AN ABRIDGEMENT Or rather, A Bridge of Roman Histories, to pass the nearest way from TITUS LIVIUS to CORNELIUS TACITUS.  
Under which (IN THREE BOOKS) AS IT WERE THROUGH THREE ARCHES, for the space of Six score years, the Fame and Fortune of the Romans ebbs and flows.  
LONDON, Printed for MATHEW LOWNES. 1608.   

CLOTHO, Or the first book.  
WHen vainglorious Tarquin 
Tarquin banished.  the last of the Roman kings for the shameful rape of Lucrece committed by one of his sons, was banished from Rome & Consuls succeeded, which as the name declares, had charge of providing for the common safety & security, the Romans' changed gold for brass, and loathing one king suffered many tyrants, scourging their folly with their fall, and curing a festered sore with a poisoned plaster: for what could be more unjust, or more contrary to the free estate of a city, then to subject the whole common weal to the rule of many potentates, and to exclude the people from all right and interest in public affairs? What could be more absurd than the Senators only to bestow the Consulship, the sovereignty in wars, the supremacy in superstitious offices, according to their fancy and affection, to call Senates at their pleasure, to convocate assemblies when it seemed best for their own profit, and to have power of life and death upon the bodies of their fellow citizens, & the people to live like their slaves, being barred and restrained from marrying with the daughter of any Senator, as if that pray had been too high for so low a wing, and being held in such disdain and disreputation that common fellowship and mutual society was denied them, which was indeed not to live like free men in a city, but like villains and bondmen in a wainscot prison, and like silly birds in a golden cage: but when after long experience they had found, that winter succeeded summer, & that the withered welfare of their city could not be revived without some fortunate spring: to the intent that moderation might be induced, and that the meaner sort might bear some stroke with the mightier, that the people might enjoy the sweet of the city as well as the fathers, they procured a new office entitled the Tribuneship, whereby they might protect themselves as with a shield against the arrogant endeavours and outrageous decrees of the Senators, and then the fellowship of marriage was brought in with the Senate, which before was prohibited the people, as if they had been stained with some contagious jaundice, or infected with some dangerous leprosy, and their suffrage was then made necessary to the election of officers, which before was as rare in that commonweal as a white skin in Aethiopia. The people having thus erected their power, did by degrees more and more enhance it, till by many alterations it was turned from an Aristocracy, from the rule of them that were many and mighty, to a plain and visible Democracie or estate popular, administered by the voices of the multitude and magistrates, and by the united consent of the whole corporation. Now when the people had by continual incrochments assumed and seized into their hands the giving and bestowing of the greater offices, as the Consulship, that strong tower of the Senatous authority, and besides that the Dictatorship, the Censorship, the warlike Empire, the priestly dignity, and many other most excellent honours, which before did solely belong to the Peers of Rome, and now there wanted nothing to make their power equal, but only that Plebiscites, that is, decrees made by the people, should bind the greater powers, as well as the people themselves, from which at that time the whole company of the Nobles were exempted. Therefore to make them general, and of like force against all, they wrested from the fathers after much business, the law Hortensia, by which it was enacted that in every important matter the people should be equally interested with the Senate, and that the laws so made and ratified by them, should stretch as well to the Senators, as to the people themselves. After that the commonweal was brought to this good and temperate constitution, many profitable laws were established, many victories followed, many cities bowed unto them, many monarchies sued for their favour, many tyrants feared their puissance, & many countries dreaded their invasion. Then there flourished in Rome most admirable examples of abstinency, modesty, justice, fortitude, and which was the seal of their security, an universal unity and agreement. Then the fame of their Curij, their Coruncani, their Fabritij, their Metelli, their Fabiuses, their Marcelli, their Scipios, their Pauli, their Lepidi, did ring in the world, whose great magnanimity & wisdom in the tumult of wars, together with their singular temperance, and loyalty in the calm of peace, is to be wondered at of all, and of all to be reverenced. But when either the Senate or people did pass the lists and limits of equal regiment, the ancient and virtuous orders of the city were immediately trodden under foot, and their good and laudable customs were encountered and put to flight by dissolute and unbridled enormities: then the asiatical triumphs did incorporate into the city a womanish wantonness, then proud ambition mounted her plume of disdain upon the top of the Capitolle, than their excessive pride and iovissance for their victories had against Pyrrhus, for their conquest of Carthage, for the overthrow of Philip, Perseus, Antiochus, mighty kings, for the winning of Spain, Sicily, Sardinia, Illyria, Macedonia and Greece, being as yet fresh in their memories, were as bellows to puff up their swelling humours. Then there succeeded a dismal discord, which beginning when the estate was at the highest, did not end or expire, till it fell to the lowest ebb, sticking fast in the sands of a grievous desolation. If a man will retrospectively measure the space of former times, & the whole compass of years, wherein the fortunes of the Romans were by God his hand turned about, he shall find that all the weight of their affairs, before the incohation of the Empire of Augustus, may be dispersed into six ages; whereof the first containing the number of fistie years, was spent in the making of a town; for that gorgeous seat which now we call Rome, was then but a plot of 
Rome built.  ground, to which houses were wanting, but afterward a great multitude of Latin & Tuscan shepherds, together with Phrygians & Arcadians, flowing to that place, as to a temple reverenced by pilgrims and travelers, the commonweal was compacted of these several people, as a body of diverse elements. Romulus the founder of their city & empire, did delight wholly in mountains, rivers, woods, marshes and wastes, playing perhaps the espial, to discover and find out in what place it were best to erect a city, and how to convey things necessary unto it, and how to adorn it with continual increment and addition of demeisnes; to such imaginations the fields and places desolate were most accordant, and to his savage society this practice of life was most acceptable.  
The second age which challengeth other fifty years, did engender in them working spirits and lofty cogitations, which eneagred and inflamed their minds, against the confiners & borderers: than it first began to bear the countenance and shape of a kingdom, which was after enlarged to the shore of the Midland and Adriatic seas, which they rather used as bridges to other nations, then as bounders to their own.  
The third age whose steps were an hundred and fifty years, was the crown and consummation of their kingdom, in which whatsoever was done was done by them for the pomp, glory and magnificence of that estate: as yet the Roman pride was in her blade, and in the tenderness of her minority, this threefold age was spent under seven kings, differing by fatal providence in the disposition of their nature, as the frame and condition of that commonweal did especially require: for who was ever more fierce and ardent than Romulus? Such a one they needed to invade 
Romulus' eagrest in fight.  the kingdoms of others. Who more religious than Numa? Such the time did ask, that the fury of the people might be mitigated 
Numa religious.  by the fear of God: Wherhfore was Tullus that artificial champion given unto 
Tullus an artificial Captain.  them? That he might sharpen their valour by his wit. Wherhfore Aucus the great builder? That he might extend their city with colonies, 
Aucus a great builder  join it together with bridges, environ it with walls. The ornaments, ensigns and braveries of Tarqvinius, did with rays of 
Tarqvinius his ornaments  dignity illustrate and decore that estate. servius taxing them by poles, brought to pass 
Servius taxeth the Romans by poles.  that the Roman commonweal might know her riches. And the importune domination of proud Tarquin did very much profit, for 
Proud Tarquin occasioner of liberty.  the people afflicted by injuries, did force a passage to their liberty.  
The fourth age was as it were the youth of the Roman monarchy, when the flower of their prowess being green, and the blood of their minds blossoming in their faces and arms, the shepheardly savageness did as yet breath forth the relics of an undaunted stomach. Then flourished these Roman hazards, and miracles Cocles, Scevola, Cloaetia, which chronicles do therefore witness, that posterity may wonder. Then were the Tuscans repulsed and the Latins and Volscians daily and deadly enemies, vanquished by the triumphant husbandman L. Quintius Cincinnatus, which war he ended within fifteen 
The speedy war of Cincinnatns.  days, as if he had made haste to return to his tillage. Then were overcome the Vientines, the Faliscians, and the Fidenates: then the Galls a courageous nation, using their bodies for armour, in all respects so terrible, that they might seem to be borne for the death of men, and destruction of cities, were utterly vanquished: then were overcome the Sabines and Samnites wasting and despoiling the fields of Campania, being the goodliest 
The praise of Campania.  plot, the Diamond-sparke and the hony-spot of all Italy: there is no land more temperate for air, for it hath a double springtide: no soil more fertile, and therefore it is called the combat of Bacchus & Ceres, no region more hospitable in regard of the sea, here be the noble havens Caieta, Misenus, & the healthful baths Lucrine and Avernus, the resting places of the sea. Here the mountains clad with vines Gaurus, Falernus, Massitus, and the fiery hill Vesurius: here the famous city Capua third sister to Rome and Carthage doth imperiously stand. They begird Samnium with war and blood on all sides, till they had ruinated her very ruins, and revilled in her bowels, and twelve several nations of Tuscana waging hot and furious battle against them, in such sort and terrible manner, as if darts had been thrown at the Romans from the couldst, were likewise suppressed. In this age happened the Tarentine war, in which 
Pyrrhus fight against the Romans.  the army of Pyrrhus continually slaying was continually slain, and revenge did live in the death of the Romans: so that Pyrrhus did think himself to be borne under Hercules his star, who having cut off the seven heads of Hydra, seven other did spring up. But from this Captain the Romans plucked such spoils, that never fairer were carried in triumph. For before this day nothing passed in triumph, but the herds of the Volscian cattle, and the flocks of the Sabine sheep, the broken wagons of the Gauls, & the crushed harness of the Samnites: but in this triumph, if you respect the prisoners, they were Molossians, Thessalians, Macedonians, Brutians, Apulians, Lucan's: if you regard the pomp, it was gold, purple, curious pictures, tablets, and the delights of Tarentum. Next to this was the victory of the Pisani and Salentini: this age showed her force the space of two hundred and fifty years.  
Then followed the fifth age, in which the body of the commonweal grew to great strength, the joints and sinews being by mature solidity settled in firm estate. Therefore the conquering nation having now attained to the very manhood of manliness, and displayed her standard round about the sides of Italy, to the skirts of the sea, paused a little, as a great scalefire, which consuming all the woods and groves in the way that it goeth, is abrupted and put out of course by a flood coming between. But soon after seeing a rich pray on the other side of the sea, supposing it to be a piece of gold pulled from her mass, they did so vehemently desire the same, that because it could not be joined unto their dominion by bridges for the interruption of the sea, therefore they resolved to join it by sword and battle: and so was Sicilia subdued by the Romans, which was the cause and original of the first Carthaginian war, which the wars of the Ligurians, Insubrians and Illyrians did follow: and after the second Carthaginian 
The beginning of the second Carthagiman war.  war, so dangerous and bloody to the Romans, that if a man compare the loss of both nations, they which did conquer, were more like to persons conquered. For it grieved that noble brood, and valiant people of Carthage to be abridged of the sea, deprived of the islands, to pay tribute, and to undergo not only the bridle, but the yoke: to this age must be ascribed the circuit of one hundred years, which may be termed the golden age of the Romans, & the first age in which they showing their streamers on each side of the Ocean, did transport their wars into all nations of the world, in whose years the Romans were honest, religious, just, sincere, virtuous, and dutiful.  
The sixth age containing 120. years was troublesome and ugly, bloody & detestable, vices growing with their Empire. For with the wars valiantly fought against lugurtha, & Mithridates, against the Carthaginians, Cimbrians, Parthians, Galls & Germans, by which the Roman glory ascended and pierced the sky, the civil slaughters of the Gracchis, and of Drusus, of Marius, Sylla and others were mingled and interlarded: how mournful a spectacle was it, that they fought the same time with fellows in league, with fellows in the city, with bondmen, with fencers, all the Senate afterward contending and being in hurly burly with itself? These times received of the other ages an exquisite common weal, as it were a curious picture, which after mildring and decaying by age, they did not only neglect to renew, with the same colours, but they also forgot to preserve the outward form and lineaments thereof, for what remained of the ancient manners, which were both unused and unknown: for by their recent vices they lost the commonweal in fact, and in name retained it. How lamentable was the face of things at that instant? when every man confusedly being found in the field, in the streets, in towns, in houses, in highways, in markets, in temples, in beds, sitting at the table or in the porch, was suddenly and savagely murdered? what howl were there of them that died? what tears of them that lived, and beheld this? The cause of these miseries was too great prosperity. What made the people so earnest to extort the laws of fields and corn, but very famine procured by riot on the one part, and covetousness on the other? for such was the lavish mis-spending, & excessive vianding of some, that it can hardly be defined, whether more did perish by the blade or by the banquet, and such again was the covetousness, & greedy exacting of others, that none can judicially decide, whether the Romans were more endamaged by the enemy in time of war, or by the usurer in peaceable seasons. Hence grew the two civil broils of the Gracchis, and that of Saturninus being the third, and that of Drusus being the fourth, who maintained the Senate against the Knights: and for the further abetting and enough of this quarrel, he promised the freedom of the City to diverse Italians animated to this attempt, so that in one City there was as much discord as in two several camps. This bred the Italian war, 
The Italian war.  because promise was not performed. And next ensued the war of Mithridates, seeing 
Mithridates an enemy to the Romans.  the Romans on each side entangled with garboils, which presently bred the enmity betwixt Marius and Sylla, when Marius would have devested Sylla of his Generalship given 
The contention betwixt Marius and Sylla.  him by the Senate for the oppugnation of Mithridates. These two gave Mithridates' encouragement, by leaving the ribs of the comweale naked and open unto him, Marius led an army, ambition led Marius: ambition I say engendered by riches, did raise contention betwixt them: from this the war of Sertorius and Pompey had his original, whereof the one was proscribed by Sylla, the other protected. For Pompey was accounted Sulla's minion or favourite, whom he therefore called Magnus, that himself might seem greater, being the Saint whom Pompey served. Sylla was cruel in revenging cruelty, and his medicine was worse than the malady itself. This stirred the dissension of Lepidus 
The dissension of Lepidus and Catulus.  and Catulus, whereof the one would have ratified, the other reversed, all the acts of Sylla. Then Catiline whom his lust occasioned by 
Catiline's rebellion.  Sulla's indulgence brought to beggary, opposed himself to the Consuls. Then Pompey 
Pompey's great dignity in Rome.  entered the lists, as a follower of Sylla, who obtained excellent dignity in these times, but civil, and such as the regular course of that commonweal did afford, whose power & authority Caesar could not tolerate, because he could not match it: which notwithstanding 
Caesar cannot brook it.  he being overcome and slain, Caesar passed and transcended. But when this usurper had bleached the floor of the Senate house with his own blood, who before had overflowed and deluged the whole world, with the crimson gore of most admirable men, the commonweal did seem to have rolled herself into the state of her pristinate liberty, and it had returned unto the same, if either Pompey had not left sons, or Caesar had not made an heir, or, which was worse, if Antonius the thunder-dart of fury had not survived, being once colleague with Caesar in the Consulship, now successor of his usurpation. But while Pompey's son striveth for the honour of the name, the sea rattleth with armour: whilst Octavius revengeth the death of his adoptive father, Thessaly is again made the basis of tents and pavilions, and all Europe and Africa groaneth under the weight of iron, whilst Antonius in the habit of his mind diverse and discoloured, doth either disdain Octavius or dote upon Cleopatra, whose beauty if he could have exceeded by his chastity, his shame should not have blazed like a beacon at this day in the eyes of posterity, but he had won the garland of conquest, not meriting more than triumph. The army of Octavius having slain Pompey's son, did in him slay enmity, and Cassius being overcome by fight, Brutus by despair, they did extirpate faction. Yet Antonius not challenging part with any, but principality over all, imagining that he wanted no kingly thing save only a kingdom, remained as a rock or gulf in the mouth of the haven, whom he with some labour subdued. And, as in the yearly conversion of the heavens, it cometh to pass, that the stars jogged together do murmur and threaten tempest, so with the alteration of the Roman state, before Octavius founded his Monarchy, the whole globe of the earth with civil and foreign war, with fight on sea and land was terribly shaken. But the accidents and occurrences of these last hundred and twenty years, in the sequel of this history shall be, if God favour these lines, more particularly & distinctly reported. The first that made the Romans mighty was the former Scipio that 
The valour of the former Scipio.  scourged Africa with continual wars and vexations, and in the end subdued it: the first that made them wanton and effeminate, was the later Scipio, by whom Carthage was subverted, 
The prowess of the later Scipio.  yet not by his fault, but by the casualty of the time. For when the rival and envious jealousy of the Carthaginian glory, was by his matchless victory finally determined, the 
The Romans made wanton by prosperity  Romans did suddenly degenerate, and with an hungry gorge fed on the poisonful baits of bitter sweet ambition, following wantoness like wild horses, and addicted to pleasure as their only paragon, the ancient government of the City was utterly forsaken, the watchings of the camp were ended upon beds of down, their heavy armour was turned to light and fashionable attire, and the wont business of the City was changed into idleness. Then did Scipio Nasica build porches in the Capitolle, than did Metellus threaten the heavens with haughty buildings, them did Cn. Octavius erect a most sumptuous forefront, & then did the riot of the Commons imitate the magnificence of the nobles. In the midst of this delicate jollity, when the Romans were now in the ruff of their pride, a grievous and despiteful war was raised in Spain by Viriathus of Lusitania, a notable 
Viriathus an enemy to the Romans.  thief & ringleader to a multitude of rogues, which hung a long time in suspense: but in the end when Viriathus was slain, rather by the covin then courage of Servilius Caepio, a greater danger ensued, namely the war of the Numantines. The city of Numantia did 
The Numan tine war.  never afford armour to any more, than ten thousand citizens at one battle; but either through the fierceness of their nature, or the default of the Roman captains, or the indulgence of fortune, they brought Pompey 
Pompey enforced to strange leagues by the Numantines.  the first of the Pompey's that was Consul, a man of note & fame to most shameful leagues, & Mancinus Hostilius, to a detestable truce, which upon a remorse of mind, and change of opinion, against the law of Arms, and to the great discredit of the Romans, he afterward broke: but Pompey escaped unpunished by favour, Mancinus was punished by shame. 
The punishment of Mancinus for breaking truce.  For he was carried and transported by the Roman Heralds unto the Numantines, his hands being manacled, and so was delivered up into the enemy's power, whom they refused to receive, saying that a public breach of promise was not to be punished by the blood of one man. This yielding up of Mancinus into the enemy's hands, did cause in the city a perilous and pernicious dissension. For Ti. Gracchus the son of the right noble 
The parents of Ti. Gracchus.  man Ti. Gracchus, whose mother was the daughter of Scipio Affricanus, by whose means and authority that reproachful league was made, taking it gricuously that any thing which he did should be discountenanced, and fearing himself the danger either of the like punishment or of the like judgement, being at that time Tribune of the people, in life innocent, 
The praise of Ti. Gracchus  in wit pregnant, and in purpose guiltless: and furthermore adorned with so great virtues, as either nature could afford, or industry could perfect, or man's frailty could contain. P. Mutius Scaevola, and L. Calphurnius being Consuls fell from virtue to vice, 
Gracchus swerveth from virtue.  and extreme villainy: and having promised upon a dissolute fancy, that he would enfranchise and receive into the City any Italian whosoever, turned all things into a contrary state, mingled virtues with vice, laws with lust, and brought the commonweal into an headlong and hideous danger. octavius his fellow in office, who stood against him for the common good, he put from his place, & created 
A Trevirate first made in Rome.  a new state in Rome entitled a Trevirate or Triarchie, that is the rule of three men, who were called Treviri, himself for one, his father in law Appius who had been Consul for another 
The family of Scipio Nasica.  and C. Gracchus his brother for the third. At that time flourished P. Scipio Nasica, nephew to him, who was judged of the Senate in his life time to be the best of the Romans, son to that Scipio who purchased great praise for his good demeanour in the Censorship, nephew two degrees removed to Cn. Scipio a man highly commended, uncle to Scipio Aemilianus whose commendation lieth in his name: this Scipio Nasica though he were nearly linked in kindred to Tiberius Gracchus, yet preferring his country before his kindred, thinking nothing privately commodious 
Scipio Nasica opposeth himself to Gracchus.  which was not publicly convenient, standing in the higher part of the Capitolle, exhorted all the Romans, which desired the safety of the commonweal, to follow him, upon which words the Nobles, the Senate, and the greater and better part of the Roman knights did run suddenly upon Gracchus, standing in the floor of the Capitolle with his adherents, and even then conspiring with a frequent assembly of newcome Italians, he thereupon flying and running down the hill whereupon the Capitolle was founded, his head being crushed as he was running down, with a fragment of one of the boards which was in the Senate house, did suddenly end his life, which 
Ti. Gracchus slain.  he might have enjoyed with great honour and quietness.  
This broil and hapless dissension was the first conspiracy in which civil blood was shed, and the first dispensation of drawing sword within the walls: after that time right was oppressed by violence, and the mightier man was accounted the better, the quarrels of citizens that were wont to be cured by compromise and agreement, were now decided by sword and bloodshed, and wars were not followed according to the goodness of the cause, but according to the greatness of the pray. But it was no marvel, though this small beginning had so great effect, and this odious faction so unfortunate consequence, for examples do not pause there where they begin, but being once received into a narrow strait, they make way to themselves, ranging and spreading themselves over the body of the world, and when men go once astray, they mind not how far they go, thinking that nothing can procure dishonesty to them, which hath brought profit to others.  
Whilst these things were done in Italy, Scipio Affricanus of the house of Aemilius, who destroyed Carthage, after many slaughters of his enemies in the Numantine war, being now again made Consul, was sent back into Spain, where his courage and 
Scipio is sent into Spain.  success did match and equal his valour and fortune in Africa, and within a year and three months after his coming thither, he took Numantia, and caused every stone to 
Scipiotaketh Numantia.  be thrown to the ground, as a notable monument of a Roman victory. There was never any man of any name or nation, that by the sacking of cities did more aeternise his house or enlarge his glory: for having rooted up Carthage, he delivered the Romans from fear, and having razed Numantia, he delivered them from reproach. Being returned into the City within a short time, after two Consulships, two victories, and two notable triumphs, he was found dead in his bed, 
Scipio found dead in his bed.  his jaw bone being dissolved and dislocated. There was no inquisition made afterward of the death of this invincible Captain: the body of Scipio was brought out into the street 
Scipio's body is brought out into the streets.  his head covered, by whose great labours and warlike exploits, Rome lifted up her head over all the world, to the terror and dismay of other cities and countries. His death was, as the most say fatal, as some say conspired: his life doubtless was of that singularity, that it was overcome of no man's glory, but only his grandfathers.  
After the death of Ti. Gracchus, the same fury and rage of mind that possessed him, entered 
C. Gracchus a rebel to the state.  as it were by a kind of transmutation into his brother C. Gracchus, a man as like to Tiberius in his virtues as in his error, who when with great facility and ease of mind he might have been the Prince of the City and the ruler of the Senate, took the Tribuneship upon him to raise tumults, to licence swords, and to revive discord, to no other intent or purpose but either to revenge his brother's death, or purchase to himself a sovereignty, and for the more hasty pursuing of his drift, he bestowed the freedom of the City upon every inhabitant of Italy: he interdicted and forbade by Tribunitial law, that no citizen should possess more than five hundred acres of land, he erected new havens, he filled the provinces 
The seditious acts of C. Gracchus.  with new colonies, he transferred the authority of judgement from the Senate to the Nobles, he determined to distribute and divide corn amongst the people: to be brief, he left almost nothing unaltered or undisturbed. This man was slain by the sharp and hasty pursuit of L. Opimius Consul who was in arms against him, and Fuluius Flaccus was 
Ful. Flaccus a rebellious Senator slain.  likewise slain, one that had enjoyed both the Consulship and the honour of Triumph, a man of a detestable meaning, whom C. Gracchus had denominated and designed to be one of the Treviri in the place of Tiberius his brother, being his associate in all his enterprises, and defiled with the like dishonest intendment. Opimius caused proclamation to be 
