leave of the King sitting at the table/ and so departed and took his horse and road to London/ and the earl of Derby abode still with the lords that day and the next day. Thus they of aquitane could have none expedition nor deliverance.  
I Have delight to write this matter at length/ because to inform you of the truth/ for I that am author of this history was present in all these matters/ and this valiant knight sir richard Syria showed me every thing. And so it was that on the sunday following all such as had been there were departed/ and all their counsellors/ except the duke of york/ who abode still about the king/ and the lord Thomas Percy and sir richard Sury showed my business to the king. Than the king desired to see my book that I had brought for him. So he saw it in his chamber/ for I had laid it there ready on his bed. when the King opened it/ it pleased him well/ for it was fair enlumyned and written/ and covered with crimson velvet/ with ten botons of silver and guilt/ and Roses of gold in the mids with two great clapses guilt/ richly wrought. Than the king demanded me whereof it treated/ and I showed him/ how it treated of matters of love/ whereof the king was glad and looked in it/ and reed it in many places/ for he could speak and read French very well. And he took it to a knight of his chamber named sir richard Creadon/ to bear it in to his secret chamber. And the same sunday I fell in acquaintance with a squire of England called Henry Castyde/ a honest man and a wise/ and could well speak French. He companyed with me/ because he saw the king and other lords made me good cheer/ and also he had seen the book that I gave to the king. Also sir Richard Sury had showed him how I was a maker of histories. Than he said to me as here after followeth. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ The devise/ and of the conquest that king Richard had made in ireland/ and how he brought in to his obeisance four kings of that country. Cap. Cc.ii  
SIr johan quoth he/ have ye not found in the kings court sith ye came hither/ no man that hath told you of the voyage that the king made but late in to Irlande/ and in what manner the four kings of Ireland are come in to the obeisance of the king of England? And I answered no. Than shall I show you qd the squire/ to the intent that ye may put it in perpetual memory/ when ye return in to your own country/ and have leisure thereto. I was rejoiced of his words and thanked him. Than he began thus and said. Sir johan/ it is not in memory/ that ever any king of England made such apparel and provision for any journey to make war against the yrisshmen/ nor such a number of men of arms nor archers. The king was a nine months in the marchesse of Ireland to his great cost/ & charge to the realm/ for they bore all his expenses. And the merchants/ cities/ and good towns of the realm thought it well bestowed/ when they saw the king return home again with honour. The number that he had thither/ getylmen and archers/ were four thousand knights and xxx thousand archers/ well paid weakly/ that every man was well pleased. but I show you/ because ye should know the tronthe. Ireland is one of the evil countries of the world to make war upon/ or to bring under subjection. For it is closed strongly and wyldely with high forests and great waters and maresshes/ and places inhabitable. It is hard to enter to do them of the country any damage/ nor ye shall find no town nor person to speak with all. For the men draw to the woods/ and dwell in caves and small cotagꝭ/ under trees and among bushes and hedges/ like wild savage beasts. And when they know that any man maketh war against them/ and is entered in to their countries/ than they draw together to the straits and passages/ and defend it/ so that no man can enter in to them. And when they see their time/ they will soon take their advantage on their enemies/ for they know the country and are light people. For a man of arms being never so well horsed/ and run as fast as he can/ the irish men will ryn a foot as fast as he and overtake him/ yea/ and leap up upon his horse behind him/ and draw him fro his horse/ for they are strong men in the arms/ and have sharp weapons with large blades with two edges/ after the manner of dart heeds/ wherewith they will slay their enemy/ & they repute not a man deed/ till they have cut his throat/ and opyn his belly and taken out his heart/ and carry it away with them. some say/ such as know their nature/ that they do eat it/ and have great delight therein. they take no man to ransom. And when they see at any encounter/ that they be overmatched/ than they will depart a sunder/ and go and hide themself in bushes/ woods/ hedges/ and caves/ so that no man shall find them. Also sir William of Wyndsore/ who hath most used the wars in those parties/ of any other english man/ yet he could never learn the manner of the country/ nor know their conditions. They be herd people and of rude engen and wit/ and of divers frequentations and usage/ they set nothing by jollity nor fresh apparel/ nor by nobleness/ for though their rleame be sovereignly governed by kings/ whereof they have plenty/ yet they will take no knowledge of gentleness but will continue in their rudeness/ according as they are brought up. Truth it is that four of the principal kings and most puissant/ after the manner of the country/ are come to the obeisance of the king of England by love and fairness/ and not by battle nor constraint. The earl of Ormonde who marcheth upon them hath taken great pain/ and hath so treated with them/ that they came to Dwelyn to the king/ and submitted them to him/ to be under the obeisance of the crown of England/ wherefore the king and all the realm reputeth this for a great and an honourable deed/ and thinketh this voyage well be stowed/ for king Edward of good memory did never so much upon them as king richard died in this voyage. The honour is great but the profit is but little: For though they be kings yet no man can devise nor speak of ruder personages.  
I Shall show you somewhat of their rudeness/ to the intent it may be ensample again people of other nations/ I know it well/ for I have proved it by themselves/ For when they were at Dwelyn I had the governance of them about a month/ by the kings commandment and his counsel/ to th'intent that I should learn them to use themself according to the usage of England/ & because I could speak their language/ as well as French or english/ for in my youth I was brought up among them. I was with the earl of Ormonde/ father to the Earl that now is/ who loved me right well/ because I could as than ride and handle an horse meetly well. And it fortuned one time that the said earl (who as than was my master) was sent with three hundred spears and a thousand archers in to the marchesse of Ireland/ to make war with the irish men/ for always the english men have had war with them/ to subdue and put them under. And on a day as the said Earl went against them/ I road on a goodly horse of his/ light and swift: Thus I road & followed my master. And the same day the irish men were laid in a bushment/ and when we came near them/ they opined their bushment. then the english archers began to shoot so eagerly that the irish men could not suffer it/ for they are but simply armed/ therefore they recoiled and went back. than the Earl my master followed in the chase/ and I that was well horsed followed him as near as I could. and it fortuned so that my horse was afraid/ and took his bridle in his teeth and ran away with me/ & whether I would or not/ he bore me so farforth among the irish men/ that one of them by lightness of running leapt up behind me/ and embraced me in his arms/ & died me none other hurt/ but so led me out of the way/ and so road still behind me the space of two hours. And at the last brought me in to a secret place/ thick of bushes/ and there he found his company who were come thither and scaped all dangers/ for the english men pursued not so far. Than as he showed he had great joy of me/ and led me in to a town and a strong house among the woods/ waters/ and mires. The town was called Harpely/ and the gentleman that took me was called Brine Costeret. He was a goodly man/ and as it hath been showed me/ he is as yet a live/ how be it he is very aged. This Brine Costeret kept me six year with him/ and gave me his daughter in marriage/ of whom I had two daughters. I shall show you how I was delivered.  
IT happened at the seven years end one of their kings named Arthur mackemur/ king of Lynster/ made an army against duke Lion of Clarence/ son to king Edward of England/ and against sir Wyllm of Wynsore. And not far fro the city of Lynster the english men & irish men met together/ and many were slain and taken on both parties/ But the english men opteygned the victory and the irish men fled/ and the king Arthur saved himself/ but Brine Costeret my wives father was taken prisoner under the duke of Clarence banner. He was taken on the same courser/ that he took me on. The horse was well known among the earl of Ormondes' folks/ and than he showed how I was alive and was at his manner of Harpelyn/ & how I had wedded his daughter/ whereof the duke of Clarence/ sir William Wynsore/ and the english men were right glad. than it was showed him that if he would be delivered out of prison/ that he should deliver me in to the english men's hands/ and my wife and children. With great pain he made that bargain/ for he loved me well and my wife his daughter and our children When he saw he could make his finance none otherwise/ he accorded thereto/ but he reteigned mine eldest daughter still with him So I and my wife and our second daughter returned in to England/ and so I went and dwelt beside Bristol on the river of Severn. My two daughters are married/ and she in Ireland hath three sons and two daughters/ and she that I brought with me hath four sons and two daughters. & because the language of irish is as ready to me as the english tongue (for I have always continued with my wife/ and taught my children the same speech) Therefore the king my sovereign lord and his counsel/ commanded me to give attendance on these four kings/ and to govern and bring them to reason/ and to the usage & customs of England seeing they had yielded them to to be under his obeisance/ & of the crown of England and they were sworn to hold it for ever. & yet I ensure you/ for all that/ I died my power to ensign and to learn them good manner/ yet for all that they be right rude and of gross engine/ moche pain I had to make them to speak any thing in fair manner/ somewhat I altered them but not moche/ for in many cases they drew to their natural rudeness. The king my sovereign lords intent was/ that in manner/ countenance/ and apparel of clothing/ they should use according to the manner of England/ for the king thought to make them all four knights they had a fair house to lodge in in Dwelyn/ and I was charged to abide still with them and not to depart. And so two or three days I suffered them to do as they list/ and said nothing to them/ but followed their own appetites. They would sit at the table and make countenance neither good nor fair. Than I thought I should cause them to change that manner. They would cause their mystrelles/ their servants/ and varlets/ to sit with them and to eat in their own dish/ and to drink of their cups. And they showed me/ that the usage of their country was good/ for they said/ in all things (except their beds) they were and lived as comen. So the fourth day I ordained other tables to be covered in the hall/ after the usage of England. And I made these four kings to sit at the high table/ and there mynstrels at another board/ and their servants and varlets at another beneath them/ whereof by seeming they were displeased/ and beheld each other & would not care/ and said/ how I would take fro them their good usage/ wherein they had been nourished. Than I answered them smiling to a peace them/ that it was not honourable for their estates to do as they died before/ and that they must leave it/ and use the custom of England/ and that it was the kings pleasure they should so do/ and how he was charged so to order them. When they hard that they suffered it/ because they had put themself under the obeisance of the king of England/ and parcevered in the same as long as I was with them. yet they had one use which I knew well was used in their country/ and that was they died were no breeches I caused breeches of linen cloth to be made for them. While I was with them I caused them to leave many rude things/ aswell in clothing as in other causes. Moche ado I had at the first to cause them to wear gowns of silk furred with Mynevere & grey/ For before these kings thought themself well appareled when they had on a mantel. They road always without sadelles & styropes/ and with great pain I made them to ride after our usage. Andon a time I demanded them of their believe/ wherewith they were not content/ and said/ how they believed on god and on the trinity/ aswell as we. Than I demanded on what pope was their affection The answered me on him of Rome. than I demanded if they would not gladly receive the order of knighthood/ and that the king of England should make them knights/ according to the usage of France and England/ and other countries. they answered how they were knights all ready/ and that sufficed for them. I asked where they were made knights/ and how and when. They answered/ that in the age of six year they were made knights in Ireland/ And that a king maketh his son a knight. and if the son have no father alive/ than the next of his blood may make him knight. And than this young knight shall begin to just with small spears/ such as they may bear with their case/ and run against a shield/ set on a stake in the field/ and the more spears that he breaketh/ the more he shallbe honoured. I knew their manner well enough/ though I died demand it. But than I said/ that the knighthood that they had taken in their youth/ suffyced not to the king of England. But I said he should give them after another manner. They demanded how. I answered/ that it should be in the holy church/ which was the most worthiest place. Than they inclined somewhat to my words. Within two days after the earl of Ormonde came to them who could right well speak the language/ for some of his lands lay in those parties. He was sent to them by the king and his counsel. They all honoured him and he them. Than he fell in sweet communication with them/ and he demanded of them how they liked me. They answered and said/ well for he hath well showed us the usage of this country/ wherefore we ought to thank him/ and so we do. This answer pleased well the earl of Ormonde. Than he entered little and little to speak of the order of chivalry/ which the king would they should receive He showed it them fro point to point/ how they should behave themself/ and what parteygned to knighthood. The earls words pleased much these four kings/ whose names were these. first the great Ankle king of Mecte. The second Brine of Thomonde king of Thomonde. The third Arthure of Mackequemur king of Lynster. The fourth Conhue/ king of Cheveno & Darpe They were made knights by king Richard of England in the Cathedral church of Dwelyn/ dedicate of saint johan baptist It was done on our lady day in March/ as than it fell on a Thursday. These four kings watched all the night before in the church/ and the next day at high mass time/ with great solemnity they were made knights/ and with them sir Thomas Orphen/ sir joatas Pado/ and sir johan Pado his cousin. These kings sat that day at the table with king richard. They were regarded of many folks/ because there behaving was strange to the manner of England/ and other countries/ and ever naturally men desire to see newelties. Than I sir Iohn Froissart said. Henry/ I believe you well: & I would it had cost me largely that I had been there. And surely this year passed I had come hither and it had not been/ for that I heard of the death of queen Anne of England/ which died let me. But one thing I would desire of you to know/ how these four kings of Ireland came so soon to the king of England's obeisance/ when king Edward the kings graunfather/ who was so valiant a prince and so redoubted over all/ could never subdue them nor put them under/ and yet he had always war with them. and in that they are subdued now/ ye said it was by treaty/ and by the grace of god. In deed the grace of god is good/ who so can have it/ it is much worth. But it is seen now a days/ that earthly princes getteth little without it be by puissance. I desire to know this for when I shall come in to Heynalt/ of which country I am of/ I shallbe examined of this and many other things/ both by duke Aubert of Bavier/ earl of Heynalte/ of Holande and of zeland/ and also by his son Wyllm of Bavyere/ who writeth himself lord of Frese/ which is a great country and a puissant/ which country the said duke and his son claimeth to have by right succession/ and so died their predecessors before them/ but the Fresons would never fall to any reason/ nor come under obeisance/ nor as yet do not unto this day. than answered sir Henry Crystal & said. Sir johan/ to show you the very troth I can not/ but as many a one saith/ & it is to suppose/ that the great puissance that the king had over with him/ and tarried there in their country nine months/ and every man well paid/ abashed the irish men. Also the see was closed fro them on all parts/ whereby their lyvenges and merchandises might not enter in to their countries/ though they that dwell far within the realm cared little for it (for they know natte what merchandise meaneth/ nor they live but grossly and rudely like unto beasts) yet such as liveth on the marchesse of England and by the See coast/ use feat of merchandise with us/ and in to other places. King Edward of noble memory in his time/ had to answer so many wars/ what in France Bretayne/ Gascone/ and scotland/ so that his people were divided in divers places/ & sore occupied/ wherefore he could not send no great number in to Ireland. But when the irishmen saw the great number of men of war that king richard had in Ireland this last journey/ The yrisshmen advised themself and came to obeisance. And in deed/ of old time there was a king in England named Edward/ who is a saint and canonized/ and honoured through all this realm. In his time he subdued the Danes/ & discomfited them by battle on the See three times. And this saint Edward king of England/ lord of Ireland and of Acquitayn the yrisshmen loved and dread him much more/ than any other king of England that had been before. And therefore our sovereign lord king richard/ this year past/ when he was in Ireland/ in all his armouries and devices/ he left the bearing of the arms of England/ as the lybardes & flower delyces quarterly/ and bare the arms of this saint Edward/ that is a cross patent gold and goules with four white martenettes in the field/ whereof it was said/ the yrisshmen were well pleased/ and the sooner they inclined to him/ For of truth/ the predecessors of these four kings obeyed with faith and homage to the said king Edward/ and they repute king Richard a good man and of good conscience and so they have done to him faith & homage/ as they ought to do: and in like manner as their predecessors sometime died to saint Edward. Thus I have showed you the manner how the king our sovereign lord hath this year accomplished and furnished his voyage in Ireland: put it in your memorial/ to the intent/ that when ye shall return in to your own country/ ye may write it in your chronicle/ with many other histories that depend to the same matter. Than I thanked him/ and said it should be done. So I took leave of him. Than I met with March the herald/ and I demanded of him what arms this Henry Christell bore/ and I showed the herald/ how this sir Henry had showed me the manner of the kings tourney in Ireland/ and the state of the four kings/ who had been (as he said) in his governing/ more than fifteen days at Dwelyn. The herald answered me and said. Sir/ he beareth in his arms Silver/ a cheverne goules/ three besans goules. All these things I died put in writing/ because I would not forget them.  
THus I tarried in the king of England's court/ as long as it pleased me/ not always in one place/ for the king often times removed/ to Eltham/ to Ledes/ to Kyngstone/ to Shene/ to Charsey/ or to Wyndsore/ about the marchesse of London. And I was informed of a truth that the king wrote to his uncle the duke of Lancastre/ for they of Acquitayne sped so in their business/ that their country abode still to the crown of England. than it was concluded by general counsel of England/ that the gift that the king had given to the duke of Lancastre/ must needs abide still as his own: how be it the duke of Gloucestre would that his brother might have enjoyed the kings gift/ but his saying could not be herd in that case/ For they of the Realm of England (because of doubts and casualtyes in time to come) heard well the words of them of Bordeaux and of Bayone. And considered well/ that if the heritage of Acquitaygne were put fro the Crown of England/ it should be in time to come a great prejudice to the realm/ which they would in no wise should fortune/ for always Bordeaux & Bayon/ and the frontiers and marches of Gascon/ had kept & augmented greatly/ the honour of the realm of England. These things were well considered of the wise men of the kings counsel/ the duke of Gloucestre absent/ for before him no man durst speak. so the matter abode in this case. ¶ We shall leave of this matter/ and speak of the king of England's ambassadors: as the earl of Rutland and th'earl marshal/ and other/ that were sent in to France to treat of the marriage between king richard their lord and the daughter of Charles French king/ who was but eight years of age/ and I shall show you how they sped. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the ambassade that the king of England sent in to France to treat of the marriage between the lady Isable the French kings eldest daughter: and himself: and of the loving answer they had. Capi. CC.iii.  
THese english lords road fro Calais to amiens and to Clermount in Beawosyn/ & so to Paris/ and in every place they were well received by the commandment of the french king. They were lodged about that cross of Tyrover: They were a five hundred horses. The French king was lodged at the castle of Lour/ and the queen and her children at the house of saint Poule/ upon the river of Seyne. The duke of Berrey at the house of Nesle/ the duke of Burgoyne at the house of Arthoyse/ and the duke of Burbone in his own house/ the duke of orleans/ the earl of saint Poule/ and the lord of Coucy/ at their own houses. The king had assembled there all his counsel/ to the intent to make the better answer to th'ambassadors of England. The king had commanded that every day there should be delivered to these ambassadors two hundred crowns of France/ for their small expenses/ and for their horses. And the chief of these english lords as the earl Martial and th'earl of Rutland were often times with the king and dined with him. they had as good there as could be devised/ for the love of the king of England. These lords desired ever to have an answer/ & they were ever fed forth with fair words. For the noble men of France had great marvel of the requests of the english men. And that the king of England would marry with France/ saying that the war had been so cruel/ and so long endured. And some of the French kings counsel said/ how may our king agree to give his daughter in marriage to his adversary/ or this treaty should be made. We think we shall have peace with England by some other ways/ though it be not by the means of marriage. And as at that time there was a valiant knight of the French kings counsel/ called sir Raynalt of Corby. He was a far casting man/ and considered what might fall in time to come. than he said to the king and to his uncles. My lords and masters. A man should enter in at the right door in to a house. It seemeth that king Richard of England would nothing to you nor to the realm/ but love and all favour/ saying that by reason of marriage/ he would ally him to you. Two times your counsellors and his have met together at amiens and at Balyngham/ to treat for a peace/ & yet they could never take no good conclusion/ but on the state of a truce. And sir/ it is well known/ that Thomas duke of Gloucestre king Richard's uncle/ is of a contrary opinion/ against the king and his other two uncles/ the dukes of Lancastre & of york. The king nor other can not make him agree willingly to have peace/ how be it his puissance can natte resist the kings power. Therefore sir/ after mine opinion/ receive this offer and refuse not this treaty/ and let these lords have such answer/ as may content them. Than the king and his uncles agreed thereto/ and specially the duke of Burgoyne/ for he was so sore charged by reason of the wars/ that gladly he would have peace and the principal cause was/ because of Flaunders/ whereof he claimed to be lord by reason of his wife/ because that country marched upon England. And also the hearts of the flemings were rather english than French/ because of the entrecourse of merchandise/ between England & Flaunders by See and by land.  
THan it was concluded by the French kings counsel/ that there should be as good there made to the englishmen as was before. And whether it was by dissimulation or otherwise/ the french men were determined to make a good and a swear answer to the english men/ and to put them in hope that the king of England should have his desire. The queen and her children lay at the house of faint Powleꝭ and where as the english lords desired to see them/ it was granted to them/ and specially to see her/ for whom their treaty was. than it was showed them that they must be content how so ever they found her/ for they said she was but a young child of eight year of age/ wherefore they said/ there could not be in her no great wisdom nor prudence/ how be it she was indoctryned well enough/ and that the lords found well/ when they saw her. The Earl Martial being on his knees said to her. Fair lady/ by the grace of god ye shall be our lady and queen of England. Than answered the young lady well advisedly/ without counsel of any other person. Sir quod she/ and it please god and my lord my father that I shall be queen of England/ I shall be glad thereof/ for it is showed me that I shall be than a great lady. Than she took up the earl Martial by the hand and led him to the queen her mother/ who had great joy of the answer that she had made/ and so were all other that heard it. The manner/ countenance/ and behaviour of this young lady/ pleased greatly the Ambassadors/ and they said among themself/ that she was likely to be a lady of high honour and great goodness. Thus when these lords of England had been at Paris a twenty days/ and their costs and charges paid for by the french king/ a reasonable answer was given them/ so that they were put in great hope to bring about that they came for/ how be it the french men said/ it could not be done shortly/ because the lady was so young/ and also she was fyansed to the duke of Bretayns eldest son/ wherefore they said they must treat to break that promise/ or they could proceed any further in that matter/ and thereupon the french king and his counsel should send into England the next lent after/ to show how the matter went. And when the days begin to increase and wax fair/ Than the king of England to send again in to France whom it should please him/ and they should be welcome. With this answer the english men were contented and took leave of the queen and of her daughter/ and of the king/ and of all other/ and departed fro Paris and took the same way they came and so returned to calais/ and than in to England. and the two earls road in post before their company/ to bring tidings to the king▪ they road fro Sandwiche to Wind sore in less than a day and an half. The king was right joyous of their coming/ and was well content with the french kings answer. He set the matter so to his heart that he took great pleasure therein/ and took heed to none other thing/ but studied how he might bring it about to have the french kings daughter to wife.  
ON the otherside the French king and his counsel studied day and night/ how they might make this marriage with England to the honour of the realm of France. There were many in the realm of France that said/ that if they had been called to these treatyes/ and our words heard/ the king of England should never have the daughter of France/ for any manner of peace. What good should it be for France/ saying the truce between them endured but for two year to come/ and than shall we fall again in war/ and each of us hate other as we have done before? The dukes of Berrey and orleans were of the same opinion/ and divers other lords of France. But the king/ the duke of Burgoyne/ and the chancellor of France/ inclined to this marriage/ and glad to have peace/ reserving always the honour of the Realm. The same time there was a squire in France of the nation of Normandy in the country of Caulx/ he had in his days been sore travailed in far parties/ and as than he was newly returned into France/ his name was Robert le menuot/ but as than he was called Robert the hermit/ he was religious and of good life/ of the age of thirty year/ he had been at the treaties that was holden at Balyngham/ at which time he was well heard/ and how he entered than in to that treaty I shall show you. ⸪   

¶ Of a squire named Roberte the hermit/ how he was sent to the treaties of the peace holden at Balyngham & how he was after sent in to England to king richard and his uncles. Cap. CC.iiii.  
SO it was/ when this Roberte the hermit returned in to France out of the parties of Surey/ and took shipping at Baruch. While he was upon the see a great tempest of wind rose/ in such wise that they feared to be perished/ and every man tell to make his prayers to god. And at the end of this tempest/ and that the wether began to wax fair and clear/ there appeared to Robert the hermit an image more clear than Crystal/ and said thu●. Robert/ thou shalt issue and escape this apparel/ and all thy company for love of thee/ for god hath herd thine orisons and prayers/ and he sendeth the word by me/ that thou shouldest make haste in to France/ and go to the king and show him thine adventure/ and say unto him/ that in any wise he incline to have peace with his adversary king richard of England/ and among them that be treaters of the peace/ press thou forth and show them thine advision/ for thou shalt be herd. and say that all such as be of the contrary opinion against the peace/ shall buy it dearly in their life time in this world. And therewith the clearness and voice vanished away. Than Robert abode in a great study/ but he remembered well what he had seen and heard/ by the divine inspiration. And after this adventure they had fair wether and the wind at their wishing/ and than arrived in the river of Gennes: and there Robert the hermit took leave of his company/ and went by land fro thence till he came to Auygnon. And the first thing he did he went to the church of saint Peter/ and there found a good virtuous man a penytenser and of him he was confessed/ and showed him all his adventure/ and demanded counsel what was best to do. Than his ghostly father charged him in any wise/ that he should speak nothing of this matter till he had showed it first to the french king/ and look what counsel the king did give him so to do. This Robert followed his counsel and arrayed himself in simple habit all in grey/ and so poorly departed fro Auygnon/ and journeyed so long that he came to Paris/ but the king was at Abbevyle/ and the treaty began at Balyngham between the french men and english men (as ye have herd before) Than this Robert came to Abuyle and drew to the king/ and a knight of his acquaintance brought him to the king/ which knight was of Normandy/ and was called sir William martel/ he was of the kings privy chamber. Than Roberte the hermit showed the King all his hole journey and adventure. The king heard him well/ and because the duke of Burgoyne and sir raynold Corby chancellor of France (who were of the kings opinion to have peace) were at Balyngham in the treaty holden there/ the king said to Robert. Our counsel as now is not here/ they be at Balyngham. ye shall abide here with me/ and when they be returned I shall speak with mine uncle of Burgoyne and with our chancellor/ and than we shall do in this matter/ as they shall advise me. sir quoth this Robert/ as god will so be it.  
THe same week the French kings counsel returned fro Balyngham to Abbevyle/ and brought with them the articles of the manner of the peace/ which the english men had devised. and the matters were so weighty that the treaty was put over till another day/ unto such time as both kings were advertised of each others demands/ and their pleasures therein to be known. Than on the french party the french king drew a part his uncle of Burgoyne and the chancellor/ and showed them what information Robert the Hermit had made unto him/ and the king demanded of them if it were a thing lysytte and lawful to believe. They studied a little and at last said. Sir/ we require your grace let us see this hermit and hear him speak/ and thereupon we will take advise. Than he was sent for. When he came before the king he made his reverence. then the king said Roberte/ show us here at length all the hole matter/ as ye informed me before. Sir quoth he gladly. Than as he that was nothing abashed/ rehearsed all the hole matter/ as ye have heard before. When he had done he departed. Than the king asked of his uncle what was best to be done. Sir quod he/ the chancellor and I shall take advise against to morrow. Well quoth the king/ so be it. Than the duke and the chancellor counseled together on this matter. They saw well the king greatly inclined to this Robertes words/ therefore they thought it good to advise the king to join this Robert in commission with them to go again to Balyngham to the treaty of peace/ for they thought his language so fair and so sweet/ that he should stir the hearts of them that should hear him speak/ to have peace/ and to show the divine vision that he had/ to the lords of England. This they thought lawful enough to be done/ and the next day they showed this to the king. And than after when the duke and the chancellor went again to Balyngham/ they had this Roberte with them. And when all the lords french and english were assembled together in counsel/ than this Robert came before them/ and there well and wisely he declared all the vision that he had on the see/ and affirmed that it was inspiration divine sent by god/ because he would it should be so. Some of the lords of England took good heed to this matter and inclined thereto/ as the duke of Lancastre/ the earl of Salysbury/ the lord Thomas Percy and other/ the bishops of Lyncolne and London/ but the duke of Gloucestre and the earl of Arundel/ took no heed nor set nothing thereby. When they were in their lodgings they said/ they were but fantasies/ and words feigned by the frenchmen to abuse them all/ how be it they determined to write to king richard the manner and saying of this Robert the hermit/ and thereupon sent a knight called richard Credon to king Rychardeꝭ who he found in Kent/ at the castle of Leads/ and delivered him letters sent fro his ambassadors in the marches of calais/ wherein was contained the hole saying of this Robert. The king took great pleasure in these letters/ and said how he would gladly speak with this Robert the hermit/ he believed this vision to be of truth. Than the king wrote again to the duke of Lancastre and to the earl of Salysbury/ that if it might be by any means/ that a good peace might be taken between him and the french king/ their realms and alyes/ for he said surely he thought that the war had overlong endured/ and that it was time to have peace. And ye have herd here before how the treaters bare them/ and how the lords departed one fro another/ and how the truce was taken to endure for four year. This was the intent of the lords of the english party/ except the duke of Gloucestre/ for he thought when so ever he came in to England/ never to agree to any peace between France and England. He dyssimuled as much as he might/ to th'intent to please the king and his brother of Lancastre. Thus by this means Roberte le hermit came to knowledge.  
ANd as ye have herd here before/ how the earl of Rutland/ th'earl Martial/ the archbishop of Dunelyn/ the lord Hugh Spenser/ the lord Lewes Clyfforde and other/ had been sent in to France to treat for king Rychardes' marriage/ and were returned again in to England/ and brought the king good tidings/ so that the king was well pleased/ as ye have heard before. Than michaelmas came/ and the general counsel began/ such as english men call the term/ wherein all matters be debated/ and at the beginning of the said term the duke of Lancastre returned out of Gascon in to England and had not been received there/ as he thought he should have been (as ye have herd before) So when the duke of Lancastre was returned/ the king made him good cheer. Tidings anon came in to France how the duke of Lancastre was returned in to England. than the french king and his counsel determined to send Robert the hermit into England with letters to the king/ who desired to see him/ and that the earl of saint Poll should acquaint him with the king and with the lords/ that they might hear him speak of the business of Surey and Tartary/ and of the great Turk and Turkey/ where he had been long/ for it was thought that the lords of England would gladly here speaking of such matters. Than this Robert the hermit was warned to make him ready to go in to England in commission/ whereof he greatly rejoiced/ because he had never been there before So he had letters delivered him/ directed to the king of England and to his uncles. Thus Robert departed fro Paris with seven horses at the cost and charge of the french king/ and road till he came to Boloyne/ and there took the see and arrived at Dover/ and sped so in his journeys that he came to Eltham and found the king there/ and the Duke of lancaster/ the earls of Salysbury/ and Huntyngdon/ & the lord Thomas Percy/ and for the honour of the french king he was well received/ and specially of the king who desired greatly to see him. Than he delivered his letters of credence/ which were red over by the king and the other lords. The duke of Gloucestre was not the● he was in Essex/ at a Castle of his called plashey. When this Robert had been with the king and with the duke of Lancastre at Eltham a five days he departed thence to goose the duke of Gloucestre/ and so took leave of the king and of the lords and came to London/ and the next day road fifteen mile fro London to a town called Brendwode/ and the next day to plashey/ and there he found the duke and the Duchess/ and their children/ who right goodly received him according to his degree. Than Robert delivered him his letters sent fro the french king. And when the duke saw they were of credence/ he drew this Robert a part/ and demanded what credence he had. Robert answered him and said/ sir I shall show therein to you at good leisure/ I am not come to depart again so soon. Well quoth the duke ye be welcome. This Robert knew well enough that the duke of Gloucestre was a sore dyslymuling prince/ and contrary to any peace/ and thought it hard to break him fro his opinion/ for he knew well he was always contrary to the peace/ which was well seen at the treaties at Balyngham/ for he never demanded but to have war. yet for all that Robert the hermit spared not to speak to the duke on the form of peace. Always he found the duke cold in answers/ and said the matter lay not in him/ for he had two elder brethren/ the duke of Lancastre and the duke of york/ to whom the matter pertained rather than to him/ and also that if he would consent thereto alone/ peradventure the other lords/ prelate's/ and counsellors of good towns/ would not accept it. Well quoth Robert the hermit/ for the love of our lord Ihesu Christ be ye not contrary to the peace/ for ye may do moche/ and also ye see well how the king your nephew inclineth to the peace/ and will by marriage have the French kings daughter/ by which conjunction shallbe great alliance of peace and love. Than the duke answered and said. What though ye be believed and heard at this time/ with the kings and lords of both realms/ and that ye have good audience with them and with their counsellors/ the matter is so high and weighty/ that it is convenient that greater personages than ye/ should me●le therewith/ I have told you/ and often times I have said that I shall never be contrary to the peace/ so it be to the honour of the king and the Realm of England. In time passed peace was taken between the king our father and our brother the prince of Wales/ and king johan of France/ and the french party sworn and bound upon pain of sentence of the pope/ and yet it held not/ for the frenchmen fraudulently have broken all covenants/ & have taken again possession of all the lands and lordships that were yielded & delivered at the peace making/ to our said sovereign lord and father/ and to our predecessors/ and moreover of the some of xxx thousand franks/ that the redemption mounted unto/ there is yet to pay two hundred thousand franks. wherefore such matters (to remember) troubleth sore our courages/ and we and many of this realm marvel greatly how the king our sovereign lord/ leaneth to so young advise & counsel/ and regardeth none otherwise the time passed/ and the time present/ but inclineth to ally him by marriage with his adversary/ and by that alliance disherit the Crown of England/ & his successors to come/ of the claim of France. Ah right dear lord quod Robert our lord jesus Christ suffered passion on the Cross for us all sinners/ and pardoned his death to them that crucified him: in likewise a man must pardon that will come to the glory of heaven/ and sir all evil wills/ hates/ and rancorous were pardoned/ the day that the peace was made and sealed at calais by our predecessors/ and now wars have been a game newly renewed between your men and ours/ I think surely through fault on both parties/ for when the prince of Wales duke of aquitane was returned out of Spain in to aquitane/ there were a certain manner of people calling themself companions/ whereof the most party were english men and gascons/ holding of the king of England and of the prince of Wales. These people assembled them together and entered in to the realm of France/ without any title of reason/ whereby ensued mortal & cruel war greater than was before. These companions called the realm of France their chamber/ they were so set to do evil deeds/ that they could not be resisted. And when the realm of France saw and felt them so harmed by this people/ and saw well the lengar they continued the more they multiplied & more hurt they did. than king Charles of France/ son to king johan/ was counseled by his subjects to resist & subdue such enemies/ either by war or otherwise/ and many great barons of Gascoigne came to the french king/ such as said they were sore overlayed with their lord the prince of Wales/ & many injuries done to them/ which they showed to the french king they might not nor Would not suffer no longer/ and so they began the war because of their resort to the prince of Wales. Than this king Charles by counsel of them and of his subjects/ enhardyed himself to the war with these barons of Gascoyn/ for to meet against these companions. And in this new war many lords returned to the french king/ and divers lordships/ cities/ towns/ and castles/ for the great oppression that the prince of Wales did to them/ and consented to be done by his commissioners. Thus the war was renewed/ whereby many great mischiefs have fallen/ to the destruction of moche people and countries/ and the faith of Christ sore feebled and decayed/ & the enemies of god ryssen and coraged/ and have all ready conquered moche part of Grece. the emperor of Constantynople/ hath not the power to resist the puissance of the great turk/ called Basant Lamorabaquyn/ who hath conquered the realm of Armony/ except all only a town standing on the see side/ called Tourche/ which the venysians and genovoys keep against the turk/ and the emperor of Constantyne the noble/ who is of your blood/ he was son to the emperor Hugues of Luzignen and of my lady Mary of Bourbon/ cousin germayne to my lady the queen your mother/ he shall not be able of long to resist the puissance of this great turk. and if peace may be had between England and France/ as I trust by the grace of god it shall be/ than knights & squires such as demand for deeds of arms for their advancement/ shall draw them to that part/ and shall help king Lion of Armony to recover again his heritage/ and to put out the turks. for surely the war hath overlong endured between France and England/ and surely who so ever it be that is or will be against the peace shall dearly answer thereto/ either quick or deed. How know you that quoth the duke of Gloucestre? Sir quod Robert/ all that I say cometh by divine inspiration/ and by a vysione that came to me upon the see/ as I returned fro Baruch● a port in Surey/ beside the isle of Rhodes. Than he declared all his hole vision/ the rather thereby to move the duke's heart to pity and reason/ but this duke was heard hearted against the peace and kept still his opinion/ and by his words condemned and despised greatly the french men/ for all that ever Robert the hermit could say. but because that this Robert was a stranger/ and showed by his words and works that he would all were well/ and also because the duke saw that the king his nephew inclined to have peace/ he dissimuled and spoke fair/ what so ever his heart thought. Two days this Robert tarried at plasshey with the duke and had good cheer/ and the third day departed and returned to London/ and fro thence to windsor/ where the king made him good cheer for love that the french king had sent him thither/ and because he was wise and eloquent/ and of sweet words and honest. It is not to be doubted/ but that the king demanded of him how he found his uncle the duke of Glocestre. And Robert answered him well to the point. The king knew well his uncle of Gloucestre inclined rather to war than to peace/ wherefore he favoured moche better his other two uncles dukes of Lancastre and york. when Robert the hermit had been a month with the king he took his leave/ and at his departing the king gave him great gifts/ and so did the dukes of Lancastre and york/ and the earls of Huntyngdon and Salysbury/ and the lord Thomas Percy. The king caused him to be conveyed to Dover/ and there passed over in to France/ and he found the french king and the queen and his uncles at Paris/ and there showed the king all his voyage/ and what good cheer he had in England. Thus daily messengers went in & out between these two kings/ and amiable letters sent between them. the king of England desired nothing so moche as to come to this marriage/ and semblably the french king had like desire/ for he thought his daughter should be a great estate if she might be queen of England.   

¶ Of the deliverance of the lord de la river and of sir johan le Mercyer/ and how they were put out of prison. Cap. Cc.u  
YE have herd here before how the lord de la river and sir johan le Mercyer/ were in jeopardy of their lives/ and removed fro prison to prison/ & at last delivered to the provost of the Chatelet of Paris/ and were at the point to lose their lives and all for hate & envy that the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne and their counsel had to them. They were in this danger more than two year. The king succoured them/ for always he stopped the execution/ and that the dukes of Berrey & Burgoyne saw well/ and also they perceived that the duke of orleans aided them as much as he might/ also the duchess of Berrey was a good mean for them/ and specially for the lord de la river/ and also the one could not be condemned without the other/ for they were accused all for one cause. The prayers of good folks and their right together aided them. Than it was regarded by many of the high barons of France who had pity on them/ and said they had suffered prisonment overlong/ and that it was time to show them grace/ for this johan le Mercyer had so much wept in prison/ that his sight was sore decayed/ so that he could scant see/ the brute ran through the realm that he was blind. Than at last they had sentence given them of grace by the king/ and there the lord de la river was restored again to all his lands and castles/ as the fair castle of Anjou/ but he was charged on pain of his life that when he was once in his castle of anjou/ that he should never after repass the river of Sayne without he were commanded by the kings own mouth. And sir johan le Mercyer to return to Pounte de Nonnon/ in to his fair house in Laonnoys/ and he not to repass the river of Oyse/ of Marne/ nor of Seyne/ without he were in likewise called by the kings own mouth. Thus they bound themself to take this prisonment/ and thought they had a great grace to scape so well/ & were right joyous when they were delivered fro the Chatelet. They trusted when they came out of prison/ to have spoken with the king/ and to have thanked him of his grace/ but they could not be suffered/ but were commanded to avoid out of Paris and to resort thither as they were commanded. Thus they were delivered whereof their friends had great joy.   

¶ Of the peace that was had between the duke of Bretayne and sir Oliver Clysson. Cap. Cc.vi  
yE have herd how the duke of Bretayne and sir Oliver of Clisson warred long together mortally/ for between them they took none to mercy/ and surely sir Oliver of Clysson and his party bore them so valiantly/ that of three he had twain/ for the lords of Bretaygne dyssimnied with the duke/ and men of the cities and good towns said/ how they must needs live and use their merchandise/ what so ever war was between the duke and sir Oliver of Clysson/ for they said it touched them nothing/ wherefore they would not entermed●e between them but ever the viscount of Rohan/ the lord de Leo●/ and the lord of Dignan/ treated for a peace to be had between them. So much they pursued that the duke promised to be entreated/ so that the might see sir Oliver in his presence/ and speak with him. and thereupon these lords on a day road to a fortress of sir oliver to speak with him/ and there they showed him for what cause they we● come thither/ and how they had got grant of the duke to send to him a safeconduct/ safely to go and come to speak with him/ saying that surely they thought if he were ones in his presence/ all the evil will and displeasures should be clearly pardoned. Than sir Oliver said. Sirs/ ye are all my friends and lovers/ and I trust great lie in you/ and believe that the duke hath promised as you say/ and I think he would gladly see me in his presence. But so good help me and saint yves/ upon his word and promise I ensure you/ I will not once issue out of my house. But I shall tell you what ye shall say to him/ that if he will have me to come to him/ let him send hither in pledge his eldest son/ and when he is here/ than I will go and speak with him/ & such end as I shall make his son shall make. if I return he shall do in likewise/ and if I abide he shall abide. When these lords saw they could have none other end/ they took their leave and returned to Wannes where the duke was/ and showed every thing as they had herd. The duke could have none other way. This sir Oliver bore himself so valiantly in this war/ that he wan more than he lost. He took two times all the duke's vessel and plate of gold and silver/ and divers other jewels/ whereof he had great profit.  
The conclusion of the war and hate between the duke of Bretayne and sir Oliver Clysson/ was thus. The duke of Bretayne (like a great lord as he was) saw well he could not come to his intent of sir Oliver of Clysson/ and that he had over many friends in Bretayne/ for saving their allegiance to the duchy of Bretayne. All the bretons/ knights/ squires/ prelate's/ and men of the good Cities and good towns/ inclined more to the lord Clysson than to the duke. And the high barons dissimuled/ and had answered the duke/ that they would not intermeddle them with that war/ but said they would gladly set a peace and accord between them Also the duke of orleans specially comforted covertly in many manner of ways sir Oliver of Clysson/ and he was always joyous when he heard of his good speed/ in any of his entreprices. The duke of Bretaygne who was a subtile prince and ymaginatyfe and had endured moche pain during this war/ and saw well he was not very well beloved with his own people/ as the children of the lord Charles of Bretayne were/ the one called Charles of Bloyes/ who was slain at the battle of Alroy/ and Iohn of Bretayne earl of Ponthieur and of Lymogines/ who had to wife the daughter of sir Oliver of Clisson/ and the lord Henry of Bretayne his brother/ and their sister the queen of Naples and of Jerusalem. Also the duke saw that he began to wax old/ & that his children were but young/ and perceived well he had no friends in France/ except the duke of Burgoyne & the duchess his wife. And he saw well his children should have as few for by their mother's side/ they came & were issued of the members and branches of Naver/ which generation was not overmuch loved in France/ for the great mischiefs that king Charles of Naverre father to the duchess of Bretayne had done/ in time passed in France/ whereof the remembrance as than endured. And the duke saw that if he died in that estate/ both with sir Oliver of Clisson and with the earl of Ponthieur/ he than doubted that his children that were so young should have over many great enemies. and also he saw that the alliance between him and England began to wax cold/ For he was informed that the king of England should have to wife the daughter of France the same lady that was promised to him for his son and heir. The duke died cast all these doubts. than all things considered/ he imagined to break his heart without dissimulation/ and make a firm peace with sir Oliver of Clysson & with johan of Bretayne: And would put himself at their pleasure/ to make amends for all wraths/ forfeits/ and dommages/ that ever they died to him or to his men/ during the war. He would desire nothing but that they should take him for duke of Bretayne/ and his children after him/ according to the articles of the peace before made/ between him and the children of sir Charles of Bloyes/ which charter of peace he would not break nor any article comprised therein. And also to keep and uphold every thing that he had promised to Iohn of Bloyes his cousin/ earl of Pon-ponthieur. And if he had not his part of the heritage of Bretayne sufficient/ he would put the ordering thereof without any dissimulation to the viscount of Rohan/ and to the lords of Dignan/ of Leon/ of Lavall/ and of Beaumond/ and of the lord Iohn of Harpeden. When the duke of Bretayne had advised in himself all this purpose/ without making of any man of his counsel/ He called to him his secratorie and in a chabre they two alone/ he caused him to write a letter to sir Oliver of Clysson/ as sweetly & amiably as could be devised/ desiring him that they might speak together secretly/ on trust to have good peace between them. When this Letter was made/ devised/ and sealed/ Than he took a secret person/ commanding him to go to the castle of josselyn/ and say I do send the to speak with my cousin sir Oliver of Clysson/ and salute him fro me and deliver him this letter and bring again an answer. And on pain of thy ly●e keep this secret/ and show no creature whider thou ghost/ nor who doth send the. He took his journey and sped him so well/ that he came to the castle josselyn. The porters had marvel when they heard him say that he cae fro the duke of speak with their master. they went and showed their lord thereof. Than he commanded that the messenger should come to him/ and so he died. And well and wisely declared his message/ and delivered his letter sealed with the dukes seal/ which sir Oliver knew right well/ and opyned & read the letter two or three times/ the better to understand it. And in the reading he had great marvel of the sweet words/ cretable/ and amiable/ that was comprised in the letter. He studied a season/ and at last said/ how he would take advise and write again. sir oliver men had great marvel of this/ for before he had forborn no man of the dukes/ but either he was slain or put in prison. than sir Oliver went in to his lecrete chamber/ and began to muse and imagine upon these news: At last he appeased his evil will/ in that the duke humiled himself so moche towards him/ and that he wrote so sweetly. yet he thought in himself to prove the duke further/ or he adventured himself to go to the duke/ for he thought if he took any hurt/ no man would bewail him/ if he lost himself by folly. Than he wrote a letter to the duke right sweet and treatable/ but the conclusion was/ that if he would have him to come & speak with him/ that he should send his son and heir to lie in hostage for him/ till his return. This letter was delivered to the duke's varlet/ who returned therewith to Wannes where the duke was/ & there delivered his letter. The duke reed it/ and studied a little and said. I shall do it/ to the entence to treat lovingly with him. Than them duke wrote a letter to the viscount of Rohan/ who was at the castle of Cayre/ When the viscount saw the duke's letter/ he came incontinent to Wannes. Than the duke showed all his purpose and intention. & said Vycount/ you and the lord of Mountbursier shall lead my son to the castle josselyn and leave him there/ and bring with you the lord Oliver Clysson/ for I will agree and make peace with him. The viscount said it should be done gladly. So they took the duke's son and heir/ who was about the age of eight year/ and led him to the castle josselyn/ to the lord Oliver Clysson/ who received them right honourably. And when he saw the child and the good affection of the duke/ he humiled and appeased his heart greatly: and with that the knights told him and said. sir/ ye see the good will of the duke/ he hath spoken nothing but his heart doth agree to the same. I see it well quoth sir Oliver/ and for that I see and perceive his good will/ I shall put me so farforth/ that I shall yield me under his obeisance. And it seemeth ye be right near to him/ saying he putteth his affiance and trust in you/ to deliver you his heir to bring to me to lie in hostage/ till I be returned. I wot not/ if he have showed you what he hath written to me/ signed and sealed with his seal. The lords answered and said. Sir/ he hath well told us/ that he hath right great desire to come to a peace and accord with you. In this ye may right well believe us/ we be of your blood. than sir Oliver went for the letters that the duke had sent him/ and read them. Sir quoth they/ all that is contained in this letter he hath said unto us/ and upon the same estate he hath sent us hither. Than sir Oliver ordaygned him to depart with the said lords/ and took the duke's son again with them and said/ how they should bring again the child to his father/ saying that he trusted right well his promise/ considering that he had proved him so far/ and that he had showed such humility: He doubted not but that his heart was in unity. So they came to Wannes. The duke had appointed that sir Oliver should tarry at a Freres without the town of Wannes/ and there the duke should come and speak with him: as it was ordained so it was done. and when the duke saw that sir Oliver had brought again his son and heir/ he reputed if for a great courtesy/ and was well content therewith Thus the duke and sir Oliver met in the Freres/ and there they two alone entered in to a chamber/ and communed together a season/ and after issued out through a garden and came to the river side/ and there they entered in to a boat/ and fro thence entered in to a ship that lay at anchor. And so when they were far of fro all people/ they communed a long season together. What their words were I know not/ but their dealing was as I shall show you.  
THeir men had went they had been still in the Freres/ but as it was showed me/ they were thus in the ship more than two hours/ & there made a good peace between them/ and swore faith and troth each to other without dissimulation. Than they called again the boatman/ & he brought them again where he had them/ and so entered again by the garden side in to the Freres. Than anon after the duke came out and led sir Oliver of Clysson by the hand and so went in to the town of Wannes/ and in to the castle called le Moat. Of this peace every man was greatly rejoiced/ and to see them so amiably together/ and so was all the country. At the making of this peace Iohn of Bloyes earl of Ponthieur lost not/ for his revenues was thereby augmented of twenty thousand crowns of gold by year for ever to him and to his heirs. And at this peace a marriage was ordained for the duke of Bretaynes daughters/ to confirm the better the love and alyaunces between them/ great news ran through France and England of this peace.  
ye have herd here before/ how sir Peter of Craon fell in the french kings displeasure and of the duke of orleans/ because of sir Oliver of Clysson/ in that he would have slain him on a night as he went to his house ward: & how the duke of Bretayne sustained him in his house/ by which occasion the french king would have made war against the duke/ if the sickness that took him had not been/ by which incydentes the kings army broke up. & also ye have herd how the dukes of Berrey and Burgoyne bore great displeasure/ to all such as counseled the king thereto: As sir Oliver of clysson/ the lord de la river/ the lord johan le Mercyer/ Montague and other/ who afterward endured thereby great prisonment: & how the two dukes had the governance of the realm/ as long as the king was in his sickness. also it hath been showed what mortal war was between the duke of Bretaygne and sir Oliver of Clysson: & also how the lords de la river/ sir johan Mercyer/ and Montague were delivered out of prison/ which Montague had not so much trouble as the other had/ for as soon as the king was returned to his health/ he took Montague again about him & made his excuse. So by reason of these sundry sicknesses that the king had divers times/ greatly troubled the realm of France/ and much abated the kings puissance/ so that he had not every thing done accordyuge to his will. In this season sir Peter of Craon was nothing displeased with the kings sickness/ nor with the trouble that they of his counsel had/ how be it than he made suit to return again in to the kings favour and love/ and the duke of Burgoyne and the lord Guy of Tremoyle were his advocates to treat for him. And lightly his peace had been made/ and the duke of orleans had not been/ for he letted all that treaty/ for as long as the hate eudured between sir Oliver Clysson & the duke of Bretaygne/ sir Peter of Craon could come to no peace nor accord. but when it was surely known that there was a peace made between the duke and sir Oliver/ than the quarrel against sir Peter of Craon was molyfied and well appeased. The same season queen jane of Naples and Jerusalem and duchess of Anjou/ had a plea in parliament against sir Peter of Craon/ for the sum of a. C.M. franks. this lady lay still at Paris/ the better to intend to her business. sir Peter of Craon that saw himself in that danger and that he was in suit in the parliament/ and knew not how his business should pass/ either with him or against him/ for the ladies party was strong/ and had good proof of whom he had received the money/ in the days of king Joys her husband. All these things considered/ he imagined that it was not easy for him to bear. and also he knew well he was in hate with the french king & with the duke of orleans/ but the duke and duchess of Burgoyne comforted and aided him asmuch as they might. He gate such grace that he was at Paris secretly/ in the house of Arthoys with the duchess of Burgoyne.  
¶ Now we shall leave to speak of him at this tyme. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the king of Hungry wrote to the French king the state of the great turk/ and how Iohn of Burgoyn eldest son to the duke of Burgoyne was chief and heed of the army that went thither. Cap. Cc.vi  
IN this said season/ Henry king of Hungry sent sweet and amiable letters to the french king/ by a notable ambassade a bishop and ii knights of Hungry. In the same letters was contained a great part of the state and doing of the great turk/ and how that he had sent word to the king of Hungry/ that he would come and fight with him in the mids of his realm and would go fro thence to the city of Rome/ and would make his horse to ear oats upon the high altar of saint Peter/ and there to hold his see imperial/ and would bring the emperor of Constantyne the noble in his company/ and all the great barons of the realm of Grece/ and each of them to keep still their own law/ for he desired nothing but the title and signory. Thus the king of Hungry in his letters/ prayed the French king to intend to aid and succour him/ and that this business in far countries might he published abroad/ to th'intent that all knights and squires might provide to come in to Hungry/ to resist against Lamorabaquy the great turk/ to th'intent that Christendom should not be violated by him/ and that his pride and boast might be abated. In these letters were conteygned many words of great love/ as kings & cousins writ each to other in case of necessity. And they were sent by sufficient personages/ who died so moche/ that the French king inclined his heart thereto/ and was the gladder to set forward the treaty of the marriage of his daughter/ to the king of England. Than anon these news of Hungry were published abroad/ and written in to many countries/ to move the hearts of gentlemen/ knights and squires/ such as would advance them to get honour. The same season that these news were brought to the king/ there was at Paris the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess/ and johan of Burgoyne their son & heir earl of Nevers/ who as than was no knight and the lord guy of Tremoyle & the lord William his brother/ and many lords and other of the realm of France. Than the duke of Burgoyne inclined sore to this voyage/ and specially that his son should enterprise the said voyage/ so he might be chief heed & leader of the army/ that should go in that voyage. This johan of Burgoyne was but a young man/ of the age of xxii years/ wise/ curtess/ treatable/ humble/ and well-beloved of knights and squires of Burgone/ and of other nations/ such as knew him. He had to wife the daughter of duke Aubert of Bavier/ earl of Heynalte/ holland/ and zeland/ a good lady/ wise and devout: and had two children full likely to come to great marriages. One showed this johan of Burgoyne how the French king would send him in this voyage in to Hungry/ to see what he would say. Than he said/ if it please the king and the duke my father to send me as chief of this army/ it shall please me right well/ for I have great desire to advance myself. well sir quoth they/ ye were best to speak with the duke your father that he may speak to the king/ for without his good will ye can do nothing.  
