¶ The Familiar Epistles of Sir Anthony of Guevara, Preacher, Chronicler, and Counsellor to the Emperor Charles the fifth.  
Translated out of the Spanish tongue, by Edward Hellowes, Groom of the Leashe, and now newly imprinted, corrected, & enlarged with other Epistles of the same Author.  
Wherein are contained very notable letters, excellent discourses, curious sayings, and most natural reasons.  
Wherein are contained expositions of certain figures, authorities of holy Scripture, very good to be preached, and better to be followed.  
Wherein are contained declarations of ancient stamps of writings upon stones, Epitaphs of sepulchres, Laws and customs of Gentiles.  
Wherein are contained Doctrines, Examples, and counsels for Princes, for noble men, for Lawyers, and Church men: very profitable to be followed, and pleasant to be read.  
¶ Printed at London by Henry Bynneman, for Ralph Newberry, dwelling in Fleetstreet, a little above the Conduit.   

To the Right worshipful Sir Henry Lee Knight, Master of the Leasshe.  
RIGht worshipful, being cumbered with doubt too be noted of rash presumption, and no less afflicted with that uncouth & detestable vice of dull despair: I was constrained with two much odds, to endure combat with both these furious spirits: and after long conflict, as it were by the way of taking breath, they began to argue: and first despair (being more fierce, with thin face and hollow eyes) grimmely began to say, O beastly Swine without providence, and enraged Bear, to perform thy own disposition, without all grace or learning, and void of all consideration of the issue of judgement of others, which greedily despise, hate and bear envy, and at all times cease not to persecute the feeble attempts which thou and others takest in hand, every of which evils with many others might be avoided, if by the nature and manner of my disposition thou couldst keep thyself coy and mute. But with great impatience presumption did breath forth these or such like words: ah miserable Cockatrice, and caitiff most cruel to mankind, which by thy ugly shape declarest the loathsome fruit of thy wretched nature, which in all times and places dost practise the overthrow of all honest, laudable and noble enterprises, wherein they would have used many tedious arguments, if I had not cut off by suit for divine assistance. Presently obtaining two such ancient and famous Champions, of no common singularity, by whose precedents, directions, and conductions, I was forth with delivered of all perplexities, namely Lucifer and judas: but therewithal not omitting to secure myself with the wisdom and policy of the Bee, which gathereth honey out of nettles, which both and jointly made such discourses of the horrible evils, desperate mischiefs, and cruel mishaps, that hath ensued the hateful company of both these companions aforesaid, in such sensible manner, as such feeling witnesses possibly might report. Leaving all their particular reasons which would grow overlong, they concluded, that every extremity engendereth vice, and only virtue is that which is equal in balance: & so departed. Thereby giving to understand, that the virtue of a noble mind, is neither daunted with froward fortune, either exalted or puffed up with gifts or prosperity. And presently being brought to a certain examination, I was driven flatly to confess that all strength is weakness, all knowledge ignorance, activity impotency, wisdom foolishness, justice wrong, temperance rashness, fortitude cowardness, and all perfection but corruption: of all which, & no other notable deeds, man whatsoever, may presume and boast himself, but when God alone unto diligence doth add his grace. And thus presumption with his sequel being removed, and despair with his drowsy troop being vanished, depending only of divine providence, I began to call to mind my God, my Prince, my country, & also your worship, of whom I had received many good things, being very loath to show myself utterly idle, either ingrate, receiving advertisement of Guevara which giveth us to understand, that since the beginning of the world, there hath not been any Prince that hath excelled, or to whom julius Caesar, either Alexander the great aught to give place: obtaining sovereignty in their several virtues, namely the one in pardoning of injuries the other in giving large and bountiful rewards: affirming therewithal, that to the ingrate or unthankful man, neither would Alexander give any reward, either julius Caesar pardon injury: giving us thereby to understand, that they held it much better to darken their own singular and renowned virtues, than to yield benefit unto so detestable vice. Forthwith being urged thereby to confess my debt, & constrained to shake off all drowsy forgetfulness, & awake my dull spirits to yield myself as abandoned to do your worship either service or pleasure: but my treasure and storehouse being searched and ransacked, I found it furnished with no other implements, but empty ability, and barren faculty to perform the same: forced in the place of works to furnish the satisfaction with words. Yet frankly confessing that although opportunity shall deny to yield herself to stretch to the merit of your great goodness used with me: notwithstanding at all times and places, words of confession and disposition to perform, shall never cease to do their endeavour to escape the unkind disgrace of ingratitude. Adding thereby hardiness unto myself once more to attempt your patience with this present of Guevara being finished, and also out of the French Book somewhat augmented, with matter both heroical and divine: the praise and commendation whereof, I rather remit unto the glorious fame of the Auctor himself, than tediously without skill to paint or polish the same with colours of imperfect hue. Right humbly beseeching your Worship to accept the same with the mildness of your wonted favour: & (as it appertaineth) I shall not cease to pray that the protection of the living God may conduct and follow you with perfect felicity in all nobleness both of body & mind, as may yield your worship before god & man immortal renown.  
Your worships most humble to command Edward Hellowes.   

To the Reader.  
RIght gentle Reader, in all nations, countries, and Common wealths, although barbarous, yet in respect of the office of Harold, Pursuivant, Messenger, or Interpreter, they always bear with patience and take in good part, all actions both of word and deed, appertaining unto his office: And sometimes of their own nobleness, do bountifully reward the same, although he utter unto them matter both opprobrious and spiteful. And also Guevara maketh report, that it was a law among the Romans, that no man whatsoever, should adventure to approach the emperors tent in the night and time of war upon pain of death. The Emperor Aurelius as then making war with Zenobia Queen of Palmiris, it chanced, that a certain Greek soldier was apprehended within the compass of the same, being committed to be executed for his offence, the Emperor himself from within his Pavilion with a loud voice cried out and said, If his approach were for himself, let him die for it, but if it be for another, let him live. The matter being searched and examined, it was found, that he came to sue for his two fellows that were taken sleeping in the watch, which after whipping should have been delivered unto the enemies. And so it came to pass, that the soldier escaped death, his fellows delivered from punishment, and the Emperor of clemency obtained immortal renown. Of all which premises, me thinketh I gather unto myself, a safety and protection from all injury, both of word and deed of all manner of men, not unreasonable, which in this matter have used but the office of messenger, interpreter, & solicitor: but to my own pain, and thy profit, being utterly without doubt to be requited with thy ingratitude. And whereas but with such time as was rather stretched unto the liking of him that might command them meet for the matter, I have not only corrected, but also performed the translation of the first book of the familiar Epistles of Guevara, that were not translated, and further finding certain Epistles and disputations of the said auctor, by no man as yet translated, wandering and as it might seem taking leave: I thought it more convenient to entertain the same with my simple English speech, than to hazard the loss of so rare, singular, divine, & most necessary doctrine therein contained, although but with my poor ability: flatly confessing that I want both gloss & hue of rare eloquence, used in the polishing of the rest of his works: nevertheless most certainly affirming, that it goeth agreeable unto the author thereof. For due commendations whereof, for want of time I shall yield no other words, than be contained in my former Preface, as followeth: Being furnished so fully with sincere doctrine, so unused eloquence, so high a stile, so apt similitudes, so excellent discourses, so convenient examples, so profound sentences, so old antiquities, so ancient histories, such variety of matter, so pleasant recreations, so strange things alleged, & certain parcels of Scripture with such dexterity handled, that it may hardly be discerned, whether shall be greater, either thy pleasure by reading, or profit by following the same. Like as in a most curious shop furnished with incomparable drugs, & most precious spices, both to preserve health, as also to expel most pestilent diseases: even so herein is plentifully to be found, things not only precious to conserve, but also to remedy the contagion of any estate both in peace & war. As rules for Kings to rule, counsellors to counsel, magistrates to govern, prelate's to practice, captains to execute, soldiers to perform, the married to follow, the prosperous to prosecute, and the poor in adversity to be comforted, wherein he delicately toucheth with most curious sayings, & no less philosophy, how to writ or talk with all men, in all matters at large, with matter so apt, so learned, so merry, and also so grave, with instruction of behaviour, with thy better, with thy equal, with thy friend, with thy foe, with thy wife, servant, and children: That for praise and advancement thereof, words most certainly, and also time may want, but not matter and just occasion to commend the same. Commending the rest unto thy good consideration, and yielding myself unto thy mildness, grace, and favour, I commit thee to the living God, to whom be praise for evermore.   

¶ The familiar Epistles of Sir Antony of Guevara, Bishop of Mondonedo, Preacher and Chronicler to Charles the fifth.  

¶ An Oration made unto the emperors Majesty in a Sermon, at the triumphs when the French King was taken. Wherein the Author doth persuade to use his clemency, in recompense of so great a victory.  
S.C.C.R.M.  
SOlon Solonio commanded in his laws to the Athenians, that on the day they had overcome any battle, they should offer unto the God's great Sacrifices, and give unto men large rewards: to the end that against other wars, they might find the Gods favourable, and men of willing minds. Plutarch saith, that when the greeks remained Conquerors in that renowned battle of Marathon, they sent unto the temple of Diana in Ephesus, 
What they gave in old tune in reward for good news.  to offer so much Silver, that it was to be doubted, whether there remained so much more in all Greece. When Camilius overcame the Etrurians and Volsians, mortal enemies to the romans, all the women of Rome did not forget to send to the Oracle of Apollo, which stood in Asia, as much Gold and Silver as they had in possession, without reserving any one jewel. When the Consul Silla was Conqueror of the valiant King Mithridates, he conceived so great pleasure in his heart, that not contented to offer to the God Mars all the spoil gotten of the enemies, he offered also a vial of his own blood. The famous and glorious jephthah Duke of the Hebrews made a solemn vow, that if God gave him victorious return from the wars he then had in hand, he would offer in the temple both the blood and life of his only daughter: the which vow as he promised, so he accomplished. Of these examples it may be gathered, what and how many thanks Princes aught too give unto God, for the triumphs, victories, and bounties he giveth them: for though it be in the hands of kings to begin war, it is in the hands of God only to give victory. There is nothing that moveth god to be less careful for us, than the ingratitude of a good turn received. For the good things we receive of men, 
God will not but that we gratify the good thing we receive.  they will we recompense or deserve them: but God will that we gratify and not forget them. Prince's most chief have cause to beware they forget not benefits received of GOD, because the ingratitude of a benefit received maketh them incapable and unworthy of divine favour in time to come. The forgetful, ingrate or unkind Prince, neither God doth delight too help, or men so serve. All this have I said unto your imperial Majesty, by occasion of this great victory ye have obtained at Pavia, where your army hath taken Frances the French King, who in his own galleys was brought prisoner into Spain. A case so grave, 
In the wars more than in other things fortune useth doubleness.  a news so new, a victory so seldom heard of, a fortune so accomplished is both terrible to the world, and brings your Majesty in debt, which debt is, to give God thanks for the victory, and to recompense the conquerors of the battle. By this it may be apparent to your Majesty, that there is nothing wherein fortune is less constant, than in martial affairs, since the French king being present (and also taken in his own person) with all the potentates of Italy, did loose the battle, where died all the nobles of France. Much should your Majesty err, once to think the victory to be gotten by your policy, or obtained by your power, or else to have happened by chance. For a deed so famous, an act so glorious, and a case so heroical, as this is, doth not fall out under fortune, but is only given by divine providence. Quid retribuam Domino pro omnibus quae retribuit mihi? If David being a King, a Prophet, a Saint, and with God so private, understood not what to present unto God, for the good things he had received: what shall we do that are miserable, that understand not what to say, nor have not what to give? of ourselves we are so weak, and our ability so small, our valour so little, and have so few things, that if God do not give wherewith to give, of ourselves we have not what to give. And what we have to crave, or else that he should give: is his grace to serve him, and not licence to offend him. 
There is no sacrifice more accepted, than to pardon an enemy.  In remuneration of so great victory, I would not counsel your Majesty too offer jewels as the women of Rome, either Silver or Gold as the greeks, either your own blood as Silla, neither your children as jephtha: but that ye offer the inobedience and rebellion against your Majesty, by the commons of Castille. For before GOD there is no Sacrifice more accepted, than the pardoning of enemies. The jewels that we might offer unto God, proceed from our Coffers: the Gold from our Chests: the blood from our Veins: but the pardoning of injuries, from our hearts and entrails, where envy lieth grinding, and persuading reason to dissemble, and the heart to be revenged. Much more sure is it for Princes, to be beloved for their clemency, than to be feared for their chastisements. For as Plato sayeth, 
The man that is feared, hath need to fear.  the man that is feared of many, hath cause also too fear many. Those that offended your Majesty in those alterations passed, some of them be dead, some be banished, some hidden, and some be fled. Most excellent Prince, it is great reason, that in reward of so great victory, they may boast themselves of your piety, and not complain of your rigour. The wives of these unfortunate men be poor, their daughters upon the point to be lost, their Sons are Orphans, their kinsfolks blush and are ashamed: In so much as the pity that ye shall use towards a few, redoundeth to the remedy of many. There is no estate in this world, which in case of injury, is not more sure in pardoning than in revenging: for that many times it doth happen, that a man seeking occasion too be revenged, doth utterly destroy himself. 
It is more sure to forget an injury, than to revenge it.  The enemies of julius Caesar, did more envy the pardoning of the Pompeyans, than the kill of pompeius himself. For excellency, it was written of him, that he never forgot service, or ever did remember injury. Two Emperors have been in Rome, unlike in name, and much more in manners: the one was named Nero the Cruel, the other Antony the Meek. The which overnames the romans gave them, the one of Meek, because he could not but pardon, the other of Cruel, because he never ceased to kill. A Prince although he be prodigal in play, scarce in giving, uncertain of his word, negligent in government, absolute in commanding, dissolute in living, disordinate in eating, and not sober in drinking, is termed but vicious: but if he be cruel and given to revenge, he is named a tyrant. As it is said by Plutarch: He is not a tyrant for the goods he taketh, but for the cruelties he useth. Four Emperors have been of this name. The first was called Charles the great: the second, Charles the Bohemian: the third, Charles the Bald: the fourth, Charles the gross, the fifth, which is your majesty, we wish to be called Charles the Méke, in following the Emperor Antony the Meek, 
Few & good words are to be used with Princes.  which was the Prince of all the Roman Empire best beloved. And because Calistines would that Princes should be persuaded by few things, & those very good, and words well spoken: I conclude and say, that Princes with their piety and clemency, be of God pardoned, and of their subjects beloved.   

An Oration made unto the emperors Majesty, in a sermon on the day of Kings, wherein is declared, how the name of Kings was invented, and how the title of Emperors was first found out. A matter very pleasant.  
S. C. C. R. M.  
THis present day being the day of Kings, in the house of Kings, and in the presence of Kings, it is not unfit that we speak of Kings: though Princes had rather be obeyed than counseled. And seeing we preach this day before him that is the Emperor of the Romans, & King of the Spaniards, it shall be a thing very seemly & also very necessary, to relate here what this word King doth mean, and from whence this name Emperor doth come: to the end we may all understand how they aught to govern us, and we to obey them. As concerning this name of King, it is to be understood, that according to the variety of nations, so did they diversly name their Princes, that is to say: 
How in the old time they called their Kings.  Amongst the Egyptians they were called Pharaones: the Bythinians Ptolomaei: the Persians, Arsicides: the Latins, Murrani: the Albans, Syluij: Sicilians, Tyrants: the Argives, Kings. The first king of this world the Argives do say was Foroneus: and the greeks do report, to be Codor Laomor: Which of these opinions is most true, he only knoweth that is most high and only true. Although we know not who was the first King, neither who shall be the last king of the world, at the lest we know one thing, & that is, that all the Kings past are dead, and all those that now live shall die: because death doth as well call the King in his throne, as the labourer at his plow. Also it is to be understood, that in old time, 
In the old time to be a king was no dignity, but an office.  to be a King was no dignity, but only an office, as Mayor or Ruler of a common wealth: After this manner, that every year they did provide for the office of King to rule, as now they do provide a Viceroy to govern. Plutarch in his book of Common wealth doth report, that in the beginning of the world all Governors were called tyrants, 
He that knoweth not to govern, deserveth not to reign.  and after the people did perceive what difference was between the one and the other, they did ordain amongst themselves, to name the evil governors tyrants, and the good, they entitled Kings. By this it may be gathered (most excellent Prince) that this name King, is consecrated unto persons of good deserning, and that be profitable unto the common wealth: for otherwise he doth not deserve to be called King, that doth not know to govern. When God did establish an household, & for himself did constitute a Common Wealth in the land of the Egyptians, he would not give them kings to govern, but Dukes to defend them, that is to say, Moses, Gedeon, jephtha, and Samson. This God did to deliver them from paying of tributes, and that they might be used as brethren, & not as vassals. This manner of government among the hebrews did continue unto the time of Helie the high priest, under whose governance the Israelites required a King to govern their common wealth, and to lead them in their wars. Then God gave them Saul to be their King, much against his will: so that the last Duke of Israel was Helie, and the first king was Saul. In the beginning when Rome was founded, and the Romans began to be Lords of the world, forthwith they did created kings to rule them, and Captains to defend them. They found themselves so grieved with that manner of government, that they suffered but seven kings, not withstanding they thought them seven hundred. And because the soothsayers had said, that this name King was consecrated unto the Gods, 
Among the romans a Priest was called a king.  the Romans commanded that he should be called King, that was no king: And this was the high priest of the god jupiter, in such manner that he held only the name of king, & the office of priest. Having spoken of the name of king, now let us speak of the name of Emperor, that is to say, how it was invented, where it was invented, and to what end it was invented, since it is the name in all this world most reverenced, & also most desired. And although amongst the Syrians, the Assyrians, Medes, Persians, Greeks, Trojans, Parthians, Palestines, & Egyptians, their have been princes glorious in arms, & in great estimation in their common wealths, yet they never obtained the name of Emperor, 
In old times they did not boast themselves with vain titles.  either entitled themselves therewith. In those ancient times & in those golden worlds, the good men and the noble personages did not lay up their honour in vain titles, but in noble, valiant and glorious acts. This name Emperor the Romans first brought into this world, which they invented not for their Princes, but for their Captains general. In such wise, that in Rome he was not entitled Emperor, that was Lord of the Common wealth, but that was chosen general of the war. The Romans every year in the month of january, did choose all their officers of the Senate, and in their such election, they did first ordain the high Priest, which they named King: then the Dictator, than the Consul, than the Tribune of the people, than the Emperor, than the Censor, and then the Edill. By this election it may be gathered, 
The office of the Edil was the master of ceremonies in triumphs and theaters.  that the same which is now an Imperial dignity was in those days but an office given in the month of january, and ended in the month of December, Quintus Cincinatus, Fabius Camillus, Marcus Marcellus, Quintus Fabius, Annius Fabricius, Dorcas, Metellus, Gracchus, Sempronius, Scipio the African, and the great julius Caesar: when they did govern the Roman hosts, were called Emperors, but afterwards when in the Senate the office was taken away, they were named by their proper names. But after the great battle of Pharsalie, in which Pompey was overcome and the field remaining to Caesar, it happened that the common wealth came into the hands of Caesar. The Romans made request he should not take unto himself the Title of king, because it was odious unto them, but that he would use some other at his liking, under which they would obey and serve him. Being at that time Captain general of the Romans, and therefore then called Emperor, he chose his name, 
How the name of Emperor was first found out.  and not the name of King, to do the romans pleasure, in such wise, that this great Prince was the first of the world, that left this name annexed unto the Emperor. julius Caesar being dead, Octavius his cousin did succeed him in the Empire, than Tiberius, than Caligula, than Claudius, than Nero, and Vitellius, and so of all the other Princes to this day: The which in memory of the first Emperor be entitled Augustus, Caesars, and Emperors.  

Of the seven conditions that a good king aught to have, with an exposition of a text of holy Scripture.  
THis name of King being declared, and the invention of the title Emperor being spoken of (most Noble Emperor) it shall be meet that we declare how a good king aught to govern his kingdom, and how the good Emperor ought to rule his Empire, 
The best office is to be holden by the best man.  for, being as they are, the two greatest offices in this world, it is necessary that the two best men in this world do use them. It were great infamy to the person, and no small offence to the common wealth, to behold a man ear-ring at the plough, 
It is more worthy to deserve honour than to hold it  that deserveth to reign, & to see him reign that deserveth to go to plough. Wherefore (most sovereign Prince) it is convenient you understand, that to be in honour is a thing of small effect, but to deserve the same is of most great worthiness. If he which is only a King, be bound to be good, he that is king & Emperor, is he not bound to be good & very good? 
The ingrate Prince is unfortunate.  The evil Princes be ingrate, and forgetful of benefits be they great or little: but the good Princes and the Christian Emperors, recompense every service bountifully. The Prince that is to God ingrate, and of the service they do him unthankful, in his person it will be seen: and in his kingdom it will appear: because all his attempts do fall out confused or with shame. And for that it shall seem we speak not of favour or at large, we will expound upon the same a certain authority of holy Scripture, wherein is showed what a one the King aught to be in his own person, and how he aught to govern his common wealth, for it is not sufficient that the Prince be a good man, but that his common wealth be good: neither is it sufficient that the common wealth be good, but the Prince also be good. In Deutero. 18. Chapter, 
What conditions a good king should have.  God said unto Moses, If the people shall ask thee a King, thou shalt give them one, but beware that the King which thou shalt give them, be natural of the kingdom, that he have not many horses, that he turn not the people into Egipte, that he hold not many wives, that he gather not much treasure, that he be not proud, and that he read in Deuteron. Upon every one of these commandments, to speak what might be said, should be, never to make an end, only we will briefly speak of every of them.  
Before all things God commanded that the Kings should be natural of the kingdom, that is to understand, that he should be an Hebrew circumcised, & no Gentle, for that god would not they should be governed that honoured one God, by those that did believe in many Gods. The Prince to whom it appertaineth to govern Christians, it is convenient he be a good Christian: and the signs of a good Christian are these, 
The good king doth forget his own injuries, and doth chastise the offences to God.  when the offences to God he doth chastise, and his own he doth forget. Then is the Prince natural of the kingdom, when he doth observe and defend the Gospel of Christ. For to speak according to truth, and also with liberty, he doth not deserve to be king, which is not zealous of God's law. God also commands the Prince not to have many horses, that is to say, that he wast not the treasure of the common wealth in superfluous cost, in maintaining a great house, and in sustaining a great sumptuous train of horses, for unto the Christian Prince it is more sound counsel, rather to seed a few men, than to have many horses.  
Notwithstanding I will not say but that in the houses of Kings and of high Princes, many must enter, 
In palace more is spoiled than spent.  many must serve; many must live, and many must eat: but that which is to be reprehended is this: that many times more is spoiled than is spent. If in the Courts of Princes there were not so many horses in the stable, so many hawks in the mewe, so many gibers in chambers, so many vagabonds in palace, and so great disorder in expenses, I am sure, 
The disordinate expenses of the mighty is to bring necessity.  that neither should they so go overcharged, either their Subjects so much grieved. God in commanding the Prince not to have many horses, is to forbidden him that he use not excessive expenses: because in deed and in conclusion, they shall give an account unto God of the goods of the common wealth, not as Lords but as tutors. Also God doth command that he which shall be King, do not consent to turn the people into Egypt, that is to say, that he do not permit them to commit Idolatry, ne yet to serve King Pharaoh, for our good God will that we adore him alone for Lord, and that we hold him for our creator. To come out of Egypt is to come out of sin, to turn into Egypt, is to turn into sin, & for this cause the office of a good Prince is, not only to remunerate the virtuous, and such as live well: but also to chastise the wicked and such as live evil. 
The secret is to be remitted to God, but the public offence to be chastised.  It is no other thing to return into Egypt, but boldly, openly, and manifestly to sin, the which the good Prince aught not to consent unto, either with any in like case to dispense, because the secret sins to God, are to be remitted, but those which are manifest the good king aught to chastise. Then doth the Prince suffer any to return into Egypt, when openly he suffereth him to live in sin: that is to say, to pass his life in envious revenging, to hold by force that which is due to an other, to be given to follow the lusts of the flesh, and to dare to renew his old age into wanton affections, in which the Prince doth so much offend God, that although he be no companion in the fault, yet in the world to come, he shall not escape to be partaker of the pain. For a king to govern well in his kingdom, ought to be asmuch feared of the evil, 
The good king aught to impart his goods, but not his conscience.  as beloved of the good. And if by chance any be in his house that is in favour that is a quarreler, or any servant that is vicious, I deny not, but unto such a one, he may impart of his goods, but not with his conscience. Also God commandeth him which shall be king, that he hold not in his company many women, that is to understand, he shall content himself with his Queen, with whom he is married, without ungodly acquaintance with any other, for the great Princes and mighty potentates do more offend God, with ill example they give, than with the faults they commit. Of David, of Achab, of Assa, and of jeroboam, the scriptures do not so much complain of their sins, as of the occasion they gave unto others to sin: 
Princes are more viewed and more accused than the rest.  because very seldom we see the people in awe of correction when their lord is vicious. As Princes be more high and also mightier than the rest, even so are they more beheld & also more viewed than others. And for this cause according to my judgement, if they be not chaste yet at the lest they should be more secret. Among the heap of sins this may be one wherewith God is not a little offended. And on the other part, it is wherewith the common wealth receiveth most slander: for in cases of honour, none will that they haunt his house, request his wife or deflower his daughter. The writers of histories do much praise Alexander the great, Scipio the African, Marcus Aurelius, the great Augustus, & the good Traian, which only used not to force women in liberty, but did not so much as touch such as were their captives & taken in battle: and truly they were justly praised for virtuous men. For it proceedeth of a more noble courage to resist a prepared vice, than to give an onset upon a camp of great power.  
Also God doth command him, which shall be king, that he hoard not up much treasure, that he be not scarce, or a niggard, for the office of the merchant is to keep, but of a King to give and to be liberal. In Alexander the great is much more praised the largeness be used in giving, than his potency in fight: the which doth clearly appear, when we will praise any man, we do not say, he is mighty as Alexander, but frank as Alexander. To the contrary of this, Suetonius writeth of the Emperor Vespasian, the which of pure misery, nigardship, and covetousness, commanded in Rome to be made public places to receive urine, not to keep the City more sweet, but to the end that they should give him more rent.  
The divine Plato did counsel the athenans in his books of a good common wealth, 
The conditions of a good king.  that the governor which they had to choose, should be just in his judgements, true of his word, constant in that he takes in hand, secret in that he understandeth, large and bountiful in giving. Princes and great potentates for their power they be feared, and for their magnificent liberality they are beloved. But in deed and in the end, few follow the king, not only for that his conditions be good, but because they think his giving is much and very noble.  
God's commanding in his law, that the Prince shall not hoard up treasures, is no other thing to say, but that all shall serve him of good will, and that be use toward all men of his liberality: for that many times it doth happen, that the Prince in being uncheerful in giving, it cometh to pass in process that very few have any mind to gratify or serve him. Also God commanded the king that should govern his people, that he should not be proud, tha● he should always read in Deuteronomie, which is the Book of the Law. And because we have already made a large discourse, we will leave the exposition of these two words for an other day. There resteth, that we pray unto the Lord, to give your Majesty his grace, and unto you and us his glory, to the which jesus Christ bring us. Amen.    

A discourse or conference with the Emperor, upon certain most ancient stamps in Metals, the which he commanded the Author to read and to expound, wherein are touched many antiquities.  
S. C. C. R. M.  

Prince's aught so to recreate themselves, that thereof rise none offence.  SO great be the affairs of Princes, and so much laden with studious cares, that hardly remaineth time to sleep, or eat, much less to recreate or joy themselves with gladsome pastime. Our forces are so small, our judgement so weak, our appetite so variable, and our desires so disordinate, that sometime it is necessary, and also profitable, to give place to the humanity to be recreated: upon condition, that the truth be not put to flight or weakened. The sensuality makes us war with his vices. Reason fighteth with our wickedness. Our body contendeth with his appetites. The heart striveth with his desires. For which cause it is necessary to give place to the one, that they bring us not to our end, and to dissemble with the other, that they lead us not to despair. 
Prince's aught to limit their recreations.  This I say to your imperial Majesty, for the magnificent means which your excellency used to pass the time, when it pleased you to command that I should be called to your chamber & presence. And for a troth, the recreation of princes aught so to be measured & limited, that they may recreate without offence to the world. Arsacidas king of the Bactrians, his pastime was to knit fishing nets: of king Artaxerxes, to spin: And of Arthabanus king of Hircans, to arm for Rats. And of Viantus King of Lydians, to fish Frogs. And of the Emperor Domitianus, to chase Flies. Princes (having their times so limited, & also of all men so beholden and considered,) that employ themselves in such pastimes and vanities, we cannot well say that therein they pass their times, but lose their times. The case is this, that your Majesty presently after you felt yourself delivered of your quartain, commanded to be set before you a certain little table, all full of stamped metals, aswell of gold, as silver, of brass, as also of Iron. A thing surely worth the beholding, and much to be praised. I did not a little delight, in seeing your Majesty take pleasure in beholding the faces of those metals, in reading the letters they held, and in examining the devices they did contain. All which things might not easily be read, and much less understood. There were amongst those stamped metals, certain that were Greek, some Latin, some Caldée, some Arabic, some Gothick, and other some high Dutch: your Majesty commanded me to view them, read them, and the most notable to expound: assuredly the commandment was directed very justly, and in me more than another most aptly employed. For being (as I am) your imperial Chronicler, it is my part to tender account of the things you shall doubt, and to declare the meaning of that which you read. I have viewed them, read them, and studied them: and although some of them be very hard to be read, and very difficult to be understood, I will travail with such plainness to declare them, and every parcel so diligently to examine and distinguish, that not only your Majesty may understand to read the stamp, but also comprehend the blazon and original thereof.  
It is to be understood, that the Romans more than all other nations were covetous of riches, and ambitious of honours: whereby it came to pass, that to have to spend, and to magnify their names, they held wars six hundredth and forty years, with all nations and kingdoms. In two things the Romans did travel to leave and perpetuate their memory, that is to wit, in buildings they made, and in their Coins they did grave or stamp: neither did they allow the graving or stamping of any money, but unto him that had overcome some famous battle, or done some notable thing in the common wealth. The buildings they most used to make, were walls for Cities, causeys in high ways, Bridges over Rivers, fountains artificially made, statues or great pictures over gates, Baths for the people, arches for their triumphs, and Temples for their Gods. Much time passed in the Empire of Rome, wherein the Romans had no money but of brass or of iron. 
In the ancient times iron was used in coin.  Whereof it proceedeth that the true and most ancient metals be not of gold but of Iron. For the first coin that was made to be melted in Rome of gold, was in the time of Scipio the African. The ancient Romans used to stamp or grave on the one side of their money, their faces drawn most natural, and on the other, the kingdoms they had overcome, the offices they had held, and the laws they had made.  
And for that it shall not seem that I speak at large or of favour, it is reason I give account of all I have said. The letters of one of these stamped metals doth say, Pboro. dact. Leg. Your Majesty hath to understand, that this stamp is the most ancient that ever I saw or red, which appeareth very well by the metal it is made of, & by the letter it is written in: for declaration whereof, it is to be understood, there have been seven which invented to give laws to the world, that is to wit, Moses, that gave laws to the Hebrews, Solon to the Athenians, Lycurgus to the Lacedæmonians, Asclepius to the Rhodians, Numa Pompilius to the Romans, and Phoroneus to the Egyptians. This Phoroneus was King of Egypt before that joseph the son of jacob was borne. And as Diodorus Siculus doth say, he was a King very just, virtuous, honest, and wise. This was he that first gave laws in Egypt, and also (as it is thought) in all the world, whereof it doth proceed, that all counsellors and Lawyers of Rome did call the laws that were just, and most just, Forum, in memory of king Phoroneus. And so the letters of this metal would thus much say: This is King Phoroneus, which gave laws to the Egyptians. The letters of the other stamp, Genuci. D. vi. Leg. For the understanding of this stamp, it is to be considered, that the Romans conceived so great shame and disdain of the filthiness of king Tarquin committed with chaste Lucrece, that only they would not, that in Rome there should be any more kings, but also that the name of king, and the laws of kings, should for evermore be banished, and in the common wealth forgotten.  
So the Romans not meaning to obey the laws they had received of their good King Numa Pompilius, sent a most solemn embassage to Grecia, to bring them the laws that the Philosopher Solon had given to the Athenians. Which being brought to Rome accepted, and observed, were afterwards entitled the laws of the twelve tables. The Ambassadors that were sent to bring these laws from Greece, were ten most sapient Romans, whose names are Apias, Genutius, Sextus, Veturius, julius, Mannilius, Sulpicius, Curius, Romulus, Postumus: and because Genutius was one of those ten notable men, & for that great act so famous, he stamped those words on the one side of his money. The which would say: this is the Consul Genutius, one of the ten men of Rome, that was sent for the laws of Greece. The words of the other stamp following are Con, Quir, Ius, Mos, Lemot, Obs. To explain these words which are very dark, it is to be understood, that all the laws of this world, are reduced from three manner of laws, which is to wit, 
It is to be noted that all laws are reduced from three laws.  Ius naturale, lex condita, & mos antiquus. That which in the old time was called the Law of Nature, is, That thou wish not for another, which thou wilt not for thyself: & also to shun evil, & approach to do well, which is not to be learned by lesson, but by reason. Lex condita are the laws that kings have made in their Kingdoms, and Emperors in their Empires: Some of the which consist in Reason, and other some in opinion. Mos antiquus is, when a Custom by little and little is brought in amongst the people: the force whereof dependeth upon the well or evil observing thereof. Of the above said it is to be gathered, we call Ius naturale the law which reason doth direct: we name Lex Condita, which is ordained and written: and we term Mos antiquus, the custom of long time used, and presently observed: this presupposed the letters of this stamp do signify, 
Seven manner of ancient laws.  This is the Consul Quirinus, the which in the time of his Consulship, did observe, and caused to be observed, that which right requireth, law commandeth, and custom hath brought in.  
The words of the other stamp are these: Popil. Con. Iu. Mill. fecc. for the understanding of these words is to be understood, that the ancient Lawyers did ordain seven manner of Laws, which is to wit, Ius gentium, Ius civil, Ius consularis, Ius publicum, Ius quiritum, Ius militare, & Ius magistratum.  
In the old time, they did call Ius Gentium, to occupy that which had no owner, to defend the Country, to die for the liberty, to endeavour to possess more than others, and to be of more ability than the rest. This was named ius Gentium, because in all Kingdoms and Nations, greeks, Latins, and Barbarians, this manner of living was used and observed.  
Ius Civil was the order and manner in old days, to form their pleas in law, that is to wit, to cite, answer, accuse, prove, deny, allege, relate, to give sentence, and to execute: to the end each one might obtain by justice, that which was taken by force.  
Ius Consulare, was, such orders, as the Consuls of Rome did use amongst themselves, for themselves: which is to say, of what number they should be, what garments they should wear, 
Laws only for Roman Senators.  what company they should keep, where they should congregate, and how many hours they should assemble, of what things they should confer, how they should live, and to how much goods they should attain.  
This Ius Consulare did serve but for the Roman Consuls that were resident in Rome, for notwithstanding there were Consuls in Capua, they would not consent they should live as those of the Senate of Rome.  
Ius Quiritum, was the laws and privileges that the Roman Gentlemen did use or enjoy, that did live within the compass of Rome, or had the privilege of a Roman Gentleman: which is to say, that the Gentlemen and knights of Rome had four names: that is to understand, Patricios, Veteranos, Milites, & Quirites. The which four names, according to the variety of the time was given them.  
The privilege or law Quiritum, that the Knights of Rome enjoyed, was, that they might sit in the temples, they might not be arrested for debt, or pay for lodging, or provender where they went, to be maintained by the common treasure if they become poor, to make a testament without witness, not to be accused but in Rome, to pay no impost in time of tribute, and also that they might be buried in an high Tomb. All these pre-eminences no gentleman did enjoy, but only such as were Citizens of Rome.  
Ius Publicum, was the ordinances and constitutions, that every people in particular did use amongst themselves and for themselves: that is to say, how they should repair their walls, conserve their waters, measure their streets, build their houses, provide necessary things, to have store houses, to gather money, to make their mischiefs, to watch their cities. They called these ordinances Ius Publicum, because they were made by all, and observed by all.  
Ius Militare, was the laws that the ancient Romans made, 
The laws for war, they used in Rome.  for the times that kingdoms did break peace, and entered into wars one with the other, because they esteemed much to be wise in government, and to fight as men determined in order. The laws of Ius militare were how to proclaim wars, to confirm peace, to take truce, to levy their soldiers, too pay their Camp, to give order for their watches, too make their trenches, to give battle, to retire their host, to redeem prisoners, and how the Conquerors should triumph.  
They called these laws Ius militare, which is to say, the order of Knights, because they served no further, but too give order unto those that did follow the wars, and with arms did defend the common wealth.  
Coming now to the exposition of the stamp, it is too be understood, that in the days of the first Roman Dictator Quintus Cincinatus, there was also in Rome a certain Roman Consul named Popilius Vastus, a man very well learned, and no less expert in arms. This Consul Popilius made laws to be observed in wars, and gave it in stamp in his money: that which is contained in the stamp before rehearsed in the letters, 
The first that made laws for wars.  hath this signification: This is the Consul Popilius, which made laws for the captains, that should go to the wars for defence of the common wealth.  
Also it may please your Majesty to understand, that if any Prince or Roman Consul, did chance to make any law either necessary or very profitable for the people, they did use for custom, to entitle that law by the name of him that did invent and ordain the same: for that in the worlds to come it might be known who was the author thereof, and also when it was made. After this manner, the law that they made to eat with doors open, was called Caesaria. The law that Pompey made too give tutors to Orphans, was named Pompeia. The law that Cornelius made for parting of fields, was entitled Cornelia. The law that Augustus made to take no tribute but for the profit of the common wealth, was written Augusta. The law that the Consul Falcidias made, that none might buy the dowry of any other man's wife, was nominated Falcidia. The law that the Dictator Aquilius made, that no Roman should be put to death within Rome, was cleped Aquilia. The law that the Censor Sempronius made, that none might disinherit his son, but if he were a traitor to the Empire of Rome, was termed Sempronia.  
The words do follow of the other stamp Rusti, pry, tris, ple. For the understanding of these words, it is to be noted, that the order which the Romans did use in creating dignities and offices, was as followeth: First they had Kings, afterward Decemuiri, then Triumuiri, after that consuls, and then Censores, then Dictator's, afterwards Tribunes, and lastly Emperors. Of their Kings there were but seven, their Decemuiri endured ten years, their Triumuri continued forty years, their Consuls four hundredth thirty and four years, their Censor one year, their Dictator half a year: their Tribune three years. That which we call the procurer of the people, the ancient Romans did name the Tribune of the people, whose office was, every day to enter into the Senate, and to procure the causes of the people: and in such business as did not like him, he had authority to stand for the poor, and to resist the Senators. And for that the office of Tribune was always against the Senate, and thereby passed his life in peril, it was a law made and capitulate by the Lawyers and Senators, that what soever man or woman did violently press to his person or unto his garment to offend him, publicly they cut off his head.  
And be it known to your Majesty, 
The procurer of the people was most privileged in Rome.  that many Roman Princes did procure to be chosen Tribune of the people, not for the interest they received by that dignity, but for the security they had with the same: because not only they might not kill them, either in their clotheses so much as touch them. The first Tribune that was in Rome was a certain Roman named Rusticius, a man of a very sincere life, and marvelous zealous of his common wealth. This Rusticuis was, and this dignity created, betwixt the first and the second Punic battles, in the time that Silla and Marius did lead great bands in Rome, and did spoil the common wealth. Thus much the letters of the stamp would say, This is the good Consul Rusticius the which was the first Tribune that was in the Empire of Rome. Your Majesty amongst these hath many other stamps, the which being easy and facile to read, and clear to understand, I shall not need to spend the time too expound them.   