Opimius his proclamation  made, that whosoever could bring unto him the head of Gracchus, should have the weight of the head in gold. Flaccus inciting his soldiers on the hill Aventine, was there slain, together with his eldest son. C. Gracchus committing himself to flight lest he might fall into the hands of them whom Opimius had sent to take him, putting his bare neck under the naked sword of his servant Euporus, was of 
C Gracchus beheaded.  him beheaded: and the same Euporus was suddenly a slaughterman to himself. Thus the two Gracchis finished the course of their life, men that had a fortunate beginning, sinister proceed, & a cursed ending, to whom if they had embraced quietness, the commonweal would have offered these honours, which by tumult and disquietness they sought, their mother Cornelia as yet living, a virtuous and learned Lady; who having nurtured and trained 
Cornelia lamenteth her children.  them up in the study of learning and virtuous demeanour, did greatly bewail, that her good endeavours had so bad success, and that her two sons, whom nature pretended to be the solace of her age, were so suddenly and shamefully disgraced, that she could not see their bodies covered with earth, they being in most despiteful manner thrown into Tiber, whose minds she had furnished and beautified with such excellent learning, so was her joy overcome and surprised with grief, that she must either loathe her children, or else lament for them, but howsoever, for ever lack them.  
In that tract of time C. Marius' waging battle in Numidia against lugurtha, who were both fellow soldiers and managed arms together under Scipio Affricanus, sent L. Sylla his Quaestor to Bocchus the King of the 
C. Marius taketh luguitha by Sylla his means.  Moors, to treat and capitulate with him about the taking of jugurth, whom by that mean he enjoyed, and being made the second time Consul, in the beginning of his Consulship and in the Calends of january, he brought jugurth in triumph to Rome. The Cimbrians & Teutons at that time did cause great slaughter and many massacres of the Romans in France, and having put to flight and discomfited Caepio, Manlius, Carbo, and Silanus, they killed in fight Scaurus Aurelius one of the Consuls, and other excellent men of memorable qualities. The people of Rome did not think any General so fit to encounter these foes as C. Marius: & whilst he was in these wars, he was continually Consul, his third Consulship he spent in warlike preparation, 
C. Marius his third Consulship.  thinking it not sufficient to have soldiers, but to have practised and skilful soldiers, training them by petty skirmishes, and encouraging them by the conquest of base towns, to more haughty and valorous attempts: his fourth Consulship was spent about 
His fourth Consulship.  the wars of Sextus, where he fought with the Teutons: and before that war finished, he razed out of the world the whole progeny of the Teutons. In his fifth Consulship 
His fifth Consulship.  he planted his fight betwixt the Alps and Rome, and in that battle Marius himself being Consul, and Q. Catulus Proconsul, a fortunate victory ensued, far beyond the expectation 
Marius' his great victory which he had against the Cimbrians.  of the Romans, and the admiration of strangers, an hundred thousand men being brought into the power of the Romans whereof some were slain & some were slaves. By this victory Marius deserved, that Rome should not repent herself of his birth, nor requite his acts with reproach. His sixth Consulship 
C. Marius his sixth Consulship.  was given him as the crown of his merits, yet he is not to be defrauded of the glory, which during this Consulship did of right belong unto him, even by the confession of the envious. Marius' being the sixth time Consul, Saturninus one of the Tribunes of the people, 
Saturninus a broacher of sedition.  did promulgate a law, that what lands or demesnes Marius had gained in France by his expulsion of the Cimbrians from thence, should be equally parted & divided amongst the people of Rome, and that every Senator should swear to this, thinking to bind them by their oath from dispossessing and disseising the people of these alotments and purparties. Q. Metellus a Senator, against whom Saturninus 
Q. Metellus opposeth himself against Saturninus.  had a burning stomach, denied to ratify that law by oath, whereupon he had day given him to appear before the Senate. For Marius being wholly addicted to please the 
Marius favoureth the law of Saturninus.  people in all things, which did not oppugn his own profit, did greatly savour the law. Metellus though he were supported in this action by many good and virtuous citizens, yet fearing some bloodshed in the city by 
Metellus committeth himself to voluntary banishment.  maintaining that cause, committed himself to voluntary exile, and shortly after water & fire was forbidden him, which was the title & style of the banishment used in Rome. This Saturninus was afterward made the third time Tribune, and because he feared that C. Memmius, who at that time sued for the Consulship, would with main force oppose himself to his actions and enterprises, he gathered 
Saturninus causeth C. Memmius to be slain.  a garrison of soldiers, and caused him to be slain. Marius presently rousing himself for the punishment and revenge of this proud Tribune, and by Senate-councell authorized, charged his body with harness, and with a troop of warlike citizens besieged the Capitol, 
C. Marius besiegeth the Capitol.  which Saturninus and the Praetor Glancias, together with Saufeius the Quaestor his adherents did hold as the castle of their defence. But Marius cutting in pieces the conduit pipes, enforced them to yield, and to submit themselves promising them life, living, 
C. Marius putteth the conspirators to death.  and liberty; but when he had them in his power, he made havoc of them all leaving not one alive; the house of Saturninus he razed 
Saturninus his house destroyed by Marius.  from the lowest foundation. When the conspiracy of Saturninus was appeased, there began of fresh a new quarrel betwixt the Senators and M. Livius Drusus a noble Gentleman, eloquent and modest, nature being as bountiful unto him, as fortune was injurious; he had always a great desire to restore the former honour to the Senate, and to transfer the judicial power from the Nobles: for they being possessed of that authority by the law of C. Gracchus, which is above mentioned, did practise extreme and brutish cruelty upon many excellent Senators and guiltless Citizens, and amongst the rest was slain P. Rutilius, a man in that age incomparable: yet the fortune of Drusus was such, that he was crossed 
The hard fortune of Drusus.  and confronted by the Senate, in those matters which he moved for the good & behoof of the Senate, they either not perceiving, or not willing to perceive, that though the petitions which Drusus made as Tribune, and as of duty he ought, sounded and indeed tended to the profit of the people, yet his drift to be this, that the people having lesser things granted them, might permit greater to the Senate, that so giving them a little the rain, they might enjoy the fruit of liberty, but yet might easily be plucked in if there were any fear of disorder: which was the only mean to preserve the dignity of the Senate, and to restrain the humours of the people, but the eyes of the Senators were so dazzled with envy toward Drusus, with enmity toward the people, and self-love toward their own persons, that they did more allow the pernicious practices of the other Tribunes, than the dutiful meaning of Drusus: despising the reverence wherewith Drusus did always honour them, and yet digesting the injuries wherewith his fellow Tribunes did molest them: which unjust and absurd dealing did evidently proceed from the gall of their envy. Then this good Tribune having his mind surcharged with malcontentment, seeing that his honest purpose was maliciously perverted, lacking patience to bear his grief, and constancy to persevere in his commendable intents, resolved suddenly in a desperate passion to maintain the faction of the Gracchis, to entertain into his heart rebellion, to serve from virtue, to prostrate himself to the violence of fortune, and being guarded with a great multitude of unknown soldiers, who were seditious Italians, whom Drusus laboured to make freemen of the Estate, he thought to terrify the city, but within a short time he was slain in his own porch, his side 
Drusus is slain.  being pierced with a knife, which sheathed in his entrails, and was left there sticking and filling the mouth of the wound, but when he yielded up to the heavens his vital spirit, casting his eyes upon the company that stood about him, & lamenting that dismal chance, he breathed out these words at the last instant and with the surrender of his soul: Tell me my friends and kinsfolk, may the commonweal at any time enjoy a more faithful citizen, than I have heretofore been? This end of life had that noble Gentleman, who if he had been armed with patience, might have triumphed over envy. Caius Marius was now 
C. Marius in high reputation.  become the refuge and defender both of Senate and people: he was of body hardfavored, in manners rigorous, famous for war, & odious in peace, unsatiable in ambitious desires, impatient in his wrath, and always attempting some strange novelty: he did not long after valiantly endeavour to suppress the flames and perilous scalefire of the Italian war, which because it was most dangerously begun and continued; & with great difficulty quenched and ended, I think it not amiss to make full description thereof, laying for my foundation the cause which moved the Italians or Latins to revolt from the Romans, and to break their faith before constantly kept. But the causes of things are so secret & mystical, being the most remote objects, to which our understanding may aspire, that we may easily be deceived by disguised and pretenced reasons, whilst we seek for the true and essential causes. For to report things that be done it is easy, because the eye and the tongue may dispatch it, but to discover and unfold the causes of things, requireth brain, soul, and the best prowess of man's nature, wherefore to find out the causes of this war, diligence must be used. This war is of diverse men diversly named, some term it the Italian, some the Marsian, some the social war: all which have sufficient reason to make good their several appellations. The Italian war it was termed, because it was raised by such Italians, as were in league with the Romans, which was the occasion of the intercourse of many good turns and benefits betwixt them and the Romans: for though they did not enjoy the liberties of the city of Rome in such large and ample manner, as the citizens or free men of that City, yet they possessed them in far greater measure, than others which were mere strangers to that Estate, and that by the law of society, which to the Romans was always sacred and inviolate: this war therefore upon their revolt was termed Sociale, as maintained by them who had contracted & established a league of society. The Marsian war it was called, because the first 
The Italian war first attempted by the Marsians  commotion was attempted by the Marsians, a free people of Italy. The cause & the beginning of this war do in time greatly differ, for the cause hath a retrospect to the first times of the Roman monarchy, when the people of Italy being greatly infested and endamaged by the continual invasions of the Romans, did watch opportunity, and with serious expectation attended, if by any possible means they might requite the Romans with the like, and recover their ancient rights and jurisdictions, and at one instant break both the league and shake off the fear which they then had of the Romans, and which was the last mark of their enterprise, rather command then condition with the Romans. But as there is no evil without excuse, and no praetence without some colour of reason, and no wiles can be wanting to malicious & wrangling wits, therefore an occasion was sought for, whereby peace might be dissolved, and discord warranted. Here now appeareth the error wherein Drusus was entangled. For they made him an instrument or lure to draw unto them the free use of the Roman liberties, which in truth they did neither greatly desire, nor strongly hope for, but they looked for a repulse, and thought that would be a good occasion to ground their tumults upon, and as it were a vail for their lewd endeavours: whereby it is evident that as the cause of this war is ancient, so the beginning there of is to be referred to the repulse of Drusus, which 
The repulse of Drusus the beginning of the Italian war.  happened six hundred sixty and two years after the building of Rome. These commotioners of Italy had this purpose and intent, at their festival meetings to join their heads and hands together, and so to proceed to the City, there to work the death of the two Consuls Sex. julius Caesar, and Martius' Philippus: but this matter being discovered, they did presently put to death Servilius Proconsul, 
Servilius Proconsul slain by the commotioners of Italy.  who was sent unto them at the first beginning of their stirs, by peaceable & reasonable means to appease and determine them, and all the other Romans which were at Asculum, were slain. This bloody deed being reported at Rome, did greatly plunge the minds of the Romans in doubt and sorrow. For this slaughter was as it were an Adamant to draw the other Italians, who did not conspire in this murder to their part, and as a fiery beacon to the Romans, to give them warning not to prescribe too much in their prosperity, but to be circumspect, & by all wary prevention to anticipate these evils, which if it should have been neglected of them, would presently have turned to such a cloud of inconveniences, that the fire which did before serve to give light, would after have bend his force to burn and consume: for the next neighbour to admonition is correction, and it is easier to avoid then to escape a danger. But the Romans with provident care foreseeing that the defection and revolt of them who were linked in society with them, might be a great maim to their Estate, & as it were a ladder for foreign and professed enemies to scale the walls of their City, did therefore in this war make special choice, both of Captains and soldiers: for mean men were not to be employed in a war of so great importance, and they that were unskilful, were not in the midst of these eminent dangers, to be trained and taught. And because they saw that the commodious ending and composing of this war, was the hinge whereupon the whole estate of the Commonweal did depend; therefore it was decreed by Senate, that both the Consuls (a rare thing in that Commonweal, and never done but when exceeding danger was feared) should go in person to the managing of this war. Neither were the Italians unprovided or unadvised: for they knew, that if they were conquered, they should fall from the estate of fellows to be slaves, & their league should never more be trusted, which themselves had broken: and if they should enjoy the victory, that they should then have all the wealth of the world at command. This golden booty being enameled with a sweet desire of revenging old injuries (for they had written them in marble with a pen of iron) did greatly incense their minds, and ravish their spirits with a burning affection to fight. The Marsians who brought the first stubble to kindle this flame, were governed by Silo Popedius, a man as it seemed by destiny 
Silo Popedius a natural enemy to the Romans.  opposed against the Romans, to whose ears nothing was so delightful as the report of a Romans death, hating that hour in which he did not impeach their good estate. He in this respect was diverse from many of his countrymen, in that he detested a Roman because he was a Roman. Wherhfore having singled out some of his faction, who were partly by the instinct of their nature, partly by his instigation, obdurate and eager in hatred against the Romans, having proposed and showed unto them the scope and drift whereunto his purpose did aim, and having disclosed the means, whereby he hoped to compass and effect his designments, and lastly having declared unto them the rewards which they might gain by their valour, he did labour by this speech to inflame their fury, I am moved and enforced to this new enterprise, 
Silo Popedius his oration to the Marsians.  not by any ambitious desire of enhancing my estate, but because I see a poisonful bait of deceit hidden under the pretence of Society, because I see too great charges & burdens to be imposed upon us, because I see lewd foreigners to be our commanders, and originary Italians, though men of good desert, kept under the snaffle, and placed in the sink hole. I see the credit of our nation defaced, the liberty destroyed, and the state overthrown, and for our great labours undertaken, and dangers sustained for the Romans, we have this reward, that we are despised by them, and they have not thought it sufficient to be aided by us, unless in the pride of their spirits they may insult upon our necks, men of insolent minds, by nature injurious to all other men and by fortune superior. If a man should examine from the beginning, and as they say from the root, the degrees of their estate, what justice shall he find? nay what injustice shall he not find? The two twins who were the founders of their city, were bastards, 
Romulus & Remus bastards.  begotten by the rape of a holy virgin, and by destiny were cast forth as of no regard, until a she-wolfe feeling perhaps some savour of her own nature in them, did with her dugs 
Nourished by a wolf.  nourish them. After, when from milk they were grown to meat, they were fed by a chough, and when they had attained to man's estate, nothing would please then but a kingdom, & a regal city, the foundation whereof was solemnized by an augury derived from the flight of Eagles. Thus a most ravenous bird did ominate unto them a monarchy, thus a most greedy beast whose hungry teeth, and unsatiable appetite no prey could content, did give them milk, thus a most thievish and busy brained bird was their foster-father. These were the portents and signs of their City, that it should be a daughter very like to the parents: these did prognosticate unto us the spoils, rapines, invasions and violent incrochments that should afterward be made by the Romans. And for that cause Romulus would not make or appoint limits and bounds for his kingdom, that he might by force enter into every soil as his own. But what would not Romulus do, which had the heart to shed 
Remus is slain by Romulus.  the blood of his own and only brother? And thus was their city consecrated by blood: but some of the Romans do with impudency deny this fact, some with modesty do doubt of it, some with grief do conceal it, and they which by clear proof are enforced to confess it, do with this imagination mollify the fault, that it was done by the consent but not by the hand of Romulus. But whether he commanded it, or committed it, he was a murderer. After this heinous crime ensued the rape of the Sabine virgins, the ravishment 
The rape of the Sabine virgins.  of whom they excuse, because they would not yield their frank consent to marriage: surely they cannot justly be reproved, if they, being a noble people, did deny marriage to such a base assembly of shepherds, herdsmen and hoggards, newly crept out of the straw: for in that great assembly of new upstartes there were but an hundred men, who were lawfully begotten, and these forsooth were at the first made Senators. But nothing doth more bewray the unjust dealing and lack of conscience in the Romans, than the lamentable estate of the Saguntines, who had been always very constant in fellowship and friendship toward them, and whilst they did keep their faith to them, they lost their City. Saguntus was fiercely besieged by Hannibal, which when the Romans heard, they spent presently 
The Roman ambassadors are despised of Hamnibal.  Ambassadors to Hannibal to dehort him from the siege, but being despised they went to Carthage, and there framed a complaint against Hannibal, pretending that he had broken the league, but failing of their purpose, they returned to Rome. Amids these delays, that poor city within eight or nine months after the laying of siege was destroyed of the Carthaginians, when the inhabitants were before consumed with famine, and one of them 
The miserable famine of the Saguntines.  did eat another's carcase, and being weary of the world, because they should not come as captives into the enemy's power, they made a common fire, into which, when one of them had slain another with the sword, they were thrown. How manifest and manifold is the abuse which they offered to the Carthaginians? They did incite Masinissa the neighbour of the Carthaginians to quarrel with 
Masinissa quarelleth with the Carthaginians.  them, who pretended that the Carthaginians ought to have no more land than Dido the Tyrian queen did enjoy, which was as much as could be measured by the hide of an Ox being cut into thongs. But could their prescription & possession during the space of seven hundred years be so easily dissipated? by the same reason the Romans should content themselves with the cottages and cabins, which first they inhabited. But the Carthaginians being greatly vexed by Masinissa and the Romans assisting him, did fall prostrate at the feet of the Romans, and did grievously complain of the intolerable covetousness and pride of Masinissa, and requested with tears, that of three things they might obtain one: namely, that either they might equally debate the whole cause and conrroversie before the regents of some commonweal leagued in society with them both, and indifferently affected toward them, or that they would suffer them to defend themselves by just war against the unjust arms of Masinissa, or lastly, if favour did more prevail with them then truth, that they would once determine and certainly set down, what and how much they should yield to Masinissa. But the Romans did not one with help these afflicted persons, and that good Affricanus, whom they so 
Scipio sent as umpire betwixt Masinissa & the Carthaginians.  much commended, being sent as an indifferent umpire betwixt them and their enemy, did make their discord a great deal more: and the desolate Carthaginians, when they were enforced to provide for themselves, were accused at Rome for the breach of league, and hereupon they were declared to be enemies. They had strait commandment from the Romans to restore the Roman hostages, to deliver their money and treasure into the hands of the Romans, and by that mean to purchase the safety of their City: all this was done. Well this was not enough: the Romans must have theirships, their munition and weapons: they delivered these likewise: yet this sufficed not: the Romans must have their City, and the Carthaginians must build some other City far from this: this was granted unto them, and Carthage the fairest City of all Africa was by them 
The City of Carthage burnt.  presently burnt, and turned even with the ground. Here when the Romans were pressed and urged with their promise, their answer was, that in speaking of the safety of the City, they did mean the safety of the citizens and inhabitants, not of the City which did consist of stone and timber: O snares! o impostures! o sophistry! can the Romans without blushing object perfidiousness and treachery to the Carthaginians? Surely as they dealt with them being leagued in ancient society with them, so I am afraid they will deal with us. And I do the rather suspect it, because I see they will still have a difference between themselves and us. Herein lieth a mystery, I will not say of the Punic fraud, but of the Roman art. And when it pleaseth them to draw the curtain, we shall be made their slaves, and our goods their darling. Wherefore I request you all with all the vehemency and force of my mind, that you would with one heart contend for the recovery & defence of liberty, and that you would at length aim at such a commonweal, wherein right and law, not the private will of powerful men may bear sway. To the which purpose I know all the other people of Italy joined in league and fellowship with us, will afford the diligent assistance of their persons, and the best wealth of their treasuries. As for me, such hath my birth, such hath my education been, that I prefer the dignity of my country, and the liberty of this commonweal before all things in the world. Which if you do so desirously embrace, I am fully resolved to lay my life open to all dangers, without any regard of estate or private respect: if not, I will lay down weapons, and leave the estate of the commonwealth as it now standeth, to your own discretion.  
The Marsians hearing the name of liberty, did greedily receive it, and therefore applauding to Popedius, as informing them of that which was most for their use, because there appeared in his speech no signs of covetousness or ambition, but an earnest and vehement desire of public good, did resolve to follow him as their general.  
They had no sooner set up flag of defiance against the Romans, but there resorted unto them a huge multitude of all the provinces of Italy: so ready are disloyal persons to cast off the yoke of obedience, or common society, when they have gotten a head. The metamorphosis truly was very great, to see the City of Rome environed on all sides by foes, which before was guarded by friends, & there was none almost left to defend the City but the citizens, and nothing to defend the citizens but the City. The people that revolted were the Marsians, the Samnites, the Vmbrians, the Vestini, the Irpini, the Lucani, the Marrusini, the Asculani, the Peligni, the Pisani: and they were led by great Captains, men of valour and service, having as great desire to fight with the Romans, as the Romans had to rule over them. The most of them were of so choice courage and conduction, that the Romans had before in many wars relied upon their service. But yet the name of a Roman was such a sceptre to their spirits, that they were still kept in awe and order without any thought of revolting. These men were now quite altered, as if they had lately been at some mart of souls, and had exchanged their minds with some men by nature enraged against the Romans: and it is greatly to be wondered how the mighty power of the divine Majesty, doth sway the moments of things, and sorteth them in peremptory manner to strange and unlooked for effects, making reason blind, policy astonished, strength feeble, and valour dastardly, turning love into hatred, fear into fury, boldness into trembling, and in the circuit of one minute making the conquered person a conqueror. The Romans did not in any war show more wisdom and courage, which two things are in common understanding repugnant, because wisdom for the most part procureth fear in dangerous accidents, which is opposite to courage, and courage causeth rashness which is contrary to wisdom. But so were their fortunes crossed, & the lot of war was so variable, that this war was resolutely undertaken of them, unhappily continued, and victoriously concluded. The Roman army had two Generals: namely P. Rutilius one of the Consuls, whose Lieutenants were Cn. Pompeius Strabo, Q. Caepio, C. Perperna, C. Marius, Valerius Messalla: and L. Caesar the other Consul, who had these Lieutenants, P. Lentulus, T. Didius, P. Licinius Crassus, L. Cornelius Sylla, M. Marcellus, all famous Captains, men of excellent desert and heroical qualities, and the most of them fit not only to manage a war, but a kingdom, yea an Empire: yet of all these none did obtain the victory during the first year of their fight, C. Marius and L. Caesar only excepted, yet Caesar was not long before with his whole army discomfited, and Marius did with great difficulty achieve one victory, which was the beginning of a greater war. The Consuls did thus dispose the encounters of themselves and their Lieutenants, L. Caesar was opposed to Vettius Cato, who led a wing of the Marsian army, but Caesar being over mated by a man of greater wisdom and magnanimity, was enforced to fly, and after the slaughter of two thousand of his men, being hotly pursued & enchased of the enemy, was constrained (for necessity will afford no choice) to take Aesernia for his refuge. C. Perperna did encounter 
C. Perperna discharged of his lieutenancy.  P. Praesenteius, who put him likewise to flight, & devested him of his army, for which cause he was discharged of his lieutenancy, and now was C. Marius sought unto by the Consuls, to whom he yielded such assistance, that he rather seemed to be their protector then their champion. P. Rutilius to revenge the death of Q. Caepio, who was slain by the 
Q. Caepio slain.  ambush of Popedius, and the quarrel of his fellow Consul, upon the Marsians, did assay them by battle, but lost a great number of 
P. Rutilius slain.  men, & in the end lost himself, being slaughtered in the midst of his enemies. C. Marius with a fresh courage renewed the fight, & put 