IT was not long after/ but that this johan of Burgoyne spoke to his father/ praying him humbly to consent that he might go in this voyage in to Hungry/ and at the same time there was by him sir guy and sir William of Tremoyle/ and other/ & they said to the duke. Sir/ this request that your son maketh is but reasonable/ for it is time he take the order of knighthood/ and more nobly he can not take it/ than in going the journey against the enemies of holy Church. And it the king will send any parsonage in that voyage/ he can not send a more honourable man/ than his own cousin germayne your son: and ye shall see many knights go with him/ as well for their own advancements as for your love. Than the duke said well/ so be it. I shall not let the good will of my son/ I shall speak to the king therein/ and shall see what answer he will make. And anon after the duke spoke to the king therein/ and the king incontinent inclined thereto and said/ how it should be well done that he went/ and we will that he shall go/ and we will make him as chief of that journey. Than the tidings was showed through all Paris and without/ that johan of Burgoyne with a great company of knights/ should go in to Hungry to see the puissance of the great Turk. and that journey achieved/ than the Christian men to go to constantine the noble/ and to pass over the arm or saint George/ and so to enter in to Surrey/ and to deliver Jerusalem out of the paynims hands. Than awaked such knights and squires as desired advancement. When the duke of Burgoyne saw that his son should go in this voyage/ and that he should be chief of the army/ he honoured than the more the ambassadors of Hungry/ who when they saw the kings good will/ the dukes & the Frenchmens/ they were glad/ and took their leave of the king and of the other lords of France/ and so returned to their country/ and made relation to the king of Hungry how they had sped/ wherewith the king was greatly rejoiced/ and made great provision against the coming of the French men/ and sent these ambassadors to his brother the king of Almaigne to open his passages/ and also to his cousin the duke of ostrich/ for through the straits of Austryche he must needs pass: And by all the ways he caused great provision of victual to be ordained. And also he wrote letters to the great master of Pruce/ and to the Rhodes. certifying them of the coming of johan of Burgoyne/ with a thousand knights and squires of valiant men/ to the intent to enter in to Turkey/ and to resist the great boast of king Basant/ called the great turk.  
IN this season the lord Coucy was come to Paris/ and was but newly returned fro a voyage/ where he had been a hole year/ which was on the fronters of Gennes. And there were certain great men Genoese/ that had informed the duke of orleans/ that the hole Duchy of Geane/ desired to have to their chief lord some noble person/ descended of the lineage of the flower delice. And for as much as the duke of orleans had wedded the daughter of the lord of Myllaygne/ and that the land and duchy of Geane should be right meet for him/ at the duke of orleans instance/ the lord of Coucy with three hundred spears and five hundred cross bows/ passed over in to Savoy and to Pyemont/ by the accord and consent of the earl of Savoy/ and came in to Aste in Pyemont by the consent of the lord of milan/ and came to a city called Alexandria/ and so came to the fronters & marchesse of the Genoese/ and there fell in treaty with them to know more plainly their entemcyons/ for perfoce he could do nothing/ without he had had greatier puissance than he had. And when the lord of Coucy came first upon the fronters of the river of Geane/ where the entrees are strong to conquer: if there be made any defence. Some lords of the genoese such as favoured the lord Coucy/ and had informed the duke of orleans/ whereby he sent thither the lord of Coucy. They entreated him amiably and brought him to their countries/ and offered to him their castles. The lord of Coucy who was sage/ subtile/ and ymaginatyfe/ and knew right well the nature of the lombards and Genoese/ would not trust them overmuch/ nor have to great confidence in their offers and promises/ but always wisely he held them in love and amity/ as long as he was among them/ and led them forth with fair words and treaties. They had many communications in the field together/ but never in no fortress/ and ever the more he communed with them/ the less he conquered or gate. the genovoys made to him sign of love and promised him many things/ and would have had him to have gone in to the city of Gennes or to port Vender/ but the lord of Coucy durst never assure him in their offers. The conclusion of his voyage was such that he gate nothing/ and when he saw that he could not achieve his business/ he signified his estate to the duke of orleans/ whereupon he was remaunded and so he returned to Paris/ and came thither the same season that all the business was for the journey going in to Hungry. The duke of Burgoyne rejoiced greatly of his return/ and he and duchess sent for him to their house of Arthoyse in sign of great love/ than they said to him. Sir we trust moche in you/ we have caused johan our son and heir to take on him an enterprise in the honour of god and of all christendom/ and we know well that above all other knights of France/ ye are the most used and expert in all things/ wherefore dearly we require you that ye would be companion with our son in this voyage/ and his chief counsaylour/ whereof/ we shall thank you/ and deserve it to you and yours. Than the lord of Coucy said/ my lord & you madame/ your words and requests ought to be to me a commandment/ in this voyage I shall go if it please god for two causes. First for devotion to defend the faith of Ihesu Christ. Secondly in that ye do to me so much honour/ as to give me charge of my lord johan your son/ and I shall acquit me truly to him to my power/ how be it of this deed ye may well discharge me/ and to charge specially his cousin and near kynesman/ my lord Phylyppe of Arthoys earl of Ewe and constable of France/ and his other cousin the earl of March/ both two ought/ to go with him in this voyage for they be both near of his blood. Than the duke said. My lord of Coucy/ ye have moche more seen than these other twain have and know better the ordering of an army in strange countries/ than either our cousin of Ewe or of March/ therefore we charge you and pray you to execute our requests. Than he answered and said my lord/ your prayer is to me a commandment/ and I shall do it/ sith it pleaseth you/ with the aid and help of my lord guy of Tremoyle and of my lord Guillyam his brother/ and of the admiral of France. Of this answer the duke and duchess had great joy.  
THese lords prepared themselves to go in this journey into Hungry/ and lords/ knights/ and squires were desired to go in their company/ and many desired themself to go. Some were retaygned/ and some went without masters/ and some considering the voyage in to Hungry/ and fro thence in to Turkey to be over long/ and chargeable for them/ being not retaygned/ waxed cold in their enterprise. For the setting forward of this young johan of Burgoyne/ nothing was spared/ horse/ harness/ fresh clothes/ rich vessel/ and plate of gold and silver/ and officers appointed to do their atendaunce/ and money delivered and work/ men paid. Than all barons/ knights/ and squires/ for the honour of Iohn of Burgoyne and also for the advancement of their bodies/ enforced them to make them ready. The lord Phylyppe of Arthoys ordained him so puissantly that nothing was spared/ and would go in that voyage as Constable of France. And the french king who loved him entierlye/ helped him moche toward his charges/ and so he did to the lord Boucyquant marshal of France. The duke of Burgoyne considered that this voyage of his sons should cost overmuch finance/ and he thought it convenient that the state of his son should be maintained/ and to find silver to maintain it withal/ he found out subtly a back tail/ for by a former tail all the countries/ cities/ and fortresses had been tailed. And the said back tail mounted in Burgoyne of the chyvallry/ two hundred thousand crowns of gold. And again/ the duke made it to be told to all knights and ladies that held of him in fee/ young and old/ that they should go in to Hungry in their own proper persons with his son/ or else to pay a tax of silver. so they were taxed some at a thousand pound the other at five hundred franks/ & each man after his goods and valour of his lands. Ladies and ancient knights remembering the travail of their bodies/ and were not shapen nor made to endure such pain/ conpounded and paid at the will of the Duke. The young knights and squires were forborn paying of any money. but it was said to them that they should go with the lord johan/ at their own cost and charge/ and otherwise not. Of this back tail the duke raised lx thousand crowns/ and so none was forborn.  
THe tidings of this voyage spread abroad/ and when it came in to the country of Haynalt/ knights and squires/ such as desired advancement spoke together and said. A this were a meet voyage for my lord of Ostrenant/ who is young and for his brother the earl of Nevers/ and if any of them went we might well go in their company. The earl of Ostrenant being at that time at Quesnoy/ understood what the knights and squires of his country said/ and he thought no less than they did/ and had great affection to go in this voyage. & when he heard any speaking of that matter/ he would answer but little/ but dissimuled the matter/ but he was in good intention to speak with duke Aubert of Bavyer earl of Haynalt/ and to do as he would counsel him. Within a while after the Earl of Ostrenant came in to Hay in Holande/ where his father was with the duchess his wife. Than he said to his father. my lord/ such tidings rynneth abroad that my fair brother of Nevers hath enterprised this summer to go into Hungry/ and fro thence in to Turkey/ whereby all likelihood great deeds of arms shall be achieved. and sir/ as at this time I wot not where better to employ myself in any deed of arms/ wherein I would gladly know your pleasure. I would go in that honourable voyage with a hundred knights/ and bear company with my fair brother/ the duke of Burgoyne and my lady the duchess shall can me great thank/ and many knights and squires of Haynalt will gladly hold me company. Than duke Aubert/ as a man ready purveyed of answer said. Guylliam/ what haste or will have you to go in this voyage in to Hungry and in to Turkey/ to seek arms upon people and country that never did us any forfeit/ thou hast no title of reason to go/ but for the vainglory of the world. Let johan of Burgoyne and our cousins of France do their enterprise/ and do thy deeds apart/ & go thou in to Frese and conquer our heritage that these fresones by pride and rudeness do withhold fro us/ and will come to none obeisant/ and to do this I shall aid the. The words of the father to the son lightened greatly the heart of th'earl of Ostrenant/ who answered and said. My lord ye say well/ and if it please you that I shall do that voyage/ I shall do it with right a good will. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the earl of Ostrenant enterprised to go in to Frese. Cap. CC.vii.  
THese words between the father & the son multiplied so moche little and little/ that the voyage in to Frese was taken and enter prized/ and one thing helped much the matter forward/ and that was. The earl of Ostrenant had at that time about him and near of his counsel a squire of Haynalte/ called Ferebrase/ otherwise called the bastard Vertayne a wise man and a subtle in feats of arms/ so that when he herd of this he said to the earl. Sir my lord your father speaketh well/ it is better for your honour that ye/ make this voyage rather than in to Hungry/ and ordain you thereto/ and ye shall find knights and squires of Haynalt and elsewhere that will be glad to keep you company/ and shall aid you to their powers to do this enterprise. and if ye have mind thus to do/ I will counsel you to go in to England/ and to signify your enterprise to the knights and squires there/ and pray the king of England your cousin/ that he will give licence to knights/ squires/ and archers to go with you in to Frese/ at your wages/ englysse men be men of deeds/ and if ye have them ye shall do your business the better. And if ye may have by prayer your cousin th'earl of Derby in your company/ your voyage shall be much the fairer/ and your enterprise the more renowned. The earl inclined to those words/ for it seemed to him that his counsel was good. In likewise the lord Gomegynes gave him counsel/ and so did divers other. These words anon spread abroad in Haynalte. Than there was acommaundement made to all knights and squires in Heynalt/ that none of them should go out of the country/ to go in to Hungrey nor in to no place else/ because the earl of Ostrenant should ocupy them another way/ and should lead them in to Frese. We shall leave speaking of this business/ and return to the voyage in to Hungry.  
THus knights and squires in many parties had cause to awake/ and to take courage/ for the wars that were toward in that season/ as well for the voyage in to Hungry as in to Frese. The earl of Nevers advanced his journey/ and all knights and squires were named and written that should go with him/ provision was great and well ordained/ and for that he would be renowned in this voyage he was liberal and mad great largesse to many knights and squires that should go in his band/ for the voyage was long and costly/ wherefore it was needful for them to have some aid towards their charges/ and the other lords as the constable of France/ and the earls of Ewe and March/ the lords Henry and Phylippe of Bare/ the lord of Coucy/ the lord Guy of Tremoyle/ the lord johan Vyen admiral of France/ Boucyquant marshal of France/ and Raynolde du Roy/ the lords of saint paul/ of Mutterell/ and of saint pie/ the Hasell of Flaunders/ the lord Joys of Brese his brother/ le Bourge of Montquell and other/ they were to the number of a thousand knights and a thousand squires/ & all valiant men. Every man departed fro their own houses about the mids of march/ and so road forth by companies/ and always they found the ways open/ for the king of Almaigne had commanded through all his realm of Almaigne and Boesme/ that they should have all things necessary/ and that no victual should be withholden fro them. These lords of France thus road forward/ to the aid of the king of Hungry/ who should have battle with the great turk/ puissance against puissance/ the twenty day of the month of May. These lords passed Lorraine: the county of Bare/ the county of Mountbelyart/ and the duchy of Burgoyn/ and entered into Ausay/ and passed the country and the river of Ryn●●● many places/ and the county of Fierte/ and so entered in to ostrich/ which is a great country and the entries and issues strong/ and great deserts. but they went with so good will and courage/ that pain and travail grieved them nothing. The duke of ostrich made capitains in his country/ such as made the lords good cheer/ and specially to Iohn of Burgoyne/ who was chief of that army. All these lords were appointed to assemble in a city in Hungry called Bode. ¶ Now let us speak of other matters.  
yE have herd here before/ how the king of England had sent in the same season sufficient ambassade to the french king and to his counsel to have to his wife Isabella the daughter of France/ which ambassadors were/ the archbishop of Dwelyn/ the bishop of Wynchester/ the earl Martial/ the earl of Rutland/ son to the duke of york/ the lord Henry Clyfforde/ the lord Beamonde/ the lord Spenser and many other. the french king had made them good cheer/ and all his uncles and counsels/ which ambassade were returned in to England upon good hope to atayne to their desires. The king of England for his part all the winter following/ often times sent to the french king/ consernynge the said matters/ who was well inclined to have peace/ and to have end of the war/ which had over long endured. These pursuits and treaties took such effect/ and the two kings had written so solemnly each to other/ that their matters drew near to appoint/ so that such ambassadors as were first sent out of England in to France/ were than sent again and came to Paris/ and were lodged at the cross of Tyroner/ and their men in the street there about. They were to the number of six hundred. Thus they sojourned at Paris more than three weeks. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the judgement made in the parliament for the queen of Napoles against sir Peter of Craone. Cap. Cc.ix  
THe same season that the english men were at Paris/ queen jane duchess of anjou/ who wrote herself queen of Napoles and of Iherusalem was at Paris and pursued diligently her business. She was a lady of great courage/ she pleaded in parliament for two causes. The first was for the heritage of the county of Roussey against the Earl of Brain/ for Joys the duke of Anjou her lord & husband had bought it and paid for it/ to a lady that was countess of Roussey/ sometime wife to the lord Joys of Namure/ but afterward she was divorced fro him for a reasonable cause/ as it was said. The second suit this queen had was against sir Peter of Craon/ she demanded of him the some of a hundred thousand franks/ which she was ready to prove that he had received it in the name of his lord and master/ Joys king of Napoles/ Cysyll/ and Iherusalem her husband/ which money was delivered him to have paid in to powel/ and or it was paid he heard how his said master my husband was deed. Than he journeyed no further/ but returned again in to France/ and kept still the said some of money to his own profit/ and never made account to the said queen thereof/ nor to her children Joys and Charles/ but spent and wasted the money in pride and bobbans. The queen laid to his charge that for fault of payment of the said money/ the realm of Napoles was lost and conquered by Margarete of Duras/ and by the heirs of the lord Charles de la Paix/ by reason that such soldiers as her husband had to maintain his wars in Puell & Calabre/ were not paid their wages/ whereby many turned to the Earl of saint Sevyre and to Margarete of Duras/ and other departed and left the wars. All these causes were put in to the parliament chamber at Paris/ where all causes were preposed/ showed and demanded/ and all the defences and answers heard on all parties. Their plea had endured the space of three years. And though sir Peter of Craon were absent fro the parliament/ yet his advocates defended his cause/ and said though he had received the said some in the name of his lord and master/ yet his master was as much bound to him as that some came to and more for the good service that he had done to him. This plea had endured so long that it was necessary to have a conclusion/ and the lady made importunate sewte to have judgement. The lords of the parliament considered all things/ and said they would give no judgement/ without both parties were present/ and sir Peter of Craon durst not well apere in Paris/ because of the Kings displeasure/ and the duke of orleans/ for the offence that he had done to sir Oliver of Clysson constable of France/ and without he were present/ they would give no sentence defynityve/ where upon the said lady pursued to set him clear in France/ and by her means he was pardoned/ so that he might ride and go where he list without any danger/ except the suit that was between her and him for the said some of money. So he was clearly discharged of all other charges/ and lords & ladies made him good cheer/ I wot not whether it were by dissimulation or otherwise. thus he was again at Paris/ holding as great estate as ever he did. The same time he was appointed to be one of them to receive and bring the english ambassadors to the king/ for he was a knight that had seen moche/ and knew moche honour. Than the day was prefixed that the judgement concerning the queens matters should be determined/ at which day there were present in the parliament/ great number of the lords of France/ to the intent that the matters should be the more authentic. There was the queen of Cicyll and Iherusalem/ and her son Charles prince of Thaurent/ and johan of Bloys/ called johan of Bretaygne earl of Ponthyeure and of Lymogynes/ and the dukes of orleans/ Berrey/ Burgoyne/ and Burhone/ and the earl of Brain/ and the bishop of Laon. And before them the lady was herd to lay her title for the county of Roussey. And on the other part there was sir Peter of Craon and many of his lineage. first judgement was given for the county of Roussey/ and that was/ the heritage was remyssed and judged in to the hands and possession of the earl of Brain/ and to the heirs that should descend of the right branch of Roussey/ reserved that the queen should have again repaid to her all the money that king Joys her husband had paid to the countess of Roussey last deed. Of this judgement the inheritors of the county of Roussey/ to whom the heritage pertained thanked greatly the lords of the parliament. Than such as were ordained to give the second sentence arose up and said how that by the sentence of the parliament/ sir Peter of Craon ought to pay to the queen of Napoles duchess of Aniowe the sum of a hundred thousand franks in ready money/ or else his body to go to prison till she were contented and satisfied. Of this judgement the said lady thanked the lords of the parlyament● and in continent at the complaint of the lady/ hands was laid on him by the kings commandment/ and so was led to the castle of Louvre/ and there surely kept. So the lords departed fro the parliament. Thus these two judgements were given by the principal occasion of this lady/ duchess of Anjou. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the conclusion of the marriage ●aken at Paris between the king of England & Isabella eldest daughter to the french king/ and how the duke of Lancastre remaryed. Cap. Cc.x  
THe ambassadors of England/ were with the french king at Paris a xxii. days and they had as good cheer as could be devised/ and their matters took such effect/ that it was agreed that the king of England should have in marriage Isabella the eldest daughter of king Charles/ and by virtue of procuration/ the earl Martial fyaunced and espoused her in the name of the king of England/ and so she was called fro thence forth queen of England. And as I was informed it was a goddly sight to see her behaviour/ for all that she was but young right pleasantly she bore the port of a queen▪ Than all this matter concluded/ the english men took their leave of the french king and of the queen/ and of their daughter queen of England/ and of all other lords/ and so departed fro Paris and returned to calais/ and so in to England. The King and other of his opinion were glad of their return. But who so ever was glad of that marriage/ the duke of Gloucestre uncle to the king made no joy there of/ for he saw well that by reason of that marriage and alliance/ peace should be between the kings and their realms/ which grieved him/ without it should be greatly to the honour of the king and the realm of England/ and that the english men might be in the same case or better in the parties of Gascoigne/ as they were or the wars renewed again. And of this matter he would often times speak with his brother the duke of york and drew him as much as he could to his opinions/ for he was but a soft prince/ but to the Duke of Lancastre his eldest brother he durst not speak over largely/ for he saw well he was of the kings opinion/ and was well pleased with the Kings marriage/ principally for the love of his two daughters/ the queen of spain and the queen of Portugal. The same season the duke of Lancastre remaryed again the third time/ to a lady daughter to knight in Haynalte/ called sir Paon of Ruette/ he had been in his time with noble queen Phylyp of England/ who was of the nation of Haynalt she was called Katheryn/ and was brought up in her youth in the duke of Lancaster's house/ with the duchess Blaunce of Lancastre/ And after the death of this lady Blaunce/ the duke married the lady Custance of spain/ and in her days the duke kept to his concubine this lady Katherine of Ruet/ who had married a knight of England/ who was as than deed/ and the duke had by her three children/ two sons and a daughter/ the eldest called johan/ otherwise lord Beauforde of Lancastre/ the duke loved him entirely/ the other was called Thomas/ the duke brought him up at Asque/ he was a good clerk and cunning in both laws/ he was a great iuryst and legyst/ and was after bishop of Lyncolne. The duke of Lancastre for the love he had to his children/ he wedded their mother the lady Katheryn of Ruet/ whereof there was moche marvel both in England and in France/ for she was but of a base lineage/ in regard to the two other wives. And when the knowledge of the marriage of the duke to this lady Kateryne of Ruet was come to the great ladies of England/ as the duchess of Gloucestre/ the countess of Derby/ the countess of Arundel/ and other ladies descended of the blood royal of England/ they marveled moche/ and laid great blame to the duke for that deed/ and said/ how the duke of Lancastre was greatly to dispraise/ to marry his concubine/ for by reason thereof she should be the second person in honour in England/ whereby they said the queen should be shamefully acompanyed/ and said how surely they would not come in to no place where she should be present/ and more over they said/ it should be a great shame for them/ that such a duchess come of so base a blood (and concubine to the duke in his other wife's days) should go and have the pre-eminence before them/ they said their hearts should break for sorrow. both the duke of Gloucestre and the duchess his wife spoke of this matter/ and said how the duke of Lancastre was not wise/ but fowl overseen to marry his concubine/ and said they would never do her honour/ nor call her sister. The duke of york passed it over lightly enough/ for he was ever lightly resident about the king and with the duke of Lancastre. The duke of Gloucestre was of another manner/ for he set by no man/ though he were youngest brother/ he was orgulous and presumptuous of manner/ and thereto be inclined his nature/ and always against the kings opinions and his counsellors. Thus this lady Kateryne of Ruet was duchess of Lancastre/ and was as the second person in England/ and was moche about the king/ as she that knew moche honour/ for in her youth and all her days she had been brought up therein/ and the Duke loved greatly the children that he had by her/ and that he showed well in his life and after his death.  
YE have herd here before how judgement of the parliament was given against sir Peter of Craon/ and how he was condemned in a hundred thousand franks/ to be paid to the Queen of Napoles. When the said sir Peter saw how he was condemned he was sore abashed/ for either he must pay the some/ or else abide still prisoner. Than he was counseled by the duke of Burgoyne and by the duchess/ that he should require the young queen of England to be mean for him to the queen of Napoles/ that he might be released out of prison fifteen days to go abroad in Paris/ to sew to his friends to pay his finance/ or else to find sureties for him till he might go in to Bretaygne to gather among his friends the same some. So at the desire of the young queen of England/ the queen of Napoles was content that he should go all the day abroad in Paris/ and at night always to yield himself prisoner in to the castle of Lower/ and there to remain all the night. After this rate he went abroad and sewed to many of his blood and friends/ but he could find none that would abide there prisoner for him/ the sum was so great. And at the end of the fifteen days he was fain to return prisoner both day and night/ and was kept straighter than he was before at his cost and charge.  
Now let us a little speak of the journey of th'earl of Nevers and the lords of France/ and what they did the same summer in Hungry. And after we shall speak of the going in to Frese of the earl of Haynalte and the earl of Ostrenaunt. The earl of Nevers and his company/ with many valiant men that he had of France and of other countries/ when they were come in to Hungry in to a great city called Bode/ the king of Hungry made them good cheer/ and well they deserved it/ for they were come far of to see him. The intention of the king was/ that or he set forward with his puissance/ and with the aid of France to enter in to the field/ to here first some news fro the great turk called Lamorabaquy/ who had sent him word in the month of February that surely he would be in Hungry or the end of the month of may/ and that he would pass the water of Dunce/ of which message many had great marvel. And some said that there is in a manner nothing but that man may do it/ considering that the turk is valiant and puissant/ and desireth moche deeds of arms therefore sith he hath said it by all likelihood he will do it/ and if he pass not the Dunce to come hither to this side/ than let us pass over and enter in to Turkey with puissance/ for the king of Hungry with such aid as he hath of strangers/ shall well make an hundred thousand men/ and such a number of such men are well able to conquer all Turkey/ and to go in to the empire of Perce/ and if we may have one journey of victory upon the great turk/ we shall do after what we list and shall conquer Surey/ and all the holy land of Iherusalem/ and shall deliver it fro the hands of the Sudden and the enemies of god/ for at the summer next coming/ the French king and the king of England/ who will conjoin together/ shall raise up a great number of men of arms and of archers and shall find the passages open to receive them/ than nothing shall abide before us/ but all shall be conquered and put in our obeisance/ when we shall go all together. Thus devised the French men that were in the realm of Hungry.  
When the month of May was come trusting to here tidings of Lamorabaquy the great Turk/ the king of Hungry sent to the passages of the river of Dunce/ and sent through out his realm to assemble his puissance together/ and the lords of the Rhodes came to him strongly/ and all the month of May they tarried for the coming of the saracens/ but no tidings could be herd of them. Than the king of Hungry scent such as knew the country beyond the river of Dunce/ to search to have some tidings of the great turk. Such as went sertched all the country beyond the Brace of saint George/ and to the marches of alexander/ of Damas'/ and antioch/ but they could hear no news of Lamorabaquy nor of none army toward. Than they returned and showed the king what they had herd and seen. Than the king assembled his counsel/ and called the lords of France/ who desired to do deeds of arms. The king showed them how he had sent men in to Turkey to have knowledge what his enemies did/ and how they could hear no tidings of Lamorabaquy/ nor no likelihood of his approaching/ for all the promise he had made to pass the Dunce/ and to enter in to Hungry to sight with the christian men or mid May should pass/ wherefore the king demanded what counsel they would give him to do. Than the lord of Coucy for all the other/ said. Sir though Lamorabaquy come not forward according to his promise/ and maketh but a ●ape thereof/ yet that ought not to let us to do deeds of arms/ and to pursue our enemies/ saying we be assembled to that purpose. Thus all the frenchmen/ almains/ and other strangers showed well how they had great desire to seek out Lamorabaquy to fight with him/ which was to their great honour. The lord of Coucyes' words were affirmed by all the strangers/ it was all their opinions how they could employ their season and time no better. Than it was ordained by the king and by his marshals that every man should prepare himself to be ready to set forward at a day assigned/ which was the utas of saint johan the baptist. Than officers and other servants appareled for their masters all things necessary/ and the French men thinking to be fresh and gay/ spared nouther Gold nor silver. Their departure fro Bode the sovereign city of Hungry was goodly to regard. The constable of Hungry had the vanward with a great number of hungaryons and almains with him/ because he knew the countries. And next after him road the french men with the constable of France/ the earl de la March/ the lord of Coucy/ sir Henry and sir Phylyppe of Bare and divers other. And with the king road the great lords of his country/ as reason was/ and beside the king road johan of Burgoyne/ & often times devised with the king. They were in the field a threescore thousand horse/ they had but few a foot/ saving such as were followers. The company of the christian men were noble and well ordered/ and of Hungry there were many crosebowes a horseback. the army journeyed so long that they came to the river of Dunce/ and passed over in ships and barges/ and such bridges as they had ordained for that purpose. It was eight days or they were all passed over/ and as they passed they lodged them/ every company tarrying for other. This river of Dunce departeth the realms of Hungry and Turkey a sunder.  
When the christian men were all over and nothing tarried behind/ and were in the frontiers of Turkey/ they greatly rejoiced and desired greatly to do deeds of arms. There they took counsel and determined to go and lay siege to a town in Turkey called conject. And as they ordained so they died/ & besieged it as they might well do/ for it stood in a plain country/ and a river joining to it with ships thereon/ called Necte: the heed coming out of Turkey/ and falling in to the see at the river of Dunce. The river of Dunce is a great river of three hundred miles in length/ fro the beginning till it enter in to the See. Which were the most profitable river in all the world/ for the realm of Hungry/ if the ships that be thereon might issue out thereof in to the See/ but they can not For in the mouth thereof when they should issue in to the see/ there is in the river a mountain which departeth the river in two ꝑtes/ and maketh such brute and noise/ that it may well be herd seven mile of/ and for that cause there is no ship that dare approach near to it. I long by this river side there be fair meadows and pastures/ whereby all the country is well served/ and divers wines/ which in season make good wines/ which the Turks do make and put in to Good skins/ and selleth it unto Christian men: For according to their law/ they dare drink no wine to be known. It is defended them on pain of life. But they eat the reysynges/ and they have other good fruits and spices/ whereof they make drink/ and use greatly to drink goat's milk/ which refresheth them in the hot season. Thus the king of Hungry and his host lodged before the city of Conject at their ease and pleasure/ for no man troubled their siege. And when they came before the City/ they found the fruits ripe/ the which was great pleasure to them. They made to this City divers assaults/ and they within defended themself/ trusting daily to have aid and succour of Lamorabaquy their lord/ to raise the siege with puissance. But he died not/ whereby the City was taken by force of assault/ and destroyed with great slaughter of men/ women/ and children. For the christian men that entered had no mercy nor pity. when this City was thus won/ the king of Hungry dislodged and went forward in to Turkey/ and was determined to go and lay siege to a great city called Nicopoly. and as they road/ they found in their way the town of Quayre/ and laid siege to it fifteen days or it was won/ but finally it was won by assault/ & clean destroyed. And so passed forth/ and in their way they found another town and a strong castle called Brehappe/ and a knight of Turkey was lord thereof/ and was within the castle to defend it. The king and his army were lodged within a mile where was a fair river/ and about the town there was none. There the earl of Nevers was made knight and raised his banner/ and with him were made more than three hundred knights/ & all they & their companies went before Brehap/ and besieged it and won the town perforce within four days/ but not the castle it was so strong. The lord of Brehap saved moche of his people byforce of the castle/ who was called Corbodas'/ a right valiant knight/ & he had other three brethren/ one named Maladius/ another Balachius/ & the third Rufyn. After this town was won/ the christian men were before the castle seven days and made divers assaults/ but they lost more than they wan. The four knights brethren that were within/ showed well by their defence/ that they were valiant men. When the French men had considered well the force of the castle/ and the valiant ordr●●ge of the turks within/ and the defence that they made/ They saw well than they lost their pain/ and so dislodged/ for they had knowledge how the king of Hungry would go and lay siege to the strong town of Nicopolye. Thus the siege before Brehap broke up/ and they within the Castle were in peace but the town was clean brent. than the earl of Nevers and all the lords of France resorted to the kings army/ ordering themself to go to Nicopoly.  
When Corbodas of Brehappe saw the siege brokenne up/ he was right joyful/ and said to his company. We need no more to fere this season though my town be brent and exiled/ I shall right well recover it again/ but of one thing I maru●yle greatly. and that is ● that I can here no news fro my lord the king Besant/ called Lamorabaquy. for the last time that I saw him in the city of Nicopoly/ he said unto me/ that this May time he would be in this country/ and had intention to pass with a great puissance the brace of saint George/ and to go in to Hungry to fight with the christian men/ and so he ●ent word to the king of Hungry/ and yet he hath done nothing. and thereupon they of Hungry be fortified/ and have as now great succour out of France/ and have passed the river of Dunce/ and are entered in to Turkey/ and have and do destroy the country/ for there is no resistance made against them/ & they think surely to go and lay siege before Nicopoly. The city is strong enough to resist the siege a long season/ if it be well defended & kept. We are here ●our brethren and knights of the lineage of king Besant/ We ought and are bound to defend his right/ therefore let us order ourself/ as I shall show you. I and my brother Maladyus/ we shall go to the City of Nicopoly/ to aid/ to help and defend it/ & my brother Balachyus shall abide here to keep this castle of Brehap/ and my brother Rufyne shall pass the brace of saint George and go seek out Lamorabaquy/ & show him every thing that is past & done/ and advise him for his honour to intend to defend his heritage/ & to come with such puissance/ that may resist the christian men/ and to break their purpose/ or else he shall lose the realm of Armony/ which he hath conquered/ and his own country also. For by all imagination the king of Hungry and the Christian men are gathered/ to th'intent to do some great enterprise. His three brethren agreed to his saying. On this appointment they prepared themself to depart.  
SO in this season siege was laid before Nicopolye/ and Corbodas of Brehappe & Maladyus his brother/ came and entered in to Nicopoly/ whereof they of the city were right joyful/ and Balachyus' abode still at Brehappe to keep the castle. & Rufyn when he saw time be night he passed the Christian army/ for he knew well the country/ and passed over the brace saint George/ and ●erched for Lamorabaquy/ and the same season he was at Quayre with the soudane of babylon/ to have aid of men of him. Rufyn found this turk there/ & when king Besant saw him he had marvel/ and thought surely he should here some news out of Turkey. than he demanded what tidings. sir quod Rufyn/ all the country desireth sore to see you there/ for the king of Hungry with puissance hath passed the river of Dunce/ and is entered in to Turkey and hath done great damage and hath brent and assailed a five or six of your closed towns. And when I departed fro Brehappe/ he was in purpose to go and lay siege to Nicopoly. Corbodas and Maladyus my brother/ with such men of war as they have/ are enured in to Nicopoly to help to defend the town/ & my brother Balachyus is still at Brehappe/ to keep the castle there. And sir/ of surety there is in the company with the king of Hungry/ the goodliest army and best appointed come out of France that ever was seen. Wherefore sir/ it behoveth you to assemble your host and friends/ and return in to Turkey/ to cause your enemies to return again over the river of Dunce/ and ye do it not with great puissance/ it will be hard to bring it about. What number be they quoth Lamorabaquy? sir quod he/ they be more than a hundred thousand/ & the good liest men o● the world/ and best armed/ and all on horse back. Lamorabaquy gave none answer/ but entered in to the Soudans' chamber/ and showed the Soudane all the hole matter/ as his knight had showed him. than the soudane said. We must provide for it/ ye shall have men enough to resist them. Nedes we must defend our law and our heritage. That is true sir quod Lamorabaquy.  
Now my desires are come to pass/ for I have always desired none other thing/ but that the king of Hungry with his puissance/ might ones come over the river of Dunce/ and enter in to Turkey. In the beginning I will suffer a season/ but at the end they shall pay for the scotte. Of all this I had knowledge four months passed/ by my great Friend the lord of milan/ who sent me Go. hawks/ Gerfaucons/ and faucons/ to the number of xii which were the best and fairest that ever I saw. And with this present he wrote to me by name/ all the heeds and chief captains of the barons of France/ such as should come to make me war. In the which letters was also contained/ that if I might get them in my danger/ they should be worth to me a million of florins. And also/ how there should be in their company of the lymytees of France/ more than five hundred knights/ valiant men of arms. Also the Duke of Myllaygne wrote/ that surely they will give me battle/ wherefore I will prepare to meet with them/ by art/ advise/ and good ordinance/ for they are men of great feat/ and so valiant in arms/ that they will not fly nor recoil/ they are worthy o● thank to issue out of their own nation by valiantness/ to find deeds of arms. And I trust to accomplish their desires within three months/ so that they shall have enough to do.  
TO consider these words/ one ought greatly to marvel/ that the Lord Galeas earl of Virtues and Duke of milan (who was reputed to be a christian man/ baptized and regenerate after the Christian Law) would seek or require love or alliance with a king myscreant/ out of our law and faith/ or to send him gifts and presents/ as he died every year: As dogs/ hawks/ and fine linen clothes/ which are right pleasant to the Saracens/ for they have none but that cometh fro our parties. Also the great Turk sent to him again other presents of rich cloth of gold and precious stones/ whereof the Saracens have great plenty. But in those days the earl of virtues duke of milan and sir Galeas his father reigned as tyrants/ and so held their signories.  
It is marvel to think of their deeds/ and first how they entered and opteygned the signory of milan. So it was there were three brethren/ the lord Manfres'/ the lord Galeas/ and the lord Barnabo. They had an uncle who was archbishop of milan. And so it fortuned/ that when the lord Charles of Lusenbourge king of Boesme and of Almaigne & emperor of Rome/ who reigned after king Joys of Bavyer/ who opteygned to the Empire byforce/ for he was never taken as Emperor by the church/ but excommunicate and a cursed by pope Innocent/ who reigned as than. For this Joys of Bavyer went to Rome and made himself to be crowned emperor by a pope and xii cardinals that he made. And as soon as he was crowned/ he made the almains to be paid their wages/ to over ryn Rome and to rob and to pill it. this was the reward that the romans had for receiving of him/ wherefore he died excommunicate and in that sentence. The pope and cardinals that he made/ without any constreyn● came after to avignon/ and submitted themselves to pope Innocent/ who reigned before Vrbayne the fifth/ and there were assoiled of their errors. ¶ Now to purpose how the lords of milan came first to that signory/ I shall show you how.  
SO it was/ the archbishop of milan/ at a time received king Charles of Boesme emperor/ in to the city of milan nobly and tryumphantlye/ after the Emperor had been before Axe the Chapel/ and had accomplished there his xl days/ according to the usage in the case pertaining/ and for the great cheer that he made to the Emperor/ and for a hundred thousand ducats that he lent to the Emperor. He made the bishop vycount of milan and his nephews after him for ever/ to hold the land and signory of milan free at his will/ unto the time that the Emperor had paid again at one time the said some of a hundred thousand ducats. And so after the bishop died/ and the lord Manfres' his nephew/ by the accord of the Emperor and for love of his uncle/ was received in to the signory of milan. than his two brethren/ who as than were not very rich/ the lord Galeas and the lord Barnabo/ counseled together & determined to reign/ and to hold the lands of Lombardy between them/ and to conjoin them by marriage to some great lords to maintain their estates/ and to cause men to fear their displeasures. And so they caused their brother Manfrese to be slain by venom/ or otherwise/ after whose death they reigned puissauntly byforce and policy. All their days they lived in good accord together/ and departed the cities of Lombardy between them. The lord Galeas had ten/ because he was the eldest and the lord Bernabo nine. And the city of milan was governed one year by the one brother and another year by the other brother. And to the intent to reign puissauntly/ they sought the ways to gather great richesse by raising up in possyons/ subsidies/ and gabelles/ and many other evil custom's/ whereby they gathered great store of gold and silver. and they caused their towns and cities to be kept with soldiers strangers/ as Almaygnes/ French men/ Bretons/ englishmen/ and of all other nations/ except their own country men/ for they had no trust nor affiance in them/ for fear of rebellion against them. and these soldiers were paid fro month to month/ whereby they were so doubted and feared of the people/ that none durst displease them. For if any did rise or died any thing against them/ there was cruel vengeance taken upon them. They destroyed many a one in their days/ to give ensample to other.  
IN all their signories no man had any thing but at their pleasure/ They would tail a rich man three or four times in a year. They said that lombards were over proud and presumptuous/ in their richesses/ wherefore it was behovable to keep them under subjection/ no man durst say nay to any thing that they commanded.  
These two brethren married them highly/ and bought their wives with the goods and substance of their people. The lord Galeas had to wife the sister of the good earl of Savoy/ named Blaunche/ & paid to the earl for her a hundred thousand ducats. The lord Barnabo married him in almain/ to the sister of the duke of Bresnyche/ and paid no less money than his brother did. These two brethren had many children/ and married them highly and richly/ to attain thereby great alliances. The lord Galeas had a son called Galleas/ and as than the father understood that when king johan of France was come out of England/ and put to ransom to xxx C. thousand franks/ and they of France wist not how to raise the first payment. than he treated with the French king and his counsel to have one of his daughters for Galeas his son. The king and his counsel intended to this treaty/ because they knew well this lord Galeas was grounded in richesses/ and thus he bought the kings daughter for six hundred thousand franks/ which were turned in payment to the King of England. And so his son married king johans' daughter/ and to him was given the county and earldom of Virtues in Champaygne. Of that son and daughter issued a daughter/ which byforce of gold and silver was married to the second son of king Charles of France/ called Joys duke of orleans earl of Bloyes and Valois. The marriage cost the earl of Vertus father to the said lady/ ten hundred thousaunde franks. And the county of Bloyes was bought of the earl guy of Bloyes: as it hath been contained here before in this history. Thus these lords/ Galeas and Barnabo/ accorded right well together all their live days: they never varied nor their people together/ therefore they reigned in great puissance. No man could have reason nor right of them/ Pope/ cardinals/ nor other that made any war against them/ saving alonely the marquis of Mountferant/ & that was by the means of the lord johan Hacon/ and the english men with the routs of the companions/ which johan Hacon brought them out of province in to Lombardy/ and made there great war.  
THan at last died this lord Galeas/ and after him reigned his son earl of Virtues/ named Galeas in great puissance. and at the beginning of his reign he gate him great love in Lombardy/ and or/ dread himself after a goodly manner and like a wise man. He put down all such evil customs as his father had raised in Lombardy He was so well beloved and of so good renome that every man said well of him/ but at last when he saw his time/ he spitted out his venom/ which he had long borne in his heart. For he made on a day in the fields a great bushment/ whereby the lord Bernabo his uncle was taken who thought none evil/ nor knew not but that he was well-beloved/ and in great favour with his nephew. And at his taking it was said to him. One lord is enough to reign in Lombardy/ he could have none other grace/ for it lay not in him as than to make resistance. So he was led to a castle/ and there his nephew caused him to die/ but in what manner I can not show you. This sir Bernabo had two fair children/ of whom the French queen was daughter/ to one of his daughters which was wedded to the duke of Osrtenaunt of Bavyere. This Galeas put in prison all his uncles children/ such as he could get/ and took possession of all his uncles signories/ and joined them to his own/ & so reigned in great puissance & richesse/ for he raised up such matters/ whereby he gathered together great richesse: As impositions/ gables/ subsidies/ dimes/ and all other extortions/ whereby he was moche more dread than beloved. He held the error and opinion of his Father (that was) How one should neither honour nor worship god. He took fro abbeys and priories much of their revenues/ and took them to himself. He said the monks were to delyciously nourished with good wines and delicious meats. By which superfluyteis (he said) they could not rise at midnight/ nor do their service as they should do. He said: saint Benet held not the order of his religion after that manner. And so (he said) he would make them to live with eggs and small wine/ to clear their voices to sing the higher. These lords in their days lived like pope's: they died great dispytes in their time to men of holy church: They set nothing by the pope's curse/ and specially after the cisme began/ and that there was two pope's: that the one cursed the other assoiled. The lords of milan died but mock at their doings/ and so did many other lords through the world. The daughter of this lord Galeas duke of milan was duchess of Orl aunce/ whose conditions were like to her fathers and not to her mother's/ who was daughter to king johan of France. This lady was of high mind/ envious and covetous/ on the delights & state of this world. Gladly she would have seen the duke her husband to have attaygned to the crown of France/ she had not cared how. A general fame and slander ran upon her/ that all the infyrmiteis the king had/ which no physician could remedy/ came all by her sorts and arts/ and the chief discovering of her works/ whereby she was had in great suspect was this.  
THis duchess of orleans named Valantyne had a son by the duke her husband/ a fair child of the age of the dolphin/ son to the king. On a time these two children were playing together in the duchess of orleans chamber/ and suddenly there was cast down an apple full of poison on the pavement/ on the same side that the dolphin was on/ to th'intent that he should have taken and eaten it. But as grace was he did not/ for the duchess son ran after the apple and took it/ and eat thereof wherewith he was poisoned and died/ nothing could save him. And such as had Charles the young dolphin to keep took him thence/ and he never came after in the duchess chamber. Of this adventure great brute and murmuration ran through all the city of Paris/ and in other places. Thus it was said by her of all the people/ so that the duke her husband perceived it well/ for brute ran through Paris/ that if her husband died not put her away out of the kings court/ they would fetch her away byforce/ and cause her to die. For the people said she would enpoyson the king and his children/ and that she had enchanted the king/ for the king in all his infyrmyteis would not see the queen/ nor none other woman/ but all only this duchess of orleans. Upon which saying and for doubt thereof/ her husband had her away/ and put her out of the house of saint Poule in Paris/ and sent her to a castle beside Paris upon the way of Beavoyes'/ called Asynyers. And there she was kept a long season/ and never went out of the castle/ and at last she was sent fro thence to Newcastle on the river of Loire. And the duke of orleans had great displeasure to her/ because of the adventure of the death of his son/ but by reason that he had other children by her/ somewhat it broke his displeasure. These tidings came to milan/ and the lord Galeas was informed how his daughter was in trouble and in great danger/ whereof he was sore displeased with the French king and his counsel. Than he sent a sufficient messenger/ as sir jaquemont of Weryne and other to Paris/ to the king and his counsel/ in excusing his daughter/ saying that if any person would accuse her of treason/ he should be fought with all at utterance in that quarrel. When these messengers came to Paris/ the king was in good health/ but he took no heed of those messengers/ nor of their excuse: and so they were shortly answered nothing to their pleasure. So they returned in to Lombardy/ and declared to the duke of milan all that they had seen and done. Than the duke was in greater displeasure than he was before/ and reputed it a great injury/ and than sent his defiance to the French king/ and to all the hole Realm of France. And when his defyaunces were brought to Paris/ the lords & knights with the French army were as than in Hungry/ and entered in to Turkey. And for the despite and hate that the duke of milan had to the French king and to some of his counsel/ therefore he held in amity and alliance the great Turk/ and showed him of the secrets of France. ¶ Now we shall leave speaking of the duke/ and speak of the great Turk and of the barons of France/ and of other Christian knights/ that were as than in Turkey. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the great turk desired the sultan/ and many other kings saracenes to aid him with men of war/ to resist against the christian men/ and how many valiant saracens came to him out of far countries. Cap. Cc.xi  
IT was not long after/ but that the great Turk departed fro Quayre fro the Sultan/ who promised to send him shortly great aid/ of the best men of arms of all his signories/ to resist against the puissance of the king of Hungry and the French men. And the great turk sent in to all realms and countries/ where as he thought to have any aid & succour. For he considered and said/ that if the French men conquered Turkey/ all other realms adjoining should trimble for fear of them/ and thereby their faith and believe should decay/ and become under the subjection of the Christian men/ which they had rather die. And thus at the desires of the Sultan and the great turk/ many kings saracenes inclined unto their desires/ as in Perce/ in Mede/ and in Trace/ and also out of the Septentryon/ and out of the realm of Lecto/ and to the bounds of Pruce. And for as much as they were informed that their enemies the Christian men were flower of chivalry. These kings saracens and other lords of their law/ died choose out among them the best traveyling and expert men of arms in all their countries. This assembly could not be suddenly done/ nor theirpuruy aunces so soon done. The great Turk set himself forwards in to the field/ always abiding for his people that came to him fro far countries/ and specially out of Tartary Mede and Perce. There assembled many valiant saracens out of all countries. They were desirous to prove their strengths against the Christian men. ¶ Now let us speak of the christian men being before Nicopolye. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the lord of Coucy & other lords of the christenmen/ about a .v. hundred spears discomfited a fifteen thousand turks/ during the siege before Nicopoly. Cap. Cc.xii  
THey that were besiege with in the strong town of Nycopolye/ defended themself right valiantly/ how be it they were sore abashed that they heard no tidings for the great turk. The Emperor of Constantyne the noble had written unto them that he was in the parties of Alexandre/ and was not as than passed the brace saint George. So the christian men held their siege still before Nycopoly. They had victuals plenty and good cheap/ that came out of Hungry/ and other marches near adjoining. And on a day the lord Coucy and other french men took pleasure to ride forth at adventure to go see the country further in. So they departed fro the siege about the number of five hundred spears and as many crossbows and archers all horsemen. The lord Coucy was capitain of that journey and the lord raynold of Roye/ and the lord of saint pie in his company/ & the Chateleyne of Beavoyre/ the lord of Mount Caurell/ and the Bourge of Mountquell with divers other/ and they had guides with than such as knew the country/ and they had certain fore riders well mounted to discover the country before them. The same week there was an army of the turks assembled together to the number of twenty thousand men/ for they were informed how the christian men were abroad destroying their country/ in resistance thereof/ they assembled together and came to a straight which the christian men must pass/ and they would enter in to the plain of Turkey/ and they could not well enter no way. And there the turks tarried a two days and could here no tidings of the christian men/ and so the third day they thought to have returned. Than the christian men's fore-riders came to Brechault/ near where the turks were/ and when the turks saw them approach they stood still close together/ to see the dealing of the christian men/ and made no token nor sign to skirmish with them. These christian men approached near to the turks/ and saw well they were a great number/ and yet they could not advise them all. And when they had well aviewed them they recoiled back/ and came to the lord Coucy/ and showed him what they had seen/ of which news the christian men were right joyful/ and the lord of Coucy said. It is meet that we go and see them more nearer/ sith we become so far forward/ we shall not depart without fighting with them/ if we should it shall be to our blame and great rebuke That is true quoth all the other knights that heard him. Than every man prepared himself and his horse and road toward the place where the turks were. and between them and the turks there was a little wood. when the christian men came to the wood side/ the lord of Coucy said to the lord raynold of Roy/ and to the lord of saint Pye. Sirs/ mine advise is/ to the intent to draw the turks out of their strength) that ye two shall take two hundred of our spears/ and I with the rest will abide here in this wood/ and ride ye so near them that ye may cause them to come out/ and than return you/ and suffer them to chase you till ye be passed us in this wood/ and than suddenly turn upon them/ and we shall close them in behind/ and so we shall have them at our will. To this advise all the knights inclined. than two hundred of them that were best horsed road forth/ and the rest who were an eight hundred/ enbusshed themself covertly in the wood/ and there tarried. The other road forth/ and came to the place where the turks were. When they saw the christian men come/ they were right joyous/ weening there had been no more/ and so came out of their holds in to the plain fields. and when the christian men saw time they turned and fled/ and made the turks to chase them. They were so well horsed that the turks could not overtake them/ and they chased so long that they passed the wood where as the enbusshement was. When the turks were passed/ the christian men issued out/ and cried our lady be with the lord of Coucy/ and so dashed in behind them/ and made great occision. The turks held them close together/ when they saw how they were beset before and behind and did put themself to defence as well as they might/ but they kept none order/ for they were not ware of the reregarde. And when they saw themself so suddenly set on they were abashed. The French men did quite themself like valiant men of arms/ and slew the turks at their pleasure in their flying. There were many slain/ the christian men took none to mercy/ happy were they that could escape and return fro thence as they came. And than the christian men that had done that deed returned to their host before Nycopoly. Than tidings ran over all the host how the lord of Coucy by his wisdom and valiantness had discomfited more than xu thousand turks. Many spoke well thereof/ but the earl of Ewe praised nothing his deed/ saying how it was done by pride/ and how that he had put the christian men (and specially his band) in great adventure and apparel/ saying that with an handful of men he fought foolishly with the rout of twenty thousand turks/ he should rather (saying he was in will to do deeds of arms/ and that the turks were on the field) have given knowledge before he assailed his enemies to his head captain the lord johan of Burgoyne/ that he might have had the renome and honour of that enterprise. dreaming the earl of Ewe spoke those words by envy/ that he had to the lord of Coucy/ for all that voyage he had no love to him/ because he saw how the lord of Coucy had the love & favour of all his company and of other strangers/ which he deserved right well to have/ for he was right near of the french Kings blood/ and bare in his arms flower de lyces/ and also he was constable of France. Thus there engendered a great hate and evil will covertly/ between the earl of Ewe and the lord Coucy/ which hatred at last appeared clearly/ whereby great mischief fell the same season upon the christian men/ as ye shall here after. ¶ Now we we shall leave to speak any more at this time of this matter and return to speak of the kings of England and of France. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the peace bytwen England and France continued/ and of the marriage of the king of England with the daughter of France. Cap. CC.xiii.  
YE have herd here before of the marriage of the french kings daughter with the king of England/ the which time approached near/ and both parties well willing/ except duke Thomas of Gloucestre/ he was nothing joyful thereof/ for he saw well that by that marriage/ there should be great confederations and alliances between the two kings and their Realms to live in peace/ which he was loath to see/ for he desired rather to have war. The same season the duke had about him a knight called sir johan Baquegay a secret man/ and he set always the duke to have war. The same season also the duke of Guerles came in to England to see the king and his uncles/ and offered himself to do any lawful service to the king that he might do/ he was bound thereto by faith and homage/ and he would gladly that the king should have had water rather than peace. This duke and the duke of Lancastre had great communication together of the voyage that the earl of Haynalt and the earl of Ostenaunt his son would make in to Frese. The same time Fyerebrase of Vertayne was in England/ sent thither fro the earl of Ostrenant/ to get men of arms and archers to go in that voyage to Frese. The earl of Derby was desired to go in that voyage/ in aiding of his cousins of Heynalt. The gentle earl had thereto good affection/ and said how he would right gladly go in that voyage/ so that it pleased the king and his father. When the duke of Guerles came first in to England/ the Duke of Lancastre demanded of him what he thought of that voyage in to Frese. He answered and said that it was a parylous voyage/ and the Frese was a country not lightly to be won/ saying how in times passed there had been divers earls of Holande and Heynalte/ that have claimed their right there and gone thither to have put them in subjection/ but they have always lost their lives there/ affirming how the fresons are people without honour/ and have no mercy. they praise nor love no lord in the world/ they be so proud/ and also their country is strong/ for they be environed with the see/ and closed in with isses/ rocks/ and marishes/ no man can tell how to govern them but themself. I have been desired to go in that voyage/ but I will not/ and I counsel my cousin your son the earl of Derby/ not to enter in to that voyage/ it is no journey for him. I think my fair brother of Ostrenant will go/ for he hath great desire thereto/ and will have a band of haynowayes with him/ it shall be an adventure if ever they return. Which words caused the Duke of Lancastre to think that his son should not go in that voyage/ and so showed his son his intent/ and bad him delay that matter/ for the king nor he would not that he should go. Thus the duke of Guerles did let the aid that the earl of Haynalte should have had of the earl of Derby. Many thought it was not well counseled/ nor yet for none of their honours. The duke of Guetles all his life/ naturally was Envious/ presumptuous/ and prounde. yet for all that Fierebrase of Vertayn let not his suit to get aid/ and did so his diligence that he gate knights and squires/ and a two hundred archers. But the earl of Derby excused himself/ which excuse he was fain to take in gree/ and saw well that his will was good to go/ if the king and his father had not been. Than the king for the advancement of his cousins of Haynalte made to be ordained in the river of Thamyse vessels and ships for the men that should go in that voyage to Frese/ to aryue at Encuse a town in the county of Haynalt/ at the entry in to Holande. This town standeth on the see/ within twelve leagues by water of the realm of Frese.  