A certain relation unto Queen Germana, declaring the life and laws of the Philosopher Lycurgus.  
MOst high and serene Lady, this Sunday passed, after I had preached before your highness the Sermon of the destruction of jerusalem, ye commanded I should recite, and also give in writing, who was that great Philosopher Lycurgus, whose life I praised, & whose laws I alleged. In repayment of my travel, and to bind me the more unto your service, you commanded I should dine at your table, and also gave me a rich clock for my study. For so small a matter as your highness doth command, neither it needed ye should feast me, either give me so great rewards: for that I attain more honour and bounty in that ye command, than your highness doth receive service in the thing I shall accomplish. 
We receive liberality from the Prince, when he commandeth to serve.  To say the truth, I had thought rather ye had slept in the sermon (the curtains drawn) but since ye command, I shall recite that which I said of the Philosopher Lycurgus, it is a sign ye heard the whole Sermon, and also noted the same. And since it pleaseth your highness, that the Ladies and dames that serve you, and the gallants & Courtiers that attend upon you be present at this communication, that ye command them that they be not gibing, either making of signs: for they have sworn to trouble me, or to put me from my matter. But coming to the purpose, it is to wit, that in the first reigns of this world, when Sardanapalus reigned in Assiria, Osias in jury, Tesplus in Macedonia, Phocas amongst the greeks, Alchimus amongst the Latins, Arthabanes amongst the Egyptians, Lycurgus was borne amongst the Lacedæmonians.  
This good Lycurgus was jointly Philosopher and King: & King and Philosopher: because in those Golden times, either Philosophers did govern, either else Governors did use Philosophy. 
Note the great virtues of the Philosopher Lycurgus.  plutarch doth say of this Lycurgus, that he was low of stature, pale of colour, a friend of silence, an enemy of vain talk: a man of small health, & of great virtue. He was never noted of dishonesty, he never troubled the common wealth, he did never revenge injury, he did never thing against justice, either against any man did use malicious words. He was in feeding temperate, in drinking sober, in giving liberal, in receiving of consideration, in sleeping short, in his speech reposed, in business affable, in hearing patiented, prompt in expedition, gentle in chastisement, and benign in pardoning. Being a child was brought up in Thebes, being a young man he did study in Athens, and in the time of more years he passed into the great India, & afterwards being old was king of the Lacedæmonians, which also were called Spartans, which of nation were greeks, and of condition very barbarous. For excellency, it is recounted of him, that they never saw him idle, he never drank wine, never travailed on horseback, never chid with any man, never did hurt to his enemies, neither at any time was ingrate to his friends. He himself went to the temples, he himself did offer the Sacrifices, he himself did read in schools, he himself did hear complaints, he himself gave sentence in causes of the law, he himself did cause to give chastisement to offenders. This Lycurgus was of a valiant mind in wars, of great devise in time of peril, certain in things determined, severe with rebels, in sudden assaults of great readiness, affable with offenders, & a mortal enemy of vagabonds. They say that this Philosopher did invent the Olympiad's, which were certain plays used every fourth year in the mountain Olympus, to the end that all should give themselves to study, or to learn some Art, because in that assembly which there they used, every man made a proof of his knowledge, and the spirit that was given him. Lycurgus was the first that gave laws to the Spartans, which afterwards were called Lacedæmonians: which is to understand, before Solon, and Numa Pompilius.  
And also it is written of him, that he was the first that invented in Greece, to have public or common houses founded at the charges of the common wealth, & also endued, where the sick might be cured, & the poor refreshed. Before the days of Lycurgus, the Lacedæmonians were a people very absolute, & also dissolute: for which cause the good Philosopher did pass immeasurable travels, & no less perils amongst than, before they would be governed by a King, or live under a law. On a certain day before all the people, he took two little dogs new whelped, the one of the which he fed in his own house very fair & fat: the other he commanded to be brought up in a country house, 
Of him that brought up one dog fat in idleness and in the house, & the other in the field.  with hunger, & to use the fields. These dogs being thus brought up, he commanded them to be brought to the market place, in the presence of the whole multitude, & throwing before them a live Hare, & a great piece of flesh: presently the country dog ran after the Hare, and the pampered dog to the flesh. Then said Lycurgus, you are witnesses that these two dogs were whelped in one day and in one hour, in one place, of one Sire & Dam. And for that the one was brought up in the field, he ran after the Hare: and the other that was brought up in idleness, ran to his meat. Believe me ye Lacedæmonians, 
To be good, it doth much profit to be well brought up.  & be out of doubt, that to prove good & virtuous, it importeth much, from the infancy to be well governed and brought up: for we retain much more of the customs wherewith we be bred, them of the inclinations wherewith we be borne.  
Lycurgus coming to his old age, commanded to call all the Noble and most principal of his kingdom, and being gathered together at the doors of his Temple, said these words: I have known many years since, how ye go complaining and blaming me and my laws, affirming & swearing that they are very sharp to be observed, and intolerable to be accomplished, and that jointly by my death there may end both the law and the law giver, I will go to the isle of Delphos, to consult with the God Apollo, if these my laws be just or unjust, and by the same God I do swear, to stand to that which he shall say, and to perform what he shall command. Therefore, o ye Lacedæmonians, it is convenient, that all you jointly do swear in this holy temple, that until I return either alive or dead from the God Apollo, you shall not break the laws that you have sworn, the good God Apollo being witness. This good King and Philosopher departed, minding never to return from the isle of Delphos, and provided before he should die, a great chest of lead, wherein they should enclose him, and cast him into the depth of the Sea, at the instant that his life should departed.  
Very worthy is Lycurgus to be praised, in that he would banish himself from his own Country, unto the end his common wealth should remain bound unto good Laws.  
And the Lacedæmonians are much to be commended, that have so kept their oath, as if Lycurgus were alive. Behold most serene Lady, the life that the philosopher led. Now we shall recite the laws he did ordain, the which although they were many and very good, yet we shall here repeat but some.  

The laws that Lycurgus gave to the Lacedæmonians.  
LIcurgus did ordain and command, that all the hills, pastures and méedes, houses & inheritances should be parted, and equally divided, to avoid tyrants for being to rich, and the poor from complaints. He did ordain and command, that if any were vicious or idle in tilling his land, or in using his inheritance, that he should not cell his land to another, without selling himself to be slave therewith. All the Gold, the Silver, the Copper, the Tin, and the Lead, he did give to the Temples where his Gods were worshipped, only he did reserve the metal of iron, wherewith the people of his kingdom might ear their fields, and resist their enemies. The children that were borne fools, dumb, blind, deaf, counterfeit or lame, he commanded their fathers to commend them to be sacrificed, saying, that in their creation, either the Gods were negligent, or else nature erred. Also amongst them he did forbidden banqueting, affirming, that men lost there their judgement with drinking, their gravity with babbling, and their health with eating. He did permit, that nine persons should feast together, in the reverence of the nine Muses: but upon this condition, that if they would talk, they should drink no wine, and if they used silence, they gave them wine to drink.  
Their Vines were not planted to drink in time of health, but to cure in time of sickness: in such wise, that they sold not wine in Taverns, but in apothecaries shops. They held schools for children to learn, but no studies to learn Philosophy: for he held opinion, that such as govern the common wealth, aught not too be of those that read Philosophy, but such as did perform it in manner of life, neither did they consent that any Coin should be currant amongst them, but did make exchange, wheat for bread, wine for cloth, cloth for oil, and so of all other things, in such wise they changed, but bought not. From the return of the battle Marathon, certain Lacedaemonian soldiers brought home money coined, wherefore the Magistrates of the common wealth determined to drown the money, and to hung the men. Alcamenus and Theopontus, two famous Kings that were before Lycurgus received answer from the Oracle of Apollo, that only for the vice of covetousness their common wealth should be destroyed. Also amongst them, the use of navigation was forbidden, as well for the wars as for their traffic, because they held opinion, that mariners did never serve GOD, neither were subject too laws. Also to no woman did they give anything in marriage: wherefore, commonly the women did seek the men of most wealth: and the men did choose the women of most virtue. In such sort, that amongst the Lacedæmonians, none were left unmarried for their poverty, but for their lewdness and want of virtue.  
As concerning any craft's man that did live in their common wealth, he must exercise his Art according to the ancient fashion of the country. And if it chanced any to attempt any novelty, or new invention, they did banish the Master and abolish the devise. Five things they were commanded to observe, the which were publicly cried with a loud voice every day, after this manner.  

A notable proclamation daily made.  It is commanded by the Senate of Licaonia, that thou shalt bear honour and reverence to the Gods, that thou be patient in adversities, that thou give obedience unto the judges, that thou accustom thyself to travail, that thou return from the wars victorious, either else dead. In one whole year they might not wear but one new garment, and if any man needed any other garment, he must not only have leave, but also show wherewith he must buy the same. 
A right worthy search.  In certain prefixed times the judges did search the houses, and if they by chance found spyld bread, rotten wheat, garments moth eaten, flesh corrupted, and such other things spoiled, they were not only reprehended, but publicly whipped: advertising the employment thereof much more convenient to the relief of the poor, than utterly to be lost. Being demanded why he had forbidden hot houses, baths, and ointments, answered: 
Baths and ointments forbidden.  that baths did inféeble the vigour and strength of the members, and ointments did revive vices. Amber grece, Musk, Storax, Sivet, Beniamim, and all kind of perfumes amongst them were forbidden: affirming it to be no less infamy for a man to be perfumed, than for a woman to be manifestly wicked.  
And until the time that men were married, or of thirty years of age, they did never feed or take repast but standing, neither sleep but upon the leaves of Canes: giving therein to understand, to avoid both delay and excess of sleep, and of meat. 
The authority of old men.  The ancient men had liberty to inquire of young men that passed by, whither goest thou? and what to do? And if they answered to do any good thing, they let them pass, but if otherwise, the old men might both reprehend, & also detain them.  
If any young man committed any dishonesty in the presence of an old man, without let or reprehension, he himself was chastised, and the young man absolved. And if it fortuned any man to be taken for an offender, in the market place he was set aloft upon a Pillar, where he ended his miserable days: holding opinion, to be inhuman to kill a man with Iron, but to permit him to languish that is wicked, to be a thing most just. The disobedient son was chastised, and afterwards disinherited. When any young man did encounter with an old man, if he were set, he did rise & salute him: and if he were alone, 
The disobedient son both chastised and disinherited.  he did accompany him, and if he were negligent herein, the judges did chasten him, and the people did reprehend him. Their commonalty and fraternity was so great, that the nature of their children, the order of their servants, and the commandment of their slaves were indifferent. 
A friend by fraternity.  It was permitted amongst them to use thefts, not that they had estimation thereof, but to yield unto men skill, advise, and policy. For if by chance he were taken with the manner, he was openly punished: also the cause of the permission thereof was, to move men to be careful of their goods. In their feeding and diet they were very sober and temperate, taking refection only to live, and to sustain life. For it was Liourgus' opinion, that the fat & gluttonous man, was of gross judgement, and of unable and unhealthy body. They used to sing with great delight, and no small friends of musical instruments, for they held opinion, that the sweetness of music did recreate the spirits, and the heart did undertake to love. They used no other songs but such as were invented to the praise of glorious personages, that finished their days in great nobleness: or else to the dispraise of the wicked. They might not permit or endure in their music, more than in the rest, any new invention. 
New invention, and the inventors banished.  Therpandar, in those days the most famous physician, for that he invented to add an other string to a certain Instrument, was banished, and his instrument broken too shivers. To avoid the great superstitions that in ancient time were used in building of sepulchres, 
An honour used to the dead that valiantly died in the wars.  it was forbidden to bury any more in the fields, but near unto the Church. It was not permitted unto any person too raise up any sumptuous Sepulchre, but unto such, as in time of peace did govern the common wealth, or valiantly had died in the wars. The Lacedæmonians were so great enemies to admit novelties in their common wealth, that they neither permitted strangers to enter, or their people to wander into strange countries: doubting to be entangled with new fashions and customs. The father that gave no learning unto his child in his youth, did loose that succour that in his old age was due unto him. Three things were in great estimation among them, which is to wit: slaves too travel, Hounds to hunt, and horse for the wars. As touching things to be eaten, I mean fruit, herbs, and roots, was common to all men to eat at full, but not to carry to their houses. Their apparel, which they used too wear in the wars, was died with the juice of Grapes, to the end the blood of the maimed, should be no dismay to the rest. The prayers they made unto their Gods, was to entreat them, to dissemble their injuries, and to remunerate their service they did unto them.  
When they went to the wars, they did sacrifice a For unto the God Mars, and at the instant to give battle, they did sacrifice an Ox: To give the Captain to understand, that they aught not only to be strong as a Bull, but also subtle, wise, and provident as a Fox. They painted their Gods, some with a blunt lance, and other some with a naked sword: to give advertisement, that the Gods did chastise some, and but threaten others. Their usage was not to crave any thing of their Gods, that was not of importance: affirming that all other small matters, were to be obtained by man's industry. justice was so much observed amongst them, that they used no locks to their Coffers, neither bolts to their doors. It was not permitted amongst them, that one man should use many faculties or occupations: And for that the Philosopher Chrisiphont, reported in his Oration, that in every Art he knew somewhat, they banished him, affirming that he could not prove a perfect Philosopher, that studied Sciences general.    

A letter unto Sir Alonso Manrique, Archbishop of Civil, and to Sir Antonio Manrique, Duke of Naiara, for that they did choose the Author, for judge in a contention. A matter very notable.  
MOst high & mighty Princes, sir john Manrique gave me ij-letters from your honours, signed & sealed wherein you gave me to understand how you had choose me for your censor & judge upon a certain doubt wherein both have doubted, and sufficiently contended. I my Lords, do accept the same, and do declare myself for your judge in this behalf, upon such condition, that neither of you appeal from the sentence, and further, that ye pay the costs of the process, and the penalty ye shall be condemned in. But first I do note and blame your Honours, and in a manner reprehend, that such contention should rise betwixt you, for that between so high personages, conference is admitted, but contention utterly condemned. Nobleness and contention did never accompany in one generous parsonage, which is not so in the ignorant & contendor, having between themselves so great parentage. 
Gentlemen may comen, but not contend  It is convenient to the Philosophers, to prove, to prosecute, and to maintain all that which they shall speak: but to the good Knight it doth not appertain to contend, but to defend. The Knight that is of a noble mind, 
For what causes a Gentleman may be inflamed with choler.  valiant, and of courage, his choler is never inflamed, but in drawing of his sword. For he proveth very seldom valiant, that is given to be a brabbler.  
But coming to the purpose, your Honours do writ, that all your contention hath risen for the verifying, and the understanding, which of these two Cities hath been Numantia: that is to wit, Ciquentia, or else Monviedro. Likewise you writ, you have not only contended, but also have waged a good Mule for him in whose favour the sentence shall be given. Speaking with such consideration as is due to so high personages, if the one do no better understand to pray, and the other to give battle, than ye understand in Chronicles and ancient histories, in vain is the one Archbishop of Civil, and the other Duke of Naiara.  

Helia is now jerusalem, and Byzantio is Constantinople.  How much distance is betwixt Helia and Thiro, from Bizantio to Mephis, from Rome to Carthage, from Agrippina to Gades: so much is betwixt the city of Numantia and Sagunto: because the most ancient Numantia: was founded in Castille: and the generous city of Sagunto, was situate near to Valentia. Numantia & Sagunto were two most ancient & famous Cities, and very much renowned and celebrated in Spain: in opinions contrary, in kingdoms divers, in situations different, in names discordant, and also in conditions variable: for Sagunto was founded of the greeks, and Numantia of the Romans. The City of Sagunto was always friend and allied with the Romans, & mortal enemy to the Carthagians. But the City of Numantia, neither was friend to the one, or confederate with the other: for they never gave obedience to any, but always made a Seignory of itself.  
The seat of the City of Sagunto, was four leagues from Valentia, where is now Monviedro: & he that shall say, that, which we call now in Castille Ciguenca, was in time past the City Sagunto: it shall be because he dreamt it, & not to have read it. Being Inquisitor of Valentia, I was many times at Monviedro, as well to visit the Christians, as to baptize the Moors. And considering the sharpness of the place, the antiquity of the walls, the greatness of the college, the distance from the Sea, the stateliness of the buildings, and the monstrousenesse of the sepulchres, there is none, but he may understand that to be Monviedro, which was Sagunto, and that which was Sagunto is now Monviedro. In the fields of Monviedro and in the ruinous buildings that be there at these days, there are found many stones engraven, and many ancient Epitaphs of the Hannibals, & of the Hasdrubal'S that died there in the siege of Sagunto: the which were two lineages of Carthage, very notable of blood, and also famous in arms. Near to Monviedro there is a certain place, that in those days was called Turditanoes, & is now named Torres torres: & for that they were mortal enemies of the Saguntines, Hannibal put himself in with them, and from thence did make his battery, & did throw down & burn the city of Sagunto: not succoured then of the Romans, or ever after re-edified.  
Behold here my Lords, how your contention was, which was Sagunto, and not which was Numantia: So that Soria and Samorra doth rather give doubt, which was Numantia, and Monviedro and Sigentia, which was Sagunto. But the resolution and conclusion of all the aforesaid, considering the merits of the process, and what either party hath alleged for himself, I do say and declare by my definitive sentence, that the Archbishop of Civil, did fail, and the Duke of Naiara did err: in the thing that both did contend, and lay their wager. And I condemn either of them in a good Mule, to be employed upon him that shall declare which was the great Numantia.  
I my Lords will now recount and declare which was that City Numantia, and also say, who was the founder thereof, where it was fonnded, how it was founded, and what time it lasted, and also how it was destroyed, for that it is an history very delectable to read, worthy to be understood, pleasant to recount, and lamentable to hear.  

Which was the great City Numantia in Spain.  
THe City of Numantia, was founded by Numa Pompilius, 
Numantia was named of Numa Pompilius.  the second king of Romans, in the fifty and eight year after the foundation of Rome, and in the eighteenth year of his reign, in such sort, for that the founder thereof was called Numa, it was named Numantia. In the old time they did much use to name their Cities they builded by their own proper names, as jerusalem of Salem, Antioch of Antiochus, Constantinople of Constantine: Alexandria of Alexander, Rome of Romulus, and Numantia of Numa. Only seven Kings there were of Romans: The first of the which, was Romulus, & the seventh was Tarquin, of these seven the most excellent of them all was this Numa Pompilius, for he was the first that brought the Gods into Rome, he did enclose the vestal Virgins, builded the temples, and gave laws to the Romans. The situation of this City was near the river of Dwero, and not far from the head of the same, and it was set upon the height of an hill, and this height was not of a Rock, but upon a certain plain. Neither was it towered within, nor walled without, onel● it was compassed about with a broad deep disch●… was inhabited with more than five, and less than six thousand households, two parts of the which did follow the wars, and the third part their tillage and labour. Among them exercise was much praised, and idleness greatly condemn, & which is more, not covetous of goods, and yet very ambitious of honour. The Numantines of their natural condition, were more phlegmatic than choleric, suffering, dissembling, subtle, and of great activity: in such wise that that which they did at one time dissemble, at another they did revenge. In their City there was but one craft's man, & that was the Smith: Goldsmiths, Silkworkers, Drapers, Fruters, Taverners, Fishmongers, Butchers, & such like, they would not consent to live amongst them: For all such things every man aught to have in his own house, & not to seek them in the common wealth.  
They were so valiant, and so doughty, in the affairs of war, that they never saw any Numantine turn his bark, 
The Numantines in the wars did rather die than flee.  or receive any wound in the same, in such wise that they did rather determine to die than to flee. They could not go a warfare without licence of their common wealth, and those also must go altogether and follow one quarrel, for otherwise if one Numantine did kill another Numantine, the murderer afterwards was put to death by the common wealth. Four kind of people the Romans had very fierce to tame, and very warlike to fight, that is to wit, the Mirmidones which were those of Merida, the Gauditanes, which were those of Calis, the Saguntines, which were those of Monviedro, and the Numantines, which were those of Soria. The difference amongst these was, that the Myrmidons were strong, they of Calis valiant, the Saguntines fortunate, but the Numantines were strong, valiant, and fortunate. Fabatus, Metellus, Sertorius, Pompeius, Caesar, Sextus Patroclus, & all the other Roman Captains, that by the space of one hundred and four score years held wars in Spain, did never conquer the Numantines, neither at any time had to do with them.  
Among all the Cities of this world, only Numantia did never acknowledge her better, or kiss the hands of any other for lord. This Numantia was somewhat Rocky, half compassed, with out-towers, not very well inhabited, and less rich. With all this, none durst hold her for enemy, but for confederate: and this was the cause, for that the Fortune of the Numantines was much more than the power of the Romans. In the wars between Rome and Carthage, Caesar and Pompey, Silla and Marius, there was no King, or kingdom in the world, that did not follow one of those parts and against the other did not fight, except the proud Numantia: which always made answer to those that did persuade her to follow their opinion, that, not she of others, but others of her, aught to make a head. In the first Punick wars, never would the Numantines follow the Carthaginians, or favour the Romans: for which occasion (or too say better) without any occasion, the Romans determined to make war upon the Numantines, not for any fear they had of their power, but for envy of their great fortune. Fouretene years continually, the Romans besieged the Numantines, 
Rome was envious of the fortune of Numantia.  in which great was the hurt the Numantines received, but much more marvelous of the Roman Captains that there died. There were slain in that Numantine war Caius Crispus, Trebellius, Pindarus, Rufus, Venustus, Eskaurus, Paulus Pilos, Cincinatus, and Drusius, nine Consuls that were very famous, and Captains of much experience. These nine Consuls being slain, 
Nine consuls were, slain at the siege of Numantia.  with an infinite number of Romans, it happened in the twelfth year of the siege of Numantia, that a Roman Captain named Cneius Fabricius, did ordain and capitulate with the Numantines, that they and the Romans for evermore should be friends, 
The good Captain aught rather lose his life than make an infamous truce.  and in perpetual confederation. And in the mean time, while they sent advertisement thereof to Rome, they confirmed a long truce. But the Romans understanding the whole order, to be greatly to the honour of the Numantines, and to the perpetual infamy of the Romans, they commanded the consuls throat to be cut, and to prosecute the wars. Then in the year following, which was the thirteenth of the siege, the Romans did send the Consul Scipio with a new army to Numantia, the which being come, the first thing he did, was to deliver the Camp from all manner men that were unprofitable, and women that were lewd of disposition: saying that in great armies more hurt is done with prepared vices, than with determined enemies. A year and seven months was Scipio at the siege of Numantia, 
In the wars vice doth more hurt than the enemies.  all which time he never gave battle or skirmish, but only gave order that no succour might come at them, or victuals might enter to them. When a certain Captain demanded of Scipio, why he did not skirmish with those that came forth, neither fight with them within? He made answer: Numantia is so fortunate, & the Numantins so lucky, that we must rather think their fortune to come to an end, than hope to overcome them. Many times the Numantines did sally to fight with the new romans, and it happened one day, that there passed betwixt them so bloody a skirmish, that in an other place, it might be counted for a battle. And in the end, the Romans received such foil, that if the fortune of Scipio had not holpen, that day the name of Rome had ended in Spain. Scipio considering the Numantines to increase in pride, and the romans to discourage, advised to retire his camp more than a mile from the city: because they should give no attempt upon the sudden, and to avoid by the nearness of the place, the hurts that might happen. But in the end the Numantins wanting victuals, and having lost many of their men, did ordain amongst themselves, and did make a vow unto their gods, no day to break their fast, but with the flesh of romans, 
The Numantines did eat the flesh of the Romans  neither to drink water or wine, before they had tasted and drunken the blood of some enemy they had slain. A monstrous thing then to see, as it is now to hear, that even so the Numantins every day went in chase of Romans, as hunters do in hunting Coneys: and with as great appetite they did eat and drink the flesh and blood of enemies, as if it had been shoulders and loins of mutton.  
Very great were the hurts that every day the Consul Scipio received in the stege, because the Numantines like most fierce beasts, 
To fight with a desperate man is no small peril.  with Romans blood imbrued, did not fight as enemies, but as men desperate. Among the Numantines he was holden excused that took any Roman alive, and much less to give him a burial. For at the hour that any were slain, they did take him, slay him, quarter him, and in the shambles did weigh him. In such wise, that a Roman was more (being dead) than alive and ransomed. Very many times Scipio was persuaded, prayed, and importunated of his captains to raise his siege and to ●…urue to Rome: but he would never do it, neither could in any wise abide to hear of it: for at his coming out of Rome, a Nigromantik priest, did advertise him, that he should not dismay, neither retire from that conquest, although in the same he should pass immeasurable perils, because the gods had determined that end of the fortunate Numantia, should be the beginning of all his glory.   

How Scipio did take Numantia.  
SCipio perceiving the Numantins not to be overcome by prayers, neither by arms, he caused to be made (in compass of the city) a stately ditch, the which was in depth seven fathoms, and in breadth five: in such sort, that to the uncomfortable Numantines) neither might there any victuals enter, that they might eat, neither they come out with the enemies to fight. Many times did the Consul Scipio request the Numantines to commend themselves to the clemency of Rome, and that they should credit and give faith unto his words, 
The noble minded had rather die free than live a slave.  to which things they made answer: that since they had lived three hundred and thirty eight years free, they would not now die slaves. Great cries did the women give within the city, great clamours did the Priests make unto their Gods, with great and loud voices did the men exclaim upon Scipio, that he should let them out to fight as men of worthiness, and not to kill them with hunger like wretches. And said more, thou (o Scpio) being a young man of Rome, valiant and bold, considerest not what thou dost, neither do they counsel thee what thou oughtest to do. For to keep us in as thou dost, is but a policy of war, but if thou shouldest overcome us in battle, it should be for thee an immoral glory. But in the end the Numantins seeing themselves so infamously and miserably enclosed, and that now their victuals failed them, the most strongest did join themselves together, and killed all the old men, 
The Numantines did kill their wives and children.  children and women, and did take all the riches of the City and of the temples, and heaped them up in the market place, and gave fire to all parts of the City, and poisoned themselves, in such wise, that the Temples, the houses, the riches, and the persons of Numantia ended all in one day. A monstrous thing it was to see that which the Numantines did while they were alive, and a thing no less fearful which they did when they were a dying: 
Not Numantine taken prisoner.  Because they left to Scipio neither goods to spoil, neither man or woman of whom to triumph. During the time that Numantia was besieged, no Numantin entered into prison, or to any Roman was prisoner, but suffered death before he consented to yield. When the Consul Scipio did see the City burn, and entered the same, & found all the Citizens dead and burned, there came over his heart great heaviness, and out of his eyes he poured out many tears, and said: O right happy Numantia, which the gods willed to have an end, but not to be overcome. 
The continuance of the prosperity of Numantia.  Four hundredth threescore and six years endured the prosperity of the City of Nmantia: For so many years had passed, since the foundation thereof by Numa Pompilius, until it was destroyed by Scipio the African.  
In those old times there were three Cities very enemies and rebels to Rome, that is to wit, Helia in Asia, Carthage in Africa, and Numantia in Europa, the which three were utterly destroyed, but by the romans never possessed or inhabited. The Prince jugurth of the age of xxij years came from Africa to the wars of Numantia, in favour of Scipio, and did there such and so notable feats in arms, that he deserved with Scipio to be very private, and in Rome to be esteemed. All the Historiographers that writ of the wars of Numantia, say that the romans did never receive so much hurt or loose so many people, or were at so great charges, neither received so great shame, as they did in that conquest of Numantia. And the reason they give for this, is, for that all the other wars had their beginning upon some injury, except that of Numantia, which was of mere malice or envy. To say, that the City of Samorra, was in time past Numantia, is a thing very fabulous, and worthy to be laughed at: because (if stories do not deceive us) from the time that Numantia was in the world, until the time that Samorra began to be, there did pass seven hundredth thirty & three years. If Pliny, Pomponius, Ptholomaeus, & Strabo, had said that Numantia was near to Dwero, there had been a doubt whether it had been Soria or Samorra. But these Historiographers do say, that the foundation thereof was near to the head of Dwero: whereof it may be gathered, that seeing Samorra is more than thirty leagues from the head of Dwero, & Soria is but five, that it is Soria and not Samorra.  
There be three opinions where the situation of the city of Numantia should be, in which some do say, that it was, where now is Soria: others affirm that it was on the other side of the bridge upon an hill: some do avouch that it was a league from thence, on a certain place named Garray: and in my judgement as I consider of the three situations, this opinion is most true, because there is found great antiquities, and there doth appear ancient great buildings. Those that wrote of Numantia, were Plinius, Strabo, Ptholomaeus, Trogus Pompeius, Pullio, Trebellius, Vulpicius, Isodorus, Instinus, and Marcus Ancus.    