C. Marius putteth Vett●us Cato to flight.  to flight with extreme labour Vettius Cato the fatal enemy to both the Consuls. But the messenger who brought the news of this victory of Marius to the Roman camp, did meet there another messenger, who reported unto them, that Egualius one of the enemy's camp had surprised Venafrum a town of great strength: that M. Lamponius another of their enemies had slain eight hundred of the army of P. Licinnius Crassus, and had put the residue to flight, that C. Papius Mutilus their enemy, had brought Nola a flourishing Colony of the Romans into his power, together with Q. Posthumius their Praetor, that he had also taken Stavia, Minturna and Salernum, and did now besiege Acerra a chief town. These news succeeding the other did make the Romans to hear with joy, and to remember with sorrow. But no better fortune did ensue: for M. Marcellus being assigned for the defence of Aesernia was taken prisoner by the Samnites, who surprised that Colony. Cn. Pompeius was by three Captains of the adverse part, judacilius, Aefranius, and Ventidius fiercely encountering, driven to the village of Firmo, and there besieged. L. Caesar had a prosperous victory against the Samnites, but C. Marius fight against the Marsians 
C. Marius fought equally against the Marsians.  with doubtful event, did recompense the death of every enemy with the loss of his own soldiers: so constant is the fortune of war in inconstancy. Now was come the second year of this dangerous war, which continued old broils, and made new Consuls Cn. Pompeius Strabo, L. Portius Cato, both which were by the decree of the Senate enjoined to take upon them the charge of this war. They brought some new Lieutenants in the place of some that were dead, and some that were discharged. The succeeding Lieutenants were A. Albinius, Consconius, Luceius, A. Gabinius, Sulpitius, L. Muraena, Caecilius Pius, Mamercus Aemilius. It seemeth that Rome in these days was a very school of warfare, which did yield the supply of such excellent Captains, after the departure of Captains not much more excellent. C. Marius 
C Marius disliked by the Consul Portius.  upon a disliking conceived by the Consul Portius (private humour is always an enemy to public good) was discharged of his place. But so it happened, that the Romans changed their fortune with their Consuls, but the Italians were more daunted and disanimated by the continuance of the war, then encouraged by the increase of their victories. For a base spirit cannot joy in any honourable matter, & nothing more devoureth the heart of a rebellious or treacherous person, than the inward fire of a glowing conscience. L. Sylla 
Sulla's victor against the Samnites.  had a notable victory against the Samnites, and did ransack their tents. Cn. Pompeius did constrain the Vestini, the Peliani, and the 
Cn. Pomp. Strabo his victories.  Aesculani, and the Pisani to yield unto him. Sylla did kill Cluentius a Captain of the contrary 
Sylla killeth Cluentius.  part at Nola, and he brought under his power the Irpini. A. Gabinius did fight prosperously 
A. Gabinius after a prosperous fight is slain.  against the Lucani, and took many of their great towns, but when he would have spoiled their tents, he was slain. Sulpitius having slain all the soldiers of the Marrucini, did reduce that whole region into the subjection 
Sulpitius bringeth the Marrucini to obedience.  of the Romans. L. Muraena and Caecilius Pius had many encounters against the Marsians, and in the end enforced them to yield, but Popedius their Captain the author of this war was slain in fight, in which 
Popedius is slain.  war Portius Cato was also slain, not through his own default, nor by the valour of his enemies, 
Portius Cato slain.  but through the malicious stomach of the son of C. Marius, who in revenge of his father's quarrel, did throw his dart at him, and with a deadly wound did make him fall prostrate to the ground: but because he could not be discerned in such confusion of fight, & in the heat of the battle, he was not impeached for this treacherous murder. The Romans having enjoyed and accomplished all things according to their desire, returned with the great joy and gratulation of their fellow citizens. Cn. Pompeius, for his ample victories 
Cu. Pompeius Strabo triumpheth.  & great desert was rewarded with a triumph. Thus was the Italian war being left to the Romans as the legacy of Drusus ended and appeased, which wrought two notable effects: for it brought the Italians from society to servitude, and refusing the bridle they received the yoke, and were ever after kept under the chain of perpetual command, but the Romans it made glorious and invincible: for their just wars had always good success, and their unjust wars or invasions, could not (as may partly appear by this Italiam uproar) by foreign war be revenged. But for the cause hereof let no man make search or inquiry, sith it is no where to be found save only in God his decretal book, the contents whereof as I cannot know, so the comments of man in this matter I may not believe. This thing therefore as veiled with utmost darkness, I do with all humbleness leave to him who hath reserved it to himself: & this only I observe, which every man may note in the sequel of this history, that the Romans were punished by the Romans for their wrongs & injuries (if I may use conjecture in so thick a mist) done to their neighbours and others. Not long after the death of Drusus the Consulship invested upon Q. Pompeius & L. Cornelius Sylla, who before his victory could not 
Sylla is made Consul.  be too highly commended, and after never sufficiently dispraised: so contrary and opposite he was to himself, being more merciful in the combat, then after the conquest, and Sylla fight in the field was not so cruel as 
Sylla his contrary nature His descent.  Sylla triumphing in the town. He was nobly descended, being the sixth man from Cornelius Rufinus, who was one of the chief Captains in the war against Pyrrhus. For the glory and credit of that family had been long intermitted, and was almost perished, till it was raised and rampired up by Sylla to the ancient grace, and restored with an overplus to the former dignity. Sylla did a long time behave himself so modestly and contentedly, that he seemed to be without all intent for suing for the Consulship, but after his Praetorship being much renowned by the Italian war, & for his great exploits in France, having slain the stoutest Captains of the adverse part, he took stomach by reason of his good success, and making suit for the Consulship, was made Consul, not one citizen almost withdrawing his consent, and that honour he purchased when he was eight and forty years old. At that time Mithridates' 
Mithridates an enemy to the Romans.  king of Pontus, a sharp and victorious soldier, being sometime great in prosperity, and at all times great in courage, in counsel wise, in strength mighty, in hatred against the Romans another Hannibal, had taken and possessed Asia, where he put to death all the Romans that did there inhabit: the region of Asia did by lot hap to Sylla as his province, he addressing himself thitherward with as great speed as he could possibly make, came at length to Nola, which he besieged, for that 
Sylla besiegeth Nola.  City did most stubbornly resist the Romans, revolting from that faithfulness which the Nolanes did religiously observe and exhibit to the Romans in the Carthaginian wars: but not long after the laying of this siege, he was abridged of his Generalship by Sulpitius a Tribune, who being in wealth, favour, friendship, 
Sulpitius a seditious Tribune altereth the state  wit, and courage great amongst the Romans, having before sought dignity by desert, did now by his lewd decrees and disloyal practices deserve to lose his dignity. He assigned to C. Marius an imperial pre-eminence, & the regiment of all the provinces that belonged to the city of Rome, which honours as Marius did ambitiously desire, so Sulpitius 
The ambition of Marius.  did injuriously dispose: and therewithal he enacted that Sylla should be called from Asia, and Marius should be General in his place; many other pernicious laws he established, both intolerable and detestable: for conclusion, he ended in murder, procuring by his 
Murder committed by Sulpitius.  bloodthirsty servants the death of one of the Pompey's, son to Q. Pompeius, and Sulla's son in law. Sylla hearing of this sudden change, and being solicited by the letters of his dearest friends, made speedy return to the City, which having taken by force of arms he drove out of it the twelve authors 
Sulla's revenge upon the seditious.  of this new and damnable faction, amongst whom was C. Marius and his son, together with P. Sulpitius the first beginner of discord, Sulpitius being taken by Sulla's horsemen in the Laurentine fens was there beheaded, & for the guerdon of his cruelty, his head being afterward conveyed to Rome, was erected upon a pinnacle over the bar of the Senate house. C. Marius (a clear mirror of this world's unconstancy) to whom if you will place him amongst the fortunate, you must assign the highest seat, if amongst the unfortunate, the lowest, having before enjoyed all pleasures which prosperity could yield, and now suffering all troubles which adversity could bring) after his sixth consulship, and the sixtieth year of his age, for the avoiding of Sulla's horsemen, stripped himself naked, & 
The extreme misery of C. Marius.  flying to a marish of reeds did there hide himself, plunging so deeply into the mud, that nothing could be seen of him but his eyes and nostrils, who being afterward descried, was drawn by a thong of leather tied to his neck, into the prison of Minturna. There was sent to kill him a captive slave, whom Marius 
A captive slave sent to kill Marius.  had taken prisoner in the battle which he fought against the Cimbrians: this bloody Cimbrian assaying to strike Marius, was suddenly amazed, and terrified by the majesty of his countenance, though Marius was then full of years, full of misery, and void of weapons: but the slave seeing so bright a star in so dark a dungeon, reverencing the man whom he had before feared, and persuading himself that it was impossible for one man to work his death, who not long before had almost destroyed the whole nation of the Cimbrians, left him alive, and in trembling manner departed from his presence. The Minturnians because they held the worthiness of Marius in high reputation, delivered him out of prison; and attiring him with convenient apparel, 
The Minturnians friends to Marius.  bestowing upon him a pilgrim's viand, which might for a season relieve his hunger, dismissed him out of their City. He having overtaken his son at Aemaria, directed his voyage unto Africa, where he led a poor and wretched life in the ruins and desolate rennants of the City of Carthage. Sylla levied an army & renewed his journey toward Asia, (the year wherein Sylla was Consul, was the first year in which the Roman soldiers did slay their Consul; for then Q. Pompeius being 
Q Pompeius slain.  fellow Consul with Sylla, was slain by the seditious army of Cn. Pompeius Proconsul.) After the broils of Marius and Sulpitius the tumults of Cinna succeeded, who was not one jot more temperate than those disorderly 
Cinna beginneth a new broil.  and enormous quarrelers, or rather furious and traitorous conspirers. He was Consul with Cn. Octavius, who because one of them namely Cinna, favoured Marius, and the other Sylla, fell to a sudden jar, & maintaining several armies in the City, caused much terror, and some bloodshed. Cinna was 
Cinna is expulsed the City.  expulsed the City by the power of Octavius and the Senators, his Consulship was abrogated, and in his place L. Cornelius Merula, jupiters' priest was elected. Cinna having corrupted the Centurions, Tribunes & soldiers 
Cinna is made Captain of a seditious army.  with hope of liberality, was admitted of that army (which was as yet about Nola) for their Captain, and having sworn all his soldiers to obeisance and loyalty, he marched in his Consul-robes toward Rome, his army consisting of three hundred bands of good soldiers amounting in the view of spials to the number of thirty legions: but though he had many soldiers and much courage, he lacked notwithstanding factioners and favourites to uphold him, and was destitute of popular credit, which might bolster and support his doings. For supplying of which want, he called from banishment C. Marius and his son, with all 
Cinna calleth C. Marius and his son from banishment.  the other Romans which were before by Sulla's horsemen chased out of the City. Whilst Cinna was thus preparing war against his mother town, Cn. Pompeius father to that great state, of whom we shall hereafter speak, whose worthy acts in the Marsian war, together with his victory at Asculum, was very beneficial and commodious to the commonweal, being frustrate of hope to continue the Proconsulship, showed himself 
Cn. Pompeius father to Pompey the great his dissembling and unconstancy.  very indifferent and equal to the factions, doing all things for his proper and private good, and lying in wait for opportunity to serve his own turn and advancement, inclining his army this way and that way, now as a favourer to Cinna, & now as a friend to Sylla, following fortune by conjectures, and determining to join with him, who by all likelihood should be most puissant: at length he 
A great fight betwixt Cinna and Cn. Pompeius  encountered with Cinna before the city walls, where after a main sea of bloodshed, the Romans that were upon the walls, beholding the slaughter of their brethren, friends and kinsfolk under the walls, the battle was fully finished, but the victory was doubtful. Not long after Cn. Pompeius died, by whose death the soldiers of Cinna conceived so great joy and gladsomeness, that they forgot the final overthrow of their fellow soldiers, and the Romans did bestow their revenge upon Pompey being dead, which they did owe to him being alive. Cinna and Marius did not without great havoc of men and matrons invade the city: but Cinna entered first, and published 
Cinna entereth the city  a law touching the receiving of Marius, then C. Marius entered the walls with a 
C. Marius recalled from banishment, entereth the city.  most fatal and dangerous return to the city of Rome. Nothing had been more bloody than his entrance, if his death had not shortly ensued: for having possessed the city, he was more unsatiate in his cruelty then any ravenous tiger, and more merciless in his tragical punishments, than any fury, breathing nothing but blood, and delighting in nothing but murder, neither did the licentious rage of his wrath content itself with the blood of meaner men, but it seized upon the states and stars of the city. Then did Octavius one of 
octavius put to death by the cruelty of Marius  the Consuls, a man of a mild & dovelike humour, render up his life into the paws of these wolves: and Merula, who a little before the return of Cinna had through fear renounced the Consulship, cut in pieces his own 
Merula cutteth in pieces his own veins.  veins, and sprinkling his lukewarm blood upon the altar, upon which he had often sacrificed the blood of beasts, and entreating the gods for the execration of Cinna, to whom he had often prayed for the preservation of the 
M Antonius the Orator put to death by Marius & Cinna.  city, gave up his fainting ghost in a great agony of mind. M. Antonius the chief of the city, and the Phoenix of eloquence, was slain at the commandment of Marius and Cinna, by the swords of their soldiers, whom by the sweetness of his eloquence he did a long time restrain and delay from the kill of him. Q. Catulus a man famous for his virtues 
Q. Catulus cause of his own death.  and valour in the Cimbrian war, the glory of which he did participate with Marius, as we have above reported, when he was hunted to death by these greedy bloodhounds, shut himself into a narrow closet that was newly pargited with lime, and having there a fire of burning coals, which might raise up a sudden damp, stopping his breath with a vaporous and dankish smoke, departed this world, rather according to his own wish then his enemies will: then were the streets, channels, theatres, market places, and temples strewed and overspread with carcases, so that it could hardly be judged, whether these two tyrants did slay more that they might obtain the victory, or more were put to the sword that they might safely enjoy the victory. For every one to whom Marius would not reach out his hand by way of salutation, was immediately slain. The common weal was now in a tottering and ruinous estate: covetousness was the cause of cruelty, and the more wealthy a man was, the more faulty he was judged: the accuser of a rich man had his pay and reward out of the coffers of him that was accused: and then was profit and honesty confounded and made one. Afterward Cinna and Marius were Consuls, Cinna was now the second time Consul, Marius the seventh time, who in that consulship died, a Roman 
C. Marius dieth.  in war terrible to his enemies, in peace to his friends, and at all times impatient of quietness: in his place was chosen Valerius Flaccus. Cinna being now the sole regent of Italy, the greatest part of the Nobility fled to Sylla into Achaia, who in the mean time did so fight with Mithridates his Lieutenants and Colonels about Athens, Macedonia, and Beotia, that he took Athens, and made great havoc of his enemies. But if any impute the rebellion of these times unto the city of Athens, he is altogether ignorant of the truth. 
The Athenians faithful to the Romans.  For the faith of the Athenians was always so firm and inviolate towards the Romans, that every action which was performed without blemish or stain of promise, was said to be done by an Athenian faith: but they being heavily oppressed by the unsufferable usage of Mithridates his host, were besieged of their friends, when they were held captive of their enemies, and obeying necessity stayed their bodies within the walls, though their minds were without, and entirely with the Romans. Sylla did then conduct his army into Asia, where he found Mithridates very tractable & 
Silla his hard conditions of peace concluded with Mithridates.  suppliant unto him whom he punished with the payment of a great sum of money, and with the loss of part of his navy, enjoining him to departed out of Asia, and out of all the provinces which he had unjustly invaded, and constraining him to content himself with the inheritance descended from his father, which was the kingdom of Pontus: he took from Mithridates the Roman prisoners without ransom, and used great severity against the traitorous revolts, and runagates. Sylla having thus appeased and qualified foreign affairs, went by sea toward Rome, and in the way met him certain ambassadors from the 
The king of Parthia sendeth Ambassadors to Sylla.  Parthian king, which were sent to gratulate his victory, he being the first of the Romans to whom the king of Parthia sent ambassadors. There was nothing more worthy among Sulla's labours, than that whole three years space, whilst the factioners of Cinna & Marius did besiege the towns of Italy, he neither pretended any favour toward them, neither did he omit that which he had in hand, namely the subduing and vanquishing of foreign enemies: for he knew when external tumults were ended, he might with more ease extinguish domestical enemies. Before the coming of Sylla, Cinna in a mutiny of his own soldiers was slain, a captain more 
Cinna is slain.  worthy to be adjudged to death by the discretion of the conqueror, then to lose his life through the fury of his soldiers, of whom it may truly be said, that he adventured those things which no virtuous man would attempt, & that he brought those things to pass, which none but a valiant soldier could accomplish. His fellow Consul Carbo having no colleague did now praedominate and bear sway. Sylla having entered Italy, it was thought he came 
Sylla passeth quietly through Italy.  not as a revenger of war, but as an author of peace, with such quietness and mildness he lead his army through Calabria and Apulia, with a great & special regard of the growing corn, of meadows, of men, of castles, and cities, and indeed he assayed by lawful articles, and equal conditions, to appease the discord, but peace could not please them which were immoderately covetous. Silla's army did daily increase, every good and discrete Italian making recourse unto him, and he had a most happy victory about Capua against Scipio and Norbanus Consuls, Norbanus being overcome by fight, Scipio being forsaken of his army, yet Sylla gave him leave to departed, without hurt or hindrance, so unlike was he to himself in his wars, and after his victory, for whilst the victory was fresh, he was more mild than equity required, but when peace had taken root, he was more cruel than any barbarous Scythian, for Q. Sertorious the fury and firebrand of that rebellious war, which not long after 
Sylla dismisseth Sertorius without hurt.  ensued, being disarmed by Sylla, was sent away in safety, and many others he did with the same clemency entreat: of purpose, as I think, that he might give an example of a double and diverse mind in one man, and by that mean shroud and cover the contents of his heart. At that time to fill up the measure of public mishap, in the city of Rome, where before men did emulate one another in virtuous actions, now they did combat and contend in malicious practices, & he thought himself the best man, that was most wicked and injurious. Sylla had three mighty adversaries, Carbo, and C. Marius, the son of Marius that was the seventh time Consul, which both were Consuls whilst Sylla rung an alarm at the gates of Preneste, and Pontius Telesinus, who levying an army of the Samnites, did stoutly confront Sylla before the walls of Preneste, he was an Italian borne, but was not free of the city of Rome, a valiant soldier and a great enemy to a Roman name, who stood in defence of Preneste, but not with the Consuls. This Telesinus conducting 
Silla fighteth with Telesinus a Samnite.  forty thousand fight men joined battle with Sylla at Collina, and brought both him and the commonweal to extreme danger: for Rome was not in greater fear, when the tents of Hannibal were but three miles distant from her walls. Telesinus did greatly encourage his soldiers, saying that the day of their battle was the last period of the Roman glory, and he cried that Rome, Rome must be thrown down, and razed from the foundations, adding therewithal that there would never be wanting invaders of the Italian liberties, as long as the wood stood where such wolves were harboured. At the first hour of the night the Roman army revived their courage, Telesinus the next day after was found half dead, bearing the countenance rather of a conqueror then of a man subdued, whose head being cut off Sylla commanded to be carried along the streets of Preneste. C. Marius, his life being in a desperate 
C. Marius the younger is slain by Sulla's soldiers.  case, was feign to creep through certain holes of the earth to escape his enemies, but he was slain of Sulla's soldiers that were appointed for that purpose, of which towardly gentleman, what opinion Sylla carried, a man may easily conjecture: for when he was slain he entitled himself Sylla the fortunate, which had indeed been true if he had ended his life with his victories. For having entered 
Sylla usurpeth the Dictatorship.  the city and usurped the Dictatorship, which had been an hundred and twenty years intermitted, (for the last Dictator before Sylla was made the first year after Hannibal's departure out of Italy, so that it was apparent, that the Romans did not so much desire the use of a Dictator, as they did fear his tyranny) he began presently to broach the blood of citizens, having already drawn to the bottom the blood of strangers: four legions of soldiers, who had been of the contrary faction, and had now upon covenant of life submitted themselves to his mercy, calling in vain upon the faith of a Roman soldier, he caused to be slain: five thousand of that army which fought against him at Preneste, being promised life by P. Cethegus his 
Silla causeth the soldiers of Preneste to be slain.  Lieutenant, he put to a sudden and unlooked for death, and caused their joints to be plucked in pieces, and commanded that they should be dispersed and cast abroad in the wastes and mores. After these great and extreme cruelties, he put in practise the heavy penalty of proscription, which if it had died with Sylla, would have been a great part of 
Proscription put in practice by Sylla  the Roman happiness: by that means he brought to pass, that whose names soever he writ in the table of proscription, should be upon their attachement presently put to death, their goods also were subject to sale, every one taking the benefit to whom Sylla would grant it: neither was he content to rage's against them only which had before opposed themselves to him, but the most quiet and innocent citizens for the greatness of their wealth he deprived also of life, and against silly women did he bend his wrath, as not satisfied with the death of men: and, which was a sign of a Thracian cruelty, as soon as the heads of the slain citizens were parted from their trembling corpses, breathing as yet, their faces being not wholly deprived of a vital blood, he did gaze upon them, and toss them in his hands that he might feed on them with his eyes, though he could not crush them with his teeth. With what savageness did he behave himself in the kill of M. Marius, 
M. Marius slain by Silla.  whose eyes were plucked out before his death, and every part of his body was sundered and disjointed: and at that instant he enforced his sword through the bowels of M. Pletorius, because 
Sylla his rage against M. Pletorius.  he seemed to be grieved with the torture of M. Marius. O extreme punisher of pity and compassion, to whom it seemed a crime not to consent to cruelty. Neither did he spare the dead, for the ashes of C. Marius 
The ashes of C. Marius thrown into a river by Sylla.  the elder he caused to be raked out of the grave and thrown into a river. Sylla whilst he sought the victory, was to the Romans a Scipio, whilst he used it a very Mithridates. Many other bloodshed he did commit, and more would he have committed, had not the terror of a guilty conscience followed him, with the blazing brand of his vexed soul, which torment some call an ecstasy, some melancholy, some madness, but I denying it to be any one of these, allow it to be all these, doubtless it is a thing sooner felt than known, not to be avoided by medicine but by true felicity. In this perplexity he died, and yet 
Sylla dieth.  ceased not the civil or rather uncivil and unbrotherly discord: thus was Rome the famous city of Europe, the mother and nurse of worthy Senators, the miracle of nations, the epitome of the world, the kingdom of Mars, and the seavenheaded sovereign of many provinces exceedingly shaken with these quarrels, stained with these bloodshed, and grievously discomforted with the death of her children, her babes were brought forth for the sword to glut upon, the bodies of her ancients were made as pavements to walk upon, her matrons became a prey and prize to every ravisher, her priests and devout sacrificers were slain before the gates of the temples. Sulla's body was conveyed in sumptuous manner to Campus Martius, in which place before the burial the two Consuls, namely M. Aemilius Lepidus, and Q. Luctatius Catulus did earnestly debate about the repealing 
Debate betwixt Lepidus and Catulus Consuls touching the decrees of Sylla.  and canceling of the acts and decrees of Sylla. Lepidus urged that they who were proscribed by Sylla, ought incontinent to be reduced to the city, and thereto have restitution of their goods. Catulus together with the Senate defended the contrary, saying that though his motion were good and honest, yet it might be the beginning of some tumult, which would be most dangerous if it were suddenly done, because the commonweal was but newly recomforted, and had as yet enjoyed but a short pause of tranquillity. By this dissension they fell to weapons, Cn. Pompeius and Q. Catulus having gathered an army 
Cn. Pompeius Magnus and Q. Catulus, fight with Lepidus and overcame him.  did proffer battle to Lepidus, and in a light skirmish overcame him. Not long before the death of Sylla, Q. Sertorius rising in arms maintained war in Spain: for when he saw that the faction of Marius which he specially favoured, was utterly defeated and dissipated by L. Sylla, he fled presently into Spain, where before he had been Praetor, & there having gathered a great host and contrived an huge navy, fearing lest Sylla, who 
Sertorius levieth armies in Spain.  had put Carbo to flight and slain Marius, should send an army against him, he caused Livius Salinator his Lieutenant to encamp 