THe same season was sent in to England fro the french king/ the earl Valeran of saint paul/ with certain articles concerning the treaty of the peace/ and with him was sent Robert the hermit/ whom the king of England was glad to here speak. The earl of saint paul found the king of England and his brethren the earls of Brenne and of Huntyngdon/ and the duke of Lancastre the kings uncles/ at the manor of Eltham. The king received him joyously/ and heard well his message/ and said to him a part. Fair brother of saint paul/ as to the treaty of peace between me and my fair father of France/ I am right well inclined thereto/ but I all alone can not promote that matter. True it is my brethren and my two uncles of Lancastre and york incline right well thereto/ but I have another uncle the duke of Gloucestre/ who is right perilous and a marneylous man/ he letteth it as much as he can/ and doth what he can to draw the Londoners to his opinion/ I fear me to make a rebellion in my realm/ and that he should raise the people against me/ which is a great paryll/ for if the people of England rise again against me/ and have mine uncle of Gloucestre on their part/ and such other barons and knights of the realm as be of his opinion/ my realm were lost without remedy/ for mine uncle of Gloucestre is so secerte/ that no man can know his mind. Sir quoth the earl of saint paul/ it behoveth you to win him with fair/ sweet/ and loving words/ and give him great gifts/ if he demand any thing grant it him/ this is the way whereby ye shall win him/ ye must flatter him till the peace be made/ and that ye have your wife brought hither to you/ and that done than ye may take other counsel/ ye shall be than of the puissance to oppress all your rebels/ for the french king if need be shall aid you/ of this ye may be sure. In the name of god/ ye say well and thus shall I do.  
THe earl of saint paul was lodged at London/ and often times went to Eltham to see the king and the duke of Lancastre/ and had often times communication on this marriage. th'earl of saint Poule said how the french king should come to saint Omers and his uncles/ and bring with him his daughter/ so that the king of England would come to Calais/ and so between saint Omers and calais/ the two kings should meet and speak together/ whereby by reason of sight and speaking together should increase love and amity/ and there these two kings and their uncles should speak together without any other company/ on the form of the peace/ and if they conclude not on some peace/ yet at lest the truce might be relonged to endure for thirty or xl year/ between the two realms and their allies. This devise seemed right good to the king and to his counsel/ and hereupon the king and other lords sent to calais to make provision/ and the king desired his uncle the duke of Gloucestre to go with him in that journey/ and the duchess his wife and his children/ and in like wise the Dukes and duchesses of york and Lancastre. And so when every thing was ready the king and the earl of saint paul departed fro Eltham and road towards Caunterbury/ and after them followed all other lords/ such as should go in this voyage/ and such as had been desired. The earl of saint paul passed the see first/ to the intent to advertise the French king/ and so passed to Boloyne and so to Paris/ and there declared to the french king and to his uncles how he had sped/ wherewith they were well content/ and so departed fro Paris/ and little and little approached to the city of amiens/ and the king of England and his uncles came to Calais/ with many lords and ladies. And the duke of Burgoyne one of the french kings uncles came to saint Omers/ and by the means of the Earl of saint paul and Robert the hermit/ the duke of Burgoyne came to calais/ to see the king of England and his uncles▪ where he was nobly received/ and there they counseled together on certain articles of the peace/ whereto the king of England lightly inclined. and for to say troth he cared not what he did/ so he might have his wife.  
When the duke of Burgoyne had been at Calais two days/ and had communed with the king of England on the articles of the peace/ the king said how he would send all the process of the articles over the see in to England/ to beshewed and declared there to the people/ for he said that neither he/ nor all the lords that were there of England/ could not conclude firmly on no peace/ without the general consentment of the people of England. And more over the king said/ how that he must first go over again himself/ and so return/ and thereby make but one journey. That is well said quod the duke of Burgoyne/ for than at your return/ every thing shall be concluded and performed. Thus the duke of Burgoyne/ and the earl of saint paul departed fro calais/ and returned to saint Omers/ and fro thence to amiens/ where they found the king and the queen and their daughter/ who should be queen of England. The same time there was the dukes of Bretaygne and of Berrey in great array. And the king of England and his uncles and other lords returned in to England/ and their wives tarried still at calais till their return. ¶ In this mean season the voyage was made in to Frese/ by them of Haynalte. first the earl of Heynalte/ Holande/ and of zeland/ and his son the Earl of Ostrenaunt/ as ye shall here after in this history.   

¶ How the earl of Heynalt and the earl of Ostrenante his son made a great army of men of arms knights and squires to go in to Frese. Cap. CC.xiiii.  
Ye have herd here before how duke Auberte of Bavyer/ and Guylliam his son earl of Ostrenant/ had great desire to go in to Frese to conquer that country/ whereof the said duke Aubert by right succession of heritage/ should be earl and lord thereof. and to advance the same journey/ the earl of Ostrenant had sent Fyerebrace of Vertayne to have some aid of the english men/ who sped him so well that king richard of England for the honour of his cousins/ sent certain men of arms with two hundred archers/ under the guiding of three gentlemen/ one called cornwall/ another Collevyll/ knights/ the third asquyer/ I know not his name/ but I was well informed that he was a valiant man of arms/ he had his chin cut of in a fray a little before/ and he had a chin made of silver/ tied about his heed with a lace of silk. These englishmen came to Encuse at their time prefixed. This duke A●berte and his son had a valiant man of their counsel called Gylliam of Croenbourge/ who greatly exhorted them to the war/ for he hated greatly the fresones/ and had done them many dyspyghtes/ and did after/ as ye shall here. Thus the duke Aubert departed fro the Hay in Holande with Gyllyam his son earl of Ostrenant/ and so came in to his country of Haynalte/ to the town of Monts/ and there he assembled together the three estates of the country/ and there showed unto them the great desire that he had to go in to Frese/ and the rightful occasion that he had so to do/ and caused there to be openly showed certain letters patents apostolykes and imperyalles right noble and authentic/ sealed under lead lyole and enter/ by the which appeared evidently the right and title that he had to the signory of Frese/ and than he said openly. Lords and valiant men my subgettes/ ye know well that every man ought to keep and defend his heritage/ and that a man may lawfully move war● to recover his land and heritage. ye know also the fresons ought by right to be our subjects/ and they be inobedient and rebel against us and our signory/ as people without law or faith. and therefore good and dear friends ye know well that without your aid/ both with bodies and goods/ we can not fournysshe to bring to execution so high an enterprise/ wherefore we desire you in this business to aid us/ that is to say with money and with men of war/ to the intent that these inobedient fresons may be subdued and brought to obedience. These words or such like/ spoken by the duke/ the three estates by a common accord granted their lords petition and request/ like such people as greatly desired and always had done to do obedient service and pleasure to their lord and prince. And as I was informed they caused him to have in ready money mountante to the some of thirty thousand pound/ beside the town of Valencennes/ who in like wise did their devoir/ and also in the town of Monts. These things thus concluded/ the valiant princes/ the good duke Auberte and Giullyam his son earl of Ostrenant/ saying the good wills of his men/ was right joyful/ which was no marvel/ for he saw well that he was well beloved with his subjects/ and should be well furnished with money. Than he had counsel to send to the french king/ and to show him the enterprise of his voyage/ and to desire aid of him/ and thither was sent two valiant and wise men that is to say/ the lord Line and the lord of jeumont/ who were two right valiant knights and well beloved with the french men/ and specially the lord Line/ the king had made him one of his chamberlayns/ and had him in good favour/ he spoke with the king and showed him the duke's intent and request. to the which the king and his counsel favourably agreed/ & specially the duke of Burgoyner/ because his daughter was married to th'earl of Ostrenant/ whereby he thought that in time to come after/ it should be to their profit/ and to their heirs/ how be it many great lords and other spoke of this journey in divers manners. Some said/ to what purpose doth these heyno ways desire the king of aid/ they have been in England & sought for aid there. Hath not the earl of Haynalt of late taken on him the blue garter to tie his leg withal/ which is the order in England/ it seemeth thereby he hath no great affection to France? Than other that were right wise answered and said. Sir ye do wrong to say thus/ though the earl of Ostrenant have taken the order of the garter/ yet for all that he is not allied with the english men/ but he is firmly allied with France. Hath not he in marriage the lady Katherine/ daughter to the duke of Burgoyne? which is a far greater alliance than is a garter/ therefore never say but that he will love and do pleasure to France/ by reason of his marriage/ rather than to England for the garter/ wherefore the king shall do right honourably to aid him. Thus the french men devised among themself/ and spoke in divers manners/ both of that journey and also of the journey in to Hungry and in to Turkey/ against Lamorabaquy and the turks. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the army that the french king sent in to Frese in the aid of his cousins/ and the lord Valeran earl of saint paul and the lord Charles de la Brete were capitains. Cap. CC.xv.  
THe french king assembled an army of five hundred spears/ as well of pycardes as of frenchmen/ and made captains over them/ the lord Valeran earl of saint paul & the lord Charles de la Bret/ who were valiant knights and well expert in arms/ and they were appointed to lead this company to the town of Encuse in base Frese/ whe● as the assemble should meet/ and there to take the see to enter in to high Frese (as they did) When these two knights/ the lord Line and jumont saw the kings good will/ and that these men of war were dispatched & their wages paid/ they came to the king and thanked him/ and took their leave and returned in to Heynalt/ to their lord the duke Aubert and to the lord Gillyam his son/ to whom they were right welcome/ for they had well sped. There they showed the good answer and good cheer that they had with gifts of great presents. when duke Auberte knew that the French king had sent him five hundred spears/ than he assembled all his noble men/ knights/ squires and other of Haynalt/ as the lord of Vertayne seneschal of Haynalte/ who was a valiant man and greatly renowned in arms/ the lords of Line and Comygnes/ who was made marshal/ and the lords of Haureth/ of Nychelet/ of Lalyne/ of Hordayne/ of Chine of Cantan/ of Quesnoy/ of Fleron and Iohn his brother/ the lords of Bouset and of jeumont/ who were fresh knights on their enemies/ also there was Robertle Rour/ and the lords of Mōth●aulr/ of fountains/ of Seuls and of Sars/ William of Hermes/ Pynchart his brother/ the lords of Lens'/ of verlamont/ of Ausealr/ of Trascigmes/ Octes Seaus●es/ Gyrarde his brother/ the lord Dyctre and johan his brother Bridaulx of Montaguy/ Damaulx de la paul and Guy his brother/ the lord of Masting/ sir Floridas of Villyers'/ who was a valiant man/ and had done many deeds of arms among the turks and saracens and sir Eustace of Vertayn Fierebras of Vertayne who was newly come out of England/ sir Raze of Montiquy/ the lord of Rorsyn/ sir johan Dandr●gntes and Perceant his brother/ & divers other knights and squires. All these he assembled at Monts and desired them to go with him/ and every man to bring with him company according to their degrees/ and that they would advance them to the town of Encuse in base frese and theraboute/ and so to go with him by seem to high Frese about the mids of August next after/ there he said he would ●ary for them/ for he would go thither before to move the Hollanders and zelanders to serve him in like manner. Than these said knights and esquires of Haynalt without any contradictyon accorded to his desire/ promising to do him service as his true subgiettes/ which they fulfilled in deed and diligently prepared for the same/ so that by the beginning of the month of August/ in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and sixteen/ they were all ready appareled and assembled by companies at Anners/ there to take the water/ and fro thence to Encuse/ where the hole assemble should mete. ¶ Now while this assemble was thus made in Haynalte/ it were to be demanded if the ladies and gentle women and other/ were joyous of this journey? We ought to say nay/ for than they saw their father's/ their brethren/ their uncles/ their husbands/ and their lovers and friends depart to that perilous war. for some of them knew well/ how that in time passed the haynoways went with their lord in to Frese/ and never returned again/ wherefore they feared lest it should hap so than to these/ as it did on their predecessors. The duchess of Brabant had defended all men in the country of Brabant/ no man to be so hardy to go out of the country in that journey. The ladies and gentlewomen of Haynalt desired often times their friends and lovers to leave that journey/ but they could not let the matter/ how be it they were sore displeased in their minds with the bastard of Vertayne Fierebrase/ for they said he was one of the chief setters on of that business. Thus after that the duke Aubert and Guillyam his son had heard the answer of his men of Haynalte/ than he went in to zeland/ showing them his business. and they assented to his request/ by the chief setting on of the lord de la Vere/ and sir Floris de Boesell/ Floris/ Dabell/ the lord of zenembrige/ sir Clays de Boysell/ Phylyp Corteen and divers other gentlemen. All these and other made themselves ready/ in such wise that it appeared well by their diligence/ that they had great desire to advance themself to that journey.  
IN like wise the duke and his son went in to Holande and made there like requests to the lords and good towns/ as they had done in zeland. The Hollanders were thereof right joyous/ for of all men they hated the fresons/ for they were ever at war together specially on the see and on the borders of their country/ and therefore the lords of Holande/ such as the lord Tarterell/ and divers other noble men knights and squires/ hearing the requests of their lords duke Aubert and the earl of Ostrenant they offered themself/ promising comfort and aid to the best of their powers/ and that they well showed/ for incontinent they made them ready/ and advanced forward. In like wise did the men of the good towns and of the country. They sent forth with these lords a great number of crossbows and morispykes/ and other men of war. So daily men asembled at the town of Encuise/ and ships and vessels came thither/ in such wise/ that the mariners were esteemed to the number of xxx thousand. It was said that there came out of the town of Harle xii hundred/ which ships were well provided of all things necessary. And of a truth/ if the ladies and other damoselles were sorrowful in Heynalt/ in likewise so were they of holland and zeland. Sir Danyell of Marebbed and Guillyam of Oruenbourge they durst not apere before the ladies & gentlewomen/ for they had sore set forward the business/ for they had great will and desire to be revenged of the Fresons/ because of a battle that had been there before/ wherein the Earl William was pituouslye slain/ and lost xxxiii coats of arms of his lineage/ wherefore these two knights would never take any treason to mercy nor ransom. So within a certain space every man was come to Encuise. first came the english men and than the henous/ and their capyten was the seneschal of jumont and the lord of Comegynes/ who was marshal. Than came hollanders and zelanders. The french men came not so soon. So they tarried a xi days for the French men/ in which season there fell a debate bytwent the hollanders & the english men/ and if the earl of Ostrenaunt had not been/ all the englishmen had been slain. Which strife was appeased & than the frenchmen came. Than there was great joy made/ and commandment given/ that every man should enter in to such ships/ as they were assigned unto before/ which was done. And when they were all shipped they hoist up sails and sailed forth. the wether was fair/ it seemed as it was disposed to do them pleasure. There were so many ships that if they had been arranged one after another/ they would have stretched fro encuse to the bounds of Condren/ which was in high Frese/ where they purposed to arrive (as they died) which was xii leagues by water/ but they sailed a front right ordinately. ¶ Now will we leave speaking of them and speak of the Fresons/ who (as I was informed) were advertised long before of duke Aubertes coming/ with great puissance on them.  
When the fresons knew and understood that they should have war/ all the wise men of the country assembled together/ to take counsel and advise what they should do. When they had long debated the matter/ their intention was to fight with their enemies/ as soon as they might know that they were entered in to their country/ saying how they had rather die as free Fresons/ than to be in servage under any king or prince/ or under subjection. And therefore they said/ to die in the quarrel they would fight with their enemies. And concluded among themselves/ to take no man to ransom/ how great soever he were. Among them there was one man far exceeding in greatness above all other. He was higher than any other man in that country by the heed. He was called ivy jover/ and some called him the great Fresone. This man was greatly commended in Pruce/ in Hungry/ in Turkey/ in Rhodes/ and in Cypress. He had done many noble feats of arms/ so that he was greatly renowned. when he hard the opinions of the Fresons/ how they would fight with their enemies/ he answered and said. ¶ O/ ye noble and free Fresons/ know for truth there is no chance but may turn. Though by your valiantness/ ye have or this time discon●●ted the heyno ways/ the hallanders/ and the zelanders. Know for truth/ that such as come now upon you/ be people more expert in the war than they were before: And believe verily/ they shall do otherwise than their predecessors died. They will not give it up: they will maintain their deeds. Therefore I will counsel you to sufire them to enter/ and let us keep our forteresses/ and let them keep the fields/ where they shall beat them selves. Our country is not to sustain them long We have many dykes. They can not go far in the country. They can not ride abroad in the Country/ and full evil they may go a foot/ whereby they shallbe so weary/ that they shall waste themselves/ and so return again. The most they can do is to burn a ten or xii villages/ which shall natte greatly grieve us. They shall be soon made again if we should fight with them. I fear me we be not strong enough to fight with them at one's/ for as I am informed/ they be to the number of an hundred thousand armed heeds. Which was of a truth/ they were as many or more. To his words consented three other knights of the Fresons/ the first named sir Few of Dorekerque/ the second sir Gerarde of Canym/ and the third sir Tiny of Walturge/ but the people would in no wise consent to that devise/ no more would other noble men called the Elyns/ that is to say/ the gentlemen or judges of the causes. They replied so with this great freson/ that he was concluded with them/ that as soon as they knew their enemies entered in to their country/ they should go and fight with them. They abode all on that opinion/ and so made themself ready. But to say the truth/ they were but poorly armed. Many had no armure/ but their coats of wadmoll/ and course gross cloth. Some armed with leather/ and some with rusty mail: and some there were right well armed.  
THus they armed them/ and when they were ready they went to their churches and took the crosses and banners/ and made three battles/ and in every battle ten thousand fighting men/ & came to a narrow passage well viked/ near to the place where their enemies should land. and they saw well how their enemies were come/ & had great desire to take land/ which was on saint Bartylmewes' day on a sunday/ in the foresaid year. And when the Fresons saw them approach/ they issued out upon the dikes a sire thousand/ to have let the landing of their enemies. Among the fresons there was a woman appareled all in blue/ who all in a rage/ went fro the fresons and came near to the heinous/ within the shot of a bow. Than she turned her back toward the hey news and plucked up her clothes and showed her bare arse/ crying in her language. sers take this to your welcome. As soon as they saw the lewdness of this woman/ they shot at her arrows and quarrels/ so that she was stricken i●●he legs and loins. The arrows came flying at her as thick as snow. Than some leapt out of the ships in to the water/ and ran after this foolish woman with their swords and overtook her/ and hewed her in to small pieces. Than every man issued out of their vessels/ and so came against the fresons/ who received them right valiantly and put them of with long pikes & long staves bound with iron. To say the truth in taking of land there was many deeds of arms done on both parties/ & many slain and sore hurt. But biforce of the english archers and cross bows of Heynaulte/ holland/ and zeland/ They wan the dyke against the fresons/ and upon that dyke they arranged their banners in good order/ tarrying for their company/ their reuke was more than half a mile long. Than the Fresons that were put fro the dykes came to their company/ who were more than xxx thousand/ closed together in a ground dyked round about with a great deep dyke/ and it was not so far of/ but they might well see their enemies/ wheee they were ranged on the first dyke. Thus they continued till all the heynowayes were a land/ and all their baggage/ and certain tents reyred up. There they rested them that sunday/ and the monday advising the Fresons their enemies/ In which two days divers scrymisshes were made/ and on the Tuesday both parties were ready. Than certain new knights were made/ and it was ordained to fight with the fresons. Than they avawced forward in good order of battle/ and their archers before them and among them/ & than swooned trumpets and clarions/ and so came a fair pace to pass over the dike. Than the fresons came to defend the passage/ and the archers shot against them fiercely/ and the fresons covered themselves with targes/ and with the earth of the dyke that was between them & their enemies: How be it they were so near approached/ that certain of the holanders entered in to the dyke and made bridges with spears and pikes/ and so with valiant courage began to invade the fresons/ who defended their force right valiantly/ and gave such strokes against them that would mount up out of the dyke/ that many were overthrown down again: But the Heynowayes/ French men/ english men/ Hollanders/ and zelanders were so well armed/ that the fresons could do them no damage nor hurt/ but cast them down to the ground. There were such noble deeds done and achieved/ that it were impossible to show it. the new made knights died nobly their devoir/ & the Fresons defended marvelously. They were great and big men/ but they were evil armed: many were barelegged and bare footed. In this assault the lord Line/ the seneschal of Heynault/ and the lord jumont/ and divers other/ as they went about this dyke/ They found away whereby they passed over the dyke/ and so came on the fresons with the points of their spears/ whereof the Fresons were sore abashed/ so that divers of them leapt the dyke. So perforce the Fresons were fain to open and sparkle abroad here and there. In this battle the great freson was slain and the other began to fly. The chase was horrible and cruel/ for none was taken to ransom/ and specially the Hollanders slew all they might attain unto/ In so much that such as were taken by the heinous/ french men/ or english men the hollanders slew them in their hands. Among the hollanders/ the lord William of Oruenbourge and his two sons/ Iohn and Henry (who were made knights the same morning) acquitted themself maruey lously well/ and slew many Fresons/ for it seemed well by them/ that they loved but little the fresons. Thus finally the Fresons were discomfited/ and the most part slain in the field/ but few were taken prisoners/ and carried to Hay in holland/ and there were kept a long season after. The lord of Cundren (who was lord of that country/ where the field was) was the monday before yelden to the duke Aubert and his two sons/ and yet for all that they were in the field with the fresons. The two sons were long after with the duke. After this discomfiture they entered in to the country of Condren/ & took towns and fortresses/ how be it they conquered but little/ for the Fresons died them great damage by privy encountrynges. And when they should take any prisoners/ they would never yield/ but fought to the death: saying they had rather die free Fresons/ than to be under the subjection of any prince or lord. If any prisoners were taken/ there could no ransom be gotten for them/ for their friends would not quite them out/ but rather suffer them to die in prison. They would never quite none of their people/ without it were to deliver man for man. And if they saw that there were none of their people in prison/ they would slay all their enemies & take no prisoner. Thus about the end of .v. weeks/ and that the heinous and other had taken and beaten down certain towns/ villages/ and fortresses/ of no great valour. The leason began to wax cold marvelously/ and rained nerehande every day/ and the sees full of tempests and winds. The duke Aubert and his son/ consydringe the season/ purposed to return in to base Frese/ fro whence they came/ and so in to holland/ the more easy to pass the cold winter. So they departed and came to Encuyse/ & there gave licence to every man to depart/ and specially to the strangers/ and paid them truly their wages/ and thanked them of their good aid and service. Thus broke up the journey of Frese/ and had conquered but little all that season. But within two year after/ the said two noble princes assembled again the second time a great army/ and went in to Frese & made a great conquest/ and did there many noble deeds of arms/ as ye shall here after. But as now we shall leave speaking thereof/ and declare the manner of the marriage of the king of England to the daughter of France. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the marriage of the king of England to the daughter of France was ordered/ and how the French king delivered his daughter to the king of England in his Tent between Arde & Calys. Cap. Cc.xvi  
YE have heard/ how the king of England was returned fro Calis in to England/ & there was till Michaelmas that the parliament at westminster should begin. And in the mean season great provision was made at Calais and at Guysnes/ for the king and for other lords sent fro the ports of England on that cost/ and great provision was had out of Flaunders/ all came by see to Calais. In likewise for the French king and for his brother the duke of orleans/ and his uncles/ & other prelate's and lords of France/ great provision was made at saint Omers/ at Air/ at Tyrwyn/ at Arde/ at Mountoyre/ and at all other houses and abbeys there about. there was nothing spared on both parties/ and specially the abbey of saint Bertyne was well replenished of all things to receive these kings. This parliament at westminster began at michaelmas/ and it was ordained to endure xl days. But it was abridged/ for the king would not tarry there but .v. days/ wherein he declared the things most necessary pertaining to the realm/ and specially that matter that touched himself/ and the cause why he came fro Calais. That done he returned towards Calais again/ and with him his two uncles of Lancastre and Gloucestre/ and other prelate's and lords of England/ such as were commanded to go with him. They sped them so in their journey that they came again to calais. The duke of york tarried still in England and the earl of Derby/ to govern the realm in the kings absence. When the king of England was thus returned to Calais/ the lords of France being in Picardy were advertised thereof. Than the duke of Burgoyn and the duchess his wife came to saint Omers/ and were lodged in the abbey of saint Bertyne. As soon as the French king knew that the king of England was come again to Calais/ he sent to him th'earl of saint Poule/ to show him what order was taken in France/ concerning his marriage/ which the king of England was glad to here. than the duke of Lancastre and his son Beauforde of Lancastre. The duke of Gloucester and Affren his son/ the earl of Rutland/ the earl mashall earl of Huntyngton/ the kings chamberlain/ and many other lords/ knights/ squires/ and ladies road with the Earl of saint Poule to saint Omers/ where they were well received of the duke of Burgoyne and of the duchess/ and thither came the duke of Bretaigne/ and had left the French king at Air and his daughter with him.  
ye may well know/ all the cheer that could be devised/ was made to the english lords and ladies and other at saint Omers/ and the duchess of Burgoyne made them a great dinner. There was the duchess of Lancastre and her son & two daughters. there was great gifts given of plate of Gold and silver nothing was spared/ in so much that the english men had marvel thereof/ and specially the duke of Glocestre/ & said to his counsel. I see well there is great richesse in the realm of France. there was much given to him/ to the intent to abate and to molyfie his rancour that he had against France. The lords of France knew well that he was always hard to agree to the peace/ wherefore they showed him as much token of love and honour as they could do. He took ever all their gifts/ but always the rancour abode still in his heart/ for all that ever the French men could do/ they could not molifye his fell stomach/ for always he made herd answers as they treated for any peace. The French men be subtile/ yet for all that they could get no hold of him/ for his words and answers were always so covert/ that they wist not how to understand them. When the duke of Burgoyne saw his manner he said to his counsel. We lose all that ever we do to this duke of Gloucestour/ for as long as he liveth there shallbe no sure peace between France and England. For he shall always find new inventions and accidents/ to engender hate and strife between both realms/ for he intendeth nor thinketh none other thing. If it were not the trust that we have in the king of England/ whereby here after to far the better/ the king should not have to his wife our cousin of France.  
When the duke and duchess of Burgoyne/ the countess of Nevers/ the countess of saint Poule/ and the other lords and ladies of France/ had greatly feasted the lords and ladies of England/ than there was communication how these two kings should meet & speak together/ and how the lady should be delivered/ thereupon appointment was made/ and leave taken on all parts. The english party returned to Calis to the king/ & showed what cheer they had/ and what presents had been given them. These news pleased well the king/ for he was glad when he heard any honour spoken of the French king/ he was so in love with him because of his daughter/ whom he trusted to have to his Queen. Than anon after the French king came to saint Omers/ and was lodged in the abbey of saint Bertyne/ and dislodged all other that were there before/ and had the duke of Bretayne in his company. And than it was ordained that the dukes of Berrey/ of Burgoyne/ and of Burbone should go to Calis to speak with the king of England.  
SO they came to calais/ and were ioyouslye received/ & had as good cheer as could be devised. These three dukes had secret communication with the king and his counsel/ so that many/ both of France and of England reputed that there was a peace concluded between France and England. And in deed it was near at a point/ and the duke of Gloucester agreed well thereto/ as at that tyme. For the king of England had promised him/ if he would agree to the peace/ to give his son Affren the earldom of Rochester in heritance/ and to make him spend yearly in revenues two thousand pound sterling/ and to give to himself as soon as he came in England in ready money fifty thousand nobles/ so that by reason of these gifts/ the duke of Gloucestours hardness was well allayed. So that the lords of France saw well his opinions were not so obstinate as they were before/ for they found him than sweet and meek. when every thing was ordained of that they came for/ they took leave of the king and other/ and returned to saint Omers to the French king/ and showed how they had sped. Than the French king went to the bastide of Arde and the duke of Burgoyne to Mountoyre/ and the duke of Bretaygne to the town of Esque/ and the duke of Berrey to Balyngham. And in every part all about there were pight up Tents and pavilions/ and all the country full of people/ what of France and of England. The king of England came to Guysnes and the duke of Lancastre with him/ and the duke of Gloucestre to Hams. Thus on a friday being the even of Simon and Jude/ in the year of our lord god/ a thousand three hundred fourscore and sixteen/ about ten of the clock in the forenoon. The two Kings departed out of their tents/ the which were pight not far asunder/ and came a foot the one to the other and met at a certain place that was appointed. And on the one side there was arranged four hundred knights of France/ armed with their swords in their hands/ And on the other part four hundred english knights in like manner. So the two kings passed through them. The dukes of Lancastre and of Gloucestre led the French king/ and the dukes of Berrey and of Burgoyne led the king of England. Thus they came foreby the said eight hundred knights. And when the two kings came just together/ all the eight hundred knights kneeled down to the ground/ and many of them wept for joy. Thus the two kings met together bareheeded/ and a little inclined and took each other by the hands. Than the French king led the king of England in to his tent/ which was noble and rich/ and the four dukes took each other by the hands and followed the two kings. And other knights after the French men on the one side/ and the english men on the other side: And so they stood regarding each other in good and humble manner till all was done. than it was ordained/ that on the same place where as the two kings took each other by the hand/ that there should be made and founded a chapel in the honour of our Lady/ and should be called our lady of Grace. I can not tell whether it were made or nat.  
SO the two kings hand in hand entered in to the French kings tent. Than the four dukes kneeled down before the kings and they raised them up/ & so talked together. Than the two kings went a little a part/ and talked a certain space. In the mean time wine and spices were brought. The duke of Berrey served the French king of spice/ and the duke of Burgoyne of wine. And the dukes of Lancastre & Gloucester served the king of England. than other knights & squires served all other prelate's & lords/ so that every man within the tent had part/ and in the mean time the two kings communed together. This business done and passed/ the two kings took leave each of other/ and so returned to their tents/ and took their horses and road towards Calais. The king to Guysnes/ the dukes of Lancastre and Gloucester to Hams/ and the other to Calais. The French king road to Cordre and the duke of orleans with him/ the duke of Berrey to Dornam/ and the duke of Burgoyne to Mountoyre. So there was no more done that day/ all their tents stood still in the fields.  
THan on the saturday on the feast of saint Simon and Jude/ about a xi of the clock/ the king of England and his uncles/ and other lords came to the French king in to his tent. they were received right honourably/ and every man talked with his fellow merrily. Than tables were set up/ and the two kings sat at one table alone/ the French king on the right hand. The dukes of Berrey/ of Burgoyne and of Burbone served the two kings. than the duke of Burbone cast forth many jesting words to make the kings to laugh and such as were before the table/ For this duke was a merry man/ and said openly/ addressing his words to the king of England. Sir quoth he/ ye aught to make good cheer/ for ye have all that ye desire/ ye have your wife or shall have her delivered to you Than the French king said/ Burbonoys. We would that our daughter were of the age that our cousin of saint Poule is/ on the condition that it cost me a great good/ than she should take my son with the better good will. The king of England heard well those words/ and answered speaking to the duke of Burbone (because the French king had compared his daughter/ to the earl of saint Paul's daughter) and said. Sir/ the age that my wife (that shall be) is of/ pleaseth you right well/ we love not so much her heritage/ than I do the love of you & of our realms/ For we two being of one accord/ there is no king christian nor other/ that are able to annoy us.  
This dinner thus done in the French kings tent/ and after wine and spices taken/ than the young queen was brought forth/ a companyed with a great number of ladies and damoselles/ and there she was delivered to the king of England. When that was done/ every man took their leave to depart. The young queen was set in a rich litter and there went no more french ladies with her/ but the lady of Coucy. There were the ladies of England/ the duchesses of lancaster/ of york/ and of Gloucestre/ & of Ireland/ the lady of Namure/ & the lady Poynynges/ and a great number of other ladies/ who received the queen with great joy.  
Thus the king of England and the young queen and his company/ road to Calais the same night/ and the french king and his company to saint Omers. Than the tuesday after which was Alhalowen day/ the king of England married the said lady Isabella of France/ in the church of saint Nicholas in Calais/ the archbishop of Caunterbury wedded them/ at which time there was a great feast and great largesse. The Thursday after there came to Calais the dukes of orleans and of Burbone/ to see the king and the queen: And on the friday they took their leave and departed/ and road to saint Omers to the French king. And the same day in the morning/ the king and the queen took their ship and had fair passage/ they were over within three hours. the king lay in the castle of Dover/ and the next day to Rochestre & than to Dartforde/ and so to Eltham. than all lords and ladies took their leave/ and a fifteen days after the queen was brought to the city of London/ accompanied with many lords/ ladies and damosels/ & lay the first night at the tower of London/ and the next day conveyed along through the city with great solemnity to the kings palace of westminster/ and their the king was before ready to receive her. the same day the londoners gave to the queen great presents. Than was there ordained a great jousts to be holden in the city of London/ of xl knights and squires challengers/ to be holden at Candelmas next after/ which was delivered to the Heralds to publish on both sides of the realm to Scotland. And when the French king was come to Paris after the marriage of his daughter and every lord departed home/ there ran than a great brute through the realm/ how the french king was in purpose at the beginning of March/ to go with a great army in to Lombardy/ to destroy the lord Galeas duke of milan/ the king had such displeasure against him that no man could turn him but that he would make that voyage/ and the king of England had promised to send him two thousand archers. And the duke of Bretaygne had offered to go with him with two thousand spears bretons. Great provision was made for this journey in the Dolphenry of Vyen/ and in the county of Savoy. When the duke of Bretayne departed fro the french king to return in to his country/ sir Peter of Craon who was condemned to pay to the queen of Iherusalem a hundred thousand franks/ and was in prison in the castle of Louvre in Paris. At the request of the duke of Bretaygne/ the duke of Burgoyne did so moche to the king/ that by his good means the duke of Bretaygne had sir Peter of Craon with him. I think he promised to pay the said some at certain days to the foresaid queen. I will now leave this matter/ and speak of the adventures of Turkey. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the siege before Nycopoly in Turkey was raised by Lamorabaquy/ and how the French men were discomfited/ & how the hungaryons fled. Cap. CC xvii  
YE have herd here before how the king of Hungry and the lords of France were passed the river of Dunce/ and were entered in to Turkey/ and all the summer after the month of july they had done many enterprises/ and had brought divers towns to their subjection/ for there was none that resisted them/ and had besieged the town of Nycopoly/ and had near brought it to a small estate/ nigh ready to yield/ for they could hear no news of Lamorabaquy. Than the king of Hungry said to the lords of France and to other. Sirs thanked be god we have had a fair season/ we have destroyed part of Turkey/ I reckon this town of Nycopolyours when we list. it is so sore overlayed that it can not long hold/ wherefore all things considered I counsel (this town ones won) that we go no further at this season/ we shall draw again over the Dunce in to the realm of Hungry/ where I have many cities/ towns/ and castles ready furnished to receive you/ as reason is/ seeing ye be come so far to aid me to make war against the turks/ whom I have found herd and cruel enemies/ and this winter we shall make new provision against the next summer/ and send word to the french king what case we be in/ so that this next summer he may refresh us with new men/ and I believe when he knoweth what we have done & how every thing standeth/ he will have great affection to come hither in his own person/ for he is young and courageous/ and loveth deeds of arms. and whether he cometh or not/ by the grace of god this next summer/ we shall win the realm of Armony/ and pass the brace of saint George/ and so in to Surrey/ and win the ports of japhes and Baruth/ and conquer Iherusalem and all the holy land. and if the sultan come forward we shall fight with him/ for he shall not depart without battle.  
THese or like words said the king of Hungry to the lords of France & reckoned Nycopoly as their own/ how be it fortune fell otherwise. All that season the king Basaach called Lamorabaquy had raised an army of saracens/ some out of far countries/ as out of Perce. many great men of the saracens came to aid Lamorabaquy to destroy christendom. They were passed the Brace saint George to the number of two hundred thousand men. To say the troth the christian men were not a certayned what number they were of. This king Basaache and his men approached near to Nycopoly by covert ways/ they knew in feats of war as much as might be/ and this king was a valiant man/ which showed well by reason of his policy/ he ordered his battles thus. All his host was in a manner as wings/ his men comprised well a great mile of ground/ and before the host to show a face ready in a band an eight thousand turks/ the two wings of the battle were open a forefront and narrow behind/ and Lamorabaquy was in the heart of the battle/ thus they road all in covert. These eight thousand Turks were ordained to make a face/ and that as soon as they should see the christian men a ꝓche/ than they to recule little and little in to the heart of the battle/ and than the two wings which were open before (the christian men being once entered between them) to close together and join in to one company/ and than to fight with their enemies. This was the order of their battle.  
THus in the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore and sixteen/ the monday before the feast of saint michel about ten of the clock/ as the king of Hungry sat at dinner at the siege of Nycopoly/ tidings came to the host how the turks were coming and the scouts that came in showed how they had seen the turks/ but their report was not true/ for they had not tydden so forward/ that they had aviewed the two wings/ nor the battle behind/ they had seen no more but the fore riders and bowarde/ for as soon as they had seen them they returned. The same season the greatest part of the host were at dinner. Than tidings was brought to the earl of Nevers/ and to all other in general by their scurers/ who said. Sirs arm you quickly that ye be not surprised/ for the turks are coming on you. These tidings greatly rejoiced the christian men/ such as desired to do deeds of arms. Than every man rose fro their dynners' and put the tables fro them/ and demanded for their harness and horses/ and they were well chafed before with drinking of wine. Than every man drew in to the field/ banners and standards dysplayed/ every man to his own banner. Than the banner of our lady was displayed/ therewith the valiant knight sir johan of Vien admiral of France/ and the french men were the first that drew in to the field freshly appareled/ making small account of the turks/ but they knew not that they were so great a number as they were/ nor that Lamorabaquy was there in his own person. As these lords of France were into the field/ there came unto them the king of Hungeryes marshal in great haste/ who was a valiant knight/ called Henry of Ostenlenyhall/ upon a good horse with a penon of his arms/ of silver a cross sable ancored/ called in armure/ the iron of a millstone. When he came before the banner of our lady he stood still/ and (to the most part of the barons of France) he said openly. Sirs I am sent hither to you fro the king of Hungry/ and he desireth you by me/ that ye sat not on your enemies until such time as ye have word again fro him/ for it ought to be doughted lest our scouts have not brought the certainty of the number of the turks/ but within these two hours ye shall here other tidings/ for we have sent other fore-riders forth to avewe our enemies more substantially than the first did and sirs ye may be sure the turks shall not indomage us/ if ye tarry till all our hole puissance be together. Sirs this is the order that the king and his counsel hath ordered/ I must return again to the king. When he was departed the french lords assembled them together/ to know what was best for them to do. Than it was demanded of the lord Coucy what he thought best to be done/ he answered and said. I would counsel to obey the king of Hungeryes commandment/ for that order seemeth to be good. And as it was informed me sir Phylippe of Arthoys earl of Ewe and constable of France/ was not contented that the advise had not first have been demanded of him. Than he for pride and despite held the contrary opinion/ and said. ye sir ye/ the king of Hungry would have the flower and chief honour of this journey/ we have the vanward/ he hath granted it to us/ and now he would take it fro us again/ believe him who will for I do not/ & than he said to the knight that bore his banner/ in the name of god and saint George/ ye shall seem this day a good knight. When the lord Coucy heard the constable speak these words/ he took it done of a great presumption. Than he looked on sir johan of Vyen/ who bare the standard of our lady/ and demanded of him what he thought best to be done. Sir quod he where as wise reason can not be herd/ than pride must reign/ and sith that the earl of Ewe will needs set on/ we must needs follow/ how be it we should be the stronger and if our puissance were hole together. Thus as they devised in the field/ still the turks approached/ & the two wings each of lx thousand men began to approach and to close/ and had the christian men between them/ so that if they would have recoiled they could not/ for they were closed in with the saracens/ the wings were so thick. Than divers knights that were well expert in arms/ saw well the journey should be against them/ how be it they advanced and followed the banner of our lady/ borne by the valiant knight sir Iohn of Vien. Every knight of France was in his cote armure that every man seemed to be a king/ they were so freshly appareled. As it was showed me when they began first to fight with the turks/ they were not passed a seven hundred men. Lo behold the great folly and outrage/ for if they had tarried for the king of Hungry who were threescore thousand men/ they had been likely to have done a great act/ and by them and by their pride all was lost/ and they received such damage/ that sith the battle of Rounsevalx/ where as the xii peers of France were slain christendom received not so great a damage how be it or they were discomfited a great number of turks were slain/ for the french men discomfited the first battle of the turks/ and had them in chase till they came in to a valley/ where Lamorabaquy was with his hole puissance. Than the frenchmen would have returned to their host/ but they could not/ for they were closed in on all parts. there was a sore battle/ the french men endured long. Than news came to the king of Hungry how the french men/ englishmen/ and almains were fighting with the turks/ and had broken his commandment and counsel given them by his marshal/ wherewith he was sore disposed/ and not without good cause. Than he saw well how he was likely to lose that journey/ Than he said to the great master of the Rhodes/ who was by him. Sir we shall this day lose the journey by reason of the pride of the frenchmen/ for if they would have believed me/ we had been strong enough to have fought with our enemies. and therewith the king of Hungerye looked behind him/ and saw how his men fled a way and were discomfited in themself. Than he saw well there was no recovery/ and such as were about him cried and said. Save yourself/ for if ye be slain all Hungry is lost/ ye shall lose the field this day/ by reason of the pride of the french men/ their valyauntnesse turneth to folyssh hardiness/ for they shall be all slain or taken/ none is likely to scape/ therefore sir if ye believe us save yourself/ and scape this danger.  
THe king of Hungry was sore disposed when he saw how he had lost the journey by dysordering of the french men/ and saw no remedy but to fly or else be taken or slain. Great murder there was/ for in flying they were chased and so slain. They of Hungry fled without order/ and the turks chased them/ how be it god aided the king of Hungry and the great master of the Rhodes/ for they came to the river of Dunce/ and found there a little barge pertaining to the Rhodes/ they entered in to it but with seven persons/ and so went of the shore/ or else they had been slain or taken/ for the turks came to the river side/ and there slew many a christian man/ such as had followed the king to save themself.  
Now let us speak of the french men and almains who fought valiantly. When the lord of Mount caurell a right valiant knight of Arthoys saw that the discomfiture ran upon them/ he had by him a son of his a young man/ than he said to a squire of his. Take here my son and lead him away by yonder wing which is open and save him/ & I will abide the adventure with other of my fellows. When the child heard his father say so/ he said how he would not depart/ but the father did so moche that perforce the squire led him away out of apparel and came to the river of Dunce/ but there the child had such care for his father that he took small regard to himself/ so that he fell in to the river between two barges/ and there was drowned without remedy. Also sir William of Tremoyle fought in that battle valiantly/ and there was slain and his son by him/ and sir johan of Vyen bearing the banner of our lady was slain/ and the banner in his hands. Thus all the lords and knights of France that were there were destroyed/ by the manner/ as ye have herd. Sir johan of Burgoyne earl of Nevers/ was so richly beseen/ and in likewise so was sir Guy de la river/ and divers other lords and knights of Burgoyne/ that they were taken prisoners And there were two squires of Picardy right valiant men/ called Gyllyam Dew/ and the Bourge of Maytequell/ these two by valiantness two times passed through the field/ and ever returned in again and did marueyls/ but finally shear they were slain. To say the truth the french men and other strangers that were there acquitted themself valiantly/ but the frenchmens' pride lost all. There was a knight of Pycardy called sir jaques of / who had dwelt before in Turkey/ and had served Lamorabaquy/ and could somewhat speak the language of Turkey when he saw the battle lost he yielded himself/ and the saracens who are covetous of gold and silver took and saved him. Also a lquyer of Tornasys called jaques du Fay/ who had before served the king of Tartary called Tauburyn/ as soon as this jaques knew that the french men came to make war in Turkey/ he took leave of the king of Tartary and departed/ and was on the said field/ and taken prisoner by the king of Tartaries men/ who were there in the aid of Lamorabaquy/ for king Tauburyn of Tartary had sent to him great number of men of war.  
THe frenchmen were so richly arrayed that they seemed like kings/ whereby they were taken and their lives saved/ for saracens & turks are covetous/ they trusted to have great ransoms of these that were taken/ and reputed them greater lords than they were. Sir johan of Burgoyn earl of Nevers was taken prisoner. In likewise were the earls of Ewe and de la March/ the lord Coucy/ sir Henry of Bare/ sir Guy de la Tremoyle/ Bouciquant and divers other. And sir Philip of Bare/ sir johan of Vyen/ William of Tremoyle and his son slain/ and divers other. This battle endured three hours fighting/ and the king of Hungry lost all his baggage and all his plate and iowelles/ and was glad to save himself/ but with seven persons with him in a little barge of the Rhodes/ else he had been taken or slain without recovery. There were more men slain in the chase than in the battle/ and many drowned/ happy was he that might scape by any manner of means.  
When this discomfiture was done and passed/ and that the turks such as were sent thither by the sultan were withdrawn in to their lodgings/ which was in to tents and pavilions that they had conquered/ which they found well replenished with wine and meat ready dressed/ wherewith they refreshed them/ and made joy and revel/ like such people as had ateygned victory on their enemies. Than Lamorabaquy with a great number of minstrels according to the usage of their country/ came to the king of Hungeryes chief tent/ which was goodly appareled and hanged with rich stuff/ and there he took great pleasure/ and glorified in his heart of the winning of that journey/ and shanked their god according to their law. Than he unarmed him/ and to refresh him he sat down on a tapyte of silk and caused all his great lords to come to him to jangle and to talk with them. He made as great mirth as might be/ and said how he would shortly with great puissance pass in to the realm of Hungry/ and conquer the country/ and after other countries upon the christian men/ and to bring them to his obeisance/ for he said he was content that every man should live after their own laws/ he desired nothing but the signory/ but he said he would reign like Alysaunder of Masydone who was twelve year king of all the world/ of whose lineage he said he was descended. All that heard him agreed to his saying. Than he madethre commandments. The first was that who so ever had any prisoner christian/ to bring him forth the second day after in to his presence. the second was that all the deed bodies should be visited and sertched/ and such as were likely to be noble men to be laid apart by themself in their raiments till he came thither himself/ for he said he would see them. The third was to inquire justly if the king of Hungry were deed or a live. All was done as he commanded.  
When Lamorabaquy had well refreshed him/ than to pass the time he went to the place where the field was/ to see the deed bodies/ for it was showed him that he had many of this men slain/ and that the battle had cost him greatly/ of the which he had great marvel/ and could not believe it. Than he mounted on his horse and a great number with him/ he had with him two of his brethren called Basaache and Surbasaach/ as some people said/ but he would not be known of them/ for he said he had no brethren. When he came to the place where the battle was/ he found it of truth that there were many deed and slain/ he saw that for one christian man deed/ he found xxx turks slain/ wherewith he was marvelously disposed/ and openly said. Here hath been a cruel battle and marueyloussly defended of the christian men/ but I shall make them that be a live to buy it dearly. Than the king went to his lodging/ and so passed that night in great furor of heart/ and in the morning or he was up moche people came to his tent to know what they should do with the christian prisoners/ the renome ran that they should all be put to death without mercy. Lamorabaquy (for all his displeasure) ordained that such christian men as were in the battle in great a ray/ and likely to be great men/ should be all set together in one part/ for it was showed him that they might well pay great ransoms. Also there were divers saracens and paynims/ of Perce/ of Tartary/ of araby/ and Syrians that had many prisoners/ by whom they thought to have great advantage/ as they had in deed/ they hid them out of the way so that they came not to knowledge. Among other sir jaques of  was brought before Lamorabaquy/ he that had him durst not hide him no longer. Sir jaques de  was beknowned with some of the kings servants/ who took him fro them that had him/ which was happy for him/ as ye shall here after/ for many christian men were afterward cruelly slain and put to death.  
King Basaach had commanded to inquire which were the greatest of the christian men/ and that they should be set a side/ to the intent to save their lives. So they were tried out and set a part. first the lord johan of Burgoyne earl of Nevers/ who was chief above all other/ and than sir Phylyppe of Arthoys earl of Ewe/ the earl of March/ the lord Coucy/ sir Henry of Bare sir Guy of Tremoyle/ and other to the number of eight persons. And Lamorabaquy went to see and to speak with them/ and beheld them a long season/ and he conjured these lords by their faith and law/ to say the truth/ if they were the persons that they named themself for/ and they said ye. And yet to know the more certainty he sent to them the french knight sir jaques of / to know them/ for he had served Lamorabaquy before/ therefore he had his life granted him. He was demanded if he knew the french knights prisoners. He answered and said/ I think if Ice them I shall know them. Than he was commanded to go and avewe them/ and to show plainly their names. He did as he was commanded/ and when he came to them/ he showed them his adventure/ and how he was sent thither to know surely their names. Than they said. Ah sir jaques/ ye know us all/ and ye see well how fortune is against us/ and how we be in danger of this king/ therefore to save our lives make us rather greater than we be in deed/ and show the king that we be such men able to pay great ransoms. sirs quoth he so shall I do/ for I am bound thereto. than this knight returned to Lamorabaquy and to his counsel/ and said how those knights which he had spoken with/ were of the greatest men in all France/ and were of the Kings lyngage/ and said they were able to pay great ransoms. Than Lamorabaquy said how their lives should be saved/ and all other prisoners to be slain and hewn all to pieces/ in example of all other. Than the king showed himself before all the people that were there assembled/ to whom they all made low reverence. They made a lane for him to pass thorough/ every man with his sword naked in his hand/ and so came thither where the said lords of France stood together. Than the king would see the correction of the other/ which thing the saracens were desirous to do.  
THan they were all brought before Lamorabaquy naked in their shirts/ and he beheld them a little and than turned fro them ward/ and made a sign that they should be all slain/ and so they were brought through the saracenes/ that had ready naked sword in their hands/ and so slain and hewn all to pieces without mercy. This cruel justice did Lamorabaquy that day/ by the which more than three hundred gentlemen of divers nations were tormented & slain for the love of god/ on whose souls jesus have mercy. Among other was slain sir Henry Dantoigne of Heynalt/ and so it was the lord Boucyquante marshal of France was one of them that was brought naked before the king/ and had been slain with other/ and the earl of Nevers had not espied him. As soon as he saw him he went straight to the king and kneeled down/ and desired him effectuously to respite fro the death that knight sir Boucyquant/ saying how he was a great man in France/ and able to pay a great ransom. Lamorabaquy condescended to the request of the earl of Nevers/ and so sir Boucyquant was set among them that should be saved. Thus cruel justice was done that day upon the christian men/ and because that Lamorabaquy would that his victory should be known in France/ he appointed out three of the french knights to come before him where of sir jaques of  was one. Than the king demanded of the earl of Nevers which of the three knights he would choose to send in to France to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne his father. Than the earl of Nevers said/ sir and it please you I would that this knight sir jaques of  should go thither fro you and fro us. So sir jaques tarried with Lamorabaquy and the other two knights delivered to death and so slain/ which was pity. Than Lamorabaquy was well appeased of his furoute/ and understood how the king of Hungry was scaped away a live. Than he determined to return in to Turkey to a city called Burse/ and so he did and thither all the prisoners were brought/ and than his army departed/ and specially such as were of far countries/ as Tartary/ Perce Mede/ Sury/ Alerandre/ and of Lecto. than sir jaques  was delivered to return in to France/ and he was commanded to return through Lombardy/ and to recommaunde Lamorabaquy to the duke of milan/ and also he was straightly commanded that in every place as he passed/ to manifest and publish the victory that Lamorabaquy had upon the christian men. The Earl of Nevers wrote to the french king for himself/ and all his company/ & to his father the duke of Burgoyne/ and to the duchess his mother. When this knight had his charge as well by writing as by credence/ he departed and took his way towards France. Or he departed he was sworn and promised as soon as he had done his message in France/ incontinent to return again thither/ which oath and promise he accomplished like a true knight. Now we will leave speaking at this time of Lamorabaquy and of the lords of France prisoners/ and we will speak of other matters that fell the same season. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the poverty and misery that the christian knights of France and other nations endured/ in the coming home to their countries. Cap. CC.xviii.  