A letter unto the Constable Sir Ynigo Valasco, in the which the Author doth persuade, that in the taking of Founterabie he first make proof to profit his wisdom, before he do, experiment his Fortune.  
MOst renowned Lord and Captain to Caesar, about the dead of this night, Peter Herro delivered me a Letter from your Lordship, the which although it had not come firmed or with superscription, by the letter I should have known it to be written with your own hand: because it contained few lines & many blots. While you are in the wars, it is tolerable to writ on gross paper, 
In the wars it importeth dot to writ with an evil pen.  with crooked lines, evil ink, and blotted letters: For good warriors do more esteem to sharpen their lances, than to make pens. Sir, you writ unto me, that I should pray for your health and victory, for that at the commandment of Caesar, you go to besiege Founterabie, which was taken by the Admiral of France, the same being of the Crown of Castille. This your servant presseth with such diligence for this letter, that I shall be forced to answer more at large than I can, and much less than I would. As touching Founterabie, I do certainly believe, that within these two years, the taking and sustaining of it, hath cost the French King more than it would have cost to have bought, or else to have built it. 
Moore is spent to maintain opinion, than to defend reason.  Whereof there is no cause to have marvel, for that great Lords and Princes do spend much more in sustaining the opinion they hold, than the reason that they use. In all christendom (at this present) I find not an enterprise more dangerous than this of Founterabie. For either you must overcome the French king, or else displease the Emperor. I would say, that ye take in hand to deal with the might of the one, and with the favour or disgrace of the other. To be a Captain general is an estate very honourable and profitable, although right delicate. For notwithstanding he do all that he can; and all that is meet to be done, it by the mishap of his sins he give any battle, and carry not away the victory, it is not sufficient that the sorrowful man do loose his life, but also they seek some fault, by the which they say he lost that battle. Be it that every man be what he can, and fight what he may, yet never to this day have we seen a conquered Captain called wise, neither him that overcame, termed rash. It is very good, that the Captains which fight, 
No excuse may excuse the loss of a battle.  and the Physicians that cure, be wise: but it is much better, that they be fortunate: For these be two things wherein many times wisdom faileth, and fortune prevaileth. Sir you do take in hand an enterprise just, and very just: because from time out of mind to this day, we have never heard or seen, the town of Founterabie possessed by any king of France, neither any king of Castille to have given it them: In such wise, that it is a conscience for them to hold it, and a shame for us not to take it.  
Sir consider well for your own part, that a war so just, be not lost through some secret offence: 
A just war is lost by an unjust captain.  because the disgraces and overthrows that do happen in such like enterprises, do not chance because the war is not just, but for that the conductors thereof be unjust. The war the Hebrews made with the Philistines in the mount of Gilboa, was a war very just, but king Saul that had the conduction thereof, was a King very unjust, for whose cause the Lord did permit that noble battle to be lost, to the end the king should be slain in the same.  
But as the judgements of God are in themselves so high, and of us so unknown, many times it doth happen, that a king or prince doth chose out one of his servants, to make him general of an army, to the end he be honoured, and his state more amended than the rest: And on the other side, God doth permit, that there where he thought to obtain most honour & good hap, from thence he doth escape most shamed and confounded. Let it not be thought of Princes and of great men, that seeing they would not abstain from sin, they shall more than others avoid the pain. 
An evil life doth come to make repayment in one day.  For God doth compass them in such wise, that they come to make payment in one hour, of that which they committed in all their life. In the house of God there hath not, is not, neither shall be, merit without reward, or fault without punishment. And if it hap that presently we see not the good rewarded, either the evil chastised, it is not for that God doth forget it, but until an other time to defer it.  
The Marshal of Navarre with his band of Agramontenses, we understand is in the defence of Founteraby: it seemeth not to be ill counsel, to make your siege openly, and to practise with them secretly. For although they be now servants to the French King: they shall remember they were subjects to our Caesar: for so much as I find in old Histories, that this lineage of Marshals of Navarre is ancient, generous, and valiant. And for my part I do firmly believe, that the Marshal had rather serve Caesar his lord, than follow the French king his master. The good Scipio the African, did use to say, that all things in the wars aught to be assayed before the sword be drawn: And surely he did speak most truly: Because there is not in all this world so great a victory as that which is obtained without blood. 
The more noble victory is that which is obtained by counsel than by the sword.  Cicero to writing to Atticus, doth say and affirm, that the devise that vanquisheth the enemies with counsel, is of no less worthiness, than he that overcometh by the sword. Sylla, Tiberius, Caligula, & Nero, never could but command & kill, and on the other side, the good Augustus, Titus, and Traianus, could not but pray and pardon, in such manner, that they overcame praying, as the other fight. The good Surgeon ought to cure with sweet ointments, and the good Captain with discrete persuasions. For as for iron, 
Iron was made to ear fields, and not to kill men.  God rather made it to ear fields, than to kill men. Plutarch doth say, that Scipio being at the siege of Numantia when they were importunate that he should besiege the City and destroy the Numantines, answered: I had rather conserve the life of one Roman, than kill all those in Numantia. If these words of Scipio were well considered of the Captains of war, peradventure they would leave to be so rash in hazarding their armies in so great and many perils. Whereof doth follow oftentimes that thinking to be revenged of their enemies, they execute vengeance of their own proper blood.  
All this have I said (noble Constable) to the end that sith Caesar hath justified the war of Founterabie, your nobleness of your part should also justify the same: And the justification which you have to make, is: First persuade them, before you come to besiege them, 
We aught rather to make trial by persuasion, than by sword.  because it doth many times happen, that the prayers of a friend may do more, than the sword of the enemy. Of the good Emperor Theodosius the history writers recount, that until ten days were past after he had besieged any City, he did not permit his soldiers to make war, neither to misuse the neighbours thereof: Saying and proclaiming every day, that those ten days space he gave them, to the end they should profit themselves by his clemency, before they should make proof of his power. When the great Alexander did see the dead body of Darius, and julius Caesar: the head of Pompeius: and Marcus Marcellus, Syracuse burn: and the good Scipio, Numantia destroyed: They could not detain their eyes from weeping, although they were mortal enemies. For if the tender hearted and noble minded, rejoice of the victory, they are grieved with other's spoil. Believe me (noble Constable) that pity and clemency do never blunt the lance in time of war: 
The bloody Captain doth finish his days with an evil end. julius Cesar pardoned more enemies than he killed.  And on the other side, the Captain that is bloody and revenging, either the enemies do kill him, or else his own do cell him. julius Caesar, not undeserved, shall hold the supremacy amongst the Princes of the world: and not because he was more fair, stronger, valianter, or more fortunate than the rest: but for that, without comparison, much more were the enemies he pardoned, than those he overcame or killed. We do read of that famous Captain Narsetes, that he did subdue the French, overcame the Bactrians, and did conquer and govern the Germans: and with all this, did never give battle to the enemies: but he wept in the Temples the night before. 
It is more loved that is obtained by request than by the sword.  The kingdom wherein the Emperor Augustus most delighted and joyed, was that of the Mauritanes, which is now called the kingdom of Marrewcos. And the reason that he gave for this, was: because all other kingdoms he got by the sword, and this kingdom he obtained by entreatance.  
If unto my words it please you to give credit, travail that Founterabye may be yielded, rather by composition than by force: For that in grave and doubtful cases: first men ought to profit themselves with their policy, before they make proof of Fortune. All the rest that your Lordship doth command me, I will perform with great good will: Which is to wit, that I pray unto our God, for your Lordship's victory. And that he give unto me of his glory.  
From the town of Victoria, the xiij of january .1522.   

A letter for Sir Antony of Cuniga, Prior of Saint john, in the which is said, that although there be in a Gentleman to be reprehended, there aught not to be cause of reproach.  
FAmous and most valiant Captain, yesterday being Saint Luce's day, Lopes Osorius gave me a letter from your worship, made at the siege of Toledo: And of a truth, 
In time of war it beseemeth not a knight to writ from his house.  I did much rejoice therein: and no less esteem the same, to be written of such a hand, and sent from such a place. For in the time of rebellion, as now, the Knight aught not to writ from his house resting, but from the Camp fighting. The Priest ought to boast himself of his study: the husbandman of his plough: and the Knight of his lance. In such wise, that in a good common wealth, the priest prayeth, the husbandman ploweth, & the Knight fighteth. He is not to be accounted a knight, that is extract of noble blood, in power great, in jewels rich, in servants mighty: for all these things in merchants is many times found, and also of a jew many times obtained. 
Note the right conditions of a right gentleman.  But that which maketh the Knight to be a perfect gentleman, is to be measured in his words, liberal in giving, sober in diet, honest in living, tender in pardoning, and valiant in fighting. Notwithstanding any one be noble in blood, and mighty in possessions, yet if he be in his talk a babbler, in eating a glutton, in condition ambitious, in conversation malicious, in getting covetous, in travels impatient, and in fighting a coward: of such we shall rather say, to have more ability for a carl, than for a Knight: vileness, sluggishness, nigardship, maliciousness, lying, and cowardness, 
Is a gentleman a fault is tolerable, if it be not vile.  did never take repast with knighthood. For in the good knight, although there may be found wherewith to be reprehended, there aught not to be contained wherefore to be reproved.  
In our age there hath been no time, wherein the good knight might better show his ableness, or to what end he is, than at this instant: because the King is out of his kingdom, the Queen is sick, the royal Counsel is fled, the people rebel, the governors are in Camp, and all the kingdom out of quiet: now or never, they aught to travail, and die, to appease the kingdom, and every man to serve his King. The good Knight doth now turn his gloves into gauntlets: Mules into horses, his buskins into greaves, his hats into Helmets, his doublets into Harness, his silk into mail, his gold into iron, 
The good knight hath in possession more armour than books.  his hunting into fight: In such wise that the valiant knight aught not to boast himself of his great Library, but of his good armory. For the weal of the common wealth, it is as necessary that the knight do arm, as the priest revest himself: for as prayers do remove sins, even so doth armour defend from enemies.  
Sir, I have said all this, to the end you shall understand there, that we know here all that you do in your camp: and also, all that you do say: Wherewith you aught not to be grieved, sith every man doth praise your wisdom, and magnify your Fortune. In the register of fame marvelous is the great judas Machabeus: the which when he was counseled by his soldiers by flying to save their lives, 
judas Machabeus had rather loose his his life, than his fame.  even at the instant to give battle, said: God never permit, that we put our fame in suspicion, but that this day we die all here, to keep our laws, to secure our brethren, and not to live the. Great account do the Greek writers make of their king Agiges, the which upon the point to give battle to the Licaonians: when his soldiers began to say, that the enemies were very many, he made answer: The Prince that will subdue many, of necessity must fight with many. 
To command many will cost much.  Anaxandridas Captain of the Spartans, being demanded why those of his army did rather endure themselves to be slain than taken, answered: That it was a law amongst them much used, rather to die free, than live captives. The great Prince Bias, holding wars with Iphicrates King of the Athenians, when he happened to fall into the stolen of his enemies, and his Soldiers began to cry, what shall we do? he made answer: That you make report to those that are alive, that I die fighting: and I will say there to the dead, that you scaped flying. Leonidas the son of Anaxandridas, 
Note the words of a valiant captain.  and brother to Cleomenides, fight in a certain battle, when his soldiers said, the enemies did shoot arrows so thick that the Sun was covered. He answered: Then let us fight in the shade. Charrillus the fift King after Lycurgus, being in war with the Athenians, when one of his Captains did ask an other if he did know what number the enemies were: Charrillus answered: The valiant and noble minded Captains aught never to inquire of their enemies, how many they are, but where they be. 
To demand how many, & not where the enemies be, is a sign of fear.  The one is a sign of flying, the other of fighting. Alcibiades a famous Captain of the Athenians, in the wars he held with the Lacedæmonians, when they of his camp suddenly made alarm with great cries, that they were fallen into their enemy's hands: ●e valiant and fear not (quoth he) we are not fallen into their hands, but they into ours.  
I thought good to recount these few antiquities, that it may be known to all that be present, and also notified to those that are absent, that amongst these so glorious personages, your noble worthiness might be recounted: for that they neither did exceed you in their words they spoke, neither in their acts they did.  
We have here understood in what manner the army of Toledo did make their salye, to take away a great booty that you were driving to your Camp: and many of your soldiers did not only begin to flee, but also gave you counsel to save yourself by running away: but you of your part, as a man of much courage, and a Captain of no less experience, gave onset amongst the enemies, crying: Here Gentlemen here, shame, shame, victory, victory, if this day we overcome, we obtain that we desire, and if we die, we perform our duty. 
Words wordthy to be engraved on his tomb.  O words worthy to be noted, and right worthy upon your tomb to be engraven: Since it is certain that you slew that day more than vij with your sword, & with your nobleness of mind overcame more than seven thousand.  
Trogus Pompeius doth say many times and in many places, 
Of more value is the noble minded & expert captain than a great army.  that the innumerable victories which the romans did obtain, were not so much for that their armies were of such power, but because their Captains were of experience.  
And this may we very well believe, for we every day see that the happy success of a battle, is not so much attributed to the army that fighteth, as to the captain that overcometh. The Assyrians do much glory themselves of their captain Belus: The Persians of Syrus: The Thebans of Hercules: The jews of Machabeus: The Greeks of Alcibyades: The Trojans of Hector: The Egyptians of Osiges: The Epirothians of Pyrrhus: The Romans of Scipio: The Carthagians of Hannibal: The Spaniards of Viriato.  

Who was the valiant Viriato captain of Spain.  This noble man Viriato was natural of the province of Lusitania, the which is now called Portugal. In his youth he was first a shepherd, afterward a ploughman, and then a robber, and in fine made Emperor, and of his country only defender. 
Viriato was invincible in the wars.  The writers of Rome themselves do recount of this valiant Captain Viriato, that in fifteen years that the romans held war with him, they could never kill, take, either foil him. When they found him invincible, and not to be overcome in battle, they ordained treason to kill him with poison.  
Sir, I thought good to bring this History in remembrance, to the end that in this civil war, that we the Gentlemen hold with the Communers, that you show yourself an other new Machabeus amongst the hebrews: and an other new Viriato amongst the Spaniards: To the end that our enemies may have what to say, and your friends what to praise.  
But to let the conclusion be, that you cease not to travel (as you have a noble mind) to give adventure upon your enemies, that you may also resist all vices: 
Few vices are sufficient to darken many victories.  for men of valiantness, as your worship is, few vices are sufficient to darken many victories. As concerning the rest, that M. Hernando of Vega did commend unto me of your part, which is to wit, that since you have done notably in the wars, it may be remembered in the Chronicles. Sir, hold yourself for happy, that if your lance shall be such as was Achilles, my pen shall be such as that of Homer.  
From Medina of Ruisseca, the .18. of February. 1522.   

A Letter to the Earl of Myranda, wherein is expounded that text of Christ, which saith: My yoke is sweet. etc.  
Most famous and right noble Lord and Master of the house to Caesar, your honour requireth by your Letter, that I should sand unto you the exposition of that text of Christ, which sayeth, My yoke is sweet, and my burden is light, the which you heard me preach the other day before his majesty in the sermon of all saints, and that you delighted not a little to hear it, and no less desire to have the same in writing. Also you writ, it shall not be much for me to take the pain to sand the exposition thereof, for that you came to visit me when I was Warden of Soria: in such wise, that if I would not perform your request of courtesy: you would demand it by justice.  
I will not deny, but that visitation was to me no small pleasure and consolation: for that the Monastery is moist and the soil cold, the air subtle, scarce of bread, evil wines, crude waters, and the people no fools: for in very deed, if in other parts they judge what they see, there they speak what they think. That which I most wanted, was not lack of victuals, but the company of friends, without which, there is neither country doth like, or conversation that doth content. You have great reason to demand the visitation you used with me, 
Note what is due betwixt friends.  and the consolation you gave me: for the good friend doth own no more unto his friend then to remedy his necessities, and to comfort him in his adversities.  
For so great courtesy, if I would use liberality, I am not of power: if I would serve you, I have not wherewith: if I would visit you, I have no liberty: if I would requited or recompense you, I am poor: if I would give any thing, you have no need. That which I am able to perform, is to confess the courtesy ye then used with me, and to accomplish that, which you now command me, although if be not very great, it is not to be esteemed as little, that I hold you as my good Lord, and choose you for my friend. For it is much more to gratify a good turn received, than to recompense it.  
Vice for vice, and evil for evil: there is none in this world so evil as the ingrate man. 
Ingratitude seldom or never pardoned.  And of this it cometh that the human and tender heart doth pardon all injuries, except ingratitude: which he never forgetteth. Alexander in using liberality, and julius Caesar in pardoning of injuries, to this day there have not been born two Princes that exceeded, or else to be compared unto them. And with this, it is read of them, that if they had known a man ingrate, Alexander would not give him, neither julius Caesar would pardon him.  

The exposition of the text, My yoke is sweet. etc.  
SIr, as concerning that your lordship doth say that I should sand you the text which I preached unto his Majesty as I did then pronounce it, is a thing that I never use to do, neither aught to do: for if it be in our hands to sand you what we say, we cannot sand you the grace wherewith we do preach: 
The grace that is given in preaching is seldom given in writing.  for the grace, disposition & vain that God giveth in the hour unto the tongue, he doth give afterwards, very seldom unto the pen. Asclepius amongst the Argives, Demosthenes amongst the Athenians, Aeschine amongst the Rodians, Cicero amongst the Romans, were not only skilful in orations, but Princes of all other Orators. And jointly with this, never any Oration that they made, would they give afterwards unto the people in writing, saying, they would not commend unto the pen, the glory their tongue had given them. 
The heart is more moved hearing the word of God than by reading.  For how much difference is betwixt the drawn plat and the builded house, the figure and the thing figured, the natural and the thing represented: so much is betwixt the hearing of a sermon in a Pulpit, and the reading thereof afterwards in writing. For in the writing chief the eyes do use their office, but with the word the heart is moved. It is the property of Divine letters, that being read, they be understood, and being heard, they be tasted or favoured. And so it cometh to pass, that many more persons be turned to God by hearing of Sermons, than by reading of Books.  
Sir, I will do that you command me, and will send you that you require of me, with a testimony which I crave and with a protestation which I make: that if it shall not seem so good when you read it, as it did when you heard it, impute not the fault to my good will, but to your importunity.  
But now to the point, Christ saith: Come unto me all you that be overladen and weary, and I will unload you and refresh you. Esay sayeth in his visions, the burden of Babylon, the burden of Moab, the burden of Arabia, the burden of Egypt, the burden of Damascus, the burden of the Desert of the sea, the burden of Tyrus: which is to be understood, that he did see Babylon burdened, Moab burdened, Arabia burdened, Egypt burdened, Damascus burdened, and Tyrus burdened. The prophet David doth say: As with a grievous burden I am overladen: as if he should say, A mighty great burden they have laid upon me. Of the premises it may be well gathered, the before Christ, 
The old law gave punishment to the evil, but no glory to the good.  all the old law was tedious and painful: & held us laden & wearied, because it was rigorous unto those that did break it, and held no glory for such as did observe it. In repayment of the Moral precepts they observed, the laws they accomplished, the ceremonies they used, and the sacrifices they offered, only God gave them victory of their enemies, peace in their common wealths, health to their persons, and goods wherewith to sustain their families.  
What greater burden might there be in this world, than that he which did break the law, went presently to hell: And to him that did observe the same, they did not incontinently give Paradyse. From the beginning to the end of the old law, ever they laid on precept upon precept, ceremony upon ceremony, law upon law, burden upon burden, pain upon pain, in such wise, that all were in burdening, but none in discharging. 
Until Christ none proclaimed rest.  The first in this world that gave commandment to be proclaimed, that all the laden should come unto him, and he would unload them, all the wearied, and he would refresh them, was Christ our God. And this was when in the mould of love, he did melt that law of fear.  
It is here to be understood, every yoke naturally to be heavy, sharp, hard and painful: and the beast that draweth the same, goeth bound and travailed. And on the other part Christ to say, that his yoke is sweet, and his burden light, surely is a thing worthy to be noted, and most highly to be considered: Christ did not say simply every yoke is sweet: because otherwise we had not known of what yoke he had spoken, neither what law he did approve.  
In that Christ said, his yoke is sweet, he did give us too understand, that other yokes be bitter. 
For what cause Christ said, my yoke is sweet, and my burden is light.  In saying that his burden is light: he gave us to conceive that others were heavy, in such wise, that he doth lighten us, when he doth burden us: and giveth us liberty when he doth yoke us: neither did Christ say, my yokes be sweet, and my burdens be light, because our God doth neither command us to plough with many yokes, either to be laden with many burdens. It is the devil that doth persuade us to many vices: It is the world that doth engulf us in great troubles: It is the flesh that craveth of us much excess and superfluities. But the good Christ our God, doth ask us no more but that we love him, & not to abhor our brethren. The law of the Hebrews was the law of fear: but the law of Christians is the law of love. And as they served god of force and by fear, so we of love and good will: their law is called hard, and that of the christians sweet.  
The property of love is to turn the rough into plain, the cruel to gentle, the bitter to sweet, the unsavoury to pleasant, 
The property of a faithful lover.  the angry to quiet, the malicious to simple, that gross to advised, and also the heavy, to light. He that loveth, neither can he murmur of him that doth anger him: neither deny that they ask him: neither resist when they take from him: neither answer when they reprove him: neither revenge if they shame him: neither yet will be gone when they sand him away. What doth he forget that doth love with all his heart? what leaveth he undone, that knoweth not but to love? whereof doth he complain, that always doth love? If he that doth love hath any cause of complaint, it is not of him that he loveth, but of himself, that hath made some fault in love: the conclusion is: The heart that loveth entirely without comparison, 
Perfect love endureth all travel.  much more is the pleasure that he taketh in love, than the travel he passeth in serving.  
O, to how great effect should it come too pass, if being Christians, we should therewith be enamoured of the law of Christ: for then surely, neither should we be pensive, nor live in pain: for the heart that is occupied in love, doth neither fly dangers, nor is dismayed in traveles. The yoke that cattle do bear, when he is new, is of himself very heavy: but after, when he is dry, and somewhat worn, he is more soft to be suffered, and more light to be carried. O good jesus, O high mystery of thee my God: Since thou wouldst not incontinent after thy birth burden us with the yoke of thy law: but that thou thyself, upon thyself didst bear the burden: and thirty years first didst carry the same, that it should dry, 
Christ did not command us to do, that which he did not first experiment himself.  and grow light, and be seasoned. What hath Christ commanded us to do, that he first hath not done? what yoke hath he cast upon our backs, that he first hath not borne upon his shoulders? If he commanded to fast, he fasted: if he commanded to pray, he prayed: if he commanded we should forgive, he pardoned: if he commanded to die, he died: if he commanded us to love, he loved: In such wise, that if he commanded us to take any medicine, first in himself he made experence.  
Christ doth not compare his blessed law, unto Timber, Stone, Plants, or Iron: but only to the yoke, because all these things may be carried by one alone: but to draw the yoke of necessity, there must be twain. High & also most profound is this mystery, by the which is given us to understand, that even at the present hour that the good Christian shall put down his head under the yoke to carry the same: forthwith on the other part, Christ puts himself to help him. None calleth Christ, that he doth not answer. None doth commend himself unto him, 
The world doth more chastise than pardon, but in the house of God more pardoned than chastised.  that he doth not secure. None doth ask him, that he giveth not some what. None doth serve him, that he payeth not. Likewise none doth travel, that he doth not help. The yoke of the law of Christ, doth more cure, than wound: doth more pardon, than chastise, doth more cover than accuse: doth more fear, than weary, and also doth more lighten, than burden. For Christ himself, that commanded to bear, he himself & no other doth help us to carry. O good jesus, O love of my soul, with such a guide as thou, who can loose the way? with such a patron as thou, who feareth drowning? with such a captain as thou, who despaireth victory? with such a companion as thou, what yoke may be painful? O sweet law, o blessed yoke, o travel well employed, by the which we pass unto Christ: for, not only thou dost make account too be with us in all our travels, but also dost promise', not to leave us to ourselves.  
He that in the garden of Gethsemany came forth, to receive those that were come too take him: It is firmly to be believed, that he faileth not to come forth to embrace them that come to serve him. If any worldly and mighty rich man do contend at any time with a poor Christian, truly we shall find, that the help is much more that Christ giveth unto his poor servant, than all the cost that the world giveth to those that do follow the same. Those that the world doth lead under his yoke, to them he giveth all things variable, dismeasured, and by false weight: but in the house of god, all things are given whole, entire, without counterpoise, and most perfect. We may well say with great reason, that the yoke of Christ is sweet, and his burden light: for that the world doth not so much, as pay for the service we do him, but Christ doth pay us, even for the good thoughts we hold of him.  
Christ doth well see that of our own nature we be human, weak, miserable, foul, and remiss: for which cause he doth not behold what we are, but what we desire to be. Moses' gave the law to the Hebrews: Solon to the greeks: Phoroneus, to the Egyptians: Numa Pompilius, to the Romans: but as men made them, & even as men died, so they ended: but the yoke of the law of God shall endure, as long as God doth endure. 
In all the laws of the world vices be permitted, Christ's laws excepted.   
What may Moses' law be worth in which was permitted divorcements, and usury? What may the law of Phoroneus be esteemed, in which was granted, to the Egyptians, to be thieves? Of what value may the law of Lycurgus be accounted, in which man slaughter was not chastised? of what account may the law of Solon Solonius be reputed, in which adultery was dissimuled? Of what reputation may the law of Numa Pompilius be weighed, in which it was allowed, that as much as you could take, was lawful to conquer? Of what consideration may we judge the law of the Lydians, in which the maidens used no other marriage, but unto him that did win them by adultery? Of what judgement, may we think the law of the Baleares, wherein it was commanded that the bride should not be given unto the bridegroom, before the next kinsman had used her? These and such like laws, we cannot say otherwise but that they were beasily, brutish, and unhonest: since they did contain vices, and by vicious men were permitted.  
He that is entered into the religion of Christ, to be in deed a Christian: hath no licence to be proud, a thief, a murderer, an adulterer, a glutton, malicious, neither blasphemous. And if we shall happen to see any to do the contrary, he shall have only the name of a Christian, but for the rest, he shallbe of the parish of Hell.  
The holy, and sacred Law of Christ, is so right in the things it doth admit, and so pure and sincere in the things it doth permit: that it doth neither suffer vice, nor consent to the vicious man, Quia lex Domini immaculata. The Hebrews, the Arabians, the Pagans, and Gentiles, that defame our law, and complain of the hardness thereof: Surely they have no reason, 
The Law of christ is sharp unto the wicked, but easy and light to the virtuous.  much less occasion so to do. For the defect is not in that she is evil, but in that of us she is evil observed. Those that would be virtuous, of the precepts of Christ never conceive hardness, because the yoke of God, is not for their purpose that follow their opinion, but for those, that live conformable to reason. Finally: I do say, that all that we do in respect of Christians, we are bound to do, in consideration that we are men: and to this end Christ sayeth, that his yoke is sweet, and his burden light. For he is so good, and so magnificent, that he payeth us as well, for that we do for him, as though we were not bound to do it. This is it, that I understand of this text. And this is it, that I said unto his majesty, when I preached thereof. No more, but that our Lord have you in his keeping, and give me grace, to serve him.   
From Madrid the ten of june. 1526.   

A letter unto Sir Peter Gyron, wherein the author doth touch the manner of ancient writing.  
VIlloria your Solicitor and servant gave me a letter of yours here in Borgos, written in Ossuna the xxiiij of August, the which, (although he departed from thence in the same month) came hither the xu of November. Your letters be so wise and so well provided for, that before they come out of their Country they will have August and the grape gathering past. If it had been powdered flesh as it is a letter, it had good time to come hither very well seasoned, for by this time it had taken salt. Sir, the letters that you have to send, and the daughters that you have to marry, care ye not to leave them far over-yeared: 
Daughters are to be married before they grow old  for in our country they do not over year other things than their bacon, which they will eat, and their store wine which they will drink.  
There is much less distance betwixt Ossuna & Borgos, than is betwixt Rome & Constantinople. And the Emperor Augustus gave commandment unto all his Viceroys that were resident in the East, that if they did not receive his letters within xx. days after they were written, they should not take them as received, although in process they did receive them, saying, that afterwards there might happen some thing in Rome which were to be otherwise provided than according to the first letters. The Emperor Tiberius Caesar, if the letters that came from Asia were not of twenty days writing, & those that came from Europa of xu and those that came from Africa of x. and those that came from Yllirica of .v. and those that came out of all Italy of three days, he would neither read them, and much less provide for them.  
Sir, it seemeth to me that you aught from henceforth to talk, indent and also covenant with your letters, that if they come to Caesar's Court, they make more haste upon the way: for (in deed) speaking the truth, & that with liberty, if your letters were wood of the Pines of Soria, as they be letters of Ossuna, by the faith of a Christian, they might come so dry, that thereof might be made both doors & windows. Although they give me many Letters together, presently I know yours among the rest: the which come wrinkled like linen, rusty like bacon, besweat like a doublet: & beside all this, to open & read them, there needeth no force or necessity to tear them, for that the folds come all broken, and the seals all to pieces.  
Philistratus in the life of Apolonius Thioneus saith, that it was a custom amongst the Ipimeans, 
The Ipineans did writ the date of their letters with the superscription.  to put the date of their letters with the superscription, to the end, if they were but few days written, to read them, & if they were over-yeared, to tear them. If (as you be a Christian) you had been a Ipimean, be sure & out of doubt, that of a .100. letters written with your hand .98. should be torn. And also I doubt, whether the other two should be read. But since it is true that the Date of the letter is old, yet that the letters be good and legible, I swear by the holy things of God, that it seemeth rather the characters wherewith they writ music, than the letter of a Gentleman.  
If your Tutor you had in your youth did not instruct you better to live, than your schoolmaster to writ, your life should be no less disgraced in the sight of God, than your evil letter to my discontentation. For I give you to wit, that I had rather take in hand to construe ciphers, than to read your letters.  

With what paper they were wont to writ.  According to the variety of time, so was the discovering of the manner of writing amongst men. For (according to the saying of Strabo) in the beginning of the world, first they did writ in ashes, afterwards in Kinds of trees, then in Stones, afterwards in leaves of Laurel, afterwards in sheeets of lead, after that in parchment, and at last they came to writ in Paper. It is also to be noted, that in stones they did writ with iron, in leaves with pencils, in ashes with fingers, in rinds with knives, in parchment with canes, and in paper with pens.  
The Ink that our old forefathers did writ withal, 
Note the ink of old time.  was first of a fish called Zibia, after that they made it of soot of smoke, afterwards of vermilion, after that of Cardenillio: in the end they invented it of gum, galls, coperas and wine.  
Sir, I thought good to recite these antiquities, to gather thereof (of this your letter) whether it were written with knives, with iron, with pensilles, or with the finger. For, (as I think) it is not possible (at the lest) but that you did writ it with a cane or with a canon. You have to understand, that the form of your letter was, gross paper, whitish ink, crooked lines, letters turned upside down, and the reasons blotted: so that either you did writ it by Moon light, or else it was some child that began to learn at school. Although the letter came old, open, slubbered, rend, and all be blotted, is it true, that it was short in reasons, and few in lines: not surely, but to have little or nothing to writ, it held two sheeets & a half of paper. In such wise, that when I did open it and did see it, I thought it rather to be some citation wherewith they cited me, than a letter which any should writ to me. The letters written with your own hand, I cannot tell why they should be closed, and much less sealed: for speaking the truth, for more safe I hold your letter being open, than your plate being locked in your chest. For unto the one a gardeniance is not sufficient: & to the other, a seal is superfluous.  
I gave your letter to be read to Peter Colonel, to see if it were in Hebrew: I delivered it to master Prexamo to tell me if it were in Chaldee, I showed it unto Hameth Abducarin, 
Famous eloquence of the Auctor in a base matter.  to see if it came in Arabian: I did present it also to Siculo, that he might see the stile if it were in Greek: I sent it unto master Alaia, to understand, if it were a thing of Astrology. Finally, I showed it unto Flemings, Almans, Italians, Englishmen, Scots and Frenchmen, the which all did affirm, that either it was a letter in jest, or else a writing enchanted. And when many said that it was not possible, but that it was a letter enchanted, or else infected with a spirit, I determined with myself to sand it to the great Necromancer john de Barbota, instantly desiring him to read it, or else to conjure it: who answered by writing, and also certified me, that he had conjured it, and also put it in circle, and that he could gather of the matter, is, that the letter (without doubt) had no spirit in him: but he advised me, that he which wrote it should be besprited.  
Sir, for that I wish you well, and am also beholding unto you: I advertise, and also beseech you, from henceforth to use some amendment in your letters, if not, ye may commend them to john de Barbota. That your letters shall scape my hands, as good a virgin as Putifars wife did scape the hands of joseph, 
Notable examples of continency in Princes  or the fair Sara the hands of Abimelech, or the hebrews Sunamite the hands of David, or the Dame of Carthage the hands of Scipio, or photion's wife the hands of Dionysius, or the daughter of King Darius the hands of Alexander, or Queen Cleopatra the hands of Augustus: finally, I do say that I cannot read, or else you know not to writ.  
If the letter, sent by David unto his Captain joab, upon the death of the unhappy Urias, and the conception of the fair Bersabe, had been of this cursed letter, David had not sinned, neither the innocent Urias been slain. If the confederacy made by Escaurus, 
Catiline a tyrant of Rome.  and his companions, in the comuration of Catiline, had been of such miserable letter as yours, neither had they received so cruel death, or in the City of Rome had they raised so infamous war? that it had pleased the divine providence that you had been secretary to Manicheus, to Arrius, Nestorius, Sipontinus, Marius, Ebion, and all the other heretics that have been in the world: for though they had constrained you to writ their excommunicate and cursed heresies: we should never, or any other have found mean to read them.  

It aught not to be written that cannot be written.  Of Pliny in his natural History, of Clebius in his Astrology, of Pitus in his Philosophy, of Cleander in his Arithmetic, of Estilphon in his Ethics, and of Codrus in his politics, all the ancient writers do most sharply complain, because in their doctrines they did writ some things the which are easy to be read, but difficile to understand. In the Captainship of these so excellent men: you may well set down your lance, and also give three pounds of wax to enter their fraternity. For if their writings will not be understood, no more may your lines be read.  
Many times I do muse, how with the antiquity of times, and with the variety of wits, all things have been renewed, and many made better, except the letters of the A.B.C. in which, from the time they were first invented, there hath been nothing added, and much less mended.  
The A.B.C. holdeth xxj. letters, eighteen of the which. 
The invention of the A.B.C.  Nestor found, and the other three, the captain Diomedes invented, being at the siege of Troy. And surely it is a thing to be noted, that neither the eloquence of the greeks, either the curiosity of the Romans, or the gravity of the Egyptians, ne yet the excellency of the Philosophers, both found, or could found, another letter to the A.B.C. to be added, or to be taken away, or to be changed. And although the humane nations are in some part divers, at the lest, the letters of the A.B.C. throughout the world do sound one.  
As Solon, Harman Cortes, Pedrarias, and Pisarro, have discovered in the Indies a new world to live in: it may be, that you have found out a new A.B.C. to writ withal: but I fear me much, that none will go to learn at your school, if the matter thereof be like your letters. I say for my own opinion, that you shall never come to any good market, to cell your land by such a list.  
I will say no more, of the matter of your letter, but that you accept this of mine, as a warning, and therewith of your courtesy I do crave, from henceforth you keep your letter unmoth eaten: And that it may stand with your pleasure, to amend the imperfection of the same: for I have learned too read, and not to divine.  
I did imagine with myself, that of purpose you had sent me this letter in jest, to give me occasion to answer you in jest: and of very overthwartness you did writ to me so, because I should answer to the same purpose: if happily it were your intent, Sir you must think, that out of such pilgrimage, you can obtain but like pardons.  
Sir from this Court of Caesar, very few things are to be written: although many to be murmured, the news now are, that many titles of Dukes, marquesses, Earls, and viscounts the Emperor our Lord and Master hath given to many of his kingdom, then which do deserve them very well, for the authority of their persons, & for the antiquity of their houses.  

The rents of great Lords, aught to be agreeable to their titles.  If ye demand of the rents they receive, and of the lands and signiories they possess, in these things I do not intermeddle or dare not put to my hand, although it be true that some of these Noble men's estates be so narrow and straight, that if it appertained to the friars Hieronimites, (as it doth to them) they would shortly choose it within a wall.  
Rodrigo Giron, to you beholding, and my special friend, desired me of his own part, and commanded me of yours, that I should speak to the gentleman Antony of Fonseca, upon I cannot tell what, unbarge, or stay, that you had upon a licence. Sir I have dispatchte it, as your authority and my fidelity did require. Since that time I have not understood, what hath been done therein: but that which I can certify you of and affirm, is: If he do persever with such diligence too take order for your licence, as he hath with great earnestness played away his goods: your worship shall as well be delivered of auditors and of an account, as he was this other night of gamesters at dice. For as one of them advertised me, he lost no more but the cap he did wear: & the spurs upon his heels.  
There are, that do well resemble their own, and do follow the steps of their forefathers: for if I be not forgetful, I have seen his father the justice or Mayor of Montanches, 
Gamesters at dice play themselves to nothing.  many times keep his chamber, not because he was sick, but for that in Merida he had played and lost all that ever he had. The lord have you in his keeping, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Burgos the 15. of September in the year 1523.   