Livius Salinator the Lieutenant of Sertorius slain.  in the mountains of Pyraeneum, but he was afterward slain by C. Anius the Roman Proconsul, who was sent thither to abate the courage of Sertorius, and after him Q. Metellus was also sent, but their proceed were not prosperous. Wherhfore Cn. Pompeius being as yet a private man, had charge given him of the Senate to go into Spain. There came at that time for the aid and assistance of Sertorius, M. Perperna with a great multitude of soldiers. Cn. Pompeius made way for himself through the Alps, betwixt the famous springs of Padus and Rhodanus. He immediately after his coming into Spain, did enter into conflict with two of Sertorius his captains, Herennius and Perperna, and not far from the city of Talentia overcame them: Herennius was there slain, Perperna escaped by flight. Pompey did pass the winter in the Pyrenaean mountains, Sertorius in Lusitania, and at the beginning of the spring, Metellus and Pompeius did encounter with several armies Sertorius and Perperna, in which battle Sertorius constrained Pompey to fly, and Metellus drove Perperna to the like extremity, Pompey was at that time wounded in the thigh, afterward they met again at Seguntia, where Sertorius did the second time overthrow Pompey, and Metellus Perperna: the third time when Sertorius was coming against Metellus, Pompey meeting him in the way, caused him to retire: Sertorius did again oppose himself to Pompey. Having taking Segida a noble city of Celtiberia, where Sertorius lost a thousand soldiers & Pompey as many: then they turned themselves to the besieging of towns, Pompey did besiege Palantia, but Sertorius did raise the siege, and of them which besieged Caligurium he did slay three thousand. Metellus and Pompeius with great stoutness & stomach took many cities that were leagued with Sertorius and at Ilerda and Iliosca the towns of the Ilergitanes they put Sertorius to a desperate plunge, but Caligurium the city of the Vascons he did with much prowess & puissance defend. Sertorius was like to jugurth in his fight, and in his fortune not unlike to him, the exploits and stratagems of them both were singular and admirable, but their end and last event was miserable and mournful. jugurtha was taken by treachery: Sertorius by the 
Sertorius is slain.  treason of M. Antonius and M. Perperna his captains was slain, as he was sitting at a banquet, in the eight year of his rebellion, his empire was presently transferred to M. Perperna, whom Pompey overcame, took prisoner, and put to death, and in the tenth year after the beginning of this war, he took Spain. The Romans were in these times busied & molested in Italy by certain fencers or sword players, trained up in a shadowed fight under the government of Lentulus, but defying their master, and stirred with an hellish humour to seat themselves in the highest thrones of honour (for as fire is to gunpowder, so is ambition to the heart of man, which if it be but touched with self-love mounteth aloft and never bendeth downward till it be turned to ashes) they ranged themselves, and drew to their ensigns a great multitude of forlorn men. For in process of time their army did increase to fourscore thousand and more. The leaders were Spartacus, Enomans, and Crixus, who making great spoil and saccage in Italy, at length embattled themselves upon the mountain Vesurius. Against them were sent Clodius Glaber, and Publius Varinius, but their armies were suddenly by these enemies discomfited: therefore the year next ensuing C. Lentulus and L. Gellius Consuls, and Q. Arrius the Praetor prepared against them. Crixus one of these rebellious captains, was together with his whole army utterly overthrown: but Spartacus, in whom was more vigour of sinews, courage, and counsel, conducting his soldiers from the Apennine mountain to the Alps, and from the Alps into France, was at the first enforced to retire by one of the Consuls, by the other to fly. But afterward having animated, surveyed, and marshaled his men, he did suddenly turn back upon the Consuls, gave them battle, in several 
Spartacus a fence-plaier, doth encounter the army of the Consuls.  places overcame them: & was marching toward Rome there to possess himself of the capitol, and to erect a monarchy, but that the Consul's reuniting their dissipated forces, did hardly with much labour & great slaughter of men restrain and hinder him. But he having lost his purpose, yet not losing his time surprised the goodly city of the Thuririans, 
Spartacus taketh the city of the Thurians.  where breathing for a while & refreshing his army, and soon after reencountring the Romans, he obtained a glorious victory, and a plentiful spoil. This success did notably enhance the pride of Spartacus, who presuming now that he was better than the Consuls, thought himself therefore fit to be a king. And as Athenio not long before, a shepherd and drudge in the fields, having slain his master in Sicily, and mustered under ensign a great number of vagrant persons, by whose means he did spoil, and lay waste many hamlets, castles, and villages, and applauding to himself in this successful pillage and roguery, was adorned with a purple garment, strowted and walked along with a staff of silver, and environed his head with a crown of gold: so did this rebel of Italy assume to himself a regal pomp and title, & making fortune his rest, which of all things is most unlike to itself, thought he might as easily continue as begin a conquest. But the Romans who never could suffer victory to warm herself long with the robes of a stranger, committed the whole scope and charge of the war to M. Crassus' their Praetor, 
M. Crassus appointed for the war against Spartacus.  a man ambitious and venturous: he having joined battle with Granicus one of the rebel chieftains, did slay both the captain and thirty five thousand of his soldiers, and after fight with Spartacus did slay him, & with him forty thousand, five thousand only escaped, whom Cn. Pompeius returning from the Spanish war, did suddenly meet and presently put to the sword. After these times M. Cicero being Consul, whose novity and strangeness in Rome, the nobility and rareness of his good gifts might justly excuse who for all his excellent qualities was more beholding to nature then education, as for his virtue famous, so for his eloquence most famous, by whom it was that the Romans were not inferior to them in wit, whom they vanquished in war, the conspiracy of Catiline was detected and determined, and Cicero for his constancy, courage, & watchfulness, in suppressing the scalefire of that war to the utmost cinder, was entitled by the name of Pater patriae, the father of his 
Cicero called Pater patriae.  country. But before I enter into the discourse of his rebellion, I must make known the person of the traitor, and the cause of the treason. L. Sergius Catilina was in face and feature comely and absolute, in wit prompt 
Catiline his qualities.  and pregnant, in eloquence sweet and delightful, in pomp and majesty princely and regal, in courtly behaviour acquaint and delicate: and to set upon this gold a Diamond, of a most noble parentage. There were certain families amongst the Romans, which surmounted & overheaded the rest, being most ancient and of a worthy original, and they are parted into two descents, some of them having the Aborigines to their ancestors, and some the Trojans. The first and principal of the race of the Aborigines, was the family of the Vitellij, being descended from Faunus the king of the Aborigines, which did inhabit Italy before the coming of Aeneas, and Queen Vitellia, which in many places was worshipped as a goddess: the second was the family of the Fabiuses, whose offspring is rightly derived from Fabius the son of Hercules: the third was the lineage of the Antoniuses, issuing from Anton an other of Hercules his sons: the fourth was the race of the Potitij, so named of Potitius, who did with great courtesy entertain Hercules, when he was entered Italy: the fift was the house of the Mamilij, borne of Mamilia the daughter of Telegonus one of Ulysses his sons begotten of Circe that notorious enchantress. The other families which referred their beginning to the Trojan root, were ten in number: first the house of the julij, who descended from julus the son of Aeneas: the second the Aemilij, who took their name of Aemilius the son of Ascanius a Trojan, & of that house was the matchless Scipio, son to Paulus Aemilius, who being the Roman General destroyed Carthage. The third the Nautij of Nautes one of Aeneas his companions: for when Diomedes having stolen the image of Pallas, did perceive that it was of no use to him, after the destruction of Troy he offered it as a present to Aeneas passing by his kingdom, but as Aeneas doing then sacrifice was turning himself, Nautes did lay hold of the image, & by that means did appropriate the use of it to himself, so that the Nautij and not the julij did enjoy the mysteries of Minerva: the fourth the Cloaelij of Cloaelius an other of Aeneas his companions: the fift the Junii of junius an other of his associates: the sixth the Sergij 
The lineage of Catiline.  of Sergestus one of the Trojan captains, of which family was L. Sergius Catilina, and before him none of that name was ever tainted with any savour of rebellion. The seventh the Memij of Muesteus, an other of the Trojan travelers, the eight the Cloantij of Cloanthus a bird of the same feather, the ninth the Giganij or the Gianij of the Trojan Gias, the tenth the Caecilij of Saeculus a Trojan also who built Preneste. Catiline who being adorned with the nobility above described, made himself through his vices and misdemeanour ignoble and odious: his life was the picture of licentiousness: to women he was so lewdly affectionate, that every curtizane of Rome laid claim unto him. And to marry Aurelia Orestilla into a vacant house, he committed the shameful murder of his own and only child: for two things he promised her, and 
Catiline killeth his own son.  performed for her, which were tokens of a merciless heart, the baleful death of his son, and the change of the state, in such sort that Aurelia Orestilla should be the dictatress of Rome. And for the performance he bond himself by a cursed circumstance, drinking man's blood to fill his bloodthirsty humour. In all his actions he was a perfect Protean, framing and composing himself to all sides and sects: with the graver sort of men he would be sad and severe: with the riotous, prodigal & excessive: with chaste matrons modest and buxom: with light housewives wanton and vain: with young gentlemen pleasant and active: with ancient father's demure and deliberative: to the base sort courteous and pitiful: to the nobler persons sociable and grateful: so variable & discoloured he was in his doings, that M. Cicero did greatly marvel at his manifold dexterity. The first sparks of Catiline's conspiracy began to blaze and appear, L. Tullus, M. Lepidus being Consuls, six hundred eighty & seven years after the building of Rome. At that time was Catuline greatly 
Catiline greatly indebted.  indebted, and because he could not discharge the sum within the time appointed and limited by law, nor bring in an estimate or valuation of his goods, whereby it might appear that he was able to defray the debt, he was forbidden to make suit for the Consulship, 
Catiline forbidden to make sure for the Consulship.  whereupon being stirred by a revengeful wrath, he sought by all means possible to execute his injurious intent. There was at that time in Rome Cn. Piso, a man of desperate boldness, poor and yet presumptuous, Catiline did open and impart his meaning to him and Pub. Antronius, and they three determined to kill the Consuls, which were made the next year after Catiline's repulse. The inquisition of this matter was deferred till it came to greater ripeness. Afterward they intended the death of the most part of the Senators: the time was appointed when their complices and confederates, abetters, and assistants should meet in armour: but because Catiline perceived that the number of these rebellious soldiers was not yet sufficient to give onset to the city, he withdrew his hand for a time, and dismissed the army. But a year after M. Cicero, and C. Antonius having entered the Consulship, Catiline being now also disgraced with another repulse, recollected into his seditious brain his ancient plots and former villainies: then he conspired with P. Lentulus & C. Cethegus Praetors to work the death of the Consuls, to slay the Senate, to burn the city, and to alter the state: and for this purpose they did by letters invite to this horrible massacre many Romans that were employed in foreign service. This being apparently evident, & dangers being now at the door, and in a readiness to pierce into the city, unless some mature advise were presently taken, a Senate was appointed in the temple of jupiter Stator, unto which place shameless Catiline, imagining that he might blear their eyes by a pretended purgation resorted also, and with an unchanged countenance shrouded under the habit of a Senator, the heart of a serpent. And because the method of this history may seem in this place to require some description of the senatorial state, I will briefly set down the constant and perpetual order of the Romans in going to their senate house, though I cannot countervail with equal terms, nor with a perfect discourse the great majesty and pomp, that in this reverend solemnity was observed. The first place in the proceeding to their Senate had the Dictator, 
The solemnity which the Romans used in their proceeding to the Senate  (when that office was in esse) the next the Consuls, the third the Praetors: the Dictator was therefore preferred because his power was supreme, and was not subject to the control of any other, the Consuls were in the second place, because they were in pre-eminence next to the Dictator, and all the decrees of the Senate were ratified by them, bearing date according to the dignity of their persons: their triumphs also were signed with the same mark: such a triumph was said to be done, such an one being the second time Consul, and such an one being the third time Consul, according as their advancement was. In the third rank of these greater Magistrates were the Praetors, because they had authority to call a Senate as the Dictator & the Consuls had, which was not permitted to the inferior magistrates: they had also jurisdiction to examine any matter that was done within the hundred stone, after the vulgar supputation, within an hundred miles of the city of Rome on every side. Before the Dictator went twelve Lictors or Sergeants, who at the bidding of the Dictator and Consuls did arrest offenders, and commanded strangers that met them in sign of reverence to light from their horses, they carried in their hands an ensign of terror, a double poleaxe environed with a bundle of rods. The Dictator was carried in a chair of estate, being clad with a purple gown, edged with a crimson border, and invested with a rob triumphal, which were the ornaments of the ancient kings of Rome: the same attire had the Consuls and Praetors, but the Praetors did wear a silver coloured garment, and did always ride upon milk white horses: after these the next place had the Censors, if there were any at that time, for they were in the number of principal magistrates, their office being not of perpetuity, no more than the Dictatorship. After these being the more worthy potentates, the inferior sort of the authorized persons did immediately follow. The first of that order were the Aediles of the chair, because they were conveyed to the senatehouse in a chair of ivory, which monument of honour, as it seemeth was permitted unto them, because in ancient times they were trusted and adorned with the entire regiment of the city: these were created of the body of the Senate: next to them succeeded the Aediles of the people, which were raised to that dignity from the root of the people: after the Aediles followed they which had borne office, though they were not charged with any office that present year. All of them severally marshaled according to the worthiness of their calling, the Consulians, the Praetorians, the Aedilitians, the last place had the Senators, which had not yet borne office. The number of them all in such an assembly did some time amount to the number of six hundred all of them, these only excepted who were borne in chairs of estate, riding on fair pampered horses, and long trained gowns, the skirts of which were circumscribed with these words, Senatus, populusque Romanus. When the Senators were placed, and every one began to expect what should be spoken against the rebellious confederates, M. Cicero aiming at Catiline with his eyes, did thus pierce him with his tongue, & with this invective reproved his manners.  
Was there ever seen so great and notorious 
Cicero his Oration against Catiline.  impudency, grave fathers and worthy Senators, that a dissolute and disorderly rebel, a professor of prodigality and unthriftiness, a maintainer of the eves, barrettors and seditious slaughterer's, a proclaimed enemy to temperance, justice, chastity, & the whole synod of the severer virtues, a man or rather a monster of men, compacted of vices & vanities, should dare so much as to stain this sacred presence with his profane person, & though he conspire against us, yet amongst us to consult. To consult (said I) nay to conceal his treachery. What should the jay do amongst swans, or the owl amongst nightingales, or the vulture amongst amongst doves, or Catiline amongst Cato's: do we not dread the thunderbolt when we see the lightning? and can we love the traitor when we loathe his treason? Canst thou so dissemble Catiline that we may not discern thy doings? Nay there is no deed of thine, no drift nor devise, which I have not heard, nay almost seen, nay almost felt. Here, here they be in this our assembly (worthy Senators) in this most grave and solemn council of the world, which muse continually of our death, of the downfall of Rome, and the desolation of Italy. But thou yet livest Catiline, and yet thou livest not to abate, but to abet thy pride. What vanity hath been at any time absent from thine eyes? what villainy from thine hands? what precedent of vice from thy person? what young gentleman hath there been a long time in this city, whom, if he were once corrupted by the deceitful baits of thy false enticements, thou didst not animate and incite either to desperate attempts, by carrying the sword before him, or to effeminate examples by bearing the torch before him, and yet thou imaginest that thy doings are not misliked. Of thee Catiline when the Romans keep silence they pronounce sentence, when they suffer thy misdeeds they condemn them, when they are at rest with themselves, they are at deadly war with thee. But why am I so earnest against thee? Is it possible that any thing should amend thee? may it be hoped for that thou wilt reform thyself, that thou wilt shake off these faults? that thou wilt banish these enormities? Thou art not of so good & virtuous inclination, that honesty may reclaim thee from whoredom, fear from unjustice, and reason from outrage: to this madness nature hath framed thee, frowardness hath exercised thee, and destiny hath reserved thee, and for these deformities of thy nature thou hast been more feared then trusted, and indeed more wily than we have heretofore been watchful. But at length noble Senators, L. Catilina enraged with boldness, breathing out bloodshed, preparing in most heinous manner a scourge for his country, threatening to this city fire and sword, is sufficiently known and abundantly hated. No plague can now be invented of that monster and horror of men within this city against this city, but in that he hath not drawn his bloody sword out of our naked bodies, in that he hath left us alive, in that we have wrested the weapon from his butcherous hands, in that the citizens be safe, & the city secure, can ye conjecture with what a bitter agony and anguish of mind he is vexed: and if he begin hereafter to renew his fury, take courage my Lords, and lead out against his broken and outcast band, the flower and the power of all Italy, and consider with what foes we deal, which surfeiting in banquets, embracing harlots, stuffed with meat, faint with wine, adorned with garlands, souple with ointments, weakened by wantoness, cast from their contagious mouths the slander of the virtuous, over whom I do hope there hangeth some heavy destiny: and that the punishment that hath been long time due to their wicked lust and licentiousness, is either now imminent or now approaching: whom if my Consulship do chance to quelle because it cannot cure, it shall not procure a short sunshine of peace to the commonweal, but whole ages and worlds of tranquillity: that which may be healed by any means I will heal by some means, that which must needs be cut off I must needs cut off, therefore let them either leave the city, or leave their tumult, or if they will stay both in this city and in this mind, let them look for their desert, and assure themselves of the full measure of revenge, but if in stews and taverns they sought only beluing and bawdry, they were more to be spared, but yet wholly to be despaired of: but who can tolerate that cowards should determine treachery against the courageous, wild brains against them that be wise, sottish drunkards against sober Senators and sluggish drones against careful magistrates? These men building like gods upon the earth, as if their houses should be heavens, whilst they take their pleasure in sumptuous coaches, great families, costly banquets, rich attire, and in the lewd company of lascivious curtizanes, are fallen into such a gulf of debt, that if they would be free from it, Sylla is to be raised from the dead. But they shall soon perceive, if they still persist in their naughtiness, that there are in this city vigilant Consuls, politic governors, a puissant Senate, that we have weapons, that we have a prison, which our ancestors have made a revenger of heinous and manifest faults. And now sith you are delivered through my care and industry from a swelling cloud of terrors, without battle, without bloodshed, without army, without fight. For this so great benefit noble Senators, I require of you no reward of virtue, no ensign of honour, no monument of praise, but an eternal record of this very time: I desire that all my deserts, all the ornaments of my person, the fruits of my glory, and the good estimation of my diligence, should be registered and enroled in in your memories. No muteness, no silence, no secret whispering can delight me, by your remembrance worthy Senators mine acts & exploits shall be nourished, by your words they shall grow, by your writings they shall not only receive life but eternity.  
Catiline having all this while itching ears, 
Catiline his impudent answer to Cicero.  but a more itching tongue, made in disorderly manner this disdainful reply: I have a long time marveled and now with astonishment do wonder (ye noble Lords and ancient progeny of kings) for as to the rest I will not bend myself to them but against them, that with so patiented ear, and minds impassionate, ye can digest the choleric railings of this rhetorical parot, whom since we first promoted from the perch to the pinnacle, from the bar to the bench, from the ground whereon we go, to the tribunal whereon we sit, the Senate surfeiting long ago on his rude and unmannerly speeches, is now constrained to make a diet of a disease: upon me as ye have plainly perceived, he hath spent the whole chest of his gall, who am as free from the crimes intended, as he is far from the virtues which he ascribeth to you. He thought perhaps (what wickedness I pray you hath he not thought) to blow me out of the gates of the city, by the venomous air of his impoisened lungs, but maugre his malicious throat. I stand before his lowering face, to the abashment of his frozen forehead, and the confusion of his ill speaking eloquence, as one irreproveable, being like a cage of crystal, upon which the more poison is cast, the more clear it doth seem. I am not made (Consul Marcus) of so fleeting and brittle mould, that the gnashing of thy teeth should either fray me or fret me: but if I were guilty of the faults alleged, why was I not impeached of them before thy Consulship, but under the triumph of thy terms must suffer this intolerable injury? Catiline is an Epicure forsooth, because Cicero is a Stoic, Catiline is wanton, because Cicero is jealous, Catiline is lawless, because Cicero's will must be a law to him: Catiline is prodigal, because he hath not bestowed any bribes upon Cicero: Catiline is rebellious, because Cicero is fearful and timorous: Catiline is an enemy to the commonweal, because he is not friend to Cicero's private policy: mighty accusations and unanswerable! Hath he not drawn blood (trow you) of Catiline's credit? It grieveth me worthy Senators, and trust me, it grieveth mine heart, that the hope of the Roman youth, and the sweet society of gallant gentlemen yourselves attending, bearing, & forbearing, should by the spawn of a rag be so heinously disgraced: as for his distempered declamation it is no novelty with us my Lords, for it is the usual method of his mercenare tongue, upon poor and pitiful presumptions, to hazard the life and soul of his client's cause. But what madness is it for one that is lately crept into the city to talk of antiquities, taking matters in hand which are elder than his memory, which were forgotten and dead before he was begotten and borne? Thou art not ancient enough Cicero to speak of our ancestors, nor worthy enough to talk of our worthies, thou art as a pilgrim in this city, thou art ignorant of the orders and customs thereof, thou seemest to wander in another country, and not to bear office in the Metropolis of Italy: thou threatenest us with extremities, and layest on load with imprisonments, as if our bodies should be anuils to thine hatred: but suffer not my sweet, mild and courteous magistrates of Rome, that upon Cicero's suggestion we should endure such reproach: the ignominy of arraignment is miserable, the arresting of guiltless men is lamentable, banishment is uncomfortable, but the racking, rolling, tearing and tormenting of men far be it not only from the body of a Roman, but even from his thoughts, from his eyes, from his ears. For mine own part I confess, and profess, and pretend, that Catiline liveth not to please, but to displease and displace M. Cicero, of whom when I speak, I speak of tyranny, of villainy, of baseness, and assure thyself Cicero, that either the law of Rome, or the law of reason shall be my warrant in this case, and to them that be discontented in this city, thy fall will be a general satisfaction.  
Catiline departed out of the senate house continuing his fury, and because danger was feared, it was thought good that the Senate should be dismissed in the night time. Catiline went with a slender guard to the tents of Manlius. Lentulus, Cethegus, and diverse others that were privy to the conspiracy, and did as yet remain in the city, were arrested and imprisoned, and being convicted by manifest evidence, were presently put to death. The day wherein the punishment of these traitors was decreed, did greatly illustrate & beautify the worthiness of M. Cato. He descended from M. Cato the Prince of the Portian family, after whom this Cato in degree of descent was accounted and numbered in the 
The lineage of M. Cato.  third place. This M. Cato was of all the Romans most sincere, and most like to virtue 
The praise of M. Cato.  itself, and seemed in his justice and integrity to be nearer to God then to man, who did not live honestly & orderly because he would seem to be virtuous, but because it was against the course of his disposition to be dishonest and disorderly, thinking that only to be reasonable, which was just and lawful: he was free from fancies, and had always fortune in his own power: he was then Tribune of the people, young in respect of his years, but in wisdom and advise a father, & a right Senator, who (when others persuaded that the conspirators should be kept alive in several wards) being the last of them that sentenced the rebellious, did inveigh with such force of mind and wit against the conspirators, that by the vehemency of his speech he canceled their opinions, which persuaded lenity, and made their softness to be suspected: and the greater part of the Senate in favour of Cato's gracious severity, did accompany him to his house. C. Caesar did at that 
C. Caesar inclined to sedition.  time give some token of a rebellious humour, whereof Rome tasted afterward too much, & himself in the end was poisoned with the dregs. Catiline hearing what was done at Rome, gathered an army, and making a laborious journey through the steep and craggy hills, intended a voyage into that part of France, which is beyond the Alps: which Q. Metellus perceiving, who was leader of three bands of soldiers in the Picem province, he removed his tents and pitched them at the bottom of the Pistorian heath, from which place the army of C. Antonius was not far. Catiline when he saw that he was on every side embayed with mountains & armed men, chose rather to fight with Antonius, who committed the vanguard to the conduct of M. Petreius. Catiline in that battle gave a sharp onset, and continued the fight with an undaunted stomach, but in the end was slain, and dying with great indignation, was there trampled to death by the hooves of horses. Thus he that did defend himself in the Senate house, was confounded in the field, and that by the justice of destiny, who with a scourge of steel followeth proud aspirers: this insolent Roman perceived at the time of his death the deceitful gloze of his fawning fancy, & the vain sophistry of bewitching ambition.   