AFter this great dyscomfyture that the turks had upon the christian men/ such Knights as could save themself did. The same monday there was a three hundred knights & squires that were gone a foraging/ and were not at the battle/ for when they knew (by them that fled) that the battle was done/ they had no desire to return again to their lodgings/ but fled as well as they might and took divers ways to fly fro the turks. There fled both frenchmen/ englishmen/ almains/ scots/ flemings/ and of other nations/ and they came in to a country joining to Hungry called Blacquy/ it was a country replenished with divers people/ they were conquered upon the turks and turned perforce to the christian faith. The keepers of the ports/ towns/ and castles suffered these christian men to enter and to lodge/ but the next morning at their departure they took fro these knights and squires all that they had/ and gave them poor coats/ and a little slyver to pass therewith one days journey. This grace they showed to the gentlemen. And as for other yeomen & varlets they were spoiled all naked and sore beaten and evil entreated without pity. So they passed through the country of Blacquy in great poverty/ and through Hungry/ they could scant get breed for godsake/ nor lordging at night. they endured this danger in passing till they came to Vyen in Ostrich. There they were received more sweetly/ and refreshed and new clad/ and so through the realm of Boesme/ For if they had found the almains so hard/ they had never turned again/ but rather died for cold and hunger. Every man that heard them tell of that adventure had pity on them. So finally they came in to France to Paris/ and there showed their adventures. At the beginning they could not be believed. Some in Paris said. It is pity these unthrifts be unhanged or drowned/ for telling of such lies How be it these tidings daily multiplied with resorting of new men. When the french king understood that these news daily renewed/ they were nothing pleasant to him for it was a great damage of the loss of the noble men of his blood/ and of other good knights and squires of the realm of France. Than he commanded no man to be so hardy to speak any more of that matter/ till he were better informed of the certainty/ and commanded that all such as were come out of Hungry/ should be taken and put in prison till the troth were known. So there were many put in to prison. And the king had ordained/ that if the new were not true/ that they should be all drowned and put to death. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the true tidings of the battle in Turkey was known in the French kings house. Capi. CC.xix.  
SO it was on Christemmas day/ sir jaques of  about the hour of noon entered in to Paris/ and so took his lodging/ and demanded where the king was/ and it was showed him that he was at saint Paul's on the river of sayn Than he went thither. There was with the king the duke of orleans his brother/ the duke of Berrey/ the duke of Burgoyne/ the duke of Burbone/ and th'earl of saint Poule and divers other noble men of the realm of France/ as the usage was for such noble men to be with the king at such high feestes. So sir jaques of  entered in to the court boted and spurred. As than he was not be known/ for he had of long time haunted far countries. He did so moche that he came to the kings chamber/ and said/ how he came fro Lamorabaquy out of Turkey/ and had been at the battle before Nicopolye/ where the Christian men had lost the journey. And said he had letters fro the earl of Nevers/ and fro other lords of France/ such as were prisoners. than he was brought to the king. He kneeled down/ and wisely declared his message/ as well fro Lamorabaquy/ as fro the earl of Nevers/ and other lords of France prisoners in Turkey. the king gave him audience/ and was sweetly examined of all the hole matter/ and to every thing he answered so discreetly/ that the king was well content with him/ and was right sorrowful for the damage that the king of Hugry and they had sustained/ how be it they were glad that the king of Hungry was scaped/ without death or prisonment/ for they said he should recover right well again the loss and damage that he had received at that tyme. Also they were right joyful that the earl of Nevers and the other lords were escaped the death/ and were but as prisoners And they sade there was no doubt but they should be ransomed and delivered. For sir jaques of  said/ there was no doubt but that Lamorabaquy would within the year put them to ransom/ for he loved gold and richesse. And that sir jaques said/ he knew well/ because he had long been conversant in Turkey/ and served Lamorabaquyes father more than three year. Thus the king right well received this knight/ and so died all other lords/ such as were there. And every man said he was happy in this world to be in such a battle/ and to have the acquaintance of such a hethan king/ as Lamorabaquy was/ saying it was an honour for him and for all his lineage. than the king commanded all such as were in prison to be delivered/ whereof they were glad.  
THus these news that sir jaques of  had brought/ spread anon a broad in France and in other places. many were right sorrowful for the loss of their father's brethren husbands/ & children/ and not without good cause/ and specially the great ladies of France/ as the duchess of Burgoyne for her son the earl of Nevers/ and her daughter Margarete of Heynault was sorrowful for the earl her husband. In likewise was dolorous Mary of Berrey countess of Ewe for her husband the lord philip of Arthoise constable of France. And in likewise so was the countess of March/ the lady of Coucy/ and her dought of Bare/ the lady of Sully/ and many other ladies/ as well of France as of other places. And when they had wept enough/ than they reconforted themself/ in that they were natte slain/ but prisovers. But such as knew their husbands/ father's/ brethren/ children/ and friends deed/ their lamentations endured long in France. The duke of Burgon made moche of this knight sir jaques of / who had brought him word that his son was a live/ and gave him many rich gifts/ and retained him as one of his knights with two hundred pound of revenues yearly during his life. The French king & all other lords gave largely to this knight. Than he showed how he must needs return again to Lamorabaquy/ for that was his promise at his departing/ for he stood but as prisoner: and said/ how he had not returned/ but to do this message fro Lamorabaquy. The king and other thought it but reasonable/ that he should keep his promise. Than the king and other wrote to these prisoners. And it was concluded by counsel/ that the French king should send a knight of honour to Lamorabaquy/ to th'intent that he might return again to bring new tidings/ in what case the prisoners were in. There was appointed to go in this voyage sir Iohn of castle morant/ who was a wise knight and well languaged. Than it was demanded of sir jaques what iowelles or presents the king might best send to Lamorabaquy/ and that should best please him/ to the intent that the prisoners should be the better entreated. The knight answered/ that Lamorabaquy took great pleasure in clothes of arras/ made of old ancient histories. And also he said/ he had great delight in these white Faucons/ called Gerfaucons. Also he said/ that fine linen clothes and fine scarlettes were much made of there/ for of cloth of gold and silk they had plenty. This pleased well the French king and the duke of Burgonoe/ whose minds were set to please Lamorabaquy. Thus a xii days sir jaques of  tarried at Paris/ and every man was glad to hear him report of the adventures of Turkey/ and of the manner of Lamorabaquy.  
When he departed to return/ the king said to him. Sir jaques/ take your way and make but small journeys at your ease. I think ye will return by Lombardy & speak with the duke of milan/ for there is great amity between him and Lamorabaquy. But which way so ever ye go/ we will that sir johan of castle Morant abide in Hungry till ye have got him a safeconduct to go to Lamorabaquy/ with such presents as we shall send him/ to the intent that he should be the more favourable to the prisoners. Sir quoth he/ all this shallbe done. So he departed and took the same way he came. Anon after his departure/ the king and the duke of Burgoyne died prepare for these presents/ and sir johan of castle Morant dispatched and had his charge. He had with him six summers laden with presents/ two of them with clothes of arras/ of the goodliest that could be goat wrought with the story of Alexandre of his life and conquests/ right pleasant to behold. other two summers were charged with fine scarlettes white & reed. And also with moche pain/ the king gate of these white gerfaucons. Thus sir johan of castle morant departed fro Paris with his presents and charge/ a fifteen days after that sir jaques of  was departed. In this mean season the king of Hungry returned in to his country/ whereof all his people were right joyful for they loved him/ and so came & comforted him/ and said. Sir/ though ye have had damage at this time/ another time ye shall right well recover it. Thus the king bore his damage as well as he might. On the other part/ Lamorabaquy returned in to his country/ & came to a town called Burse and thither were all the prisoners brought/ & there set under sure keeping. They were nothing there at their ease. The heat of the country and dyette sore changed them/ for they had been used before to sweet and delicate meats and drinks/ and had their own cooks and officers that died prepare their meats according to their dyettes: & there in Turkey they were served all contrary/ with gross meats/ flesh evil sodden and dressed. They had spices enough/ & bred made of milk/ clean fro the nature of France. They had wine and that was with great danger. Though they were all great lords/ they were but smally regarded there. The turks had as live they had been sick as hole/ and deed as a live. they would they had been all put to execution. So these prisoners comforted each other within themself for they saw none other remedy. so some of them their nature changed and fell in to sickness. He that made the best cheer and countenance was the Earl of Nevers/ and that he died to comfort his companions. also sir Bouciquant and the earl of March and sir Henry of Bare were of good comfort/ and took every thing patiently/ Saying that the honours in arms nor the glory or this world/ could not be had without pain/ and sometime with meeting of hard adventures. For they said that there was never so valiant and happy/ that had always every thing as they wished. They said they were bound to thank god that he had saved their lives/ consydringe the displeasure that Lamorabaquy and his counsel were in/ for the loss of their men/ for it was once determined that we should all generally have been put to death. Than Bouciquaunt said/ I aught above all other to thank god of my life/ for I was at the point to have been hewn all to pieces/ as other of my company were/ but at the request of my lord here/ the earl of Nevers I was saved. This adventure call I good/ and sith god hath delivered us fro this paryll/ he will and it please him deliver us fro a greater/ for we be his soldiers/ & for his sake we have this pain/ For by reason that sir jaques of  is gone in to France/ I trust within a year we shall have good comfort/ and be delivered. The matter can not abide thus. The French king and the duke of Burgoyn will not forget us/ but by some means/ ransomed and delivered.  
THus sir Boucyquaunt reconforted himself/ and took every thing in good patience/ but the lord Coucy could take no comfort/ which was marvel for before that time he was a lord of great wisdom and of great coniorte/ & never was abashed. but being thus in prison in Burse in Turkey/ he was more discomforted than any other/ and in more melancholy/ And said he was sure he should never return in to France. Sir Henry of Bare comforted him as much as he might/ and blamed him of his discomfort/ saying how he ought to give comfort to all other. How be it the same sir Henry was sore abashed in himself/ & oftentimes remembered his wife and would weep piteously. And in likewise so did sir philip of Arthoise earl of Ewe and constable of France. Sir guy of Tremoyle was of good comfort/ and so was the earl of March. Lamorabaquy was content/ sometime that they should have some pastime/ & sometime he would go himself and see them/ and jangle and board with them right graciously/ and would that they should see part of his estate & puissance. ¶ Now let us leave somewhat to speak of them and speak of sir jaques of  and sir Iohn of castle Morant/ who were both riding towards Hungry.  
SIr jaques of  tarried in the city of Bode in Hungry about a ten or xii days/ abiding for sir johan of castle morant/ And when he was come sir jaques was joyful/ for he was desirous to pass forth in to Turkey/ to acquit him of his faith and promise/ and to see the earl of Nevers and the lords of France/ and to comfort them. When the king of Hungry saw sir Iohn of Castelmorant he made him good cheer for the love of the french king/ & he understood that the french king had sent by him great presents & iowels to lamoraba● wherewith he was sore displeased in his mind/ but he dissimuled the matter/ and kept it covert till sir johan Heley was departed in to Turkey ward/ but he said to such of his privy counsel as he discovered the matter unto/ How that the miscreant dog his adversary Lamorabaquy should have no presents out of France/ nor fro no place else/ if it lay in his power to let it. Sir Iohn  was departed/ and promised to get of Lamorabaquy a safeconduct for sir johan Morant/ to pass in to Turkey and repass. So long he travailed with guides/ that he came in to Turkey to the city of Burse/ but as than Lamorabaquy was in another city called Poly. And where so ever he went the prisoners were carried with him/ except the lord Coucy who tarried still at Burse/ for he could not endure to ride/ he was so sick/ and with him tarried a cousin of his of Grece a right valiant barone/ descended of the lineage of the dukes of ostrich/ who was called Mathelyn. When sir jaques was come to Poley Lamorabaquy was glad to see him/ because he was come out of France. Than sir jaques right humbly said to him. Right dear & redoubted sir/ behold here your prisoner to the best of my power/ I have done your message the ye gave me in charge to do. Than Lamorabaquy said/ thou art welcome Thou hast truly acquitted thy sel●e/ & therefore I acquit the of thy ransom & prison/ so that thou mayst go/ return/ & tarry at thy pleasure: whereof sir jaques right humbly thanked him. Than he showed how the french king and the duke of Burgoyne had sent a knight of honour ambassade to him with credence/ and had brought with him certain presents of pleasure fro the French king. Lamorabaquy demanded what they were/ and if he had seen them or not. The knight answered sir/ I have not seen them/ but the knight that hath the charge to do the message is at Bode in Hungry. And sir/ I am come before to show you thereof/ & to have a safeconduct for the said knight to come and to return safely. Than Lamorabaquy said. We will that he have one/ as thou wilt devise/ whereof the knight thanked him. So they departed as at that tyme. Another time sir jaques spoke with Lamorabaquy & kneeled down before him and humbly required that he might see the lords and knights of France/ for he had divers things to say to them out of their country. Lamorabaquy studied a little or he answered/ and at last said. Thou shalt speak with one of them/ but with no more/ and so sent for the earl of Nevers alone/ and when he was come sir  kneeled down to him. th'earl was glad to see him/ and demanded how the french king and the duke his father/ & the duchess his mother died. The knight showed him all that he knew/ and all that he was charged to say to him/ how be it they had not so good leisure to talk together/ as they would have had/ for Lamorabaquyes men that were there present bad them have done/ for they said they had other things to do/ than to stand there and wait upon them. Than sir jaques demanded of the Earl how all the other lords of France died. The Earl said they were all in good case/ except the lord of Coucy/ who was somewhat diseased/ and was at the city of Burse. Than sir jaques showed him how sir johan of castle morant was come out of France/ fro the king and fro the duke of Burgoyne in ambassade to Lamorabaquy/ and to assuage his ire/ he hath sent him rich jewels and presents/ but he is at Bode in Hungry with the king there/ and I am come before for a saveconduct for him to come and go/ the which Lamorabaquy hath granted. And I think I shall return to him shortly. Hereof th'earl was right joyous/ but he durst make no semblant for fear of the Turks but said. sir jaques I understand by you/ that ye are quite of your ransom and prison/ and that ye may return when it pleaseth you in to France/ when ye come there/ I pray you show the king and my father that we all desire them/ to treat as shortly as may be for our deliverance/ by some merchants Genoese or venisyons/ and agree at the first word to that Lomorabaquy shall desire for our ransom/ for if they should make long treaty with him/ we shallbe lost for ever. for I understand Lamorabaquy is true of his word/ curtess and short in all his matters/ so he be taken at the point.  
Thus the earl of Nevers and sir jaques departed. When the safeconduct was ready it was delivered to sir jaques. Than he took his leave of Lamorabaquy/ and of other of his court of his acquaintance/ and road so long by his journeys/ that he arrived at Bode in Hungry. Than he drew to sir johan Moraunt/ who thought long for him. Than sir jaques said. sir/ I have brought you a safeconduct to go in to Turkey/ and all your company/ and to return again at your pleasure. I am glad thereof qd the knight. Let us go to the king of Hungry and show him thereof/ and than to morrow betimes let us depart/ for I have tarried here long enough. Than they both together went to the king in to his chamber/ and showed him all the matter. The king than answered and said. Sir johan Moraunt and ye hely/ ye be welcome/ ye shall go at your pleasure/ for the love of my cousins of France/ to whom I would be glad to do pleasure/ and to you also. ye may go & come through my realm at your pleasure/ and also in to Turkey if ye please: But as for your presents that you sir johan have brought out of France/ I will not agree that ye shall convey them to that hell hound Lamorabaquye/ He shall never be enriched therewith. It should turn to our great shame and rebuke/ if he should make his avawt/ that because he hath had victory on us/ and hath in danger and prison certain lords of France/ that for fear thereof/ there should be sent to him rich presents: as for the Gerfaucons I care not for/ for fowls fly lightly out of one country in to another/ they are soon given and soon lost/ But as for rich hangings of arras are things to be seen and to endure for ever. Wherefore sir johan Morant/ if ye will pass in to Turkey with your gerfaucons go when it please you/ but as for any other thing ye shall have none with you: than the knight answered and said. Certainly sir it should not be mine honour/ nor pleasant to the French king/ nor to the lords that have sent me hither/ without I might accomplish my voyage/ as I have in charge. well quoth the king/ ye shall have none other way of me at this tyme. So the king went fro them and left the two knights speaking together. They were sore troubled with the abusion on the king of Hungry. Than they counseled together/ what was best for them to do. Than they determined to send hasty messengers to the french king and to the duke of Burgoyne/ sith they saw they could have none other remedy/ they wrote letters to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne/ that they should provide for the matter. They sent their letters by post/ to make the more hast/ and tarried still themselves at Bode with the king of Hungry/ abiding the return of their messenger.  
THis messenger sped so well/ and made such diligence/ that he came to Paris/ and there found the king and the duke of Burgoyn/ and there showed his le●●s and they were reed at length/ with the which they were nothing pleased/ and had marvel that the king of Hungry would not suffer his presents to pass through his country in to Turkey. The duke of Berrey excused the king of Hungry and said/ how he had good cause to do as he died/ for it is a thing to humbly done for the king to send such presents to an hethan thing. the duke of Burgoyne/ because the matter touched him/ he was of the contrary opinion/ and said it was a thing reasonable so to do/ sith that fortune hath been so favourable to him to have the victory in such a battle/ and hath had the king of Hungry in chase and hath taken prisoners/ all such noble men as were against him in that journey/ wherefore the friends of those prisoners may well find the means how to comfort them for their deliverance. This duke's words were up holden with the king and with divers of his counsel. Than the king demanded of his uncle of Berrey? Saying/ fair uncle/ if Lamorabaquy the sultan or any other hethan king send you a ruby or a rich jewel/ whether will ye receive it or not. Sir quoth he I would take advise. Than that king said/ It passeth not yet ten year/ sith the sultan sent you a ruby which cost twenty thousand franks. So the king of Hungries' deed was not susteygned/ but it was said that he had evil done to stop the going of these presents/ and that it should rather hinder the prisoners than advance them. Than the king was counseled to write to the king of Hungry amiable letters/ desiring him not to stop his knight/ but suffer him to pass in to Turkey with his presents and message. Than letters were written/ sealed/ and delivered again to the same messenger/ and so he departed to return in to Hungry. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duchess of orleans daughter to the duke of milan was had in suspect of the French kings sickness. Cap. Cc.xx  
YE have hard here before/ how the French king lightly every year was sore inclined to fall in to a fransey/ so that there was neither physician nor surgeon that could remedy him. Many said they would help him/ but when it came to the point all their labour was in vain/ for the kings sickness would not cease neither for prayers nor for medycins/ till it had run his full course. Some of his physicians and arioles and charmers/ when they saw no remedy/ than they said surely/ how the king was poisoned or be wytched/ by craft of sorcery/ which noise made the lords & other/ to have many in suspect. And some of these nigromancers affirmed that the kings sickness came by reason of sorcery and charms. And to make them believe it was so/ they said they knew it by the spirits/ who had showed it to them. Of these devins/ arioles and charmers/ there were certain brent at Paris and at avignon. They spoke so moche and said/ that the duchess Valentyne of orleans/ daughter to the duke of Myllayn had witched the king/ to the intent to attain to the crown of France. They had so slandered this lady/ the brute ran through the realm/ that she used such crafts of sorcery/ saying: that as long as she was about the king/ and that he might see her/ the king should not amend. So it behoved this lady to avoid this slander/ and to fly fro the paryll thereof/ to depart fro Paris/ and so she went to Asyners a fair Castle near to Pontoyse/ pertaining to her husband the duke of orleans. And afterward she went & dwelled at Newcastle on the river of Loire/ pertaining to her husband/ who was sore displeased in his heart/ that such a brute ran upon his wife/ how be it he dissimuled the matter as well as he might. Nor did not absent himself fro the court/ for he had moche business for the matters of the realm. The duke of milan called Galeas/ was well informed how his daughter the duchess of orleans was accused/ whereof he was sore displeased. And he sent twice or thrice ambassadors to the French king and his counsel/ and offered to find a knight to fight at utterance/ with any man that would accuse his daughter of any treason. And the messengers in a manner threatened that the duke would make war in to France/ because the french king being in good health (at Balyngham/ between saint Omers and Calis) said that assoon as he were returned in to France/ he would intend to nothing/ but to make war upon the duke of milan. And also the king of England/ who as than called himself his son/ because he had married his daughter/ promised to send him a thousand spears and six thousand archers/ whereof the french king was right joyful. provision was made for the French king in the county of Savoy & in the Dolphenry. The kings mind was to enter that way in to Lombardy/ to make war on the duke of Myllaygne. But that journey took none effect. For when tidings was brought in to France of the discomfiture of the battle before Nicopoly in Turkey/ and of the death and taking of the lords of France/ The king & the duke of Burgoyne were so charged and busied in that behalf/ that the journey in to Lombardy was defected. And also they saw well that the duke of milan was in favour with Lamorabaquy/ so that they durst not displease him/ & so let him alone. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess his wife took great diligence/ to find the means to redeem out of prison the earl of Nevers their son/ and the other prisoners being in Turkey. Cap. CC.xxi.  
THe duke of Burgoyn and the duchess studied all the ways they could devise/ by what manner or tretye they might get their son out of prison/ they knew well or they could have him they should be fain to pay for him a great ransom. they mynisshed their household and kept a meaner estate/ and gathered as much gold and silver as they could/ for without that/ they could not bring about their purpose. And they gate them aquayntawce with merchants venycience and genovoys/ and such other/ for they thought by their means they should the rather come to their purpose. the duke of Burgoyne lay still at Paris with the king his nephew/ and had the chief governance of the realm/ whereby his business had the better effect. The same season there was at Paris a merchant of Turkey/ who had all the doing for all other lombards/ he was known and spoken of through out all the world/ his name was called dine of Respond/ & by him all exchanges were made. He was in good favour with the king and other lords before this journey in Turkey/ but than after the battle he was moche more made of. Often times the duke of Burgoyne demanded of him counsel how he might enter in to treaty with Lamorabaquy/ for the redemption of his son and of the other prisoners in Turkey. Sir qd this merchant/ little and little some means will be found. Sir/ the merchants of Gennes and of other isles are known over all/ and occupieth the trade of merchandise in Quayre in Alexandre/ in Dammas/ in Danuet/ in Turkey/ and out in far countries hethan/ for as ye know well merchandise flieth over all the world. Sir/ let the king and you write amiably to them/ and promise them great benefits and profits/ if they would do for you. There is nothing but it is overcome with gold and silver. And also sir the king of Cyper/ who hath had no war with the king Lamorabaquy/ he may right well aid you. Sir/ as for me ye may be sure I will do what I can/ for I am bound thereto. It is not to be marveled though the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess sought out ways how they might recover again their son/ for he was their heir/ therefore it touched them right near. The ladies of France took great sorrow for their husbands and lovers/ specially the lady of Coucy could not forget her husband/ she wept piteously night and day and could take no comfort. The duke of Lorraine and sir Henry her two brethren came to saint Gobyn to see and to recomfort her/ as moche as they might/ & they said they would send in to Turkey to know how he did/ for they said they understood how he had a more gentle prison than any of his fellows had. The lady Coucy thanked greatly her two brethren for their counsel and great comfort. Than she desired sir Robert Den a valiant knight of Cambresys/ to take the pain to go in to Hungry and in to Turkey/ to see what condition her husband the lord of Coucy was in. The knight said for her sake he was content to go thither/ & to bring the certainty of his estate. Thus he made him ready and five persons with him. Other ladies in France sent in like wise to know what case their husbands were in.  
YE have herd here before/ how the king of Hungry would in no wise consent that sir Morant should pass into Turkey with the french kings presents/ and in this opinion the king long continued/ which was right displeasant to sir Morant and to sir / but they could not amend it. And so it happened that the great master of the Rhodes came in to Hungry to the city of Bode/ to whom the king made good cheer/ whereto he was bound/ for the day of the battle the king had been slain or taken and he had not been/ and there he found these two knights of France. They came to him and showed him how the king would not suffer them to pass in to Turkey/ with such presents as the french king had sent to Lamorabaquy/ whereof he had marvel/ & said how he would speak to the king therein/ and that they should well know/ and so he did/ and showed to the king such reasons that he turned the kings opinion/ and so than they had leave to pass in to Turkey with all their presents. and so they passed forth under sure safe conduct and came to Lamorabaquy/ who received them and their gifts right honourably/ after their usage/ and made great joy of the presents. The knights for all that spoke but ones all only with the earl of Nevers at good leysare/ and at their departing the earl said to them. Sirs/ I require you recommend me to my lord my father and to my lady my mother/ and to my lord of Berrey/ and specially to the king/ and salute fro me all my other friends/ and desire them that if Lamorabaquy will set us to ransom/ that by means of merchants or otherwise/ our ransoms may be quickly paid/ and we delivered/ for by long tarrying we shall lose/ for in the beginning we were but viii prisoners/ and now we be xvi which is in all xxiiii and we shall not be delivered without we be delivered all at ones/ and as soon all as one/ for Lamorabaquy hath so promised/ and surely he will not be found false of his word. sir Morant and sir  answered and said/ how his commandment should be done/ to the which he was bound. So they departed and returned in to Hungry/ and by the way they encountered the messenger that was sent in to France to the king/ bringing a gain letters fro the french king to the king of Hungry. Than this messenger returned again with them/ for he had no more to do when he saw them return/ and had done their voyage into Turkey/ and so returned all together in to France. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Gloucestre subtly sought out the means/ how to destroy king richard of England his nephew. Cap. CC.xxii.  
IT is long sith I spoke of the duke of Gloucestre/ youngest son to the king of England Edward the third/ I had no time to speak of him till now/ and because his heart could never love the french men/ therefore of the loss that the french men had in Turkey/ he was rather glad than sorry. The same season he had a knight with him called sir johan Laquyquay/ chief of his counsel (as it was known after) he said to his lord. Sir the fumes and pride of the french men are well abated/ by reason of their journey in to Hungry and Turkey. they be so full of pride and brags that they can come to no good conclusion of any enterprise that they take in hand. That is true quoth the duke/ and that appeared right well/ during the war in the days of the king my father/ and of my brother the prince of Wales/ for as than they could never atayne to any journey against the english men/ therefore I can not tell why we should have truce with them/ for if the war were open/ and by reason of our good title together/ we should now make them better war than ever was made before. for as now all the flower of chyvalry of France is other taken or slain/ and the men of England desire to have war rather than peace/ for they can better live in war than peace/ for in dying still is none advantage. and I swear by god if I may live two year in good health/ the war● shallbe renewed/ I will neither spare for truce/ respite/ nor assurance/ for in time passed the French men have kept no promise with us/ but have falsely and craftily taken away the heritage of the duchy of Acquytayn/ which was given and delivered by agreement of good treaty of peace to the king my father/ which often times I have showed to the counsel of France/ when we met and communed together in the fronter of the marchesse of calais/ but always they flourished their intents with so sweet words/ that mine opinion was not regarded nor believed/ nouther by the king my nephew nor by my brethren/ but if there were a good heed king of England/ that desired the war as well as I do/ and would put to his pain to recover his heritage/ which craftily and falsely hath been taken fro him without any good title of reason/ he should find in England a hundred thousand archers/ and two thousand men of arms ready appareled to serve him and to pass the see/ and to put their goods and lives in adventure in his service. But it is not so/ there is no such King in England as now that loveth any deeds of arms/ if there were/ he would show himself in France. there was never so good time to make war in France as now/ for who soever goeth now shallbe fought withal/ which is all the desire that englishmen have in trust of winning/ as they had in time passed in the days of good king Edward my father/ & in my brother's days the prince of Wales. I am the youngest of all the brethren of England/ but if I may be believed I shall be the first e that shall renew the war/ and trust to recover the wrongs that the frenchmen have done to us/ and daily do/ and all by the simple slothfulness that is a 'mong us/ and specially our heed the king my nephew/ who will now ally himself by marriage to the french kings daughter/ this is no token that he will make war. his eyen be to heavy/ he careth for nothing but for meat and drink/ and rest/ and dalyenge with ladies and damoselles. This is no life for men of war that will deserve to have honour by prows of deeds of arms. yet I remember me of the last journey that I made into France. I think I had in my company but two thou sand spears and eight thousand archers/ and so passed the see/ and entered in to the realm of France fro Calayesꝭ and so went a long in to the realm/ and found none to with stand me/ nor none that durst fight with me/ in like wise so did sir Robert Canoll and sir Hugh Caurell/ and Thomas of Grauntsome/ and sir Phylyppe Gyssarde/ and yet they had not the number that I had with me/ and yet they were before Paris and demanded battle of the french king/ but they could never be answered/ nor found any person that said any thing to them/ and so they road into Bretayne/ and so a long through the realm of France/ fro Calais to Bordeaux/ without having of any battle or rencounter. but I think surely/ who so would now make any such journey they should be fought with all/ for he that calleth himself king in France is young/ hot/ and of great courage and enterprise/ he would surely fight/ what end so ever fell thereof/ and that is the thing we desire/ for we love nothing so well as to have battle/ for without it be by battle and victory upon the french men (who be rich) else we shall have no recovery/ but suffer with the loss as we have done ever sith my nephew was king of England. This thing can not long endure in this estate/ but at last the realm of England shall perceive the matter & repent it/ for the king taketh and shall take and raise great tails of the merchants/ wherewith they be not content/ and yet they can not tell where the good becometh. Thus the king enpovereth the realm of England/ and giveth to one and other largely/ and there as it is but evil bestowed/ and his people vyeth the bargain/ which shortly will grow to a rebellion within the realm/ for the people begin to clater and to murmur thereat/ saying how they will no longer suffer nor bear it/ he sayeth to stop the people's rumure that the truce once concluded between him & France/ that than he will make a voyage in to Ireland/ and employ there his men of arms and archers/ and there he hath been but with a small conquest/ for Ireland is no land of great conquest nor profit/ the people they are but rude and evil/ and a right poor country and inhabitable/ and look what is won there in one year/ is lost in another. Laquynay Laquynay quoth the duke/ all that I have said is of troth.  
THus the duke of Gloucestre devised with his knight with such words and other/ as it was well known after. He hated the king/ and could speak no good word of him/ and though he were with his brother the duke of Lancastre/ as one of the greatest rulers of the Realm/ he took no care thereof. And when the king did send for him he would come at his pleasure/ and sometime not a whit. And when he came to the king/ he would be the last should come/ and the first that would depart/ and in counsel what he had ones said of his opinion/ he would have it taken and accepted/ else he would be displeased/ and sometime take his leave and depart to his manner in Essex called plashey/ there was his chief abiding. This duke was a great prince/ and might well spend by year a threescore thousand ducats/ he was duke of Gloucestre/ earl of Essex and of Buckingham and constable of England. He was of so marvelous conditions/ that the king doubted him more than any other of his uncles/ for in his words he would not spare nor forbear the king. The king always was humble and meek to him/ and whatsoever he would demand the king would grant it him. This duke had caused in England to be done many cruel and hasty judgements/ for he had caused to be beheaded without title of any good reason that noble knight sir Simon Burle/ and divers other of the kings counsel. and chased out of England the archbishop of york and the duke of Ireland/ because they were so nigh of the kings counsel/ and laid to their charge that they had counseled the king wrong/ and led him as they list/ and had spent the revenues of England at their pleasures. This duke had two brethren/ the duke of Lancastre and the duke of york. These two were ever about the king/ whereat this duke of Gloucestre had great envy/ & would say to divers/ as to such as he trusted (as Robert bishop of London and to other/ when they came to him to plashey) Friends/ my two brethren overchargeth greatly the kings house/ it were better they were at home at their own houses. this duke by subtile covert ways/ drew to his accord the londoners/ for he thought if he might be sure of them/ he should soon have all the rest of the realm to his accord. This duke had a nephew/ son to the daughter of his elder brother/ called Lionel duke of Clarence/ which daughter was married into Lombardy to the son of sir Galeas duke of milan. This duke Lionel died in the city of Aste in Piemounte. So this duke of Gloucestre would gladly have seen his nephew son to the daughter of the duke of Clarence/ called johan earl of March/ to have been king of England/ and to have had his nephew king richard deposed/ for he said how the king was not worthy to hold nor to govern the realm of England. This he would say to them that he trusted/ and he did so much that he caused the earl of March to come to his house/ and than and there he discovered to him all his intent and secretness and said/ how he had determined to make him king of England/ and king Richard to be put down and his wife also/ and to be kept in prison duting their lives/ and so he desired effectuously the earl to accept his offer and good will/ saying how he would do the best he could to bring it about/ and that he had of his accord and alliance the earl of Arundel and th'earl of Warwyke/ and divers other prelate's and lords of England. The earl of March was sore abashed/ when he heard the duke his uncle speak such words/ how be it like a young man he dissimuled the matter/ and answered wisely/ to th'intent to please the duke/ and said how he would be glad to be ruled as he would have him/ but he said he would be well advised or he accepted such promiss to soon/ and would take therein advise and delyberation. And when the duke of Gloucestre saw the manner of the earl/ than he desired him to keep the matter secret. The earl answered so he would do. Than th'earl departed as soon as he could and so went in to Ireland to his heritage/ and after he would never intend to the duke's treaty/ but always excused himself wisely/ yet ever he kept the matter secret/ for he saw well the conclusion should not be good.  
IT was said how the duke of Gloucestre sought all the ways he could to set a trouble in England/ and to stir the londoners against the king. So it was the same year that the truce was made between England and France/ to endure for thirty year/ and that the king was returned again in to England with his young wife/ than the duke of Gloucestre informed the Londoners and said. Sirs/ make ye a request to the king and it shall be reasonable/ desire that saying he hath peace with his enemies/ that ye may be frank and free fro all subsidies and aids that hath been granted this twenty year past/ affirming how they were not granted but during the season of the war/ for ye sirs (quoth the duke that be merchants are evil entreated and sore oppressed/ to pay of every hundred florins xiii and all these goods are spent in idleness/ in dancing and making of feasts/ and eating and drinking/ and all ye pay for/ whereby ye be sore travailed. and show you to the king how ye would that the realm of England should be governed according to the ancient customs/ and ye may say that when the king hath any need or the realm/ or for the honour of the country/ and for the defence thereof/ how that ye will be ready to aid it/ in such wise that the king and his counsel shall hold them content. Thus by the setting on of the duke of Gloucestre/ the Londoners and the counsels of divers other cities and towns of England/ assembled them together/ and on a day came to Eltham a seven mile fro London/ where the king was/ and when they came before the King they made a request of all these foresaid things/ and would that it should have been accomplished incontinent. And when this request was made there was with the king no more of his uncles but two/ the dukes of Lancastre and of york. Than the king charged the Duke of Lancastre to make them an answer/ and than the duke said to them. sirs/ the kings pleasure is that ye depart home every man to his own/ and within a month assemble again together at London or at Westmynster/ & there the king will be with his counsel/ and his nobles/ prelate's and other/ and they they will be ready to here your requests/ and look what shall be thought necessary by his counsel/ the king will grant it you/ in such wise that ye shall all be well content. This answer pleased many of them/ but not all/ for there were some that were of the opinion of the duke of Gloucestre/ who would have had a shorter answer/ but the dukes of Lancastre and of york appeased them with fair sweet words/ and so they departed for that tyme. But for all that they left not their pursuit/ so that the next month after they assembled at Westmynster/ there being the king with his counsel/ and than there was present the duke of Gloucestre/ who greatly inclined to their demands/ but at making of the answer he spoke not all that he thought in his heart/ but dissimuled the matter/ to the intent that the king nor his brethren should not perceive his mind. Than the duke of Lancastre made the answer to the londoners for the king and said. ye sirs of London and other/ the king hath commanded me to give you a determynable answer to your requests in his name and his counsel/ and by the consent of other prelate's and noble men of his realm. Sirs ye know well to the intent to eschew all parels and dangers that might come to this Realm/ there was a general grant made by you and other of the good cities and towns of England/ that there should be raised a tail on the state of merchandise/ in manner and form as it hath tin now upon a six year/ that was to pay of every hundred xiii and by reason thereof the king granted and sealed to you certain franchises/ the which he is not in mind to take fro you/ but rather to increase it daily according to your deserts. but where as ye now would repel again that ye once willingly agreed unto and granted/ therefore here openly he repelyth again all such graces and grants as he hath made to you before this tyme. Behold here all these noble men and prelate's have sworn and promessed to the king to aid and sustain all things lawfully given and granted. therefore sirs consider well that the state of the king is great and chargeable/ and if it augment in one manner/ it minisheth in another/ for the rents and revenue was turneth not to the kings profit as much as it hath done in time passed/ the king and his counsel hath been at great cost and charge/ sith the wars renewed between England and France/ and great charge it hath been to the king for such ambassadors as have treated between the parties/ as well here as beyond the see/ also the pursuing of the kings marriage hath cost great goods. And though there be now peace between the realms/ yet the charge is great of keeping of the garrisons in towns and castles/ being under the kings obeisance as well in Gascoigne/ Burdeloys/ Bayonois/ Bygore/ and the marches of Gyan and calais/ also in keeping the see and the ports and havens of England. in likewise it is chargeable the keeping of the fronters of Scotland which may not be unprovided/ and also the marchesse of Ireland. All these things and other concerning the kings estate and honour of the realm/ draweth yearly great cost and charge/ which is far better known by the noble men of the realm/ than by any of you that medeleth but with your merchandise. Thank god●irs that ye be thus in peace/ and take heed that none pay without he be worthy and occupy the feat of merchandise/ and as well payeth the strangers/ as ye do. ye be at a freer mart than they of France or Lombardy/ or other Realms/ whither as your merchandise repaireth/ for they be tailed and retailed again two or three times in a year/ and ye pass by a reasonable ordinance set and assessed upon your merchandise.  
THese words or such like spoken by the duke of Lancastre appeased greatly the people/ who were set to do evil/ by the setting on of other. Thus they departed at that time without any other thing doing/ and the most part of them were well content/ and such as would the contrary made no semblant thereof at that tyme. The duke of Gloucestre returned to his manner of plashey/ and he saw well as at that time he could not bring his purpose to pass/ but still he studied how to make trouble in England/ and to find the ways how to renew the war in France and he had of his accord his wife's uncle the Earl of Arundel/ who desired nothing but war/ and they had done so moche that they had drawn to their accord the earl of warwick.  
TTHe king of England had two brethren by his mother/ one called Thomas Earl of Kente/ and the second sir johan of Holande a valiant knight/ who had to his wife the daughter of the duke of Lancastre/ he was earl of Huntyngdon and chamberlain with the king/ it was he that slew the son of richard earl of stafforde/ as ye have herd here before in this history. The said richard earl of Stafforde had a squire to his son/ who was with the duke of Gloucestre. This earl of Huntyngdon most commonly was ever in the court with the king his brother/ and he knew more of the dealing of the duke of Gloucestre than any other did/ for covertly and wisely he made inquiry/ and also he doubted greatly the duke/ for he knew he was fell and sudden/ and high minded/ and saw how he kept his enemy about him/ for the death of the young Stafforde/ and the peace thereof was never made/ but the grudge thereof continued still. The king loved well his brother/ and bore him against every man. and the king saw well how his uncle the duke of Gloucestre was ever contrary to him/ and was ever about to conspire against him/ and to stir the realm to rebellion. so the king and his brother of Holande would often times commune together. The same season the french king had sent the earl of saint paul in to England to see the king and his daughter the queen and to nourish love/ for the truce was made in such manner and condition/ that their subjects might repair each to other in despite of all their evil willers. the king and the earl of Huntyngdon made them good cheer/ as well for the honour of the French king/ as for that he had wedded their suffer. At that time the Dukes of Lancastre nor of york were not with the king/ for they began somewhat to dissimule/ for they saw well that the people in England began to murmur in divers places/ on the state and rule that the king kept/ and that the matters were likely to go evil. They thought they would not be at the kings commandment nor at the people's. And all this came by reason of the duke of Gloucestre and his company. The king of England spared not to show th'earl of saint paul the state that England stood in/ and how he found always his uncle the duke of Gloucestre hard and rebel against him/ and showed him all thing that he knew. When the earl of saint paul heard the king say in that wise/ he had great marvel thereof/ and said how it ought not to be suffered/ and said. Sir if ye suffer this/ they will destroy you/ it is said in France how the duke of Gloucestre intendeth to nothing/ but to break the peace and to renew the war again/ and that little and little he draweth the hearts of young men of the realm to his part for they desire rather war than peace/ so that the ancient wise men/ if the war began to stir/ they should not be herd nor believed/ for reason/ right/ nor justice hath no place nor audience/ where as evil reigneth/ therefore provide therefore rather betimes than to late. it were better ye had them in danger/ than they you. These words of the earl of saint paul entered greatly in to the kings heart/ and made him sore to muse/ and after that the earl of saint paul was returned in to France/ the king of England showed all this matter to his brother the earl of Huntyngdon/ who said to the king. Sir/ my fair brother of saint paul hath showed you the troth/ therefore take good advise in this matter.  
ANd as I was informed/ about a month after that the earl of saint paul had been in England and returned in to France/ a perilous fame and renome ran upon the king in England/ and in a manner there was a general brewte that the earl of saint Paul's coming in to England was to treat with the the king/ that the french men might have Calayes in to their hands. This brute greatly troubled and moved the people in England/ in so much that certain of London rood to plashey to the duke of Gloucestre/ and showed him of that matter. The duke appeased not their words/ but rather augmented it more and more. saying how he could not do therewith/ But said he was sure that the french men would it had cost them all their kings daughters/ so that they might have Calais at their pleasure. This answer set the Londoners a fire/ and said/ how they would speak with the king/ and show him how the realm was not content. Well quoth the duke show it him in good manner/ and make doubt that the people will not be content. And mark well what answer he maketh/ and show me thereof the next time I speak with you/ and thereupon I shall give you counsel what ye shall do farther. It may well be/ that there be some false traitors/ counseleth the King to the same. There is the earl Martial who is capitain of calais/ who hath been two times in France and tarried at Paris/ and he was one of the chief procurers in the treaty for the kings marriage with the daughter of France. And these French men are right subtile/ and can drive their purpose a far of/ and little and little pursue their intents and will give largely to bring about their purpose.  
According to the duke's counsel/ the Londoners on a day went to Eltham to the king/ at which time there was the kings two brethren/ the earl of Kent and th'earl of Huntyngdon/ the earl of Salisbury/ and the archbishops of Caunterbury and of Dwelyn/ his confessor the lord Thomas Percy/ the lord lisle/ richard Credon/ johan Boulofer/ and divers other knights of the kings chamber. There these londoners right wisely showed the king their intents in a meek humble manner/ and said how the brute ran/ that the king was about to deliver up Calais into the French men's hands. The king had great marvel of these news/ for it touched him near to the heart. But right sagely he dissimuled the matter for that time/ and apesed the Londoners and said/ how all that noise was wrong/ for it was nothing so. But for truth/ he said/ the earl of saint Poule was come in to England for none other intent/ but to sport him/ and was sent thither by the French king/ to see him and the queen his wife: Other merchandise the king said there was none between them/ and that the king swore/ by the faith that he owed to god and to the crown of England/ and said how he had great marvel/ whereof such words should rise. than the earl of Salisbury said. Sirs/ ye good men of London. Go home to your houses/ and be well assured/ that the king and his Counsel will do nor intend to do any thing/ but that that shallbe for the honour and profit of this his realm of England. And who so ever hath first brought up these words are evil counseled/ and show well how they would gladly have this realm in trouble/ & to have the people to rise against the king/ which thing ye of London ought to fear for by reason of the last rebellion/ ye were in great paryll/ to have been all utterly destroyed. For when evil people be up & govern/ justice nor reason than hath no place. Those words appeased greatly the Londoners/ & were contented with the kings answer/ and so returned to the city of London/ And the king tarried at Eltham right pensive/ and full of displeasure/ by reason of the words that he had heard/ and had still about him his two brethren/ and other such as he trusted best/ for he thought himself natte well assured amogne his uncles/ For he saw well how they absented themself fro his Court/ and kept them at home at their own houses/ so that he was half in doubt of them/ and specially of the duke of Gloucestre/ And so kept daily about him a guard of a thousand archers.  
IT was informed the king of England of a surety/ that his uncle the duke of Gloucestre and the Earl of Arundel/ purposed with puissance of people to take the king and the young queen and to put them in to a castle/ there to be kept surely in an honest manner with meat & drink/ & other necessaries. And also/ how there should be set four governors in the realm/ as the duke of Lancastre & the duke of york to rule fro the Temmys northward/ unto the rivers of Humbre and Thine/ & of They ronning by the city of warwick/ comprehending all the signories of Northumberlande/ and the bounds of Scotland. And the duke of Gloucestre had all the rule of London and of the londoners/ and of Essexe/ comprehendyng all the bounds of the See/ and thider where as the river of Humbre entereth in to the see: and also of all the ports and havens above London to Hampton/ & to Cornwall. And the earl of Arundel/ he to have the rule of the lands moving fro London between Sussexe and Kent/ Arundel/ Surrey/ devonshire/ and berkshire/ and of all the hole signories/ between the river of Thamyse and Bristol/ & the river of Severn/ which departeth England and Wales. And they shall hold and do justice and reason to every man. But their intentions is/ if they can find any reasonable way to move again and to renew the war between England and France/ and that if the French king would have again his daughter he should/ for sith she is but eight years of age/ peradventure when she cometh to xii years she may repent her and refuse her marriage/ because she was married in her youth And also it was no reason to dismary her fro the heir of Bretaygne/ as it was promised. And if when she cometh to perfit age/ that she will not refuse her marriage/ Than she must abide by right still queen of England/ and to have her dowry/ but in no wise she should be crowned Queen. And that if the king died or she came to lawful age/ than they purpose to send her again in to France to her father. This was showed to the king for such words were spoken by divers english men/ and specially by the londoners who could not love the king. And they repented them/ that when the commons of Sussexe/ Kent/ and Essexe were up/ and came to London/ in that they died break their purpose/ for as some of them confessed/ they were in mind to have slain the king/ the earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Oxenford/ and all the kings counsel. And if they had so done by means of the rebellion/ the londoners than should soon have made a new heed. And by means of the duke of Gloucestre/ to have found some person to have had the crown and governing of the realm/ and thereby to have brought the realm into a better case than it was in as than. Thus the londoners and such other of their sect/ daily murmured and had many secret counsels. All this the king was informed of/ and most fault was laid upon the duke of Gloucestre.  
KIng Richard was abashed of ten-times when he heard & saw such covert hate and evil will borne against him. Always he made loving countenance to his uncle of Gloucestre and to the londoners/ but it aveyled him nothing. On a day the king said to his other two uncles/ of lancaster and of york. Sirs/ on god's name I require you to give me your advise & counsels. I am daily informed of asuretie/ that your brother mine uncle of Gloucestre/ the earl of Arundel/ and their complices/ are minded to take me perfoce/ by the agreement of the londoners/ and purpose to close me in a Castle/ and to order my finding by certain portion/ & my wife's' in likewise/ who is but young/ and to separate her fro me/ and to keep her estate in another place. Fair uncles/ this is a cruel manner and it ought not to be suffered/ as long as I may withstand it. ye have done me homage and sworn to be true to me in the presence of king Edward of good memory my grauntfather/ at which time all the great prelate's and lord of this realm/ swore to keep and maintain me as their king a twenty year paste. Wherefore fair uncles/ for love and charity/ and by the oath and promise that ye have made/ counsel me truly as ye are bound to do. For as far as I can imagine/ mine uncle of glocestre intendeth on none other thing/ but how he might renew again the war/ between England and France/ And to break the peace/ which we have confirmed/ both you and all other of the realm/ by swearing and sealing/ and by the same composition I am joined in marriage to the daughter of France without thinking of any evil. & ye know well/ that who soever doth contrary to that he is sworn unto & hath sealed to the same/ & so proved/ doth evil/ & aught to be punished therefore/ both in body and goods. And also ye know well that I forbear mine uncle of Gloucestre as much as I may do/ and take no regard to threatening/ which might cost me dearly. uncles/ ye are bound to counsel me sith I demand it with reason. & when they heard the king speak thus/ & saw well how the matter sore troubled his mind and that it touched him near/ and also they know well moche of his saying was true/ they said. Sir/ suffer and let the time ryn and pass. We know well our brother of Glocestre hath the most paryllous heed & brain/ of any man in England. But we know well he can do no more than a man may do/ if he build on the one side we shall build on the other/ as long as ye will be ordered by our counsel/ ye shall not need to care for our brother. He saith often times many things whereof followeth none effect. He all alone/ nor they of his counsel can not break the peace that is taken/ nor can not enclose you in any castle. We shall never suffer that/ nor to be separated fro your wife/ For if he say so and think it/ he is foul abused. Therefore sir/ we humbly beseech you to appease yourself/ every thing shall turn well with god's grace. All that a man speaketh cometh not to effect/ nor all that he saith oftentimes he can not accomplish. Thus the dukes of Lancastre and york/ appeased their nephew king Richard.  
THese two dukes saw well/ that the business of England began to be evil/ and perceived that great hatred increased daily between the king & the duke of Glocestre. And to th'intent that they would not entremedell between them/ they departed fro the kings court with all their company and servants/ and so took their leave of that king for a time/ and went to their own. And the duke of Lancastre took with him his wife the lady Katheryn Ruet/ who had been in company with the young queen of England/ and went a hunting of the dear: as the usage is in England/ and the king tarried about London. But afterward the kings uncles repented them that they departed out of the court/ for there fell afterward such matters in England/ that all the realm was in trouble/ the which had not so fortuned if they had been about the king/ for they would have found other provision for the matter/ than they died that counseled the king There were none of the kings servants/ but that greatly doubted the duke of Gloucestre/ and would gladly that he had been deed/ they had not cared how. the gentle knight sir Thomas Percy had been long sovereign squire of the kings house (that is in France master and seneschal) for all the state of the king passed through his hands. He than considering the great hatereddes' that increased between the king and his uncle of Glocestre/ and among other great lords of England/ with whom he was well-beloved. Like a sage knight he imagined that the conclusions could not be good. Than he gave up his office as honourably as he could/ and took leave of the king/ and the king gave him leave full sore against his will/ how be it he made such excusations/ that he departed and another set in his office. The king had as than but young counsel about him/ and they greatly doubted the duke of Gloucestre/ and oftentimes would say to the king.  
Right dear sir/ it is a perilous thing to serve you/ for we have seen such as have served you in times passed/ and such as were right singular in your favour/ yet they have had but small guerdon. Sir Simon Burle/ who was a sage valiant knight/ & in good favour with my lord your father/ whom god pardon. He had great pain and travail for your first marriage/ yet your uncle the duke of Gloucestour caused him to die shamefully/ his heed to be stricken of like a traitor before all the world/ with divers other that he hath put to death/ as ye know well/ for all the puissance that ye were of ye could not save them. And sir/ we that serve you now/ look for the same reward. For when your uncle cometh to you/ the which is not often/ we dare not lift up our eyen to look upon any person/ he looketh so high over us. he thinketh we do him much wrong that we be so near about you as we be. Wherefore sir know for truth/ that as long as he liveth there shall be no peace in England/ nor ye shall do no man good. Also he threateneth you & your wife to close you up in a castle/ & there to beholden under subjection/ & to live by portion. sir/ ye be a king lost/ if ye take not good heed to yourself/ as for your wife needeth not to care/ she is young and daughter to the french king. They dare not displease her/ for moche evil might come thereby in England. your uncle of Gloucestre/ to th'intent to make you to be behated with your people/ hath sown divers sclaundorous words upon you throughout London and in other places/ saying/ how ye be not worthy to bear the crown/ nor to hold so noble an heritage/ as is the realm of England. sith ye have taken to your wife the daughter of the french king your adversary. Whereby he saith/ ye have greatly feebled the signory and realm of England/ and hath sore discouraged the hearts of the noble valiant knights and squires of the realm/ who have always valiantly continued the war/ and yet would do. Thus they say/ that ye have brought the realm in great paryll and adventure to be lost/ affirming/ how it is pity that ye have been suffered to continue so long as ye have done. Also the frenchmen bruteth/ that ye will put out of your arms th'arms of France/ wherewith the people are not conte●t/ & hateth you therefore. And they think it true/ because ye were so ready & glad to take a truce/ they think more rather byforce than by love. for the noble men of the realm/ who have served and maintained the wars/ never agreed thereto. Also they say/ that ye have not diligently revisyted nor overseen the letters patentes/ given/ accorded/ sworn and sealed by king johan sometime french king/ and by his sons/ the which grant his children living/ was nothing upholden but craftily broken. And the Frenchmen found cautels and subtleties/ by wrongefull ways/ to renew again that war. And thereby took and usurped all the right that your predecessurs had in that quarrel: and hath won thereby/ lands and countries in Acquitany/ with cities/ castles/ and towns. And all this they say/ ye take no heed of/ but have lost it thorough your negligence/ and hath showed but poor courage. and that ye doubt your enemies/ and have not pursued the accidents of the matter/ and the good and just quarrel that ye had/ and as yet have: the which quarrel your predecessors had as long as they lived. First my lord your father the prince of Wales and of Ac●tayne/ and also good king Edward your grauntfather/ who took great pain and diligence to augment their signories. Thus sir the londoners say/ and so doth other/ that a day shall come/ that ye shall repent you. Therefore sir/ we can no lengar hide these words fro you/ for they be daily renewed. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the duke of Glocestre was taken by the earl marshal/ by the commandment of the king. Cap. CC.xxiii.  