A letter unto Sir Ynnigo of Velasco, Constable of Castille, wherein the author doth teach the briefness of writing in old time  
THe fourth of October, here in Valiodolid I received a letter from your honour, written in Villorado the thirtieth of September: and considering the distance from hence thither, and the small tarrying of your letter from thence hither, too my judgement, if it had been a trout, it had come hither very fresh. Pyrrhus' the King of the Epirotes was the first that invented currers or posts: and in this case, he was a Prince so vigilant, that having three armies spread in divers parts, his seat or palace being in the City of Tarento: in one day he understood from Rome: in two days out of France: in three out of Germany: 
Posts in old time made great speed.  and in five out of Asia. In such sort, that his messengers did rather seem to fly, than otherwise.  
The heart of man is such an inventor of new things, and so far in love with novelties, that the more strange the thing is they say or wright unto us, so much the more we do rejoice and delight therein: for that old things do give loathsomeness, and new things do awaken the spirits. This vantage you have (that can do much) of them that have but little, that in short time you writ whether you will, 
Evil news never cometh to late.  and understand from whence you think good: although also it is most true, that sometime you understand some news within three days, which you would not have known in three years.  
There is no pleasure, joy, or delight, in this world, that with it bringeth not some inconvenience: in such wise, that that wherein long time we have had delight, in one day we pay and yield again.  
Sir I have said thus much, to the end to continued your good opinion towards Mosen Reuben, your Steward: which by the date of your letter, doth seem to have made great speed, and to have slept very little, for he brought the letter so fresh, that it seemed the ink to be scarce dry.  
You writ unto me, that I should certify you, what is the cause, that I being descended of a lineage so ancient, of body so high, in the moments of my prayers so long, and in preaching so large, how I am in writing so brief: especially in my last letter, that I sent from the monastery of Fres' Dell Vall, when I was there preaching unto Caesar: Which you say, did contain but four reasons, and eight lines.  
Sir in these things, that you have written, you have given me matter, not to answer very short. And if by chance I shall so do from henceforth, I say and protest, it shallbe more for your pleasure than for mine own contentation.  
As concerning that you say my lineage is ancient, your lordship doth well know, that my grandfather was called sir Beltran of Guevara: 
The auctor reporteth of his lineage of Guevara.  my father also was named sir Beltran of Guevara: and my Cousin was called sir Ladron of Guevara, and that I am now named sir Antony of Guevara: yea and also your Lordship doth know, that first there were Earls in Guevara, before there were Kings in Castille.  
This lineage of Guevara, bringeth his antiquity out of Britain: and doth contain six houses of honour, in Castille: which is to weet, the Earl of Onate, in Alava: sir Ladron of Guevara, in Valldalega: sir Peter Velez of Guevara in Salinas: sir Diego of Guevara in Paradilla: sir Charles of Guevara in Murcia: sir Beltran of Guevara in Morata. All which be valiant of persons, although poor in estates & rents: in such sort, that those of this lineage of Guevara, do more advance themselves of their antiquity, from whence they are descended, than of the goods which they possess.  

To descend of a noble blood, provoketh to be virtuous.  A man to descend, of a delicate blood, and to have noble or Generous parents: doth much profit to honour us, and doth not blunt the lance to defend us: for that infamy doth tempt us to be desperate: and the honour, to mend our estate. Christ and his Mother would not descend of the tribe of Benjamin, which was the lest, but of the tribe of juda, which was the greater and the better.  
They had a law in Rome, named Prosapia, which is to say, the law of lineages, by which it was ordained and commanded in Rome, that when contention did arise in the senate for the consulship, that those which descended of the lineage of the Siluians, of the Torquatians, and of the Fabritians, should obtain chief place before all others: and this was done after this manner, for that these three lineages in Rome were most ancient, and did descend of right valiant romans.  
They which descended of Cato in Athenes: of Lycurgus in Lacedemonia: of Cato in Utica: of Agesilaus in Licaonia: 
The ancient and noble Lineages in Rome were much esteemed.  and of Tussides in Galacia: were not only privileged in their provinces, but also amongst all nations much honoured. And this was not so much for the desert of those that were living, as for the merit of the ancient personages that were dead.  
Also it was a law in Rome, that all those that descended of the Tarquin's, of the Escaurians, Catelines, Fabatians, and Bithinians, had no offices in the common wealth: 
In Rome they bore no office that descended of traitors.  neither yet might devil within the compass of Rome. And this was done for the hate they bore to King Tarquin, the Consul Escaurus, the tyrant Catiline, the Censor Fabatus, and the traitor Bithinius: all which were in their lives very unhonest, and in their government very offensive.  
Sir, I say this, because a man to be evil, descending from the good, surely it is a great infamy: but to descend of the good, and to be good, is no small glory. But in fine, it is with men as it is with wines: sometime he savours of the good soil, sometime of the cask, & others of the goodness of the grapes. A mind not to fly, a nobleness in giving, sweet and courteous in speech, an heart for to adventure, 
The properties of a man born of a good lineage.  and clemency to pardon: graces and virtues be these, that are rarely found in a man of base soil. And many times such one is extract of an ancient and Noble lineage. As the world now goeth, upon who art thou, and what art thou, it doth not seem to me, a man may have better blazon in his house, than to be, and also descended of a blood unspotted. For that such a man shall have whereof to commend himself: and not wherefore to be despised or taunted.  
Sir also you say in your letter, that I am in body large, high, dry, and very strait: of which properties I have not whereof to complain, but wherefore to praise myself. Because the wood that is large, dry, and strait, is more esteemed, and bought at a greater price. If the greatness of body displeased God, he had never created Paulus the Numidian, Hercules the Graecian, Amilon the wild woodman, Samson the Hebrew, 
A note of the Giants of the old time.  Pindarus the Theban, Hermonius the Corinth, nor Hena the Ethicke: which were in the greatness of their bodies, so monstrous, and so fearful, that other men seemed in their presence, as Crickets or Grasshoppers do seem before men.  
The first King of Israel, which was Saul, how much difference is betwixt the shoulders and the crown of the head, so much was he higher than all the men of his kingdom.  
The great julius Caesar, was of body high and lean, although of face, not very fair. It is said of Augustus the Emperor, that he was so high of stature, that of the high trees, with his own hands he did gather fruit.  
Also it is written of the Consul Silla, that his greatness was so excessive, as he always stooped to enter at every door.  
Titus Livius saith, that Scipio the African was of so great a stature, that none was equal to him in mind, neither did pass him in height of body.  

The difference betwixt the great and little men.  Plutarch saith of Alexander the Great, that according unto such a mind as he possessed, unto the world it did seem they had more than enough of Alexander: and to Alexander it did seem, that for himself the whole world was not sufficient.  
Sir this do I say in the end, hereby to consider how the heart of man may be contained in a little body: Since unto it, the whole world seemeth very strait: A man, to be very great or very little: of these two inconveniences, the less is to be great, because the large garment easily is made less, but that which is too little without blemish or deformity, cannot be made greater.  
Allonso Henricus, Aluergomes, Salaia, Valderravano, and Figueroa, which be little of body, although not of mind, ever as I see them go in Court, seem to me to be proud, furious, troubled, and angry. And of this I do not much marvel: because little attorneys always be somewhat fumish or smoky.  
In the Monastery of Toros, of Guisando, 
Of a little Friar of the Abbay of Guysando.  I found there a very little Friar, which for that I knocked thrice arrow, he did brawl with me very frowardly, and when I said unto him, that he had little patience, he made me answer, that I had less good manner: I entreated him to give me some drink, and that we might cease chiding, where unto he answered: Brother, although you see me, you know me not: I give you to understand, that I am, as you see but little, but there withal I am a piece of steel, and such great men and unwieldy as you are, if they speak to me by day, by night they dream of me: for this other day I caused myself to be measured, and found the heart to have advantage of the body five yards in measure, whereunto I replied: father, thereof is great necessity, that the heart have five yards of measure in height, since in all your body there is not two Cubits and a half: but after the father heard this, he ceased to chide, and also left me without drink.  
Sir believe me, the short haquebuts soon break, the smallest forts be soon besieged: the shalowest Seas do soon drown: in the narrowest ways is greatest peril: the straytest garments be soon rend: and little men be soon angry.  
In little beasts, 
Little things give more offence than profit.  there is not such strength neither such grace as in the great: because the Elephant, the Dromedary, the Ox, the Bull, & the Horse, which be great beasts do profit for service. But the Fly, the Rat, the Flea, the Grasshopper, and the Cricket serve not but only to offend.  
And also you note me, that in saying of service I am very long, and in contemplation not short, and likewise as tedious therein as M. Prexmus in telling his tale. But I promise' your Lordship, that if I be long in prayer, your Lordship is not short in communication: for many times I have seen you begin a long tale that I never durst tarry the end thereof: for if I had so done, either I should come to the court at none, or go to bed at midnight.  
Sir I do confer the moments of my contemplations, with the sins of my life, and I do found by my reckoning, that it is not a just thing to be large in sinning, and short in praying. The maker and redeemer of the world, did use great measure in all things, except in praying: wherein he was always long, which he showed most clearly in the garden of Gethsemany, where, how much the more the agony did oppress him, so much the more did he enlarge his prayer.  
Also your Lordship doth say, that in preaching I am long and tedious, whereto I answer: that in the whole world there is no long sermon, if the hearer do give ear as a Christian, and not as to curious. I remember the lent past being with your Lordship, they presented unto your honour, certain Samons of Penia Melera, which you praised for very good, and yet complained that they were very little. In such sort that your Samons are never sufficiently large, or sermons short enough.  

A size is observed in nothing but in sermons.  It is thirty eight years since I was brought to Caesar's Court, during which time, I have seen all things increasing, except sermons, which always do stand at one stay. This seemeth to be true, for that in our eating we add more time, in our sleeping we consume more hours, all our garments hold more cloth, our houses are more large, our expenses more excessive, our apparel more costly, and the men more vicious. Finally, I say that in our talk, or in any other thing no size is suffered, but in sermons which must not pass above an hour.  
Whereas your Lordship saith, I am so short in writing: to this I answer, that if I be not deceived, 
Moore gravity is required in writing, than in talking.  to talk there needeth but a certain liveliness, but to writ, it is necessary to have much wisdom: because, to prove if a man be wise or foolish, there is no other need, than to put a pair of spurs to his heels, or a pen in his hand.  
In all things I confess myself to be large, except in writing, which I repent nothing: for an inconsidered word, I may incontinent revoke: but the firm of my hand I can not deny. To speak something with too much simplicity or inconsidered, is a sheepishness, but to firm it with the hand, is mere folly.  
Sallust saith, that if the tyrant Catilene and other his fellows had not firmed the letter of their conjuration (although they were accused) they had not been condemned: in such wise, that as well killeth the pen as the lance. If Laertius, Plutarch, Pliny, Vegetius, Sulpitius, and Eutropius do not deceive us by their histories: many Poetes, Orators, Philosophers, Kings, & Princes, have been in the world past, of whom it is read, that in their talk they were very large, but in their writings very considerate.  
Caesar in a letter that he did writ from the Persicke wars of Rome, said no more but these words, Veni, vidi, & vici, 
Note the brevity of ancient writing.  I came, I have seen, and I overcame.  
Octavius the Emperor, writing unto his Cousin Caius Drusius, said thus: For that thou art in Illiria, remember thou art of the Caesars, that the Senate hath sent thee, and that thou art a young man, my nephew, and a Citizen of Rome.  
The Emperor Tiberius writing unto his brother germane, said thus: The Temples be reverenced, the Gods be served, the Senate in peace, the common wealth in prosperity, Rome in health, Fortune gentle, and the year fertile: this is here in Italy, the same we desire unto thee in Asia.  
Cicero writing unto Cornelius sayeth thus: be thou merry since I am not evil, for likewise I shall rejoice, if thou be well.  
The divine Plato, writing from Athens unto Dionysius the tyrant, saith thus: To kill thy brother, to demand more tribute, to force thy people, to forget me thy friend, and to take Photion as an enemy, be works of a tyrant.  
The great Pompeius writing from the East unto the Senate, saith thus: Conscript Fathers, Damascus is taken, Pentapolis is subject, Syria, Colonia, and Arabia is confederate, and Palestina is overcome.  
The Consul Cneius Silvius, writing news of the battle of Pharsalia unto Rome, saith thus: Caesar did overcome, Pompeius is dead, Rufus is fled, Cato killed himself, the government of Dictator is ended and the liberty lost.  
Behold Sir, the manner that the ancients used in writing to their peculiar friends, which with their brevity gave unto all men wherefore to be noted, but we in never making an end, give large occasion to be corrected. No more, but that I pray the Lord to be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Valiodolid, the eight of October, in the year. 1525.   

A letter unto the Marquis of Pescara, wherein the Author doth touch, what a Captain aught to be in the wars.  
BEing with Caesar in Madrid the xxij of March, I received a letter from your Lordship, written the xxx of january: and God be my witness, that when I saw and read it, I would rather the date thereof had been, not from the siege of Marcellus, but from the conquest of jerusalem. For, if it were from Asia, and not from France, your journey should be more famous and magnified, and of God much more accepted.  
Titus Livius reporteth of no small variance betwixt Mar. Marcellus, and Quintus Fabius, which did arise upon the Cenfulships of the wars, for that the good Mar. Marcellus would not be Captain of the war, which was not very well justified? And Quintus Fabius did not accept to go to the wars, were it not very dangerous. 
Two Roman Captains would two manner of wars.  The Romans were in a marvelous vain glory in that world, when these two noble Princes were borne: but in the end, much more was the estimation of Marcus Marcellus (for being just) than of Quint. Fab. for being valiant.  
The Romans were never so foiled, or ever did incur so much dishonour in the wars of Asia, either in Africa, as they received at the siege of Numantia. And this was not for default of battery, either because the City was very strong, 
The wars against Numantia was unjust.  but for that the Romans had no reason to make them war. And the Numantines had just cause to defend themselves.  
Helie the Spartan doth say, that only the Emperor Traian was he, that never was overcome in battle. And the reason thereof was this, that he did never take any war in hand, wherein he did not justify his cause.  
The King of Pontus which was called Mithridates, did write a certain Letter unto the Consul Silla, being bent in wars most cruelly the one against the other, wherein was thus written: I do much wonder of thee Consul Silla, to take war in hand in so strange a land as this of mine: and that thou darest adventure to deal with my great fortune, since thou knowest she never deceived me, neither had acquaintance with thee. To these words the Consul did answer: O Mithridates, I weigh it very little to hold war far from Romae since the Romans have fortune always by them. And if thou say, that she did never fail thee, nor ever know me, thou shalt now see, how (in using her office) she shall pass to me, and take her leave of thee. And although it be not so, I do neither fear thee, or doubt her, for that I hope that the Gods will do more for my justice, than for thee thy great fortune.  
Many times the Emperor Augustus used to say: that wars to be good, must be incommended unto the Gods, 
The nature of wars that is to be holden just.  accepted of Princes, justified of Philosophers, and executed of Captains.  
Thus much I have said unto your Lordship, to this end, that if your war had been upon jerusalem: it were to be holden for just, but for that it is upon Marsellius, always we hold it for scrupulous. The king's heart is in the hand of God, saith the divine scripture. If it be so, who may attain unto this so great a secret? which is to weet, that the King's heart, being in God's hand, he dare offend God: which doth appear most clear, in that we see no other thing but wars amongst the Christians: and leave the Moors to prospero and live in rest. This business to me is so difficult, that although I can speak thereof: I know not, how to understand it: since all day we see no other thing, but that God doth permit by his secret judgements, 
Wars betwixt christians dependeth of the secrets God.  that the Churches where they praise him be destroyed and thrown down: and the cursed remain sound and free, where they do offend him.  
Your Lordship is a Christian, a good man at arms, my near kinsman, and my special friend, any of which things doth much bind me to feel your travail, and to be grieved with your peril: I speak of travel to the body, because the Captain that holdeth much of his honour, aught to esteem little of his life: I say peril unto the soul, because amongst Christians there is no war so justified, that in the same remaineth not some scruple.  
Herein your Lordship shall see that I desire to save you, in that I will not delight you with lies: 
Eight conditions meet to be performed, by a captain general of the wars.  But only to say unto you that which I do conceive, to the end that afterwards you may do what is meet. If you know not whereunto you are bound, I wish your Lordship to understand, it is, that the Captain general do avoid unjust wrongs, correct blasphemers, secure innocents, chastise quarrelers, pay his army, defend the people, avoid all sackings, and observe faith with the enemies.  
Assure yourself my Lord, that there shall come a time, in which, you shall give an account to God, and also to the king: not only of what you have done, but likewise of that whereunto you have consented.  
Sir john of Guevara was your Grandfather and my cousin, and he was one of the Gentlemen at arms, 
The good knight aught to imitate his good predecessors.  that passed out of Spain, into Italy with the King Sir Alonso, and there did help to get this kingdom of Naples, and in recompense of his service, he made him Lord great Seneschal of the kingdom. Of which you may gather, how much your Lordship aught to travel, to leave such another renown unto your successors, as hath been left unto you by your predecessors.  
As Cicero saith, writing unto Articus, this name Knight or Gentleman, the Romans did never admit, either consent to entitle those that could gather much riches, but such as had been at the victory of many battles.  
That Knight or Gentleman that doth not imitate the valiant acts of his predecessors, aught not boast himself, 
He is not to be entitled a knight that is rich, but virtuous.  to descend of them. For, how much the more renowned the life of the fathers is, so much the more are the children to be accused, for their negligence. To presume much of no more but to descend of Noble parents, I say is a thing most vain. To blazon a man's own proper deeds is foolishness: but in the end of these two extremities, he is more tolerable that praiseth his own virtues, than he that boasteth himself of other deeds.  
When amongst Knights or Gentlemen talk is of arms, 
In the talk of wars, not that I have heard, but that I have scene is most commendable for a gentleman.  a Gentleman aught to have great shame to say, that he read it, but rather that he saw it. For it is very convenient for the Philosopher to recount what he hath read, but the Knight or Gentleman it becomes to speak of things that he hath done. The Consul Marius, when he was resident in Rome, and also in the wars, many times would say: I confess that I am extract of lineage obscure, and also I acknowledge that I have no arms of my predecessors, for that they were not flourishing Captains. But jointly with this, they that are now alive can not deny, that in the temples I have erected pictures or counterfeits, I have received in my body many wounds, and in my house many ensigns: none of which I do inherit of my predecessors, but have won them of mine enemies. And Marius said more: Your predecessors left you riches to enjoy, houses wherein to devil, slaves to serve you, gardens to delight in, fame whereof to boast, and armour wherewith to venture: but they have not left you virtue, whereof you might presume. Of which deed, O you Romans, ye may infer, that it is very little that he doth inherit, which doth not inherit the virtues of his predecessors.  
I thought good to advertise you of these things, to the end that in remembering the fame and nobleness of such men as were your predecessors, you should much more esteem to imitate their virtuous acts, than too have their arms set forth and drawn at large. I am deceived, if I did not see in Caesar's court, a certain gentleman of more than a Quent of rent, which I did never see have a horse in his stable, either lance in his house, neither yet commonly did wear his sword, but only a Dagger that was very little. But on the other part, when he began to recount the doughty deeds of his forefathers, it seemed that he daunted Lions.  

The arms of a knight are given him to fight, and not to behold.  Men do now esteem to paint their arms in their houses, to grave them in their seals, to place them in their portals, & to weave them in their sumpter clotheses, but none adventureth to win them in the field: in such wise, that they hold arms, for others to behold: and not for themselves to fight.  
One thing I will counsel your lordship: which for such as are of your estate in the wars, is very necessary: And that is, above all things to be vigilant, & to have great regard, that amongst the captains of your army, there be used great secrecy: for in great affairs there is never good success, when they be discovered before they take effect. If Suetonius Tranquillus do not deceive us: julius Caesar never said, to morrow this shallbe done, and to day let this be done: but only to day this shallbe done, and to morrow we shall see what we have too do. plutarch saith in his Politics, that Lucius Metellus, being demanded of one of his Captains, when the battle should be given, made answer: if I thought my shirt did know the least thought that is in my heart, I would presently burn it, and never wear another. It were very well the affairs of wars, should be commoned of many, but the resolution of them, to be used with few. For otherwise, they are like to be discovered before they be concluded.  
Also I think very well, 
Age and ability be mothers of good counsel.  that you take counsel with men that be grave and of experience but not without consideration, that they be wise, without rashness. For sometimes, more sound counsel doth proceed from men of few years, and of much ability, than from men that be opinative and of old years.  
Your Lordship hath great cause to consider how to take advise of men, that in their counsels be headstrong, 
The generous and noble mind doth more fear to fly, than to abide.  and in their deeds very rash: for in dangerous cases that happen in the wars, it is less evil to retire, than to be lost. Alcibiades a Captain amongst the greeks, did use to say, that men of bold and valiant hearts have more need of fortitude, to move them to retire, than to abide their enemies. For not to fly, their honour doth move them: but to retire, their wisdom doth constrain them.  
In great hazards it is much better that men submit themselves to reason, than to hurl themselves into fortune: In all things your Lordship hath to embrace counsel, 
In sudden perils it needeth not to use long and delayed counsels.  except it be when you shall see yourself in some sudden danger: for in the war, we have seen many Captains lost, for no other cause, but for that when they should have done a thing at the sudden, they have sit down with great leisure to take counsel.  
Also your lordship aught to admonish your armies, that in their forcible and necessary perils, they show not themselves to be men's dismayed: for the wars be of such qualities that the fear of some dismayeth the rest. Your Lordship may hold it for certain: that the heart which is full of fear, must of necessity be void of hope. Those that go always to the wars, neither aught to hold victory for certain, either despair to obtain it. For there is nothing wherein fortune is less correspondent, than in the affairs of war.  
Brasidas the Greek, in the wars that he held with the Thracians, when they did take by force of arms a certain fort which he defended marvelous valiantly, being demanded by one of his enemies, 
A fort aught to be the sepulchre of the defendant.  why he had put himself within the same for his defence, answered: I do swear by the immortal Gods, that she did rather commend herself unto me to be kept, than I unto her to be defended: Because in the end, I have more certainty of her to serve me for a sepulchre, than for a safeguard.  
I will say no more in this case, but crave of especial favour: that in such wise ye behave yourself in these wars of Provence, that it may seem, and also be to all men notorious, that you do more for the obedience of your Lord the Emperor, than to be revenged of the French king. For otherwise God would take vengeance of your revengement.  
The pen of gold that you sent me I have received, and so I believe your Lordship shall receive Marcus Aurelius, which I do sand you: the difference betwixt the one and the other is, that in the Book your Lordship may understand my simplicity, and in the pen there doth appear your great bounty. No more, but that our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Valiodolid, the xix. of August, 1524.   

A letter unto sir Allonso of Albornaz, wherein is touched, that it is a point of evil manner, not too answer too the letter that is written unto him.  
IF the Lady Marina your wife be as well affected to your person, as my pen is offended at your slothfulness: you may safely marry without after repentance. And I think not that I bind myself unto a small matter in saying, that in your marriage you shall found no repentance, for surely, I wish too have no more contrition of my sins, than many men have too think themselves married. 
If many be married, they are not few that be repentant.  To contract matrimony with a woman, is a thing very easy: but to sustain it unto the end, I hold it for very difficult. Whereby it comes to pass, that those which marry without respect, but only for love, live afterward with sorrow. Considering all the displeasures that proceed of the family, than tediousness of the wife, the care for the children, the necessity of the house, the provision for the servants, the importunity of the cousins, and the suits of the sons in law: Although of all these things the married doth not repent him, at the lest it doth tire him.  
The Philosopher Mirtho, being demanded why he did not marry, answered: 
Not married man may live without travel.  because if the woman (whom I take in marriage) be good, I shall spill her, if she be evil I must support her, if she be poor I must maintain her, if she be rich, I must suffer her, if she be foul I shall abhor her, it she be fair, I must watch her, and that which is worst of all, for evermore I give my liberty to her that shall never gratify me. Riches breedeth care, poverty sorrow, sailing fear, eating heaviness, going weariness: all which traveles we see divided amongst many, except amongst the married where they join altogether. For we seldom see the married man go without care, sorrow, wearied, heavy, yea and also sometime astonished, I say astonished, of that which may happen unto him, and of that his wife may dare to do.  
The man that doth encounter with a woman that is a dizzard, foolish, a babbler, light, a glutton, a chider, 
That man is miserable that is married unto a foolish woman.  slothful, a goer at large, untractable, jealous, absolute or dissolute: it were better for that man too be a slave to some honest man, than a husband too such a wife. It is a terrible thing too suffer a man: but there is very much too be known in a woman. And for no other cause more, than for that they know not too use a measure in loving, or give no end in abhorring: I will not, or perchance, I dare not, say more in this case. For if in the same I should occupy myself and give liberty to my pen, I should want time to writ, but not matter to speak.  
Not without cause I said, my pen was angry with your slothfulness, since half a year passed I did writ unto you, and you have not as yet answered me. And afterwards came john de Occanio, and also with him you did not writ: in such wise, that on the one part I call you sluggish, and of the other part note you of negligence.  

Worship is not blemished by answering of a letter.  Sir, you may take it for a rule, never to leave him unanswered that hath taken pain to writ unto you: For that the master of the henchmen, which is Harnan Sanz de Minchasa, said unto me, that none lost his worship for answering unto a letter. To writ to our better, is of necessity: to answer our equal, is of will: but to writ unto our inferior, is of pure virtue. Alexander the great did writ unto Pulion his bit maker: 
A Prince did writ unto a bitmaker.  julîus Caesar to Rufus his gardener: Augustus to Pamphilo his smith: Tiberius to Escaurus his miller: Tullius too Mirto his tailor: and Seneca to Gipho his rend gatherer: whereof it may very well be inferred, that baseness doth not consist in writing or answering base persons, but to will or to do vile things.  

A noble Roman did writ unto a plough man.  Paulus Aemilius writing unto his plough man, said: I have understood what word thou didst sand me by Argeus, and the answer of the same is, that I sand thee another ox, to yoke with that fierce ox, & also I sand thee a cart ready dressed: therefore ear that ground well, dress the vines, purge the trees, and always have memory of the Goddess Ceres. Curius Dentatus being in war with Pyrrhus' King of the Epirotes, did writ a letter unto a carpenter, which said thus: Cneius Patroclus certified me, that thou dost work in my house: take heed that the timber be dry, and that thou make the lights towards the south, that it be not high, that it be clear, the chimney without smoke, with two windows, and no more but one door. Alexander the great, writing unto his smith, said: I sand thee a horse, which the Athenians sent me: he and I did scape wounded from the battle: breathe him well every day, cure well his wounds, pare his forefoots, let him be unshod, slit his nose, wash his neck, let him not grow fat, for that no fat horse may well endure with me in the field. Of the famous Phalaris the tyrant, it is read, 
No man is so evil in whom there is not somewhat to be praised.  that never man did him service, that he did not gratify: either writ him a letter, that he did not answer.  
So high and so great Princes, as bear we have named too have written to men so base and so vile occupations, is not written by historiographers too blemish them, but by the same to magnify them. Of which we may gather, that: baseness doth not consist, in writing or answering base persons. but in doing things scandalous or unhonest. In this matter as in all other things, you may use that boldness with me as with yourself: but if universally you use to do the same with all men, it may be, if your friends do note you of negligence, there shall not want that will accuse you of presumption.  
To be noted angry, envious, covetous, slothful, wanton gluttonous, avaricious, certainly is a grief: 
Negligence & presumption be two things that loseth friends.  but to be noted of foolishness, is an infamy, which giveth me occasion to say unto you, that to call a man presumptuous by a cunning manner of speech, is to call him fool.  
In Caius Caesar there wanted no fortitude, for that he overcame many people: either clemency, for he pardoned his enemies: either liberaliitie, for that he gave kingdoms: either science, for that he wrote many Books: either fortune, for he was Lord of all men: But he wanted good manner, which is the foundation of a quiet life.  
Among the Romans it was a custom, 
Evil nurture is hurtful in all estates.  that when the Senate entered the emperors house, they did unto him a certain great obeisance, and he did use unto them a certain courtesy: in doing whereof, as he grew negligent, either for that he would not, or not remembering: the case was thus, that within few days after, they gave him three & twenty stabs with a dagger: in such wise, that, the most Noble Prince lost his life for no greater matter, than for not having a little good manner. The contrary of this Suetonius Tranquillus doth writ of Augustus the Emperor, which being in the Senat, or in the College, did never sit down until they were all set, and rendered the same reverence that they gave him, and if by chance his children entered the Senate house, neither did he consent that the Senators should rise, either that his children should sit down.  
Sir, if you will not that men call you presumptuous: or to speak plainly, do call you fool, have a care to be well mannered: for with good manner, more than with any other thing, we withdraw our enemies, and do sustain our friends.  
Sir, I have spoken with the Pope's messenger, upon the dispensations that you sent to have, to marry with the Gentlewoman the Lady Marina. Which we have agreed for three score ducats, 
Where is money, there is dispatch.  and as he is a Venetian, and would not be counted a fool, he will first be paid, before you shall be dispatched.  
I have spoken with Perianes as concerning the expedition of the privilege of the jury, and as he was deaf and most dunch, I cried out more in speaking unto him, than I do use in preaching.  
The news of the Court is, that the Empress wisheth the emperors coming, the Dames would marry, the suitors would be dispatched, the Duke of Veiar would live: Antony de Fonseca would grow young: Sir Rodrigo of Voria would inherit, & also Friar Device would be a Bishop. Of myself I give you to understand, that I am in possession of all the conditions of a good suitor, that is to wit: occupied, soliciting, careful, spent, suspicious, importunate, out of temper, and also abhorred: for that my Lord the Archbishop of Toledo, and I go to the law for the Abbay of Baza, upon which I have for my part a famous sentence. No more, but that our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Medina del Campo, the twelfth of March .1523.   

A lerter unto sir Gonsalis Fernandes of Cordova, great Captain: in which is touched, that the knight escaping the wars, aught not from thence forth to departed his house.  
MOst renowned & valiant Prince, my weakness to writ unto your mightiness, my simplicity unto your prudency, if it shall seem unto those that shall hear thereof to be a thing over proud, and to such as shall see it, to be over presumptuous, let them lay the fault upon your honour, which did first writ unto me, and not on me, that do answer with shamefastness.  
Sir, I will travel to satisfy your excellency in all things that ye command me by your letter, upon this condition: most humbly beseeching, that you do not so much consider what I do say, as that which I would say. And for that (to a person of so great an estate) it is reason to writ with gravity: I will travel to be measured in the words I shall speak, and to be remeasured in the reasons I shall writ. The divine Plato in his Books of common wealth did say: That less greatness is not to be imputed to the honourable, to deal and be conversant with the weak, than it is to stand and to countenance with the mighty: and the reason that he gave for the same, is, that the Generouse and magnificent man, useth more force in taming his heart to stoop unto low things, than to take in hand grave, weighty, and high attempts. A man of an high stature, receiveth more pain in stooping to the ground for a straw, than to stretch out his arm to reach a branch. By this that I have said, I would say, that this our heart is so puffed up and so proud, that to rise unto more than he may, it is life, and to descend to less than he is worth, it is death.  
There are many things which God would not bring to pass by himself alone, to the end they shall not say, that he is a Lord absolute: either will he bring them to pass by the hands of the mighty, for that it shall not be said, that he taketh help of humane favour: and afterwards he performeth the same by the hand and industry of some man beaten down of fortune and forgotten amongst men: 
God doth many times bring things to pass rather by the weak, than by the strong.  wherein GOD showeth his greatness, and filleth the same with his might.  
The great judas Machabeus was less in body and much less in years, than his three other brethren, but in the end the good old Mathathias his father, to him only did commend the defence of the Hebrews: and into his hands did also resign the armies against the Assyrians.  
The lest of the children of the great Patriarch Abraham was Isaac, but in him was established the right line of Christ, & on him all the jewish people did fix their eyes. The inheritance of the house of Isaac came too Esau and not to jacob: but after the days of the Father, jacob did not only buy the inheritance of his brother Esau, but also did steal the blessing.  
joseph the son of jacob was the lest of his brethren and the last of the eleven Tribes, 
Among twelve sons, the youngest was most excellent.  but in the end it was he alone that found grace with the kings of Egypt, & did deserve to interpret their dreams. Of seven sons that jesse had, David was the lest, but in the end, King Saul was of God reproved, and David King of Hebrews elected. Among the meaner Prophets Heliseus was the lest, but in the end, unto him and unto none other was given a doubled spirit. Of the meaner sort of the Apostles of Christ was S. Philip, and the meanest Disciple of Paul, was Philemon: but in the end, with them more than with others they did take counsel, and in great affairs would take advise.  
Sir, it seems to me that agreeing with that which I have said, your Lordship would not take counsel with other men, that be learned and wise, but with me that am the simplest of your friends. As your Lordship hath been so long time in the wars of Italy, it is very seldom that I have seen you, but much less, that I have either spoken or been conversant with you, for which cause my friendship is to be holden for more sure and less suspicious, for that I love you, not for the rewards you have given me, but for the magnificence that I have seen in you. When one comes to seek to be our friend, maketh much to the matter, to consider the cause that moveth him to seek the same: for if he be poor we must give him: if he be rich, we must serve him: if he be favoured, we must worship him: if he be wilful, we must faun on him: if he be impatient, we must support him: if he be vicious, we must dissemble with him: and if he be malicious, we must beware of him.  
One of the great traveles that unprofitable friends bring with them is, that they come not to seek us, 
To lack friends is perilous. And some friends be tedious.  to the end to do what we will, but to persuade us to do what they william. It is great peril to have enemies, and also it is great travel to suffer some kind of friends: for to give the whole heart to one is not much, but how much less, when amongst many it is reparted? neither my condition may bear it, either within the greatness of your estate may it be contained, that we should love after such sort, neither in such manner to behave ourselves: for that there is no love in this world so perfect, as that which holdeth no scruple of interest.  
Your Lordship saith in your letter, that you writ not unto me, for that I am rich or mighty, but because I am learned and virtuous. And you instantly desire me, that I writ unto you with mine own hand some thing that maybe worthy to be understood, and pleasant to be read.  
To that which you say, that you hold me to be wise, to this I answer, as Socrates did, which is too wit, that he knew not any thing more certain, but in perceiving that he did know nothing.  
Very great was the Philosophy that Socrates did enclose in the answer: for (as the divine Plato doth say) the lesser part that we understand not, is much more, than all that we know. In all this world there is not the like infamy, as a man to be imputed ignorant, either the like kind of praise, as to be called wise: because in the wise, death is very evil employed, and in the fool life is much worse bestowed.  
The tyrant Epimethes, seeing the Philosoher Demosthenes weep immeasurable tears for the death of a Philosopher, demanded for what cause he wept so much, since it was a strange thing for Philosophers to weep. To this Demosthenes answered: 
We aught rather to bewail the life of the wicked, than the death of the just.  O Epimethes, I do not weep because the Philosopher died, but for that thou livest: and if thou knowest not, I will give thee to understand, which is: that in the schools of Athens we do more weep, because the evil do live, than for the death of the good.  
Also your honour doth say, that you do judge me, to be a man solitary and virtuous: might it please the divine clemency, that in all this, and much more, you speak the truth: because, in case for one to be or not to be virtuous, I dare venture to speak, that how much sure it is, to be, and not too seem to be, so dangerous it is to seem to be, and not to be in deed.  