LACHESIS, Or the second Book.  
CN. Pompeius' for his great valour & magnanimity justly entitled Magnus, did in course of time grow to an exceeding greatness of authority, and had purchased through his worthy exploits, the love, applause and admiration of the whole world, his father was Cn. Pompeius an approved soldier, and a Consularian, his mother was Lucilia a Senator's daughter: he was of a comely parsonage, not so commendable for beauty, as for a pleasing and constant complexion, which continued even to his last hour, his wisdom was of a wonderful excellency, his life in all parts absolute, his eloquence but indifferent, he was desirous to have honour offered, but was not ambitious to usurp it, a fast friend & a religious observer of his word, in reconciling men that were at variance most faithful, in receiving satisfaction for offences most easy, never using his power to impotency, nor his wit to vanity, from his cradle a soldier, in his youth a conqueror triumphant, and in all his wars courageous and dreadful. For though Sertorius did more commend 
Sertorius feareth Pompey.  Metellus, yet he was more afraid of Pompey. And of the Spaniards he triumphed when he was but a Roman knight, not having as yet borne any office of estate. To be a knight of Rome was so much better than to be a common gentleman, by how much a patrician Senator was more honourable than a novitian, whose ancestors were never of the Senate. And Pompey by degrees did endeavour to advance his credit, and in the end by the conquest of many & mighty nations, became peerless. Mithridates' his power was enfeebled by Sylla, disjointed by Lucullus, & broken in pieces by Pompey, after which victory 
Mithridates' overthrown by Pompey. Pompey entered the temple of jerusalem.  he subdued the jews, took their city, and possessed the temple of jerusalem, a rare and miraculous monument, which though he filled with his soldiers, yet he restrained them from the spoil. In that war he partly recovered, and partly subdued to the Roman power, Armenia, Colchis, Cappadocia, Cilicia, Syria, and all the region of Palestine to the river of Euphrates. He overcame beside Paphlagonia, Galatia, Phrigia, Mysia, Lydia, Caria, jonia, and all that part of Asia which lieth about Pergamus. He committed the regiment of Armenia mayor to Tigranes, the Island of Bosphorus to Pharnaces, Cappadocia to Arioberzanes, Seleucia to Antiochus Commagenus: to Deiotarus and other tetrarchs Galatia with Armenia minor, to Attalus and Pylaemenes Paphlagonia, to Aristarchus Colchis, to Hyrcan Palestine. And for a triple reward of these his victories, he 
Pompey honoured with a triple triumph.  had the blazon of three triumphs: the first was of Africa, the second of Europa, and the third of Asia. After these triumphs ensued the Consulship of Marcus Bibulus and C. 
Caesar his original.  Caesar, issuing from the famous family of the julij, and conveying his descent from Anchises the Trojan father to Aeneas: he was of excellent beauty, and in vigour of mind most sharp and vehement, in his rewards bountiful, in courage far above man's nature, or man's belief, in the haughtiness of his thoughts, in the celerity of his fight, in the suffering of bitter events and casualties singular, in all his actions most like to Alexander the great, to Alexander I mean being sober, and neither surcharged with wine, nor overcome with wrath, using sleep and meat not for the pampering of his lust, but for the continuing of his life. He was near in blood to C. Marius, and was cinna's son in law, neither during Sulla's Dictatorship could he by any means be moved to divorce cinna's daughter, though M. Piso a Consularian, did for fear of Sylla sunder himself from Annia cinna's widow, by which constancy Caesar did greatly endanger himself; for his death 
Caesar's death sought for by Silla's officers.  was sought for by Sulla's officers, Sylla himself being ignorant of their purpose. Caesar being made Consul, a league of sovereign society was concluded betwixt him and Cn. Pompeius, & M. Crassus. Pompey did therefore enter into that league, because he would have his acts and deeds, which he had made in the provinces before mentioned, that were conquered by him, fully confirmed and ratified by the Senate. Caesar by taking that course had a double intent, to increase his own honour by yielding to Pompey's glory, and to establish his own authority by charging him with the hatred of this trevirall power. Crassus' had this drift to maintain & preserve the estimation which he had already obtained by the power of Caesar, and the authority of Pompey. There was also an affinity contracted by marriage betwixt Caesar and Pompey: for Pompey took to wife julia 
Pompey marrieth with julia Caesar's daughter.  Caesar's daughter. Caesar had the regiment of France committed to him by the Senate, after whose Consulship ended, and before his departure into France, P. Clodius Tribune of the people began to give new edge unto 
Clodius' Tribune of the people becometh seditious.  quarrels, and did with main force bend himself against Cicero. For what agreement could there be betwixt them, when their manners did so far disagree? The head of dissension was cut off when Catiline was slain, the body also was mangled when his confederates were put to death, but the serpent's tail did as yet move: for Clodius did seek by all means possible, to take revenge on Cicero 
Clodius seeketh to revenge himself upon Cicero.  for the sharp severity used against his friends which were of Catiline's seed-plot, and of that seditious league. But it was to be wondered at, that a man convicted of so notorious and heinous crimes, durst proceed to such impudency as to attempt the disgrace of M. Cicero, or any way to disturb his quietness. At that time Clodius was infamous for his adultery 
Clodius' infamous for adultery with Pompeia Caesar's wife.  with Pompeya Caesar's wife, which amidst the most religious & solemn rites of Bona Dea, this unchaste Tribune committed: and these ceremonies, which it was not lawful for any man to behold, Clodius in woman's attire did pollute. But he was the author of greater lewdness than this, when with his own sisters he became incestuous, two of 
Clodius' infamous for incest with his sisters.  them being his sister's german, and married to two worthy Romans, the one of them to Q. Metellus, and the other to L. Lucullus, the third was his sister by the half blood, the wife of Q. Martius. For these and other his faults, he was condemned by the several censures 
Clodius condemned by Senate.  of two hundred Senators at one Session, and this notwithstanding was absolved: so that I do greatly doubt, whether the Consuls that did absolve him, or Clodius that was absolved, did more deserve punishment: for by that mean such a window of impunity was then opened, as could not be shut in the space of many years ensuing. But Clodius because he was Tribune, and because he was Clodius, did think all time lost wherein Cicero was safe. He was then in great favour both with the people and Consuls: for when any commodity was sought for by the Consuls, which could not be prejudicial to the people, he would labour earnestly for the Consuls, and when the people would have had any benefit which did not concern the Consuls, he was wholly for the people: so that by displeasing neither, he pleased them both. Upon this ground he adventured to make laws, amongst which one was enacted against them who had put a Roman citizen to death without the judgement of the people of Rome, which law though it ran in general terms, yet in sense and meaning it was directly leveled against Cicero, who in his Consulship had by Senate condemned the confederates of Catiline. Cicero perceiving this did clad himself 
Cicero mourneth.  with mourning robes, the Senators also were attired with black, as the associates of his sorrow, the Roman knights did wear his colour, the inconsolate city did droop and deplore his state, and the foreigners that heard thereof did enlarge the grief. For the redressing of this malady means were made to Crassus, Caesar, and Pompey. But Caesar denied to stand against Clodius, because he feared that the laws and decrees made by him the year next before when he was Consul should be disannulled and abrogated by Clodius if he maintained hatred against him. M. Crassus was moneys weathercock, and an hungry cormorant of coin, and therefore refused to meddle in this matter, because they that craved the assistance of his authority, came not to him with golden faces: only Pompey did help, countenance, & comfort him, and protested openly that himself would rather be slain by Clodius, than Cicero should be abused: but the Consuls commanding the Senators and others to lay aside their mournful sable, did so firmly link themselves to Clodius, both against Cicero and Pompey, that neither could Pompey profit him, neither would Cicero stay in the city. For how could he expect any better success, L. Piso & A. Gabinius being Consuls, men of notorious naughtiness, and raked out of the scum of Senators? Wherhfore Cicero left the city, 
Cicero committeth himself to voluntary exile.  and in the very day of his departure, his house that stood on mount Palatine was burnt by Clodius, and the soil was consecrated to Liberty: his goods were confiscated, his lordships and farms bestowed upon others: there was a law also made touching his banishment, whereby it was prohibited that he should 
A sharp law made concerning Cicero his banishment.  not have the use of water and fire within the city, that none within five hundred miles of Italy should receive him into his house, that none should make any motion for him to the Senate, that none should deliver his opinion of Cicero, that none should dispute of that which was done, that none should speak of it, that none should go unto him, that none should write unto him. But in the end Cn. Pompeius having undertaken enmity with Clodius, being urged by the earnest petition of Titus Annius Milo, and moved by the abundant kindness of his heroical nature, did in his mind make special election of this care to reduce Cicero from banishment. Wherhfore the year next ensuing, P. Lentulus and Q. Metellus being Consuls, Cicero by a senatorial decree was recalled from banishment 
Cicero recalled from banishment.  with the great desire of the Senate, and the great rejoicing of Italy. The ground whereon his house stood, was exempted from religious consecration, and his house was not so shamefully thrown down by Clodius, as it was sumptuously re-edified by the Senate, his possessions were restored unto him, and all the acts which Clodius made in his Tribuneship 
Clodius perfisteth to be an enemy to Cicero.  were adjudged to be void. Clodius did greatly indignate at the return of Cicero, & having aggregated unto him a rascal rout of thriftless and unconscionable ruffians, he partly drove away, and did partly maim and murder the carpenters and workmen, that were busied about the renewing of Cicero's house, he burned beside the house of Q. Cicero, 
Clodius burneth the house of Cicero.  he fought with Milo many times in the streets: he pursued Cicero with stones, clubs, and swords, & arming all his men with brands of fire in the one hand, and swords in the other led them to the burning of milo's house: but this tempest and trouble of the city, who did bestow kingdoms and take them away, and divided the world at his pleasure, which burned the temple of the Nymphs, that he might scorch the roll in which his shame was enregistered, which with masons, architectes, and measurers of ground did survey almost every close and plot that lay near unto him, hoping in the end to make it his own purchase, and to dilate and extend his demesnes from the gate of janus to the top of the Alps: which threatened death to Sanctia 
Clodius threateneth death to Sanctia.  a matron, as holy in her manners as in her name, and to Apronius a young gentleman, unless they would sell unto him their inheritance: who told Furfonius in plain terms, that if he would not lend him so much money as he required, he would carry him dead into his house. This enemy I say to all good men, to his neighbours, to foreigners, to his friends, to his kinsmen, was shortly after slain by Milo, 
Clodius is slain by Milo.  for whose death he did lie in await, and his body being conveyed to Rome was loathed of the beholders, for it was the harbour of a foul ostrich.  
Caesar was now in hot wars against the French, of whose exploits as they did hap in nine years space, whilst he was Precedent there by the commission of the Senate, I will make a brief rehearsal as the times did yield them.  
In the first year the Helvetians, when Caesar had scarcely set foot in France, burnt 
The Helvetians fly before Caesar.  their houses, and leaving their country dispersed themselves in the fields of the Sequani, and so came to the coast of the Tolossians. Caesar perceiving that their abode in that place would be dangerous to the city of Tolossa, and being earnestly entreated by the petition of the Ambarrians and the Allobroges, who did complain themselves to be greatly vexed and disturbed by the Helvetians, removing his tents and having overtaken them at the river of Arraris destroyed in pursuit all the villages of the Tigurines. Caesar's horsemen which were sent before to observe what ways and paths the Helvetians did take, were by them discomfited. Afterward they gave battle to Caesar, and in that 
The Helvetians overcome by Caesar.  battle they were overcome, and yielding themselves to Caesar's mercy, they were enjoined to resort to their own country, and there to repair their houses. Then Caesar being moved by the complaint of certain Frenchmen addressed against Ariovista the king 
Caesar pursueth battle against Ariovista.  of the Germans, whom he did pursue in battle to the river of Rhenus.  
In the second year he waged battle against 
Caesar fighteth against the Belgians & nervians.  the Belgians, the most of which were slain. The like success had he against the nervians.  
In the third year fight on the sea against the Venetians, he caused them to yield: and P. Crassus' his Lieutenant did subdue almost all the country of Aquitania.  
In the fourth year the Germans passing with a great multitude over the river of Rhine arrived in France, whom Caesar assaulting on the sudden did utterly destroy: then he made a bridge over Rhenus, and determined to vex and exagitate the Germans in their 
Caesar overthroweth the Germans.  own country, because France was so much disquieted and molested by them, & having 
Caesar burneth the villages of the Sicambrians  burnt there many cities and villages of the Sicambrians, being also certified that the Britanes did minister succour, and gave encouragement to the conspiracies of the French, he sailed into Britain, and constrained the Britanes by sharp onset to yield unto him. 
Caesar overcometh the Britain's  Caesar's navy that transported his horse, was shrewdly shaken with a tempest, wherewith the Britain's being revived betook themselves again to weapons, and fight with Caesar were put to flight: at length they sued to Caesar for peace, which, he taking hostage of them did easily grant, and returned into 
Caesar reconciled to the Britain's.  France, and the same year the Morines & Menapians rebelling he reduced to obedience.  
In the fifth year Caesar returning from Illyrium, to which place he went for the stopping and beating back of an incursion made by the Pirustae, came to his army in France, and addressed war afresh against the Britain's having broken truce, and enjoying there a prosperous fight, a great multitude of 
Caesar reneweth his war against the Britain's.  the inhabitants being slain, and a great part of the Island brought into the power of the Romans, taking hostages, and imposing tribute he set sail for France.  
In the sixth year the Eburons did rebel against Caesar, Ambiorix being their king and Captain, whom in many places Caesar fiercely 
The Eburons overcome by Caesar.  and fervently pursuing, put to the sword and dispersed the remnant of that rebellious company.  
In the seventh year Caesar went into Italy, upon occasion of a mutiny which there did befall. The French thinking that he would be detained by domestical war, and that it would be hard for him to return to his army during that dissension, began now to take advise of renewing war against the Romans. The Carnutians professing that they would be leaders to that attempt bound others unto them by oath, and having appointed a day they repaired to Genabis, where many of the Romans did negotiate, & were earnestly occupied and busied about their 
Treachery against the Romans in France.  traffic & merchandise, all which were slain by the French, which massacre being certainly reported at Aruernum and other parts of France, the Pietons, the Parisians, the Cadurcians, the Tureus, the Aulerci, the Lemonickes, the Audians did join in armour and did confederate with the Carnutians. Caesar hearing of this new enterprise made speedy 
Caesar his revenge upon the reels.  return into France, and having placed several garrisons in the cities of the Volscians, of the Artonikes, of the Tolossians, & in Narbo, which were nearest unto the enemies, he took Vellannodunum the city of the Senones, & Genabis the chief town of the Carnutians, which he spoiled and burnt, and many other towns did he take, and seized upon many of the rebels, receiving some of them into his mercy, & punishing very sharply the most notorious offenders.  
In the eight year he pursued the Carnutians to their uttermost overthrow: the Bellofaci conducted by two valiant captains Corbius and Comius, were enforced to submit themselves, and Corbius was then slain by Caesar's horsemen.  
In the ninth year Caesar did not enterprise any warlike affairs, but laboured specially to cut off all occasions of revolting: therefore honourably emparling with the magistrates of the cities: bestowing upon the governors great rewards, and burdening them with no new taxes, he brought France being wearied by many wars, to a perfect and perpetual peace, and departed thence to Italy, but was still guarded with an army of soldiers.  
In the seventh year of Caesar's warfare in France, julia Caesar's daughter departed this world, and Pompey's little son which he had by her, within a short space after died also, which was a great crack to the concord before continued. Pompey had already prorogued his Praesidentship in the province of Spain 
Pompey his Presidentship in Spain prorogued.  for five years: but the people of Rome did exceedingly grudge, that either Caesar Pompey should in any foreign province have an army of soldiers at their command, sith all wars both foreign and domestical were ceased & determined, because they thought by that mean some danger might grow to the City: for Pompey being now in Rome, did rule Spain by Affranius and Petreius his Lieutenants, having in several cities several garrisons, and C. Caesar had in the bosom of Italy an huge host, & had then a garrison at Ravenna, where he was personally resident: this did seem also inconvenient to many of the nobles, and Pompey showed himself very partial: for he did fawn upon them which would have had Caesar's army dismissed, but was very adverse to others who would have measured him by the same compass, who if he had died in Campania two years before the civil wars, where he was greatly assayed by sickness, at which time all Italy did make special vows for his health, his glory which was gained by sea and land he had carried untouched to the grave. Upon these considerations L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus being Consuls, a decree was made by the Senate, 
A decree made by the Senate, that Caesar should dismiss his army.  that within a time limited Caesar should discharge his army, and if he would not, that he should be accounted an enemy, for Caesar would have been made Consul in his absence: but M. Cato did well answer, that no citizen ought to prescribe laws to the commonweal: wherefore it was ordained that Caesar contenting himself with one legion, should bear only the title of the Precedent of France, and that he should come into the city as a private man, & in his suit for the Consulship, should wholly rely upon the voices of the people. C. Curio an impudent orator, a man wickedly witted, and eloquent for a public mischief, whose mind no riches could satisfy, nor any pleasures sufficiently please, who first stood for Pompey (as it was then accounted for the common weal, which I do not speak to reprove, but that I might not be reproved) and now was in show and appearance both against Pompey and Caesar, but in deed and mind wholly for Caesar: this Curio Tribune of the people, posted in haste to Ravenna where Caesar was, and signified unto him the order of the Senate, applying his eloquence as a brand to the inflaming of Caesar's 
Caesar is incensed by Curio against the Senate.  fury. Curio came to Caesar at the entrance of twilight, when the cloud of vapours and exhalations, is by nature disposed to turn men into melancholy, which took so deep hold on Caesar, that making no answer to Curio, but casting himself on his bed he did in this sort expostulate with the Romans.  
Thus is Caesar measured with a scantling, 
The passionate speech of Caesar against the Senate.  dieted with a paring, and rewarded with nothing. Vanish from me thou sad and ugly concubine of Erebus, thou grim and dusky night, which with thy black circumference dost hood wink our senses, driving the day from us before we can flesh our swords, contracting our sinews when they are but newly stretched, causing us to lurk in our cabbons when we should cleave to the throats of our enemies; vanish I say from me, and delay not with thy linger minutes my expedition against Rome. Against Rome? o the echo of my heart! nay for Rome, against the Romans, amongst whom is Cn. Pompeius Magnus, but not yet Maximus, for he lacketh a degree of that, and before he can attain to it, there will be effusion of blood by succession. But what careth he for that, was he not one of Sulla's whelps, whose sword reeking with Italian blood he so greedily licked, that the taste thereof doth as yet relish in his ravenous and polluted laws? But learn of Sylla, learn of thy Sylla Pompey, that a tyrant bathing himself in gore, shall at length sink by the weight of his cruelties. What Caesar hath done, I refer to the Oracle of Bellona, what he will do I leave to the concealed decree of sacred vengeance: what he may do, let the foredoming Parcaes predestinate: what he ought to do let warlike justice pronounce. Was not Pompey made Consul without suing, without seeking, without speaking? and shall I requesting, yea and humbly requesting suffer a repulse? Fortune thou mighty and miraculous Goddess, which in a moment dost procure a world of varieties, whetting with thine anger the points of our lances, shaking crowns and kingdoms with the spurn of thy foot, triumphing over our victories with the speckled wheels of thy voluble chariot, controlling our hope with thy frowning countenance: thou knowest great goddess, that if Rome hath at any time flourished: if it hath at any times tasted the pure and unmingled extract of sincere happiness, if it were ever carried on the broad wings of fame, if it did ever swim in a flood of plenty, it was through Caesar and his fortune, & yet we are now despised, and yet we will not be despised, fortune is able to revenge the injury done to Caesar, and Caesar will always fight for the pre-eminence of his fortune. Therefore for the honour of Aeneas against the defacers of his race, for the credit of mount Palatine, against the unjust magistrates of Rome, for the glory of Romulus who shineth in the heavens like a giant-starre against the seditious repugnants, I will shoot the sting of my wrath, and they shall well perceive that Caesar aesteemes no better of his enemies, then if a sort of hares should be harnessed, which would trust rather to their feet then to their force: avaunt from me pity thou feminine passion, for I will derive my name of a martial act, and will be called à caedendo Caesar, possess therefore my heart thou dreadful Nemesis, ransack my veins, rage within me wrath, assist me fiends, furies, and ye deformed ghosts, subject to the severe edict of the base destiny, make your seats and circles in the waist of Italy, and never forsake that place, till the fiery brightness of Caesar's supremacy do deter you from thence.  
Caesar in this rage of mind, carried away with the whirlwind of his turbulent spirit, left Ravenna and passed over Rubicon: the Senate hearing of his rebellion, decreed that Pompey should be General, & that he should 
Pompey is appointed by the Senate General against Caesar  have money out of the common treasury. There was present choice made of soldiers throughout all Italy, wars were proclaimed, and taxes were imposed upon the confines, suburbs and considerate cities. Caesar having passed Rubicon seized upon diverse towns of Italy, Pisaurum, Fanum, Ancona, Tignium and Auximon, and he ran over all the Picene province, with his army which was forsaken of Lentulus Spinther the governor there, and from thence he went to Corfinium, which was held of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, which he enjoyed having Domitius also in his power, a most constant friend to Pompey, whose standard was at no time advanced, but it was worshipped and followed by Domitius: whom Caesar did in this manner greet: Domitius I do frankly pardon 
Caesar pardoneth Domitius.  thee & all those which belong to thy charge, & with these words I make a perfect disclaim of anger and enmity, I give thee also free choice and election, whether thou wilt be a captain in Caesar's camp, or still adhere to Pompey. Domitius not demurring upon Caesar's offer, did incontinent fly to Pompey, 
Dominics flieth to Pompey.  who was then at Brundisium, and there were many at that time which did observe the like faithfulness to Pompey, to whom Caesar did more plentifully offer the benefit of life, them they did thankfully receive it. Caesar hasted to Brundisium to assault the Consuls in that place, but failing of his purpose he addressed toward Rome: there was then in the city great fear and amazedness, the people calling to memory the cruelty of Marius, the matrons with their rent hair did display their fearfulness, the young damsels with salt tears did blemish their faces, their skriking voices & deep drawn sighs, did move the heavens to a sympathy. The silly babes flying as it were from the face of Caesar, did cleave to the breasts of their parents, the sturdiest necks did then begin to stoop, and the strongest hearts to melt, and nothing could be seen in Rome but signs of sorrow: for as the earth when she is disrobed of her budding and fructifying trees, and of her amiable verdure, which is her only grace and garment royal, is like a naked table wherein nothing is painted, so was Rome at that instant being bereaved of her young and lusty gentlemen, even as if the springtide should be taken from the year: and a great deformity did then also arise by the absence of the grave and ancient fathers, who with their spreading shadow did shield and protect the body of the city, and did nourish the rising plants of the generous brasil, gathering strength and solidity under the curtain of their boughs. Caesar having entered Rome, used all sorts of men with great kindness and courtesy, and having convocated an assembly declaring and aggravating unto them the injuries of his enemies, he transferred all the blame upon Pompey, and made a notable pretence, that he was desirous of unity, and that peace was the virgin of his heart. But Caesar's Diamond was nothing else but glass, and his words nothing but wind, which at that present was clearly and evidently perceived, for he went in great haste to the temple of Saturn, where the treasury of Rome was before his ransack inviolably kept, and at the gates of the temple L. Metellus Tribune of the people did boldly resist him, and with these words entertained him.  
Caesar the laws of Rome have made this 
Metellus his speech to Caesar.  place sacred, thou shalt not enter into this temple but through the sides of Metellus, & no coin shalt thou carry from hence without bloodshed: unsheath therefore thy blade, and fear not lest thy wrongs be espied: for alas we are now in a desolate city, there be so few to condemn thy doings, that there be almost none to see them: thy private and rebellious soldiers shall not have their pay out of the treasury of Rome, and if thou wouldest be rich by violence, there be strange walls for thee to batter. Caesar in this sort replied unto him.  
Shameless churl as thou art, this right-hand shall not vouchsafe thee so much honour as that thy blood may shine upon a soldiers steel. Metellus, thou art not worthy of my wrath, and where thou hoissest up the sail of laws and customs, assure thyself Tribune that the laws of Rome had rather be canceled by Caesar, then confirmed by Metellus. In the end by the earnest entreaty of his friends, who were addicted to Caesar rather for fear then contrariety of opinion, Metellus gave place to Caesar, and he rushing suddenly into 
Caesar seizeth the treas; urie.  the temple, caused the treasury which in many years space was levied by poles, which was gained in the Carthaginian war, and in the victories had against Philip Perseus, and Pyrrhus, together with the tribute of Asia, of Crect, and the wealth which Cato brought from Cypris, and which Pompey purchased by his wars, being carried before him when he triumphed, to be laid on asses backs, and to be carried as the sinew and supporter of his wars. This was thought the foulest act that ever was committed by Caesar, and it was never feared that Rome should be poor by Caesar. This captain being as glad for this new booty as some of his friends were sorry, led his soldiers toward Spain, where Afranius 
Caesar marcheth toward Spain.  and Petreius did rule the affairs under Pompey, but he did so macerate them with famine that he possessed the greatest part of Spain, without shedding many drops of blood: then he went into that part of Spain, which is now called Andeluzia, where M. Varro captain to a great number of Veteranes, did hold a forcelet, but he being daunted with the presence of Caesar, resigned all the province into his hands: them he marched toward Dirrachio, taking by the way Orichum and Apollonia an University town, where his Nephew Octavius was taught at that time in the liberal arts and sciences, who is said to have accompanied his uncle in the wars following, but because it is a tradition of more antiquity than credit, I do rather note it then affirm it. The fortune that Caesar had, and the credit which Pompey enjoyed in foreign nations, were two enticing lures, that drew to their several camps a great multitude of foreigners. To the assistance of Pompey from the coast of 
The foreigners which were ready in arms for the assistance of Pompey.  Greece which lieth about the rocks of Cyrrha, and the cloven hill of Parnassus, came a great army of the Phocenseans, from Thebes and the regions thereabout came the Baeotians, the Pisaeans, and the Sicanians: from the towns that lie under Maenalus and Oete came the Dryopes, the Threspoti, and the Sellians: from Crect and Gortyna a number of good archers did present themselves to Pompey: from Dardania, from Colchis, and the shore of the Adriatic sea, the Athamants, Enchelians and diverse others: besides these flocked unto him thousands from Babylon, Damascus, and Phrygia, together with the Idumaeans, Tyrians, Sidonians and Phaenicians: there came also from Tarsus, from Cilicia, from India, Persia, Armenia, Arabia, and Aethiopia. For the aid of Caesar there came 
The strangers which were assistant to Caesar.  many Scythians, Hyrcanians, and from diverse regions beyond the hill Taurus: likewise the Laced aemonians, the Sarmatians, the Lydians, the Essedones, the Arimaspians, the Massagites, the Moors, the Gelonians, the Marmarians, the Memnonians and they that dwell beyond the pillars of Hercules were ready in armour and showed themselves serviceable to Caesar's command. Cn. Pompeius partly to welcome the strangers that came to Dirrachio, and partly to encourage the Romans which did follow him, and to make the cause of the undertaken war manifest to them all, the Nobles and Senators sitting round about him in harness, used this speech unto them.  
Let it not any whit dismay you friendly 