KIng Richard of England noted well these said words/ the which was showed him in secretness/ & like an ymaginatyfe price as he was/ within a season after that his uncles of Lancastre and of york were departed out of the court/ than the king took more hardiness on him/ and said to himself. That first it were better for him to destroy another/ rather than another should destroy him. thinking that shortly he would have his uncle of Gloucestre in such case/ that he would be assured of him/ that he should do him no displeasure after. & because he could not bring about his purpose alone/ he discovered his mind to such as he trusted best: as to th'earl marshal his cousin earl of Notyngham/ and showed him his full mind what he would do and have to be done. The earl marshal (who loved the king better than the duke of Glocestre died) kept the kings purpose secret/ saving to such as he would be aided by for he could not do the kings pleasure alone. On a day the king in manner as going a hunting/ he road to Havering of Bower/ a twenty mile fro London in Essexe/ and within twenty mile of plashey/ where the duke of Gloucestre held his house. After dinner the king departed fro havering with a small company & came to plashey about .v. a clock: the weather was fair & hot. so the king came suddenly thither about the time that the duke of Gloucestre had supped/ for he was but a small eater/ nor sat never long at dinner nor at supper. when he heard of the kings coming/ he went to meet with him in the mids of the court/ & so died the duchess & her children/ and they welcomed the king: and the king entered in to the hall/ & so in to a chamber. Than a board was spread for the kings supper. The king sat not long. And said at his first coming. Fair uncle/ cause five or six horses of yours to be sadylled/ for I will pray you to ride with me to London/ for to morrow the londoners will be before us. And there will be also mine uncles of Lancastre & york with divers other noble men. For upon the londoners requests I will be ordered according to your counsel/ and command your steward to follow you with your train to london/ where they shall find you. the duke who thought none evil/ lightly agreed to the king. And when the king had supped and risen/ every thing was ready. The king than took leave of the duchess and of her children/ and leapt a horseback and the duke with him/ accompanied all only but with six servants/ three squires and four yeomen/ and took the way of Bondelay/ to take the plain way/ and to eschew Brendwode and London common high way. So they road a great pace and talked by the way with his uncle/ and he with him/ and so approached to Stratforde on the river of Thamise. When the king came near to the bushment that he had laid/ than he road fro his uncle a great pace/ and left him somewhat behind him. Than suddenly the earl Martial with his band came galoping after the duke/ and overtook him and said. Sir/ I arrest you in the kings name. The duke was abashed with that word/ and saw well he was betrayed/ and began to call loud after the king/ I can not tell whether the king heard him or not/ but he turned not/ but road for the rather faster than he died before. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of this matter for a season/ till we return thereto again.  
YE have heard before in this history/ how sir Iohn of castle morant and sir jaques of  were sent in to Turkey to Lamorabaquy/ fro the french king and fro the duke of Burgoyne/ and how they had sped. When they were returned in to France/ they were welcome to the king and to the duke of Burgoyne/ & to the duchess/ because they brought certain tidings fro the earl of Nevers/ and fro the lords that were there with him. They said to the king/ how they trusted that Lamorabaquy would gladly treat for their raunsoms And that they said they knew by some that were of his privy counsel/ for they fear lest they should die in prison/ because they be out of their own natural air. And the Turks think that by their deliverance/ they should have great finance for their ransom. By reason of these words/ the king/ the duke of Burgoyne/ and the duchess his wife/ studied night and day/ how and by what means they might have their son & heir delivered. And said oftentimes/ that the journey and siege before Nicopoly had cost them over moche. For thereby they had deed three brethren bastard knights valiant men/ whom they entirely loved. The first the Hasell of Flaunders. The second sir Joys of Briese. And the third sir johan of Ipre. There was another the youngest/ who was still at home. To say the truth/ the duchess of Burgoyne countess of Flaunders studied on her side/ how to deliver her son. And so much they stuyed/ that at last they found the means to agree with the turks with moche pain. But that was not suddenly done for the matter was such/ that it reared great leisure/ and to be got little and little.  
In this same season in the city of Burse in Turkey/ died the gentle knight Frances Anguerant lord of Coucy earl of Saiso●s/ he was a great lord in France/ for as sir Robert of Deane (who was sent by the lady of Coucy) was going to him ward/ he heard by the way how he was deed/ & that he herd at Vyen in ostrich. And so he returned in to France/ & showed this to certain of the lord Coucies' lineage/ but not to the good lady his wife/ until such time as the chatellayne of saint Goubayne was sent to fetch his deed body enbaulmed in to France/ to be buried in th'abbey of Nogent beside Coucy and there he was received by the duchess of Bare and the bishop of Leon/ & by divers other abbots: and there this gentle knight was buried/ in the year of grace a thousand three hundred fourscore and sevyntene.  
YE may well know that the French king and the duke of Burgoyn always imagined/ how to get their friends out of prison in Turkey. Sir dine of Respond was always in their counsels/ and he said ever that the merchants venisyans and Genoese/ might well help and aid in that business. For he said/ merchants might go whider they list/ and by them might well be known the dealing of the turks and tartaries/ with the ports and passages of the kings soudans and miscreants/ and specially they resorted to Quaire to Alexandre/ to Dammas/ to antioch/ and in to the great puissant cities of the Saracens/ daily they pass and repass. And daily merchants christened hath entrecours with the saracens/ and exchange one with another their merchandise. So the french king and the duke of Burgoyne sought all the friends and means they could get to further them: and as than had no desire to make war upon the duke of milan/ because they understood that he was great with Lamorabaquy. On the otherside king james if Cypre/ thought well he should have great thank of the French king and of the duke of Burgoyne/ if he might assuage the furor of Lamorabaquy/ and bring him to some good reasonable point/ for the redeeming of the lords of France/ such as he had in prison. And to please them/ the king of Cypre caused a ship to be made of fine gold/ right noble and rich/ of the value well to the some of ten thousand ducats/ which ship he sent to Lamorabaquy by his own knights. This ship was so goodly & fair/ that it was great joy to behold it/ the which gift the sultan took in gree/ and sent again to the king of Cypre the double in value thereof. All this was anon known in France/ by merchants that wrote thereof to dine of Respond/ to the intent that he should show it to the French king and to the duke of Burgoyn/ to have a thank of the king.  
THis king of Cypre had good cause thus to do/ for he was in doubt of the french kings displeasure/ because he caused to be slain & murdered by night/ his brother the valiant king Peter/ who died moche trouble to the Saracens/ & took Saptalye and Alexandre. The Saracens doubted him more than any other king or emperor christened/ because of his valiantness of the which deed this said king james sore repent himself/ and knew well he had done evil. And after the same deed he fled out of Cypre/ or else the Christian men would have slain him. So he entered in to a galley of Gene/ being at the port of Nicopossie/ and so went to Genes and the genoese received him. And some said/ that he died that foul murder by the enticement of the genoese/ for anon after the genovois came with puissance of men of war and galyes/ and took the city of Famagous and the port/ and kept it with puissance.  
This king of Cypre had a fair young son. The Cyprience crowned this child king/ and after his crowning he lived not long/ but died soon after. And aft his death the genovois with great puissance brought this jaques in to Cypre and crowned him king/ and so he reigned king of Cypre. And the genoese always sustained him against all men/ but they would never render up the City of Famagous nor the port/ but held it still at the time that the author wrote this history. And to say the truth/ if the Genoese had not had it/ the Turks had won it long before and all the realm of Cipre/ & had brought it in to their obeisance and by all likelihood had subdued the isles of Rhodes/ and all other ysles enclosed in the See to Venyce/ but always the genoese and venisyans resisted them. And when they saw that the turks had won the Realm of Armony/ than they took the strong town of Corque in Hermyne on the See side/ and so held it/ so that and it had not been for doubt of the passage and straits of Corque and of Xere before Constantyne the noble/ the turks had sore entered in to Christendom/ and upon the border of the see/ the which should have been great prejudice to the isle of Rhodes/ and to the isles adjoining. Thus by these means the fronters of Christian doom were kept and defended. ¶ Now let us return to our purpose.  
THis king jaques of Cyper who knew himself gylcy of the death of the king his brother/ whereby he had the hatred of all other christian kings/ therefore he did as much as he could do to get again their love and favour/ and took it for a great honour that the french king wrote first to him/ for he doubted him most of all/ and so he had cause/ for the duke of Burbone by right succession of the lineage of Lusygnan/ aught to be king there and his heirs/ for though this king jaques was brother to the king Peter of Cyper/ yet he had no right to the crown/ for he was but a bastard/ and all this knew right well the genovoys/ so that when he was made king/ there was made a great alliance between them confirmed not to be broken/ and the genovoys to defend and keep him and his heirs against all other/ and thereby they atteygned great sygnories and franchises in the realm of Ciper/ and all that ever they did to the exalting of this jaques king of Cyper was always for their own chief advantage/ and to be strong against the venycians and to haunt and erercyse their feat of merchandise in to the Sarazyns' lands. This king jaques as long as he lived did what he could to please the French king/ by the means of the genovoys/ for they would in no wise displease him/ and therefore the same season this king jaques ordained this ship of gold to present Lamorabaquy/ to have love and acquaintance with him/ which gift was joyfully received and much praised with the turks/ and it was thought that the lord dine of Rresponde was means thereof/ and wrote therein to the genovoys/ for in this manner and otherways he laboured all that he might for the deliverance of the earl of Nevers and of the other lords of France.  
When the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess his wife saw that Lamorabaquy began to fall to treaty for the christian prisoners/ the news thereof was greatly to their pleasure/ and appointed a sage valiant knight of the county of Flaunders called sir gilbert of Linrenghen/ who was sovereign of Flaunders under the duke and duchess. And than they sent for sir jaques of / because he knew the ways and passages/ and desired him to acompany sir gilbert to treat with Lamorabaquy/ for the deliverance of the christian prisoners/ and promised him that his pain should be well considered and rewarded. Sir jaques promised them so to do. So these two knights departed and road so long that they came in to the realm of Hungry/ and so drew to the king/ for they had letters to him. The king received them joyously for love of the french king/ and also he knew well sir jaques of . There they showed the king the cause of their coming out of France/ and how they were sent in to Turkey to treat for the deliverance of the earl of Nevers/ and the other lords of France/ if Lamorabaquy would give them the hearing. The king said it was well done to redeem them if they might be put to ransom/ and said in the assaying thereof they could lose nothing. besides that the king offered them his body and goods to aid them in all manners. Whereof these two knights thanked him. To enter in to this treaty with Lamorabaquy/ or they could come thereto/ these knights had moche pain and made great diligence/ for first sir jaques of  was fain to go to Lamorabaquy to require a safe conduct for his companion sir Gylbert to come in to Turkey. And when he had ateyned it/ than he returned in to Hungry/ and so they road than into Turkey. The sovereign of Flaunders was received of Lamorabaquy and of his men right nobly/ and was herd speak/ and so little and little they entered in to their treaty. the same time there haunted in to Turkey a merchant genouoy of the isle of Sio/ under the obeisance of the genovoys. This merchant was named Bartylmew Pologrine/ and he was well be loved in Turkey/ and namely with Lamorabaquy. Sir dine of Respond being at Paris/ to th'intent that this treaty might have the better e●pedycionꝭ he wrote letters to this said merchant of the isle of Sio/ for they knew each other/ & to the intent to please the french king/ the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess and other ladies in France/ such as had their husbands and friends in prison in Turkey/ and in trust to be well rewarded for his good wyll● be wrote that what so ever end was made for their redemption/ that he would be come ●ettour for the sum of money/ and that as soon as they were delivered and come in to the power of the venyciens/ and that he might be certified thereof/ that incontinent he would come himself to Venyce/ and see the ransoms paid and delivered. By these words (written by sir dine of Respond) the said merchant genovoye inclined to his desire/ and on the trust to be well rewarded of the french king/ for he thought to such a king it was good to ●ay ●are. And also as I was informed the king of Cyper at the desire of the french king and the duke of Burgoyne/ he sent men of his specyciall counsel in to Turkey. And in likewise sir Mathelyn and the lord of Damyne/ two great barons in Grece and in good favour with Lamorabaquy/ travailed greatly to advance this treaty to th'intent to do pleasure to the french king for without such means the matter should never have been brought about/ because Turkey is a great country and evil for men to travail in/ that hath not been accustomed thereto. When Lamorabaquy was once condescended to enter in to this treaty/ than it was ordained by his counsel that all the christian prisoners should be brought together in to the city of Burse/ and there to conclude their treaty. So the prisoners were brought thither/ who were in number a xxv but in their coming thither the turks that brought them/ did evil entreat them/ and beat them forward/ for they were but easily horsed/ they could not go but a pace. the turks ●ete them because they saw they should de delivered/ wherewith they were sore disposed.  
When these knights were thus brought in to the city of Burse in Turkey/ Than they that were sent thither fro the French king and fro the duke of Burgoyne/ fro the king of Cypers/ and fro the genovoys and venycyens/ received these prisoners gentylly/ so that they were more at their case than in the prison that they were in before how be it they were kept ever so straight that they could not have the third part of their wills. Lamorabaquy most specially heard ever the sovereign of Flaunders/ for sir jaques of  had informed him how he was one of the chief of counsel with the duke of Burgoyne. Lamorabaquy was in a Castle beside Burse/ and thither came the said messengers. As last it was a greed that these xxv prisoners should pay the some of two hundred thousand ducats/ for the which some the lords of Mathelyn and Damyne in Grece/ and the merchant genouoy of Sio/ became debtors for the same/ and tarried in pledge with Lamorabaquy. And the earl of Nevers swore and bound himself to the said merchants/ that as soon as he came to Venyce/ not to depart thence till the money were paid. Thus concluded this treaty/ but or it was all concluded the earl of Ewe was so speak and feeble by the alteration of the air and course meats/ that he died at Loge in Grece/ where he was kept prisoner/ whereof all his company were right sorry/ but they could not amend it. Thus sir Phylyppe of Arthois earl of Ewe and constable of France/ after he was deed was enbalmed/ and so brought in to France/ and buried in the church of saint Laurence of Ewe. When Lamorabaquy was contented with the marchaundes bonds for the det of the said some/ the sovereign of Flaunders and sir jaques of  took their leave to return in to France/ and Lamorabaquy was well content therewith/ and ordained that these two knights should have of the some that he should receive/ twenty thousand ducats to be rebated of the hole some. For this king Basaache considered the pain and travail that they had endured/ and specially the sovereign of Flaunders was greatly in his favour. These two knights thanked the king of his gift/ than they took their leave of him/ and afterward of the French knights and lords. When they were departed fro the king they came to the city of Burse/ and than departed and left the earl of Nevers and the lords of France still in the city of Burse/ for they tarried for the lords of Mathelyn and Damine who should come thither by see to receive them in to their galees. And these two knights took a galley passenger to sail to Mathelyn. At their departing fro the port the wether was fair and temperate/ but when they were abroad in the see the wind changed/ and had a marvelous great tempest/ so that the sovereign of Flaunders by reason of sore travail in that tempest/ he fell sore sick on the see/ and died or they came to Mathelyn/ whereof sir jaques of  was ●ight sorry/ but there was no remedy/ and so sailed forth in a galley of Venyce/ and passed by Rhodes/ and always as he went he published the redemption of the lords of France/ whereof they of Rhodes were right joyful. At last this knight came in to France/ and showed the king and the other lords and ladies how he had sped/ whereof the king and other were right joyful/ and thanked the knight of his travail and pain he had taken in that journey.  
When the redemption of these lords and knights of France was at appoint/ than Lamorabaquy thought or they departed to have them in his company and that they should be more at large and better entreated than they were before/ as it was reason/ sith they were no longer prisoners/ he thought they should see part of his puissance and state/ which was as it was showed me/ marvelous great and sumptuous/ and kept moche people daily about him. Thus he sent of the noble men of his house to bring them to his presence/ to whom he made good cheer/ and had every thing delivered them of the ordinary of his court/ according to the usage of the country/ and every day the king talked with the earl of Nevers by a truchman/ and greatly he honoured the earl of Nevers/ for he saw well he was like to be a great man in France/ and son to a great lord/ whereof he was well informed/ the which he found true/ by reason of the great suit that was made for their redemption/ and by the great sum of money that they agreed to pay. The earl of Nevers and his company had great marvel of the great state that he kept/ he and his people lay ever in the field/ for no town could suffice them. The expense of his household and charge of meat and drink/ was marvel to consider fro whence it should come/ but that the country is so hot that the people be of sober diet/ and use moche spicery/ and specially sugar and goats milk whereof they have great abundance/ the which is common drink of the saracens/ and they have plenty of bred/ made of a grain called mylle/ he had ever about him a seven thousand fawconers and as many hunters. So it was on a day he went a hawking/ and had a flight with a falcon at an Eagle in the presence of the earl of Nevers/ the which flight pleased not Lamorabaquy/ wherewith he was sore disposed/ and as it was showed me/ for the same fault there was at the point a two thousand falconers to have lost their heeds/ bearing them in hand that they were not diligent in keeping of his hawks. Another time in the presence of the earl of Nevers a woman came to complain to the king/ desiring to have right and justice upon a servant of his/ saying. Sir king/ I come to you as to my sovereign/ I complain me of a servant of your chamber/ as it is showed me/ he is come this same day in to my house/ and the milk of a goat that I had for me and my children/ he hath drunken it against my will. and sir/ I said to him that if he would do me that wrong/ I would complain to you/ and as soon as I said so/ he gave me two great blows/ & would not forbear for all that I spoke in your name/ therefore sir king do me justice/ as ye are sworn to do to all your people. The king marked well the woman's words/ and so caused his servant to come a fore him/ and the woman also/ and than he caused the woman to renew her complaint. The servant began to excuse him/ and said that he knew nothing of that matter. The woman spoke wisely and affirmed her words to be true. Than the king said/ woman advise the well/ for if I find thy words untrue/ thou shalt die an evil death. Sir quod she I am content/ for if my words were not true/ what need me to come in to your presence/ do me justice I desire none other thing. Thou shalt have justice quoth the king/ for I have sworn so to do to every man and woman. Than the king caused the man to be taken and caused his belly to be opened/ to see if he had eaten or drunken the milk or not/ and there he found that he had drunk the milk for it was not turned to digestion. And when the king saw that the woman's words were true/ he said to her/ thou hadst good cause to complain/ go thy way quite thou art well revenged of the trespass that was done to thee/ and she had a good recompense/ and the man deed. This judgement the lords of France saw and herd.   

¶ How the lords of France returned by see to Venyce/ and of the isles they found by the way. Cap. CC.xxiiii.  
When the Earl of Nevers and the other lords of France/ who had been taken prisoners at the battle before Nycopoly in Turkey/ when they had seen a season the state and manner of Lamorabaquy/ and that he was content of every thing/ and understood that the lord of Mathelyn and the lord of Damyne/ and the merchant of Sio were come to Burselle in Turkey/ than he gave them leave to depart. So they came all together before Lamorabaquy/ except the earl of Ewe and the lord of Coucy/ who were both deed/ thus they took their leave and thanked him of his courtesies. Than Lamorabaquy said to th'earl by a truch man. johan I know well thou art a great lord in thy Country/ and son to a great lord/ thou art young/ and pe● adventure shall bear some blame and shame that this adventure hath fallen to the in thy first chyvalry/ and to excuse thyself of this blame and to recover thine honour/ peradventure thou wilt assemble a puissance of men/ and come and make war against me/ if I were in doubt or fear thereof/ or thou departed I should cause the swear by thy law and faith that never thou nor none of thy company should bear armure or make war against me/ but I will neither make the nor none of thy company to make any such oath or promise/ but I will that when thou art returned and art at thy pleasure/ raise what puissance thou wilt and spare not but come against me/ thou shalt find me always ready to receive the and thy company in the field in plain battle/ and this that I say show it to whom thy list/ for I am able to do deeds of arms/ and ever ready to conquer further in to christendom. These high words the earl of Nevers understood well/ and so did his company/ they thought on it after as long as they lived. Than they took their leave/ and they were conducted with a great number/ under the leading of Assybaathe and Surbasaache/ and so delivered to the lords of Mathelyn and Damyne/ who were cause of their deliverance/ and when their galees were ready they entered/ and their conduct returned to their king. So they sailed till they came to the port of Mathelyn/ where they were received with great joy.  
THe lady of Mathelyn was right honourable and gentle/ & as well assured of herself as any lady in Grece/ for in her youth she had been brought up in the emperor of Constantyne the nobles court/ with the lady Mary of Burbone/ where she had learned moche norture/ for in France the lords and ladies be more honourable/ than in many other countries. This lady was right joyous to see in her house the earl of Nevers/ and sir Henry of Bare/ sir Guy of Tremoyle and the other/ she received them right honourably with great joy/ and did what she could to do them pleasure. First she newly appareled all the lords and knights of France with shirts/ gowns/ and other apparel of fine damask/ according to the usage of Grece/ and all other every man after his degree. The lady spared nothing on them/ wherefore they gave her great thank/ and greatly praised her estate and order. In likewise they thanked and praised the lords of Mathelyn and of Damyne/ who made them good cheer and honourable. Anon tidings of their deliverance was known at the Rhodes/ whereof the great master of the roods and all the knights there were right joyful/ and they determined to arm forth two galees/ and to send for them to come in to the isle of Rhodes/ and so they did/ and in the one galley they set sir jaques of Brassemont a burgonion marshal of the Rhodes. So long they sailed and rowed that they arrived at Mathelyn. The marshal was well received of every man and of the lady of Mathelyn. Than these lords and other refreshed them there a four days/ and on the fift day their galees were ready. Than the earl of Nevers took leave of the lady of Mathelyn/ and thanked her greatly and the lords also/ and the earl of Nevers said that he was bound for ever town them his good will. The lady answered wisely to them all. So they entered in to the Galees in the port of Mathelyn/ and had wind and wether at will/ and sailed so long that without danger or damage they came and arrived in the isle of the Rhodes/ in the same place where as all galees do aryue coming fro Cyper/ or fro Barn/ and fro other parts of the see Oriental. There were many of the knights of the roods/ who be or aught to be men of valiant courage/ for they bear the white Cross/ in signyfieng of the cross of Christ/ who died and took pain for the redemption of all christian people/ and near hand daily these knights have skirmishes and assawtes to aid and sustain the christian faith against the miscreants/ wherefore these knights ought to be valiant men/ and nourished in the war.  
When the earl of Nevers and his company were come in to the isle of Rhodes/ the great master and the great prior of Acquytanye/ who was there/ received the french men honourably/ and offered to lend them gold and silver to pay their small charges and costs/ which offer the earl of Nevers and his company took for a great courtesy/ and heartily thanked them/ for they had great need thereof▪ the great prior of Acquytanie a right valiant knight lente to the earl of Nevers a thirty thousand franks in ready money/ and sir Reygnere Pot steward with the earl of Nevers and the lord of Rocheforde of Burgoyne received the money. I think it was generally for them all/ that every man should have part/ but the earl became debtor for the money. Thus they tarried in the Isle of Rhodes a good season to refresh them/ and to set every thing in good order/ for the air was more attemperate there than whe● as they had been in Turkey. And as they tarried thus at Rhodes abiding for the galees of Venyce a sickness took sir Guy of Tremoyle lord of Seully/ of which sickness he died there/ and was buried in the church of saint johan in the Rhodes/ and the lords of France did his obsequy right reverently/ and were right sorry of his death/ but there was no remedy. The Earl of Nevers knew well that the duke of Burgoyne would be sore disposed of his death/ because he had always found him sage and of good counsel. At the last there arrived the galees of Venyce whereof the french men were right joyous. Than they took their leave of the lords of the Rhodes. Thus departed the earl of Nevers/ sir Henry of Bare/ Boucyquante/ Guillyam of Tremoyle/ the lord of Rocheforde and all other. The patrons of the galees (to do them pleasure) were content to suffer them to refresh them in the isles between Venyce and Rhodes. first they came to Modon a five hundred mile fro the roods/ and there they refreshed them. it pertained to the venycyens.  
ANd fro modon they sailed with wind and wether at will/ and so came to the isle of Calefo/ and there refreshed them. And fro thence to the isle of Garre/ and there tarried/ and than they came to the isle of Chyfolignie and there landed/ and found a great number of Ladies and damosels/ who had the sygn●orite of that isle. They received the french men with great joy/ and brought them to pass the time about the isle/ which is right fair and pleasant. And such as know the conditions of that isle/ affirmeth that the fairy and the nympes be much conversant there. Some of the merchants of Venyce and Geane and of other lands/ such as have arrived there/ and tarried there a season to eschew the danger of the see/ have said that they have seen some of the fairy there and have proue● their words to be true. The earl of Nevers and his company were right joyous of the company of these ladies/ and right joyously the ladies received them/ and said how their coming thither did all the isle great honour/ because they were noble knights and men of honour/ for there hath not accustomed none other to be conversant among them/ but merchants. This isle is not all only inhabited with women/ but there be men among them/ but the women have the sovereignty and chief rule there. They are work women in silk work/ and make clothes of silk/ so subtly and so well/ that there is none like them/ nor the men of the isle can not make it/ but they carry them out to sell where they think to have most profit/ and the woman abide still in the isle/ and they honour the men for the said cause/ and they have the profit thereof. The Isle is of that condition that no man dare approach it to do there any damage/ for who so ever doth are perished/ and that hath been seen and proved/ and therefore these ladies endure ever in peace/ and dow no man. Also they are marvelous sweet/ gentle/ amiable/ and humble/ and when they will they speak with the fairy and be in their company.  
When the earl of Nevers and his company had refreshed them in this isle of Chyfoligne about a five days/ than they took leave of these ladies/ and left among these ladies part of such as they had that they might forbear/ so that the ladies gave them great thank at their departing/ and so they sailed to a land called Raguse/ and there they rested. And fro thence to Clarence/ a hundred mile fro Venyce. And while they were there thither came a squire of Haynalt of great recommendation/ borne in the town of Mons/ he was called Brydoll/ he came fro the holy scpulcre/ and fro Quayre and fro saint Katheryns mount/ and when he came to Clarence the frenchmen made him good cheer/ because he was borne in Haynalt/ for the countess of Nevers was daughter to the earl of Heynalte/ and also because he had been in far countries/ and they demanded of him news fro those parties/ and also of the state of the king of Cyper. He answered to every thing right wisely.  
When the earl of Nevers had refreshed him there a season/ than he sailed forth and came to the port of Parcuse. The great galees could go no further to come to the port of Venyce. Than within a certain space they took other small ships passengers and so came to Venyce/ and there were received with great joy/ and they thanked god that they were come thither in safeguard and out of the hands of the miscreants/ for they were ones in fear/ never to have come out of their hands. Than every man went to his lodging which was prepared for them/ for their coming thither was known before/ their servants were come thither and prepared for them ready against their coming. The earl of Nevers found there ready part of his servants/ sent thither by the duke of Burgoyne his father and the duchess his mother. Also there was ready sir dine of Respond because of their ransom. Than clerks were set to write letters/ and messengers were sent forth to give knowledge to their friends of their coming. These news was anon known over all. the duke of Burgoyne and the duchess ordained for the state of their son/ as vessel/ and plate of silver and gold/ apparel/ and stuff of household all this was sent to Venyce on summers/ and the lord of Angyers and sir jaques of  did convey all this stuff/ and so came to Venyce. And all the other lords and knights friends did send thither in like manner. And ye may believe well that this was not dove without great cost/ for there was nothing spared and also they lay at Venyce at great cost and charge/ for Venyce is one of the dearest towns in the world for strangers to lie in. Thus these lords kept their estates there/ and th'earl of Nevers was more charged than any other/ as it was reason/ for he was the chief there. The duke of Burgoyne and the duchess set all their intents for the deliverance of their son/ for they desired greatly to see them and so did many other/ and the duke said that without aid of his men and good friends that were in his lands/ as well in Burgoyne as in Arthoys/ and in Flaunders/ he could not tell how to attain to the some of money that Lamorabaquy should have for his sons ransom/ and to bear the costs that daily grew by that occasion/ for though their ransoms drew but to two hundred thousand florins/ all things considered their other charges drew to as much/ as they said that had the receit and deliverance thereof. The duke took counsel where this money should be raised/ for the duke could not break nor minish his estate/ nor it was not his mind to do. Than it was determined that the rich men in all his good towns should be tared/ and specially they of Flaunders/ because they were rich/ by reason of their merchandise. This taracyon was set forward/ and when they of Gaunt were called courteously to the matter/ they answered and said that they would gladly help to aid their en●erytour with the some of thirty thousand florayns. In likewise they of Bruges and of other good towns in Flaunders were ready to aid their lord. The duke and duchess thanked them courteously/ in likewise so died they of Arthoise and of Burgoyne. Also the French king aided well for his part. And also it had cost him great riches in sending of presents and knights in to Hungry and Turkey/ howbeit he was well content therewith/ sith his cousins and his knight Bouciquaunt were come to Venyce in surety.  
Thearl of Nevers lay thus still at Venyce/ for his intent was not to depart thence/ till every thing was paid and discharge. For the furnysshing of this finance sir dine of Respond took great pain/ to the intent to please the French king and the duke of Burgoyne. In such business he was subtile and wise. Thus these French lords and knights sported them each with other. The same season there fell in Venyce a great mortality/ and it began in the month of August/ and dured without ceasing till saint Andrew's tide/ wherein died moche people/ and there died sir Henry of Barc eldest son to the duke of Bare/ and herytoure (by his wife) of all the lord of Coucyes' lands/ except the ladies dowry. Thus in the same season/ both the ladies of Coucy were widows/ and their husbands deed/ the which was great damage His body was enbaulmed and carried in to France/ and buried in Paris as I believe and there his obsequy was done solemnly To fly and eschew fro this death at Venice the earl of Nevers went and tarried at Trenuse/ with all his estate/ and there tarried a four months with all his company.  
THus the earl of Nevers being at Trenuse. It was showed the king of Hungry by them of the roods/ how the French lords were agreed with Lamorabaquy to pay for their sums two hundred thousand florins. Than the king sent letters by a bishop and certain knights to them of Venice/ in the favour of the French knights. And also they were charged to say certain words to th'earl of Nevers/ as ye shall here/ for when they came thither they said to him. Sir/ we are sent hider fro our sovereign lord the king of Hungry your cousin/ who saluteth you by us/ and here be letters that he hath sent unto you/ and he understandeth/ how ye are delivered fro the hands of the turks his adversaries for certain ransom/ the which otherwise ye could not have been delivered whereof he is right joyous. And sir/ the king knoweth well that your treaty could not have been made without great cost and charge/ for beside that ye lost in the battle/ your ransom and other charges hath been and is daily great. Wherefore sir/ the king saith if he might aid you with any thing he would gladly do it/ for he thinketh himself bound thereto/ as well by lineage or otherwise. but sir/ he and his took such damage at the day of the battle before Nichopoly/ as ye know well. And also his revenues of his realm for this year and the next be in a manner as lost. but when he hath recovery thereof/ and is of power (he saith) he will so purney for you/ that ye shallbe well content with him/ & thus to do he is of good will. And sir/ to th'intent that ye shall give credence to his promise and saying. He hath in the city of Venyce of yearly renenewes/ sevyn thousand ducats. And sir/ he is content that this be sold to the venycience: and that of the money that shall rise thereof/ that ye should use it and aid yourself therewith as ye would do of your own goods. And sir/ of this we shall deliver quitaunces to the venicyence. we have authority so to do. this offer greatly pleased the earl of Nevers and his counsel/ and the lord of Rocheforde answered and said/ how the earl and all his company thanked greatly the king of Hungry in that he would sell or lay to gauge his inheritance for to aid them. Saying how his o●●re was not to be refused nor forgotten/ desiring to take a little counsel in the matter and so they died. Within a brief time after/ it was showed to the king of Hungeries ambassadors in the behalf of the earl of Nevers/ that it should not be convenient that the king of Hungry should sell or lay to pledge his enherytaunces/ for other men's causes. But if so be the ambassadors would do so much as to show to the venicyence that they would do so moche as to lend th'earl of Nevers a certain sum of florence/ to help to pay the earls by charges/ & to pay again to the prior of saint Iohnns in Acquitayne the xxx thousand florins/ that he lent to them in the isle of the Rhodes. In thus doing they said they would highly thank the king of Hungry & his counsel. The ambassadors said they would do their best/ and assay the venicyence what they would do. When the venycience were moved in this matter/ they answered but coldly/ and said they would take counsel and give answer within fifteen days/ at which time they answered (as I was informed/ by one that was by at the answer giving) that if the king of Hungry would sell his hole realm/ the venycience should be ready to bargain with him/ & pay him in ready money. but they said/ as for so little a thing as scuyn thousand ducats by year/ they could make no price nor valewre thereof/ neither to by nor to sell/ wherefore they said they would not meddle in that small matter. This was the answer that the venycience made. Some thought and imagined/ that this answer was made by way of dissimulation. And that though the king of Hungry made this offer/ yet by agreement/ the venicyens made that answer. Thus the matter abode still/ and the king of Hungry still in his possession of his revenues. than the kings ambassadors departed fro Venyce and returned in to Hungry/ & the earl of Nevers abode still at Trenuse/ because of the mortality in Venyce.  
YE have herd here before/ how the lord philip of Arthois/ earl of Ewe and constable of France/ died in the cite of Burse in Turkey/ of whose death all his friends were sorry/ and specially the french king/ for he loved him entirely. His office was such/ that it might not long be vacant/ whereupon all the lords of France assembled together to take advise who should be made constable. The most part of the counsel agreed on the valiant knight sir Joys of Sanxere/ who had been long marshal of France/ and was the same tyme. He was in the parties of Languedoc/ and so was sent for/ and incontinent he came to Paris/ & there was made constable. Than was void the office of the marshal. than the king said/ none should have that office/ but alovely his knight sir Bouciquaunt: every man agreed thereto/ for he was well worthy. When he was chosen he was at Venyce/ but shortly after he came to Paris. for the raunsoms once paid all the lords and knights of France returned home. So sir Bouciquaunt was Marshal of France. th'earl of Nevers drew to the duke of Burgoyn his father and to the duchess his mother. he had great cheer made him of them and of other/ as it was reason/ for he came fro a long voyage and a perilous. He was well received in all his father's countries/ as in Flaunders/ in Arthoys/ in Burgoyne/ and in all other places pertaining to his fathers and to his inheritance. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ how after the return of the lords of France/ the french he king intended what he might/ to set a concord and peace in the church. Cap. CC.xxv.  
Thearl of Nevers thus returned in to France/ he abode about the duke his father/ and visyted his lands and signories. Than he had desire to go to see the french king and the duke of orleans/ who received him with great joy. The king and the duke of orleans had great appetite to here th'earl speak/ and to here of the news of Turkey/ and of all his adventures/ and of the state of Lamoraba●. th'earl answered wisely & complained nothing of Lamorabaquy/ but said he had found him right curtess/ & how that he was well entreated. and he forgot not to show the king & the ladies/ how at his departing Lamorabaquy said to him/ that he was borne in this world to do deeds of arms/ and to conquer ever more and more. And how that he would not command them when they were prisoners/ that they should no more bear arms against him/ but said he would rather have than come again the second/ third/ or fourth time/ if need were/ if the deeds of arms so required. And also he said how his intent was to see Rome/ and to make his horse eat oats upon saint Peter's altar. And also he said/ how our christian faith was nothing worth but corrupted by the heeds that aught to govern them/ whereat the Turks make but a mock. Wherefore he said/ it should be the destruction of Christendom/ and that the time was as than come. And divers of the Turks and saracens said/ that their king Lamorabaquy was borne to be lord of all the world. And this they of Turkey/ of Tartarye/ of Perce/ of Alexandre/ and of other parties of the saracens lands said. They knew it well that it should be so by reason that the Christian men/ were abused upon ii pope's/ whereby the christian men were not all of one accord/ but differedde. Some believing on the one pope/ and some upon the other/ And the saracens had great marvel/ how the heeds of Christendom in every realm would suffer it. These words of the earl of Nevers made the French king and other lords greatly to muse. And some said how the saracens had good reason to laugh and mock at christendom/ because they suffered the prelate's of the church to meddle so moche. Therefore some said/ it was time to abate their pomps/ and to bring them to reason. The clerks of the university of Paris who travailed to learn/ could not come to any preferment of any benefice/ by reason of the Schism in the Church/ and of the two pope's/ wherefore they would gladly that the people should murmur against them. And were right glad that the earl of Nevers said/ that the turks made a great derision thereof. And said. How that without the french king and the king of almain found some remedy/ every thing should be worse and worse. And to say the truth/ such as held them as neutre/ they thought had taken the best way/ and so every man ought to do/ if they would bring the Church in to good case. Also it was secretly showed the French king/ by such as he loved/ and such as loved his health/ how that it was the comen opinion in the realm of France/ that he should never have perfitly his health/ unto the time that the Church were brought in another estate. And also they showed the king/ how that king Charles his father when he lay in his death beed/ charged his counsel in conscience/ and had great doubt that he was sore abused in those two pope's. Than the French king answered them and said. When the king my father died I was but young/ and I have believed hither to/ such as have counseled me/ if there be folly/ it is in them and not in me. But sith we be now this informed in the matter/ we shall provide for the remedy/ and that shallbe well seen.  
THe French king marked the matter more profoundely than ever he died before/ and said to them of his counsel/ how he would provide for the matter/ and spoke thereof to his brother the duke of orleans earl of Bloyes and of Valois who agreed anon to the kings will. In likewise so died the duke of Burgoyne/ for though he obeyed pope Clement/ yet he had never farm believe on him. But the prelate's of the realm of France/ and specially Guy of Roy archbishop of reins/ the archbishops of Sens and of Roen/ and the bishop of Ostune/ they had brought the duke to believe on pope Clement. than it was advised by the kings secret counsel that if they purposed to bring the Church to rest and peace/ to have the accord of Almaigne. Than was there sent sufficient ambassadors and clerks of both laws (as master philip of Plays was one) in to Almaigne/ to the king of Boesme and of Almaigne/ who wrote himself king of romans. This matter went so forward/ that a day was set that the king of Almaigne and his counsel/ and the French king and his counsel should meet personally at the city of reins. This matter was done secretly/ because the prelate's/ cardinals/ archbishop's/ and bishops/ should not break their purpose that they were about. They made it be noised/ that the meeting of these two kings and their counsels at Reynes/ was for non other purpose/ but to treat for a marriage to be had between the son of the marquis of Blanquebourge/ brother to the king of Almaigne/ and the daughter of the duke of orleans. And so by reason and under colour of that matter/ they would common of other.  
In this same season died at Nesues in Heynaulte/ the lord guy of Chastellone earl of Bloyes/ and brought to Valencennes and buried at saint Frances in the Freres minors/ in a chapel called the Chapel of Orthais. he had done moche cost in the closing of the said Freres/ and when he died he was so in debt/ that the countess Mary of Namure forsook all his goods/ and durst not take on her the administration of his testament/ but returned to her dowry of the land of Chinay and of Beaumonde/ & his other heritages went to the heirs. The duke of orleans had the county of Blois for he had paid while the earl guy lived/ two hundred thousand crowns of France and the lands of holland/ zeland/ & Heynaulte/ went to the duke Aubert of Bavyere/ earl of Heynaulte. And the land of Davesnes/ of Landrecier/ and of Lonnon in terreasse/ fell to johan of Bloyes called Iohn of Bretaygne. And if the earl had not sold the county of Blois/ the said johan of Bretaygne should have been his heir thereof. consider what a damage a lord or any other may do to his heir/ by giving credence to evil counsel/ god forgive him.  
¶ Now let us return to the business of England. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the death of the duke of Gloucestre and of the exle of Arundel/ and how the kings uncles and the londoners took the matter. Capi. CC.xxvi.  
YE have herd here before/ of the covert hates that was between king richard of England/ and his uncle Thomas duke of Gloucestre/ which the king would bear no lengar/ but said/ and also was counseled/ rather to destroy another man than himself. And ye have herd how the king was at plashey/ & by craft and colour/ brought him out of his own house to London/ And by the way about ten or a xi of the cloak in the night/ th'earl marshal arrested him in the kings name. And for all that he cried after the King/ yet the king made a deaf ear/ and road on before and so the same night the king lay at the tower of London/ but the duke of Gloucecestre was otherwise lodged. For byforce he was put in to a Barge/ and out of the barge in to a ship that lay in the Thamise/ and the earl marshal with him and all his company. And died so moche/ that the next day by night they came to Calais/ without knowledge of any man/ except the kings officers of the said town.  
yE may well know/ when the taking of the duke was known at Pla●hey/ by the duchess and her children/ they were sore troubled and abashed/ and thought well that the matter went not well. The duchess demanded counsel (what was best to do) of sir johan Laquyham. The knight answered/ that it was best to send to his brethren/ the dukes of Lancastre and of york/ that they might find some means to appease the kings displeasure. For he said/ he thought that the king would not displease them. The duchess did as the knight counseled her/ and she sent incontinent messengers to these two dukes/ who were far a sondre/ who when they heard thereof/ were sored displeased/ and sent word again to the duchess that she should be of good comfort. For they said/ they knew well the king would not entreat him but by lawful judgement/ for otherwise they could not suffer it: but as than they knew natte where he was. The Duchess and her children were somewhat comforted with their answer. The king the next day went fro the tower of London to Eltham/ and there tarried. The same night was brought to the tower of London as prisoners/ the earl of Arundel and the Earl of warwick/ whereof they of the city of London had great marvel/ and made thereof great murmuring/ but none durst say nay against the kings pleasure. But all manner of people/ knights squires/ burgesses of good cities & towns of England said. We have very well suffered. the duke of Lancastre and the duke of york/ brethren to the duke of Gloucestre/ They may provide for this when it please them. We think they would well have provided for the matter/ if that they had known the kings intent against their brother of Glocestre/ but because they were not diligent in the cause/ the matter is come evil/ and like to have an evil conclusion.  
When the duke of Glocestre was brought to the castle of Calys/ than he feared himself greatly/ & said to the earl Martial For what cause am I brought out of England hither to Calais? Me think ye hold me as a prisoner. Let me go abroad and see the fortress about. Sir quoth the marshal/ that ye desire I dare not do it/ for I have the charge upon you on pain of my life. The king my sovereign lord is a little myscontente with you. Wherefore/ ye must take patience here for a season/ till I here other news/ and that shallbe shortly by god's grace. For sir/ as help me God/ I am right sorry for your trouble if I might remedy it. But sir/ ye know well I am sworn to the king/ wherefore I must obey/ and so will I do/ for saving of mine honour. The duke could have none other answer/ But by that he saw/ he feared greatly his life. And on a day he desired a priest that sang mass before him/ that he might be confessed. And so he was at good leisure before the sacrament/ with devout heart/ and cried God mercy/ and was sore repentant of all his sins. And in deed it was time so for him so to do/ for his death was nearer to him than he was ware of. For as I was informed/ when he had dined and was about to have washen his hands/ There came in to the chamber four men/ and cast suddenly a towel about the duke's neck/ two at the one end and two at the other/ and drew so sore that he fell to the Earth/ and so they strangled him/ and closed his eyen. & when he was deed they despoiled him/ and bore him to his beed/ and laid him between the sheets all naked/ and his heed on a soft pyllowe/ and covered with clothes furred. And than they issued out of the chamber in to the hall/ well determined what they would say and said openly/ How a palueysye had taken the duke of Gloucestre the same night suddenly/ and so died. These words anon were abroad in the town of Calais. Some believed them and some natte. Within two days that the duke was thus deed/ the earl marshal apparelled himself in black/ because he was his near cousin/ and were many other knights and squires that were in calais. His death was sooner known in France and in Flaunders than in England. The French men were glad thereof/ For there was a common brute/ that there should be no good peace between France and England/ as long as he lived. And in all treaties between France and England/ he was evermore harder and obstynaier/ than any other of his brethren/ wherefore they cared not for his death. In likewise many men in England/ both knights/ squires/ and other officers of the kings/ who were in fear of him/ because of his cruelty. All such were glad of his death. They took to record his cruel deeds/ by the duke of Ireland whom he had exiled out of England. Also of the death of that valiant knight sir Simon Burle/ and of sir Robert Trivylien/ sir Nicholas Bramble/ sir johan Standysshe/ & divers other. The dukes death was but little regarded in England/ except but with such as were of his opinion. Thus this duke died in Calais. his body was enbaumed and seared in lead and covered/ and so sent by See in to England. And the Ship that carried him/ arrived at the Castle of Hadley/ upon Thamyse side/ and fro thence carried by chariot simply to his own place at plashey/ and there buried in the Church/ Which the said duke had founded in the honour of the holy trinity/ wherein were twelve Chanonnes to sing divine service.  
YE may well know that the duchess of Gloucestre and Affren his son/ and his two sisters/ were sore discomfited when they saw the duke brought thither deed. The duchess had double sorrow/ for richard earl of Arundel her uncle was be heeded openly by the kings commandment in cheapside. there was no lord durst speak to the contrary/ the king being present at the same justice doing. It was done by the earl Martial/ who had to wife the daughter of the said earl of Arundel/ and yet he bound his eyen himself. The earl of warwick was in great danger to be beheaded: but the earl of Salisbury who was in the kings favour desired the king for his life/ and so died divers other barons & prelate's in England. The king inclined to their requests/ so that he might be banished and put in such a place as he should natte come fro/ for the king would not clearly forgive him. He said he had well deserved to die/ because he was of counsel with the duke of Gloucestre and with the earl of Arundel/ to have broken the peace and truce taken between France & England: For the which article the king said/ they had deserved to die/ for the peace was taken between the parties/ on such condition that who so ever died break it/ should be worthy to die. The earl of Salisbury/ who had been the earl of Warwykes companion divers times/ in excusing of him said. How he was an old man and was desired by the duke of Gloucestre/ by his fair words. Wherefore he said/ that he died was natte of his own motion/ but by theirs. affirming how there was never none of the Beauchampes that ever did treason against the crown of England. Thus the earl of warwick for pity was despited fro death. He was banished in to the isle of Wight: And it was said to him. earl of warwick/ ye have deserved to die as well as the earl of Arundel/ but for the great service that ye have done in time passed to king Edward and to the prince his son/ and to the crown of England/ aswell on this side the see as byonde/ hath done you great aid/ for the king hath pity on you and hath granted you your life. But it is ordained by judgement/ that ye shall go in to the isle of Wight and live there as long as ye can/ and shall have sufficient of your own to maintain there your estate soberly/ but ye may never depart thence. The earl took this punishment a worth/ and thanked the king and his counsel for saving of his life/ and so made him ready to go thither at the day appointed. In the which isle was space sufficient for a lord to keep his estate environed with the See. Thus passed forth these judgements in England at that season/ which multiplied daily worse & worse: as ye shall here after.  
When the death of the duke of gloucester was known by the dukes of Lancastre and of york/ incontinent they knew well that the king their nephew had caused him to be slain and murdered at calais. As than these two dukes were not together each of them were at their own plates. They wrote each to other to know what were best to do/ and so they came to London/ For they knew well that the londoners were not content with the death of the duke their brother. When they met there together/ they took counsel/ and said: Such deeds ought not to be suffered/ as to put to death so high a prince/ as was their brother/ for idle words and false reports. For they said/ though he spoke oftentimes of the breaking of the peace yet he never broke it: And between saying and doing is great difference/ for by reason of words/ he ought not to deserve death by such cruel punition. these two dukes were in the case to have put all England to great trouble/ and there were enough ready to counsel them thereto/ and specially them of the earl of Arundelles lineage and of the earl of Staffordes/ which was a great kindred in England. The king as than was at Eltham and had sent for all such as held of him in chief. And he had ready assembled together about London/ in Kent and Essexe/ more than ten thousand archers. And sir johan holland his brother was with him/ and th'earl Marshal and the earl of Salisbury/ and a great number of lords and knights: & the king sent to them of London/ that they should not receive the duke of Lancastre. They answered and said. They knew no cause that the duke had done/ why they should refuse him. The duke of Lancastre was at London and the earl of Derby his son/ and also the duke of york and his son johan/ earl of Rutland. The king loved the earl of Rutland beyond measure/ who dissimuled the death of his uncle the duke of Gloucestre/ & showed how he would gladly see a good peace between the parties/ & said how he knew well that his uncle died wrong oftentimes against the king. The londoners in likewise considered the great mischief that might fall in England/ by the dissension between the kings uncles & the king/ and their alliances. Also they considered/ sith the mischief was fallen of the duke of Gloucestres' death/ that there was no recovery therein. they knew well it was because the duke of Gloucestre had been to lavesse of his tongue/ and would have stirred the realm to have broken the truce between England and France. Wherefore such as were wise men in the city dissimuled the matter/ and thought it was no time to a mend it as than/ they feared the puissance of France/ and losing of their merchandise. Than began to treat and went as a mean between the king and the duke of Lancastre/ who was in many imagynations/ for the death of his brother troubled him sore. Also he saw how his nephew king richard was allied by marriage with the french king. Also the duke of Lancastre had ii of his daughters out of the land/ one queen of Spain/ another queen of Portugal/ by whom he thought he should have great aid if he made war against his nephew king richard. All things considered the duke changed his courage/ at the desire of the londoners/ and of other prelate's of England/ who were mean between the king and him/ and by their means the king was agreed with the duke/ and peace made. with that the king promised fro thence forward to be governed by the duke of Lancastre/ and to do nothing but by his counsel and advise/ which promise the king nothing fulfilled/ but was counseled by young and wild counsel/ which was to his hurt and great damage/ as ye shall here after in this history.  
THus the king of England had peace with his uncles/ because of the death of the duke of Gloucestre. Than he began to reign more fiercely than he did before. The king went and lay in Essex/ where as the duke of Gloucestre had the chief rule/ which ought to have pertaygned to Affcen his son and heir/ but the king took all/ for the ordinance in England was/ the king to have the ward of all herytours children orphelyns under the age of xxi years/ and than they to have their heritages. Thus the king took the wardship of his cousin/ the duke of Gloucestres' heritor/ and the king took the possession & profit of all the duke's land/ and kept the child with him. And the duchess of Gloucestre and her two daughters were with the queen. The duke of Gloucestr● by inheritance was constable of England the king took that office fro the right heir/ and gave it to his cousin the earl of Rutland. The king than kept great state than ever he did: nor there had not been no king before in England that spent so much yearly by a hundred thousand nobles as he did. In like wise the king had with him the heir of the earl of Arundel/ who was beheaded at London. And because a knight that was belonging to the duke of Gloucestre called Cerbe/ spoke at a time certain words against the king and his counsel/ he was taken and beheaded. Sir johan of Quynghay was in great apparel/ but when he saw that the matters went so diversely as they did/ he dissimuled as much as he might/ and departed fro the duchess of Gloucestres' house/ and went and dwelled in other places. ¶ In those days there was none so great in England/ that durst speak against any thing that the king did or would do. He had counsel meet for his appetite/ who exhorted him to do what he list. The king kept still in his wages ten thousand archers night and day/ that waited on him/ for he reputed himself not perfectly sure of his uncles/ nor of the lineage of Arundel. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ Of the great assemble that was made in the city of reins/ as well by the emperor as of the realm of France/ on the state of holy church. Cap. CC.xxvii.  
THe same season there was a great assemble of great lords in the city of reins/ what of lords of the empire and of France/ to the intent to bring the church to a peace and rest/ for the french king did so moche/ that at his request his cousin the king of Almaigne came to the city of reins with his counsel/ and because they would not have it brewted that they assembled there all only for the matter by twent the pope's/ the one at Rome and the other at Auygnon/ they made it to be noised that they came thither to treat for a marriage of the son of the marquis of Blancquebourge with the daughter of the duke of orleans. This Marquis was brother to the king of Almaigne. The french king lay at the archbishop's palace and there was with him the dukes of orleans/ Berrey/ and Bourbon/ th'earl of saint paul and divers other high barons and prelate's of France. And when the king of Almaigne entered in to the city/ all the lords and prelate's (and king Charles of Naver/ who was in likewise there) went to meet with him/ and received him honourably. first they brought him to our lady church and after in to the abbey of saint Remy/ there the king of Almaigne lay and his lords about him. And it was ordained by the french king/ that what so ever the king of Almaigne spent should be at the french kings cost. The almains had every day delivered them ten ton of hearing/ for it was in Lent time/ and eight hundred carps beside other fishes/ which was a great charge.  
When the king of Almaigne came first to the french king/ all the lords went for him to saint Remy/ and so brought him to the kings palace. When these two kings met they made great honour each to other/ and great reverence/ and specially the french king/ for almains of nature are rude and gross mannered/ without it be to take their profit/ thereto they be expert and ready enough. All the lords of France and of Almaigne took acquaintance each with other/ with loving words and countenance/ and the french king made the king of Almaigne and his company a great dinner/ at one table there sat/ first the patriarch of Iherusalem/ than the king of Almaigne & the french king/ and the king of Naver/ there sat no more at that table. At the other tables sat the lords and prelate's of Almaigne: No lord of France sat that day/ but served. To the kings board the meat was brought by the dukes of Berrey & of Burbone/ the earl of saint paul/ and by other great lords of France. The duke of orleans set every man down. Vessel of gold and silver ran plenteously through the palace/ as though it had been but of wood or earth/ it was a sumptuous dinner. And as I was informed the french king gave to his cousin the king of Almaigne all the vessel and plate of gold and silver/ that was served that day in the palace at the dresser or elsewhere/ and all other hangings and habylymentes in the hall and chamber/ whereunto the king retrayed after dinner/ and spices and wine taken. This gift was praised and valued to two hundred thousand florayns/ and more over there was given to the other almains/ great gifts and goodly presents of vessel and plate of gold and silver/ whereof the strangers that were there had great marvel of the state and puissance/ & great riches of the realm of France. These kings thus abiding in the city of reins/ their counsels met together divers times on the matters that they came thither for/ as well for the marriage of the duke of Orlyaunces daughter with the Marquis of Blancque/ bourges son/ as for the reformation of the church. At last the marriage was concluded and openly published through the city/ but as for the matter concerning the pope's/ there was nothing known thereof out of the counsel/ for all that was concluded in the counsel was kept secret. afterward I was informed/ how it was agreed that master Peter Daylly bishop of cambray/ should go in legation fro the french king and fro the king of Almaigne to Rome/ to him that was called pope Bonyface/ that he should submit himself to have a new election of a pope/ and in likewise to the other pope at Auygnon. And if so be that any of them would not agree thereto/ to abide the order of these two kings he to be dysgrated & all rights of the church to be kept fro him/ and the french king to comprise to his agreement his son in law the king of England/ and the king of scots/ king Henry of Spain/ king johan of Portugal/ king Charles of Naver/ and the king of Arragon. and the king of Almaigne should comprise his brother Joys king of Hungry/ and all the realm of Boesme and Almaigne to Pruce. And it was ordained that when this bishop of Cambrey was returned fro the summoning of these two pope's/ than he to go in to all the said realms their alyes. Thus these two kings swore to hold without variation or let. Thus ended their counsel at that tyme. The kings and lords departed amiably/ and every man took leave and departed and went home.  