A man is to be known, but not to be understood.  Man is naturally variable in his appetites, profound in heart, mutable in his thoughts, inconstant in his purposes, & indeterminable in his conclusions: whereof we may well gather, that man is easy to know, and very difficile to understand. Your excellency gives me more honour, in calling me wise and virtuous: than I give to entitle you Duke of Sesa, Marquis of Bitonto, Prince of Guilache, and above all, great captain. For to my virtue and wisdom, wars can give no impeachment, but your potency and greatness is subject unto fortune.  
Your honour writeth unto me, that I certify you of my opinion, in that the king our master doth command now of new, that you pass once more into Italy, by occasion of the battle, 
The battle of Ravenna for evermore shall be renowned.  that the Frenchmen of late have overcome at Ravenna, which in the worlds to come shall be so famous, as it was now bloody. Unto this answering your honour, I say that you have great reason to doubt: and upon the same too use counsel: for if you do not accomplish what you be commanded, the King takes displeasure, and if you do what they entreat you, you contend with fortune.  
Two times your honour hath passed into Italy, and twice won the kingdom of Naples, in which two journeys, you overcame the battle of Garrellano, and the battle of Chirinola, and slew the best people of the house of France. And that which is most of all, you brought to pass, that the Spanish nation of all the world were feared, and obtained unto yourself renown of immortal memory.  
This being true as it is, it were no wisdom, 
Less in the wars, than many other thing we have to believe fortune.  either surety, once more to return thither to tempt fortune, which with none doth show herself so malicious and double, as with such as spend long time in the wars.  
Hannibal, a Prince of the Carthaginians, not contented too have overcome the Romans, in those great and famous battles of Trene, Trasmene, and Canna, but as he would always force and wrestle with fortune, he came to be overcome of those, which he many times had overcome. Those that have to deal with fortune, must entreat her, 
With great eloquence the author declareth the nature of fortune.  but not force her, they must hear her, but not believe her, they must hope in her, but have no confidence in her, they must serve her, but not anger her, they must be conversant with her, but not tempt her. For that fortune is of so evil a condition, that when she fawneth, she biteth, & when she is angered, she woundeth.  
In this journey that they command your honour, neither do I persuade you that you go, either dissuade you to tarry: Only I say and affirm, with this third passage into Italy, you return to put your life in peril, and your fame in balance. In the two first conquests, you obtain honour with them that be present, fame for the worlds to come, riches for your children, an estate for your successors, reputation amongst strangers, credit amongst your own, gladness for your friends, and grief unto your enemies. Finally, you have gotten for excellency, this renown of great Captain, not only for these our times, but also for the world to come.  
Consider well what you leave, and what you take in hand: for that it may rather be imputed for rashness, than for wisdom, that in keeping your house where all doth envy, you should departed where all men should be revenged. 
The words of a very friend, without dissimulation.  You overcame the Turks in Paflonia, the Moors in Granada, the Frenchmen in Chirinola, the Picardes in Italy, the lombards in Garellano, I hold it to be doubted, that as fortune hath not more nations to give you to overcome, she will now lead you, where you shall be overcome.  
The Dukes, the Princes, the Captains, and under Captains, against whom you have fought, either they be dead, or else gone: In such sort, that now against an other kind of people you must deal and fight. I said it, for that it may chance, that fortune which then did favour you, now may favour them.  

Men do order wars, but God only giveth victory.  To accept wars, to gather people, to order them, and to give battle, it belongeth unto men: but to give victory appertaineth only to God. Titus Livius saith, that many times with great ignomy the romans were overcome at Furcas Caudina's, in the end, by the counsel of the Consul Aemilius they changed that Consul which had the charge of that army: & where they were before that time overcome, were from thence forward conquerors of their enemies. Of which we may gather for our purpose, that changing the Captains of the wars, jointly therewith fortune doth altar.  

To one person and one matter, fortune very seldom showeth fidelity.  In one self kingdom, with one self people, under one king, in one ground, and upon one self quarrel or demand, hope you not, that Fortune will always be faithful? For in the place where she hath used to be most favourable, it is her devise, by the same means, to show her cruelty.  
Rodrigo of Vivero did say unto me, that your honour was not a little grieved to see that your departure was prolonged: and that the King for this present held it in suspense. And further he said unto me, that you held it for so great displeasure, that if it were with an other that were your equal, you would demand it at his hand as an injury. To hear this I do marvel, & am not a little, but much offended: for I hold him not for a good beast, that when they lad him will stand stock still, and when they unlade him, will yerk out behind. Since the soul goeth charged with sins, the heart with thoughts, the spirit with temptations, and the body with travels: it is much convenient for us, that if may not altogether discharge ourselves of this burden at the lest, that in some part we lighten the same.  
Your honour is not so young a man, but that the more part of your life is past: and since the life goeth consuming, 
What he aught to do that hath continued long in the wars.  and death approaching: in my judgement it should be better counsel for you to occupy yourself in bewailing your old sins, than of new to shed the blood of enemies.  
It is now time, rather to weep than to fight: to withdraw yourself, than to use liberty: to make a reckoning with God, more than with the king: to accomplish with the soul, and not with honour: to call upon God, and not to provoke with enemies: to distribute your own, and not to take from others: to conserve peace, and not to invent wars. And if in this case, your lordship will not believe me: from hence forward I divine, that then you shall begin to feel it, when you may not remedy the same.  
Your honour deceiveth yourself, or else I know not what to say, for that I see you flee that you should procure, which is quietness: and you procure that which you should flee, 
There is no greater travel than to be ignorant of quietness.  which is disquietness. For there is no man in this world more unfortunate, than he that did never experiment what thing it is to be reposed.  
Those that have travailed throughout divers lands, and have had exprience of divers fortunes, the thing that they most desire in this life is, with honour to see themselves returned to their country. Of which it may be inferred, that it is great temerity, that you alone will rather go to die amongst strangers, than to live with honour amongst your own. Until men have gotten necessary to eat, yea until they have obtained also some surplusage also to give, in my judgement, they aught not much to be blamed, although they wander through out divers kingdoms, and put themselves in great perils. 
Men ought to travel until they have wherewith to defend necessity.  For he is as much worthy reprehension, that doth not procure that which is necessary, as he that ceaseth not to provide that which is superfluous.  
After a man hath found that which he hath sought for, and also perchance it hath happened him better than he thought of: 
He is in some hatred with fortune, that is not suffered to repose in his own house.  if after he be retired unto his house in great quietness, will return to rub again with the world, I dare be bold to speak it, that such a one either lacketh wit, or else fortune will be to him unhappy. The divine Plato doth say in his books of common wealth, that Fortune is more contrary unto that man, that he doth not suffer to enjoy that which he hath, than unto him, to whom he denieth what he craveth.  
I do beseech, and also advise your honour, that after you have read this sentence, that you turn again and again too read the same: for in my judgement, this sentence of Plato is very true, and very profound, and also used of many. For almost we see it by daily experience, that many men can obtain fame, honour, quietness, riches: and have not the mean afterward to enjoy them.  

It is more to know how to enjoy a victory than to overcome a battle.  julius Caesar was he that nature endued with most grace●, and to whom Fortune did give most victories: and with all this, great Pompey did say of him: that he had great hardiness to overcome any battle, but that afterwards he did not understand how to enjoy the victory. If in the great renowned battle of Canas: Hannibal had known how to enjoy the conquest, he never afterwards in the fields of Carthage, by Scipio the Aphrican had been overcome.  
Your Honour may take it as it pleaseth you, and understand thereof as it may like you to command: but in my judgement, he is not so cruel an enemy that hurls his dart at me in the wars, as he that comes to drive me from my house. Conformable to that which I have said, I do say: that since we can not flee from cares and traveles, yet at the lest, that we procure to avoid some displeasures thereof. For without comparison, much more be the offences that we seek unto ourselves, than be brought unto us by our enemies.  

Our greatest travels be of our own seeking.  I will say no more in this letter, but that the Gentleman Rodrigo of Vivero and I, have talked some things worthy the understanding, and perilous to be written. I commend them with trust unto his nobleness here, & he shall relate them unto your excellency there. No more, but our Lord be your protector, and unto me give grace to serve him.  
From Medina del Campo, the eight of januarie .1512.   

A letter to sir Enrique Enriques, wherein the Author doth answer to many gracious demands.  
RIght magnificent and my old friend Valdivia, your solicitor, gave me a Letter, the which seemeth very well to be written with your own hand, for that it held few lines, and many blots. As God made you a Knight, if he had made you a Scrivener, you would have been more handsome to colour Cordovan skins, than to have written process. Sir, always frame, if you shall writ any Letter to be sent, that the lines be right, the Letters close, the reasons divided, the letter legible, the paper clean, the folding equal, the closing smooth, and the seal clear: 
Both wisdom and eloquence in writing of a letter be discovered.  for it a law of Court, in that which is written, the wisdom is uttered: and in the manner of writing, good manner is known.  
In the letter that was given me, were contained many demands under very few words. And for that with one Turquois we both will make but one show. The case shall be thus: to every demand, I will answer only one word. First you ask me, wherefore I came to the Court: to this I answer, that I came not willingly, but constrained of necessity, for the contention betwixt me and the Church of Toledo: my coming was expedient to clear myself, and to withdraw the law.  
Also you demand of me, what I do in the Court: 
In the court men do not, but undo.  whereunto I answer, that as my adversaries do follow me, and my business enlarging: I do nothing but undo myself.  
Likewise you will that I writ unto you in what thing I do employ the time: to this I answer, that according to the fashion of us Courtiers, bear evil will, blaspheme, loiter, lie, traffic, and curse: with more truth we may say of time, that we loose it, than employ it. Also you demand, with whom I am most conversant in this Court: to this I answer, that the Court and the people thereof, be grapes of so evil a soil, that we that go in the same, and from our childhood be brought up therein, study not with whom to be conversant, but in discovering of whom to beware: with much pain we have time to defend us from our enemies: and will you that we occupy ourselves in seeking new friends? In the Courts of Princes I do confess there is a conversation of persons, but no confederation of will: for here enmity is holden for natural, and amity a stranger. The Court is of such nature, that they that do most visit them, the worse they do entreat them: and such as speak best unto them, the more evil they do wish them. 
In the court ther are things to be wondered, as also to be shunned  They which haunt the Courts of Princes, if they will be curious and no fools, shall find many things whereat to wonder: and much more whereof to beware.  
Also you demand how the difference betwixt the Admiral and the Earl of Myranda standeth: to this I answer, that the Admiral, as one of much power, and the Earl, as one in much favour, gives to each other wherewith to be occupied, and to us sufficient whereat to murmur.  
Sir, you demand what news we have of the Emperors coming: to this I answer, that which we presently understand, 
News of those days from Italy.  is, that the Turk is retired, Florence is allied, the Duke of Milane is reduced, the Venetians did amain, the Pope and Caesar did consecrated, the Estates of Naples be reparted, the Coluna is dead, the Marquis of Villa Franca is made Viceroy of Naples, the Prince of Orange is slain, and unto the chancellor and to the Confessor, to either of them is given a Cardinal's hat. Other secret news they writ from thence, which be lamentable to such as be therewith touched, and gracious to those that hear thereof, which is: many of those that went into Italy with Caesar, are become amorous, and in the arts of love have ranged too far. But sir, in this case I swear unto you, as it foundeth in mine ears, 
In Italy they win not so much money as they learn vice.  their wives be here sufficiently revenged of them, for if they leave there any women great with child, also they shall find here their wives brought a bed.  
You will also that I writ unto you, how it goeth with us for victuals this Lent: to this I answer, that by divine grace we have not wanted this lent fish to eat, and also fins enough to confess. For the case is come to such dissolution and unshamefastness, that the Gentlemen hold it for an estate and advancement of honour to eat flesh in Lent.  
Also you demand if the Court be dear or good cheap, to this I answer, that my steward telleth me, that from October unto April, it hath cost me in wood and coal, an hundredth and forty Ducats. The cause of this is, that this same town of Medina as it is rich in fairs, so is it poor in mountains or woods, in such sort that the count being well cast, the wood costs as dear as the dressing of the pot. Other things are in this Court at a good price, or to say it better, 
Eight conditions of the court, and all very perilous.  very good cheap: that is to wit, cruel lies, false news, unhonest women, feigned friendship, continual enmities, doubled malice, vain words, and false hopes, of which eight things we have such abundance in this Court, that they may set out booths, and proclaim fairs.  
Sir you demand of me, if there be good expedition of causes, for that you have some to be dispatched: 
In the court more despited than dispatched.  to this I do answer, as the things of the court be tedious, displeasant, long deferred, costly, intricate, unfortunate, desired, besieged, lamented, and bescratched, I conceive of mine own part, that if ten be dispatched, ninety be despited.  
Also you will me that I writ unto you if the fair be good this year at Medina. To this I answer, that as I am a courtier and a suitor, and have neither merchandise to cell, and much less money wherewith to buy: I know not whereof to praise it, nor do I find why to mislike it. But in passing through the fair, I see in the booths of these Burgalese, so many rich and pleasant things, that in beholding them, I took great pleasure, and being not able to buy them, I was much tormented. The Empress came forth to see the fair, and as a Princess most wise, would not be accompanied with her maids of honour, because the Gentlewomen that did serve her, being so poor and so few, it could be no less, but that they would use their liberty in ask fairings, and the gentlemen should think it their parts to give them.  
Sir, you demand if the Court be in health, or if the pestilence be thereabouts: to this I answer, that of agues, tertians, and quartans, plague sores, and such other infirmities of the body, we are all in health and very well, except the licenciate Alarcon, that being relating a process before the counsel, suddenly fell down dead. And of a troth, his death was to many in this Court very terrible, 
Death giveth fear, but not amendment.  although I see none to amend his life by the same. Other infirmities be in this Court, that be not corporal, but spiritual, as angers, hatred, quarrels, rancours, wrath, and slaughters: the which maladies do consist, not that they go with bodies infected, but in the swelling of the spleen, & corruption of the gall.  
I have turned many times to read your letter: and have not found any more to answer. For of a surety, it did rather seen an Interrogatory to take witnesses, than a letter to a friend: I will say no more, but that I have escaped in writing unto you, very weary, & also angry not for the answering to the matter, but in construing your ill favoured letter. Our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Medina del Campo, the fift of june, in the year .1532.   

A letter to sir Antony of Cneva, wherein is expounded an authority of holy Scripture, very notable, which is to wit why God did not hear the Apostle, and did hear the devil against job.  
MAgnificent sir, & particular beloved, Alonso Espinell gave me a letter from your worship here in Toledo, the date whereof was the .12. of May, and it is now the .16. of june: in such sort, that your letter neither may by condemned for stolen, either for fresh. Many from many parts do writ unto me: sometime their letters be such, that to read them, it is very tedious, and to answer them, no less displeasant. To see a letter ill written, and worse noted, neither is it to be taken in good part, either may we leave to murmur thereat. 
The ploughman revewing the straightness of his forough, giveth note to the wise to examine their writings  The ploughman in ploughing, doth revew his forough that it be strait: and shall not a man have regard to note and writ his letter very well? There be many who will as lightly take the pen in hand to writ, as the glass to drink: and that which is worst of all, they think much of themselves to be talking and writing. The which doth well appear in their letters, because the letter is illegible, the paper blotted, the lines crooked, and the reasons doltish. To know a man whether he be wise or foolish, is a great part to consider, whether he writ upon advisement, and speak with judgement, for a man must not writ what cometh to his memory, but what reason doth direct.  
Plutarch doth say of Phalaris the tyrant, that he did never writ but being alone, withdrawn, and with his own hand: whereof it doth follow, that although, all do blaspheme him for his tyranny, his letters were praised throughout the world.  
Of a troth, a Gentleman and a kinsman of mine, did writ unto me a letter of two sheeets of paper, and as he wrote so large, and not returning to read what he had written, the very same reasons, and the very same words that he had put in the beginning, he did return to writ in the end, whereat I was so much offended, that I burned the letter, 
A letter aught to be pleasant to read, & discreet to be noted.  and made him no answer. doubtless your letters are not of such quality, the which to me be very pleasant to read, and not tedious to answer, because in jests they are very pleasant, and in earnest, very wise.  
Sir you say, that in reading the morals of saint Gregory, you did note, and also did marvel to see, that the devil did ask licence of God to do hurt unto holy job, & it was granted him: and the Apostle S. Paul did pray unto God to take away the temptation of the flesh, and it was denied him. In such wise, that God heard the Devil, and did not condescend unto the prayer of saint Paul. Marvel ye not sir of this: for the things that the divine providence do bring to pass be so just, and done for so just causes: that although we may not reach them: they want not therefore reason, why they should not be done. If we deeply consider what God did with the Apostle, we shall find, that it was more that God gave him, than the Apostle did crave. 
God doth more for us in giving us grace than to take away temptations.  Because, he desired that the temptation of the flesh might be taken away: and God gave him grace to overcome it. What injury doth the Prince to the Captain, that sends him a warfare, if he makes him sure to have the victory? If absolutely God should have taken away the temptation of the flesh, from the Apostle saint Paul: neither should there have remained occasion to deserve, either should have been given grace to overcome. For he is more supported of God, to whom he giveth help to conquer, than to him, that he excuseth to fight. Let us not despair, afflict ourselves, or be over thoughtful, and much less complain and murmur of God: if forthwith he give not that which we desire. For he doth it not, with disfavour in that he will not hear us, 
God doth know what he giveth us, but we know not what to crave.  but because he will change it into a better cause. He knoweth what he doth, and we understand it not: he knoweth what he doth deny, but we not what we ask: he measureth all things with reason, and we but with appetite: he doth deny that is hurtful unto us, and granteth that which is profitable. Finally I do say, that he doth know: how he are to be handled: and therefore, we aught of him only to depend. The Apostle had seen the invisible and divine secrets, which of his forefathers had been much desired but never seen: and because, of that so high revelation, he should not boast or grow proud, 
To have the occasion of sin taken away, is no small benefit of God.  the Lord would not take away the concupiscence of the flesh. In such wise, that in recompense of not condescending to his desire, he did take away the occasion to sin, and gave him grace to overcome. God used more pity with saint Paul, in that he would not hear him: than if he had heard him. For if he should have taken away the concupiscence of the flesh, it might have come to pass that as much as he had diminished in temptation, 
To be without temptation is no good sign.  he might have increased in pride. When the Lord doth permit that one is tempted, it doth not follow therefore, that he is of God abhorred: for my part, I hold it rather a sign, that of God, he is elect. For as saint Gregory saith, there is not a greater temptation, than not to be tempted. Christ hath left the way to heaven marked: and the marks of this voyage be tribulations, adversities, mishaps, and infirmities. In such wise, that it is no other thing to be remembered of God: but that in this world he be permitted to be tempted. Let it be holden for certain, that they of him are lost, which in this world, from adversities be privileged. For the enemy of mankind, (which is the devil) unto all those that he hath registered for his own, he doth travel, that they may live in great welfare and ease. Sir, also you say, 
The devil procureth great welfare unto his darlings.  that you do much marvel to see the boldness that the Devil had in ask licence of God, to hurt holy job: and to see the liberality that God used in giving it. In such sort, that he denied S. Paul, that he desired, and granted the Devil, that which he craved. Sir, although you have no reason, yet have you some occasion to demand that which you ask: for of a surety, it as an hard thing to consent that our enemy do hurt unto our friend. That which I dare speak in this case, is that it is less, pernicious, and of more worthiness to suffer ill, than to have authority to do evil. And after this manner we have more envy of holy job, in that he suffered, than unto the devil, for that which he did. It aught to be far distant from the divine will, that he that hath to give grace to serve him, should give licence to offend. It is a great evil for a man to be evil: but it is much worse to make him evil, which is good. Because, our own proper sins God doth well see, they proceed of weakness: but the persecuting of the good, always groweth of malice. If men do ask of God upon their knees, that he give grace to serve him, they aught to ask with tears that he do not give them place, to offend him. For in the end, 
Notable examples against such as do persecute.  if I do not good works I shall have no reward: but if I do evil, for the same I shall have pains. By Cain, Abel was slain: by Esau, jacob was persecuted: by Saul, David was banished: by Nabugodonoser, jerusalem was burned: by Achab, Micheas was imprisoned: by Zedechias, Esaias was sawen: and by the Devil, holy job was afflicted. Man by the multitude of his sins, doth deserve to be an offence, and a scourge of the good. Much did the Devil offend job, in tempting him: but much more did holy job deserve in suffering that temptation. Because in the persecutions of the just, God doth more behold the patience of him that suffereth, than he doth the malice of him that doth persecute.  
Also you will, that I writ unto you, what it was I preached this other day unto the Emperor, which is to wit, that the Princes which tyrannously govern their common wealths, have more cause to fear good men, than those that be evil. Sir, that which I said in this case was, that the tyrants which in the common wealths have offices of most pre-eminence, have much more respect to the bounty of the good, 
Very great be the privileges of the virtuous.  than to the conspiracies of the evil. For that amongst many other things, this privilege is contained in virtue: that is to understand: amongst the lest inferiors it giveth dismay: with the equal, it moveth envy: and to the great & mighty, it yieldeth fear. The Syracusan Dionysius, had more fear of the divine Plato which was in Grecia, than of all the enemies he had near him in Cicilia. King Saul had more respect to the deservings of David, than to the armies of the Philistines. The proud Aman, 
He incurreth great perils that contendeth with the virtuous.  that was so private with King Assuerus, was more grieved with the good Mardocheus, that he held him in no reverence, than with all the rest of the kingdom. Herod Escalonite, did hold in more reverence, and also did more fear only john Baptist, than all the kingdom of judea. Finally, I do say and affirm, that none may with a troth say or affirm that he hath an enemy, but when he hath some good man to his enemy. Because the evil man doth hurt with his knife, but the good, doth hurt with his credit. Sir, always have regard, not to strive or contend with a man that naturally is good, and hath credit in the common wealth with all men. For, he shall do you more hurt with his word, than you shall offend him with a blow of a lance.  
Sir as touching the Commendathor, john of Towers, that would not the government this year, 
The certain before the doubtful is to be preferted.  which the governors had given him, saying: that he deserved better, and that the king when he shall come from Flaunders will give him more: to this I answer, that it seemeth to me lack of wit, and also a surplusage of foolishness, to leave a reward certain, for a hope doubtful.  
Sir, also you conjure me that I writ unto you, what I thought of the Lord Precedent, Sir Antony de Roias, when I talked with him in your business: to this I answer, that he seemeth to me sharp in his answers, and wise in his dealings. I do not like well with many of this Court, 
A kintal is a hundredth weight.  that deprave him for his speech, and do not afterwards consider of his doings, as it is true, so likewise many of our friends give us words by Kintals, but works by the ounce.  
Also you will me that I writ unto you what I judge of the Ambassador of Venize, for that I am conversant with him, and he confesseth himself with me. Sir, I can tell you, that he is in science learned, in his life reformed, and in conscience much considerate. And it may be said by him, thatwhich Plato said by Photion his friend: he did more love to be, than seem to be virtuous. In the other secret and particular business, that Alonso Espinell commoned with me off, in your behalf, 
It is better to be, than to seem to be virtuous.  with the same faith that your worship sent me the message: receive ye also the answer.  
From Toledo the xxx of june, in the year of our Lord 1525.   

A letter unto Master friar john Beneviades: wherein is expounded, that which is said in the scripture, that the evil spirit sent of God, came upon Saul.  
Reverend and well-beloved Father, the letter that your fatherhod made in Salamanca, I have received here in Soria: the which forthwith I read, and afterwards many times did turn to read: For that I received very great consolation in remembering myself from whom it came, 
The conditions of a friends letter.  and in noting what it contained. In the letter of a very friend, the spirits do rejoice, the eyes delight, the heart is recreated, friendship confirmed, and the understanding is comforted. For Plutarch saith in the book of the fortune of Alexander: that the great Alexander did never read the letters which tyrants did sand him, either did tear the letters that Philosophers did writ unto him. All the letters, that Marcus Antonius did writ unto Cleopatra, and all the letters that Cleopatra did writ unto Marcus Antonius, were found by the Emperor Augustus very well laid up, after the death of Marcus Antonius. The letters that Cicero did writ to Publius Lentulus, to Atticus, to Rufus, to Fabarius, and to Drusius, which were his familiar friends, were all found in their keeping, and not in his original.  
As concerning that your fatherhood writeth, and by this letter command me to writ: it may be very well answered: as saint Agneda did answer the virgin Lucy, which is to weet, Quid a me petis Lucia Virgo? nam ipsa poteris praestare continuò matri tuae. In this case, and in this demand, I can not tell whether of us deserveth more pain, your fatherhood, for tempting my patience, or I, in adventurning myself to publish my ignorance. For he is not worthy less fault that sinneth, than he that is the cause of sin. Si nequeo ascendere in montem cum Loth: ad minus saluabor in Segor. I would say, that if your fatherhood, be not satisfied with that which I shall answer, it may please you to be satisfied with that I would answer. For as Plato said, he that doth travel not to err, misseth very narrowly.  
You will that I writ unto you, what I judge, and how I understand that text, which is written in holy scripture, 1. Regum cap. xuj. where it is said, speaking of King Saul and of his infirmity: Spiritus Domini malus arripiebat Saulem. 
A text of scripture expounded.  The first King of Israel was named Saul, he was chosen of the Tribe of Benjamin, which was the last Tribe of all the Tribes: and in the second year of his reign, an evil spirit sent of God did vex him, which would not come out of him, neither leave to torment him, until the good King David came before him, to play and to sing. But now the doubt is, how it may be understood, and agree withal, that the scripture should say, the evil spirit of the Lord did take Saul: if the spirit were of the Lord, how was he evil? and if he were evil, how was he of the Lord? it seemeth an hard thing, and not intelligible, to say of the one part, that that spirit which held Saul, was of the Lord: and of the other part, to say that the spirit was evil. But if the spirit were of the Lord how was he then evil? and if he were evil, how was he of the Lord? For the understanding hereof, it is to be noted, how it is written in the 1. Regum cap. xxuj. that David being compassed with the army of King Saul, who sleeping on a night in his tent, David did pass through the mids of his camp, and took from the kings beds head, the lance that he fought withal, and a cruse of water, wherein he used to drink: and in this passage, he was neither seen of the watch, nor perceived of the scout. And why? Quia sopor Domini irruit super eos: to say, as the Scripture saith, that the sleep of the Lord fell upon them, is most true: but to say, that God doth sleep, and hath need of sleep, is a great mockery. For, as the Psalmist doth say, Ecce non dormitabit neque dormiet qui custodit Israel. When the scripture doth say: Quòd sopor Domini irruit super eos: that God had sent a dead sleep upon them: it is to be understood: non quòd ipse dominus dormiret: Sed quia eius nutu infusus esset: ne quisquam presentiam David sentiret. The divine providence would cast a sleep upon King Saul, and upon his watch, and upon those of his Camp: not for their recreation, but for the safe keeping of David: in such wise, that in God, his sleep and his providence is one self thing: the Lord is so zealous of his elect, and so vigilant to preserve them, that he doth not only give them grace to perform good purposes, but also doth direct them always by good means: in such wise, that although he doth permit them to travail, he doth not consent that they perish.  
But coming to the purpose, that after the manner, that the Scripture is to be understood, Sopor Domini irruit super eos: after the same manner, is understand, Spiritus Domini malus arripiebat Saulem. And for farther declaration of this I say: Quod si Diabolus tentationem justis semper infer cupiat: tamen si à Domino potestatem, non accepit: nullatenus adipisci potest, quod appetit. The spirit that did tempt and torment King Saul: for this cause he is called an evil spirit: for that the will of the Devil in tempting us, is evil. And for this purpose, he is named the spirit of the Lord: for that the power which the Lord doth give him to tempt us, is good. When God doth give licence to any Devil, that he go to vex and disquiet any just man: it is not God's intention, that he tempt him, but to exercise him: because virtue is of such quality, that it groweth mortified, when it is not exercised with travails. The wheat which is not turned, is eaten with wivels. The garment that is not worn, 
Virtue & the virtues by exercise be conserved.  is eaten with moths: the timber that is not seasoned, is spoiled with chest locks: the from that is not wrought, doth consume with rust: bread long kept groweth finnowed. 
God hath more regard unto us than we ourselves.  By this that I have said, I would say, that there is not any thing that turneth us to more weakness & negligence: than to be a certain time without temptations. Much more care hath God of us, than we of ourselves: for in the end, as our worthiness is little, and but to small purpose, if we do quail, he doth comfort us: if we lie down to sleep, he waketh us: if we be wearied, he helpeth us: if we grow fearful, he doth encourage us: if we grow negligent, he doth entice us. Finally I say, that leaving ourselves unto our own power, we permit ourselves to fall, and he alone gives the hand to lift us up.  
Also holy job was tempted of the evil spirit of the Lord, not because there was any notable fault in the man: but for that there reigned in the Devil envy and malice. For cursed sathan had not envy of the great goods that job had, but of the excellent life that he led. At the instant that one is evil, he doth desire that all be evil: if he be slandered, that all be defamed: in such wise, that there is not so perilous an envy, as that which evil men have of those which be good and virtuous: If one be good and rich, and live by one that is evil and malicious. First, he that is evil, doth travel to take away the credit the good man hath, before he useth force to spoil him of his goods.  
Abrabam was tempted when it was commanded that his only son should be sacrificed. Toby was tempted when he lost his sight. The holy job was tempted, when they killed his children, took his goods, and filled him with the mangy: in which temptations those holy men suffered much; 
Not the suffering but the patience wherewith we suffer, God regardeth.  and also lost much: but at the time of repayment he did not give them reward according to the goods they lost, but according to the patience they used. Since it is certain that all passions or troubles, either God doth sand them, or else do come by the hand of God, it is reason that we take them as sent by the hand of God, who is so just in that he commandeth, and so limited, in that he permitteth, 
The temptation of the Devil is limited.  that he doth never suffer us to be tempted above our strength. With men that be of a good life, and do keep reckoning with their conscience: the licence which God giveth to the Devil to tempt them, is surely limited, and the patience that he giveth them, is very bountiful, & de hoc bactenus sufficit.  
The controller Hinestrosa came from the Court this way to see me, which came in such distress, for that he had gone thither, he him repented, and for that he had stayed, he was despited, and for that which had happened, he was abhorred: in such sort, that to hear him report his great traveles, moved me to weigh my own as light. Men in sadness aught not to seek comfort of those that be merry, but of others that are sorrowful and more confounded than themselves. For if they so do, of a troth, they shall found that it is very little they suffer, in respect of that which others endure. No more, but that our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Sotia the 4. of March. 1518.   

A letter unto the Marquis of Velez, wherein he writeth unto him certain news of the Court.  
RIght magnificent & my singular good Lord, Garcy Rodrygues servant and solicitor unto your Lordship, gave me a letter of yours made the seventh of this present in Velez el Rubio, which came with more swiftness, and also more fresh than the Samons they bring from Bayon. Your honour writeth unto me, that I should certify you what news, and what world runneth: unto which, I dare answer your Lordship, that in this Court, none runneth, but they go all bechafed. It is an ancient pestilence in the courts of Princes: that they call such men as do not answer them: they love where they be hated: they follow such as know them not: they seek those that fly them: they serve those that pay them not: they hope for that which is not given them: and they procure that which they can not obtain. such and so great traveles as these are, although we perform with our body that suffereth, we can not bring to pass with the heart to dissemble them: if the body suffer pains, and the heart be compassed with anguish, sooner doth the body cease to complain, than the heart to sigh. plutarch saith of Aeschines the Philosopher, that being as he was always sick, did never complain of the Spleen that did grieve him: and on the other part, he did much lament of any sorrow that happened unto him. As a wise man it seemeth your Honour to be advised in keeping your house, overseeing your lands, enjoying your goods, understanding how to live, and how to discharge your conscience. In such wise, that of affairs in court, ye delight to hear, & fly to see them. For of a troth, as all things that do pass here are feigned, vain, void, inconstant, and dangerous: it is a pastime to understand them, and a great despite to behold them.  
Your Lordship will that I writ unto you, whether I be present at any time when the Empress doth eat, and what things she doth most use to feed on. Now in winter (as at this present) few Prelates being at Court, I (my Lord) am present every day at dinner and supper, not to see, but to bless the table. And I can tell your Lordship, that if I bless her, I curse myself: because at the hour that I depart the Court to go to dinner, it is then time (very near) to go to bed. There is much less travel in serving of God, than the king. 
It is less travel to serve God, than the world.  For the king doth not accept service, but when it liketh him: but our God, doth not only accept when he will, but also when we think good. To that you demand, what and how the Empress doth eat: I can show your Lordship, that she eateth that which she eateth cold, and in the cold, alone, with silence, and that all stand beholding. If I be not deceived, these be five such conditions, that only one were suffcient to give me a very evil repast. Sir it is now winter, the which naturally is a time very heavy, cold, melancholic, and all men delight to eat their meat by the fire, warm, accompanied, and talking, and that none stand to behold, for that in time of rejoicing, when a man neither eateth or serveth, but standeth with silence musing with himself: I dare say, of such a one, that he doth not behold us, but rather watch us. To eat in the winter any cold meat, is no small want of good diet, for meats that are cold, do hurt the stomach, & give no appetite. A man to eat alone is likewise great solitarnesse, & in the end, 
Good company is more pleasant than great fare.  the gentleman doth not so much delight in the meat he eateth, as in the mirth he maketh with the company he hath at his table. For a man to eat without communication and warmth: I would say, the one proceeded of filthiness, the other of wretchedness. Princes be not bound to be subject to these rules: because they are forced to use great severity in their life, and great authority at their meat. My Lord, be it as be may: and let her Majesty eat, as shall please her to command: for in the end I do more repined at her patience, than envy the meat she eateth. The meats that are served at her table are many: and those that she feedeth on, be very few, (for if her Physiognomy do not deceive me,) the Empress is of a very good condition, and of a weak complexion. The most that she eateth of, is winter Melons, powdered Beef, fed Pigeons, minst Bacon, great Geese, and Capons roasted: in such wise, that she eateth that others do loath: and she abhorreth that, for which men of the country do sigh. They set before her, Peacock, Partridge, Capons, franked pheasant, Manger blank, Pasties, Tarts, and other variable kind of gluttonies: of all which, she not only pretendeth a contempt to eat, but also, showeth a loathsomeness to behold. In such wise, that the contentation doth not consist in the much or little that we have, but only in that, whereunto we be inclined. In all her dinner, she drinketh but once, and that is not pure wine, but water mixed with wine: in such wise, that with her sippets none may satisfy his appetite, and much less kill his thirst. She is served after the manner of Portugal, which is to wit: there is placed at the table three Dames upon their knees, the one to carve, the other twain to serve, in such sort, that the meat is brought by gentlemen, and served with Ladies. All the other Dames be there present, standing upright, not in silence, but talking, not alone, but accompanies: so that the three Ladies give the Empress to eat, and the others yield their servants sufficient matter both to speak and think. Authorised and pleasant is the manner of Portugal, yet truly, notwithstanding that sometimes the Dames do laugh so loud, and the gallants do speak so high, that they loose their gravity, and also are irksome to her Majesty.  
To that which your Lordship doth demand, that whether be more, the Dames that be sued unto, or the gallants that do serve them? to this I answer: that Esayas did say, Apprehendent septem malieres virum unum. Many sons of Knights and Gentlemen, do travel to see the Dames, to talk with them, and to serve them: but at the time of marriage, none doth marry with them. In such manner that justice justice, but not at home.  
To that which you demand, who gave the Hat to the Lord Cardinal: it was Sir Francis of Mendoza, Bishop of Samora. And if my divination deceiveth me not, the Lord Bishop, had rather have been upon his knees to receive the same, than sitting to give it. They presented the Hat in saint Antony's Church: and at the instant it was given him, there fell so great tempest of wind and rain, 
The old Romans were superstitious.  that if as he was a Christian, he had been a Roman, either he would not have received it, or else have defered it until another day. My Lord it is not to be holden for a jest, that at the very present, the wind and the rain was so cruel and vehement, and the water so great, that when the Cardinal went thence made Cardinal, he did more profit himself of the Hat he brought, than of the Hat which he received. The banquet made by the Cardinal, was magnificent in expenses and of long continuance, for that we began to eat at one, and made an end at four. As concerning drinking, there were found so good wines, and also so good drinkers, that Toro, S. Martin, 
Places where the good wine of Spain doth grow.  Madrigal, and Arenas, did cause that some did stalk with unsteady steps.  
As concerning my lodging, your Lordship aught not to ask me, if I have good lodging, but if I have any lodging. For I say many times unto john de Aiala the harbinger, that of God we obtain that we desire with prayers: and of him we can not get a lodging, not not with tears. On a sunday in Aduent, preaching in the Chapel unto her Majesty, I said, that saint john Baptist went to devil in the desert, not only to avoid sin, but also for that he would not have to do with harbingers: and your Lordship do demand if there be much people at the Court: to my judgement there are few men & many women: for that from Auila there came enough to the Court, and here in Medina was very many, & beside these, Toro, Zamora, Salamanca, & Olmedo, have sent hither other adventures, in such fort, that if in Palace there be for every gallant seven dames, there is in Court for every courtier seven Courtizanes. For that Caesar is in Flanders, the winter hard, and the year dear also, there is none at the court that willingly would be there, but for necessity.  
Further, your Lordship will that I writ unto you what I think of the duke of Veiar, which gathered so great treasure in his life, that at his death he left four hundredth thousand Ducats. This is a matter perilous to writ, and odious to hear: but in the end (my judgement is) that he went to seek care for himself, envy for his neighbours, spurs for his enemies, 
Terrible notes for the rich niggard.  a pray for thieves, travail for his person, anguish for his spirit, scruple for his conscience, peril for his soul, law for his children, and curses for his heirs. Great contention and debate goeth betwixt the old duchess and the young Duke, and the Earl of Miranda, and others his kinsfolk and heirs, upon the inheritance of his good, and the succession of his house: in such wise, that there be many that eft procure to inherit his money, and none that takes the charge of his discharge. In the year. 1523. I being sick in Burgos, 
The deed do here leave their money, and carry away their sins,  the Duke came to see me, and demanded who might properly be called covetous, for the he had asked many, & none had answered unto his mind: and that which I answered at the sudden, were these words: The man the sitteth in the smoke when he may warm himself by a fair fire: that may drink good wine, and drinketh evil: that may have a good garment and goeth hard and ragged: and that will live poorly to die rich: 
Horrible to live poorly, to die in great wealth.  he alone and no other we may name covetous and wretched. And said further: Believe me (my Lord Duke) that I hold him a more worthy man that doth venture to part his riches, than him that gathereth them together: because, for a man to be rich it is sufficient that he be diligent, but to employ his great riches, he must be a Gentleman, and noble minded. To that your Lordship doth demand my opinion of this town of Medina, I can say unto your honour (to my judgement) that it hath neither ground nor heaven, for the heavens are always covered with Clouds, and the ground with dirt: in such wise, that if the neighbourhed do call it Medina of the field, we Courtiers do term it Medina of the dirt. It hath a river that is called Sapardiell, which is so deep and dangerous, that geese in summer go over dry footed: and as it is a river narrow and muddy: it doth provide us many eels: and doth cover us with many Clouds. No more, but that our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Medina del campo, the xviij. of july in the year. 1532.   