Pompey his oration to his soldiers  foreigners, and faithful hearted Romans, that you are now far from the walls of the taken city, and if the Italian ingenuity, and the heat of the Roman blood be as yet warm within the Romans, let them not mark upon what earth they stand, so they stand upon the ground of a good and lawful quarrel. It is I trust evident to you all that we are the Senate: for if we were in the utmost climate of the world, and directly under the freezing wain of the Northern Bear, yet in our hands should be the administration and regiment of the affairs of Italy. When Camillus was at Veios Rome was there also, and the Romans forsaking their houses, did never change their laws. Now is Rome Caesar's captive, and a sort of sorrowful hearts hath he there in hold, empty houses, silent laws, and close courts: we are here as the punishers of Caesar's faults, and the armour which we now bear, is but only the wrath of revengeful Rome. Caesar's warfare is as just as Catilines, and when he should be like to the Scipios, and the Marcelli, he falleth into the rebellious faction of C. Marius, Lepidus, Carbo, Sertorius: and yet in truth I honour him too much to consort him with these. He maketh account of me as of one withered, half dead and foredone with years: but it is better for you to have an ancient captain, then for Caesar to lead an army of spent and outworn Veteranes. And though the age which hope doth follow be far more plausible and acceptable, then that which death doth pursue, yet wisdom and experience proceed from elder times, & the head whose hairs resemble the feathers of the swan is a Senatehouse to a good army. And if I may not be a soldier, yet I will be the example of a soldier unto you. The estimation that I have always had amongst you Romans, by whose means I have been extolled to that honour, above which never any Roman citizen did ascend, may warrant my warfare. With us also are both the Consuls, with us the armies of many foreign kings & potentates. Is Caesar trow you so venturous, because he warred so long against the unruly French? why it was but a sporting practice, more fit to train his soldiers, then to merit triumph: or hath his fortune against the Germans raised his courage, he went not so speedily to the Germans as he departed from them, and rather fearing them then feared of them, he called the German sea the whirlpit of hell? or doth his blood begin to boil within him, because the fame of his fury did suddenly drive the Senators out of their houses and harbours? When I displayed my blazing ensign upon the Pontic sea, the Ocean was no more traced with the pirate ships, but they did all crowd into a narrow corner of the earth. Mithridates that untamed prince, who long expected when victory should fly from Rome, I enforced to take his pavilion, in which he died like a fugitive coward, & therein I was more fortunate than the most fortunate Sylla. There is no part of the world without my trophies, and what land soever lieth under the sun, hath either been vanquished or terrified by Pompey: and I have left no war for Caesar, but this which now he maintaineth, in which though he overcome, yet he shall never triumph. Wherhfore the nearer Caesar doth approach unto you, the more let your courage rise, or if words cannot prevail, imagine that you are now upon the banks of Tiber, and that the Roman matrons standing upon the walls of the city, with streaming tears, and dispersed hairelockes, do exhort you and entreat you to fight: Imagine that out of the gates of the city the old and gray-headed fathers, that are not able to wield weapons do prostrate unto your feet their hoary heads, requiring succour and defence of you: and think that Rome herself fearing a tyrant boweth unto you: think that the infants which are already borne, & which hereafter shall be borne, have mingled their common tears, and that they which as yet never saw the light, desire to be borne free, and they which do now live desire to die free: and if all this will not serve, than Pompey (if he may so debase the majesty of a General) with his wife and children will fall before your feet. But this is my last behest that I require of you, let not Pompey who in his youth hath always honoured you, be dishonoured through your default in his dying years, for your selves, for your kindred, your freedom and good estate. I protest thus much, that I will never return to Rome but I will carry peace in my hand, and the Olive branch shall be my ensign. The Romans were greatly emboldened hearing these words, seeing their General so youthfully minded, & as it were refined in the mould of Mars. Wherhfore they expected Caesar with prepared minds. And Caesar having now praefected governors over Orichum and Apollonia, made great haste to Dirrachio, in which place at his first coming Pompey gave him the onset, and 
Pompey putteth Caesar to flight.  made him to fly having lost a great part of his army: and though M. Antonius came not 
M. Antonius helpeth Caesar.  long after to Caesar with a fresh supply, ready to face and breast the enemy, yet Pompey did so plague them with continual warring against them, when he saw convenient time; that Caesar's victuals being almost wasted, he was feign through penury of corn to fly into Thessali, and Pompey speedily pursuing him in the champion plain of Pharsalia, pitched his tents directly against Caesar's. In Pompey's camp all things were glorious, magnificent, and glittering in show: in Caesar's all things powerful, active, and strong. The Romans being thus divided both parties were greatly inflamed with desire of fight: Pompey's soldiers were ready to deprive him of the ensigns, and to enter the field without a General: so deliberative was that noble Captain of their welfar, and so desperate were they and careless what befell upon them. In Pompey there was this desire and thought to overcome with as little bloodshed as might be. But what fiends and damned spirits didst thou invocate Caius Caesar? what Stygian furies, what infernal hags, and what nightly terrors diddest thou entreat? to what Eumenides didst thou sacrifice, intending such a general slaughter? Pompey being earnestly urged by his soldiers thought good to marshal his men, and to set the army as might be most convenient for the soil whereon they were to combat. The left wing of the army 
Pompey marshalleth his army.  was committed to L. Lentulus, the leading of the right wing had L. Domitius, the strength and midst of the battle did wholly rely upon P. Scipio: upon the banks and sides of the rivers did march the Cappadocians & Pontic horsemen: in the broad field were tetrarchs, Kings, and Princes, and all the purpled Lords that were tributary to Rome: Pompey's squadrons were furnished with many Romans, Italians, and Spaniards. Caesar seeing his enemies to have descended into the plain, was hearty glad that so good occasion was offered him, and that the day was come which with a million of wishes he called for: wherefore departing out of his tents and marshalling his soldiers he made toward Pompey. In this battle, the father's face was directly against the sons, the brother was preparing himself against his brother, the uncle was the first that leveled at the nephew, and he that did slay most of his kindred was accounted most courageous. When the trumpets denounced the wars, and gave a sign of fight, the Caesarians did fiercely give assault 
The Caesarians give the first assault.  to the Pompeians. The force and vigour of the war did consist in the lances, spears, and swords, which Pompey had well provided against, by joining the targets one with another, so that Caesar had much ado to break the array: but fearing lest his foremen should faint, he caused the transuers legions to follow his ensign, who as it were with a side-wind adventuring upon Pompey's army, struck them down on each side so fast as they went. The barded horse being incensed with the heat of the war, his heart being bored with the point of the spear, exempted himself from the reine. The Barbarians being not able to restrain them gave way to Caesar, and the foaming steed being now the regent of the field, the fight was confused and disordered: for upon whom the dart did uncertainly light, leaving their horses perforce they lay groaning and groveling on the earth, till the hooves of the arrearing coursers did crush the veil of their brains. Caesar was now come to the heart and centre of Pompey's army, but the night drew on which made both sides pause: Caesar did thank his soldiers, and gliding through every troup and band of them, he did put nourishing oil into their burning wrath. He took view of their swords, curiously observing whose weapon was overflowed with blood, and whose was dipped at the point, whose hand did tremble and whose was steadfast, who changed the countenance through fear, & who through fury, and casting his eyes on the prostrate carcases, frowning upon them with curled forehead, as not yet satisfied he fed his ireful looks with the desolate aspect of his slain countrymen, but if he perceived a gasp in the flesh of his own soldiers, he would endeavour to close it up with his hand, & giving them words of comfort and encouragement did sooner heal them then indeed they were healed. At the dawning of the day next ensuing, and at the first entrance of that morning's bloody hours, when the welkin had put aside the vizard of the night, the stars being covered and the earth discovered by the Sun, Caesar giving his soldiers new swords, new darts, spears and lances, and awaking their courage, giving them also to understand with the point of his lance, in what part of the adverse army the sorreine kings, the Consuls, the Senators, and the nobility were placed, directed them as it were by aim, to gauge the bodies of many excellent men, who entangling their weapons in the entrails of these noble enemies, did throw to the ground & to extreme ruin many princely potentates: many reverent persons were buried in gore: many of the Lepidi, of the Metelli, of the Corvinoes and Torquati: but amongst the rest the fortune of Domitius was dolorous and despiteful, he as before hath been said, was once pardoned and dismissed of Caesar, but now was singled out by Caesar and grievously wounded, but yet so great was his mind that he would not stoop to beg a second pardon, whom Caesar looking upon like a tyrant, and seeing him roll his fainting members in the moistened dust, did with this bitterness insult, giving him the scornful gaze: L. Domitius now I hope at 
Caesar his speech to Domitius.  length you will forsake your master Pompey, hereafter I trust you will practise no enmity against Caesar. But as good fortune would, he had as yet breath enough to reply in these few words. Caesar I die a free man, and I go to the region of Proserpina, not seeing thee as a conqueror, but as yet inferior to Pompey, and even at my death am I refreshed with this hope, that thou livest to be subdued by the rigour of destiny, which will take revenge both for us, and for thy son in law. Having spoken these words his life fled from him, and his sight was taken away with a dreadful darkness, by whose wounds so much blood was not lost, as there was glory gained. For he gave a clear token of an honourable mind, accounting it a great deal better to have dignity without life, than life without dignity. But Caesar thinking nothing to be done if any thing were undone, ragingly and earnestly did seek for the person of Pompey, & rushing into the thick of his soldiers, never stretched out his arm without deaths warrant, and never looked back but when he saw none to fight withal. Pompey standing a far off on the top of an hill, seeing the fields to swim with blood, and the Roman Senate to be nothing now but an heap of carcases, and that his own decay was sought for by the blood of a multitude; reserving himself to some better fortune, forsook the field and fled to Larissa. Caesar perceiving it, 
Pompey flieth to Larissa.  thought it better to give some rest to his army, then with a sudden pursuit to make after him: wherefore he retired his soldiers, & came to Pompey's tents. When the wandering night was chased from the inferior Islands by the recoursing day, and the Sun had imparted his brightness to our under-neighbors, and the dreams were ready to possess the Theatre of the fancy, the wearisome creatures of the world declining to their rest: the Caesarians having ransacked Pompey's tents, and refreshed their fainting bodies with the viand there left, betook themselves to their ease, and reposed their wearied limbs in these plots which the Pompeians did before lodge in. But how shall I describe the deformity of that night, in which hell did breath out the ghosts of them that were slain, the air was infected with contagious vapours, and the stars trembled at the beholding of the uncouth Stygians? Sleep did bring no quietness unto them, but flames, murmurs, horrors, and the hideous sounds of the skriking 
The dreams and visions of the Caesarians.  Harpies. The ghost of the slaughtered Roman did appear unto them, and every man's fancy was a fiend unto him: some did think that they beheld the image of a young man, some of an old man, others did dream that their brethren were come to take revenge on them, but in Caesar's mind were all these terrors: the slain Senate did seem to encompass him on all sides, brandishing their fiery swords, sweeting, frying and dropping with rosin and sulphur, and the greatest torment of all was a guilty conscience. He was now molested with the powers of hell, when his enemies that survived slept quietly in Larissa. Pompey after his mishap in Pharsalie made speedy voyage toward Egypt where Ptolemy 
Pompey traveleth to Egypt.  did reign: for Pompey having procured the restitution of his father to the throne of Egypt, and with many other singular benefits having deserved his favour, thought that the young Prince in a kind regard would have entertained him according to his honour and desert: but who doth busy his memory in recounting benefits? and who will think himself beholden to one that is distressed? and when doth not fortune change friendship? Ptolemy, unthankful Ptolemy, disleagued with the senseless lethargy of foul ingratitude, when by certain report he heard that Pompey had approached to the shore, sent out his dire and dreadful messengers to deprive the aged body of the unvanquished mind. And when Achilles that bold butcherer did with his glaive portend the last end of his days, Pompey whose excellent qualities might incline a massaget to mercy, craved with constant countenance but a word or two of them, and as for life he was content to leave it: the savage hellhound would scarcely condescend to this request, but at length his tigers heart yielded, and Pompey in few words wishing to the Romans liberty, to his wife comfort, to his sons safety, was beheaded by these 
Pompey is beheaded by the Egyptians  merciless Egyptians, and his head was born as a present to Ptolemy, which was far too good a present for so lewd a prince. But how false was this world to Pompey, who had not now earth enough for his sepulture, to whom before the earth was too little for his conquest: but rare is that bird whose feathers do not moult, and happy is that man whose glory doth not eclipse. Caesar made haste after Pompey with an hot and earnest pursuit, not knowing that he was prevented of the prize which he aimed at, and as the beasts which nature hath placed in the wilderness, when poor pilgrims walk by their solitary and uncouth dens, run all together with one rage, hunting their footsteps, every one thinking to purchase the pray, the Lion, the Leopard, the Bear, the Beaver, the Tiger, the Lucern and the Wolf, making the woods to ring with hollow outcries. So the Caesarians did inquire and make after Pompey, amazing the seas with sounding trumpets, drum's, mischiefs, and shawms, and never ceased their pursuit till they were arrived in Egypt, where they were royally entertained of Cleopatra 
Caesar entertained of Cleopatra.  the Egyptian princess, who with complaint and mournful melody, did allure Caesar, admiring her singular beauty, to tame and suppress the pride of Ptolemy, who had then deforced her from her sovereign estate. Caesar did not deny this fair Oratresse, having already persuaded him, if her tongue had been silent. Mars spent a long time with Venus, and before his departure from thence Cleopatra was another Calphurnia unto him. But why do I name Calphurnia? For what proportion can there be betwixt a chaste matron and a shameless courtesan. Caesar labouring to restore Cleopatra to her former dignity was suddenly assaulted by the king of Egypt with 
Caesar is assaulted by the king of Egypt.  an huge army, and in that war he was driven to many extremities, the conduit pipes were cut a sunder, and he was besieged on every side being as yet in Cleopatra's palace, but in the end wrestling out of these misfortunes, he gave battle to the Egyptians at Pharaoh's, and conveying himself into a galley for the defence and safeguard of his fleet which was grievously tossed, he was so vexed and shaken by his enemies, that he was feign to leave his galley, and swimming a great way in the river of Nilus, returned with great difficulty 
Caesar swimmeth in the river of Nilus  to his army, but at the last encountering the Egyptians at Alexandria, he put the king and his whole army to the sword: and in these wars was burnt the notable library of Ptolomeus Philadelphus, but much against Caesar's mind, who as he was specially learned so he made special account of that monument of learning. Caesar having raised Cleopatra to her pristinate royalty, departed from Egypt and hastened toward Utica, but in the way being informed that Pharnaces the son of Mithridates, whom Pompey when he had finished the war against Mithridates, had made king of Bosphorus, had subtracted from the Romans, and achieved to himself Cappadocia, Colchis, Armenia, and part of Pontus: Caesar sent against him Domitius Calvinus, 
Caesar addresseth against Pharnaces.  whose army was discomfited by Pharnaces. Caesar did then in person make expedition against him, and assaulting him at Zelia, caused him at the first joining of battle to fly, and having entered Bosphorus, he was 
Caesar putteth Pharnaces to flight.  slain of Asander the author of his invasions. Whilst Caesar was marching toward Utica, M. Cato disdaining to receive life at the hands of Caesar, and greatly perplexed in mind that a man so rebelliously bend should have so prosperous fortune, did with violent hands 
M. Cato killeth himself  determine his days. Caesar having taken Utica as he was returning to Rome, did encounter P. Scipio on the seas, who seeking by 
Caesar encountereth P. Scipio.  all warlike means to preserve the slender sparkle of his dying life, was at length slain. and Caesar sailing from thence enshored in Sardinia, and making no long tarriance in that place, came the five and twentieth day of that month, which bears his name at this day to the city of Rome, where he was welcomed with such applause, such gratulation, with such melody, with so rare banquets, and with so gorgeous shows, that Pompey's death was not bewailed with half so many tears, as he was entertained with joys, and for the sealing of their good affection towards him, they did grant to him by a fourfold triumph to enlarge his fame. A triumph was a most excellent 
What thing a triumph was amongst the Romans & how performed.  honour, which the captain who by battle had overcome his enemies, returning with his army into the city did at the first enjoy by the decree of the Senate, and afterward by the consent of the people. It was called a triumph, because the soldiers did cry along the street as they went to the Capitolle, Io triumph. Surely the Romans did greatly advantage themselves by the using of these triumphs, for by them men were animated to warlike exploits. But many think a commonweal then only to flourish, when it hath peace and plenty, but being moved with the present face of things, and not forecasting the sequel, they slip into error, and foster in their minds fond opinions, for plenty breedeth security, security war, war desolation. The state of a country is then to be termed prosperous, when it is thoroughly furnished with men able and sufficient to repulse foreign forces, with the proventions of the earth, and other treasures of husbandry. But how canst thou assure thyself of free and peaceable enjoying of the riches of thy country, the space of one month without military discipline? For all regions except those which are situate under the extremity of the climates, are environed with the circumference of other nations, from which war may arise as easily, as the wind bloweth from the four quarters of the world, in which dangerous accident the first and last refuge of human helps is the soldiers arm. Doubtless the Romans were exquisite in all heroical desert, but in their bounty and beneficence to soldiers incomparably excellent: for they knew, that the provinces and islands adjacent could not be won by home-sitting, or by a treaty of words: but they must gird their armour, confront their enemies, and exchange blood for blood, and when these countries were conquered, & they had tasted the sweet of the vintage, which the soldiers had gathered, they did not reward them with sour grapes, neither powered they vinegar into their wounds, but assigned unto them pensionary lands, for their maintenance, and making them frank allowance of ample rewards, encouraged them with crowns of glory, triumphs, honours and dignities, so that victory flourished there where arms were favoured. Surely Princes & potentates ought with tender indulgence to respect the infatigable pains of the soldier, lest he murmur and say when he goeth to the fight, I shall either be overcome, or slain: and so be wholly subject to the will and disposal of mine enemy, or else be partaker of the victory, and return into my country, as into a pitched field, where I shall fight with penury, contempt and unthankfulness, the last of which being either in the enemy's chains, or in the number of his dead men, I should never have felt. But if the soldiers industry be not quickened and stirred up by bounty and reward, he hath no more will to perform any part of martial service, than a dead coarse hath power to arise out of the grave. For what can be more precious to a man then his blood, being the fountain and nurse of his vital spirits, and the ground of his bodily substance, which no free and ingenuous nature will lose or hazard for nothing. And in truth there is great odds in the event, for the soldier may either be slain and so die without receiving of his salary, or else be wounded and die under the cure, and so receive his stipend to the half part. This account being thus cast, it falleth out that the soldier looseth all or some part, & the Prince who is his paymaster, saveth either all or some part. And whosoever shall argument or discourse upon sound reason, and infallible experience, may easily prove and convince, that these common weals have most prospered, which have liberally maintained and had in singular regard military arts. The mentioning of Caesar's triumph hath occasioned me to use this digression. This word Triumphus is derived of the Greek name of Bacchus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, who having subdued India, was the first inventor of this honour. Of triumphs there were two sorts observed of the Romans, one the grand triumph, which by pre-eminence was called Triumphus, the other was the petty triumph, and was commonly called Ouatio, of these triumphs some were done on land, some on sea, some in the city, some on mount Alban. It was therefore called Ouatio, because the victoriate soldiers returning from the fight did shout, and double the letter O. An ovation did much differ from a triumph, because he which came into the city by way of ovation, was neither carried in chariot, nor clad with rob triumphal, nor with any ornament of estate, neither did his army march before him when he was entered the city, neither was he crowned with laurel, nor brought in with sound of trumpets, but walked through the city on foot, his head being adorned with a myrtle crown, his soldiers following him, and the shawms only sounding. How the great triumph was celebrated, may be perceived by this of Caesars which was thus performed.  
Caius Caesar sitting in a rich and sumptuous 
Caesar his triumphs described.  chariot, bordered round about with the crowns of Princes, his upper garment being of purpled tissue, and bespanged with lines of gold, his victorious army marching before him garnished with the spoils of Europa and Africa, his captives being bound with chains, which were tied to his chariots tail, did represent a wonderful majesty to the gazing people: the trumpets and the clarions did sound on each side. His first triumph displayed 
Caesar's first triumph.  with a most radiant standard, the spoils and conquests which he had in France: the images of Rhodanus and Rhine were wrought in silver, the streams were curiously deciphered, and the waves did seem to rise with a natural and real flowing. In the second triumph 
Caesar's second triumph.  stood the city of Alexandria, and after it the arms of vanquished Ptolemy were blazed, the river of Nilus was painted with a fair celestial blue: the azured waves being compacted of costly glass. In the third triumph 
Caesar's third triumph.  was a mask of Pontic mourners, & the coarse of Pharnaces was then carried in triumph: upon the top of the coffin stood a triple plume, on the one part of which was written VENI, on the other VIDI, on the third VICI. In the fourth triumph Africa went as captive, 
Caesar's fourth triumph.  and the person of juba king of Mauritania, his arms pictured as having manacles of them was then also resembled. For his victory at Pharsalia there was no triumph, because Pompey was a Roman. When Rome with smiling countenance had beheld these shows, Caesar accompanied with the Roman nobility entered the Capitolle, and there with spiced fires and fragrant odours did sacrifice to jupiter. After his thanks, vows, and prayers performed, he returned with the great applause and admiration of men, and amidst other solemnities, Crispus Salustius did greet him with this Oration.  
I know that it is a difficult and hard matter 
Salustes oration to Caesar.  to give counsel to a king, or Emperor, or to any man that is highly advanced, because they have store of counsellors, & there is none so wise and wary, who can give certain advise of that which is to come. Again, bad counsels are many times better liked then good, because fortune dallieth in things, and fancy in men according to their pleasure. But I had a great mind in my youth, to handle matters of state, and in knowing of them I bestowed great labour and travel, not to this end only, that I might obtain some place of dignity in the commonweal, which many by evil arts and unlawful means have compassed, but that I might also fully know the estate of the commonweal, as well in peace as in war, and how much by munition, by men, and by money it could do. Therefore tossing many things in my mind this was my resolution, to praeferre thy dignity Caesar before mine own fame, and modesty, and to put any thing in practice so I might procure glory to thee. And this I did not rashly or to flatter thee, but because in thee amongst the rest, I find one skill very marvelous, that thy mind hath been greater in adversity, then in prosperity. But with others it is a matter of more account and reckoning, that men be sooner weary with praising thy valour, then thyself art wearied with doing things worthy of praise. Surely I hold it for a rule, that nothing can be fet from the depth of invention, which is not ready to thy thought. And if this purpose should only reign in thy breast to deliver thyself from the fury of enemies, and how thou mayest retain the favour and good liking of the people, thou should do a thing unworthy of thy virtue. But if that mind be as yet resident in thee, which from the beginning disturbed the faction of seditious men, which brought the Romans from the heavy yoke of servitude unto liberty, which without weapons did confound the armies of thine enemies, whereof have ensued so many and so glorious acts both at home and abroad, that thy foes cannot complain of any thing but of thine excellency, then receive from me such things, as of the sum or state of the commonweal I shall deliver: which doubtless thou shalt either find to be true, or else certainly not far from the truth. There is no man brought up in a free estate, who doth willingly yield superiority to another, and though the mightier man be by nature of a good and mild disposition, yet because when he will he may be wicked and injurious, he is therefore feared: which happeneth because many great men are perversely minded, and think themselves so much the safer, by how much more they do permit other men over whom they rule, to be wicked & unjust. But surely a contrary course should be taken, when the Prince is good himself, to labour and endeavour likewise to make the people good. For every bad fellow doth most unwillingly bear a governor, but this to thee Caesar is of greater difficulty, then to others who have ruled before thee: thy war hath been more mild than the peace of other men: beside they which did overcome, do demand the spoil, they which are overcome are their fellow citizens. Through these difficulties must thou pass. And strengthen the commonweal for succeeding posterity, not by weapons, nor as against enemies, but which is far greater and more difficult, by peaceable means. Therefore to this point the state of things doth call every man either of great or of mean wisdom, to utter as much good as he can concerning this matter. For mine own part this I think, that as by thee the victory shall be qualified and ordered, so shall all things follow. Thou didst wage battle noble Caesar with an excellent man, of great power, and desirous of glory, a man of greater fortune than wisdom, followed by some few, enemies both to thee & to themselves, such as either affinity did draw unto him, or some other bond of duty: for none of them was partaker of his domination, which he could not tolerate. For if he could 
Pompey could not brook an equal.  have brooked an equal, the world had not been set on fire with war: but because thou art desirous to establish peace, and upon this anvil thou and thy friends do continually beat, consider I pray thee of what nature the thing is whereof you consult. Certainly I have this conceit, that because all things which have beginning must have end, when the fate and determined lot of destruction shall fall upon this city, that our citizens will contend and make war against their fellow citizens, and so being wearied and consumed will become a prey to some foreign king or nation: otherwise, not the whole world, nor all the people under the arch of the heavens being mustered or assembled together, shall be able to shake or crush this flourishing commonweal. Therefore the good effects of concord are to be maintained, and the evils of discord to be banished and driven away: that may easily come to pass, if thou abridge the licence of riotous spending, and injurious extorting, because young gentlemen in these times are enured to such a fashion, that they think it a glorious matter vainly to misspend their own goods and the goods of other men, denying nothing to their own lust, nor to the shameless request of their lewd companions: and their restless mind having entered into a crooked way, and dissolute course, when their maintenance faileth them, and wont supplies are wanting, do conceive a burning indignation against their fellow citizens, and turn all things out of course. In that commonweal all things are well ordered, where offices and dignities are not sold, and where ambition enjoyeth not the rewards of virtue: this and all other evils shall cease when money shall cease to be honoured, where riches are precious, there all good things are vile: faith, honesty, modesty, chastity, because there is but one way to virtue, and that is hard and rough, but to money there be many smooth ways: it is gained as well by evil as by good means. Covetousness is a savage and devouring beast, immane, & intolerable: which way so ever it wendeth, it wasteth, & destroyeth towns, fields, temples and houses: it mingleth holy and human things together: neither arms nor walls can stop the course of it. It spoileth and bereaveth men of fame, children, country and parents: but if thou debase the high account of money, the force of covetousness by good manners will be abated. I have by reading found, that all kingdoms, cities, and nations have so long enjoyed a prosperous estate, whilst true advise did prevail in them: but whensoever favour, fear, or pleasure was the stern or motive of their counsels, than their wealth was first diminished, next their dominion abridged, and lastly, their liberty impeached. Wherhfore I beseech and exhort thee renowned Caesar, that thou wouldst not suffer such a goodly dominion as this to be tainted with rust, or by discord rent in pieces. If that thing happen, neither night nor day will appease the storms of thy mind, but by dreams being roused from thy bed, thou shalt be chased and pursued with continual cares. I have dispatched in few such things as I accounted honourable for thee Caesar, and necessary for this commonweal. The most part of men to judge of others, have sufficient conceit, at least in their own conceit, and to reprove an other man's deeds or words, every man's mind doth burn with desire. They think their throat is not wide enough, nor their tongue glib enough to pour out of their breasts their malicious exceptions, to whose censure that I am subject, doth so little shame me, that it would have grieved me to have been silent: for, whether it shall please thee to follow this course or some better, I shall not be moved: sith I have spoken as much as my barrenness could bring forth. It remaineth for me and for vs'all to wish, that such things as thou shalt in wisdom effect, the gods would prosper. Caesar afterward to match his four triumphs, was made the fourth time Consul: his statue also was placed amongst the statues of the 
The great honours bestowed upon Caesar.  ancient kings: in the Senate-house there was a throne of ivory made for him: in the theatre his room was such, as it contained pleasure, pomp, and cost: his image was exquisitely painted in the Orchester, a place wherein the Roman gentlemen did use to dance and vault: the month of july was then also consecrated to julius, as the month of March is to Mars. Caesar did not rest in these honours, but thought still to propagate his fame by warlike exploits. Wherhfore hearing that Pompey's sons did raise great tumults & uproars in Spain, he made great haste thitherward, & at the town of Seville opposed himself to Cn. 
Caesar fighteth with Cn.. Pompeius' the younger at the city of Seville.  Pompeius one of the sons of Pompey the Great, who was constrained to fly, but Labienus met him at unawares, and having slain him, brought his head to Caesar. Sex. Pompeius his brother escaped by flight.   