AT this counsel at reins the duke of Burgoyne was not nor would not be● for he said before that it was but a pain/ and a thing lost to give any thing to the almains/ for they keep no promise nor covenant/ how be it for all the duke's words there was nothing left/ for the matter went forth as ye have herd. And anon after the bishop of cambray made him ready/ and took his way to Rome. Also the french king sent a great ambassade in to England to see the king and the queen/ and to show them of this matter/ and so they did. And when they returned they showed the french king how the king of England would take the same way that the king of Almaigne and the French king would do. So they were all concluded if need were to be as neuter. Thus this matter stood in this case. King Charles of Naver who was in France to see the king his cousin/ trusting to recover his heritage of Normandy & of the county of Ewrus/ the which the French king had taken fro him/ as ye have herd here before/ but he could not attain thereto by no means/ what so ever he showed or said. And when the king of Naverre saw that he lost his pain and laboured in vain/ he took the matter in great displeasure/ & took his leave as soberly as he could/ not well content with the french king nor with his counsel/ and so returned in to the realm of Naverre. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of them and speak of other accidents that fell in England/ whereby followed so great evil/ that the like hath not been written of in this history/ here followeth the entry and beginning of the matter. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the earl Martial in England apealed by gage of utterance the earl of Derby/ son to the duke of Lancastre/ in the presence of the king and his counsel. Cap. CC.xxviii.  
king Richard of England had a condition that if he loved a man/ he would make him so great and so near him that it was marvel to consider/ and no man durst speak to the contrary. and also he would lightly believe/ sooner than any other king of remembrance before him. and such as were near about him and in his grace/ took no ensample of other that had been great with the king before them/ as the duke of Ireland/ who was put out of England/ and also sir Simon Burle who by reason of such counsel as he gave to the king/ he was beheaded/ and sir Robert Trevylyan/ & sir Nycholas Bramble and other that had been of the kings counsel/ wherefore they suffered death/ for the duke of Gloucestre did all his pain to destroy them/ and yet finally he lost his life/ as ye have herd. whereof such as were than about the king was nothing sorry/ whereby some that were about the king rose in to such pride that it was marvel/ and in so much that they could not colour nor hide it/ and specially the earl Martial/ who was as great in the kings favour as might be/ and to the intent to please the king and to flatter him/ he made the king believe that he was a true faithful and a secret servant/ and that he could not endure to here any word spoken against the king/ and told the king many things to have the kings love/ how be it often times a man thinketh to be advanced/ and is pulled back/ and so it fortuned of the earl Martial/ I shall show you how.  
ye must know that the earl of Derby and the duke of Gloucestre deed/ had to their wives two sisters/ daughters to the earl of Herforde and of Northampton/ constable of England. so the children of the earl of Derby and the duke of Gloucestre were cousin germans by their mother side/ and within a degree as near of kin by their father's side. To say troth the death of the duke of Gloucestre was right displeasant to many great lords of England/ and often times they would speak and murmur thereat/ when they were together/ and the king than was so high upon the wheel that no man durst speak/ but the king knew it/ for he had caused to be spoken abroad in the realm that/ what so ever he were that spoke any word of the duke of Gloucestre or of the earl of Arundel/ he should be reputed as a traitor/ wherefore the people durst not speak. And on a day the earl of Derby and the earl Marshal communed together of divers matters/ at last among other they spoke of the state of the king and of his counsel/ such as he had about him and believed them/ so that at the last the earl of Derby spoke certain words which he thought for the best/ weening that they should never have been called to rehearsal/ which words were nouther vylenous nor outrageous/ for he said thus. Saint Marry fair cousin. what thinketh the king our cousin to do? will he drive out of England all the noble men/ within a while there shallbe none left? it seemeth clearly that he willeth not the augmentation of his realm. The earl marshal gave none answer/ but dissimuled the matter/ and took it that he spoke against the king/ and thought in himself that the Earl of Derby was right likely to make great trouble in England/ because he was so great with the londoners/ and the devil was ready to stir his brain/ and that thing that shall fall can not be eschewed.  
SO he thought to show this matter to the king/ when noble men should be present/ and on a day to please the king/ he said. Right dear sir/ I am of your lineage/ and am your lyege man and marshal of England/ Wherefore sir/ I am bound to you by mine Alliegeaunce/ and oath sworn my hands in yours/ that I should be in no place hearing/ any thing contrary to your majesty royal/ and should keep it secret/ I aught to be reputed as a false traitor/ which I will not be/ for I will truly acquit me against you/ and all the world. The king looked on him/ and demanded and said. Why say you these words/ we will know it? My right redoubted sovereign lord quoth the earl Martial/ I say it because I can not suffer any thing that should be prejudicial or against your grace. sir cause the earl of Derby to come before you/ and than I shall show you more. Than the earl of Derby was sent for/ and the king commanded the earl Martial to stand up/ for he was on his knee while he spoke to the King. And when the earl of Derby was before the king/ who thought none evil/ than the earl Marshal said. Sir earl of Derby/ I say to you/ ye have thought evil and spoken otherwise than ye ought to do/ against your natural lord the king of England/ when ye said that he was not worthy to hold land or realm/ saying without law or justice/ without counsel of any of his noble men/ he distourbeth his Realm/ and without title or good reason putteth out of his realm and destroyeth them/ who ought to aid and sustain him wherefore here I cast my gage and will prove with my body against yours/ that ye are an evil false traitor. The earl of Derby was sore abashed with those words/ and stepped back a little and stood still a season without demanding of his Father or of any other what answer he should make. When he had studied a little he stepped forth with his cap in his hand/ and came before the king and the earl Martial/ and said. earl Martial/ I say thou art an evil and a false traitor/ and that I shall prove/ my body against thine/ and in that quarrel here is my gauge. th'earl Marshal when he heard how he was apealed showed how he desired the battle. With that the earl of Derby answered and said. I set your words at the kings pleasure/ and other lords that be here/ and I turn your words to a mock and mine to be true. Than each of these earls drew to their company and lineage/ so that the manner of taking of wine and spices was let pass/ for the king showed himself to be right sore displeased/ and so entered in to his chamber/ and left his two uncles without and all their children/ and the earls of Salysbury and Huntyngdon his brethren. Than anon after the king sent for his uncles/ and entered in to his chamber. then the king demanded of them what was best to do in this matter. Sir quod they cause your constable to come before you/ and than we shall show you our opinions. Than the earl of Rutland who was constable was sent for/ and when he was come/ than he was commanded to go to the earl of Derby and to the earl Martial/ and to take surety of them/ that they go not out of the realm of England without the kings licence. The constable did as he was commanded/ and than returned again to the kings chamber.  
YE may well know this matter greatly troubled the court/ and many lords and knights were sore disposed of that adventure and secretly they greatly blamed the earl Martial/ but he made as though he had sir nothing by the matter/ his heart was so proud & presumptuous. Thus the lords departed for that day. The duke of Lancastre what so ever countenance he made/ he was sore displeased with these words/ and he thought the king should not have taken the matter as he did/ but should rather have turned it to nothing/ and so thought the most part of all the lords of England. The earl of Derby went and lay at London/ and held his estate at his own lodging/ and there were pledges for him/ the duke of Lancastre his father/ the duke of york/ the earl of Northumberlande/ and divers other lords. And the earl Martial was sent to the tower of London/ and there held his estate. These two lords made provision/ for that was necessary for them for their battle. The earl of Derby sent his messengers in to Lombardy to the duke of milan sir Galeas/ for to have armure at his pleasure. The duke agreed to the earls desire/ and caused the knight that the earl had sent thither/ whose name was Fraunces/ to see all the duke's armoury. And when the knight had chosen such as he liked/ than the duke furthermore for love of the earl of Derby/ he sent four of the best armourers that were in Lombardy to the earl in to England with the knight/ to the intent that they should arm and make armure according to the earls intent. The earl Martial on his part sent in to almain and in to other places to provide him for that journey. The charge of these two lords was great/ but the earl of Derby was at most charge. The earl Martial when he began that business/ he thought to have had more aid of the king than he had/ for such as were near about the king said to him. Sir ye have nothing to do to meddle between these two lords/ dissimule you the matter/ and let them deal/ they will do well enough. Sir ye know well the earl of Derby is well beloved in the realm/ and specially with the Londoners/ and if they see that ye should take part with the earl Martial/ ye were like to lose their love thereby for ever. The king understood well their words/ and knew well it was true/ he than dissimuled the matter as much as he could/ and suffered them to make their provision where they list.  
THe news spread abroad in divers countries of the defiance between the earl of Derby and the earl Martial/ Many men spoke thereof in divers manners/ and specially in France. They said let them alone/ the knights of England are over proud/ at length they will destroy each other/ for it is the worst nation in the world under the son/ for in that realm dwelleth the most presumptuous people that can be. Other there were that spoke more so berly/ and said/ that the king of England showed no wisdom/ nor was not well counseled/ when for wild words he to suffer such two noble men of his blood to enterprise arms in defiance/ he should rather when he heard the words first/ have said to them both. ye are two lords of my blood and lineage/ wherefore I command you both to be in peace/ and let nouther hate nor rancour engender between you/ but be friends/ lovers and cousins together/ and if this land can not content you/ go in to what country ye will/ and seek adventures of arms there. If the king had said those words and appeased these lords thus/ than he had done wisely. The duke of Lancastre was sore disposed in his mind to see the king his nephew miss use himself in divers things/ as he did. he considered the time to come like a sage prince/ and sometime said to such as he trusted best. Our nephew the king of England will shame all or he cease: he believeth to lightly evil counsel who shall destroy him/ and simply (if he live long) he will lose his realm/ and that hath been gotten with moche cost and travail by our predecessors and by us: he suffereth to engender in this realm between the noble men hate and discord/ by whom he should be served and honoured/ and this land kept and doubted. He hath caused my brother to die/ which is one thing to be noted/ and the earl of Arundel/ because they showed him truth/ but he would not hear them nor none other that would counsel him against his appetite. He can not better destroy his realm than to put trouble and hatred between the noble men and good towns the french men are right subtile/ for one mischief that falleth among us/ they would it were ten/ for otherwise they can not recover their dommages/ nor come to their intents/ but by our own means and discord between ourself. And wese daily that all realms divided are destroyed/ it hath been seen by the realm of France/ Spain/ Naples/ and by lands of the church/ as we may see daily by the two pope's/ which is and shall be to their destruction. also it hath been seen by the country of Flaunders/ how by their own means they are destroyed. Also presently it is seen by the land of Frece/ with whom our cousins of Haynalt are in war/ and how the french men among themself are destroyed/ in likewise among ourself without god provide for us we shall destroy ourself/ the appearance thereof showeth greatly. Now the king suffereth that my son and heir shall do battle for a thing of nought/ and I that am his father may not speak to the contrary for mine own honour and for my sons/ for my son hath the body of a knight meet to enter in to arms against the earl Martial/ how be it take the best thereof they shall never love again together as they did before. Thus said the duke of Lancastre.  
ALl the season that these two lords did provide to do deeds of arms at utterance/ the duke of Lancastre came never at the king nor but little at his son/ and that he did for a policy/ for the Duke knew well that his son was marvelously well beloved in England/ both with noble men and with other/ and specially with the londoners/ for they had promised and said to him. Sir be ye of good comfort in this business/ for howsoever the matter turn/ ye shall scape with honour/ whether the king will or not/ or all the Marmosettes about him/ for we know well this matter is made and conveyed by envy/ to the intent to drive you out of the realm/ because ye be well beloved with many men. and if so be that ye depart in trouble ye shall enter again with joy/ for ye ought rather to rule than richard of Burdeaulx/ for they that will seek out the profoundenesse of the matter/ may well know fro whence ye came/ and fro whence he came/ whereby they may know that ye be more nearer to the crown of England than richard of Burdeaulx/ though we have made to him faith and homage/ and have held him for our king more than this twenty year/ but that was by favour and purchase of his grandfather good king Edward/ who doubted of this point that we now speak of/ and on a time great question was made between king Edward your grandfather by your father side/ and duke Henry of Lancastre your grandfather by your mother side/ the Lady Blaunche of Lancastre/ but the lords of England that than reigned appeased the matter/ for king Edward was so valiant a man and so happy in all his enterprises/ that he had the love of all his people poor and rich/ nor also your grandfather of Lancastre would nothing to the King but well and good/ and served the king in his time nobly and truly/ so that he is as yet to be commanded. These matters well considered by king richard/ he might well repent him that he is no better governed than he is. Such words these londoners spoke/ though they knew but little of the troth/ that they spoke was of a singular favour. The earl of Derby received their words well a worth/ and daily prepared for the battle/ and he desired his friends to be at that journey/ and so every man prepared himself/ according to the Earls desire.  
THe king all the season that these two lords prepared for their battle/ he had many imaginations/ whether he should suffer them to fight or not. Though he were king of England/ and more doubted than any other king before him/ yet night and day he kept about him a guard of two thousand archers/ who were paid their wages weakly/ for the king trusted not greatly in them that were next of his blood/ except his brother the earl of Huntyngton and the earl of Salisbury/ and the earl of Rutland his cousin germayne/ son to the duke of york/ who was well in the kings favour/ and certain knights of his chamber: as for all other he cared little for. When the day approached/ that these two lords should do their deeds of arms/ as they had promised/ and had every thing ready prepared. Than on a day/ certain of the kings counsel came to the king/ and demanded what was his intention/ that these two lords should do/ and said. Sir/ will ye suffer them to fight? ye truly quoth the king/ why should they not. We will see their deeds of arms. Peradventure we shall know thereby/ that we know not as yet/ & should be right necessary to know to the intent we should provide for it/ For there is none so great in England/ but if he displease me/ I shall cause him to make me amends/ For if I should any thing submit me to my subiettes/ they would soon overcome me. And I know for certaygne/ that some of them of my blood have had divers treatise together against me and mine estate/ and the most principal of them was the duke of Gloucestre/ For in all England was natte a worse head against me than he was. Now I shall have peace fro hence forward/ for I shall do well enough with all the other. But sirs/ I pray you show me why ye make this demand to me. Sir quoth they/ we are bound to counsel you. And sir/ we often times here words spoken/ that ye can not here. For sir/ ye be in your chamber/ and we abroad in the country or in London/ where many things be spoken/ which greatly toucheth you/ and us also. Sir/ it were time to provide remedy/ and so ye must do. Sir/ we counsel you for the best. How so quoth the King? Speke further and spare natte/ for I will do every thing pertaining to reason/ and minister justice in my realm. Sir quoth they/ the renown runneth through out England/ and specially in the city of London which is the sovereign city of your Realm. They say/ ye are cause of this enterprise between these two lords/ and that ye have set the earl Martial to fight with the earl of Derby.  
THe Londoners/ and divers other noble men and prelate's of the realm say: How ye take the right way to destroy your lineage/ and the realm of England. Which thing they say/ they will natte suffer. And if the Londoners rise against you/ with such noble men as will take their part/ ye shall be of no puissance to resist them. And also they have you in a marvelous suspect/ because ye be allied by marriage with the French king/ whereby ye be the worse beloved of all your people. And sir/ know for certain/ that if ye suffer these two Earls to come in to the place to do battle/ ye shall not be lord of the field/ but the Londoners/ and such lords of their part will rule the field/ for the love and favour that they bear to the earl of Derby/ and the earl Martial is sore hated/ and specially the Londovers would he were slain. And three parts of the people of England say/ that when ye hard that words first between these two earls/ that ye should have done otherwise than ye did/ and that ye should have broken the quarrel/ and have said. Sirs/ ye are both my cousins and lyegmen/ therefore I command you to keep the peace fro hens forth. And should have taken the Earl of Derby by the hand and have led him in to your chamber/ and have showed him some sign of love. And because ye died not thus/ the brute runneth/ that ye bear favour to the earl marshals party/ and are against the earl of Derby. Sir/ consider well these words that we show you/ for they be true. Sir/ ye had never more need of good counsel than ye have now. When the king heard these words he changed countenance/ the words were so quickly spoken. Therewith the king turned fro them/ and leaned out at a window/ and studied a certain space/ and than he turned again to them that had spoken to him/ who were/ the archbishop of york/ and the Earls of Salisbury & of Huntingdon his brethren/ and three other knights of his chamber/ than he said to them. Sirs/ I have well heard you/ and if I should refuse your counsel I were greatly to blame. Wherefore sirs/ consider what is best for me to do. Sir quod one of them that spoke for all. The matter that we have spoken of/ is right perilous. ye must dissimule thee matter/ if ye will have your honour saved/ and to make peace. And sir/ ye ought rather to entertain the generalty of your realm/ than the idle words of two knights. But sir/ the brute thorough out all the Realm of England is/ how the earl Martial hath greatly trespassed/ and hath renewed to many evil things/ and daily reneweth/ and the realm taketh all his words in vain/ and saith/ how that by his idle words/ he would raise a process against the earl of Derby/ and to bring the land in to trouble. First. They say it were better that he abode the pain/ and the earl of Derby to be quite. Sir/ we think that or they should arm them to meet together that ye should send to them & cause them to be bound to abide your ordinance/ in this enterprise. And when they be surely bound to abide your sentence/ than ye may give them this judgement. That within fifteen days after/ the earl Martial to avoid the realm/ without any trust ever to return again. And th'earl of Derby in likewise to avoid the realm/ and to be banished for ten year. And when he shall depart the realm (to please the people withal) release four year of the ten/ and so let him be banished for six year without pardon. This is the counsel sir that we will give you. For sir/ in no wise let them be armed one against another/ for the inconvenients that may fall thereby. The king studied a little and said. Sirs/ ye counsel me truly/ and I shall follow your counsel.  
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¶ How king Richard gave sentence/ whereby he banished out of England th'earl of Derby for ten year/ and the earl Martial for ever. Capi. CC.xxix.  
Anon after that this counsel was given to the king/ he assembled great number of prelate's & great lords of England/ and they came to him to Eltham there was his two uncles/ the duke of Lancastre and the duke of york/ The earls of Northumberlande/ of Salysbury/ and of Huntyngton. Than the king sent for the earl of Derby and the earl Martial/ and set each of them in a several chamber. The king showed how he would be a mean between them/ and how their words had greatly displeased him/ and that they were such/ that ought not lightly to be pardoned. Wherefore/ he would in all points they should submit themself/ and to abide his ordinance in that behalf. Than he ordained the constable of England/ and four other great lords/ to go to the earl of Derby and to th'earl Marshal/ to take their bonds/ to abide the kings ordinance. These lords came to the said earls/ and showed them the kings pleasure/ and how the king would take the matter on him. So they bound themself to abide the kings order. Than the king said. I ordaygne and command/ that the earl Martial/ because he hath brought this Realm in to this trouble/ by reason of his words/ wherein he can not make proof. That he ordain himself to avoid this realm of England/ and go dwell in what place he list out thereof. And that he be banished in such wise/ that he never return again. And also I ordain/ that the earl of Derby our cousin/ because he hath displeased us/ and that he is the chief cause of the banysshment of th'earl Marshal. That within this fifteen days he avoid the Realm of England/ and to be banished for ten years without returning/ except we repeal him again/ the which shall always lie in our pleasure.  
THis sentence greatly contented the lords that were there present/ and they said/ the earl of Derby may well enough go and sport him out of the realm/ for two or three years. He is young enough. Though he have been sore travailed in his days in far countries/ as in to Pruce/ and to the holy Sepulchre/ to Cayre and to saint Katheryns mount. So he may do yet/ go some other voyages to pass the time/ if he list/ he knoweth will enough whider to go. he hath two sisters/ one queen of spain/ the other queen of Portugal/ He may well pass the time with them. and also as now there is no war. When he cometh in to spain/ he may move them to make war upon the saracens/ and to make a voyage in to Granade/ whereby he may better employ his time/ than abiding in England/ or else he may go in to Heynaulte to his brother and cousin the Earl of Ostrenaunt/ who will receive him with great joy/ and retaygne him/ for he hath war with the Fresons. and in Haynaulte he may daily here news out of England and fro his children. He can natte go amiss go where he will. And the king may repeal him again by good means/ when it shall please him/ for he is one of the fairest flowers in his garland. He shall not be long absent/ if the king purpose to have the love of his people. But the earl Marshalle is in a far worse case/ for he is banished without hope/ for ever to return again. And to say the truth/ he hath well deserved it/ for all this mischief is come by him/ and by his words. Thus divers knights and squires of England talked together/ one with another/ the same day that the king gave the said judgement.  
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¶ How the earl of Derby departed fro London to go in to France/ and the earl Martial went in to Flaunders/ and so in to Lombardy. Cap. Cc.xxx ⸪ ⸪  
When these two Earls saw what sentence the king had given them/ they were right sore pensive/ and good cause why. The earl Martial sore repent him of that he had said and done. For when he began the matter/ he thought otherwise to have been borne out by the king/ than he was. For if he had known as much before/ he would never have begun the matter. When he saw there was no remedy/ he made him ready/ and made his exchange fro London to Bruges/ and so came to calais/ where as he had been captain/ and there took his leave and so went to Bruges/ and there tarried a fifteen days/ & than to Gaunt/ and so to Maynges/ and finally to cologne. ¶ Let us leave speaking of him and speak or the earl of Derby/ who prepared himself in likewise to depart out of England/ according to the kings sentence.  
When his day of departure approached he came to Eltham to the king/ where as the duke of Lancastre his father was/ and the duke of york with them/ the earl of Northumlande/ and sir Henry Percy his son/ with a great number of other knights and squires of England/ such as loved him. And were sore displeased of the fortune/ that he must avoid the realm. These lords came thither to see what end the king would make in the matter/ of whose coming the king made semblant to be right joyful/ and made them great cheer/ and held a great court. Also there was the earl of Salisbury/ and the earl of Huntyngton brother to the king/ who had to his wife the duke of Lancastres' daughter/ and sister to the earl of Derby. These two lords came to th'earl of Derby/ I know not if they dissimuled or not. At the earls departing/ the king humiled him greatly to his cousin of Derby/ and said As god help me/ it right greatly displeaseth me/ the words that hath been between you and the Earl Marshalle. But the sentence that I have given is for the best/ and for to appease thereby the people/ who greatly murmured on this matter. Wherefore cousin/ yet to ease you somewhat of your pain/ I release my judgement fro ten year to two year. Cousin/ take this a worth/ and ordyne you thereafter. The earl answered and said. Sir/ I thank your grace/ and when it shall please you ye shall do me more grace. All the lords that were there/ were well contented with the king/ as for that tyme. Than every man departed/ and some went to London with the earl of Derby. The Earl made all his provision at Dover to pass to calais. And the earl being at London/ or his departure/ was counseled by his father for to go straight to the French king/ and to his cousins in France/ And according to his father's counsel so he died/ or else he would have gone to the earl of Ostrenaunt his brother and cousin. When the Earl departed fro London/ there were in the streets more than forty thousand men/ weeping and crying after him/ that it was pity to here. And some said. O gentle earl of Derby/ shall we thus leave you? This Realm shall never be in joy/ till ye return again: But the day of return is very long/ for envy/ falsehood and treason/ hath put you out of this Realm/ where as ye ought to abide rather than many other. For ye are of such lineage/ and of so noble blood/ that none ought to be compared to you. And gentle earl/ why shall we leave you? ye never died nor thought evil.  
THus men & women piteously spoke He was not conveyed out of the city with instruments/ but with lamentable weepings. And some said secretly. Consider the order of these people/ what displeasure they take for a small occasion. Who so ever would stir the Londoners to rise against the king/ he might than go seek further: & fly out of the realm/ rather than the earl of Derby. but it is as now no time/ sith the duke of Lancastre his father suffereth if/ we must needs suffer it. The mayre of London and a great number of the chief burgesses/ accompanied th'earl of Derby out of the city. Some road to Dartforde and some to Dover and saw him take shipping/ & than they returned. And the earl of Derby or he came to Calais/ he had sent a knight and an herald to the French king/ and to his brother the duke of orleans and to the kings uncles/ the dukes of Berrey/ of Bourbon and of Burgoyn/ to know the kings pleasure/ if he would suffer the Earl to abide at Paris/ and to keep there his house/ & to pay for every thing that he or his men should take: To this request the French king and his uncles lightly agreed/ and showed that they were right joyful of his coming/ and said/ how they were right sorry of the earls trouble. These messengers returned to Calais/ and fowde the earl ready there. The french king sent sir Charles of Hangers to open all the cities and towns between Calais and Paris/ to receive th'earl and his company. Thus the earl of Derby departed fro calais and took the way to amiens/ and in every place he was well received.  
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¶ How the lord Guillyam earl of Ostrenaunt sent to his cousin th'earl of Derby certain messengers/ and how th'earl came to Paris/ & how he was received. Capi. CC.xxxi.  
THe earl of Ostrenaunt being at Quesnoy/ assoon as he knew that his Cousin the earl of Derby was passed the See/ and was come to Calais. He ordained sir auncel of Trassagetes and sir Fierebras of Vertayne/ to ride to Calais/ and to desire the earl of Derby to come in to Heynaulte to sport him/ and to abide there a season/ promising him to have good cheer. These two knights departed fro Quesnoy/ and road to Cambrey and to Bapames/ for they heard news/ that the earl was departed fro Calais/ and had taken the way to Amayence/ and so to go to Paris. These two knights met him by the way. They spoke with him and died their message/ so that the Earl thanked them/ and also his cousin that had sent them to him. and than he excused himself/ and said how he had made his provision to go in to France as at that time to the French king and to his cousins of France/ but he would not renounce the courtesy that his cousin of Heynalt had showed him. Than these two knights departed and returned/ and showed th'earl of Ostrenaunt what they had seen and done. And th'earl of Derby and his company road so long that he approached near to Paris. When the king and the duke of orleans and his uncles knew that the earl of Derby came to Paris. he prepared his chambers in his place of saint Poule richly to receive th'earl/ and caused all lords to issue out of the city to receive him: and the king tarried at the house of saint Poule. First met him the duke of Berrey and the duke of orleans/ and than the duke of Burgoyne and the duke of Bourbon/ and other noble prelate's lords & knights. At the meeting there was friendly cheer/ and so in good order they entered in to Paris with great joy. The same day one great misfortune fell/ there was a squire named Boniface mounted on a great coursar/ which horse rose upright upon his hinder feet and fell backward/ and the squires head light upon the stones/ that his head clove a sunder and so died/ of whose death the duke of orleans was right sorry/ for he loved him entirely/ and so died the lord of Coucy in his days/ for he brought him in to Frunce out of Lombardy.  
THus they came to the house ofsaynt Poule where the king was/ who received the earl nobly/ and th'earl was sage and wise/ and knew much of that pertained to honour. He made his reverence and acquainted him with the king after good manner/ so moche/ that he greatly pleased the king/ and for good love he gave the earl his devise to wear/ the which the earl received joyfully. The words that were between them I can not tell/ but all was well. And after taking of spice and wine/ the earl took leave of the king/ and than went to the queen in the same house/ and she made him joyous cheer. Than after the earl departed and took his horse to go to his lodging/ and so was conveyed thither. Thus passed the time/ and the lords of France died often times keep him company/ and caused him to pass the time with sports and otherwise/ to the intent he should think the season the shorter/ because he was out of his own nation. ¶ Now let us leave speaking of the earl of Derby/ and somewhat speak of the ordinance of the Church of the two pope's/ Benedic being at Avignon/ and Bonyface at Rome.  
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¶ How the treaty that had been at Reynes/ between the French king and the king of almain/ concerning the unity of the church was followed. And how the bishop of Cambrey was sent by the said king to Rome and to Auygnon/ to them that wrote themself pope's/ to th'intent that they should depose themselves fro their papalytes/ and submit them to the order of these two kings. Capi. CC xxxii  
YE have herd here before/ how that king of Almaynne and the king of France/ & the lords of th'empire and their counsels had been at the city of reins/ and there they had divers secret counsels. and their entencion was/ to bring the church in to a perfit unite/ for to follow the way that the church held as than. The error was to great. And also ye have herd how master Peter de Ailly bishop of Cambrey/ was sent in legation to Rome to speak with pope Boniface. he sped him so in his journey that he came to Foundes/ and there found pope Boniface/ and to him he delivered his letters of credence/ directed fro the kings of almain and of France. The pope received them/ and the bishop right meekly. The pope knew well part of his message. Than the bishop declared the cause of his coming. When the pope had well heard him he said/ How the answer lay not all only in him/ but also in all the cardy nalles that had chosen him pope. but he said when he had spoken with them by deliberate counsel/ than he would make such answer that he trusted to content them. This answer was sufficient for that tyme. The bishop dined that day in the pope's palace/ and certain Cardynalles with him. Than after the pope departed fro Foundes and went to Rome/ and there the pope assembled a convocation of the cardinals in his palace beside saint Peter's church. In this consistory there were none but the pope and his cardinals/ And there the pope showed the request that the king of almain and the French king had made him by the bishop of Cambrey/ & there he demanded counsel what answer he should make. there were than many reasons alleged/ for it seemed right contrary to the cardinals to put down that they had made/ they said it should be greatly to their shame and rebuke Than they said to the pope. Holy father/ to cause these kings to be in a good hope/ that ye will obey to thee/ ye must somewhat dissimule the matter/ and say how ye will gladly obey to all thing that the king of almain/ the king of Hungry/ and the king of England will counsel you unto. So that he that is in avignon/ who writeth himself pope Benedic/ whom the French king and the frenchmen uphold in his error/ that he depose him of the name of papality. And than where so ever it shall please the said kings to appoint a conclave/ ye will be ready and all your brethren the cardinals. This counsel pleased well pope Boniface. This was the special and general answer that the bishop of Cambrey had. And when the romans understood that the kings of almain and of France/ had sent to their pope their ambassade/ to have him to leave his papality/ anon there multiplied great murmuration/ through the city of Rome. And the romans doubted greatly to lose the pope's siege/ which was yearly to them a great profit. For all pardons that should be two year after/ the vantage thereof should grow to the city of Rome. and against that pardon they had made great provision/ wherefore they doubted lest it should have been lost/ which should greatly have been to their prejudice. Than the most notablest persons in Rome assembled together/ and came to the Pope and showed him more sign of love/ than ever they had done before/ and said. Holy father/ ye are the true pope/ therefore lose not your heritage and patrimony of the church/ the which was saint Peter's. take never counsel to the contrary/ but abide still as pope. For who soever be against you/ we shall abide with you/ and jeopardy our bodies and goods/ to defend you in your right. The pope answered and said. My well-beloved children be of good comfort/ and be well assured/ that I will abide as pope/ for any treaty of king or kings to the contrary. Thus the romans were contented and appeased/ and returned to their houses. The pope's answer was always to the bishop of Cambrey/ that when he perceived clearly that Benedic deposed himself/ than he said/ he would be ordered by the said kings. So the bishop returned and came in to almain/ and found the king at Convalence/ and there he showed the answer that he had at Rome. Than the king of almain said. Well. Show all this to our brother and cousin the French king/ and as he ordereth himself so shall I order me/ and all the empire. But as far as I can see/ he must begin first. And when he hath put down his pope/ than we shall put down ours. Than the bishop departed fro the king/ and road till he came to Paris/ where he found the French king. And there the bishop showed his answer which was kept secret/ till the king had assembled together more number of noble men and prelate's of his realm/ by whom he would be counseled/ how he should ꝑcede further.  
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¶ How the French king assembled the prelate's and other noble men of his realm/ with the Vniversyte of Paris/ to take counsel how they should order pope Benedic at Auygnon. Cap. CC.xxxiii.  
When the french king had herd the answer of Pope Bonyface at Rome/ and how the king of Almaigne in likewise answered/ how that first pope Benedyc must be put dowue. that done/ than he would make a convocation of prelate's and noble men of his realm/ and come to Paris. There were certain prelate's in France/ as the archbishop of Reins sir Guy of Roye/ and the archebyssoppes of Rone and Sens/ and the bishops of Paris/ of Beavoys/ and of Anxex/ they had sore sustained the opinions of pope Benedyc at Auygnon/ and specially of Clement/ because he was advanced by their means. These six prelate's were not called to the king in this counsel/ but other prelate's and the university of Paris. And when the bishop of Cambray had showed before them all/ how he had sped at Rome/ and the answer that pope Bonyface and his cardinals had made him/ and the answer of the king of Almaigne/ than they entered in to counsel/ and it was a greed/ that the unyversite should have the greatest voice. Than it was determined by the university that the king should send sir Bouciquant his marshal in to the parties of avignon/ and to do so much by treaty or otherwise/ that Benedic should leave his papality and to ordain himself in all points by the king and his counsel. and that the church in all the lymytations in the realm of France should be as neuter/ till the church were brought in to perfit unite/ and that done/ than every thing to return to the true right. This counsel was thought good and was accepted of the king and all other. Than the marshal of France and the bishop of Cambray were ordained to go to avignon. They departed fro Paris/ and road till they came to Lions on the river of Rosne/ and the● they two departed asondre/ for it was ordained that the marshal should tarry there still till he herd tidings fro the bishop/ who road forth and so came to Auygnon. There were some of the cardinals that knew well wherefore he came/ but they dissimuled the matter to know what pope Benedic would say. when the bishop of cambray had refreshed him at his lodging/ & had changed his apparel/ than he went to the pope's palace/ and when he came in the pope's presence he made his reverence but not in such wise as he ought to have done/ if he had taken him as pope/ as other men did/ and yet he made him bishop of Cambray/ but that promotion he had by the means of the lords of France. Than the bishop of Cambray who was well languaged/ both in latin and in french/ spoke and showed how he was sent thither fro the french king and fro the king of Almaigne/ and so began his process/ and when the bishop came to the utterance of the matter/ how the pope should resign and depose himself fro the papal dignity/ and that he that was at Rome should do likewise. With those words the pope began to change colour/ and lift up his voice and said. I have endured great pain & travail for the church/ and by good election I was created pope/ and now to depose myself/ that shall I never do during my life. and I will that the french king know that for all his ordinance I will do nothing thereafter/ but I will keep my name and papality till I die. Sir quoth the bishop of Cambray/ saving your grace/ I took you for more prudent than I now find you. first demand counsel of your brethren the cardinals/ and than make answer/ for you alone can not make no resistance against them if they agree to this opinion/ nor ye are not able to resist the puissance of the kings of France and Almaigne. Than two cardinals that were there such as the pope had made before/ they perceiving the matter not likely to do well/ rose and said to the pope. Holy father/ the bishop of Cambray speaketh well/ sir we desire you do herein after his counsel. Well quoth the pope I am content. So they departed for that time/ and the bishop went to his lodging/ and went not to see any cardinals/ but dissimuled himself. The next day be times the bell swooned to the consistory/ and than there was a convocation of all the cardinals that were at juygnon. They all assembled at the palace/ and entered in to the consistory/ and thither was called the bishop of cambray/ who in latin showed at length his message/ and the cause of his coming thither. When he had said than he was answered/ how the pope should take counsel to answer/ and in the mean time he to depart out of the house/ & so he did/ and in the mean season Benedic and his cardinals counseled together/ and were long debating of the matter/ and many thought it heard and a contrary matter to put down that they had created. than the cardinal of amiens spoke and said. lords/ whether we will or not/ it must behove us to obey the French king and the king of Almaigne/ sith they be conjoined together/ for without them we can not live/ how be it we should do well enough with the king of Almaigne if the french king would take our part/ but it is otherwise/ for he commandeth us to obey/ or else he will stop fro us the fruits of our benefices/ without the which we can not live. True it is holy/ father that we have created you as pope/ on the condition that to your power ye should aid to reform the church/ and to bring it in to perfit unyon/ and this ye have always said and maintained/ therefore sir answer atemperately/ and in such manner as we may praise you/ for sir ye ought better to know your own courage than we. Than divers other of the cardinals said/ sir the cardinal of amiens sayeth well and wisely/ wherefore sir we pray you all in general/ that ye will speak/ and show us what ye will do. Than Benedyc answered and said. The unyon of the church I desire/ and I have taken great pain therein/ but sith god of his devyue grace hath provided for me the papality/ and that ye have chosen me thereto/ as long as I live I will be pope/ and I will not depose myself neither for king/ duke/ earl/ nor other treaty/ nor by no process nor means/ but that I will abide pope. Than the cardinals rose up all together with great murmuring/ some said he had spoken well/ and some said contrary. Thus they differed and were in discord. The most part departed out of the consistory/ and took no leave of the pope/ and returned to their lodgings. Some such as were in this pope's favour tarried still with him. When the bishop of Cambray saw how they departed in such manner/ he knew well they acorded not well/ and therewith advanced himself/ and entered in to the consistory/ and so came to the Pope while he sat still in his see/ and without doing of any great reverence said. Sir give me mine answer/ sith ye have had your counsel about you/ ye aught to give me mine answer that I may return. This pope Benedic who was in great displeasure for the words that the cardinal of amiens had spoken/ said. bishop of Cambray I have counsel of divers of my brethren the cardinals/ who hath created me in to the dignity papal/ and have received all the solemynytyes thereto belonging/ and am written and named pope by all my subjects/ and as pope I will abide as long as I live/ I will not do the contrary to die in the pain/ for I have done no cause why to lose it/ and say to our son of France/ that hither unto I have taken him as a good catholic prince/ but now bysynister means if he will enter in to great error/ he will repent it. I pray you to say to him fro me/ that he be well advised how he inclineth to any thing that should trouble his conscience. Therewith this Benedic rose out of his chair/ and went in to his chamber/ and certain cardinals with him/ and the bishop of Cambray returned to his lodging/ and dined soberly/ and than after took his horse and passed the bridge of Rone/ and came to vile Nefe/ and at night lay at Baignoulx/ which partaygned to the Realm of France/ and he understood that sir Boucyquant marshal of France was come to port saint Andrew a nine leagues fro Auygnon. The next day thither came the bishop of Cambray/ and showed him the answer of Benedic. When the marshal understood that this pope Benedic would not obey the king his masters ordinance/ he said to the bishop. sir ye are best to return in to France/ ye have no more to do here/ and I shall execute that I am commanded to do by the king and his uncles. The next day the bishop departed and took the way to Albenoys and to pine/ and the marshal set clerks awarke to write/ and sent for knights/ squires and men of war through all the country of Viurays/ of Vyvieres'/ and Awergne to Mount pellyer/ for he had commission so to do by the king/ and also he sent to the seneschal of Beaucayre/ that he should close all the passages as well by the river of Rone as by land/ to the intent that nothing should enter in to avignon. He went himself to the pownte saint Esperyte/ and closed there the passage over the river of Rone/ that nothing should enter that way in to Auygnon. Thus the marshal daily gathered men of war/ and many came to serve him/ some for obeisance/ and some to pill and rob them of Auygnon. There came to him sir Raymonde of Thourayne/ and the lord de la B/ the lord of Tornon/ the lord of Monclave/ and the lord Duses/ so that the marshal had a great number of men. Than the marshal sent an herald to defy pope Benedic in his palace/ and all the cardinals that would take his part. This was hard tidings to the cardinals/ and to them in the city of Auygnon/ for they knew well they could not long sustain the war against the puissance of the French king/ than they determined to go and speak with the pope/ and so they did/ and showed him how they could not nor would not sustain the war against the french king/ for they said they must live and have their merchandise to go as well by land as by river. This Benedyc answered foolishly and said: sirs your city is strong and well provided/ I will send for men of war to Gennes and in to other places/ and to my son the king of Arragon/ that he come and serve me/ which I am sure he will do/ for he is bound thereto for two causes/ he is of my lineage/ and also he ought to be obeisant to the pope. Sirs/ ye are abashed of to little a cause/ go your ways and keep and defend your town/ and I shall keep my palace. Other answer the cardinals and the men of the city could not have of this Benedyc. So every man returned home. This Benedic had of long time purveyed his palace with wine/ corn/ lard/ oil and of all other things pertaining to a fortress: and also he was of his person high and cruel/ and would not be abashed for a little thing. The marshal of France departed fro pount saint spirit/ and passed with all his company by the town of Orange/ by consent of the prince of Orange/ and so entered in to the country of Venyce/ which was land parteygning to the church/ the which anon was over run/ and the men of war passed at the bridge of Sourgnes/ and so they were lords of all the river/ and the marshal tarried in the town of Sourgnes with a great number of men of war to keep the town and passage/ and also the garrison of Noues which pertained to the pope. Than the marshal went and lodged at saint Verayne near to avignon/ and his men thereabout/ and daily came thither men of war/ so that the city of avignon was closed in before and behind by land and by the river/ so that nothing could enter nor issue without leave. for at the town of Nove without Auygnon/ which partayned to the realm of France/ was the seneschal of Beaucayre with five hundred men/ and kept the entry on that side/ and the marshal of France with two thousand men was on the other side of avignon/ and he sent to them of the city that without they would obey and open their city/ that he would burn all their wines and houses abroad in the country about to the river of Dureuse. That summoning greatly abashed the men and women within the city/ for their heritages lay without avignon unto the river of Dureuse. Than they went to counsel without knowledge of the pope/ and they called to their counsel certain cardinals/ as the cardinal of amiens/ of Poictours'/ of Newcastle/ of Vivyers/ and divers other. Than such as had most to lose showed these cardinals how the marshal of France had threatened them to brinne their wines and their houses/ and all this had caused the french king/ against whom they could not resist/ for his puissance was so near them. and all things considered/ they said they were better to obey to the french king/ than to hold their perilous opinions/ for of Benedyc they could have no aid nor comfort/ and they demanded of these cardinals if they would join and take their part. The cardinals said they were content to take their ways/ for victuals began to fail them/ and also their benefices were in the realm of France/ which they said they would not willingly lose. So they entered in to treaty with the marshal of France/ the which took such effect/ that all the men of war entered in to the city of avignon/ and it was appointed to besiege the palace/ their covenant was to do no hurt nor displeasure to the cardinals nor to none of their men/ nor to the hole body of the town. This to do the marshal promised. So they entered in to avignon/ and lodged at their ease and liberty/ and than all the passages as well by land as by water were opened/ to the intent that all manner of bytayle might come to the city.  
WHen he that wrote himself pope Benedyc/ being closed in his palace) saw that the cardinals and the men of the city had made a treaty with the marshal of France without his counsel or advise/ he was therewith sore disposed/ how be it he said that he would not submit himself/ to die in the pain/ and so he kept himself close in his palace/ which was as strong a place as any in the world/ and most easiest to be kept/ so that it be well victualed. This pope had sent letters to the king of Aragone instantly to succour him in his need/ and to send him men of war that he might be able to resist the marshal of France also he sent the king word in his letter/ that if he could get him thence fro avignon/ he would go and keep his see apostolic in Arragon/ at Parpygnon or at Barcelone. The king of Arragon saw well the pope's letters/ but he made no force of them/ and said to his counsel that were about him. What/ weeneth this priest that to sustain him and his arguments/ I shall enterprise to make war against the french king to aid him/ than I might well be reputed a fool? Sir quoth his counsel ye say truth/ ye have no need to meddle in that matter/ for sir ye may be sure the french king hath such counsel about him/ that he would make no war against him without a just cause/ let the clergy alone/ for if they purpose to live the prelate's must obey the great lords 〈◊〉 whom their rents and revenues are/ they have long kept them in peace. And also syr●he french king hath written to you all ready/ desiring you to determine you and your country to be neuter/ as he is and will be/ and sir ye were best so to do/ for my lady the queen who is the French kings cousin germayne/ is content so to be/ and so is the most part of your realm/ and the clergy in likewise/ and specially Catelone and Spain/ and sir we think it is the best opinion/ for if all christian kings do not the same the church shall never come to unite by reason of two pope's. Thus the king of Arragon and his counsel devised together/ and pope Benedic was still in his palace/ trusting to have aid of the king of Arragon/ but he was deceived/ and the marshal of France was with in the city of Auygnon/ and the palace was so kept that none could issue out nor enter in. They lived with that store they had/ for of victuals they had sufficient for two or three year/ but they lacked wood to make fire with all/ and to seethe their meat/ which made them abashed. Every week the marshal heard news fro the french king and the king fro him/ and the king commanded him that he should not depart thence till he had achieved his enterprise. Thus the pope could not issue out of the palace/ there was such watch laid on him.  
THe conclusion was/ when this Benedyc saw that he was so straightly kept/ and that fire failed him/ and other provisions daily dyscreased/ and saw that no comfort nor aid came to him fro no part/ at last he yielded/ at the request of certain of the cardinals/ and the treaty was thus/ that he should not depart out of avignon till there were made an unyon in the church/ and a certain guard was set about him/ and the cardinals and rich men of Avignon bound themself to keep this Benedyc so straight/ that they should render account of him again/ either quick or deed. Such cardinals as had their benefices in France took great pain to make this treaty and composition/ for they said all with one accord/ that they would abide with the french king. Thus this business ended at that time/ and every man departed/ and the Marshal went to Paris/ and anon after he ordained him to go in to the realm of Hungry/ for the king of Hungry had written to the french king how Lamorabaquy assembled great puissance of men of war/ of turks/ arabyes/ tartaryes/ and Syrians/ and of divers other of his sect/ to fight with him. The earl of Derby the same season being at Paris in the house of Clyssone/ near to the temple/ was willing to go in to Hungry/ which should be the less cost to the French king/ for he had every week ready paid him five hundred crowns of gold/ and the earl thought himself much bound to the french king for that grace/ and when that tidings came fro the king of Hungry in to France/ the earl of Derby intended well to that matter/ and thought in himself that voyage to be right honourable for him to pass his time there/ whereby he should the lightlier forget the time of his trouble/ and spoke to them of his special counsel/ and they counseled him to go in that voyage/ so that he knew first the duke of Lancastre (his fathers) pleasure in that behalf. Than the earl one of his knights called Dinorth in to England/ to know his father's pleasure. This knight came in to England/ and found the duke of Lancastre at a Castle a twenty mile fro London/ called Hertforde. There he showed him his sons intent. And when the duke understood the mind of the earl his son/ and the good will that he had to go in to Hungry/ to pass the time of his banyssment/ he was right well content/ and said to the knight. sir/ ye be welcome/ your words and my sons letter requireth counsels ye shall rest you here with us a season/ and in the mean while we shall take advise/ and in the while ye may go and see my sons children/ for ye must bear tidings of them to their father. Sir quoth the knight ye say true. So this knight sir Dynorth tarried a season in England.  
Now had the french king good occasion to write to the king of Almaigne and to his counsel in/ what case he had brought pope Benedic and the cardinals. The king than sent thither a noble ambassade/ as the patriarch of Iherusalem./ sir Charles of Hangers/ and other knights/ and they found the king at Strawbourgh and did their message/ wherewith the king and his counsel were well content/ and said how they would determine on that matter/ but they said/ they would gladly that the king of England should take the same way/ the which they feared should be herd to do. with this answer the ambassadors returned in to France/ and showed the king what they had done and seen. The french king than to th'intent to bring his purpose to pass/ sent again in to England to king richard/ and the messengers showed the king the cause of their coming. The king gave good hearing to the matter/ but as than he had not the prelate's of the realm nor the clergy with him/ nor were not so pliable to follow his pleasure/ as they in France to follow the pleasure of their king/ and this he showed to the french kings messengers/ how be it he said he would do his devoir/ and so he did. And so the messengers returned in to France and king richard on a day at westminster assembled all his prelate's and clergy of England/ and when they were there the king showed wisely the difference that was in the church/ and how the french king by delyberation and advise of counsel/ and by consent of the university of Paris and other clerks/ he was determined to be neuter/ and in likewise so are the kings of spain/ of scotland/ of Aragone/ and of Naver/ and how that all Almaigne/ Boesme/ and Italy/ were of the same opinion. In likewise the king of England/ desired that his realm should follow the same. When the prelate's and the clergy/ who knew nothing why they were sent for/ heard that matter they had great marvel/ and were sore abashed/ some stood still and spoke no word/ and some began to murmur and said. Our king is become french/ he intendeth to nothing/ but to dishonour and destroy us/ but he shall not. What/ would he bring us out of our believe/ he may do so moche that he shall have evil thereof/ let us not follow this opinion/ sith the french king taketh that way/ let him hold himself neuter/ and let us hold still our believe/ and let no man put it fro us/ without there be greater appearance of a surer foundation/ than we see as yet. When king richard saw the difference and murmuring of the clergy/ he caused the bishop of London to demand of all the clergy what was best to do. They all answered that the matter was so great/ that therein required great counsel and delyberation/ and so they departed/ and every man went to his lodging. And when the londoners knew the cause of that assemble/ and the request that the king had made/ they were than sore troubled against the king/ for the people of England were so firmly set on the believing on the pope at Rome/ that they would not leave it/ and said how that richard of Burdeaulx would destroy them all if he be let alone/ his heart is so french that he can not hide it/ but a day will come to pay for all/ that he shall repent him and all such as give him such counsel. What so ever the king said to have his people neuter/ they would in no wise agree thereto. And the french king was not well content with his son king richard/ in that he had not incontinent caused his realm to have been neuter/ but to say the troth/ the king was not to blame therein. And also such accidents fell soon after/ the which were so great and horrible that the like hath not been seen in all this history upon no king christian/ except of noble king Peter of Lusygnen/ king of Cyper and Iherusalem/ whom his own brother and the cypriens martyred. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the answer of thee/ Duke of Lancastre to the knight sent to him fro his son the earl of Derby/ and how the duke of Lancastre died. Cap. CC xxxiiii  
When sir Dinorth Whom the earl of Derby had sent in to England to his father the duke of Lancastre and had his answer of the duke/ and had visited all the earls lands/ and had seen his children four sons and two daughters/ than he took his leave and return in to France. His answer was/ how that the duke would not counsel the earl his son to go in to Hungry/ but when he was weary of being in France/ than rather to go in to Castle to the king there/ and to his sister/ and if he list to go further/ than to go and visit his other sister the queen of Portugal. The earl red his father's letters two times over/ and studied thereon a season. and sir Dinorth showed him that the physicians and surgeons in England said surely/ how that the duke his father had on him a perilous sickness/ which should be his death. these words greatly letted the earl to take on him any manner of voyage/ but so tarried still at Paris/ and often times he went and saw the french king/ the duke of orleans/ and the kings uncles/ and always they made him good cheer so that he was much bound to them/ and he said to the king. Sir/ ye do me so much honour and courtesy/ and show me so great sign of love/ that I know not in all my life days how to deserve it/ but if ever I come in England my lady that queen your daughter to my power shall have my service. I thank you cousin quoth the king. So it fell that about the feast of christmas/ duke johan of Lancastre/ who lived in great displeasure/ what because the King had banished his son out of the realm for so little a cause/ and also because of the evil governing of the realm/ by his nephew king richard/ for he saw well that if he long percepuered & were suffered to continue/ the realm was likely to be utterly lost. With these imaginations and other/ the duke fell sick whereon he died/ whose death was greatly sorrowed of all his friends and lovers. The king by that he showed took no great care for his death/ but soon he was forgotten. Than certain of the noble men of England saw well how the realm feblysshed/ sith the duke of Lancastre was deed/ and the duke of Gloucestre his brother slain/ and the earl of Arundel. and the earl of Derby banished/ who aught than to be duke of Lancastre by right succession. Than some said. Now we shall see what the king will do/ it is time now that he repeal home again his cousin of Derby/ and to pardon him his evil will/ though he have no cause to be disposed with him/ it were time he came and entered in to his lands as duke of Lancastre. Such words ran a broad in the Realm in divers places/ and specially in the city of London/ where the earl of Derby was a hundred times better beloved than the king/ how be it for all the words and murmuring that the king and his counsel knew of/ yet he did nothing thereafter/ but clean the contrary. He was evil counseled/ for if he had incontinent after the death of the duke of Lancastre sent for the earl of Derby/ and at his coming have friendly welcomed him home and have called him duke of Lancastre/ and have taken him as greatest parsonage in England next himself/ and have said how he would be governed in all points after his advise and counsel/ and to do nothing without his advise/ than the king had done well/ and likely to have continued his estate as king of England/ and had not received the evil fortune that fell to him shortly after/ as ye shall here after.   