A letter unto the Bishop of Tui, new precedent of Granado, in which is said, what is the office of Precedents.  
MAgnificent and most reverend Lord and regal judge, I wish the new provision that his majesty hath bestowed upon your honour for the Presidentship of this royal audience of Granado, may be fortunate. I can show your lordship, that in this country you are more known by your fame, than by your person. Wherefore (as you know) you have to travail that your life may be conformable unto your fame, also you have to consider that if you come to judge, you shall also: be judged, not of few, but of many: not of learning but of custom: not of goods, but of fame: not only in public, but also in secret: not of weighty causes, but also of very small matters. One of the greatest travails that Precedents have, and such as govern common wealths, is, that they do not only judge what they do, but also what they think: not only the things that they do in earnest, but also what they commit in jest: in such sort that all things which they do not with severity, they judge it for lightness. Plutarch saith in his politics, that the Athenians did note in Simonides, that he spoke loud. The Thebans accused Parniculus that he spit much. The Lacedæmonians said, that Lycurgus went stooping The Romans blamed Scipio, that he slept snorting. The Vticenses defamed the good Cato, that he did eat with both his cheeks. The enemies of Pompey murmured that he scratched with one finger. The Carthaginians reproved their Hannibal, for that he went loose with his garments: and the Sillanos charged julius Caesar, that he went evil girt. Behold sir, how far the malice of man doth extend, and in what things the idle (in the common wealth) do occupy themselves: to wit, that they praise not, what the noble minded do take in hand as valiant men, but condemn that which they do of negligence.  
With reason they might have praised Simonides: that overcame the battle of Marathone: Parniculus that rescued Thebes: Lycurgus, that reformed his kingdom: Scipio that subdued Carthage: Cato, that sustained Rome: Pompeius, that augmented the Empire. Hannibal: that was of a mind immortal: and julius Caesar, that thought it little to be Lord of the world. Whereof we may gather, that the people of a base soil do not speak of their betters and of the mighty: according as reason directeth, but agreeable to that which envy doth persuade them. Pliny sayeth that the Romans, only in the province of Vetica, held five jurisdictions convented: which is, that of Gades, Hispalis, Emeritans, Astaginensis, Cordubensis: they called Andelozia, the Province of Vetica: they named the Chauncellorships, jurisdictions convented: Gades, was Calis: Hispalis, was seville: Cordubensis, Cordwa: Meritensis, Merida: Astaginensis, Ecija. Of these five Chauncelorships, the first and the greatest was that of Calis: for there was resident the Counsel of the Province: and in Merida were the men of war. I have brought all these antiquities unto your Lordship's memory, thereby to be advertised and also to consider: as there were then many precedents appointed to govern, there were many of whom also to murmur: but now you being alone, the charge of murmuration will light upon you only. The people of this country, are not like the people of your country: for here they be sharp, subtle, and great dissemblers: therefore I advise and forewarn you, that in hearing them you use leisure: and in your answers resolution. As you shall perceive more hereafter, 
Strange customs in a common wealth are perilous.  they will apply more understandings to one word, than there be gloss upon the Bible. Conserve them in their ancient customs: care not to attempt or bring in any new things: for novelties do always bring displeasures to those that deal therein: and amongst the people, doth engender uproars or offences. Stand always upon good advisement: & walk always upon consideration: for in the houses of judges, as many enter to view, as to dispatch matters. The house of Audience is very moist, old, narrow, little, displeasant & dark; in such sort, that it is rather to be pulled down than to dwell in: it will grieve your honour to see it, & offend you to inhabit the same, but in the end, you have to comfort yourself, that your coming thither is not to dwell, but to amend your estate. My Lord precedent your predecessor, entered the same, Bishop of Malorca, & came from thence, made bishop of Auila. And so may it please the Lord, as ye now come Bishop of Tui, ye shall return Archbishop of Cevill: for it is now an ancient custom, that the presidents be never removed, until their estate be amended. Your Lordship may bold it for most certain, that the office of precedent is not a little honourable, but jointly therewith, very tedious and burdensome. For that no man hath compassion of his travel, & all (if he take ease,) blaspheme him. In this presidentship there is other travel, which is, your friends have licence to see you, and to speak unto you, but your Lordship hath not liberty, to use conference with them: for if you talk with any in particular, and admit him to your secret affairs: forthwith they will report thorough the audience, and also will talk in place, that you have more ability to be commanded, than capacity to command. In hard, grave, and weighty matters, it is not repugnant to wisdom, neither yet to conscience, for a judge to confer with his friends, upon this condition, that they be neither affected or furious, for there doth wit most bend, where will hath most force. In such wise, ye aught to be conversant, confer, talk, and also consult with your familiar friends, that all men may think of you, that they do counsel, but not command you. Such as come to be suitors unto you, are not to be answered sharply or with rigour, a mild answer never offendeth: for if they go not with hope to be despatched, it were not just they should departed complaining of their answer. In the words, in the courtesies, and in the answers, that you shall use, deal with every one according as your Lordship shall perceive the condition of his estate to require: for otherwise, some will praise you for just, and other some note you of evil nurture. Your Lordship also hath to travel in the common wealth, to appear mild, pitiful, loving, and well wishing: in such sort, that you rather seek to be praised for the bounty ye use, than for the authority you have. Consent not to be furious, angry, cruel, & absolute, for that judges be bound to suffer infinite injuries, and have no licence to revenge only one. When at any time you shall feel occasion to be angry, troubled, and also injuried, break not forth into ire, nor speak any evil word. For if the man that doth injury us, be discrete, we take no small revenge, 
Notable conditions of a good Precedent.  if to his words we give no answer. The good Precedent, aught to have rectitude in judgement, purity of life, quickness in dispatch, patience in his affairs, and prudence in his governance. The which five virtues, he in themselves so connexed, and in him so necessary, that he shall not be so much profited by the four that he hath, as he shall receive offence by the one that he lacketh. Of myself I give your Lordship to understand, that two years since I have ●in at the law in this audience, against the Church of Toledo, for the Abbay of Basa, in which, I have sentence in my favour, Per omnia benedictus Deus. My Lord, at this present, we be in degree of a revew, and for that the matter dependeth in such estate, and may not farther proceed without the Precedent, Nil iam superest, nisi quod descendas, & ponas manum super eam. In that your Lordship is Precedent and I a suitor, this letter suffereth not offers in words, nor permitteth much less service in works. Ne imponamus crimen gloriae vestrae. Come your Lordship when you will with gladness, and enter this audience in an happy hour, that as you know, positus es in ruinam, & in resurrectionem multorium. Of lawyers and officers old and new, you shall found a sacred College, dignum profectò tali viro. Not more, but our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Granado the 12. of May. 1531.   

A letter unto the warden of Alcala, in which is expounded that of the Psalm, which saith, Let the living descend into hell.  
MOst reverend and sufficient religious father, Frater Antonius de Guevara, predicator & Chronista Caesaris: suo precordiali patri guardiano, cumplu: sal. plu. mittit. Quamuis hactenus non scripsi paternitati tuae, non tunc minus tibi deditus & affectus fui. Causam autem meae taciturnitatis, tua singularis, prudentia per seize optime novit. Literas tuas accepimus: quae nobis incunditati, & volup●ati: fuerunt. Nec enim est alius quisquam bomimum, cuius scripta libentius quàm tua legamus: est enim in eyes, & dicendi ornatus, & debiti salis condimentum. Gaudemus te bene valere: utinam & semper tibi sit. Et de bis hactenus: In the general chapter I preached, all our order being present, & amongst other authorities of holy Scripture, I expounded that text of the Psalmist, which saith, descendant in infernum viventes. The exposition whereof your reverence desireth me to sand written as it was preached, for that as than you heard it not. The preacher that gives in writing what he hath said in the pulpit, binds himself to loose his credit. For in the mouth of a great preacher, it is more to see the spirit which he giveth to the words he speaketh, than to all that he can writ unto us. Aeschines the Philosopher, being banished by the Athenians to the Rhodes, when upon a certain day he related the Oration that Demosthenes had made and written against him, he said unto them: if ye had seen that beast Demosthenes blazon his words, and the spirit he had in speaking of them. Among the thirty most famous tyrants that did destroy the common wealth of Athenes, Pifistrato was one, in whose time the Philosopher Damonidas did flourish: A man out of doubt of a reformed life, and must eloquent in his speech. Of this Philosopher Damonidas, Pifistraro the tyrant, on a day said unto the Senate of Athens: All manner of men of Athe●s, and of Greece, may freely come and speak with me in their affairs, and say what appertaineth, except the Philosopher Damonidas, which may writ unto me, but not come and talk with me, 
The words of the eloquent contain great efficacy.  for he holdeth such efficacy in his words, that he persuadeth to what he william. King Philip (Father to Alexander the great, besieging a certain city in Grecia,) came to parley with those in the City, that if they would suffer the Philosopher Theomastes to enter, and to speak with them certain words, he would departed and raise his siege: the Philosopher Theomastes had great eloquence in the words he did speak, and very great persuasion in things he would bring to pass, and so it chanced there, 
A strange example of an Orator.  that he entering alone into the City, making his Oration in the Senate: they did not only tender themselves and open their gates, but also did kiss King Phillip's hands for king. In such wise, that the Philosopher had more power with his words, than the King with his armies. I say this reverend Father, for that betwixt the bearing and reading of a sermon there goeth no small difference. For as the Apostle sayeth, the letter killeth, but the spirit quickeneth. The authority of the Prophets be assured, the sermon goeth written as it was preached, but I give you to understand, it goeth despirited and unsavoury.  
But coming to the purpose of that the Prophet saith: which is to weet: descendant in infernum viventes. The doubt is, how it may agree, that they may go down to hell, 
A text of the Psalmist expounded.  being alive, and being alive, how they may be in hell. Saying, as the Prophet doth say, in an other Psalm: Non mortui lnudabunt te Domine, nes omnes qui descendant in infernum. If those that go down into hell, shall not there praise God, but blaspheme him: to what end doth the prophet command us to descend? To say that Orestes entered into hell after the Nymphs, and that Aeneas descended thither to seek his father: and that the musician Orpheus did fetch from thence his wife, and the valiant Hercules did break the gates and bind the Giant Aethna, and the dog Cerberus: These may be termed poetical fixions, and no truths: for the unfortunate that is once overtaken with night in hell, for evermore there remaineth buried: and he that can once timely rise up into Paradise, shall never more see night: for the elect shall there found day without night, and the dampened shall found night without day. Being such as we aught to be, we may excuse our going to hell: but after that we shall be entered thither, it is not in us to return again. For there is nothing more consonant to reason, than that he which willingly came to the fault, against his will do suffer pain. For the prophet to say, descendant in infernum viventes, in my judgement I durst say, that his meaning was to persuade us, and to warn us, that we descend into hell being alive: that we descend not after we be dead. Now let us descend into hell by contemplation, so that afterwards we descend not to eternal damnation. Let us descend thither by fear, that they carry us not thither by rigour. Let us descend thither with good will, that they carry us not by force. Let us descend by day, that they carry us not at night. Let us descend alone, because they shall not compel us to go with company. Let us descend in time, that we may return, because that afterwards they shall not carry us to leave us there. Finally, I do say, that it is an holy thing to descend into hell, while we are alive, to the end we descend not when we be dead. They daily descend into hell that think upon the grievous pains and formentes that be given there for sin. For there is no better salve to part us from our sins, than always to carry the pain in memory. For out of doubt, the pain of the dampened doth withdraw us from vices. Go who will on pilgrimage to Monserate, let them wander to get the jubilee of S. james: let him vow himself to our Lady of Gadaliape: let him travail to S. Lazarus of Civil: let him sand alms to the holy house: and let him offer his goods to S. Antony de Castro. But for my part I will no other station, but that unto hell. He understendeth not a little, nor occupieth himself in little, nor goeth not a little, nor takes in hand that is little, neither goeth on pilgrimage a little, that every day giveth a hoylt or a turn into hell. Once a year did the Hebrews visit their temple. From five years to five, the Samnites did celebrated their Lustros: from four to four years the greeks did feast at their Olympiad's: from seven years to seven years, the Egyptians did renew the Temple of Iris: from ten to ten years, the Romans did sand presents to the Oracle of Apollo: but he that is a faithful and a true Christian, not from a time to so long a time, but every hour and every moment shall go and come to hell. For of a perpetual pain, perpetual aught to be the memory thereof. In the pilgrimage to the holy House, there is cost, travel, and also peril: but those that every day do visit hell by contemplation: neither have cost, or pass travel, neither run in any kind of danger: For it is a pilgrimage that you go on dry foot, and is visited with standing still. O blessed is the Soul that every day by the stations of hell gives a turn, in which he doth behold, how the proud be there brought down: the envious chastised: the gluttons pine with hunger: the furious grow mild: and the fleshly consumed. Therefore, let the living descend into hell. To go this holy journey, neither weakness may excuse us, either poverty let us: for it doth neither command us to weary our persons, or that we employ our goods, but that we keep our money and there to bestow our thoughts. Therefore let the living descend into hell. It doth not seem to me, the 〈…〉 ath an unmeet painted story, that hath hell painted in his oratory: for they are much more that abstain from sin for fear of the pain, than for love of the glory.  
This is that I judge of that text of the Psalmist, about the which (may it please the king of heaven) that even as my pen hath written, my soul may always ruminate: for as the Apostle saith, not the hearers, but the doers shall be justified.  
Vale. Iterumque vale. From Madrid the eight of januarie .1524.   

A Letter unto sir Diego of Caminia, wherein is treated, how envy reigneth in all men.  
MAgnificent and good Christian gentleman, you writ unto me, that you are much offended by many slanderers that deprave your doings, & unframe your attempts: I say, to marvel thereat, you have some occasion, but to be offended, you have no reason. For in the end, 
It is less evil to envy us, than to pity us  it is less evil that your neighbours envy you, than that your friends should pity you The most ancient vice of this world is envy, and that which shall not end until the world be finished, is envy. Adam, and the serpent: Abel and Cain▪ jacob and Esau: joseph and his brethren: Saul and David: job and Satan: Achitophel, and Hewsey: Haman and Mardocheus: did not persecute each other for the goods they did possess: but for the envy they had. Much more is the enmity that is sown upon envy: than that which is founded upon injury. For the injured man, doth many times forget: but the envious doth never cease to persecute. Moore cruel and also more long were the wars betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians: than betwixt the greeks and the troyans: For the greeks did fight for the injury done unto Helen: and the others, who should obtain the seygnorie of Europe. The mortal hatreds that fell betwixt those two great Roman Princes, 
The causes of hatred of julius Cesar, and Pompeius.  julius Caesar and Pompeius, was not for that the one had injured or evil dealt with the other: but for that Pompeius had envy at the great fortune julius Caesar had in fighting, and Caesar had envy at the great grace Pompeius had in government. Two kind of people were amongst the romans: much famous and very glorious, which is to wit: the Dictator's, that were very wise in government, unto whom they erected pictures lively counterfeit: and the consuls, which were skilful in ordering of their batailles. And to these were given triumphs. In such wise, that when Rome was in her great prosperity, no service was left unrewarded, nor crime unpunished. There be few men in whom all vices 〈◊〉 concorre, and much less be those that want all faults: and if there be any man that is good, he is envied, and if he be evil, he is envious. In such wise, that with the vice of envy, either we must persecute, or of some be persecuted. We may save ourselves from the liar, by not speaking with him: From the proud, by not comparing with him: From the slothful, by not troubling him: from the lecherous, in not being conversant with him: from the glutton, by not eating with him: From the furious, by not chiding with him: from the niggard, by ask him nothing. But from the envious, it is not sufficient to fly from him, much less to flatter him. The vice of envy is of such effect, that there is no tower, which he doth not scale: nor wall, that he doth not overthrow: nor mine, that the doth not countermine: nor power, that he doth not resist: neither man, against whom he doth not bend. If in one man alone might be found the beauty of Absalon, the strength of Samson, the wisdom of Solomon, the swiftness of Azaell, the riches of Croessus, the liberality of Alexander, the valiantness of Hector, the eloquence of Homer, the fortune of julius, the life of Augustus, the justice of Traianus, & the zeal of Cicero, let him hold it for certain, that he shall not be so endued with graces, as he shall be persecuted of the envious: the wolf follows the flock, the Ravens the carrion, the Bee● the flower, the Flies, the Honey, men, the riches, and the envious prosperity: I would say, that naturally as we have compassion upon the wretched, so have we envy at tthe prosperous. At the venom of Socrates, at the exile of Aeschines, 
Envy bendeth his artillery against prosperity.  at the hanging of Croesus, at the destruction of Darius, at the mischance of Pyrrhus, at the end of Cyrus, at the infamy of Catiline, at the misfortune of Sophonisa, none ever bore envy, but pity. One of the things by the which I know how far the malice of man doth extend, is: in that to the miserable & overthrown, there is none that will give his hand to help them up: and to the rich and those that are in favour, there wants not that armeth stumbling blocks to make them fall. Let them persuade themselves which be rich of power, and private or in favour, that their power and riches is not so great, as the malice and envy of their neighbours is cruel. Sir I thought good to bring unto your memory these old things, to the end you shall not refuse to pay your pound of wax, to be admitted into the brotherhood of envy. I give you to understand, if you know not, that the brothers of the fraternity of envy, 
Behold the fraternity of envy.  observe it as a principal office, to bury men quick, and to raise up dead men. This brotherhood of envy is generous, for of them have been Christians and infidels, absent and present, rich and poor, and all those that be dead, and such as be now alive. They have in that fraternity, great liberties and privileges, that is to say, they repair not to Chapels, but to houses: they speak not evil of the poor, but of the rich: they do not help, but hinder: they give not, but they take: they pray not, but they curse: they abstain not from man's flesh, but from beasts: they be not in doubt of their enemies, but of their friends: Finally they have licence to murmur one of an other, and never to common of the truth. Although this brotherhood be painful and tedious, yet is it a sign of great misery not to be registered in the same: for the man that hath not in this world some enemies, it is a note that of fortune he is much forgot. Plutarch in his Apothegms, speaking of Themistocles, the renowned Captain of the Greeks sayeth, that one demanding why he was so sad? made answer: The sorrow that I have is, for that in xxij year since I was borne, I think not that I have have done any thing worthy memory, because I see no man in all Athens beareth me envy. The first tyrant that was in Sicily, the ancients do affirm, was Herion, the second Celon, the third Dionysius the Syracusan, the fourth Dionysius the young man, the fifth Taxillo, the sixth Brudanus, the seventh Hermocrates: of the which seven, to this day the Scicilians do as much complain, as the greeks do boast themselves of their seven sages. The last tyrant Hermocrates, approaching near to death is reported to have said unto his son: Son, the last words I say unto thee, is, be not envious in condition, but do such deeds as therefore thou must be envied. Surely, these words were not words of a Tyrant, but of a very wise man. For he commanded by the same, that he should be virtuous, and forbade him to be malicious. Sir I said unto you in the beginning of this letter, that although you had some occasion, yet had you no just reason too vex yourself, neither to desist in well-doing. For of two evils the less evil is, to consent that they murmur of well doing, then to leave to do well.  
Sir from hence there are few things to writ of, but that, if you have there too many evil tongues, here we have no want of blasphemies, which do neither make exception of God, or pardon the King. Two times I have moved the Cardinal Tortosa in your business: & if I be not deceived, as great is his forgetfulness, as my diligence. We that be in this Court, advise ourselves to seek that which we may, when we cannot what we desire. No more, but our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.  
From Valiodolid, the xxuj. of October .1520.   

A letter unto sir john of Moncada, in which is declared what thing is Ire, and how good is patience.  
EXpectable Gentleman and magnificent Knight, if it shall seem unto you that I answer your Letters with slackness, impute the fault to Palome your servant which halteth, and the horse whereon he rideth is lame, the way long, the winter hard: and I also am always in business, although from the same I have gathered small profit: and as I suspect, if this your servant have made any tarriance upon the way in coming hither, or hath made small haste in returning thither, it hath proceeded of a certain combat with love that he happened to encounter by the way. Wherein, you may then well think how much rather he would accomplish the love that he bears in his breast, than with your letters that he carrieth in his bosom. If you will credit me, to men enamoured you shall never commend your business: For his office is not to be occupied in other affairs, but in writing letters, watching at corners, playing on gitterns, climbing of walls, and viewing of windows. As concerning that which you writ unto me in your letter, I shall answer you more briefly than your desire, and more largely than I may. Considering how I go to the Inquisition to reform, and to the Court too preach: and every day in Caesar's Chronicles to writ. My business is overmuch, and my time too little. By the holy God I do swear, that as many courtiers which be idle in this court, I do more envy the time they lose, than the money they possess. But coming to the purpose, 
Courtiers lose time.  I do swear by the law of a friend, I have been as much grieved for your great mischance and misfortune, as if it had been mine own cause. For as Chilo the Philosopher said: the mischances of a friend we must not only remedy them, but also bewail them. Agesisaus the Greek being demanded for what cause he did more lament the heaviness of his friends, than the death of his children, made answer: I do not bewail the want of my wife, the loss of my goods, or the death of my children: for all these are parts of myself: but I bewail the death of my friend, which is an other myself. Sir, I say thus much, since I may not be there present to lament with you, neither do I here find myself of power sufficient to remedy your case, I will writ some letter to comfort you. For sometimes the pen useth no less pity with the friend, than the lance doth cruelty with the enemy, to persuade that you should not feel, that which reason would you should so much feel: it should be just occasion for me to be worthily noted with want of due consideration, and you accused to be insensible. That which I dare speak in this matter is, that you conceive thereof as a man, and dissemble the same as advised and discrete. The injuries that touch our honour, done by such of whom we may not be revenged, the most sound counsel is, to let it fall, since with due vengeance it may not be quited. If in these present grieves you will take the order of a Christian, & leave the way of a worldly knight, you shall fix your eyes (not on him that doth persecute you) but in God that doth permit the same: before whom you shall found yourself so faulty, that that is little which you suffer, in respect of that ye deserve to suffer. Moreover, 
Injuries done by the almighty are to be dissembled.  ye aught to think, that tribulations which God permitteth, be not to loose us, but to prove us. For in the books of God they set down no man as quited, but he that is apt for travel: and amongst those of the world, they give wages to none but unto him that is given to wantonness.  
Sir you writ unto me that I certify you what thing is anger, and the definition thereof. To see if you may forget the despite of him that hath done you so cruel an outrage to know what thing is Ire, and to cut of the furious curse of his rage. Sir, it seems to me no evil counsel (the very troth being known) many times it is more security for him that is injuried to dissemble the injury, than to revenge it.  
Aristides saith, that ire is no other thing, but an inflaming of the blood: and an alteration of the heart. Possidonius saith, that ire is no other thing, but a short foolishness. Cicero saith, that which the Latins do call ire, the Greeks do name desire of vengeance. Aeschines saith, that ire was caused of the fume of the gall, and of the heat of the heart. 
The trefull of all men and at all times abhorred.  Macrobius saith there is much difference betwixt ire and testiness: because ire groweth of an occasion, and testiness of evil condition. The divine Plato sayeth, that the fault is not in anger, but in him that gives occasion. Laertius saith, when the chastisement exceeds the fault, then is it vengeance, and not zeal: But when the fault doth exceed the chastisement, it is zeal and no vengeance. plutarch saith, that the privileges of ire, are not to believe our friends, to be rash in attempts, to have the cheeks inflamed, to use quickness with the hands, to have an unbridled tongue, at every word to use overthwartness, to be fumish for small causes, and to admit no reason. Solon Solonio being demanded whom we call properly irous, answered, he that little esteemeth to loose his friends, and maketh no account to recover enemies. After so many and so grave Philosophers, that which I dare say is, that the vice of ire is lightly written, easy to persuade, pleasant to preach, ready to counsel, and very difficile to refrain. Of any vice we may speak evil, but of the vice of anger we may say much, and very much evil. For ire doth not only transform us into fools, but also maketh us of all men to be abhorred. To temper ire is sufficiently virtuous: but utterly to expel it, is a thing more than sure. For all things that are evil of themselves, and of condition hurtful, are more easily resisted than thrown away. In the beginnings, many things be in our own hands, to admit or to sand them away: but after they have taken power over us (if by chance reason rise against them) they say they will not departed, since they be in possession. Ire hath so evil a condition, that of one only time that we yield him our will, he afterwards maketh our will unto all the he liketh.  
In the Magistrates that govern the common wealth, 
In him that governeth, ire is perilious.  we condemn not the good or evil correction they use: but the great fury they show in the same. For if they be bound to chastise the offences, they have not licence to show themselves passioned. Those that offend, it is a thing very just that they remain not unpunished: but this punishment must not be such, that it appear that they take some great vengeance: for be a man never so brute, without comparison he doth more feel the hate that they show, than the chastisements which they give. The whip, the staff, the sword, & the punishment that is given to the flesh, although it be grievous, yet it soon passeth: but the injurious word the heart never forgetteth. For a man to be in power and authority, and to refrain his anger, it is not an humane virtue, but heroical and divine. For in this world, there is not a more high or excellent kind of triumph, than a man to triumph over his own heart. Socrates the Philosopher, 
A notable example to restrain ire.  holding his dagger in his hand to strike one of his servants (the same already lifted up) said: remembering myself that I am a philosopher, & that at this present I am angry, I will not give thee thy deserved chastisement. O example for certain worthy to be noted, and much more to be embraced and followed. Of which we may gather, that during the time that ire hath us in possession, we aught not to dare to speak, and much less any man to chastise.  
Lycurgus the Philosopher, commanded those that governed his common wealth: 
An example of the heathen to be noted and learned.  that all evil and dishonest things they should condemn and chastise, but yet by no means, abhor the malefactor, saying that there could not be amongst the people, a more grievous plague than a judge that would make himself drunk with fury. There be few that follow this counsel, and very many that do the contrary: for now a days there is none that is angered with the offence, but with the offender. For my part (and also for those that shall) it is a great travail to traffic or deal with furious, impatient, and men of evil suffering: For that they are importable to serve, and of conversation very perilous. Since I have said what thing is ire, and the hurts that are done by ire: now let us say, what remedies may be given against ire. For my meaning is not to teach you to be angry, but to be patient. I dare avouch, that it is a great remedy against ire, when a man is angered to refrain the tongue, and to defer vengeance until an other time. For that many times a man doth say and promise being in choler, things the which afterwards he would not should have once passed his thoughts. With the ireful we must not be importunate to entreat a pardon, not not from the foot to the hand, but only to desire that vengeance be deferred. For during fury, there is no account to be made that the injuried will pardon, except he be quieted with the man that is furious and in choler: for any one to seek to bring him to agreement, or to justice, either it is lack of wit, or diligence more than needeth. For the ire that is much inflamed, and the heart that is kindled with fury, neither doth admit consolation, or is overcome with reason. I do advise and readuise the man that presumes to be wise, that he take not in hand to contend with him that is inflamed with ire. For if he fail to follow counsel herein, when he scapeth best, he shall either have his honour reviled, or his head broken. Although a man be a friend unto him that is offended, he doth him more profit to let him alone, than to speak unto him, or help him. For at the instant he hath more need of a bit to bridle him, than a spur to quicken him. With the man that is in a rage, it is more need to use skill than to deal by force. For although he were angered at the sudden, the pacifying of him must be at leisure. Plutarch in the books of his common wealth doth counsel the Emperor Trajan that he be patient in his travails, mild in his affairs, and of much suffering amongst the furious: affirming and swearing, that many more things be cured by time, than framed and agreed by reason. Betwixt noble personages we have seen great quarrels, which passions and furies might not be stayed by entreatance of friends, threatening of enemies, gifts of money, neither yet with weariness of travails: And after that time hath had his course (and calling them to remembrance) have agreed amongst themselves, without the request of any friend to talk therein. Finally, I say, that when a friend doth see the choler of his friend inflamed, if he will do him good, let him cast on water with temperance to cool him, and not wood with fury to burn him. I (sir john) have enlarged this Letter much more than I thought, and also more than I desired, but that your exceeding pain and sorrows have made my pen discourteous, to suffer, use silence, and dissemble, and let the time pass, and somewhat forget the matter. For if I be not deceived, you shall see, the fire that they made at your gates, burn in their entrails. Solomon the Hebrew said, that the wise man hath his tongue in his heart: and he that is a fool and furious, hath his heart in his tongue. Agis the Greek said, that the foolish man is grieved with that which he doth suffer, and boasts himself of that which he hath spoken. And the wise is grieved with that which he hath spoken, and boasteth himself of that he doth suffer. Now or never it is needful, that you profit yourself of your science and wisdom: For it is a spice of no small foolishness, to know to cure others, and not to remedy yourself. I am not forgetful, that when my sister the Lady Francis died in Mexia her tower, you did writ me so many and so good things, that they were sufficient to lighten me of the pain, although not altogether of the sorrow. And sir, I say it for this cause, that it shall be greatly to your own purpose, to take some grapes of the same vine.  
As concerning the rest, I have no more to writ unto you, but that the credit which your servant brought with your letter, in that he should say unto me, the self same credit, my letter doth give him, in that which he shall answer.  
From Toledo the uj of April. 1523.   

A letter unto Sir Jerome Vique, in which is treated, how great liberty is much hurtful.  
RIght magnificent and Caesar's Ambassador, I being in Granado the xx. of july, received a letter from your worship. And considering it came so far as it is from Valentia to Granado, he hath made good speed upon the way, since he departed from thence the Saturday and came hither the Monday. Coming as you come from so strange a country as is Rome, and having passed so dangerous a Sea as is the gulf of Narbona, I will not demand if you came safe: But give God thanks for that you are come alive. I wish (if it please the Lord) that you come from Italy so sound in body and so perfect in soul, as when you parted from Spain: for in new countries always there is learned new fashions.  
The good Lycurgus did command the Lacedæmonians, that neither out of the kingdom they should go to traffic, or suffer strangers to enter their country, saying: That if kingdoms grow rich by trading with strangers, they turn poor of their proper virtues. Speaking the truth and also with liberty, I have seen few come from Italy; that came not absolute and also dissolute: and this, not because the land is not consecrat with saints, but for that it is now inhabited with sinners. The properties of the bells, are to call men to come to service, & never enter into the church themselves: and in my judgement, such is the condition of Italy, where there be great Sanctuaries that provoke unto prayer, and the people thereof hath no devotion. Many do say that all the weal of Italy consisteth in liberty. I say that all their hurt riseth by want of subjection: because, for men to do all that they will, they come to do that, which they aught not. If Trogus Pompeius do not deceive us, the Romans giving liberty to the Bactrians for that they had succoured the Consul Rufus in the Spartian wars, 
For the doubt of vice, liberty refused.  they refused it, saying, that, that day they should be made free, they should commit whereby deservedly to be slaves. Speaking the truth, there be no common wealths more lost than those where the people be most at liberty? For the condition of liberty is, to be of many desired and of few well employed: where there is no subjection, there is no King: where there is no King, there is no law: where there is no law, there is no justice: where is no justice, there is no peace: where there is no peace, there is continual war: and where there is war, it is impossible that the common wealth may long endure. Never might the mighty Rome be brought under by the Greeks, the Carthaginians, the French, the Huns, the Epirotes, the Sabines, the Samnites, and Etrurians: but finally it came to ruin and was lost, by the pride they had in commanding, and the much liberty in sinning. The divine Plato did say many times to the Athenians when he saw them go so at large: take heed you Athenians to yourselves, & lose not by your viciousness, that which you have won by your valiantness. For I give you to understand, that liberty asketh no less wisdom to conserve it, than valiantness to obtain it. Experience teacheth daily, how in a free common wealth, they do more hurts, they speak more blasphemies, they commit more offences, they raise more scandals, more good be defamed, and more theft attempted, only of two youngmen at liberty, than of two hundred that be subject. If curiously we do behold, of a troth we found that they do not drown in wells, whip, banish, cut the throats, hung, cut of ears, nor put in prison, but lost men that spends their time in vanities, and employ their liberty in vices.  
In the life of man there is not the like riches to liberty, but jointly therewith, there is nothing more perilous than she is, if they know not to measure her and use her according to reason: liberty aught to be won, procured, bought, succoured and defended: 
Liberty craveth wisdom.  but jointly with this, I do warn, give counsel, and also advise him that shall have her, that he use her (not when the appetite shall require) but when reason shall give licence. For otherwise, thinking that he had liberty for all his life, he shall not enjoy hire a month. The liberty of Phalaris did trouble the greeks: that of Roboam lost the Hebrews: that of Catiline did offend the Romans: that of jugurtha defamed the Carthaginians: that of Dionysius decayed the Scicilians: and in the end, the common wealths had an end of their travails, and they of their lives and tyrannies. Many men there be that leave to do evil, because they will not: but much more are they that cease, because they cannot. Many there be that do abstain for conscience, and many more for shame: many do refrain for love, but many more for fear: many live with a desire to be good, & many more for fear to be dishonoured. But yet for fear, or for love, or for conscience, or else for shame: always we must stay ourselves by the truth, & cut of the sway of liberty. For if we give the bridle to sensuality, & do not shut the door to liberty, we shall have what to think upon by day, and also wherefore to weep by night.  
Sir, I thought good to bring this to your memory, to the end, that since you come from Rome, you be not over careful to boast yourself of the customs thereof. For you shall understand (if ye know not) that the fashions of Italy are more pleasant to be recounted, than sure to be followed. If you call to remembrance the generosity of Rome, the liberty of the neighbours, the variety of the people, the galantnes of the women, the plenty of victuals, the goodness of the wines, the mirth and joy at their feasts, & the magnificency of their Palaces: you have therewith to remember, that there where goods be spent, the conscience is charged, and also many times that soul is lost. The Romish people in Rome many of them be good, but the strange people that are stayed in Italy, for the more part are evil, for they be but very few that go thither with devotion, but they be infinite that be lost in wandering after their fleshly lusts. Rome is not now in the power of the Christians, as it was in the time of the heathen, for then being the mother of all virtues, she is now turned to the school of all vices.  
Leaving this apart, what shall we say of a poor priest that goeth to Rome through Spain, France, and Lombary, and before he can get sentence of his benefice, he commits a thousand vices, spends his money, and doth a thousand wicked deeds? I say for mine own part, that I was at Rome, I saw Rome, I visited Rome, and did behold Rome: in which I saw many things that gave devotion, & other things that brought me to admiration. O how much, and how much is betwixt the customs of Italy, and the law of a pure christian?  