ATROPOS, Or the third Book.  
THe war in Spain being quickly dispatched, Caesar returned to Rome: and the Romans did redouble his honours, for he was Presently 
The Romans bestow many honours upon Caesar.  made Dictator perpetual, Censor perpetual, Consul for ten years, and Emperor of Rome: he was called also the father of his country. But Caesar's fortunes did soon after begin to decline, and these diverse coloured titles were but as reinebowes, which do glitter gallantly for a time, but are suddenly extinct: his fatal hour was now approaching, and envy stayed in the clouds expecting his end. But as a mighty and huge oak, being clad with the exwials and trophies of enemies, fenced with an army of boughs, garnished with a coat of bark as hard as steel, despiseth the force and power of the winds, as being only able to dally with the leaves, and not to weaken the root; but the Northern wind that strong champion of the airy region, secretly lurking in the vault of some hollow cloud, doth first murmur at this aspiring oak, and then doth strike his crest with some greater strength, and lastly with the deepest breath of his lungs doth blow up the root. So undoubtedly was it with Caesar, who disdained fear, and thought it a great deal better to die then to think on misfortune: but destiny is no man's drudge, and death is every man's conqueror, matching the sceptre with the spade, and the crowned king with the praislesse peasant. As none was more noble than Caesar, so nothing was more notable, than the death of Caesar: for his dearest friends became his greatest enemies, and their hands plucked him down, whose shoulders did lift him up. Many causes were pretended of the 
The causes of the conspiracy bend against Caesar.  conspiracy bend against him, the honours which were bestowed upon him, being both many and great, did cause him to be envied of the Nobles: and likewise it was a matter of cavil, because sitting before temple of Venus' genitrix the Senate coming to him to consult with him of great affairs, he did sit and welcome them, and did not rise unto them: another occasion of quarrel was, because M. Antonius would have set a Diadem upon his head: the fourth cause was, because he deprived Epidius, Metellus, and Cesetius Flavius of the Tribuneship: fifthly it was greatly murmured, because it was constantly reported, that L. Cotta Quindecemuir that is a contemplative reader of sybilla's prophecies, would pronounce sentence, that because it was contained in the prophecies of Sibylla, that the Parthians could not be overcome but by a king, therefore Caesar should behighted the king of Rome. For these causes a conspiracy being raised against him, in which the chief agents of the Pompeians, were M. Brutus and C. Cassius, and of the Cęsarians D. Brutus and C. Trebonius, in the Ideses of March, and in the 
Caesar is slain in the Senate-house  Senate-house, which was called Pompey's court, he was pierced with three and twenty wounds, which because they were many, and most of them were in the belly, and about the midriff, Caesar as ashamed of such wounds, did let down his rob from his shoulders to cover them, and fell as a sacrifice under the statue of Cn. Pompeius Magnus. M. Antonius 
M. Antonius is spared at the time when Caesar is slain.  and other friends of Cęsar, were spared by the advise of M. Brutus, lest they might seem rather to be authors of a faction, then of Caesar's death. After this bloody exploit, they by whom he was slain, held the Capitolle. I cannot give Brutus praise for this, but I rather think that he deserveth dispraise: for had the cause of quailing him been just, yet the course & manner of killing him, doth apparently seem unlawful: for by that act the law Portia was broken, 
The law Portia broken by the kill of Caesar.  by which it was provided, that it should not be lawful for any to put to death any citizen of Rome indicta causa. The law Cornelia 
The law Cornelia broken by the kill of Caesar.  de maiestate was also violated, by which it was made high treason, for any man to take any advise, or make any conspiracy, whereby a Roman Magistrate, or he which had a sovereign power, without judicial process might suffer death. And that ancient law was also despised, by which it was forbidden, that no Senator should enter into the Senate-house armed with any warlike weapon, or having about him any edged tool. Surely they that will end tumult with tumult, can never be seized of good success or fortunate event: for discord may breed, continue & augment contention, but it can never end it: and to expect that all differences should be calmly compounded by general accord, is a thing not much to be hoped for, because it seldom happeneth. M. Brutus, the chief actor in Caesar's tragedy, was in counsel deep, in wit profound, in plot politic, and one that hated the principality whereof he devested Caesar. But did Brutus look for peace by bloodshed? did he think to avoid tyranny by tumult? was there no way to wound Caesar, but by stabbing his own conscience? & no way to make Cęsar odious, but by incurring the same obloquy? Will any man speak unto me of the wisdom of Brutus, when he thinketh upon the field of Philippi, wherein Brutus was like to the Comet, who feeding upon vapours & vain opinions, at length consumed and confounded himself: and thus were the two Bruti, I mean the first and the last, famous men of that honourable name, both fatal to the estate of the Roman Commonweal: for the former of them did expel the last king of the Romans, and the later did murder their first Emperor. But if Caesar's death had been attended, till natural dissolution, or just proceeding had caused it, his nephew's entry into the monarchy might well have been barred and intercepted: because these honours were annexed and appropriated to Caesar's person. And if patience might have managed their wisdoms, though there had been a Caesar, yet should there never have been an Augustus. But by bloodshed to seek for peace, is by oil to quench fire. When any innovation or alteration is to be hatched, the state of things must be quiet and secure, that the wheel may be easily turned about, without hearing any noise. For to commit the murder of a sovereign Magistrate, & to defend thyself by arms, is as if a man should cover himself by water from a shower of rain, or should descend into some hollow of the earth for avoiding of infectious air: & if the most barbarous and immaine tyrant, should treacherously, that is without warrant of justice be slaughtered, though at his death he were utterly destitute of friends, yet his enemies should be sure to find enemies: for no commonweal can be without men of aspiring humours, and when such a murder is wrought they find present occasion to tumultuate, knowing that Anarchy breedeth confusion, & that it is best fishing in a troubled stream: making a glorious pretence to revenge the death of a Prince, though in heart & in truth, they bear greater affection to the monarchy remaining, then to the Monarch who is taken away: neither in regard of supreme power and pre-eminence, will I put diversity between the person of a king and a tyrant; for he which attaineth to an imperial or regal sovereignty, by warlike industry and victorious exploit, is no less a Monarch, than he which cometh to it by election, succession or descent: & he that is made subject by sword, is as much subject as he that by birth is a denizen. But was julius Caesar a tyrant? Surely there was more tyranny in the slaughter then in the man slain: Cęsar I grant was a traitor to the State before the victory, but after he exchanged that base name, with the best title of dignity, and of a traitor became an Emperor: yet did he not aggravate to himself that type of honour, the people offered it unto him, he accepted it with thanks: many had offended him, he pardoned them, yea rewarded them with great bounty. He was content to have a fellow Consul, he suspected none of them which were the workmen of his death, he did neither depress the Noble man by slander, nor advance them of obscure condition by flattery and bribes: & which is incompatible to tyranny, he showed self-will in nothing, when he was invested with supremacy; but questionless the Romans should not have nourished this lion in their City, or being nourished, they should not have disgraced him. The gored body of Cęsar 
Cęsar his body is transported to Campus Martius.  was honourably transported to Campus Martius. Afterward M. Cicero because he was desirous to restore peace, and to reconcile the states, procured a decree to be made after the example of the Athenians, which they called their Amnestia, that the kill of Caesar should be forgotten & forgiven, and this was ratified by Senate. But the conspirors would not in any wise lay aside their armour, unless they might have certain assurance and security that their persons, lands, and goods should be safe and untouched. Wherhfore for pledges they had the sons of M. Antonius, & M. Lepidus, and then they descended out of the Capitolle. C. Octavius hearing of the great change that had happened in Rome, came as some say from Epirus, as others from Apollonia, to whom I rather agree: but he was welcome to all sides and sects. And by the testament of his uncle, who had adopted him to be his heir, he took the name of julius Caesar. M. Lepidus was at that time made Pontifexmaximus in Caesar's place. The Senate did assign the province of Syria to Dolabella, and Macedonia to Antonius: but afterward when M. Antonius did show himself too imperious, and would have resigned his charge in Macedonia, and have been President of France, he suffered a repulse of the Senate, whereupon he 
The Senate incensed against M. Antonius.  appealed to the people, which did greatly incense the Senate against him, and Octavius was also grievously displeased with him, because 
Octavius becometh an enemy to Antonius.  craving his assistance against the enemies of his uncle, he was in gross & odious terms abused of Antonius: Octavius therefore by the assent of the Senate, being accompanied with his uncles veterans, prepared war against him. D. Brutus to whom the province of France was committed by Caesar, and after his death confirmed to him by the Senate, that he might resist Antonius, who was then making toward France, came with an army to Mutina, and there suffered himself to be besieged. 
D. Brutus suffereth himself to be besieged by Antonius.  The Senate did afterward send messengers to Antonius, to treat with him of peace, which were L. Piso, L. Philippus, and Servius Sulpitius. But when they returned without concluding any thing, war was proclaimed, and Hirtius being Consul went against him, Octavius as Propraetor, Pansa the other Consul followed them within a few days after. Caesar and Hirtius having brought Bononia into their power, did pitch their tents near to Antonius, who leaving a sufficient army to beat them from the walls of the town wherein his forces were, did privily and closely go from thence to meet with Pansa, as he was coming to Bononia, with whom he entered battle, and 
M. Antonius fighteth with Pansa.  had a prosperous victory, but as he was returning to his tents, Hirtius opposed himself in 
Hirtius fighteth with Antonius.  the way, and curtailed his victory, doing unto him as great a damage as he did to Pansa: for which cause both the Consuls and Caesar, were called as well of the Senate as of the soldiers Emperors, although Pansa had but bad success, and Caesar did not fight at all. But shortly after there was a great battle fought 
The two Consuls & octavius fight against Antonius.  betwixt these three and Antonius, in which battle Antonius being constrained both to leave his tents and army, fled into France to Lepidus Proconsul. Hirtius after the victory being sore wounded, died suddenly in his enemy's tents. Pansa not long after died of a wound also at Bononia. Brutus and Mutina being delivered from siege, only Caesar escaped safe, and enjoyed a most glorious victory. The father of Caesar was C. Octavius a praetorian, and Atia was the daughter of M. Atius Balbus, and julia the sister of julius Caesar, and being adopted of C. Cęsar, and made his only heir, he was called C. julius Caesar Octavianus. After these wars he became 
Octavius becometh an enemy to Antonius.  an enemy to the Senate, because they had afforded a triumph unto D. Brutus, and had made him General in the war against Antonius, who stood only upon the walls and doing nothing, did only behold the fight, passing by Octavius unregarded, who had delivered the Commonweal from danger; alleging that it was but a sconce and colour to bestow upon him Consul robes & to make him Praetor ten years before his time, which was to bestow the kernel upon others & the shell upon him. And to try them further he 
octavius his request to the Senate.  sent to the Senate, to request them, that he might be made Consul in the place of one of them which were slain: & because he could not obtain it by petition, he determined to purchase it by war. Therefore reconciling 
Octavius reconcileth himself to M. Antonius and M. Lepidus.  himself to M. Antonius and M. Lepidus, he led a great army against the City, and sent messengers to the Senate in the name of his Captains & soldiers to demand the Consulship of them: who when they had moved the matter to the Senate, and the Senate was in a great doubt what to do, Cornelius a Centurion that was the principal messenger, laying his hand upon the hilt of his sword, in great boldness said unto them, this shall do it, if you will not do it. The Pompeians were in truth wedded to too much partiality, for why had Brutus the glory of triumph, unless it were because his life was saved by other men's valour? And why were the bodies of Pansa and Hirtius solemnly and honourably interred, and Caesar who was living, & partaker of the victory nothing regarded? Nay they did apparently despise him. For, sending messengers they enjoined them to parley with his soldiers and leave Octavius unspoken to: but they did with great choler answer, that they would not hear any thing unless their General were present. This perverse and preposterous dealing made Octavius to enter the City in warlike manner, and as an enemy unto them, and there he made himself Consul, & Q. Pedius his colleague. M. Cicero did then 
M. Cicero doth greatly commend Octavius.  in public assemblies greatly commend and extol Octavius, but he spoke one thing and meant another: for if dangers had been once past, Cicero's tongue would have turned another way. Wise and circumspect he was to prevent a mischief, but timorous & fearful to withstand it when it was befallen. Afterward affinity was contracted betwixt Antonius and Caesar, for Caesar took to wife Clodia 
Cęsar taketh Clodia to wife.  the step-daughter of Antonius. He was Consul before he was of the age of twenty years, and in that Consulship held nothing in so curious charge, as to take revenge upon the enemies of his adoptive father: wherefore he requested Q. Pedius his colleague to inquire of them by whose conspiracy he was slain, and thereupon M. Brutus, C. Cassius & D. Brutus being absent were condemned. D. Brutus to whom the Senate had committed the dealing with Antonius, being forsaken of 
D Brutus is slain.  his army fled to Aquileia & was there slain. But the estate of the Commonweal at that time shall appear by an Epistle of M. Brutus written to C. Cassius, which I have here set down: whereby a man may learn how to moderate and demean himself in common calamities, when justice is turned out of course and the laws are silent. It was to this effect. M. Brutus to C. Cassius sendeth commendations; according to covenant & promise my Cassius, I writ unto thee such news as I have received from Rome. Octavius as I hear, hath married himself to the daughter of Fulvia the wife of Antonius, for which marriage, I am neither very glad, nor greatly sorry: many use such marriages as pledges of reconciliation, and think them of sufficient force to change hatred into love, but are greatly deceived. For it is one thing to make alliance, and another to make amity, sith they proceed from several causes, and having a different course, must needs produce diverse effects, for alliance groweth, by bringing one kindred to the marches of another; but friendship either by long conversing together, or by a grounded opinion of good desert, or by likeness of qualities where there is no inequality of estate: and he that seeketh friendship out of these praecincts, will never find it. Therefore by such marriage enmity will not fully cease, nor friendship firmly be settled: for it is rather a mean betwixt these two extremes, then either a mother to the one, or a stepdame to the other. I received letters lately 
Antonius writeth contumelious letters to Brutus & Cassius.  from M. Antonius, directed to us (whereof I have sent you here enclosed a copy) very contumelious, minatorie, and not worthy to be sent from him, to us: but his threatenings I do not much regard. For amongst free men the authority of him that threateneth, is no more, than the law will permit: for mine own part I could wish that he were great in the Commonweal, so he were honest. I will not provoke him to enmity, but will alway praeferre the liberty of my country, before his friendship: he objecteth to us often the death of Caesar, but he should consider how small a time Caesar reigned, not how little while he lived. And Octavius forsooth digesting at length, the hollow conditions of his father in law, seemeth greatly to stomach that we boast so much of the Ideses of March, when notwithstanding only one man was slain: yet not so much as he vaunteth of the Nones of December, at which time he slaughtered more than one. Cicero once thought that the Commonweal as a naked orphan should be protected by arms, but now he praeferreth an unjust peace before a just war: wherein he showeth how unjust he is: he is fortune's page, and favoureth them most who have most favourers. A wise man, though by opportunity he do alter his pace, yet still keepeth his way, serveth time for advantage not for fear, and as the sun setteth to rise again, so he changeth his course to continue his purpose: but to an unconstant man every accident is a constellation, by which he is diversified and driven from the centre of his thoughts. Though Octavius call Cicero father, use him kindly, praise him, thank him, yet it will appear that his words are contrary to his meaning: for what is more averse from common sense, than to call him father whom he will not suffer to be free? By these lineaments I have shadowed unto thee my Cassius the fickleness and lubricity of Cicero's variable mind, which as it is not certain to himself, so it is not safe to us: let him live as he doth adulatoriously and abjectly: to me which am opposed to the thing itself, that is, to a kingly regiment, extraordinary rule, domination and superiority which would extol itself above the laws, no subjection can be such as that I may brook it. There can be no valiant nor free mind without constancy, neither can any thing be glorious without the judgement of reason. In the business of the commonweal I would have nothing done, without the constitution and decree of the Senate and people, neither will I arrogantly pręiudicate, or boldly retractate that which they shall hereafter do, or heretofore have done, but I account it more consonant to the good estate of the commonweal, rather with pity to mollify the miserable estate of distressed persons, then by granting every thing to the desire of the mighty, to inflame their lust and insolency. Surely the Senators are many times deceived in their hope, and if a man have done one thing well, they presently yield and permit all things unto him, as though a mind corrupted by their largesse, and liberal offers, might not be traduced and carried away to evil purposes and attempts: but they may not bestow any thing which to men evil disposed may be either a president or a protection, and I am afraid that Octavius by his late Consulship, do think himself to have ascended higher, then that he will descend: for if Antonius by the death of julius Cęsar took pręsent occasion of tyrannising, how much more will Octavius usurp, when both Senate and people do applaud to his affection. Neither will I commend the facility and providence of the Senate in this behalf, before I have full experience, that Octavius will content himself, with the ordinary honours that he hath received: but if it otherwise happen, I must needs pronounce the Senate guilty of the fault, which they might well have prevented. Yet if this young man do lay aside sinister and affectious humours, and embark himself into the common cause with impartial thoughts, I shall then think that the Commonweal will be able to support itself, by her own strength and sinews, that is justice and integrity; and that thenceforth, no offence, shall either be cruelly revenged, or dissolutely remitted. Of our future affairs this is my determinate resolution, so it may obtain thy approbation; if things happen to be in better plight we will return to Rome, if the estate be as now it is, we will live as now we do, in voluntary exile: if it decline from bad to worse, we must fly to arms as our last and worst refuge, wherefore Cassius do not faint, nor despair, let the hope of good things encourage thee, virtue only is confident. From Smyrna 17. Kalend. April.  
Caesar when by no mean he could be revenged of Brutus, who was President of Macedonia, and Cassius who had the regiment of Syria, he sent for M. Antonius and M. Lepidus who were then in France, and they three meeting at Bononia, had conference of ordering and disposing the common affairs, and there they agreed to be Treviri, for the constitution of the commonweal for five years' space. To the charge of Lepidus Spain and Gallia Narbonensis were allotted, to M. Antonius the other parts of France, to Caesar Libya, Sicilia, and Sardinia. After these consultations they came to Rome, and assigned offices to whom it pleased them, ask no leave either of people or Senate. At that time many excellent Lords and Gentlemen were proscribed, together with an hundred and thirty Senators, among whom was L. Paulus the brother of M. Lepidus, L. Caesar the uncle of Antonius, and he who did so much praise Octavius M. Cicero. But that was done by 
Cicero is put to death.  the venomous rancour of Antonius, by whose means he was beheaded, and the head was served in mess unto him, which when Fulvia 
Fulvia's de spiteful dealing with Cicero's tongue.  the impudent wife of Antonius had espied, plucking and renting from the chaps his golden tongue, she distained it with the spittle & foam of her mouth, she pricked it with needles, lanced it with her nails, brayed it with her first, racked it with her arms, and stamped it with her feet. Foolish and senseless anger, to inflict revenge upon a thing that was senseless, and for the misliking of the man, to hate the dead part of his body. But thou didst nothing Antonius (for the indignation of posterity will rise against thee) thou didst nothing by taking away the public voice of the City and that all-pleasing tongue. Thou hast despoiled Cicero of a poor remnant of days, thou hast pared away his old age, thou hast caused him to be slain, when he wished for death, but his fame and the glory of his virtues and excellent learning, thou art so far from abridging, that thou hast augmented it: he liveth and shall live by the memory of all ages, and whilst the frame of this world shall stand, and this body of nature shall continue, which that only Roman did in mind contemplate, by wit understand, & by eloquence describe, the commendation of Cicero shall alway accompany it, the succeeding wits shall wonder at his writings, & every man's doom shall condemn thy cruelty. But the misery of these times none can sufficiently deplore, so unpossible it is to express it by words. But this is to be noted, that the care of wives toward their husbands, that were proscribed, was marvelous, & in the highest degree: the fidelity of their freemen but in different, the loyalty of their bondmen very slender, the love of their children none at all, so grisly and loathsome is adversity to a man's own bowels. Cassius hearing of the great tumults of Rome, went from Syria to Smyrna in Asia, where M. Brutus was, to take advise of the ordering of the battle against M. Antonius, & C. Octavius, who they heard did make expedition against them. Wherhfore Cassius having overcome the Rhodians, and Ariobarzanes, and Brutus having subdued the Patareans, the Lycians, and other nations of Asia, which did before molest them, they hasted to Macedonia that they might there wage battle. And thither not long after came Caesar, and M. Antonius with a huge host, and before the city of Philippi they faced their enemies with the tents. That fight was very fierce and very doubtful, for Brutus put Caesar to flight, and Antonius Cassius, and each of their tents was ransacked of the victor. C. Cassius when Brutus, who he feared was slain, returned a far off, with his horsemen, thinking that they were the enemies that pursued him, did work his own death by the hand of one of his retinue. Within a few days after M. Brutus being overcome in another battle, and overborne with despair, enforced Strabo that fled with him to slay him with his sword: which act, many noble Romans to the number of forty did imitate. There were never any to whom fortune did sooner approach, than to Brutus and Cassius: and never any from whom she did more suddenly fly: Cassius was the better Captain, Brutus the better Counsellor, Brutus was more to be loved, Cassius to be feared, because the one excelled in virtue, the other in valour. Who if they had conquered in this fight, it would have been more expedient for the Romans to have been ruled by Brutus then Cassius, by how much it was more safe to them in the end to be governed by Octavius then Antonius. The year following there grew discord between Caesar and L. Antonius' Consul, and Fulvia wife to M. Antonius. They were offended with Caesar, because he shared that part of Macedonia to his soldiers which M. Antonius should have had. Fulvia was the more earnest against Octavius, because he had conceived a deep displeasure against her daughter, and had thereupon divorced her. Caesar was likewise licenced against Antonius, because he would not send to him that supply of soldiers, which he ought to have. Antonius therefore in his brother's quarrel, maintained war, Fulvia leagued unto him held Praeneste, and there she behaved herself as the other Consul, contemning P. Servilius who was indeed Consul, being like to a woman in nothing but only in sex: L. Antonius with an hostile invasion entered the city of Rome, the army of M. Lepidus, who was left there as warden of the City being discomfited, and afterward departing thence toward France, was intetcepted by Caesar, who besieged him a long time at Perusia, in the country of Hetruria, 
Caesar besiegeth Perusia  and oftentimes making an eruption & suffering a repulse, he was constrained to submit himself, whom Caesar pardoned, but many of the Senators and Roman Knights were sacrified upon the altar of julius Cęsar. He destroyed Perusia, and having brought into his power all the army of the contrary side ended that war, Cn. Domitius Calvinus, and C. Asinius Pollio being Consuls, Pollio was a man of notable gifts, who howsoever 
The praise of A sinius Pollio.  matters befell, was loved of all sorts of men. julius Caesar did make great reckoning and account of him, after his death the enemies of Caesar did greatly favour him, M. Antonius had him in singular estimation, Octavius held him near unto his heart, an excellent scholar, and a worthy soldier the only object of the learned, whom both in prose & poems, they have condignly commended, so that I need not to proceed in his praises, this is my only doubt, whether he were more to be extolled for his laudable qualities, then admired for his rare and wonderful fortune; he was not long before with Antonius in Egypt, but seeing him so vainly besotted with the love of Cleopatra, seeing him knight of the Cannapee, who was erst Lord of the field, being ashamed of him as he was a Roman, ashamed of him as a General, ashamed of him as now an unworthy companion for Pollio, he left him in Egypt with his concubine, and came to Rome. Afterward Caesar and Lepidus fell at variance, so that Lepidus was compelled to surrender all his authority, and to stand to Caesar's mercy for his life. Cęsar did then fight with Sex. Pompeius on the 
Octavius Caesar fighteth with Sex. Pompeius  sea. Pompey being there overcome fled to Sicily, and afterward into Asia, and as he was preparing war against Antoni, he was taken of M. Titius, Antonius his Lieutenant, by whom he was slain. The last civil war which was betwixt the Romans' was that which was fought by Caesar against Antoni at Actium. The occasion of enmity betwixt them was thus, Antonius did reprove Caesar because he had taken to himself the army of Lepidus & that which followed of Sex. Pompeius, which ought to have been common to them three. Caesar did object to Antonius, that he did keep Egypt without lawful commission, that he caused Sex. Pompeius to be slain without his consent, that he cast Artavasdes a Prince, leagued with the Romans, and taken by treachery, into prison, & dishonoured him, with gives and fetters, to the great infamy of the Romans, that he was more familiar with Cleopatra then became an honest man, that he had bestowed too great gifts upon her, that he had called Caesar's surmised bastard begotten of Cleopatra, Cęsarion, to the great disgrace of that house. These things privately by letters and publicly by messengers, were mentioned by mutual objection. Caesar afterward did read Antonius his testament 
Octavius readeth the testament of M. Antonius.  in the open Senate, which came to his hands by this mean. Certain soldiers which did fly from Antonius to him, told him that the authentic will or testament of M. Antonius, did remain in the custody of the Virgins vestal, of whom Caesar did obtain it, the tenor and form whereof was thus.  
I M. Antonius one of the three states of 
The testament of M. Antonius.  Rome, and the son of M. Antonius, do by this my last will and testament make and ordain Philadelphus & Alexander my sons by Cleopatra, the heirs of all my wealth and substance, which I had by descent from M. Antonius my father; but with this clause, and upon this condition, that if I die in Rome or elsewhere, they shall solemnly convey my body to Alexandria in Egypt, and bestow it there in a marble sepulchre, which by this my will shall be made for myself and Cleopatra the Queen of Egypt. But if they fail of this or do otherwise, without lawful or urgent cause, than I will that all these things which I leave unto my aforesaid sons, be converted to the use & behoof of the Nuns of Vesta, & my ghost shall implore the assistance of the Pontifex-maximus, & the priests of jupiter which are in the Capitol, to solicit the spirits of vengeance to punish the unthankfulness of my sons, & then I ordain & will, that the Pontifex Maximus shall cause my body to be reposed in a convenient sepulchre, within the walls of this city, and I will also that as many bondslaves as be now in my power, shall presently after my death be manumitted & made free by the Praetor; and to every of my other servants I bequeath a Sestertian, & a mourning garment. Lastly, I do pronounce by this my last will and testament, that Caesarion the son of Cleopatra, is the true, certain, and undoubted son of C. julius Caesar. And to the aforesaid Cleopatra, I give all my wealth and treasure, that I have gained, purchased and achieved either in war or in peace. Done by me M. Antonius vj. kal. jul. Ap. Claudius, C. Norbanus Coss.  
When the people of Rome had heard the purport of this testament, they thought that Antonius his drift, was to give Rome to Cleopatra, for a special favour, for which cause they were marvelously moved against Antonius. Caesar did behave himself in this matter very wisely and warily, for in words he pretended war against Cleopatra only, and caused it to be proclaimed by the herald, that the Egyptian Queen did intend the suppressing of the Romans. That was done by Caesar, to the end that he might avoid the hatred of many noble men, who did rather affect Antonius then him. But when Antonius for the love of Cleopatra would neither come into the city to render account of his doings, nor depose his Triumuiracie, but was wholly busied in praeparing war against Italy, Caesar did furnish himself as well for sea as for land: he therefore gathered many soldiers out of Spain, France, Lybia, Sardinia and Sicilia. Antonius likewise did make an army of Asians, Thracians, Macedonians, Grecians, Egyptians and Cyrenians. And in the year following C. Caesar and M. Messalla being Confuls, Antonius and Cleopatra at Actium a promontory of Epirus, encountered Caesar, who having prosperous success in many battles against them, as well on sea as on land, they being at length overcome fled to Alexandria in Egypt. Caesar did sacrifice all the pinasses which he had taken in war, to Apollo, 
Octavius Caesar sacrifiseth all the Pinnaces to Apollo.  who was worshipped at Actium, as a monument of thankfulness for his victory, and did also institute a five years solemnity, which was called the solemnity of Actium, besides this he built a fair temple to Apollo, and in the place where his tents were pitched 
Octavius buildeth Nicopolis.  he founded a great city called Nicopolis, the city of victory. Asinius Pollio did still preserve the ancient amity that was betwixt him and M. Antonius, for when Caesar at his departing from Rome, requested him that he would join with him, in his wars against Antonius, he made this answer: The benefits of Antonius towards me, will not permit me to be an enemy unto him, and my merits at the hands of Antonius be far otherwise, than that Antonius should be an enemy unto me, wherefore leaving both and leaning to neither, I will stay here in Italy, and be the spoil of the conqueror. Caesar did afterward besiege Antonius & Cleopatra at Alexandria, where Antonius being in a most desperate plight, being in no possibility to recover Cęsars' favour, and hearing by a false rumour, that Cleopatra was slain, did suddenly stab himself. Caesar took Alexandria, and with it Cleopatra, but because she would not grace Octavius so much as to be led in triumph by 
Cleopatra killed by Aspwormes.  him, she put Asps to her breasts, and was by them done to death, though her keeper had precise charge to look carefully unto her. Egypt was then brought by Caesar into the form of a province, and having made Cornelius Gallus President there, he came to Rome, where he had a triple triumph, the one of Dalmatia, which he brought to conformity after his war finished against Sex. Pompeius, the other of Actium, the third of Alexandria. When Cęsar with the great applause and gratulation of the Romans had pacified the whole praecinct of the world, and for that cause had shut the temple of janus the third time, and an augury of safety was celebrated, which two things were never done but when the whole Empire was in quietness, he purposed to depose the Empirie, & to bring the commonweal to a good & perfect constitution. To depose the Empirie, M. Agrippa did persuade him, but Męcęnas did dissuade him, whose opinion he yielded unto. Wherefore endeavouring by law to confirm the Empirie, and to win the favour and good ęstimation, as well of the Nobles and Senators, as of the people, he burned all the letters which the citizens that were then in Rome or out of Rome had written to Antonius, lest any Senator who did follow Antonius his faction, should think himself to be hated of Caesar for that cause, & so should attempt some mischief against him: he relieved the common stock, which was greatly wasted by civil wars, with his own private wealth, & them that were indebted to the common treasury, the bills of debt being burnt with his own hands, he did free from the danger of the roll. And whereas many things were done, in the tumults and seditions of the citizens, against law and custom by Lepidus and Antonius, he did repeal them by an Edict, and made his sixth Consulship, which he then enjoyed to be the death-day of these laws; by which means when he had worthily drawn unto him the hearts of the people, yet in one thing he pleased them above the rest, which was done rather of policy than of plain meaning: for having singled out a great number of Senators, whose love toward him was specially approved, in a very frequent Senate, he did offer to surrender the Empire into the hands of the Senators and people. But some of the Senators, because they suspected that his words differed from his meaning, some because they did fear greater danger by a popular estate, others because they feared his displeasure, if they should agree unto it, they did with one voice refuse the offer, and joined in earnest suit and humble petition unto him, that he would be the sole governor and absolute Emperor of Rome, and for that cause they did decree that the stipend of those who did guard his person should be doubled, that he might be in more safety by that mean, both to his friends and to the commonweal. When by the frank assent of the Senate and people, he had thus, not confirmed the ancient Empirie, but in deed created a new Monarchy, that he might seem popular, he was content to charge himself with the weighty affairs of the Empire: but the authority and dignity thereof he did communicate with the people: and therefore unto the Senate and people he did all to Numidia, Asia, Graecia, Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicilia, Creta, Cyrene, Bythinia, Pontus, Sardinia and Hispania Betica: which were the more peaceable and quiet countries. To himself he took the other parts of Spain, and all France, Narbonesis, Lugdunensis, Aquitanica Celtica, likewise Germania, Coelosyria, Phoenicia, Cyprus and Egypt. And that he might void out of their minds all suspicion of Monarchy, the supreme authority that was assigned to him he did only restrain to ten years continuance. The Romans did bestow diverse honours upon Caesar, planting before the door of his Court a bay tree, on 
The Romans plant a bay tree before Octavius his door.  the top whereof they set a wreath of oaken boughs, signifying that he was the man that had both overcome their enemies, and set their city in safety. They decreed also that his Court should be called a Palace, so that in what region soever the Roman Emperor did sojourn, his Court was called a Palace, and that he should be called Augustus. For when many would have adorned him with some title of excellency, Caesar had a great desire to be called Romulus secundus, but because that did resemble too much the title of a king, he was content to be called Augustus, that is, majestical or divine. Thus had Caesar the power of a king the style only foreprised. In him all the dignities and magistracies did meet, he was sole Consul, in determining judicially of public affairs, sole Pontifex, for he had that special title, sole Censor in taxing the Romans by poles, and fining them for faults, sole Tribune, in abrogating these laws & voiding these acts which were made and done by other magistrates: which though in show they were main, yet in deed there was now but one Magistrate in Rome, one Emperor, one Augustus; but these honours did not warrant Caears quietness, for he was endangered by many treacheries, and being thereby too severe in punishing both the worthy and unworthy, upon suspicion & surmise without any formal proceeding against them, he did indeed minister oil unto the flame of their malice. Amongst the rest Cn. Cornelius, whose grandfather was Cn. Pompeius Magnus, did with his complices imagine and conspire the death of Augustus, whom Cesar would not put to death, because he thought by that mean, he should gain no great security, neither would he deliver them from imprisonment, lest others might take courage & counsel to attempt the like. With this doubt & perplexity he was grievously troubled, and cares did torments his mind both in the night and in the day time; wherefore walking alone in his garden, and musing what to do, Livia the Empress came unto him, and prayed him of all loves to reveal unto her, what grief had encroached upon his heart, and what was the cause of his unusual dumps, to whom Caesar made this answer. Can any man, Livia, be of a calm and contented mind, against whom on every side are laid the snares of treason? Seest thou not how many do besiege my quietness, whom the punishment of condemned persons doth not only not deter, but, as if there were some hope of reward, others rush desperately forward to unlawful attempts. Livia when she heard this, did thus reply. It is no marvel, my Lord, if you be beset with dangers, partly because you are a man, and therefore borne to casualty, partly an Emperor, by whose authority, because many are put to death, many that live do conceive hatred against you; for a Prince cannot only not please all, but though he govern in most orderly and peaceable manner, it cannot be otherwise, but he should have many foes. For there be not so many just as injurious, whose humours can never be satisfied, & they which be of the better sort do aim at great matters, which because they can not obtain, and because they are inferior to others, are full of male-contentment, and for that cause they are offended with their Prince. But the danger unto which you are subject by them which do not conspire against your person, but against your estate, cannot any way be avoided. For if you were a private man, none would offer you injury, unless he received wrong before at your hands, but an Empire, and the revenues thereof, they which have power do rather affect, than they which are poor do loath. This though it be a point of unconscionable men, yet as other faults, so this is the seed of nature, which out of some men neither by rewards nor by threats you shall be able to extirpate: for neither fear nor law can do more than nature. Which being thoroughly considered, it will seem a great deal more convenient to strengthen and 'stablish your Empire with faithfulness and loyalty, then with sharpness and rigour. Augustus did thus rejoin: I know, Livia, that the highest things be most subject to hatred, & the greatest Emperors have the greatest enemies: for if our cares, griefs and perils were not greater than the griefs and perturbations of private men, we should be equal to the Gods; but this doth chief molest me, that I cannot devise any remedy, which may cure & conquer this mischief. All men have enemies, & many have been slain by enemies, but the estate of Princes lieth so open to casualty, that we are constrained to fear our familiar friends and our daily acquaintance, with whom because we must continually converse, we do continually fear, and this malady is more hardly redressed then enmity: for against our enemies we may oppose our friends, but if our friends do fail us, where is then our help? therefore both solitude and multitude is grievous unto us, & it is dangerous to be without a guard, but to have an unfaithful guard is much more dangerous. Apparent enemies may be avoided, but falsehearted friends we cannot any way shun: for we must call them friends, of whose constant faithfulness we can not possibly be assured; for myself I do plainly protest, that my heart abhorreth from the extremity of punishment, and the necessity of torture goeth greatly against my mind. Then said Livia, You have spoken well my Lord, but if you will be advised by me, & you ought not to refuse my counsel because it proceedeth from a woman; I will advise you of that which none of your friends will impart unto you, not because they are ignorant of it, but for that they dread your displeasure. Which Augustus taking hold of, Tell it me Livia said he whatsoever it is. I will, said Livia, and that as willingly as you would hear it, for I am made partaker of your destiny. Caesar being safe I am Empress, and he being dishonoured, which misfortune the Gods avert, I am also disgraced, and bereaved of glory. That I may not use an ambush of words, nor a labyrinth of circumstances: my theme shall be one word, and that is, Clemency. Change thy course Augustus, and forgive some of thy foes, many things may be healed by lenity, which cruelty can never cut off. Neither do I speak this, as if disloyal and irregular persons should generally and without difference receive mercy, nay they that be notoriously stained, and branded with conspiracy, they that trouble the quietness of the Commonweal, they that are overflowed with vices, whose life is nothing else but lewdness, so that they are past hope or help, cut them off my Augustus, as the putrefied parts of a distempered body: but they which either through the infirmity of youth, or the imprudency of mind, or through ignorance or mischance have offended, or which against their wills have been drawn into danger, admonish them, but with minatory speeches: and let them find grace but with condition. Some thou mayest punish with exile, some with infamy, and some with money: and that none may be unjustly condemned, nor by a feigned accusation suffer death, let the truth be tried by such proofs, as may worthily be approved. For it behoveth thee Augustus, not only to be free from doing wrong, but even from show and semblance of injury. Private men have done enough if they have not offended, but a Prince must endeavour not to be suspected of faults. Thou rulest over men, not over beasts, over Romans, and not over Barbarians, and the only mean to link their hearts unto thee, is to benefit all and to oppress none. For though a man may be constrained to fear, yet he cannot be enforced to love; for when the subject clearly discerneth that his Prince is bountiful, he is soon persuaded: but when he is once resolved upon manifest presumption, that some be unjustly put to death, lest the same thing happen unto him, he may justly fear: and whom he so feareth, he hateth with the strength of his heart. But a Prince is the privilege of his subjects security, that they take no harm, neither of foreigners, nor of their fellow subjects, much less of their Prince & protector. And it is a great deal more magnificent and glorious to save then to kill: wherefore laws, benefits, admonitions must be used, that men may become circumspect, & wary, and further they must be so diligently watched and observed, that though they would be, yet they may not be traitorous; and they which are green in conceit, and as it were flexible wax to the stronger powers, must have perpetual conservatives lest they be corrupted: and to tolerate the offences of some, is both great wisdom and great manhood: for if every man's fault should be his fall, the earth would soon lack inhabitants. Think my good Augustus, that the sword cannot do all things for thee: it cannot make men wise, it cannot make them faithful: it may constrain them, but it cannot persuade them: it doth pierce the heart of him that is slain, but it doth alienate the mind of him that doth live. Wherhfore altar thy opinion noble Emperor, and by using clemency they will think that all that thou hast heretofore done was done by necessity and against thy will, but if thou perseverest still in the same mind and purpose, they will impute all that hath been done to the austerity and sourness of thy nature. With these speeches of Livia Augustus being moved, pardoned many, and used as much lenity as his own safety would bear: whereby he purchased the entire love of the Romans, and all his life time after there was never any treason attempted against him. Thus after civil emnities extinguished, foreign wars fully ended, justice recalled, destiny satisfied, strength was restored to laws, authority to Magistrates, dignity to the Nobles, majesty to the Senate, safety to the people: the fields were without hindrance trimmed and tilled, the sacrifices celebrated and solemnized, quietness returned to men, and every possession to his lawful owner: good laws were made, imperfect laws were amended, bad laws canceled: the Senators were severe without currishness, the people honest without constraint: and with this harmony peace pleased the Romans.   