¶ How the death of the duke of Lancastre was known in France. the king of England wrote in manner of joy to the French king thereof/ and wrote nothing thereof to th'earl of Derby who was the dukes son. Cap. CC xxxv  
Tidings of the duke of Lancaster's death came in to France/ & king richard of England in manner of joy wrote thereof to the french king/ and not to his cousin th'earl of Derby/ how be it the earl knew it as soon as the French king or sooner/ by such men as he had in England. Than the earl appareled him and all his men in black/ and caused his obsequy to be done right honourably/ at the which was the French king and his brother the duke of orleans/ and all the kings uncles/ with a great number of prelate's and great lords of France. For the earl of Derby was well-beloved with every man/ and many were right sorry of his trouble/ for he was a pleasant knight and an honest person/ curtess and sweet/ & meek to every man/ and every man that saw him said/ how the king of England was not well counseled/ that he repealed/ him not home again. And truly to say truth/ if the king of England had wisely regarded the matter/ and had been well counseled/ the matter had not turned against him as it died. For the earl of Derby/ after the death of his father/ was right inheritor to be duke of Lancastre/ and to have been the second person of the realm/ and by whom all the business of the realm should chiefly have passed. Also the king and his counsel ought to have considered/ how often times the people of England had stirred and murmured against him: and should have known/ how he was not very well-beloved of the people/ nor of some knights/ & other: and how that in the duke of Gloucesters days/ he was often times in danger of his person. As when the Londoners and the counsels of divers good towns in England came to him to Eltham/ and there made their requests/ that all subsidies and ayes given and granted within twenty year/ should have been frustrate and fordone/ or else they were determined by the consent of the duke of Gloucestre/ and other noble men of the Realm/ to have taken the king and to have set another to have reigned in his place/ and to have put the king and the Queen in to a place/ and so to have had meat and drink as long as they had lived. In so much/ that the duke of Gloucester had desired a nephew of his/ son to the daughter of the duke of Clarence/ who was called johan earl of March: That he would have taken on him the charge and governing of the realm/ and that they would have made him king. But the same earl excused himself honestly therefro. All these things were appeased and laid down/ by the wise sad means and prudence of the said duke of Lancastre/ father to this said earl of Derby.  
IF king Richard had wisely considered all these mats/ he had reigned in greater ꝓsperite than ever he did before. King Richard knew all this well enough/ and so by evil counsel the king caused by colour of love/ the duke of Gloucestre to be taken and led to calais/ where he was strangled and murdered. Whereof great brute was through out all the realm with great grudge and murmurations/ so that it was at the point to have deposed the said king Richard. How be it the duke of Lancastre like a sage and a prudent price for all that the duke of Gloucestre was his brother/ and that the murdering of him touched him near to his heart. All things consyred/ and that he could not recover again his brother/ wisely and amiably he appeased all these matters. And the king his nephew more feared in England than he was before. All this the king ought to have considered/ and specially how th'earl of Derby was better beloved with the people/ than any other man within the realm. All these things wisely considered after the death of the duke rf Lancastre/ the king should have repealed th'earl of Derby again in to the Realm/ but the king had no mind so to do/ for he did clean the contrary/ for incontinent he sent his officers in to all the duke of Lancaster's lands and took the profits thereof to himself/ and said/ that as long as th'earl of Derby stood as a banished man/ that he nor none of his should receive any revenues of any lands within the realm of England. And moreover (whereof the king was greatly blamed of such as loved the earl and his children) The king gave away lands pertaining to the heritage of the duchy of Lancastre to some of his servants/ such as asked them for the which cause/ many knights & other in England spoke and said. The king showeth well that he oweth no good will to his cousin the earl of Derby/ sith he will not repeal him home again: and suffer his lands to be given away/ where as th'earl and his children should be great members in England/ & a good staff for the king to lean by. But he doth the contrary/ for he driveth him away/ & so will keep him in this danger and worse if he could. For he hath taken to himself his heritage/ and causeth his officers to meddle with the duke's lands/ as though they were his own. And if that poor tenants complain of the injuries done to them in their lords absence/ they can not be hard: there is none that will do them right Also it is but a small token of love/ that the king beareth to the earl of Derby and to his children/ for their heritage of Lancastre which should come to them by right inheritance/ descended fro their grandam the lady Blanch/ daughter to duke Henry of Lancastre. The king giveth part thereof away where as it pleaseth him/ & such lands as should fall to them by the right of the lady their mother/ who was daughter to the earl of Herforde and Northampton/ and constable of England. The king giveth part thereof at his pleasure. This is to much done against all right and reason/ and to the displeasure of all the noble men of England: this can not long endure unamended. Thus the prelate's/ noble men/ and commons in England communed and murmured.  
IN likewise in the realm of France/ such men of honour as herd speaking of this matter/ and had seen earl of Derby at Paris/ had great marvel thereof/ and said one to another. As we think/ the king of England hath taken to great a displeasure with his cousin the earl of Derby/ who is the greatest man in Englad next himself. He is a gracious knight/ curtess/ meek/ and treatable/ and a man good to be spoken unto. The king of England knoweth some other thing by him than we do/ or else the king is evil counseled. And it is marvel/ that the French king and his brother the duke of orleans/ and the kings uncles/ do not attemper the matter/ for the earl is daily among them. They should find best provision in this case/ for the king of England will do more for than than for any men/ because he hath married the French kings daughter. But sith they do nothing therein/ it is best we hold our peace and let it pass. As for the French king & his brother and his uncles/ thought nothing but good. They honoured and loved greatly the earl of Derby/ and desired moche his company: and they saw well he was a widower and to marry/ and that the duke of Berry had a daughter a widow of two husbands/ she was but young of a xxiii. year of age/ & was named Marry. Her first husband was Joys of Bloys who died young: and her second husband was the lord philip of Arthoys earl of Ewe/ who died in his return in Hungry: as ye have herd here before. This marriage was at appoint to have concluded/ for they in France knew well that the duke of Lancastre was a great inheritor in England/ and the French king was well pleased therewith/ because his daughter was Queen of England. for he thought that the company of those two ladies together should be great pleasure to them both/ sith they were so near of blood. And thereby the two realms of France and England/ should be the surer conjoined together in love and peace/ which was true/ if it might have been accomplished. but king Richard of England & his counsel broke all that matter/ for the fortunes of this world which are marvelous: nor a thing that shall be can not be eschewed. The which fortune of this king Richard was so marvelous/ that it is hard to think thereon. The king might well have remedied the matter if he had would/ but that that shall be shallbe. I shall show you what I johan Froissarte/ author of this history/ Herde when I was but young in England/ in a place called Bertamstede/ which as at that time pertained to the price of Wales/ father to this said king richard/ it was in the year of grace/ a thousand three hundred three score and two. And because the same time the prince and the princes should depart out of England to go in to Acqntayne to keep their estate there. King Edward his father and queen Phillyppe my masters/ and Lion duke of Clarence/ johan duke of Lancastre/ & the lord Edmonde/ who was after Earl of Cambridge and duke of york/ & their children/ were come to the said manner place/ to see the prince and princes or they departed. And as than I was of the age of xxiiii year/ and one of my said lady the queens clerks of her chamber. And as I sat on a bench I heard a knight talking and devising among divers ladies and damoselles of the queens/ and said to them. There is a book in this country called the Brust/ & many men say/ it is of marvelous prophycies. But according to that book/ the realm and crown of England should not return to the price of Wales/ nor yet to the duke of Clarence/ nor that they should be kings of England/ though they were sons to king Edward but this knight said/ that according to that book/ the crown of England should come to the house of Lancastre. The same season when this knight spoke these words/ this said Henry earl of Derby was not borne/ nor yet six year after. but yet in my days the same words took effect/ for I saw after/ the same Henry earl of Derby king of England. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of a treaty of a marriage between the earl of Derby and the duke of Berry's daughter/ and how king richard of England died let it by the earl of Salisbury. Capi. CC xxxvi  
AS soon as king richard king of England heard of the treaty of the marriage between the earl of Derby and the duke of berries daughter/ & that the parties were nerehande accorded/ he took those news to great displeasure/ and said to the earl of Salisbury in whom he had great affiance. ye must or deign you to go in to France with letters of credence/ to our father in law the French king/ and to our friends his brother & uncles. And show them fro us/ that in no wise they conclude any treaty or alliance of marriage/ with such a traitor as is the earl of Derby/ who would betray his natural sovereign lord. And for the remynaunt of the matter ye are wise enough/ do so therein that I may can you thank/ and that the marriage may be broken. The earl of Salisbury said. Sir/ I shall do right well your commandment. But sir/ if it might be broken by some other means/ or by some other person/ I require your grace it may so be. Sir quoth the king excuse you natte/ for I will and also I pray you do this message/ & whatsoever shall fall thereof I shall sustain you. Well sir quoth the earl/ sith ye command me so specially/ and that I see the matter toucheth you near I shall do it/ though I be loath thereto. ye shall go quoth the king and make haste/ or this alliance be concluded. Than the Earl prepared for his departure. The letters of Credence written and sealed/ he departed fro the king/ who was at that time at Lead/ and the Queen also. The earl made haste and came to Dover/ and so took the See and arrived at calais/ and there found the earl of Huntyngton/ who was captain of Calais and brother to the king. The Earl showed unto him all his business/ and so tarried not long at calais/ but rood to amiens and so to Paris/ and all they way that he road he had good cheer/ and was lodged at the white horse. And when he had changed him he went to the king and to the queen/ and to that other lords/ and delivered his letters of credence. When the king had read the letters/ he took the earl apart and demanded what was his credence. The earl at length showed his charge/ and named the Earl of Derby traitor against his natural lord. When the French king heard those words he was in great displeasure/ for he loved so the earl of Derby/ that he would hear none evil spoken of him/ and took the letters of credence again to the earl of Salisbury/ and said. earl/ we believe you well enough/ but our son of England is to sore moved against our cousin of Derby/ and we marvel greatly/ that his evil will contyneweth so long/ for we think he should be the better furnished if he were about him/ and to be next of his counsel. Sir quoth the earl of Salisbury/ I do but as I am commanded. That is true quoth the king/ we are not displeased with you/ & peradventure our son of England knoweth more than we do: do your message as ye were charged/ and so he died/ and to the duke of Berrey also. The duke gave none answer thereto/ but went to the king and demanded of him what news he had out of England. The king showed him all/ as the earl of salisbury had said. Upon those news the king and his uncles assembled together secretly. than the French king said. The king of England by likelihood doubteth greatly th'earl of Derby/ or else peradventure he knoweth such things as we know not/ nor can not come to our knowledge. And we ought rather to owe our favour to the king of England than to the earl of Derby/ sith the king is joined with us by marriage. And he will take it in great disdain sith we be informed of his pleasure/ if we should do the contrary/ and marry the earl of Derby to the countess of Ewe. It behoveth us rather to dissimule & keep these news secret/ till the earl of Salisbury be returned. Upon this paint the king and his uncles rested.  
When the earl of Salisbury had done his message/ he took his leave and departed. The French king was more displeased with his coming than joyful/ for he delivered again the earl of Salysbury his letters of credence/ and would not keep them/ he loved so well the earl of Derby/ who knew of the earl of Salysburies' being at Paris/ but he saw him not/ for he was departed without speaking with him and returned to calais/ and to in to England/ and showed the king of England how he had sped. When the earl or Derby knew that the earl of Salisbury was departed fro Paris/ without speaking with him/ in his mind he was sore displeased/ and thought the matter went not well. than his counsel said to him. Sir/ shortly ye shall perceive some other matters/ that ye have not herd of as yet/ though it be kept privy fro you. These Frenchmen are wise and close. It may be so/ that the king of England/ and such as be of his sect are displeased/ with that the French king maketh you so good cheer as he doth. And peradventure it is spoken in England/ how ye should marry the duke of berries daughter/ which pleaseth not the king of England/ and therefore he will do what he can to break that marriage/ and if it be so ye shall shortly here thereof.  
Look as they imagined so it was/ for within a month after the earl of Salisbury was departed fro Paris/ such of th'earl of Derbies' part as had the treaty of the said marriage in hand. They spoke again of the matter to the duke of berries counsel/ who had their charge what they should answer. They said. sirs When my lord the earl of Derby is in the kings presence/ and the duke of orleans and his uncles present/ than let my lord the earl of Derby speak himself/ for we can say no more to the matter. th'earl of Derby who thought none evil/ but thought those words had been spoken/ to the intent to have proched nearer to the point/ for the king and his counsel made him as good cheer than/ as ever they died before. The Earl thought to speak in the matter/ when he saw convenient tyme. And on a day when he saw the king and the lords together/ he began to speak of this marriage. Than the duof Burgoyne/ who had the charge to answer him said. Cousin of Derby/ we have nothing to do to give in marriage over cousin to a traitor. With that word the earl of Derby was greatly abashed/ & changed colour & said. Sir/ I am here in the kings presence/ I will answer to this. I was never traitor nor never thought treason: & if there be any person that will charge me with treason I am ready to answer/ now or when it shall please the king/ here being present. Nay cousin quoth the king/ I believe ye shall find no man in France that will challenge your honour/ for the words that mine uncle hath spoken came out of England. than the earl kneeled down and said. Sir/ I believe it well. But god defend me and all my friends/ and confound all mine enemies. The French king took up the earl/ & said. Cousin/ appease yourself/ every thing shall turn to the best. And when every thing is agreed and at peace/ than we may well speak & treat of marriage/ but first ye must take possession in the duchy of Lancastre/ for that is the usage in France/ and in divers countries on this side the See. That if a lord shall marry by the consent of his sovereign lord/ he must endow his wife. and therewith they had spices and wine/ and cessed of that communication/ and every man departed to their own lodgings.  
When the earl of Derby was come to his lodging he was sore displeased/ and not without a cause. When he/ who was reputed one of the truest knights of the world (in the presence of the french king who loved him well/ & had showed him many courtesies) should be reputed as a traitor and that those words should come out of England and brought by the earl of salisbury. He was therewith in a great melancholy/ his counsel appeased him as well as they could/ & said. Sir/ he that will live in this world/ must endure sometime trouble. comfort you for this time and be patient/ and peraventure hereafter ye shall have great joy and glory. And sir/ of all the lord on this side the see/ the french king loveth you best. and we see well he would employ his pain to bring you to joy. and sir/ ye aught to give him and his uncles great thank/ in that they kept this matter secret/ till the earl of Salisbury was departed. yea sirs quoth the earl/ I think it had been better it had been showed me in his presence/ that I might have made a sufficient excuse before that king and all the lords. thus I shall abide still in blame till the matter be otherwise declared. Sir quoth they all/ trespasses can not be amended at the first day. Sir suffer/ let the time ryn: we believe your business in England doth better than ye be ware of. The love that is in the hearts of the people in England towards you with their good prayers/ by the grace of god/ shall shortly deliver you out of all dangers. This they said to recomfort their lord/ who was sore discomforted/ and their saying was sooner true than they were ware of.  
Anon it was known in England how th'earl of Salisbury had been in France with the french king & his uncles/ and borne letters thither/ containing how the earl of Derby was falsely perjured and a traitor. Of the which divers noble men and prelate's were sore troubled/ and were nothing content with the earl of Salisbury/ and said generally/ that he was sore to blame to take on him the charge/ to bear in to France any such words/ upon as true a man as lived. A day will come that he shall repent the time/ that ever he spoke the word. ye may well know/ the Londoners were greatly displeased/ and murmured against the king and his counsel/ & said. A gentle knight earl of Derby/ great envy is there against you. It is not sufficient for the king and his counsel to drive you out of the realm/ but also to accuse you of treason/ to put you to the more shame & rebuke. Well/ every thing must have his turn. Alas quoth the people: What fault or trespass hath your children done/ that the king taketh thus away fro them their heritage/ which ought to be theirs by right succession? This thing can not long abide in this case without change/ nor we can not suffer it. Thus anon after the return of the earl of Salisbury out of France/ king richard caused a jousts to be cried and published through out his realm/ to scotland/ to be at Wynsore/ of xl knights and xl. squires against all comers. And they to be appareled in green with a white falcon & the queen to be there/ well accompanied 〈◊〉 a dies & damosels. This feast thus holden/ the queen being there in great neblenes/ but there were but few lords or noble men/ for more than ii ꝑtes of the lords & knights/ & other of the realm of England had that king in such hatred/ what for the banishing of the earl of Derby/ and the injuries that he had done to his children/ and for the death of the duke of Gloucestre/ who was slain in the castle of Calais/ and for the death of the earl of Arundel who/ was beheaded at London. The kindred of these lords came not to this feast/ nor but few other. And at the same feast the king ordained to go in to Ireland/ to enploy his men in that voyage/ and so he departed and left the Queen with her train still at Wyndsore/ and the king road to Bristol/ and there made all his provision/ and he had ten thousand knights and squires/ and ten thousand archers. when the Londoners knew that the king was going in that voyage they began to murmur/ and said among themself. Now goeth Richard of Bordeaux the way to Bristol/ and so in to yrelande/ which will be to his destruction. He shall never return again with joy/ no more than died king Edward the second his great grandfather/ who was foolishly governed by to much believing of the Spensers. In likewise richard of Burdeaulx/ hath belued so moche evil counsel/ that it can not be hidden nor suffered any lengar. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How king Richard ordained to go in to the marchesse of Ireland. Cap. CC.xxxvii.  
THere were many knights and squires in the kings company/ that should go with him in to Ireland that were not content with him/ and went in manner with an evil will/ & said oftentimes one to another. Our king governeth himself foolishly/ and believeth evil counsel. Such words were so multiplied/ that the lord Henry Percy and sir Henry his son spoke certain words/ which came to the kings knowledge and to his counsel/ and it was said to the king. Sir the words ought not to be suffered/ that the earl of Northumberlande and his son hath spoken/ for it is to set your subjects against you. It must behove you to correct all these rebels one after another/ whereby they that be greatest shall doubt you/ and take ensample. That is true quoth the king/ but than what is best to do. Sir quoth they/ they be not here with you/ but they ought to come. & when they become/ call them before you/ and than by the earl of Salisbury and by some other/ as it shall please you/ let it be rehearsed to them/ the evil words that they have spoken against you and your counsel. Than shall you here what answer they will make: and thereupon ye may taken advise/ whether ye will correct them by prison/ or other wise. Well sirs quoth the king/ ye say well/ this shallbe done. The earl of Northumberlande and his son had good friends in that army/ so that some of them knew the kings intent: And they sent such word to the earl and to his son/ that they should natte come in the kings presence/ nor to go in that journey. For they had word that if they died/ it should not be for their wealth/ but to their great damage/ for the king was sore informed against them. When they had this warning/ they stopped their coming to the king/ and not without good cause. For they were showed that & if they came/ they should be in jeopardy of their lives. When the kings counsel saw that th'earl and his son came not/ they said to the king. Sir/ now ye may see whither we died inform you of the truth or not. ye may see th'earl and his son disdaineth to serve you/ for they will not come at your commandment/ and that shall ye see if ye send for them. And I shall send for them quoth the king. Than letters were written & sent by notable messengers/ to th'earl & to the lord Henry Percy his son. The content of the letters was/ that incontinent without delay upon the sight of those letters/ that they should come to the king and do their duty/ as they were bound to do. These messengers journeyed so long/ that they came to fair castle of the earls/ standing on the fronter of Scotland. The messenger acquitted him well in doing of his message/ as he was commanded. th'earl read his letters at length/ and than showed them to his son. Than they took advise to make the messenger good cheer/ and to write again to the king in excusing of themselves/ how they could not come out of their country as at that time/ and how that the king had men enough to acomplysshe his journey beside them. The messengers returned to the king/ and delivered the earls letter. The king red it the which answer was nothing pleasant to the king nor to his counsel/ and than for this cause and for other things that were laid to the Earls charge and to his sons/ they were openly banished the realm of England/ till the king did repeal them again. This was published through out all the cities and good towns of England/ and specially in London/ whereof the londoners had great marvel/ nor they could not know justly for what cause it was/ for the earl and his son were reputed for noble and as valiant men as any within the realm. Some said/ it cometh by some of the kings counsel that hateth them/ which counsel will destroy the king at last/ peradventure the earl and his son have spoken some words upon the king and his counsel/ for the evil governing of the realm/ & could not be herd though they said the troth/ and for their true saying now they be punished/ but we think hereafter they will be punished that now judge them. Thus the londoners and other spoke of this matter. The earl had a brother a valiant knight sir Thomas percy/ who had of a long time done many noble services to the king of England. when the earl knew that he and his son were banished the realm/ he took it for an unreasonable punishment without cause. Than he sent for all his friends in the country/ such as he could get together/ for many of his lineage were with the king to go in to Ireland. The earl took counsel of them what was best to do sith the king had banished him without cause. Than he was counseled to send in to the realm of Scotland/ and to desire the king there that he and his son might abide peaceably in Scotland/ till the king of England were appeased of his displeasure. Thus th'earl sent to king Robert of Scotland/ and the king & the earl Archambalt Douglas/ and the other lords of Scotland condescended lightly to the earls desire/ & sent the earl word how they should be gladly received/ and also if they needed of five or sire hundred spears/ if they were signified of the time they should be ready to serve them. This message pleased greatly the earl and his lineage/ and so the earl tarried still in his country among his friends/ for king richard and his counsel had so moche to do in sort season after/ that they had no leisure to do any displeasure to the earl nor to his son/ as ye shall here after in this history.  
King richard thus being about Bristol/ than the state generally of all men in England began to murmur and to rise one against another/ and ministering of justice was clean stopped up in all courts of England/ whereof the valiant men and prelate's/ who loved rest and peace/ and were glad to pay their duties/ were greatly abashed/ for there rose in the realm companies in divers rowtes/ keeping the fields and high ways/ so that merchants durst not ride abroad to exercise their merchandise for doubt of robbing/ and no man knew to whom to complain to do them right/ reason/ and justice/ which things were right prejudicial and displeasant to the good people of England/ for it was contrary to their accustomable usage/ for all people labourers and merchants in England were wont to live in rest and peace/ and to occupy their merchandise peaceably/ and the labourers to labour their lands quietly/ and than it was contrary/ for when merchants road fro town to town with their merchandise/ and had other gold or silver in their purces'/ it was taken fro them/ and fro other men/ and labourers out of their houses. these companions would take wheat/ ootes/ bufes/ muttons/ porkes/ & the poor men durst speak no word. these evil deeds daily multiplied so that great complaints and lamentations were made thereof through out the realm/ and the good people said/ the time is changed upon us fro good to evil/ ever sith the death of good king Edward the third/ in whose days justice was well kept and ministered. In his days there was no man so hardy in England to take a hen or a chicken/ or a sheep without he had paid truly for it/ and now● a days all that we have is taken fro us/ and yet we dare not speak/ these things can not long endure/ but that England is likely to be lost without recovery. We have a king now that will do nothing/ he intendeth but to idleness and to accomplish his pleasure/ and by that he showeth/ he careth not how every thing goeth/ so he may have his will. it were time to provide for remedy/ or else out enemies will rejoice & mock us/ our king hath set his brother the earl of Huntyngdon at Calais/ thereby peradventure may be made some evil treaty and bargain for the town of calais with the french men/ and render in to their hands that thing that is most necessary for the realm of England/ for if calais were rendered to the French men/ England was never so abashed as it should be than/ and good cause why/ for than should be lost the chief key of England.  
THus multiplied the lamentations and murmuring in England/ and the prelate's and other rich men of the realm came to London to dwell/ there to be in the better surety. They of the lineages of such lords as the king had put to death and banished the realm/ they were glad of all this/ and would that more trouble had been in the realm/ and the citizens of London who were rich/ and lived by their merchandise as well coraunt by see as by land/ and kept thereby great estate/ and by ensample of them all the remnant of the realm lightly followed/ they saw well that as great mischief was likely to follow in the realm/ as was sometime in king Edward the seconds days/ when the lord Spencer caused the king to put out of the realm the queen Isabella and Edward her son/ and would have destroyed them/ and wist not why/ and so were out of the Realm more than three year/ but finally when the men in England and specially the londoners saw how that the king was so asotted on this sir Hugh spenser/ they provided for a remedy/ for they sent secretly to the queen Isabella that if she could get three hundred men of war/ & to come in to England/ she should find the greatest part of the realm and the londoners ready to receive her/ and to put her in possession of the realm/ whereupon the queen found the lord johan of Haynalt lord of Beaumond and of Chynay/ and brother to the earl Guillyam of Haynalte/ who what for love and pity took on him the viage to bring the queen and her son in to England with four hundred men of war/ and so arrived in England/ and by the aid of the londoners the queen achieved her enterprise/ for without their aid it would have been hard to have come to pass. and so king Edward was taken at the castle of Bristol/ and set in prison in the castle of Berkley/ and such as favoured him slain and put to execution/ and Edward his son crowned king at westminster. All this the londoners right well remembered/ for they that were young herd this reported of their elders/ and some found it in writing/ and they said secretly one to another. Our fathers and antecessours of old time provided for these great mischiefs/ and we think there was never greater cause than now at this present time/ for suffer this king richard to have his will and he will waste and destroy all/ for sith he was king there hath not been in England such prosperity as was before/ he showeth not that the prince of Wales should be his father/ for if he had/ he would have followed his conditions and have taken great pleasure in his prows/ and not to live in rest and ease as he doth/ for he loveth nothing but sport and idleness with ladies/ and to be always in their company/ and to believe men of small reputation/ and to gather great richesse/ and destroy the realm/ which things ought not to be suffered. And because that valiant man the duke of Gloucestre saw clearly that the matters in England went not as they should do by right/ and saw how daily it was worse and worse/ and because he spoke plainly thereof/ the traitors that be about the king caused him to be murdered/ and in likewise the good earl of Arundel. and have driven out of the realm that valiant young knight Henry of Lancastre earl of Derby/ by whom the realm might and ought to be counseled and sustained/ and by his four sons that he hath. And yet for more cruelty beside the damage that they cause the father to suffer out of the realm/ they dysenheryte the children/ and the heritage that was their aunts/ the lady dame Blanch of Lancastre is daily given away/ to them that are not worthy to have them. And also because the earl of Northumberlande and his son the lord Henry Percy have somewhat spoken according to reason/ king richard hath banished them/ it is well apparent that with in a short time there shall never a valiant man be left in the realm/ wherefore all will run to nought without remedy be found shortly/ and we think the best remedy were to send for the earl of Derby/ who/ loseth his season in France/ and when he is come let him have the governance of the realm/ that he may reform all evil/ and bring it in to good state/ and let them be punished that have deserved/ and let Richard of Bordeaux be taken and set in the tower of London/ and all his faults put in writing in articles/ of the which there will be found a great number/ and by that time they be examined/ it shall be seen clearly that he is not worthy to bear a crown/ nor to keep a realm/ for his own deeds shall confound him.   

¶ How the archbishop of Caunterbury was sent in to France to the earl of Derby/ fro the londoners and other counsels of England to have him to return in to England. Cap. CC.xxxviii.  
THus the londoners communded together/ and not all only they/ but also in divers other places of the realm/ but the chief murmuration that the people were in/ was by the first set ring on of them of London/ for the commons of London were as chief/ and by them lightly all other commons would be ruled/ and upon the mischief that they saw apparent in England/ they had divers secret counsels to gyther/ and with them certain prelate's and other knights of the realm/ and they concluded to send in to France for the earl of Derby/ and were determined when he were come to show him the evil governing of king richard/ and to put to him the crown and governing of the realm of England/ and so to make him king and his heirs for ever so that he will keep the realm in all good usages. Than it was thought that he that should go in that message must be a wise man and of good credence/ for they thought it should be a great matter to get the earl of Derby out of France/ for they said that for any simple words of a mean messenger/ or for any letters/ he would give no faith there to/ but rather think it should be to betray him. Than the archbishop of Caunterbury a man of honour and prudence/ was desired to do that message/ who for the common profit of the realm accorded to go at their desires/ and ordained for his departure so wisely that none knew thereof/ but such as ought to know it/ and so he took a ship at London/ and but seven all only with him/ and so past without any apparel and came to Sluse in Flaunders/ and fro thence to Ardenbourge/ and so to gaunt/ to And warp/ to Athethe in Brabant/ & to Conde/ and so to Valencennes/ and there took his lodging at the sign of the Swan in the market place/ and there tarried a three days/ and refressed himself. He road not like no bishop but like a monk pylgryme/ and discovered to no man what he was nor what he intended to do. The fourth day he departed and took a man to be his guide to Paris/ saying how he would go a pilgrimage to saint More. He did so much that he came thither where as the earl of Derby was at a place called vyncetour beside Paris. When the earl of Derby saw the bishop of Caunterbury coming to him/ his heart and spirits rejoiced/ and so did all such as were about him/ for he thought well than to here some news out of England. The bishop showed not as than the cause of his coming/ but dissimuled because every man should not know his intent/ and therefore to cover his business/ he said openly/ he was come on pilgrimage to saint Mors. All such as were about the earl thought it had been so. When the bishop saw his time he took a part the earl of Derby alone in to a chamber/ and closed the door to them. Than the bishop showed the earl the debility of the realm of England/ and of the desolation thereof/ and how justice had no place to reign for fault of a good king/ and how certain valiant men and prelate's/ with the londoners and other in general/ had devised a remedy/ and for that cause he was sent thither to him/ to desire him to return in to England/ and they would make him king/ because that richard of Burdeaulx had done and consented to be done so many evil deeds that all the people sorrowed it/ and are ready to rise against him. and therefore sir now is the time or never/ for you to seek for your deliverance and profit/ and for the wealth of your children. for if ye intend not to help yourself and them also/ none other will. for richard of Bordeaux giveth to them of his chamber & to other daily/ part of your inheritance and of your children's/ of the which many valiant men and the londoners were sore disposed therewith/ if they could amended it/ but they durst never speak till now. But because the king hath evil used himself against you and against your uncle the duke of Gloucestre/ who was taken by night and conveyed to calais and there murdered/ and the earl of Arundel beheaded without title of any good reason/ and the earl of warwick exiled/ and you banished/ and thus the realm of England is near disherited of all noble men/ by whom the realm should be sustained. And also the king hath banished the earl of Northumberlande and the lord Percy his son/ because they spoke somewhat against the kings governance and his counsel. Thus they daily increase in doing evil/ and none dare speak against it/ great part of the realm have pity thereof. and therefore they desire you to sleep no longer/ but to take leave of that french king and return in to England/ there shall you be received with joy. and all this that I have said they will firmly uphold/ for they desire to have none other king but you/ ye are so well beloved in the realm.  
When the earl had herd the bishops words at length/ he was not hasty in gyvenge of answer/ but leaned out at a window looking down in to a garden/ and studied a certain space and had many imagynations/ at last he turned him to the archbishop and said. Sir/ your words causeth me to study. Loath I would be to take on me this enterprise/ and loath I would be to leave it. for I know well that it will be long or I can return in to England/ without it be by the same means/ as ye have declared. Loath I would be to incline to your words/ for the French king here and the frenchmen do to me/ and have done/ & will do (if I list here to tarry) all the honour and courtesy that I can desire. And if so be by reason of your words and promise of the londoners my good friends/ that I should apply and agree to their wills and desire/ and that thereby king richard should be taken and destroyed/ I should in that case bear great blame/ whereof I would be tight loath/ if any other means might be found. Sir quoth the bishop/ I am sent hither to you in hope of all goodness/ call to you your counsel and show them what I have said/ and I shall also show them the cause of my coming/ and I think they will not counsel you to the contrary. That shall I do quoth the earl/ for such a weighty matter requireth counsel. Than the earl called to him his counsel such as he trusted best. When they were before him than the earl caused the bishop to show them all the matter/ and the cause of his coming thither. Than the earl demanded counsel what was best for him to do. They all answered with one voice/ sir/ god hath taken pity of you/ how so ever ye do refuse not this bargain/ for ye shall never have a better. and surely/ who so ever will inquire of your lineage/ and fro whence ye descended/ ye are of the right stock and generation of saint Edward/ sometime king of England. sir thank the londoners your good friends who will help to deliver you out of danger/ and have pity on your children/ and of the desolation of the realm of England. and sir/ remember well what wrongs and injuries this richard of Bordeaux hath done to you and doth daily. for when the marriage between you and the countess of Ewe was near at a point/ did not the earl of Salysbury break it? and called you traitor in the presence of the french king and other lords/ which words are not to be pardoned/ but ye ought to desire how to be revenged. Sir/ if ye will not help yourself/ who should help you. sir take good advise herein. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the earl of Derby took leave of the french king/ and went to his cousin the duke of Bretaygne. Cap. CC.xxxix.  
when the earl heard his counsellors so earnestly counsel him/ his spirits opened and said. Sirs/ I will do as ye will have me for to have your counsel was the intent that I sent for you. Sir quod they ye say well/ and sir we counsel you truly to our power/ and as the matter requireth. Than as secretly as they could/ they ordained for their departure. Than it was devised how they might pass the see/ or any knowledge thereof should come in to England. They devised that of two ways they must take one/ either to go into Haynalte and in to Holande/ and there take the see at Dordright/ or else to go in to Bretaygne to the duke/ and there to take the see/ and so to land at Plummouth/ or where as god would in England. All things considered/ they said the best way should be by Bretaygne/ and than they said to the earl. sir/ go and take your leave of the french king/ and thank him of the courtesy that he hath showed unto you/ and take leave of the duke of orleans/ and of the kings uncles and other/ and thank them all of the good cheer they have made you. and desire of the king to have conduct to go in to Bretaygne/ saying that ye will go see the duke your cousin/ & to tarry there a season with him. The earl accorded to their counsel/ and when he was ready he went to Paris to the king/ as he was accustomed to do/ for ever when he came there was no door closed against him. At this last time he spoke wisely to the king/ and showed him how he would go and sport him a season in Bretayne/ and to see the duke/ whom he called his uncle/ for he had had to his wife his father's sister/ daughter to King Edward. The french king thought nothing but well/ and so gave him lightly leave. Than the earl desired to have conduct to bring him thither. He granted his desire. So to make short/ the earl ordained all his business by great wisdom/ and took his leave of all the lords of France/ such as were there as than/ and he gave great gifts to the kings officers and to officers of arms/ and to minstrels/ and in the house of Clysson he made a supper to all such as would come to him. And the next day he took his horse and departed fro Paris/ and issued out at the gate of saint jaques/ and took the way to Estampes. A knight of Beawsey did guide him/ called sir Guy of Baygneux. So long they road that they came to Blois/ and there they tarried an viii days/ for the earl had sent a knight and his herald in to Bretayne to signify the duke of his coming/ as reason was.  
When duke johan of Bretaygne knew that his nephew the earl of Derby was coming thither/ he was thereof right joyful/ for he loved always the Duke of Lancastre and all his brethren/ and said to the knight that brought him word/ who was called Gillyam de la Pierre. Sir/ why doth our nephew tarry by the way/ that he cometh not hither straight? The knight excused the earl as well as he might. Well quoth the duke I saw no man this seven year that I would be gladder to see/ than my nephew the earl of Derby/ return to him & cause him to come for he shall find my country ready open to receive him. Of that answer the knight was glad/ and returned as shortly as he could/ and came to Bloys/ and showed the earl and his counsel the duke's answer. The next day they road forth and had paid for every thing/ and in the earl of Derbyes' company was sir Peter of Craon/ who was banished out of the realm of France/ and all his castles/ rents/ and revenues seized for the sum of a hundred thousand franks/ judged to the duchess of Anjou queen of Napoles/ by process of the law. Thus the earl of Derby came to Nauntes and there found the duke/ who received him nobly and all his company. Than sir Guy le Bayneux returned in to France/ and the earl tarried with the Duke of Bretaygne/ who made him as good cheer as could be devised. And all this season the bishop of Caunterbury was still with the earl and his counsel. The duke spared nothing upon the earl nor upon his men/ but showed them all the love of the world/ and yet the duke knew well the displeasure that king richard had against the earl/ whereof he had pity. When the earl considered the duke's good will and favour/ he discovered to him part of his business/ as touching the duchy of Lancastre/ and such heritages as the duke his father had in possession when he died/ and desiring therein to have the duke's counsel/ saying/ that he was not repealed again by the king/ but giveth daily away part of his enherytaunces/ whereby he showed the duke that many noble men/ and prelate's in England were not well content with the king/ and the realm thereby in great difference/ In so much/ that divers noble men and the londoners/ had sent to him to have him to come in to England/ promising that they would make his peace with the king/ and set him in his heritage. When the duke heard that he said. Fair nephew/ where as be many ways the best aught to be chosen. By the king ye are in a hard case/ ye demand counsel/ and I will counsel you to give credence to your friends in England/ the londoners are mighty and puissant/ they and by the aid of other prelate's/ lords/ and knights of the realm/ shall bring the king to agree to their desires. and nephew/ I shall aid you with spyppes and with men of war/ to resist the dangers upon the see. Of that offer the earl thanked the duke of Bretayne. ⸪ ⸪   

¶ How the earl of Derby arrived in England/ and how he was received of the londoners. Cap. Cc.xl  
THus the duke of Bretaygne and the earl of Derby were lovingly concluded together/ and the earl tarried there a certain space & made as though he would have tarried still there/ and in the mean season the earl made his provision at Wannes. And when all thing was ready/ the duke and the earl came thither/ and when the wind served/ the earl of Derby and his company took the see/ he had with him three ships of war to conduct him in to England/ and the further they sailed the better wind they had/ so that within two days and two nights they aryed at Plummouth in England/ and issued out of their ships and entered in to the town little and little. the bailie of Plummouthe/ who had charge of the town under the king/ had great marvel when he saw so moche people and men of war enter in to the town. But the bishop of Caunterbury appeased him/ and said how they were men of war that would do no harm in the realm of England/ sent thither by the duke of Bretaygne to serve the king and the realm. Therewith the bailie was content/ and the earl of Derby kept himself so privy in a chamber/ that none of the town knew him. Than the bishop of Caunterbury wrote letters signed with his hand to London/ sygnyfienge the coming of the earl of Derby/ and sent them by a sufficient man in post/ who took fresh horses by the way/ and came to London the same day at night/ and passed over the bridge and so came to the mayor's lodging/ who as than was a bed/ and as soon as the mayre knew that a messenger was come fro the bishop of Caunterbury/ he rose out of his bed and made the messenger to enter in to his chamber/ who delivered him a letter fro the bishop of Caunterbury. The mayre red it and rejoiced greatly of those news/ and incontinent he sent of his servants fro house to house/ principally to such as were of counsel of sending for the Earl of Derby. They were all glad of that tidings/ and in continent there assembled together of the most notablest men of the city to the number of two hundred/ & they spoke together/ and held no long counsel for the case required it not/ but they said/ let us apparel ourself and go and receive the duke of Lancastre/ saith we agreed to send for him/ the archbishop of Caunterbury hath well done his devoir/ saying he hath brought him in to England. Than they did chose certain men to go abroad to publish the earls coming to lords knights/ and squires/ such as were of their party/ and more than five hundred of the londoners took their horses/ and they had so great desire to go forth that they were loath to tarry one for another. The earl of Derby tarried not long at Plummouth/ but the next day as soon as their horses were unshipped/ they road towards London. And all that season sir Peter of Craon and the bretons were still with the earl. The mayre of London & they that had the governing of the city/ were the first that met the earl in the fields/ and humbly received him/ and ever as they road forward they met more people. The first day they came and lay at Guyldforde/ a five and twenty mile fro London. The next day a great number of the men/ women/ and children of London and the clergy came to meet with the earl/ they had such desire to see him And when they came in to his sight they cried welcome noble earl of Derby & duke of Lancastre/ God send you joy/ wealth/ and prosperity. Scythe ye went out of England/ the realm hath been in no prosperity. Now we trust ye shall bring us in to a reasonable estate/ for we have lived in great displeasance and desolation/ by the means of Richard of Bordeaux and his counsel/ and specially he ought most chief to be blamed. For a king that should govern a Realm and people/ aught to have such discretion/ to know good and evil asunder/ otherwise he is not worthy to govern a Realm. And this richard of Bordeaux hath done contrary/ which shallbe well known and proved upon him. with such words and other the people brought the earl to London. The mayre road cheek and cheek by him/ which was great pleasure for the people to see/ and the mayre sometime said to the earl. Sir/ behold how the people rejoice of your coming. That is true quoth the earl. And always as he road he inclined his heed to the people on every side. Thus the Earl was brought on his lodging/ and every man departed till after dinner. Than the mayre and the notable men of the cite/ and divers other lords and knights/ prelate's/ bishops/ and abbots/ such as were in London came to see the the earl. Also the duchess of Gloucestre and her two daughters came to see th'earl who were his cousin germans. Affren their brother was with king richard/ more for fear than for love. With these ladies was the countess of Arundel and her children/ and also the countess of warwick/ with divers other ladies/ such as were at London The people of London were so joyful of the earls coming/ that there was no more working in London that day/ than and it had been Easter day.  
TO come to a conclusion of this business. The people took counsel and advise to ride against the king/ whom the Londoners named Richard of Bordeaux/ king without title or honour/ for the villains of London had the king in such hate/ that it was pain for them to here speaking of him/ but to his condemnation and destruction/ for they had treated the earl of Derby to be their king/ and he was much ordered by their counsel The earl of Derby took on him to be king/ and so to endure for ever he and his heirs/ and thereto the Londoners died swear and seal. And promised/ that all the residue of the realm should do the same/ so solemnly that there should never question be made thereof after. Also they promised him to aid and to assist him always. These promises and bounds once taken and concluded/ than it was ordained that xii hundred men of London well armed/ should ride with the earl towards Bristol/ and to do so much that Richard of Bordeaux might be taken and brought to London/ and than to take advise what should be done with him/ and to be judged by the law/ and by the three estates of the realm. Also it was ordained (to make the less brute and slander) that the men of war of Bretaygne/ such as were come thither with the earl should be returned home again. For it was said/ how they had men enough to do their deeds without them/ so that the earl had all the bretons before him/ and thanked them of their service that they had done him/ and gave them great rewards so that they were well content/ and so returned to Plummouthe to the ships/ and so in to Bretayne.  
¶ Now let us speak of the earl of Derby who ordained to ride to Bristol.  
THe earl of Derby was chief of that army/ as reason was/ for it touched him most nearest. Thus he departed fro London/ and as he road/ the country fell in to him. Tidings came in to the kings host/ of the coming of the earl of Derby and of the Londoners/ many knights/ squires/ and other knew it or the king had knowledge thereof/ but they durst not speak thereof. When the tidings spread more abroad/ such as were next the king were in great fear. for they knew well the king and they both/ were likely to fall in peril/ because they had so many enemies in the realm. and such were than their enemies/ that had made good face before. For many knights/ squires/ and other/ such as had served the king before/ departed fro the court without any licence. Some went home to their own houses/ & some took the next way they could straight to the earl of Derby to serve him. As soon as Affren of Gloucestre and richard son to the earl of Arundel knew that the Earl of Derby and the Londoners were coming/ they got their men together and departed/ and road straight to the earl of Derby/ whom they found beyond Oxenforde/ at a town called Soucetour. th'earl of Derby had great joy when he saw his cousins/ and demanded of the state of the king/ and how they were departed fro him/ They answered and said. Sir/ at our departing we spoke not with him. For as soon as we knew of your coming/ we leapt on our horses and departed to come to serve you/ and to aid to revenge the death of our father's/ whom richard of Burdeaulx hath caused to be slain. Sirs quoth the earl ye be right welcome/ ye shall aid me and I shall help you. For it is behovable that our cousin richard of Bordeaux be brought to London. so have I promised to the Londoners/ and I will keep my promise/ for thereto they will aid me. And we have men enough to fight with him if need be. And if he will have battle he shall have it. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How tidings came to king richard/ of the coming of the earl of Derby with great puissance. Cap. CC.xli.  
IT was said to the king/ when the matter could no lengar be hid. Sir/ advise you well/ ye have need of good Counsel shortly/ for the Londoners and other cometh against you with great puissance/ and hath made th'earl of Derby your cousin their chief captain/ they have got him out of France. This hath not been done without great treaty. When the king heard that he was sore abashed/ and wist not what to say/ for all his spirits trymbled. For than he saw well the matters were likely to go evil against him/ without he could get puissance to resist them. Than the king said. Sirs make all our men ready/ and lend through out my realm for aid/ For I will not fly before my subjects. Sir quoth they the matter goeth evil/ for your men do leave you & fly away/ ye have lost the one half/ and all the rest are sore abashed/ and loseth countenance. Why quoth the king/ what will ye that I shall do? Sir leave the field/ for ye are not able to keep it. And get you in to some strong castle till sir johan Holland your brother come/ who is advertised of all this matter. And when he is come he shall find some remedy/ either biforce of arms or else by treaty/ at least to bring you in to some better case/ than ye be in at this present tyme. For if ye keep the field peradventure some will forsake you and go to him. To this counsel the king agreed. At that time the earl of Salisbury was not with the king he was in his country. When he heard how the earl of Derby with the Londoners and great puissance road against the king. He imagined that the matter was in paryll for him and for the king/ and for such as the king had been counseled by: so he sat still to here other tidings. Also the duke of york was not with the king/ but his son the earl of Rutland was always with the king for two causes. The one was/ king richard loved him entirely. And another was/ because he was constable of England/ therefore by right he ought to be with the king. When the king had supped/ new tidings came again to him/ saying. Sir/ it is time to take advise how ye will order yourself your puissance is not sufficient against them that cometh against you: It can not avail you to make battle against them: It behoveth you to pass this danger/ by sad advise and good counsel. And by wisdom appease them that be your evil willers/ as ye have done or this time/ and than correct them after at leisure. There is a castle a xii mile hens called the castle of flint/ which is strong. We counsel you to go thither and close you within it/ till ye here other news fro the earl of Huntyngton your brother/ and for other of your friends/ and send in to Ireland for socours. And the french king your father in law when he knoweth of your need/ he will comfort you. the king followed that counsel/ and appointed them that should ride with him to the castle of Flynt. And he ordained his cousin earl of Rutland to tarry still at Bristol/ and that they should be ready to set forward when he sent to them/ and that he was of power to fight with his enemies. The next day the king with such as were of his household road to the castle of flint/ and entered in to the castle without making any semblant to make any war/ but to abide there and to defend the castle if they were assailed. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How king Richard yielded himself to the earl of Derby to go to London. Cap. CC.xli.  
THe earl of Derby & the londoners had their spies going and coming/ who reported to them all the state of the king. And also the earl knew it by such knights and squires as daily came fro the kings part to th'earl/ who had sure knowledge that the king was gone to the castle of Flynt/ and had no company with him/ but such as were of his own household/ and seemed that he would no war but to scape that danger by treaty. Than th'earl determined to ride thither/ and to do so much to have the king other biforce or by treaty. Than the earl and all his company road thither/ and within two mile of the Castle they found a great village/ there the earl tarried and drank/ & determined in himself to ride to the castle of Flynt with two hundred horse/ and to leave the rest of his company still there. And he said he would do what he could by fair treaty/ to enter in to the castle by love and not perforce. And to bring out the king with fair words/ and to assure him fro all paryll/ except going to London/ and to promise him that he shall have no hurt of his body/ and to be mean for him to the Londoners/ who were not content with him. Thearls devise seemed good to them that hard it/ and they said to him. Sir/ beware of dissimulation. This richard of Bordeaux must be taken other quick or deed/ and all the other traitors that be about him/ and of his counsel/ and so to be brought to London and set in the tower/ the Londoners will not suffer you to do the contrary: Than the earl said. Sirs fear not/ but all that is enterprised shall be accomplished. But if I can get him out of the castle with fair words I will do it and if I can not I shall send you word thereof/ and than ye shall come and lay siege about the castle. And than we will do so much by force or by assault/ that we will have him quick or deed/ for the castle is well prignable: to those words accorded well the londoners. So the earl departed fro the army and road with two hundred men to the castle/ where as the king was among his men right sore abashed. The earl came riding to the castle gate/ which was fast closed/ as the case required. The earl knocked at the gate The porters demanded who was there. the earl answered/ I am Henry of Lancastre. I come to the king to demand mine heritage of the duchy of Lancastre/ show the king this fro me. Sir quoth they within/ we shall do it. incontinent they went in to the hall and in to the ●ongyon/ where as the king was/ and such knights about him/ as had long time counseled him. than these news were showed to the king & said. sir/ your cousin of Derby is at the gate/ who demandeth of you to be set in possession of the duchy of Lancastre his inheritance. The king than regarded such as were about him/ & demanded what was best to do. They said sir/ in this request is none evil/ ye may let him come in to you with xii persons in his company/ and here what he will say. He is your cousin and a great lord of the Realm: He may well make your peace and he will/ for he is greatly beloved in the realm/ and specially with the Londoners/ who sent for him in to France. They be as now the chief that be against you. Sir/ ye must dissimule till the matter be appeased/ and till the earl of Huntyngton your brother be with you. And it cometh now evil to pass for you/ that he is at Calais. For there be many now in England that be risen against you/ that and they knew that your brother were about you/ they would sit still and durst not displease you/ and yet he hath to his wife the earl of Derbyes' sister: by his means we suppose ye should come to peace and concord The king agreed to those words and said. Go and let him come in with xii with him and no more. Two knights went down to the gate/ and opyned the wicket and issued out and made reverence to the earl/ and received him with gracious words/ for they knew well that they had no force to resist them/ and also they knew well the Londoners were sore displeased with them/ therefore they spoke fair/ and said to the earl. Sir/ what is your pleasure/ the king is at mass/ he hath sent us hither to speak with you? I say quod th'earl/ ye know well I ought to have possession of the ouchy of Lancastre/ I am come in party for that cause/ and also for other things that I would speak with the king of. Sir quoth they ye be welcome/ the king would be glad to see you & to here you/ and hath commanded that ye come to him all only with xii persons. The earl answered/ it pleaseth me well. So he entered in to the castle with xii persons/ and than the gate closed again and the rest of his company tarried without.  
Now consider what danger th'earl of Derby was in/ for the king than might have slain him/ and such as were with him/ as easily as a bird in a cage. But he feared not the matter/ but boldly went to the king/ who changed colours when he saw the earl. Than the earl spoke aloud without making of any great honour or reverence/ and said. Sir/ be ye fasting? The king answered and said yea/ why ask you. It is time quoth the earl that ye had dined/ for ye have a great journey to ride. Why/ whether should I ride quod the king? ye must ride to London quod th'earl wherefore I counsel you eat and drink/ that ye may ride with the more mirth. Than the king who was sore troubled in his mind/ and in a manner afraid of those words said. I am not hungry/ I have no lust to eat. Than such as whereby/ who were as than glad to flatter th'earl of Derby/ for they saw well the matter was like to go diversly/ said to the king. Sir/ believe your cousin of Lancastre for he will nothing but good. Than the king said well/ I am content cover the tables. then the king washed and sat down/ and was served. Than the earl was demanded if he would sit down/ he said no/ for he was not fasting.  
IN the mean season while the king sat at dyner/ who died eat but little/ his heart was so full that he had no lust to eat. All the country about the castle was full of men of war. They within the castle might see them out at the windows/ and the king when he rose fro the table might see them himself. Than he demanded of his cousin what men they were/ that appeared so many in the fields. th'earl answered and said/ the most part of them be Londoners. What would they have quoth the king? They will have you quoth th'earl/ and bring you to London and put you in to the tower/ there is none other remedy/ ye can scape none otherwise. No quod the king and he was sore afraid of those words/ for he knew well the Londoners loved him not and said. Cousin/ can you not provide for my surety: I will not gladly put me in to their hands. For I know well they hate me and have done long/ though I be their king. Than th'earl said. Sir/ I see none other remedy but to yield yourself as my prisoner: and when they know that ye be my prisoner they will do you no hurt/ but ye must so ordain you & your company to ride to London with me/ and to be as my prisoner in the tower of London. The king who saw himself in a hard case/ all his spirits were sore abashed/ as he that doubted greatly that the londoners would slay him. Than he yielded himself prisoner to the earl of Derby and bound himself/ and promised to do all that he would have him to do. In likewise all other knights/ lquyers/ and officers yielded to the earl/ to eschew the danger and paryll that they were in/ and the earl than received them as his prisoners/ and ordained incontinent horses to be sadylled & brought forth in to the court & the gates opined/ than many men of arms & archers entered. Than the earl of Derby caused a cry to be made/ on pain of death/ no man to be so hardy to take away any thing within the castle/ nor to lay any hands upon any person/ for all were under the earls safeguard and protection: which cry was kept no man durst break it. the earl had the king down in to the court talking together/ & caused all the kings hole household and estate to go forward/ as of custom they had done before/ without changing or mynisshing of any thing. While every thing was a preparing/ the king and the earl communed together in the court/ and were well regarded by the Londoners. And as it was entormed me/ king richard had a grayhound called Mathe/ who always waited upon the king/ and would know no man else. For when soever the king died ride/ he that kept the grayhound died let him lose/ and he would straight run to the king and fawn upon him/ and leap with his tore feet upon the kings shoulders. And as the king & the earl of Derby talked together in the court/ the grayhound who was wont to leap upon the king/ left the king & came to the earl of Derby duke of Lancastre and made to him the same friendly countenance & cheer/ as he was wont to do to the king The duke who knew not the grayhound demanded of the king what the grayhound would do. Cousin quoth the king/ it is a great good token to you/ and an evil sign to me. Sir/ how know you that quoth the duke? I know it well quoth the king. The grayhound maketh you cheer this day as king of England/ as ye shallbe/ and I shallbe deposed: the grayhound hath this knowledge naturally/ therefore take him to you/ he will follow you & forsake me. The duke understood well those words and cherished the grayhound/ who would never after follow king richard/ but followed the duke of Lancastre.  