Twelve conditions of Rome, varying from Christ's law.  1 For in the one they say, that ye may do all that you will, and in the other, nothing but what you aught to do.  
2 In the one, that you be a comfort to all men, and in the other, that you shall deny to procure to be saved.  
3 In the one, that you have much conscience, and in the other, that you make no account of shame.  
4 In the one, that you travel to be a good Christian, and in the other, that you care to be very rich.  
5 In the one, that you live conformable unto virtue, in the other, that you care not but to enjoy liberty.  
6 In the one, that for any thing you shall not speak a lie, in the other, that in case of interest, you make no account of truth.  
7 In the one, that you live only with your own, and in the other, that also you take profit of other men's.  
8 In the one, that always you remember to die, & in the other, that for nothing you leave to lead an ill life.  
9 In the one, that always you occupy yourself in knowledge, & in the other, that you give yourself to be of much power.  
10 In the one, that you impart of that you have with the poor and friends, and in the other, that always you keep for dear years.  
11 In the one, that you use much silence, and in the other, that you presume to be very eloquent.  
12 In the one, that you believe only in Christ, and in the other, that you procure to have money. If you my Lord Ambassador, with these xy. conditions willbe a Roman, much good may it do you. For upon the day of account, you would rather have been a labourer in Spain, than an Ambassador at Rome. No more, but that our Lord be your protector, and to you and to me he give good endings.  
From Granado, in the year 1525. the day and month aforesaid.   

A letter unto the said Sir Jerome Vique, in which is declared an Epitaph of Rome.  
RIght magnificent Ambassador to Caesar: by your letter that I have received, I was certified that to you was delivered an other of mine, 
A condition at be in braced.  wherein I have used no curious care: For under your good condition, there is no place for any thing to be dispraised, much less to be condemned. Mosen Rubine advertised me, that by sleeping in an airy place, you have been very rheumatic, which I certainly believe hath proceeded of the great heat of the month of August, but by my advise you shall not use it, neither others so give counsel: for that it is less evil in summer to sweat than to cough.  
You writ, and also sand unto me certain Gothicke letters, that you have found written in an ancient place in Rome, which you can neither read, or they in Italy can declare.  
Sir I have very well seen, considered, and also reconsidered them: and to him that is not acquainted with this Romish cyphringes they seem illegible, and not intelligible, and that to understand and read them well, it were necessary that the men that be alive should divine, or those that wrote them should rise from death to life. But to expound these letters, no dead man shall be raised, either am I a soothsayer or divine. I have tired my wits, and called to remembrance, I have overturned my Books, and also have overloked marvelous and many histories, to see and to know who it was that did writ them, and wherefore they were written: and in the end, as there is nothing that one man doth, that another can not do, or that one man knoweth, and an other knoweth not, your good luck would, and my great diligence, that I met with that which you desired, and I sought for. And for that it shall not seem that I speak without Book, in few words I will recite the history.  
In the times of Octavius Augustus the Emperor, there was in Rome a Roman Knight named Titus Annius (verily a man) of great experience in causes of war, and right wise in the government of the common wealth. There was in Rome an office that was called Tribunus Scelerum, & this had the charge of all criminal causes, which is to wit, to hung, to whip, to banish, to cut throats, and to drown in wells: in such manner, that the Censor did judge the Civil, and the Tribune the Criminal. This office amongst the Romans was of great pre-eminence, and of no less confidence, they never incommended the same but to a man of noble blood, ancient in years, learned in the laws, in life honest, and in justice very moderate: for that all these conditions did concur in Titus Annius, he was by the Emperor Augustus in the office of Tribune named, by the Senate confirmed, and of the people allowed. Titus Annius lived and was resident in this office xxv. years, in all which time he never spoke to man any injurious word, either did any injustice. In remuneration of his travel, 
A reward after death.  and in reward of his bounty, they gave him for privilege that he should be buried within the walls of Rome, and that he should bury by himself some money, and that in that sepulchre there should not any other be buried. For a man to be buried in Rome, was amongst the Romans a great pre-eminence, the one was because the priests did consecrated the sepulchre, and the other for that malefactors to fly unto sepulchres, were more worth than the temples. But now these letters would say, that Titus Annius (judge of the faulty) by him in his sacred sepulchre did hide certain money, which is to wit, ten foot off, and that in the same sepulchre the Senate doth command, that none of his heirs be buried. This Titus Annius when he died left his wife alive that was named Cornelia, which in the sepulchre of her husband did set this Epitaphe. The authors of this history are Vulpicius, Valerius, Trebellius. And because the declaration of the history shall appear more clear, let us set the exposition over every letter, and these be the letters.  
Titus. Annius. Tribunus. Scelerum. Sacro. 
A dark Epitaph expounded.   
T. A. T. Sce. S.  
Suo. Sepulcro. Pecuniam. Condidit. Non.  
S. S. P. Con. N.  
Long. Pedes. Decem. Hoc. Monumentum.  
Lon. P. X. H. M.  
Heres. Non. Sequitur. jure. Senatus.  
H. N. S. I S.  
Cornelia. Dulcissima. Eius. Coniux. Posuit.  
Cor. D. E. Con. P.  
Behold here my Lord Ambassador your letters expounded, and not dreamt, and in my judgement this that we have said they would say, and if you be not satisfied with this interpretation, let the dead expound them that did writ them, or those be which alive that gave them. No more but that our Lord be your protector, and give us grace that we end in his service.  
From Toledo the third of April, 1526.   

A letter unto the Bishop of Badaios, in which there is declared the ancient laws of Badaios.  
RIght magnificent and Caesar's Precor, I received a letter from your Lordship, with the which I did much rejoice myself before I did read it, and after that I had read it, I remained no less offended: not for that which you had written unto me, but for that you commanded me, and also demanded of me. (If Plutarch do not deceive us,) into the chamber of Dionysius the Syracusan none did enter: in the library of Lucullus no man sat down: Marcus Aurelius with the key of his study, (no not with his Faustine) did use any trust: and of a troth they had great reason: because there be things of such quality, that not only they aught not to be dealt withal, neither yet to be looked upon. Aeschines the Philosopher said, that for very great friendship that might be betwixt one and other, he aught not to show him all things in his house, 
He is deprived of liberty, that discovereth a secret.  nor to communicate with him all that he thinks in his heart: saying that a man is no more himself, than that he holdeth secret in himself. It is long since I commended unto my memory, that sentence of the divine Plato, where it is said: that unto whom we discover our secret, we give our liberty. I say this unto your Lordship, for that if I had not consented that your Secretary should enter my study, neither had he been a babbler, or your Lordship importunate. Your honour saith that he said, he had seen in my library a bank of old books, whereof some were Gothike, Latin, Greek, Called, and Arabic, and that he forgot not to steal one, which made much for your purpose. In that he said unto you, he said very troth: and in that he did, he did me much displeasure, for that amongst the learned, jests do extend even to the speaking of words: but not to the stealing of books.  
As I my Lord have no other goods to lay up, nor other pastimes wherewith to recreate me, but books that I have procured, and also sought in divers kingdoms: believe me one thing, which is, that to take my books, is as much as to pull out my eyes. Of my natural condiciou, I was ever an enemy to new opinions, and a great friend of old books: for if Solomon say, Quòd in antiquis est sapientia, for my part I do not believe, that the wisedonie lieth in horeheades, but in old books. The good king sir Alonso that took Naples, did use to say that all was but trash, except dry wood to burn, an old horse to ride, old wine to drink, old friends to be conversant, and old books to read in. Old books have great advantage of the new, which is to wit, that they speak the truth, they have gravity, and do show authority: of which it followeth, that we may read them without scruple, and allege them without shame.  
The case is this, that in the year 1523. I passing through the Town of Safra, came to a Book binder's shop, which was tearing out leaves of an old parchment book to cover another new book, and knowing that the book was better to read in, than to make coverings, I gave him for the same viij. Rialles of plate, & also would have given him viij. Ducats. Now Sir, you shall understand, that the book was of the laws of Badaios, that king Allonso the xj. made, a Prince that was very valiant, and not a little wise. This is the book that your Secretary did steal from me, which he carried unto you, and it hath pleased me much that you have seen it, and have not understood it: in such wise, that if you tender it, it is not because ye have desire to make restitution, but for that you will I make exposition thereof.  
The rest of this letter is the exposition of certain old laws, wherein there ariseth this marvel, that the Castilian speech (but in a few hundredth years) is so altered, and the prices of their things so changed, that not only the common people, but also a Bishop of the same country; craved an interpreter of the said laws.   

A letter unto Sir john Palamos, wherein is declared which was saian's horse, and the Gold of Tholose.  
RIght noble Knight, I have received your letter and your complaint therein, whereunto answering, I say, that I have been much busied in certain affairs which Caesar hath commanded, (during the expedition whereof) I have had no time to pray my hours, much less to answer your letters missive. It came unto Caesar's understanding, that the Duke of Sogorbe, and the Monks of the vale of Paradise did bear each other ill will, and did use evil neighbourhod: for which cause he commanded, that I should visit them, and travail to bring them agreed: which I did of very good will, although not without great difficulty. In forty days that I was there, I neither went to walk, either did occupy myself in preaching, either give myself to study: but all my exercise was to see privileges, to visit bounds, to hear quarrels, and to appease injuries. And for that these affairs were of importance, and betwixt personages of so great authority: I passed immeasurable travel before I could make them friends, and remove their griefs. I have said all this, to the end you should hold me the rather excused, for not answering so soon unto your letter: and for not accomplishing that which I promised you in the grades of Valentia: but the case was this. The Prince of Borbon passing by Valentia, we saw in a certain cloth of his tapistry a horse, which had at his feet Knights thrown down and dead. And in the breast of the horse was a writing in which was said, Equus Sejanus: as one would say, this is saian's horse. marvelously did they of the City behold this cloth, and no man understood what the blazon of that horse might signify: some said it was the history of joshua, some of judas Machabeus, some of Hector, some of Alexander, othersome of Cirrudias. After that manner every man did speak as he did guess, but no man as he did know for troth. There was in that troop a gentleman which said, that that was king Don Martin his horse which won Valentia of the Moors, & that they were five Kings of the Moors that he killed in one day: and his horse was named Seian, for that he was of Sogorbe. 
It staineth a Gentleman to tell a lie.  And because there was no man that did know the secret of that history but I (that held my peace) he did so swear and forswear, and also affirm it so true, as if he had recounted a story of the Bible. Considering he was a Knight, in blood. Generouse, of goods rich, & of years ancient, (although in his words very lying) I would not there declare presently the mystery of that horse, because others should not have wherewith to deride him, or the poor gentleman wherefore to be displeased. Mimus Publianus, the Philosopher said, that with old men that be vain babblers and janglers, we aught to have more respect to their whore hears that they possess, than to the words they speak.  
The history of saian's horse is written by very grave authors, which is to wit: Cayus Bassianus, julius Modestus, and Aulus Gelius in the third Book that he made de noctibus Atticis. And I do allege these authors, for that no man shall think it is a compound fable, but that of a troth it did pass, as here we shall recount the history, resiting it from the foundation.  
The great Hercules the Theban, after that he had slain Diomedes in Thracia, brought with him to Greece, a certain race of horses that Diomedes had bred, which of their own proper nature were in colour fair, of stature large, in conditions gentle, and in battle courageous. Of the race of these there was bred an horse in the province of Argose, whose proportion was, a high crest, hear to the ground, slit nostrils, sure hoved, well membered, broad buttocks, a long tail, great eyes, a soft skin, colour bay, and above all, of courage marvelous fierce. This horse being yet but a colt, they came from Asia, from Palestina, from Thebes, from Pentapolis, and from all Greece, by the mean of his fame: some to see him, others to buy him, and other some to praise him and set him a sale to the people: for there was no person that desired not to see him, and much more to have him. And in this world, as there is not a thing so perfect, in which there is not some imperfection, the destiny of this horse was so accursed: for all they that bred him, bought him, and did ride him, died miserable and infamed. And for that it shall not seem that we speak at large, and do recount an history very suspicious: briefly we will touch who were they that bought this horse and did possess him, and also the great misfortunes that came unto them by the same.  
In the year CCCCxiij. from the foundation of Rome, Quintus Cincinatus the Dictator being dead, the Romans did send a Roman Consul into Grecia that was named Cneius Saianus, a man in blood holden famous, and for government in the common wealth very wise. When the Consul Cneius Saianus went into Greece, that horse was a Colt of thirty months, the which he cheapened, bought, and broke, and was the first that did ride him. And for that this Cneius Saianus being in Rome, did follow the partiality of Octavius Augustus: a year after he went into Greece, and not six months after he had bought that horse, Marcus Antonius commanded his head to be cut off, and also his body to be unburied. This may it appear, that Cneius Saianus was the first that bought and broke this horse, and also did experiment by death his unhappy destiny. They named him then, (and from thence forward,) Saianus horse. Cneius Saianus being beheaded, there succeeded him in the office of Consulship, a certain Roman named Dolabella: which immediately being Consul, did buy that horse for an hundredth thousand Sestercios: and surely if he had known the evil that he bought unto his house (I think) he would have given an other hundredth thousand not to have bought him. Within a year after the Consul Dolabella had bought that horse, there arose in the City of Epirus (were he was resident) a popular sedition, in which the sorrowful Dolabella was slain, and also drawn through the streets. The Consul Dolabella being dead, another Consul was desirous to buy that horse, whose name was Caius Cassius, a man whom Plutarch writeth to have borne great office in Rome, and to have done great deeds in Africa. Not two years after, the Consul Cassius had bought that unhappy horse, they gave him such herbs at his dinner, that within an hour, he, his wife and children lost their lives, not having time to speak one word. The Consul Caius Cassius being dead, the famous Roman Marcus Antonius desired to buy that horse: and he was so pleased with the form and shape thereof (when they brought him) that he gave as great reward to the bringer, as he paid unto him that sold the same: not two months after that Marcus Antonius had bought this horse, a battle was fought at Sea betwixt him and his enemy Octavius Augustus: In which battle his only beloved Cleopatra would be present, to her great infamy, and greater loss of himself. What unfortunate end Marcus Antonius had, and what an hasty death his Cleopatra did suffer, is notorious to all men that have read Plutarch. Marcus Antonius being dead, yet still that unfortunate horse remained alive, which came to the hands of a Knight of Asia, who was named Nigidius, and for that the horse (as now) was somewhat old, at that present he bought him good cheap, although afterwards he cost him very dear: for within one year after he bought him, at the passage of the River Marathon, the horse stumbled and fell in such wise, that both master and horse were drowned, and were never more seen.  
These are the five Knights that are thrown down at the foot of Sayans' horse, to wit, Saian, Dolabella, Cassius, 
Five Knights thrown down.  Marcus Antonius, and Nigidius. The which history, although it be delectable to read, on the other part it is lamentable to hear. Afterwards, when in Asia they fell in reckoning and to remember the evil fortune that the horse had always with him, there arose amongst them a common proverb, to say unto the man that was unhappy or unfortunate, That he had ridden upon Sayans' horse.  
The like chance happened when Scipio did rob the Temples of Tolosa in France, in that of all those which carried away any gold and riches to their houses, none did escape, but within one year died, and all his family and house destroyed. To this day it is a custom in France, to say unto the man that is unfortunate, That he hath Tolouze gold in his house.  
Laertius saith, that in Athenes there was an house where all were borne fools: and there was another house where they were all borne doltish: and as by discourse of time, the Senators fell into the reckoning thereof, they commanded that those houses should not be inhabited, but pulled down. Herodianus sayeth, that in the Marcian field in Rome, there was a Gentleman's house, 
Sometimes some things unfortunate.  in which all the owners died suddenly: And as the neighbourhod made relation thereof unto the Emperor Aurelianus, he did not only command it to be threwen down, but also that all the timber should be burned. Solon Solonius forbiddeth in his Laws to the Egyptians, that nothing of the dead should be sold, but that all should be parted amongst his heirs, saying: If the dead had any unfortunate or unlucky thing, it should remain in his family and kindred, and should not pass unto the common wealth. Incontinent upon the death of the infamous Roman Princes Caligula and Nero, the Senate provided that all the riches and household stuff should be burned and buried in wells, fearing that in their tyrannical goods, there might be hid some evil fortune, by the covetousness whereof, Rome might be lost, and the common wealth empoisoned.  
Sir, I thought good to writ all these examples and strange chances, not that you should believe in Augureis, but to the end you should think that there be in this world some things so infortunate as they seem to draw or bring with them the self same or other mishaps. No more but that our Lord be your protector. etc.   

A letter unto the Duke of Alba, Sir Frederique of Toledo, in the which is entreated of infirmities, and the profits of the same.  
Renowned and most magnificent Lord, at the time that Palome your servant came to visit me on your behalf, and gave me your letters, I was in a furious fever, in such wise, that I could neither read your letter, or speak a word unto the bearer thereof. After that the fever began to cease, & that I had read your letter, I understood the desire you had of my health, and the grief you seemed to have of my infirmity. Believe me Sir, and be out of doubt, that at that present I had more ability to drink, than to read, for I would have given all my Library for one only ewer of water. Your Lordship writeth unto me, that you also have been ill, & that you think all your sickness to be well employed, as well for that you feel yourself recovered, as also that you find yourself affected with a holy purpose to depart from sin, and to abstain from excess in eating.  
My Lord, I am sorry with all my heart that you have ben sick, and it pleaseth me very much that you stand upon so good a purpose, although it be very true, that I would more rejoice to see you perform, than to hear you promise': for hell is full of good desires, and heaven is full of good works. But be it as be may, to my judgement there is not any thing wherein we may sooner discern a man to be wise or foolish, than to see in what manner he behaveth himself in adversity, & how he reapeth profit by sickness. 
To profit by sickness declareth great wisdom.  There is no such foolishness as to employ our health to evil purpose, either is there any such wisdom, as to draw fruit or commodity out of sickness. Cum infirmor iuncfortior sum: the Apostle said, that when he was sick, then was he most strong: & this he said, 
Privileges & profits obtained by sickness  because the sick man doth neither swell by pride, or fornication doth make him combat, or avarice doth overthrow, or envy doth molest, or ire doth altar, or gluttony doth bring under, or slothfulness doth make negligent, either overwatch himself with ambition.  
My Lord Duke, pleaseth it the Lord that we were such being whole, as we promise' to be when we be sick. All the care of the evil Christian when he is sick, is, to desire to be whole, only to live and enjoy more of this world: but the desire of the good Christian when he is diseased, is to be whole, not so much to live as to reform his life. In the time of sickness, there is none that doth remember himself of affection or passion, of friends or enemies, of riches or poverty, of honour or dishonour, of solace or travel, of laying up treasure or growing poor, commanding or obeying: but to be delivered of one grief of the dead, would give all that he had gotten all the days of his life. In sickness there is no true pleasure, & in health all travel is tolerable: what wants he that lacks not health? What is it worth that he possesseth that enjoyeth not his health? What doth it profit to have a very good bed if he cannot sleep? What benefit hath he that hath old wine of fragrant favour, if the physician do command that he drink sod water? What availeth to have good meat, when only the fight thereof moveth belkes, and makes the stomach wamble? What commodity ariseth unto him that hath much money, if the more part he spend upon Physicians and Apothecaries? Health is so great a thing, that to keep it and to conserve it, we aught not only to watch but overwatche: The which surely seems not so, since we never have regard thereof, until we have lost it.  
Plutarch, Plini, Nigidius, Aristicus, Dioscorus, Plotinus, Necephalus, & with them many others, have written great Books and treatises, how infirmities are to be cured, and how health is to be conserved. And (so God save me) if they affirmed a troth in some things, in many other things they did but guess, and other things not a few they dreamt. believe me my Lord Duke, and be out of doubt, for my part I do fully believe, and also I have experimented, that to cure diseases and to conserve healths, there is no better thing, than to avoid anger, 
Angers and excess be no small enemies to health.  and to eat of few meats. How great weal should it be for the body, and also for the souls, if we might pass our life without eating, and without anger? For meats do corrupt the humours, and anger doth contline the bones. If men did not eat and would not be angry, there should be no cause to be sick, and much less of whom to complain. For the whips that do most scourge our miserable life, are ordinary excess, and profound sadness. Experience teacheth us every day, that the men that be doltish and ignorant, for the more part are always strong, lusty, and in good health, and this is the reason: for that such as they are, neither do weary themselves to obtain honour, either do feel what is shame, reproach, or despite: the contrary of all this doth happen to men that be wise, discrete, quick witted, and of sharp devise: every one of which be not only grieved of that which is spoken unto them, but also they grow sorrowful, for that they imagine what others do think. There be men that be so sharp, and so oversharp or refined, that it seemeth little unto them to interpret words, but also they hold it for an office to divine thoughts: and their repayment is, that by themselves always they go discomforted, and with others evil liked. I durst affirm, and in a manner swear, that to breed a sickness, and to danger a man's life, there is no poison of so dangerous infection, as is a profound and deep sorrow: for the miserable heart when he is sad, doth rejoice in weeping, and takes ease in sighing. Let every man speak what he thinketh good, for amongst such as be discrete (and no fools) without comparison they be more that grow sick by anger they receive, than of the meats they feed on. All day long we see no other thing, but that those men which be merry and glad, be always fat, whole and well coloured, and those that be sad and melancholic always go heavy, sorrowful, swollen, and of an evil colour. In these writings I confess unto you (my Lord Duke, that the Ague that now I have, was not of any meat that I had eaten, but of a certain anger I had taken.  
Your Lordship doth writ that by sleeping upon the ground you have taken a pestilent rheum, I verily think, the grease heat of this month of August, hath been the cause thereof, which in mine opinion you aught not to use, or counsel any other thereunto: For it is less evil to sweat with heat, than to cough with cold. To the rest which I understand by your letter, in desiring I should writ some news, it is sufficient for this time, that of this our Court there be few things to be trusted in paper, 
To manifest the secrets of Princes, is perilous.  & much to be said in a man's ear. The things that appertain unto Princes and lords of high estate, we have permission to conceive them, and no licence to speak them: In the Court and out of Court, I have seen many advanced by secrecy, and many shamed by want of silence. Your Lordship pardon for this time my pen, and when we shall meet together, my tongue shall supply this present want. No more but that our Lord be your protector.  
From Borgos the .15. of October, Anno .1523.   

A letter unto sir Peter of Acunia earl of Buendia, wherein is declared a prophesy of a certain Sibill.  
RIght magnificent & Christian knight, doth your honour think in your judgement, that the answer I shall send you, shall be as large as the letter you have written unto me? of a troth it may not be so: for I am now come to that age, that nothing liketh me, that I take in hand, either can I perform any thing that I would do. The many years, the continual studies, & the great travels that I have passed, have made in me such impression, that now the eyes be tired with reading, the pulses with writing, the memory with retaining, and also the judgement with noting and compounding. God knows I would not boast myself thereof, but in the end I can not but confess it, which is, every day I feel myself much more in age, and much less in ability: the more I would dissemble, the more I would enable myself, the more I would grow young, the more tenderly I would deal with myself, I can not leave to acknowledge, but that my sight decreaseth, my memory faileth, my body goeth wearied, & the strength decayeth, and also my hears grow hoar. O my soul, what be all these things, but certain cruel summoners, that cite my life to inhabit the sorrowful sepulture?  
Epaminondas the Greek said, that until the age of thirty years they aught to say unto men, you are welcome, or you come in a good hour: because at that time they seem to be coming into the world: from thirty until fifty, they aught to say, God keep you, or stand in a good hour, because at that time they begin to have some judgement of the world: from fifty years forward they aught to say unto them, God speed you, or go in a good hour, for from thence they go taking their their leave of the world. In these repartments of Epaminondas, it appertaineth not unto your honour and me, that we come in a good hour, nor that we stand in a good hour: for we are now come to be of the number that go in a good hour, I beseech the redeemer of the world, that when we shall pass out of this world, we may departed in a good hour, take our leave in a good hour, and that we go in a good hour. For if it be much requisite for us to live well, much more it standeth us upon to finish well. I thought good to writ unto your Lordship all this, to the end, that if I shall answer you somewhat short, ye have me excused, and to hold me blameless.  
But coming to the purpose, I say that I much delight to read your letters, & on the other part, I am overcharged with your importunities: for always you come to me with unknown demands, and right strange questions: you now send me a most ancient Epitaph, 
An old Epitaph.  that a certain friend of yours hath brought from Rome, which hath waged with your honour a certain wager, that in all spain there should not be a man which should have skill to read it, much less to understand it: the letters of the Epitaph be these. R.R.R.T. S.D.D.R.R.R.F.F.F.F. Neither did that Roman speak according to knowledge, either shall he win his wager. For that notwithstanding they be most obscure, and every letter import one word, I will send them so declared and so aptly distinguished, that he shall remain confounded, and you win the wager. The case is thus.  
Romulus' reigning in Rome, and Ezechias in judea, there was a woman borne in Tarento, named Delphica, which was famous in her life, and singular in the art of divining. Amongst the hebrews, such women were named Prophetesses, and amongst the Gentiles, called Sibyl's. This Sibyl Delphica prophesied the destruction of Carthage, the prosperity of Rome, the ruin of Capua, the glory of Graecia, and the great pestilence of Italy: And for that the fame of this Sibyl was spread throughout the world: King Romulus sent her great presents, made her great promises, and wrote to her many letters, to remove her out of her country, to live at Rome. Neither for any entreatance they used with her, or for any gifts they could send her, this Sibyl at any time would leave her country, or come to devil at Rome. The which Romulus perceiving, determined in his own person to go see her, and with her in certain causes to communicate.  
The secret that Romulus desired, was to understand what Fortune was reserved for him, and what destiny the City of Rome should have (which at that time king Romulus began to build.) Answer better nor worse might the king receive of that Sibille Delphica, but that she gave him fourteen letters written in certain barks of trees, (for that in those so ancient times they had not as then found out the manner to writ in parchment, and much less in paper) the secret and mystery of which letters neither could King Romulus understand, either would the woman declare the same. But so much she did certify him, that there was one to be borne, which should understand and interpret those letters. King Romulus being returned unto his City of Rome, commanded those letters to be set in one of his Temples, under great and safe keeping, until the time should come, that the Gods should reveal them, or some other be borne that should understand them. Four hundredth thirty seven years those letters stood hidden that no man could read them, much less understand them, until there came to Rome an other Sibyl, named Erithra, the which so clearly did declare, interpret, and expound them, as if she herself and none other had composed them. The letters are but fourteen, the which declared in English, sayeth:  
Romulus reigning, Rome triumphing, Sibyl Delphica said, the kingdom of Rome shall perish by Sword, Fire, Hunger, and Cold. Let us put the self same characters of the letters, and the exposition in Latin upon every one of them, in the form that the Sibyl expounded them, which was as followeth.  
R. Romulo R. regnant, R. Roma T. triumphant, S. Sibilla  
D. Delphica D. Dixit, R. Regnum R. Romae R. Ruet  
F. Ferro, F. Flamma, F. Fame, F. Frigore.  
Sir, behold here your letters expounded, your prophecies divined, your Roman confounded, and also your wager gotten. And the reward shallbe, that (I over watching myself to seek this history) your honour shall bear away the praise of the answer. If he will more thoroughly know of this history, let him come to seek and read Livius, Vulpitius, Trebellius, 
Who did writ the history of thee, Sibyls.  and Pogius, which have written of the antiquities of the Romans, & the sayings of the Sibyl's. No more, but that our Lord be your protector, and that he give us both his grace. Amen. Amen.  
From Madrid the xiij of March. 1535.   

A letter unto Sir Ynigo Marrique, in which is re counted what happened in Rome betwixt a slave and a Lion: an history very pleasant.  
MAgnificent and discrete Gentleman, your servant Trusillo gave me a letter of yours at the breaking up of the counsel of the Inquisition: and to speak the troth, neither did he advertise me from whom he came, neither did I demand him any question. To my judgement the one did well, and the other did not err: for he came wearied with travel, and I came from the Counsel angered. The philosopher Mimus said, qui cum lasso fameli●o loquitur, rixam quaerit: as if he should have said: to talk with a man that is hungry, and to have business with him that is weary, be great occasions to move debate. For if at the time the hungry would eat, or when the wearied would repose himself, and would seek occasion of business, he would give the business to Barrabas, and the Author to Satan. Experience doth teach us, that at the present when a man is refreshed, forthwith he begins to talk: at the instant that a man doth eat or drink, forthwith he beginneth to debate. And therefore we say, that then, (and not afore) it is an apt time to dispatch affairs. For other wise, it should be rather to importune, than to dispatch. Sir, I say thus much for that you shall see and also understand, that it is very convenient for him that goeth in affairs, not only to flee importunity, but also that he know to seek opportunity.  
Sir, leaving this apart, I give you to understand, that your importunities, & my much business, have been together (by the ears:) the one procuring that I should condescend to your desire: the other resisting, that I could not do what you required: in such wise, that the cause why I have not answered, is I can not, & also I will not: why I cannot answer, did proceed at that time, for that we took order in the inquisition for the business of witches in Nauerne: and that I would not, did rise, that you sent to demand of me a thing so strange, with the which (if you did take pleasure in reading) I received much offence, and also tired myself in seeking.  
The declaration of which history, that you sent to demand, I did well remember I had seen it, but I could not call to mind in what book I had read it, and thereof we do not marvel, that do not deal with human and divine scriptures. For the divine Plato saith, we should leave to be men, and become Gods, if the memory were able to retain so much as the eyes were able to read and see. Although on the one part I had great business, and on the other part was somewhat offended, yet always I left my affairs, and began to turn over my book, to see if I could find out that history, and remember the counterfeit. And I thought good to take this travel in hand, not only to accomplish your demand, but also to prove my ability. 
The history of the man and the Lion.  Sir, you writ unto me, that in the Wardrobe of the great captain you saw a rich cloth, which (they say) the Venetians had given him for a present, wherein was figured a man leading a Lion, and a Lion that went led and laden after a man. Also you say, that in the breast of the Lion were written these words: Hic Leo est bospes huius hominis. In like manner was written in the breast of the man other words, which were: Hic homo est Medicus huius Leonis. The one and the other letters thus much did signify: This Lion is the host of this man: and This man is Physician or Chirurgeon to this Lyon. Sir, you may well think somewhat at the strangeness of the history, since the manner of the painting seemeth so monstrous: therefore I marvel not though you desire to understand the same: notwithstanding, to find it, was not a little painful to me. It shall happen to this my letter, which I consent very seldom unto an other: that is, that it shall be somewhat long, & yet not tedious: for the history is so pleasant to hear, that the reader shallbe grieved, for that it is no longer.  
Coming to the purpose, The good Titus Emperor of Rome, (which was son to Vespasian, and brother to that evil Emperor Domitianus) coming from the wars of Germany, determined to celebrated in Rome the day of his nativity in Campania. amongst the Roman Princes, three feasts of all other were most celebrated, to wit, the day wherein they were borne, the day wherein their Fathers died, and the day wherein they were created Emperors. The day of this Titus birth being come, he ordained to make great feasts to the Senate, and to distribute gifts among the people. For in great disports and feasts, always the Roman Princes did feast the mighty, and gave reward to the poor. A thing worthy to be noted, and also unto memory to be commended, that in the great feasts and triumphs of janus, of Mars, of Mercury, of jupiter, of Venus, and of Berecinthia, they did not boast, neither esteem such feasts to be solemn, great, or duly solemnized, by the costs that were spent, either by the shows and triumphs that therein were represented: but by the number of rewards and liberal gifts that there were given. 
Great liberality used in feasts.  The Emperor Titus commanded to be brought for that feast many Lions, Bears, great Hearts, Onchas, unicorns, Griffins, Bulls, Boars, Wolves, camels, Elephants, and either many marvelous cruel beasts, which for the more part be bred in the deserts of Egypt, and in the edge of the mountain Caucasus. Many days before, the Emperor had commanded that they should reserve all thieves, and robbers by highways, murderers, perjured persons, traitors, quarrelers, and rebels: to the end that on that day they should enter into lists, to chase and fight with the beasts, in such wise, that the chastisements of malefactors should be performed by the same beasts. The order that he used herein was, that the wretched men should be put within the great College, and those cruel beasts should come forth to fight against them, all the people standing to behold, and none to help. And if it happened the beasts to tear the man in pieces, there he paid his debt: but if the man killed the beast, by justice they could not put him to death. Among other beasts that they brought unto that feast, there was a Lion which they had taken in the deserts of Egypt, which was mighty of body, of great age, of aspect terrible, in fight cruel, and in his yells and cries very horrible. This most cruel Lion walking in the chase all imbrued (for at that time he had slain and torn to pieces xv. men) they determined to cast unto him a fugitive slave, to the intent he should kill and eat him, and thereupon to quiet his ravenous fury. A marvelous thing it was to hear, and fearful to see, 
Did acquaintance renewed between a man and a Lyon.  that at the very instant they cast the slave in the chase to the Lion, he did not only refuse to devour him, but also hasted not to touch him, but rather went unto him and licked his hands, fauned with his tail, held down his head, and couched down upon the ground, showing signs of old acquaintance, and that he was in his debt and beholding unto him. The slave, seeing the fawnings and the courtesies that the Lion used with him, cast himself down upon the ground, and creeping to the Lion, and the Lion coming to the slave, they began one to embrace the other, and to faun as men that had been of old acquaintance, that had not seen in many years. To see a thing so monstrous and strange at the sudden, (which the eyes of man had never seen, neither in old Books had ever been read) the good Emperor Titus was amazed, and all the Roman people grew astonished: and did not presently imagine that the man and the Lion had been of old acquaintance, and there knew each other: but that the slave should be a nigromantike, and had enchanted the Lion. And after the Lion and the slave had played together, renewed their old acquaintance, and the people of Rome beholding a great space, the Emperor Titus commanded the slave to be called before him, the which coming to accomplish his commandment, the cruel Lion came after him, so quiet and so gentle, as if it had been a house lamb brought up by hand. The Emperor Titus said unto him these words: tell me man what art thou, of whence art thou, what is thy name, 
The Emperor Titus talketh with a slave.  to whom didst thou belong, what hast thou done, what offence hast thou committed, wherefore wast thou brought hither and cast unto the beasts? may it happen that thou hast bred this most cruel Lion, or hast thou known him by chance in times past? waste thou present when he was taken, or hast thou delivered him from any mortal peril? (perchance thou art a Nigromantike, and hast enchanted him.) I command thee that thou say unto us the truth, what hath passed, and deliver us of this doubt, for I swear unto thee by the immortal gods, this matter is so monstrous, & so strange, that it seemeth rather that we dream it, than behold it. With a good courage, & with a high clear voice, the slave made answer to the Emperor Titus as followeth, the Lion being laid at his foot, and all the people in admiration.  