A Table of the principal matters contained in this history according to the number of the Pages.  

A  
Ancus a great builder. 8  
M. Antonius the orator put to death by Marius & Cinna. 65  
M. Antonius: he helpeth Caesar 138. He is spared at the time when Caesar is slain. 169 He fighteth with Pansa. 175 He fighteth with Hirtius. 176. He fighteth with both the Consuls. ibid. Octavius becometh an enemy unto him. ibid. He writeth contumelious letters to Brutus and Cassius. 180. The testament of M. Antonius. 193.   

B  
D. Brutus suffereth himself to be besieged by Antonius. 175. He is slain. 179   

C  
Campania: the praise of it. 10  
Carthage: the beginning of the second Corthagian war. 12 Masinissa quarreleth with the Carthaginians. 45. Scipio is sent as Umpire betwixt them and Masinissa. 46. the City of Carthage is burnt. 47.  
Q. Caepio is slain.  
C. julius Caesar: he is inclined to sedition. 103. his original 107. his death is sought for by Silla's officers. 108. the Helvetians fled before Caesar. 116. they are overcome by him. 117. he pursueth battle against Ariovista. ibid. he fighteth against the Belgians and Nerrians. ibid. he overthroweth the Germans ibd. he burneth the villages of the Sicambrians. 118. he overcometh the Britain's ibid. he is reconciled to the Britain's. ibid. he reneweth against them. ibid. the Eburons are overcome by him. 119. his revenge upon the French rebels. 120. a decree made by the Senate that he should dismiss his army. 122 he is incensed by Curio against the Senate. 123. his passionate speech against the Senate. ibid. he pardoneth Domitius. 127. he seizeth the treasury. 131. he marcheth toward Spain. ibid. the strangers which were assistant to Caesar. 133. the Caesarians give the first assault to Pompey. 140. his speech to Domitius. 143. the dreams and visions of the Caesarians. 145. he is entertained of Cleopatra. 148. he is assaulted by the King of Egypt. 149. he swimmeth in the river of Nilus. ibid. he addresseth against Pharnaces. 150. he putteth Phanaces to flight. ibid. he encountereth P. Scipio. ibid. his triumphs are described. 156 Sallust maketh an oration to him. 157. the great honours bestowed upon him. 165. he fighteth with Cn. Pompeius the younger at the City of Siuille. ibid. the causes of the conspiracy bend against him. 167. he is slain in the Senate house. 168. the Law Portia broken by the kill of him. 169. the Law Cornelia also broken. ibid.  
Q. Catulus: the dissension of Lepidus and Catulus. 16. 76  
Q. Catulus cause of his own death. 66  
Portius Cato is slain. 55  
M. Portius Cato Itichusis his lineage. 102. his praise. ibid. he killeth himself. 150  
Catiline: his qualities. 83. his lineage. 85. he killeth his own son. 86. he is greatly indebted. 87. he is forbidden to make suit for the Consulship. ibid. his impudent answer to Cicero's oration. 98.  
Cincinnatus his speedy war. 9  
L. Cinna: he beginneth a new broil. 62. he is expulsed the City. ibid. he is made Captain of a seditious army. ibid. he calleth C. Marius from banishment. 63. a great fight betwixt him and Cn. Pompeius Strabo. 64. he entereth the City. ibid. he is slain. 69  
Cicero: he is called Paerpatriae. 83. his oration against Catiline. 92. he mourneth. 112. he committeth himself to voluntary exile. 113. a sharp law is made concerning his banishment. ibid. he is recalled from banishment. 114. he is put to death. 185. Fulvia's despiteful dealing with his tongue. 186  
Cleopatra killed by Asp worms. 196  
Clodius: he being tribune of the people becometh seditious. 109. he seeketh revenge upon Cicero. 110. he is infamous for adultery with Pompeia Caesar's wife. ibid. for incest with his sisters. ibid. he is condemned by the Senate. ibid. he persisteth to be an enemy to Cicero. 114 he burneth the house of Q. Cicero. ibid. he threateneth death to Sanctia. 115. he is slain by Milo. ibid.  
Cornelia: she lamenteth her children. 27   

D  
Drusus: his hard fortune. 32  
he is slain. 34. his repulse is the beginning of the Italian war. 38   

F  
Ful. Flaccus a rebellious Senator slain. 26   

G  
A. Gabinius: after a prosperous fight he is slain. 23  
C. Gracchus: he is a rebel to the state. 25. his seditious acts. 26. he is beheaded. 27   

I  
Italy: the Italian war. 15   

L  
M. Lepidus: the dissension of Lepidus and Catulus. 16   

M  
C. Marius: the contention betwixt him and Silla. 15. he besiegeth the Capital. 31 he putteth the conspirators to death. ibid. he destroyeth Saturninus his house. ibid. he taketh jugurtha by Silla's means. 28. his 3. 4. 5. 6. Consulships. 29. his great victory against the Cimbrians. ibid. he is in high reputation. 34. he putteth Vettius Cato to flight. 52. he fighteth equally with the Marsians. 53. he is disliked by the Consul Portius. 54. his ambition. 59 his extreme misery. 60. a captive slave is sent to kill him. 61. the Minturnians are friends to him. ibid. being recalled from banishment he entereth the City. 64. Octavius is put to death by his cruelty. 65. he dieth. 67  
Mancinus: his punishment for breaking truce. 20  
Metellus: he opposeth himself against Saturninus. 30 he committeth himself to voluntary banishment. ibid.  
Metellus his speech to Caesar. 130.  
Merula: he cutteth in pieces his own vein. 65  
Mithridates an enemy to the Romans. 15. 58   

N  
Numa religious. 8  
Numantia: the Numantine war. 20   

O  
Octavius his request to the Senate. 177. he reconcileth himself to M. Antonius & M. Lepidus. ibid. M. Cicero doth greatly commeend him. 178. he taketh Clodia to wife. 179. he besiegeth Perusia. 190. he fighteth with Sex. Pompeius. 191. he readeth the testament of M. Antonius. 192. he sacrificeth all the Pinasses which he hath taken to Apollo. 195. he buildeth Nicopolis. 196. the Romans plant a bay tree before his door. 200  
Opimtus his proclamation. 26   

P  
C. Perperna discharged C. of his lievetnancie. 52  
Asinius Pollio: the praise of him. 190  
Cn. Pampeius Strabo: his victories. 55. he triumpheth. 56. his dissembling and unconstancy. 63. a great fight betwixt him and Cinna. 64  
Cn. Pompeius Magnus: his great dignity in Rome. 16 Caesar cannot brook it. ibid. he & Q. Catulus fight with Lepidus and overcome him. 77. Mithridates is overthrown by Pompey. 106. he entereth the Temple of lerusalem. ibid. he is honoured with a triple triumph. 107. he matcheth with luliae Caesar's daughter. 109. his Presidentship in Spain proroguid. 121. he is appointed by the Senate general against Caesar. 127. Domitius flieth to Pompey. 128 the foreigners which were ready in arms for the assitance of him. 132. his oration to his soldiers. 134. he putteth Caesar to flight. 138 he marshalleth his army. 139. he flieth to Larissa. 144 he traveleth to Egypt. 146. he is slain by the Egyptians. 147  
Popedius. Silo Popedius a natural enemy to the Romans. 40. his oration to the Marsians. 41. he is slain. 55.  
Pyrrhus fight against the Romans. 10   

R  
Rome built. 6  
Romans: the Romans made wanton by prosperity 19 the Roman Ambassadors are despised of Hannibal. 44 the Athenians faithful to the Romans. 67. the solemnity which the Romans used in their proceeding to the Senate. 89. treachery against the Romans in France. 119. what thing a triumph was amongst the Romans, and how performed. 151. they bestow many honours upon Caesar. 166  
Romulus eagrest in fight. 8 Romulus & Remus bastards. 42. nourished by a wolf. ibid. Remus is slain by Romulus. 43  
P. Rutilius is slain. 52   

S  
Saturninus: he causeth C. Memmius to be slain. 31. his house is destroyed by Maria's. ibid. he is a broacher of sedition. 30. Q. Metellus opposeth himself against him. ibid. Marius favoureth Saturninus. ibid.  
Saguntines: the miserable famine of the Saguntines. 44  
Sabines: the rape of the Sabine virgins. 43  
P. Scipio Affricanus the elder his valour. 18  
P. Scipio Affricanus the younger: his prowess. 18. he is sent back into Spain. 24. he surpriseth Numantia. ibid. he is found dead in his bed. 25 his body is brought out into the street. ibid.  
Scipio Nasica: his family. 22 he opposeth himself to Gracchus. ibid.  
Servius taxeth the Romans by poles. 8  
Seruitins: he is Proconsul and is slain by the commotioners of Italy. 38  
Sertorius: he levieth arms in Spain. 77. he feareth Pompey. 106. Livius Salinator the Lieutenant of Sertorius is slain. 77. Sertorius is slain. 79  
Spartacus: he being a fenceplayer doth encounter the army of the Consuls. 81. he taketh the city of the Thurians. ibid. M. Crassus appointed for the war against him. 82  
Sulpitius: he bringeth the Marrucines to obedience. 55  
Sulpitius: a seditious Tribune altereth the state. 59 murder is committed by him. ibid.  
L. Sylla: his victory Samnites. 55. he killeth Cluentius. ibid. he is made Consul. 57 his contrary nature. ibid. his descent. ibid. he besiegeth Nola. 58. his revenge upon the seditious. 60. his hard conditions of peace concluded with Mithridates. 68 the King of Parthia sendeth Ambassadors to him. ibid. he passeth quietly through Italy. 69. he dismisseth Sertorius without hurt. 70. he fighteth with Telesinus a Samnite. 71. C. Marius the younger is slain by his soldiers. 72. he usurpeth the Dictatorship. ibid. he causeth the soldiers of Praeneste to be slain. 73. he putteth in practice proscription. 73. M. Marius is slain by him. 74. his rage against Pletorius. ibid. the ashes of C. Marcus thrown into a river by Sylla. 75. he dieth. ibid.   

T  
Tarquin banished. 1. his ornaments. 8. proud Tarquin occasioner of liberty. 9  
Trevirate: a Trevirate first made in Rome. 21  
Tullus an artificial Captain. 8.   

V  
Viriathus an enemy to the Romans. 19   
FINIS.   

Faults. Pag. Correction. Monarchies. Pag. 4. monarchs. Cloaetia. pag. 9 Cloaelia. Massitus. pag. 10. Massicus. couldes. pag. 10. clouds. Glancias. pag. 31. Glaucias. Eguatius. pag. 52. Egnatius. Staria. pag. 53. Stabia. Petiani. pag. 55. Peligni. Talentia. pag. 78. Valentia. Enomaus. page 80. Enomaus. Consulians. pag. 92. Consularians. it grieveth my heart. pag. 100 it grateth my heart. the Pietons. pag. 119. the Pictons. the Tureus. pag. 120. the Turens. the Audians. page 120. the Andians. Achilles. pag. 147. Achillas. aggravate. pag. 173. arrogate. Atia was. pag. 176. Atia, who was.