SO every man leapt a horseback and departed fro the castle of Flynt/ & entered in to the fields. Thus duke Henry of lancaster/ who was no more called earl of Derby but duke of Lancastre/ road by the king and oftentimes talked together/ and men of war before & behind in great number/ and all such as were of the kings court/ road together in a company. That night they lay about Oxenford. The duke of Lancastre led king Richard by no castles nor good towns/ for fear of stirring of the people/ but always kept the fields. Than the duke gave licence to a great number of his people to depart and said. Sirs ye may depart for we have that we desire. the king can not fly nor scape fro us/ we & our own company shall bring him to London/ and put him in safeguard in the tower he and all his are my prisoners/ I may bring them whider I will. Therefore sirs/ go your ways home till ye here other news. They died as the duke commanded them/ who took the way to Wyndsore/ and came thither/ and most part of the Londoners returned to London/ & other to their own places. the duke of Lancastre departed fro wynsore/ & would not ride by Colbroke/ but took the way by Shene/ & so came to dinner to Chersay. the king had desired the duke that he should not bring him London way/ nor through the city and therefore they took that way. As soon as they had the king thus in their hands/ they sent notable persons to the young queen/ who was at Ledes in Kent. And they came to the lady Coucy/ who was second person there next to the queen/ and said to her. Madame/ make you ready for ye must depart hens and at your departing make no semblant of displeasure before the queen/ but say how your husband hath sent for you/ & for your daughter also. This that we say/ look that you do accomplish on pain of your life/ nor axe ye no questions no further. And ye shallbe conveyed to Dover/ and there have a ship that shall bring you to Boloyne. the lady who doubted those words/ for she knew well englishmen were cruel and hasty/ said. sirs/ as god will I am ready to do as ye will have me. Anon she made her ready and horses were provided for her and for her company. So all French men and women departed/ and they were conveyed to Dover/ & at the next tide they took shipping and had good wind/ and so arrived at Boloyne. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ Of the state of queen Isabella of england/ and how she had all new persons appointed to wait upon her and how king Richard was set in the tower of London. Capi. CC.xlii.  
AS for the state of the queen was so turned and broken/ for there was left nouther man/ woman/ nor child of the nation of France/ nor yet of England/ such as were in any favour with the king/ Her. house was newly furnished with ladies and damoselles/ and other officers and servants. They were charged all/ that in no wise they should not speak of the king/ not one to another. Thus the duke of Lancastre departed fro Cherisay and road to Shene/ and fro thence in the night time they conveyed the king to the tower of London/ and such other knights and squires as the king would. The next morning when the Londoners knew that the king was in the tower/ they were greatly rejoiced but there was great murmuring among them because the king was conveyed thither so secretly. They were angry that the duke had not brought him through London openly/ not to have done him honour/ but shame/ they hated him so sore. Behold the opinion of common people/ when they be up against their prince or lord/ and specially in England. among them there is no remedy/ for they are the peryloust people of the world/ and most outragyoust if they be up/ and specially the Londoners/ and in deed they be rich and of a great number. There was well in London a. xxiiii. thousand men in harness complete/ and a.xxx. thousand archers/ and they were hardy & high of courage/ the more blood they saw shed/ the less they were abashed.  
¶ Now let us somewhat speak of the earl of Rutland constable of England/ son to the duke of york/ who was tarried at Bristol and the lord Spenser with him/ who had his sister to wife. When they knew that the castle of flint was given up/ and the king taken and brought to London/ than they thought surely/ the matters went not well for the king. Therefore they thought no lengar to tarry there/ and gave leave to all their men of war to depart/ and the earl of Rutland and the lord Spenser road together with their own servants to Hull in the marchesse of Wales/ a fair manner of the lord Spensers'/ & there they tarried till they heard other tidings. And the duke of york lay still in his castle/ & meddled with nothing of the business of England/ no more he died before/ he took ever the time aworthe as it came. howbeit he was sore displeased in his mind/ to see such difference within the realm/ and between his nephews and blood. ¶ Now let us return to speak of king Richard.  
When the duke of Lancastre had set his cousin king Richard in the tower of London/ and certain of his counsellors/ and had set sure keeping on them. The first thing than that the duke/ he sent for the earl of warwick/ who was banished and commanded to lie in the isle of Wight/ and discharged him clean thereof. & secondly the duke of Lancastre sent to th'earl of Northumberlande and to the lord Percy his son/ that they should come to him/ and so they died. After he inquired and sought out to have the four companions that had strangled his uncle the duke of Gloucestre in the castle of Calais. They were so well sought out/ that they were all taken: They were set in prison apart in London. than the duke of Lancastre and his counsel took advise what should be done with king Richard being in the tower of London/ where as king johan of France was kept/ while king Edward went in to the Realm of France. Than it was thought that king richard should be put fro all his royalty and joy that he hath lived in/ for they said/ the news of his taking should spread abroad in to all realms crystened. He had been king xxii year/ and as than they determined to keep him in prison. Than they regarded what case the realm stood in/ and did put all his deeds in articles to the number of xxviii Than the duke of Lancastre and his counsel went to the tower of London/ and entered in to the chamber where king richard was/ and without any reverence making to him/ there was openly red all the said articles/ to the which the king made none answer/ for he saw well all was true that was laid to his charge/ saving he said/ all that I have done passed by my counsel. Than he was demanded what they were that had given counsel/ and by whom he was most ruled/ he named them in trust thereby to have been delivered himself in accusing of them/ as he had done before time/ trusting thereby to scape/ and to bring them in the danger and pain/ but that was not the mind of them that loved him not. so as at that time they spoke no more but departed/ and the duke of Lancastre went to his lodging/ and suffered the mayre and the men of law to proceed. They went to the Guyldhall/ where as all the matters of the city were determined/ and than moche people assembled there. When they saw the governors of the city go thither/ they thought some justice should be done/ as there was in deed. I shall show you how. first the articles that were made against the king/ the which had been red before him in the tower/ were red again there openly. And it was showed by him that red them/ how the king himself denied none of them/ but confessed that he did them by the counsel of four knights of his chamber/ and how by their counsel he had put to death the duke of Gloucestre and the earl of Arundel/ sir Thomas Corbet/ and other/ and how they had long encyted the king to do those deeds/ which deeds they said were not to be forgiven/ but demanded punition/ for by them and their counsel the justice of right was closed up through all the courts of England/ Westmynster/ and other/ whereby many evil deeds followed/ and companies and rowtes of thieves and murderers rose and assembled together in divers parties of the realm/ and rob merchants by the ways and poor men in their houses/ by which means the realm was in great apparel to have been lost/ without recovery. and it is to be imagined that finally the would have rendered Calais or Guysnes/ or both in to the frenchmennes' hands. These words thus showed to the people made many to be abashed/ and many began to murmur and said. These causes demand punition/ that all other may take ensample thereby/ and richard of Burdeaur to be deposed/ for he is not worthy to bear a crown/ but aught to be deprived fro all honour/ and to be kept all his life in prison with breed and water. Though some of the villains murmured/ other said on high. sir mayre of London/ and ye other that have justice in your hands to minister/ execute justice/ for we will ye spare no man/ for ye see well the case that ye have showed us demandeth justice in continent/ for they are judges upon their own deeds. Than the mayre and other of the governors of the law went together in to the chamber of judgement. than these four knights were judged to die/ and were judged to be had to the foot of the tower where as king Richard was/ that he might see them drawn along by the dyke with horses each after other/ through the city in to cheapside/ and than there heeds stricken of there/ and set upon London bridge/ and there bodies drawn to the gibet and there hanged.  
THis judgement given they were delivered to execution/ for the mayre of London and such as were deputed to the matter/ went fro the Guyldhall to the tower/ and took out the four knights of the kings/ whose names were called sir bernard Brokas/ sir Marelays/ master Iohn Derby receiver of Lyncolne/ and master Stell the kings steward. Each of them were tied to two horses/ in the presence of them that were in the tower/ and the king might well see it out at the windows/ wherewith he was sore descomforted/ for all other that were there with the king looked to be in the same case/ they knew them of London so cruel. Thus these four knights were drawn one after another a long through the city till they came in to cheap/ and there on a fisher's stall their heeds were stricken of and set upon London bridge/ and their bodies drawn by the shoulders to the gibet/ and there hanged up. This justice thus done/ every man went to their lodgings. King richard knowing himself taken/ and in the danger of the londoners was in great sorrow in his heart/ and reckoned his puissance nothing/ for he saw how every man was against him. and if there were any that ought him any favour/ it lay not than in their powers to do him any aid/ nor they durst not show it. Such as were with the king said. Sir/ we have but small trust in our lives as it may well apere/ for when your cousin of Lancastre came to the castle of flint/ and with your own good will ye yielded you to him/ and he promised that you and twelve of yours should be his prisoners and have no hurt/ and now of those twelve four be executed shamefully/ we are like to pass the same way. The cause is/ these londoners/ who hath caused the duke of Lancastre your cousin to do this deed/ had him so sore bound to them that he must do as they will have him. God doth moche for us/ if he suffer that we might die here our natural death/ and not a shameful death. It is great pity to think on this. With those words king richard began tenderly to weep and wring his hands/ and cursed the hour that ever he was borne/ rather than to have such an end. Such as were about him had great pity and recomforted him as well as they might. One of his knights said. Sir/ it behoveth you to take comfort/ we see well and so do you that this world is nothing/ the fortunes there of are marvelous/ and sometime turn as well upon kings and princes/ as upon poor men. The french king whose daughter ye have married/ can not now aid you/ he is to far of. if ye might scape this mischief by dissimulation and save your life and ours/ it were a good enterprise/ peradventure with in a year or two/ there would be had some recovery. Why qd the king/ what would ye that I should do/ there is nothing but I would be glad to do it/ to save us thereby? Sir quoth the knight/ we see for truth that these londoners will crown your cousin of Lancastre as king/ and for that intent they sent for him/ and so have aided him and do/ it is not possible for you to live without ye consent that he be crowned king/ wherefore sir/ we will counsel you (to the intent to save your life and ours) that when your cousin of Lancastre cometh to you to demand any thing/ than with sweet and treatable words say to him/ how that ye will resign to him the crown of England/ and all the right that ye have in the realm/ clearly and purely in to his hands/ and how that ye will that he be king/ thereby ye shall greatly appease him and the londoners also/ and desire him effectuously to suffer you to live and us also with you/ or else every man a part/ as it shall please him/ or else to banish us out of the realm for ever/ for he that loseth his life loseth all. King richard heard those words well/ and fixed them surely in his heart/ and said he would do as they counseled him/ as he that saw himself in great danger. and than he said to them that kept him/ how he would gladly speak with his cousin of Lancastre. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How King richard of England resigned the crown and the realm in to the hands of the earl of Derby duke of Lancastre. Cap. CC.xliiii.  
IT was showed the duke of Lancastre how richard of Bordeaux desired to speak with him. The duke in an evening took a barge and went to the tower by water/ & went to the king/ who received him courteously/ and humbled himself greatly/ as he that saw himself in great danger/ and said. Cousin of Lancastre/ I regard and consider mine estate/ which is as now but small/ I thank god thereof. As any more to reign or to govern people/ or to bear a crown/ I think it not/ and as god help me I would I were deed by a natural death/ and that the french king had again his daughter/ we have had as yet no great joy together/ nor sith I brought her in to England/ I could never have the love of my people as I had before. Cousin all things considered/ I know we well I have greatly trespassed against you/ and against other noble men of my blood/ by divers things/ I perceive I shall never have pardon nor come to peace/ wherefore with mine own free and liberal will/ I will resign to you the heritage of the Crown of England/ and I require you take the gift thereof with the resignation. When the duke heard that he said. sir it is convenient that part of the three estates of the realm be called to these words/ and I have sent all ready for some noble men/ prelate's/ and counsellors of the good towns of England/ and I trust they will be here within this three days sufficient of them/ for you to make a dew resignation before them/ and by this means ye shall greatly appease many men within the realm. For to withstand such enormities and evils as have been used in the realm for fault of justice/ who had no place to reign/ I was sent for fro beyond the see/ and the people would crown me/ for the renome rynneth through England/ that I have more right to the crown than ye have/ for when our grandfather king Edward the third did chose and make you king/ the same was as than showed him/ but he loved so his son the prince/ that none could break his purpose nor opinion/ but that you should be king/ and if ye would have followed the steps of your father the prince/ and have believed his counsel/ as a good son ought to have done/ ye might have been still king/ and have continued your estate/ but ye have always done the contrary/ so that the common renome rynneth through England and in other places/ that ye were never son to the prince of Wales/ but rather son to a priest or to a canon/ for I have herd of certain knights that were in the Prince's house mine uncle/ how that he knew well that his wife had not truly kept her marriage. your mother was cousin germayne to king Edward/ and the king began to hate her/ because she could have no generation. Also she was the kings gossip of two children at the font. And she that could well keep the prince in her bandon by craft and subtlety/ she made the prince to be her husband/ and because she could have no child/ she doubted that the prince should be divorced fro her. she did so much that she was with child with you/ and with another before you/ as of the first I can not tell what to judge/ but as for you because your conditions have been seen contrary fro all nobles and prows of the prince/ therefore it is said that ye be rather son to a priest or to a canon. for when ye were gotten and borne at Bordeaux/ there were many young priests in the princes house. This is the brute in this country/ and your works have well followed the same/ for ye be always inclined to the pleasure of the french men/ and to take with them peace to the confusion and die shonoure of the realm of England. And because mine uncle of Gloucestre and the earl of Arundel did counsel you truly and faithfully/ to keep the honour of the realm/ and to follow the steps of your ancestors/ ye have traitorously caused them to die. As for me I have taken on me to defend your life as long as I may for pity/ and I shall pray the londoners and the herytours of them that ye have slain and banished/ to do the same. Cousin I thank you quoth that king. I trust more in you than in any other. It is but right that ye so should do/ for if I had not been/ ye had been taken by the people and deposed with great confusion and slain/ by reason of your evil works. King richard heard well all the duke's words/ and wist not what to say against it/ for he saw well that force nor arguments could not avelyle him/ but rather meekness and humility/ wherefore he humbled him/ and prayed the duke to save his life.  
When the duke of Lancastre had been at the tower two hours with king richard/ & had showed him part of his faults/ than he returned. And the next day he sent forth more commandments in to all parties of the realm/ to cause noble men and other to come to London. His uncle the duke of york came to London and the earl of Rutland his son/ the earl of Northumberlande and the lord Thomas Percy his brother. The duke of Lancastre made them good cheer. thither came also great number of prelate's and abbots. And on a day the duke of Lancastre acompanyed with lords/ duke's/ prelate's/ earls/ barons/ and knights/ and of the notablest men of London & of other good towns/ road to the Tower and there alighted. Than king richard was brought in to the hall/ appareled like a king in his robes of estate/ his sceptre in his hand/ and his crown on his heed. Than he stood up alone/ not holden nor stayed by no man/ and said a loud. I have been king of England/ duke of Acquytany/ and lord of Ireland about xxii. years/ which signory/ royalty/ sceptre/ crown/ and heritage/ I clearly resign here to my cousin Henry of lancaster/ and I desire him here in this open presence in entering of the same possession/ to take this septour/ and so delivered it to the duke/ who took it. Than king richard took the crown fro his heed with both his hands/ and set it before him/ and said. Fair cousin Henry duke of Lancastre/ I give & deliver you this crown/ wherewith I was crowned king of England/ and therewith/ all the right thereto depending. The duke of Lancastre took it/ and the archbishop of Caunterbury took it out of the duke's hands. this resignation thus done the duke of Lancastre called a notary/ and demanded to have letters and witness of all the prelate's and lords there being present. Than richard of Bordeaux returned again in to the chamber fro whence he came. Than the duke of Lancastre and all other leapt on their horses/ and the crown and ceptour were put in a coffer/ and conveyed to the abbey of westminster/ and there kept in the treasury. And every man went to their lodgings/ and abode till the day of parliament and counsel should be at the palace of westminster.   

¶ Of the coronation of king Henry duke of Lancastre/ by the consent of the realm/ & the manner of the feast. Cap. CC.xlv.  
IN the year of our lord god a thousand three hundred fourscore & nynetene/ the last day of september/ on a tuysday began a parliament at Westmynster/ holden by Henry duke of Lancastre/ at which time there was assembled prelate's and clergy of the realm of England a great number/ and also duke's/ earls/ and barons/ and of every town a certain. Thus the people assembled at Westmynster/ there being present the duke of Lancastre: and there the same duke challenged the realm of England/ and desired to be king by three reasons. first by conquest. secondly because he was heir. And thirdly because richard of Burdeaur had resigned the Realm in to his hands by his free will/ in the presence of certain duke's/ earls/ prelate's/ and barons in the hall within the tower of London. These three causes showed/ the duke of Lancastre required all the people there present/ as well one as other/ to show their minds and intents in that behalf. Than all the people with one voice said/ that their wills was to have him king/ and how they would have none other but him. Than the duke again said to the people. Sirs/ is this your minds. and they all with one voice said/ ye/ ye. And than the duke sat down in the siege royal/ which seat was raised up in the hall/ and covered with a cloth of estate/ so that every man might well see him sit. And than the people lifted up their hands a high/ promising him their faith and allegiance. then the parliament concluded/ and the day was taken for his coronation of saint Edward's day/ the monday the xiii day of Octobre/ at which time/ the saturday before his coronation he departed fro westminster and road to the tower of London with a great number. and that night all such squires as should be made knights the next day/ watched/ who were to the number of xlvi Every squire had his own bain by himself/ and the next day the duke of Lancastre made them all knights at the mass tyme. Than had they long coats with straight sleeves furred with mynyver like prelate's/ with white laces hanging on their shuldes. And after dinner the duke departed fro the tower to westminster/ & road all the way bareheeded/ and about his neck the livery of France. He was acompanyed with the prince his son and six duke's/ two earls/ and xviii barons/ and in all knights and squires a nine hundred horse. Than the king had on a short cote of cloth of gold/ after the manner of Almaigne/ and he was mounted on a white courser/ and the garter on his left leg. Thus the duke road through London with a great number of lords/ every lords servant in their masters livery. All the but guesses & lombards merchants in London/ and every craft with their livery and devise. Thus he was conveyed to westminster. He was in number a six thousand horse/ and the streets hanged as he passed by. and the same day and the next there were in London running seven cundyttes with wine white and reed. That night the duke was bayned/ and the next morning he was confessed/ and heard three masses as he was accustomed to do/ and than all the prelate's and clergy came fro westminster church to the palace to fetch the king with procession and so he went to the church a procession/ and all the lords with him in their robes of scarlet/ furred with menyver/ barred of their shoulders according to their degrees/ and over the king was borne a cloth of estate of blue/ with four bells of gold/ and it was borne by four burgesses of the ports/ as Dover and other. And on every side of him he had a sword borne/ the one the sword of the church/ and the other the sword of justice. The sword of the church his son the prince did bear/ and the sword of justice th'earl of Northumberlande did bear/ for he was as than constable of England/ for the earl of Rutland was deposed fro that office/ and the earl of Westmerlande who was marshal of England/ bare the ceptour. Thus they entered in to the church about nine of the clock/ and in the mids of the church there was an high scaffold all covered with reed/ and in the mids thereof there was a chair Royal/ covered with cloth of gold. Than the king sat down in that chair and so sat in estate royal/ saving he had not on the crown/ but sat bare heeded. Than at four corners of the scaff old/ the archbishop of Caunterbury showed unto the people how god had sent them a man to be their king/ and demanded if they were content that he should be consecrated and crowned as their king. And they all with one voice said yea/ & held up their hands/ promising him faith and obeisance. Than the king rose and went down the scaffold to the high altar to be sacred/ at which consecration there were two archbysshoppes and ten bishops/ and before the altar the● he was despoiled out of all his vestures of estate/ & there he was anointed in vi. places/ on the heed/ on the breast & on the two shoulders behind/ and on the hands. Than a bonnet was set on his heed/ and while he was anointing the clergy sang the latyny/ and such service as they sing at the hallowing of the font. Than that king was appareled like a prelate of the church▪ with a cope of reed silk and a pair of spurs with a point without a rowel. Than the sword of justice was drawn out of the sheathe and hallowed/ and than it was taken to the king/ who did put it again in to the sheath/ than the archbishop of Caunterbury did gird the sword about him. than saint Edward's crown was brought forth which is close above and blessed/ and than the archbishop did set it on the kings heed. After mass the king departed out of the church in the same estate and went to his palace/ and there was a fountain that ran by divers branches white wine and reed. Than the king entered in to the hall/ and so in to a privy chamber/ and after came out again to dinner. At the first table sat the king. At the second the five peers of the realm/ at the third the valaunt men of London. at the fourth the new made knights. At the fift the knights and squires of honour. And by the king stood the prince holding the sword of the church/ and on the other side the Constable with the sword of justice/ and a little above the marshal with the ceptour/ and at that kings board sat two archbysshops and xvii bishops. And in the mids of the dinner there came in a knight/ who was called Dinereth all armed upon a good horse richly appareled/ and had a knight before him bearing his spear/ and his sword by his side and his dagger. The knight took the king a libel/ the which was red. Therein was contained that there were other knight/ squire/ or any other gentleman that would say that king Henry was not right full king/ he was there ready to fight with him in that quarrel/ before the king/ or where as it should please him to appoint. that bill was cried by an herald in six places of the hall and in the town. There was none that would challenge him. When the king had dined he took wine & spices in the hall/ and than went in to his chamber. Than every man departed and went to their lodgings. thus the day passed of king Henry's coronation with great joy and feast/ which endured all the next day. The earl of Salysbury was not at this solemnity for he was in sure prison/ and the kings counsel and divers other noble men/ and the londoners/ would that his heed should have been stricken of openly in cheap/ for said he had well deserved it/ for bearing of letters and credence fro richard of Bordeaux to the french king/ and there to report openly that king Henry was a false traitor/ which fault they said ought not to be pardoned. King Henry was more gentle than so/ for he had some pity on him/ for th'earl excused him and said/ that he did/ was by the kings commandment/ & by the setting on of the four knights that were beheaded. King Henry believed well the earls words/ but his counsel would not believe it/ but said/ and so did the londoners that he should die/ because he had deserved death. Thus the earl of Salysbury was in prison in great danger of his life. And sir johan Holande earl of Huntyngdon capitain of Calais/ was well informed of the hole matter/ and how his brother king Richard was taken and in prison in the tower of London/ and had resigned his crown and all/ & how Henry of Lancastre was king of England. This earl of Huntyngdon/ what so ever displeasure he had for the trouble of his brother/ yet wisely he considered the time and adventures/ and saw well that he was not able to with stand all the power and puissance of the realm. Also the countess his wife/ who was cousin germayne to king Henry/ said. Sir/ it must behove you to pass your displeasure patiently & wisely/ and do not that thing whereby ye shall have damage/ for the king may do you much good/ and ye see that all the realm inclineth to him/ if ye show any displeasure to him ward/ ye are but lost. wherefore sir/ I require you and I counsel you to dyssimule the matter/ for as well king Henry now is your brother as king Richard was/ therefore sir stick and lean to him/ and ye shall find him your good lover/ for there was never a richer king in England than he is/ he may do to you & to your children great good. The earl heard well the words of his wife and believed her and inclined him to king Henry/ and offered him humble obeisance/ and promised him faith and truth. The king received him and had great joy thereof/ and he did so moche with means of his friends/ that th'earl of Salysbury was taken to grace/ and his excusations accepted/ and was clean pardoned.   

¶ How news of the taking of king richard was known in France by the coming thither of the lady of Coucy/ and how the french king was disposed. Cap. CC.xlvi.  
When the lady of Coucy was arrived at Bouloyne/ she hasted her to go to Paris. Great murmuring there was in France of the sudden incidentes that were fall in England/ they knew somewhat by merchants of Bruges/ but when the lady of Coucy arrived/ than the troth was known. She went first to her husbands house/ as it was reason. Anon the french king heard word how the lady of Coucy was come to Paris/ Than the king sent for the lord of Coucy/ who had been all night with his wife. When he was come the king demanded of the state of king richard of England/ and of the queen his daughter. The lord durst not hide the troth fro him/ but showed him plainly every thing/ as his wife had showed him/ which news were sore displeasant to the french king/ for he knew well the englishmen were sore & hard men to appease/ and so with displeasure the french king returned again in to his old sickness of fransey/ whereof the nobles of that realm were sore displeased but they could not amend it. Than the duke of Burgoyn said/ I thought never otherwise for it was a marriage without good reason/ the which I said plainly enough when the matter was first spoken of/ but as than I could not be herd/ for I knew well the londoners never loved parfytely king richard. All this mischief is engendered by the duke of Gloucestre/ it is time now to take heed what the englishmen will do/ sith they have taken their king and put him in prison. by all likelihood they will put him to death/ for they never loved him/ because be loved no war but peace they will crown to their king the duke of Lancastre/ he shall so bind himself to them that whether he will or not/ he shall do all that they will/ & said moreover/ now shall be seen what they of Bordeaux will do/ for there he was borne/ and was well be loved with them and also with them of Bayon & of Dax/ and in all the limits of Burdeloys/ it were good that that constable of France sir Joys of Sanxere were signified of this matter/ and that he drew him to that fronters there/ & with him sir raynold of Barroys of Barreys and other barons and prelate's and to treat with them and my brother the duke of Berrey to go in to Poictou/ & to draw to the fronters of Xaintes/ of Blaues/ and of mirebell/ whereby if they of Bordeaux will any thing intend to our treaties/ that they may be received/ for now shall we have them or never. As he devised it was ordained/ the which was a substantial device. for when they of Bordeaux/ of Bayon/ and of Dax/ understood that their king richard was taken and set in the tower of London/ and duke Henry of Lancastre crowned king/ they had great marvel thereof/ and in the beginning would not believe it/ but little & little they knew the troth thereof. Than the said three towns were closed and no man suffered to issue out nor to enter in/ they were sore troubled and sorrowful/ and specially the city of Bordeaux/ for king richard was nourished among them/ therefore they loved him/ and while he was king if any of Burdeloys came to him they were well received/ and always the king was ready to fulfil their desires/ wherefore they said when they knew the troth. Ah Richard gentle king/ ye were as noble a man as ever reigned in any realm/ this trouble that londoners have caused/ for they could never love you/ special sith ye were allied by marriage with the french king/ this mischief is so great that we can not suffer it? They have holden you king this xxii year/ and now to condemn you to the death/ for sith ye be in prison & have crowned the duke of Lancastre/ they will surely put you to death. So they of Burdeloys made great lamentations/ in so much that the seneschal of Bordeaux a right valiant knight of England wrote letters/ therein containing the words and lamentations of them of the city of Burdeaulx/ of Bayon/ and of Dax. Also he wrote how they were near at the point to yield up their towns to the french king. He sent this letter by a trusty servant of his by the see/ who had good wind and arrived at cornwall in England/ and than he road so long that he came to London/ there he found king Henry and delivered his letters/ which were directed to the king and to the londoners. They were opened and reed/ and the king and the londoners took counsel upon that matter. They of London answered like them that were nothing abashed of that tidings/ but said/ as for these towns will never turn french/ for they can not live in their danger nor they can not suffer the extortion and polling of the frenchmen/ for under us they live frank and free/ and if the french men should be lords over them/ they should be taxed and tailed/ & retailed two or three times in a year/ the which they are not now accustomed unto which should be a hard thing now for them to begin. Also these three cities are closed in round about with great lords/ who are good english/ and long have been/ as the lord Pyviers/ the lord Musydent/ the lord Duras/ the lord Landuras/ the lord Copane/ the lord Rosem/ the lord Logeren/ and divers other barons and knights/ by whom they should have war at their hands/ for they should not issue out of their cities but they should be taken. For all the seneschalles writing we have no doubt that they should become french/ how be it/ good it is to send thither some valiant wise man that is beloved among them/ some such as hath governed there or this/ and that is the lord Thomas Percy. Thus as it was devised it was acomplysshed/ he was desired to go thither/ and to take heed of that country. He fulfilled the kings commandment/ and made him ready to depart. it was about Christmas/ at which time the winds be sore and jeopardous/ he took shiping in cornwall. He had with him two hundred men of arms and four hundred archers. And with him was his nephew Hugh Hastynges/ Thomas Collevyll/ Gyllyam lisle/ johan Graily/ bastard son to the captal of Beufz/ Guillyam Traicton/ johan Danbreticourt/ and divers other/ and also the bishop of London/ and master richard Doall. They tarried till it was mid March or they took the see. and or they came to Bordeaux the duke of Bourbon was come to the city of Dagen to treat with them of Burdeloys/ and he did so moche by his fair words and good assurance/ that the counsels of Bordeaux/ of Bayon/ and of Dax were sent to the city of Dagen. The duke received them friendly and gave them fair words and many promises/ and showed them that if they would turn french/ and be under the obeisance of the french king/ what so ever they would demand should be granted them/ and sealed perpetually to endure. Many things they promised and swore to seal/ and to keep for ever. They answered/ when they were returned again in to their cities they would show all this to the people/ and so take counsel and than give answer. Thus they departed fro Dagen and fro the duke of Bourbon and returned to their towns/ and showed all this to the people/ but all turned to nothing/ for the comynaltyes of the said cities considered the business/ and knew well how the realm of France was vexed and troubled with tails and fowages and shameful exactions all to get money. than they said/ if the french men govern over us they will bring us to the same usage/ yet it is better for us to be english/ for they keep us frank and free. If the londoners have deposed king richard & crowned king Henry what is that to us? we have and shall have always a king/ and we understand that the bishop of London and sir Thomas Percy shortly will be here/ they shall inform us of the truth/ we have also more merchandise of will/ wine/ and cloth with the english men than with the frenchmen. let us be aware we make no treaty/ whereby we should repent us after. Thus the treaty with the french men was broken and left of. Than anon after the bishop of London and the lord Percy with their charge of men of war arrived at Bordeaux/ whereof moche people were greatly rejoiced/ and some displeased/ such as had rather have been french than english. All these english lords were lodged together in the abbey of saint Andrew/ and when they saw their time they showed to the people the state of England/ and the cause why they were sent thither/ and they did so moche that every thing was appeased both there and in all other places: For hard it was to have caused them to have turned french.  
THan it was determined by the counsel of France/ sith the king was in sickness by reason of the displeasure that he took for the deposing of his son in law king richard/ that they should send some notable wise parsonage in to England to know the state of the queen. to do this message was appointed sir Charles de la Brethe and Charles of Hangers/ who (as they were commanded) departed fro Paris and came to Boloygne/ and there tarried/ for they had sent an herald to king Henry/ for without assurance they durst not go/ for all the truce that was between both realms. King Henry/ who thought himself much bound to the French king/ for the cheer that he had in France/ took counsel and concluded/ and so the herald was answered that it was the kings pleasure that they and their company should come in to England/ and to come the straight way to the king/ and not to ride out of the way without licence. The herald returned to Boloyne and showed what he had done/ wherewith they were content/ and so shipped their horses/ and took the see and arrived at Dover/ where they found ready a knight of the kings house/ ●oho received them. they had seen him before with king Henry in France/ whereby they were sooner acquainted. so they tarried at Dover till their horses were unshipped/ and than they road to Caunterbury. And where so ever they baited or lay their hosts were paid. At last they came to Eltham/ and there they found king Henry and part of his counsel. The king made them good cheer for the love of the french king. Than they showed the king the cause of their coming. The king answered and said. Sirs/ ye shall go to London/ and there I will be within this four days and assemble my counsel/ and than ye shall have answer of your demand. That day they dined with the king/ and after dinner they road to London and the said knight of the kings still with them/ who saw them well lodged. The king according to his promise came to westminster/ & these french knights had knowledge of the kings coming thither/ and made them ready to go when they should be sent for. The king had his counsel with him/ and than it was devised what answer they should have. than they were sent for/ and than it was showed them that where as they desired to see the queen/ their desire should not be denied/ so that they would swear and promise/ that nouther they nor none of their men should speak any word of that was fallen upon king richard/ for it was said to them/ that if they did they should run in great displeasure of the people/ and be in great apparel of their lives. The two knights said they would in no wise break the order that they had set/ but obey their commandment. They said when they had ones seen and spoken with her/ than they would return and depart. Anon after the earl of Northum berlande brought them to Haveringe of the bower to the young queen who was there as than/ and with her the duchess of Ireland daughter to the lord Coucy and the duchess of Gloucestre with her daughters/ and other ladies and damoselles. The queen received them sweetly/ and demanded of them how the french king her father did and the queen her mother. They said well/ and so communed with her a great season. They kept well their promise/ for they spoke no word of king richard. Than they took leave of the queen and returned to London. Than shortly after they went to Eltham to the king and there dined/ and the king gave them fair presents and iowelles/ and right amiably they took their leave of the king/ who said to them. Sirs/ ye may say when ye come in to France/ that the queen of England shall have no hurt nor trouble/ but shall always keep her estate as to her belongeth/ and shall enjoy all her right/ for as yet she shall not know the mutations of the world. Of these words spoken of the kings mouth/ the two knights were well content/ and so departed and lay at Dertforde/ and the next day at Ospring/ and so to Caunterbury/ and than to Dover. And all their costs and charges coming & going the kings officers paid. Than they took the see and arrived at Boloyne and so to Paris/ and there found the king and the queen/ and showed them all that they had seen and heard. ¶ Now let us somewhat speak of England. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How certain lords in England rose up with an army to have delivered king richard and to have destroyed king Henry/ and how they were slain. Cap. CC. xivii.  
divers questions and arguments were made in England among noble men/ and counsels of the good towns/ that Richard of Bordeaux was deed & slain/ wherefore men spoke no more of him/ for well he had deserved it. To these points king Henry answered and said. Nay quoth he/ I have pity of his death/ I will never consent thereto. To keep him in prison is sufficient. I have warranted his life/ and I will keep my promise. such as would have had him deed said. Sir/ we se well ye have Pity on him/ but ye do for yourself a perilous thing. For as long as he is a live/ though he have willingly resigned to you the crown of England/ and that every man hath received you as king/ and have made to you faith and homage/ yet it can not be/ but that there be in the Realm/ some that loved him/ & as yet do/ who would lightly rise against you/ if they might see any likelihood of his deliverance. Also the French king is sore displeased for his trouble/ he would soon be revenged if he might/ and he is of great puissance/ with such aid as he may find in England/ The king answered and said/ As long as I see not the contrary/ or that the French king will take no part against me/ I will keep my promise. This answer that the king made/ had nerehande have been to his own destruction. The earl of Huntyngton sir johan of holland/ brother to king richard/ who had to wife king Henry's sister/ could not forget the adventure of his brother/ No more could the earl of Salisbury/ and they had at Oxenford secret counsel together. And they devised how they might deliver king Richard out of the tower and destroy king Henry/ & bring a trouble again in to the realm. They devised to make a jousts of twenty knights and twenty squires to beholden at Oxenford/ and how they would desire the king to be there privily. And while he should be sitting at the table to slay him. For they had devised to have had men enough to have performed their intents/ and they had ready a priest called Maladyn/ who was a syngar in king Rychardes' chapel/ to have put him in the Kings apparel/ for he was like king richard in favour. And than they would have made the people to have believed that king Richard had been delivered/ and returned in to his first state/ and than to have sent word of their deed to the French king/ that he should incontinent have sent in to England/ some succour to them by the earl of saint Poule or by some other. As they had devised so they died begin. They caused a feast at Oxenford to be proclaimed of twenty knights and twenty squires/ well accompanied with ladies and damoselles. They had also on their party the young earl of Kente/ nephew to sir johan holland/ & also another great lord the lord Spensar. And they believed to have had on their party the earl johan of Rutland/ because king Henry had put him out of the office of the Constable ship of England/ but he failed them/ for some said/ by him they were bewrayed. This feast provided for/ that the earl of Huntyngton came to Wyndsore where the king was and humbly made his reverence/ as he that thought to have deceived the king with sweet words/ and to have got him to have come to this feast/ the which to do/ he desired the king effectuously/ and the king who thought none evil granted him so to do/ whereof the earl was right joyous/ and departed fro the king and took his leave/ and laid to the Cannon Robsarde. Sir/ apparel you to come to our feast/ I promise the if I meet the there in the field/ I shall give the a fair encounter with my spear. Than sir johan Robsarde said. Sir/ it the king come to your feast/ ye shall not fail to find me there. Than the Earl struck his hand in his and thanked him/ and so passed forth. divers knights and squires prepared themselves to be at that feast. All the armourers in London were let a work to trim men in their harness for the justes. Such as were of the kings counsel said to him. Sir/ ye have nothing to do there/ ye shall not come there by our advise. We have heard certain words in murmuring/ the which are not very pleasant nor agreeable. We shall know more shortly. The king believed their counsel/ and so came not at that feast/ nor none of his knights/ nor but t●we came thither/ of such as they would have slain.  
When the earl of Salisbury/ the earl of Huntyngton/ and the earl of Kente/ and the lord Spensar saw that they had failed of their intent/ and that they could not have the king as they would/ than they counseled together and said. Let us go to Wynsore and stir up the country/ and we shall put Madalyn in estate royal/ and ride with him: And make the people believe that it is king richard/ who is delivered cut of prison/ all such as shall see him will believe it/ & all such as here thereof/ and thus we shall destroy our enemies. As they devised so they died/ and assembled together/ so that they were a five hundred men/ one and other. And they did put this Madalyn in apparel royal/ & made him to ride with them/ and so road towards Wyndsore where king Henry was. god died aid king Henry/ for tidings came to him how the said lords were coming with a great number to Wynsore to slay him and how they were men enough to win the castle/ and how they had made Madalyn in vesture like a king/ to ride with them/ and made the people believe that king richard was delivered/ and moche people believeth it/ And some say they have seen him/ and believe verily that it is he. Wherefore sir/ get you hens incontinent and ride to London/ for they are coming straight hither. The king believed their counsel. And so he and all his men leapt on their horses and departed fro Wyndsore and road towards London. And the king was not far gone but that these lords came to Wyndsore/ and entered in at the gates of the castle/ for there was none to say them nay. then they went sertching fro Chambre to chamber/ and in the canons houses/ weening to find the king/ but they failed. when they saw it would not be they were right sore displeased/ and than departed fro Wynsore and lay that night at Colebroke/ and they made much people to go with them/ what byforce and by treaty. Saying how king richard was in their company/ some believed it and some not. King Henry who doubted of treason/ hasted him in his journey/ and came to the tower of London by a secret way/ Than he went to Richard of Bordeaux and said. I have saved your life with moche pain and now ye would murder me/ by your brother and other/ but this enterprise shallbe evil for you. Richard of Bordeaux excused him greatly and said. As god might help him and save his soul/ he knew nothing thereof/ nor he would never desire other estate than he was in. Thus the matter stood. Than king Henry sent for the mayre of London/ & for other of his special friends/ and than he showed them all the matter as it was. The londoners had great marvel thereof and said. Sir/ ye must send for your men and go against them be times/ or they multiply any further. We have made you king/ & so ye shall continue who soever have envy thereat. Than letters were written in haste/ and messengers sent forth in to all parts. The king wrote to his constable the earl of Northumberland and to his marshal the earl of Westmerlande and to all other knights and squires in to Essexe/ and in to other places/ where as he thought to have aid of men/ such as heard thereof/ came to the king as fast as they might.  
THan the earls of Huntyngton and of Salisbury/ and other of their affynyte/ took counsel and advise to draw towards London/ for they said/ it could not be none otherwise/ but that some of the Londoners loved king richard/ & all such they said/ would come to take their part Than they departed fro Colbroke and went and lodged at Braynforde/ a six mile fro London/ but there was never a londoners that came to them but drew all in to their city. When these lords saw that/ the next morning they took the way to saint Albon's/ and there lodged and tarries there a day/ and fro thence they went to Barcamstede. Thus they went about the country/ & still made to be reported/ that this Madalyn was king richard/ and so came to a good town called Suscettour/ where there was a bailiff set there by king Henry/ who had the keeping of the town and the country there about. When these lords were come to Suscettour/ they lodged there one night in rest & peace/ for the bailie was not strong enough to fight with them/ therefore he dissimuled as well as he might. And the next morning the earl of Salisbury and the lord Spensar departed fro the earl of Huntyngton and fro the earl of Kent/ & said how they would ride further to get & to turn more men to their opinion/ & to go & see the lord Bercley/ & to ride a long by the river of Severn. They were evil counseled when they departed one fro another/ for they were so much the weaker. The earl of Huntyngton began to treat with the bailie & with the men of Suscettour/ and showed them how king Richard was delivered/ & how that the londonets had/ delivered him/ and that he should be there within two days after. The bailie (who had assembled a good number of them of the country) said/ that the contrary was true/ & how that he had such tidings fro king Henry and fro the londoners/ that he would execute their commandment. When th'earl of Huntyngton heard those words he changed colour/ & saw well he was deceived. Than he entered in to his lodging and armed him/ and caused his men to do the same/ and thought to conquer those villains by battle and to set the town a fire/ thereby to abash the people. The bailiff of the town on the other part hasted him/ and assembled all his men in a certain place/ and he was with archers and other a two thousand men/ and the lords had not passed a three hundred men. How be it they came out of their lodgings and began the battle/ and archers shot on both parts so that many were hurt. Than the bailie with his great number came upon them without sparing/ for he had special commandment fro king Henry that he should other take them quick or deed/ if he might overcome them. So finally the Earls men were fain to withdraw in to the houses. Than the bailie and his men environed their lodgings on all parts/ and specially where the two Earls were/ & made there such assaults/ that they entered perfoce: There were many hurt and slain. th'earl of Huntyngton defended himself valiantly as long as he might: But there were so many against him/ that there he was slain/ and with him the young earl of Kente/ for whom great sorrow was made in divers parts of England/ for he was a fair young man/ and was there in manner against his will/ but his uncle and the earl of Salisbury brought him thereto. The men of Suscettour who were fierce against them/ struck of their heeds and sent them by a messenger to the mayre of London/ therewith to rejoice the king and the londoners. th'earl of Salisbury and the lord Spensar came to a like conclusion/ for certain knights & squires of the kings took them where they were/ and struck of their heeds & sent them to London/ & many such as were with them allied were put to execution/ both knights and squires. After that the realm was in good rest and peace. ⸫ ⸫   

¶ How the french king raised up an army to send upon the fronters of England. Cap. CC xlviii  
When easter was come/ the year of our lord god. M. four hundred. The french king/ his brother/ his uncles/ & his counsel understood how certain englishmen of arms and archers should pass the see and come to Calais and to Guynes/ to Hams/ and to those fronters. Than there was a commandment made through France/ that every knight and squire should be ready to leap a horse back/ and to go thither as they should be sent/ specially Bolonois and the see side was well provided for.  
The same time duke johan of Bretayne died/ & behind him he left two sons & a daughter. The eldest son should have married the french kings second daughter for he might not have th'elder/ because she was married in to England to king Richard. This treaty of marriage first for the eldest daughter of France with the heir of Bretayne/ was concluded at Tourse in Tourayn but afterward by the kings consent and his counsel/ & to th'intent to marry her the more richly/ that marriage was broken with Bretayne/ & she married in to England. And divers lords in France said & feared/ that no good should come thereof: but than they concluded for the second daughter. Than after the death of the duke of Bretaine it was advised that the duke of orleans with a certain number of men of war should draw to the marches of Bretayne to speak with the bretons/ & with the counsellors of good towns/ to know what they would do with their heir/ & to desire them to deliver him to be kept in the house of France. The duke of orleans died according to this devise/ & with a certain number came to Ponthorson & there rested/ and sent word of his coming to the lords of Bretaigne. Than prelate's/ lords/ & counsellors of the good towns in the name of the three estates of the country assembled together/ & were determined what answer to make/ and so they came to Pounthorson to the duke of orleans/ and there they made their answer all after one sort/ and that was. They said/ how that their young lord & heir of Bretayne/ they would keep him themselves in his own country. Than the duke of orleans seeing it would none otherwise be/ he took bonds of the greatest lords in Bretayne/ such as had chief charge of the country/ that they should deliver him to the french king/ when the child should come to his age. These writings made and sealed/ than the duke departed and returned in to France/ and showed the king his brother how he had sped.  
IT was well known in England/ how the French king had furnished his garrisons/ cities/ good towns & castles on the fronters of Picardy and Bolonois/ and how the frenchmen had closed so the passagꝭ over the water of Some that no merchandise/ corn/ nor other thing should not pass Abuyle/ nor the merchants of England/ who were wont to go in to France with their merchandise/ durst no more come there/ nor the french merchants durst not come in to England/ so that the fronters on both parties were in great ruin & desolation/ and yet they made no war together/ for they had no commandment so to do. Than it was said to king Henry. sir/ advise you well/ it seemeth by the Frenchmen they will make you war: they make great provision for ships at Harflewe/ and captains of their army is/ the earl of saint Poule and sir Charles de la Breath. And it were to suppose/ that if the earls of Huntyngton and of Salysbury were a live/ and all such as be dead/ the Frenchmen than would soon pass over the see/ on trust to have great alliance and aid in England. But sir/ as long as Richard of Bordeaux is a live/ you nor your realm shallbe at no surety. I believe that ye say is true quoth the king/ but as for me I will not cause him to be slain/ for I have so promised him/ and I will keep my promise/ without I perceive that he work treason against me. Well sir ●abqod; they of his counsel/ it were better for you that he were deed rather than a live. For as long as the french men know that he is living/ they will enforce them to make you war/ and will hope always to bring him again in to his former estate/ because of his wife the French kings daughter. The king gave none answer but departed fro them as than/ and left his counsel communing together/ & the king went and took a falcon on his hand/ and passed over that matter.   

¶ Of the death of king Richard of England/ and how the truce between England and France was reviewed. And also of the deposition of pope Benedic at Avignon. Cap. CC xlix  
IT was not long after/ that true tidings ran thorough London/ how richard of Burdeaulx was deed/ but how he died & by what means I could not tell when I wrote this chronicle. But this king richard deed was laid in a litter and set in a chair/ covered with black Baudkynne/ and four horses all black in the chair/ and two men in black leading the chair/ and four knights all in black following. Thus the char departed fro the tower of London/ and was brought a long through London fair and softly till they came into cheapside/ where as the chief assembly of London was/ and there the char rested the space of two hours. thither came in and out more than xx. M. persons men and women to see him where as he lay/ his head on a black quisshen/ & his visage open. some had on him pity & some none but said/ he had long a go deserved death. Now consider well ye great lords/ kings/ duke's earls/ barons & prelate's/ & all men or great lineage & puissauce: se & behold how the fortunes of this world are marvelous/ & turn diversly. This king Richard reigned king of England xxii year in great prosperity/ holding great estate & signory. There was never before any king of England that spent so moche in his house as he did/ by a. C.M. florins every year. For I sir Iohn Froissart canon & treasurer of Chinay knew it well for I was in his court more than a quarter of a year togider/ & he made me good cheer/ because that in my youth I was clerk & servant to the noble king Edward the third his grautfather/ & with my lady Philip of Heynault queen of England his grandam. and when I departed fro him/ it was at Wynsore/ and at my departing the king sent me by a knight of his called sir Iohn Golofer/ a gob let or silver & guilt weighing two mark of silver/ & within it a. C. nobles/ by the which I am as yet the better/ and shallbe as long as I live/ wherefore I am bound to pray to God for his soul/ & with moche sorrow I writ of his death. But because I have continued this history/ therefore I writ thereof to follow it. In my time I have seen two things/ though they differ yet they be true. I was in the city of Bordeaux & sitting at the table when king Richard was borne/ the which was on a tuesday about ten of the clock. The same time there came there as I was sir Richard Pountcardon marshal as than of Ac●tayne/ & he said to me. Froissart/ write & put in memory that as now my lady pricesse is brought abeed with a fair son on this twelve day/ that is the day of the three kings/ and he is son to a kings son & shallbe a king. This gentle knight said truth/ for he was king of England xxii. year. But when this knight said these words/ he knew full little what should be his conclusion. And the same time that king Richard was borne his father the prince was in Galyce/ the which king Dompeter had given him/ and he was there to conquer the realm. Upon these things I have greatly imagined sith/ for the first year that I came in to England in to the service of queen philip/ King Edward and the queen/ and all their children were as than at Barcamstede/ a manner of the prince of Wales be yond London. The king and the Queen were came thither to take leave of their sofie the prince and the princess/ who were going in to Acquitayne. And there I heard an ancient knight devise among the ladies and said. There is a book which is called le Brust/ and it deviseth that the prince of Wales eldest son to the king/ nor the duke of Clarence/ nor the duke of Glocestre should never be king of England: but the realm & crown should return to the house of Lacastre. There I johan Froissart author of this chronicle considering all these things. I say these two knights/ sir richard Pountcardon & sir bartholomew of Bruels laid both truth/ For I saw/ and so died all the world/ richard of Bordeaux xxii year king of England/ and after the crown returned to the house of Lancastre. And that was when king Henry was king/ the which he had never been if Richard of Bordeaux had dalte amiably with him: for the Londoners made him king/ because they had pity on him and on his children. Thus when king Richard had lain two hours in the char in Cheap side/ than they drove the chair forward. And when the four knights that followed the char a sote were without London/ they leapt than on their horses/ which were there ready for them. And so they road till they came to a village called Langle/ a xxx mile from London: and there this king Richard was buried/ god have mercy on his soul.  
Tidings spread abroad how king Richard was deed/ he tarried every day for it/ for every man might well consider/ that he should never come out of prison a live. His death was long kept and hid fro his wife. The French king and his counsel were well informed of all this/ and the knights and squires desired nothing but the war/ & that they might ride upon the fronters. How be it the counsels/ as well of the one realm as of the other took their advise/ and thought it best to uphold still the truce that was taken before they thought it more profitable than the war. And a new treaty was devised to be in the marches of Calais/ because the french king was not in good case nor had not been/ sith he knew of the trouble that king Richard was in. And yet his sickness doubled when he knew that he was deed/ so that the duke of Burgoyne had the chief rule of the realm. And he came to saint Omers & to Burbour● where the duke of Burbone was & sir Charles de la Breast/ and Charles of Hangeers & johan of castle Morant. and of prelate's/ the patriarch of jerusalem/ and the bishops of Paris and of Beavoyes. And on the english party there was the earl of Northumberlande/ the earl of Rutland/ the earl of devonshire/ and the lord Henry Percy the earls son/ and yvan of Fitzwaren. and prelate's/ there were the bishops of Wynchester and of Ely. The french men demanded to have again delivered the young queen of England/ but the english men would in no wise deliver her/ but said/ she should live still in England upon her dowry. and that though she had lost her husband/ they would provide for her another/ that should be fair/ young/ & gentle/ with whom she should be better pleased than with Richard of Bordeaux/ for he was old: and this should be the prince of Wales/ eldest sofie to king Henry. To this the Frenchmen would not agree/ for they would not consent thereto without licence of the king her father/ who as than was not in good point/ for he was far out of the way no medysyn could help him. So that matter was laid apart and the treaty of truce went forward/ in such wise/ that by consent of both parties/ they swore and were bound to keep the truce xxvi year more/ to the four years that it had endured/ the which in all was xxx year/ according to the first covenant. and upon this/ writings were made and sealed by procurations of both kings. this done/ every man returned to their own countries. ¶ I have not as yet showed you what became of th'earl Marshal/ by whom first all these tribulations began in the realm of England/ but now I shall show you. He was at Venyce/ and when he knew that king Henry was king and king richard taken & deed. He took thereof so great displeasure and sorrow/ that he laid him down on his bed and fell in a frenzy/ and so died: Such mischievousness fell in those days upon great lords of England.  
¶ And in the year of our lord god a thousand four hundred one less. Pope Benedic at Avignon/ who had been sustained long by the French men/ was as than deposed. And in likewise so was the king of almain for his evil deeds. For the clectours of the Empire/ and all the dukes and barons of Almaygne rose against him/ and sent him in to Boesme/ where as he was king. and they chose another a valiant and a wiseman to be king of Almaigne/ and he was one of the Bavyers/ and was called Robert of Heleberge. And he came to Coloygne where he was crowned with the crown of Almaigne/ for they of Ayes would not open their town to him/ nor the duke of Guerles would not be under his obeisance. This new king of almain promised to bring the church to a unity and peace. How be it the French king and his counsel treated with the legeoys/ who held with the pope at Rhome. And they died so moche by the means of sir Baudwyn of Mount jardyne/ who governed a great part of the bishopric of Liege/ who was a knight of the French kings/ so that by his means at the desire of the french king/ the country of Liege turned to become neuter: so that the Legeois sent to Rome for all the clergy that were there of their country to come by a certain day/ or else to lose all their benefices in the country. When they heard that/ they returned fro Rome and came to Liege. And pope Bonyface/ who lost moche by that transmutation/ sent a legate in to almain to preach among them/ to cause them to return again to his part/ but the legate durst not pass Coloigne/ and sent letters to Liege. when those letters were reed the messenger was answered/ that on pain of drowning he should no more comeon such message. For they said/ as many messenger as cometh with any such message/ shallbe drowned in the river of Moeuze.  
Finis totius Froissart.   

¶ Thus endeth the third and fourth book of sir Iohn Froissart/ of the chronicles of England/ France/ Spain/ Portyngale/ scotland/ Bretaygne Flaunders/ and other places adjoining: Translated out of French in to maternal english/ by Iohn Bourchier knight lord berner's/ deputy general of the kings town of Calais/ and marches of the same. At the high commandment of our most redoubted sovereign lord king henry the eight/ king of England and of France/ and high defender of the christian faith. etc. The which two books be compiled in to one volume/ & finished in the said town of Calais the ten day of march/ in the xvi year of our said sovereign lords reign. Imprinted at London in Fleetstreet by richard Pynson/ printer to the kings most noble grace. And ended the last day of August: the year of our lord god. M.d.xxu  
¶ Cum privylegio a rege in dulto.   

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