Andronico recompteth by discourse, all his life.  
IT may please thee to understand most victorious Caesar, that I am of the country of Slavonia, of a certain place that is called Mantuca, the which when they did rise and rebel against the service of Rome, we were there all taken & condemned to servitude & bondage. My name is Andronico, and my father was named Andronicus, 
A slave and also noble was Andronicus.  and also my grandfather. This lineage of Andronicos were in our Country so noble and generous, as Quintus Fabius, and Marcus Marcellus be now in Rome. But what shall I wretch do unto fortune, which do see the sons of servants there, to be knights, and myself that was there a Gentleman, in Rome become a slave? It is twenty six years since I was taken in my Country, and so long ago since I was brought unto this City, and also other twenty six since I was sold in the field of Mars and bought of a sawyer, which when he perceived that my arms were better given to handle a lance, than to pull at a saw, he sold me to the Consul Dacus, father to the Censor Rufus, that is now alive. This Consul Dacus was sent by thy father Vespasian, to a certain province in Africa, which is called Numidia, as Proconsul to minister justice, and as Captain of the horsemen to understand in causes of war, for that in very troth in the wars he had great experience, and in government much wisdom. Also (great Caesar) it may please thee to understand, that my master (the Consul Dacus) jointly with the experience and wisdom that he had, was on the other side proud in commandment, and covetous in gathering together. And these two things be brought to pass, 
Avarice is cause of great infamy.  that he was ill served in his house, and abhorred in the common wealth: and his principal intent was to gather money to make himself rich, so that although he had many offices, and much business, he had no more in his house, but myself and an other to do all the same: in so much, I gathered and cast abroad, did grind, fift, and bake the bread: And besides all this, I dressed the meat, I washed the clotheses, I swept the house, I dressed the cattle, and also made beds. What wilt thou that I shall say more, (O most victorious Caesar?) but that his covetousness was so great, and his pity so little, that he gave me neither coat, shoes, or shirt: and moreover, beside all this, every night he made me to weave two baskets of Palms, which he made me to cell for eight Sextertios, 
Four sextertios amount to four d.  towards his dispenses. And that night that I had not performed the same, he gave me neither to eat, either left me unwhipt. But in the end, seeing my master so continually to chide me, so often to whip me, to keep me so naked, so to over work me, and so cruelly to deal with me, I will confess the troth unto thee (o invincible Caesar) which is, that seeing myself in so desperate a state, and in a life so miserable, I desired him oftentimes that it might please him to cell me, or else to give order to kill me. Eleven years continually I passed this wretched life with him, without receiving at his hands any reward, or at his mouth any mild word. And farther seeing in the Proconsul (my master) that every day his anger increased, and unto me there was no travel diminished, and jointly with this, feeling age coming upon me, and my head to be whore, mine eyes blind, my strength weak, my health wanting, and my heart desperate: I determined with my selves to run away unto the cruel deserts of Egypt, to the intent that some ravenous beast might eat me, or that by pure hunger I might die. And for that my master did not eat but what I dressed him, or drink but what I brought him, with great surety I might have killed him and revenged myself: but that having more respect to the nobleness of blood from whence I was descended, 
Where nobleness dwelleth, no treason haunteth.  than to the servitude that I suffered, I thought it better to put my life in peril, than to do treason to my nobleness. In the end, my master (the proconsul) going to visit a certain Country named Tamatha which is in the confines of Egypt and Africa, when on a night he had supped and I saw him a bed, I departed without knowing any high way: but that I took care that the night might be very dark, and did behold (the day before) which mountain was most sharp, where I might be most hidden and least sought for. I carried with me but a pair of sandals to wear, a canvas shirt to put on, a bottle of water to drink, and a little bunch of grapes to eat, with which provision I might have been sustained for six days: which being passed, either I must die, or be eaten with beasts, or return to my master, or else put myself in safety. Having past three days and three nights, forsaking all high ways, thicked myself in the great desert. And being utterly tired with great & extreme beat, and no less in fear of them that should seek me, I conveyed myself into a great Cave, somewhat dark, the entrance narrow, but more large within.  
Not six hours after I had conveyed myself into that den, I saw at the entering thereof a Lion most terrible to behold, whose feet and mouth was all bloody, and my judgement was that he had eaten some beast, or torn some man in pieces: (which was like enough) for that notwithstanding the country is inhabitable, and the heat intolerable, yet there resort into those deserts some that go to hunt the Lion, and other unfortunate (as I) that flee from their Masters, which choose for less evil to be eaten with Lions, 
An extreme distress.  than all their lives to be slaves. Perceiving that monstrous Lion sitting at the entrance of the cave, and seeing in myself that I had no place to escape or flee unto, nor strength to resist: the tears presently fell from mine eyes. Remembering myself, with fear I become senseless, & fell dismayed to the ground, holding for certain, that now the hour was come, in which (by the rage of that beast) my miserable life should take an end. O what difference there is to blazon death with the tongue, and to see it with the sight of the eyes. I say this (puissant Caesar,) for that in seeing him at the door that should eat me, and that the sepulchre of my flesh should be those bestial entrails, I would have chosen an other life much worse at that present to have escaped with life. But after the Lion had a little viewed and also rested at the entrance of the cave, he came forward halting on one of his feet, grievously groaning, and coming unto me (that was fallen to the ground) laid his lame foot upon my hands, after the manner of a wise man that discovereth his hurt to an other, and craveth remedy for the same. 
A passing toy.  My tongue can not sufficiently say unto thee (O magnificent Caesar) the strength I recovered, and the joy I conceived to see that most cruel beast stand so mild, come sick, go so lame, and to ask to be cured. And you may well believe it, for at that hour I was in such estate, that if it were in the power of that Lion to take away my life, I had not at that instant any sense to feel my death. 
Beasts do feel benefits.  The grief of this poor lion was, that from the head to the point he had thrust a thorn into his foot, and his foot was full of of matter, marvelously swollen, and the worst of all was, that the wound was so black and so festered, that hardly the thorn might be then seen. When I had with the point of a knife opened the wound, presently issued the matter, and forthwith I pulled out the thorn, incontinente I washed it with urine, and then anointed it with salve, and spéedyly I bond it up with a piece of my shirt: in such manner, that if I did not as I aught to do, at the lest, I did that I thought best to be done. Noble Caesar, thou wouldst have delighted to have seen how at the time I broke up the swelling, pulled out the thorn, thrust out the matter, and bound up the wound, he stretched his feet, clitched his fist, turned his head, gnashed with his teeth, and secretly gave certain sighs, in such sort, that if he felt the grief as a beast, yet he dissembled it as a man. After I had dressed him and bound it up, all that evening & night the Lion remained still and lay close by me, and like one that had reason, he would lament one while, and rest an other: in such wise we passed all the night, he in bewailing, and I in pitying. Now when day appeared, and light came into the cave, I began again to squise out the matter, and to anoint it with a little salve which I had, both little and very dry, because there had two days passed wherein I had not eaten, and as much more that I had not drunk. 
The Lion feedeth his Chirurgeon.  Two hours after that I had dressed him, and that the sun was risen, the poor Lion departed by little & little out of his cave unto the desert, to seek something where upon we might feed, and wherewith we might be sustained. And when I thought not thereof, behold, he brings me overthwart in his mouth a piece of a beast of what nature or kind of beast it was, I swear (O mighty Caesar, I am not able to say unto thee: for at that time I was not able to understand. Hunger oppressing me, having too much flesh, & wanting fire, & having no mean to boil nor rest, I got me out of the cave, laying my flesh in the sun upon a fair stone, where with the most fervent sun in those deserts which doth not warm, but burn, although not sufficient to roast: I did eat it so dried and parched, not withstanding with no small appetite. Four whole days and nights I was with the Lion in his cave, in which I took charge to cure him, and he, to maintain and feed me. Now six days being past, that I had ended my bottle of water, he went out of the cave very early before the sun was up, and did take of those herbs most full of dew, which I tasted with my mouth, more to refresh, than to kill the thirst which I had. After I saw my host the Lion's foot somewhat amended, and also that I likewise grew weary, loathsome, and full of that bestial life: at the instant that he went out of the cave to hunt, presently I came forth to hide me, constrained thereto by necessity, and not of will. 
Absence extremely lamented.  The night being come, when the Lion returned to his cave, and found me absent (of a troth I swear unto thee O magnificent Caesar, that) I heard him from thence where I was hidden, give so many and so sorrowful brayes, that they filled my eyes full of tears. The poor Lion did show that he was grieved with solitariness, which he felt by the want of my company, and the lack he had of me to perform his cure: of my part (being wearied to travel in those cruel deserts, and to eat such raw flesh) I determined to do that which I should not so much as once have thought: which was, to seek a place inhabited, where I might found people to speak and be conversant withal, to the end that I might kill hunger with bread, & the intolerable thirst with water. But as my master had taken all the passages, and above all, that yet my heavy and sorrowful destinies were not ended, I was scarcely come unto the first place, but that I fell into their hands, that had sought and followed me. Being taken, bound, whipped, & drawn, they brought me to my cruel master: and I may say to thee (O good Caesar) that I would rather have remained dead at the Lion's feet, than alive to appear before my master. Incontinent after I was brought into his presence, he began to take advice of them that brought me, if I should be drawn to pieces, have my throat cut, be hanged, slain quick, or else be drowned. In such wise, that thou mayest well conceive (O noble Caesar) in what case my heart stood, and how afflicted in spirit I was, when in my own hearing they entreated, not how they should chastise me, but what cruel death they might give me. After they had spoken many cruel words, & had threatened me with divers cruel deaths, he commanded that I should be thrown into the dungeon amongst the condemned men, for that with them I should be brought hither to Rome, to be meat for beasts: and surely he did not err in thinking to be thus most cruelly revenged of me: for there is not so cruel a kind of death, as to tarry & think every hour to die. This lion that you see here lying by me, is the same that I cured of the thorn, and he that kept me so many days in his cave: and since the immortal Gods have willed that he and I, & I and he, should come to be acquainted in the place where they have brought us to be slain, upon my knees I beseech thee (most victorious Caesar, 
The slave craveth mercy.  that since my fault hath condemned me to the beasts, that it may please thy great clemency to quite us, and to make us free. This was that which Andronicus said unto the Emperor Titus, and that he related before all the Roman people. If the mildness of the Lion had put them in great marvel, the words & the great travails of Andronicus moved them to great compassion, to hear the immeasurable pains the poor man had passed, 
The people of Rome make humble supplication for the slave.  & to see how many times death had swallowed him: with loud voices all the people began to beseech & pray the Emperor Titus, that it might please him to provide and command, that Andronicus might not be slain, neither cast unto the Lion: for the best part of the feast had been to see the mildness of the Lion, & to hear the life of Andronicus. The Emperor Titus condescended with a very good will, to that which the people required, and Andronicus desired. And thus it was, that from thence forward, he and the Lion went together throughout all the streets and Taverns of Rome, making merry, and all the people rejoicing with them: After the manner of a little ass, Andronicus with a small line did lead the Lion girded with a pair of bougets, wherein he carried certain provision of bread, and other things that they gave him at their houses and taverns. And sometime he consented that boys should ride upon the Lion for money: and to the strangers that came to Rome from far countries, and had not heard the story thereof, demanding what that so strange and monstrous sight should signify, answer was made, that that man was the lions surgeon, and that the Lion was that man's host. This history is recounted by Aulus Gellius the Latin, 
Note the authors of the history.  and Apias the Greek much more at large. Behold sir, your painting here declared, behold here your strange story found out, behold here your desire accomplished, and behold me here that remain tired: that for any thing would not again take such pain, neither put myself in such care. No more but that our Lord be your protector, and give us good ending. Amen.   
From Toledo the .25. of August. 1529.   

A letter unto Sir Peter of Acuna, Earl of Buedia, wherein is touched how Lords should govern their estates. A notable letter for such as come newly to their inheritance.  
Renowned Lord and Christian knight Gonsalus of Vrena, your servant & my friend, gave me a letter from your lordship, by the which you maintain against me a certain great complaint, saying that it is a year past since I have not seen you, and six months wherein I have not written unto you. Sir, I am so busied and of my natural condition so solitary, that it is painful unto me to visit, and no less tedious to be visited: not because they do visit me, but for that they let and hinder me. The divine Plato said, quòd amici sunt fures temporis, which is to say, that friends are stealers of time, wherein he said troth. For there be friends so importune in visiting, and so tedious in communication, that the time is more evil employed that is lost with them, than the goods that thieves steal from us.  
We Courtiers be much cumbered with tediousness which in the court our friends do use with us, that sit down by great leisure, and do settle themselves in a chair, not to ask any case of conscience, or to talk any thing of holy scripture, but to murmur, saying, that the King doth not firm, 
Of what things they murmur in the Court.  the Counsel doth not dispatch, the Paymasters do delay, the private do command, the Bishops be not resident, the Secretaries rob, the justices dissemble, the Officers compound, the Gentlemen play, and the women go at large. Think you Sir, that a man learned, given to reading, solitary and busied, doth not more lose time in hearing these news, than to cure an infirmity with evil diet: to have delight in murmuring, he must be ill tongued that talketh: of lend disposition, and of evil condition, that delighteth therein. They say that the good Marquis of Santillana used to say, that evil tongues and evil ears did frame pleasant murmurings. There be so many men in this Court loitering, superfluous, idle, 
Who be great murmurers.  vagrant and evil tongued, that if Laurence Temporal be so great workman in refining clotheses, as they be in shearing their neighbour's lives, we may boldly give more for the refining of cloth of Segevia, than for the cloth in Grain of Florencia.  
My Lord, I say all this to the end you have me excused for my want of diligence, and also to give you to understand of my condition, the which stretched no farther with his friends, than to make them answer to their letters, and that sometime I writ unto them. Before all things I am right glad of the sentence given on your Lordship's behalf, wherein they have entitled you with Town of Duennas, and the Earldom of Buendia, in which I beseech God give you many years of fruition, and children to inherit. For it is no small sorrow to see strange children inherit our proper sweat.  
Your Lordship doth writ unto me in your letter, that I pray unto God to give you grace, as well to save you, as also to govern this estate: whereunto I answer, as also unto them of the Town of Duennas: great is the mischance, if they should not be better entreated than my sacrifice of God aceepted. Do you not think that I being a sinful man, a religious sinner, and a Courtlike sinner, shall not have enough to pray for mine own sins, but that I must burden myself with you? Much is God pleased with the prayer of the just, but much more he doth delight in the amendment of the sinner: for it doth little profit for the one to augment his prayers, if the other do not diminish his sins. If you will govern this Earldom very well, begin the gubernation in yourself: for it is impossible for him to understand to govern the common wealth, that doth not know to rule his own house, or order his own person: when the Lord is mild, honest, chaste, 
The order of the noble or gentleman's house.  sober, silent, patiented, and devout: all his household and common wealth be likewise affected: and if by chance there be any servants absolute or dissolute, they must be hidden and withdrawn, which to the Lord is no small glory: for he doth not little, that taketh holdness from any man in his house to be evil. In the houses where Lords are ambitious, rash, quarreling, liars, gluttons, gamesters, infamous, and lecherous: what steward may bring to pass that the servants be honest, seeing they do not, but what their masters do allow, and likewise do. The words of Lords be fearful, but their good works do animate: and I say it to this end: for their servants and vassals do rather imitate the works they see than do, than the words they hear them speak.  
The charge that a Bishop hath of his household and Diocese, the same hath a Gentleman of his servants. For, it is not sufficient that a master or Lord pay his servants what is dew, but that they make them also do their duty: it is a lamentable thing to see; that a mother shall sand her son to the house of Gentleman clad, shod, shamefast, honest, solitary, well mannered, and devout, and at the years end, the poor young man shall return ragged bore legged, dissolute, a glutton, a dice player, a liar, and a quarreler, in such wise, that it had been less evil to have had him dead, than sent to such palace or Court. Let the conclusion of this case be, that in such manner you order your life and govern your house, that your own may have to follow, and strangers to praise.  

That the Knight aught to be to God grateful and to men pitiful.  
ALso it is right necessary that always you have in remembrance the bounties and good things ye have received of God. In special to give you this Earldom (be deprived the Earl your Brother of his life, the Lady countess died, disherited your Cousin, & gave a sentence against the Admiral,) in such wise that you own unto God not only for the gift thereof, but also for the deliverance of the encumber thereof. My Lord be ye certain that although before God all sins be grievous, yet the sin of ingratitude is holden for most intolerable: for God will not any thing that we have but only for that which he giveth us; 
The sin of Ingratitude before God is detestable.  we be thankful. Give thanks unto God for that he created redeemed, and relieved you, and also provided for you. And surely with this estate & Earldom (if you keep reckoning with your rent, and measure in expenses) you may serve God, and live honourably. Although this Earldom hath cost much travel, perils, suits, anger, and money: contend not with God, thinking that you have obtained it by your own diligence, but confess his great mercy to have given it: for the victories and good gifts that God doth give us, we may desire them & also crave them, but not deserve them. Remember (my Lord) that god hath removed you from anger to ease, from poor to rich, from ask to giving, from serving to commanding, from misery to plenty, and from sir Peter to be entitled the Earl of Buendia, in such wise that you own unto God not only the state that he hath given you, but also the misery that he hath taken from you. O how great mercy doth God use with that man, that gives him wherewith to give, and putteth him not in estate to crave of any man. For to shamefast faces, and to generous hearts, there is no travel that so doth pierce their entrails, as to enter to crave at other men's doors. Plutarch reported of the great Pompeius, that being sick in Pusoll, when the Physicians said, that to be hole and recover strength, it were convenient he should eat of certain Zorzales that the Consul Luculus did breed: 
Zorzales blackbirds.  he answered I will rather die, than send to crave them, for the Gods have not created Pompeius to ask, but to give.  
My Lord I say thus much, to the end ye consider, since God hath given you liberally, that you need not crave of any man, that you be not reckless to give as they gave you, to secure as they succoured you, and to part as they parted with you. For of the temporal goods that God gives us, we be not lords but reparters. Although the earldom of Buendia be of no great rents, yet may you do with it many good works. For (as I have said) the gentleman that knoweth to rule his house, and to order his goods: he shall have to spend, to keep, and to give. For Princes and Lords of power aught not to be called great or mighty for the proud estates that they hold, but for the great rewards they give. The office and duty of the labouring man, is to dig, the religious to be contemplative, the priest to pray, the crafts man to work, the Merchant to be guileful, 
He is not to be holden for noble that hath much, but that giveth much.  the usurer to keep, the poor to crave, and of the gentleman to give: for upon that day, that the gentleman doth begin to hoard up money: from thence forth, he putteth his fame in proclamation.  
In Lordly houses and of inheritors, there aught to be the haunts of brothers, cosines, nephews, uncles, and all others of his kin, bearing good will to their affairs, and supporting their necessities. In such wise, that to them there is no hour forbidden, or any door shut: nevertheless there are some Brothers, Cousins and Nephews, tedious in their speech, so importunate in visiting, and so without measure in their craving: that they make a man angry, and also abhor them: and the remedy for such, is to secure their necessities and to appart their conversations.  
You shall now found in your Earldom retaynours of your Fathers, Servants of your Brothers, allies of your house, and friends of all your dealings, unto whom you aught in general to use good countenance, speak sweet words, give good hope, and deal some rewards: for if you should be ingrate unto them, you should run into great indignation of the people. Also my Lord you shall found some old Servants and some poor widows, unto whom your predecessors commanded to be given some pension or some refreshing for traveles past, or for service they did them: beware in no wise to take it away, neither yet to diminish it: For besides that unto you it were a great wretchedness, and unto them a great want: In the place to pray unto God for your life, they would crave of God vengeance upon you. Without comparison you aught to have more fear to do injury unto the poor, 
The poor do revenge with tears.  than to the rich: for the rich doth revenge himself with arms, but the poor with tears.  
Also you shall find in your Earldom some young men and maidens, that were children of old servants, and the sorrowful orphans, neither have father to help them, neither good to sustain them: your Lordship aught in such cases to bring up the sons, and to marry the daughters: for there is not in this world an alms of God more accepted, than to give marriage unto a damsel upon the point to be cast away.  
As it is a great offence to 'cause another to sin, so doth he deserve much glory, that takes away the offence for another to fall: for certainly we are more beholding to him that keepeth us from stumbling, than unto him that helps us up. Also you shall found some men and women, of whom they shall say unto you, that they were affectioned to one partiality, and offended at the other, 
To forget an injury, proceedeth of singular wisdom.  and in such cases take no care to make search, and much less to take vengeance: for the noble hearts aught never to think themselves injured, but of such as be mighty like themselves. If any want of duty or offence hath been done unto you by any of your estate, I hold it for more surety to dissemble it, than to revenge it: for it may so happen, that thinking all law were ended, there might arise unto you other new more indigested angers. It is tolerable that the Lords do chastise his vassal, but not that he revenge: for it is sure that he will not only defend himself, but also attempt to offend, and the offence shall be, raising his country, and defaming his person. If you will be revenged of such as have given some occasion, be grateful unto those that did follow and serve you: for after this manner they shall remain recompensed, and the other confounded. And let it be in this case for conclusion, that in my judgement and conceit, your Lordship aught not to care to remember the injuries they have done you, but the service that now they do you: and make no account to make quarrels with your vassals, for in things of common liberty, he that shall seem most to serve you, the same is he that most will cell you.   

That a Knight do minister justice in his Country.  
ALso it is necessary to the good government of your vassals, that you leave them to be governed of virtuous men and of experience: for there is no man in this world so wise, that needeth not the counsel of another. We said not without grave consideration: that you should use men of experience, and said not that you should take men of learning: For matters in law must be commended unto the learned, but government of the common wealth unto men of wisdom. For we see every day by experience, what difference or advantage there is, betwixt him that hath a good will, and him that knoweth no more but out of Bartlet. 
Things that many desire but few obtain  If you find any that jointly is both learned and wise: leave not to lay hand upon him, nor let him slip for any price: for learning to give sentence, and prudence to govern, be two things that many desire and few do obtain.  
My Lord you have to be advised to commend your countries to mouthy or brutish bachelors, that come from Salamanca, which bringing their science in their lips, and their wit in their sachelles, before they can chance to do justice, they shall escandelise the common wealth, and also rob the whole country. Those that do proceed from Colleges, and from the Universities, as they tie themselves to that their Books do say, and not to that which their eyes do see: and to that their science doth speak, and not to that which experience doth found: such are good to be advocates, but not to govern.  
Sir believe me and be out of doubt, that the art of government, neither is sold at Paris, either is found at Bolloigne, neither yet learned at Salamanca, but is found out by prudence, is defended by Science, and conserved by experience. Plato in his book of common wealth said these words: Consilium peritorum ex apertis obscura, ex paruulis magna, ex proximis remota, ex partibus tota aestimat. As if he should have said: the man that is wise and of experience: the clear he holdeth for dark, the little for great, the near to be far off, the gathered together to be cast abroad, the certain for doubtful.  
Out of these words of Plato there may be gathered, the difference betwixt science and experience: for that we see inexpert men hold all things for easy, and he that is expert judgeth all things difficult. God dealeth mercifully with such men, as he leaveth not into the hands of proud captains, rash Pilots, unlearned Lawyers, foolish Physicians, and unexpert judges: because the proud Captain fighteth out of time, the rash Pilots sends you to the bottom, the unlearned Lawyer looseth your matter, the foolish Physician spoils your life, 
Conditions of a good justice.  and the unexpert judge robbeth your goods. The judges to whom you shall put your conscience in trust, and commend your common wealth, aught to be honest in their lives, upright in justice, patient in injuries, measured in their speech, justified in that they command, righteous in judgement, and pitiful in their executions. Beware of judges that be childish, foolish, overbold, rash, and bloody: which to the end their fame shall sound at Court, that from thence they may receive commission of justice: they will commit a thousand cruelties in your countries, and will give a thousand displeasures to your person, in such wise, that many times there needs more reformation for their disorders, than for the offences your vassals shall commit. I do lie if it did not happen on a time to me in Arrevallo, being warden with a new unexpert judge: which because I did somewhat advertise him that he was over furious and cruel, said: Father Warden, you get your meat by preaching, and I get it by hanging: and by your Lady of Gadilupe, I do more esteem to put a foot or a hand to the Pillery, than to be Lord of Ventosilla. When I heard him mention Ventosilla, I replied this word, of my troth master justice, justly appertaineth unto you the Lordship of Ventosa, for you may not be contained in Ventosilla. But prosecuting our intent, it is to wit: that those that the romans did call Censors or judges, we do call Corregidores or Correctors, and it was amongst them a law inviolable, that they made no man a judge, that was not at the lest above forty years old: he should be married, holden for honest, meanly rich, nor infamed with covetousness, and that in other offices of the common wealth he had experience.  
julius Caesar, Octavius Augustus, Titus Vespatianus, Neruus Coceyus, 
The conditions of judges used to be choose in Rome  Traian the just, Antony the meek, and the good Marcus Aurelius: All these so glorious Princes from the office of judges, did rise to be Emperors, in such wise, that in those days, they did not provide offices for men, but men for offices: for the office of Governor, justice, and corrector, many will be suitors: and for many they will make suit, but in any wise you aught to be advised how ye make promise thereof to any man, either for prayers or intreatance to give the same. For your good, you may give to whom you shall think good, but the rod of justice to him who shall best deserve it. 
The office of justice is to be given for merit, and not for affection.  Also some of your servants (in recompense of service) will crave the office of justice: and in my judgement, you ought less to give it unto those than unto any other: for in saying they be your servants, & that you shall believe them more than the rest: The people shall not dare to complain, and they shall have liberty the more to rob and steal.  
If any man or woman shall come to complain before your Lordship of your justice, give him ear at leisure, and with good will, and if you shall find his complaint to be true, remove his grief, and reprehend your justicer: but if it be not so, declare how just it is that he commandeth, and how unjust that he demandeth: for the base country people do hold the words of their Lord for gospel, & of the officer as a passioned. If it be not convenient for the judge you shall choose, that he be skilful to steal or bribe, much less doth it beseem your Lordship to be a niggard or covetous, neither with the price of justice to profit your chamber. Advise your justices, that heinous, bloody, desperate, and scandalous offences (in no wise) be redeemed with money: for it is impossible that any may live in surety, either go safe by the high way, if there be not in the common wealth the whip, the halter, and the sword. There are so many quarrelers, vagabonds and thieves, murderers, rebels, and seditious, that if they had hope for money to escape justice, they would never cease to commit offences. And therefore it is convenient, that the judge be wise and skilful, to the end he chastise not all offences with extremity: neither that he leave sometime with the voice of the king to honour the people. Also your Lordship hath to provide, that the officers of your audience, which is to wit, Counsellors, Attorneys, and Scriveners, be faithful in the process they make, and no tyrants in the Laws they have in hand: 
Evil judges do execute the purse, and not the person.  for many times it doth happen, that one coming to complain of an other, they do not justice upon the person that gave the quarrel, but they execute justice upon the pouch that he weareth. Also advise your justices, that they dispatch their affairs with brevity and with troth: with troth, because they shall judge justly: with brevity, that it be done with expedition: for it happeneth to many Clients, that without obtaining that they crave, they consume all that which they have. Also your Lordship aught to provide and command the ministers of your justice, that they do not dishonour, misuse, shame, or despise such as come to your audience, but that they be mild, modest, and mannerly. For sometimes the sorrowful suitor doth more feel a rough word they speak, than the justice they delate. I assure you, there be officers so absolute, without temperance, and so ill mannered, that they presume to do more cruelties with their pen, than Roulande with his sword.  

judges aught to dispatch with speed, and answer with patience.  Also your lordship hath to provide, that your judges do not suffer themselves to be much visited, accompanied, and much less served. For the judge can not hold narrow friendship with any man, that is not in the prejudice of justice: for very few resort unto the judge for that he deserveth, but for the power he holdeth.  
In the common wealth dissensions, angers, quarrels of ambition amongst your officers of justice, neither aught you to dissemble, or in any wise consent unto: for at the instant that they shall grow into quarrels, the people shall be divided into partialities: whereof may rise great offences in the common wealth, and great want of reverence to your person. Concluding in this case (I say) that if you will hold your Country in justice, give your Officers occasion to conceive opinion that you love Equity: And that for no request or interest, you will be removed from the same: for if the Lord be just, his officers never dare to be unjust.   

That a Knight or Gentleman be mild, and of good governance.  
ALso it is necessary to the good government of your house & common wealth, 
Humanity to all men of the mighty is to be used.  that your behaviour towards your subjects be such, that with the meaner sort ye deal as with sons, with the equal as with brothers, with the ancient as with fathers, and with the strangers as with fellows: for you aught much more to esteem yourself in holding them for friends, than to command them as vassals. The difference betwixt the tyrant & the Lord is, that the tyrant (so he may be served) makes small account to be beloved: but he that is a Lord wise, and will rather choose to be beloved than served, and I assure you he hath great reason, for the person that gives me his heart, will never deny me his goods. The great Philosopher Lycurgus in the laws he gave to the Lacedæmonians, did command and counsel: That the ancient men of his common wealth should not talk standing, neither be suffered to stand bareheaded: and I say it to this end: For that it shall diminish nothing your authority or gravity, in that you shall say unto the one, be covered Gossip, and unto the other, sit down friend. The good Emperor Titus was worthily beloved, for that the old men he called fathers, the young men fellows, Strangers Cousins, the private friends, and all in general brothers.  
The gentleman that is humble, courteous, and of a good bringing up, strangers love him, and his own do serve him, for courtesy and friendly behaviour is more honour to him that useth it, than to whom it is done. I am not far in in love with many Gentlemen, unto whom there goeth to talk and to dispatch affairs, old honourable and wise men (although poor) & they never offer unto them so much courtesy, as to say, arise, neither be covered, and much less to sit down, conceiving all their greatness to consist, in not commanding to give them a stool, either to put of their cap to any man: note and consider well this which I say unto your Lordship, that the authority, greatness, and gravity of Lords and Gentlemen, doth not consist to have their vassals kneeling, and bore headed, but in gracious and good governing them.  
When I heard a certain knight valiant and of noble blood (yet disdainful and very proud) that used always to say to all men (although of worship he talked withal) thou, thou, and he he, & never added words of favour, worship, or courtesy: I said unto him: By my life sir I assure you, and do judge many times with myself, that for this cause God or the king show you any favour, because you never talk with any man with words of favour, worship or courtesy. He did so much feel this word, that from thence forward, he left to say thou, and said unto all men: My masters, or by your favours. All men that shall come to talk and have business with your Lordship, you aught to use with mildness, honour, and also fawn on them, as every man shall deserve, and according to their degrees, commanding the old men to cover, the young men to rise, and some to sit down. For if they delight to serve as vassals, they will not that you entreat them as slaves: many vassals we do see every day rise against their Lords, not so much for the tributes they raise on them, as for the evil dealings they use towards them: 
Of all men to be noted.  always your Lordship hath to remember, that you and they have one God to honour, one King to serve, one law to keep, one land to inhabit, and one death to fear: and if you hold this before your eyes, you shall speak unto them as unto brothers, and deal with them as with Christians.  
Above all things take great heed, to say at the sudden to any of your subjects any word that shall stain his kindred, or injury his person, for there is no villain of Saigo so insensible that doth not more feel an injurious word that is spoken, than the chastisement which is given: and there is a greater evil therein than this, that amongst the common and country-people, all the kindred doth answer for the injury, and the shame to one, redoundeth to the despite of the whole: whereof it happeneth many times, that to be revenged of a word, the whole people do rise against their Lord. So in this case take my counsel, that if any your subjects shall do a thing which he aught not to do, that you determine to chastise him, & not to upbraid or defame him: for the chastisement he shall think to proceed of justice, but your upraiding of malice. For any distemperance that may grieve you, or may happen to anger you: Avoid in any wise to call any man knave, jew, filth, or villain: for besides that these words be rather of tipplers, than of Knights or Gentlemen: The Gentleman is bound to be as chaste of his speech, as a virgin of her virginity: for a gentleman to be of a distempered speech, foul mouthed, evil mannered, loud and foul spoken, this may not proceed of any other occasion, but that he is melancholic, 
The woman's armour is her tongue.  a coward and fearful. For it is notorious unto all men, that unto the woman it appertaineth to be revenged with the tongue: but the knight or Gentleman with his lance.  
The king Demetrius had a certain love named Lamia, which when she demanded Demetrius why he did not speak and was not merry, he made answer: Hold thy peace Lamia, and let me alone, for I do as well my office, as thou dost thine: for the office of the woman is to spin and prattle, and the office of the man is to hold his peace and fight. To buffet the boys of the chamber, to pull them by the hear, to jowl them against the portal, and to spurn with the feet: Your Lordship aught not to do it, neither consent that it be done in your presence. For in palaces of authority and gravity, 
True gentility pitieth the distressed.  to the Lord it appertaineth to manifest his mind, and to the steward to chastise. If your lordship shall command to chastise or to whip any page or servant: provide that it be done in a place privy and secret: for it aught to be very strange unto the Lord or Gentleman that is noble & valiant, to see any man weep, either to hear any complain. The writers of histories do much praise the Emperor Octavius Augustus, which did never consent that any execution should be done whilst he was within the walls of Rome, but for the taking away of any man's life, he always went to hunting: By the contrary, the Historiographers do much reprehend the Emperor Aurelius, who before his own eyes, commanded his servants to be whipped and chastised, which certainly he should not have done: for the clemency of the Prince ought to be such, that not only they should not see the execution, neither yet so much as the person that is executed.  

Brother's children.  Your Lordship also hath to beware to adventure to recount news, to compound lies, to relate fables, and to tell tales: For the foolish man, and the tattling tedious Gentleman, be brother's children. The officers and servants of your house, you have to keep them corrected, warned, and also in fear: that they raise no quarrels, rob no orchards, spoil no gardens, neither dishonour married women: In such sort that the servants presume not to do that which their Masters dare not command: the young men and pages that shall attend on you, 'cause them to learn the commandments, to pray and fast, and to keep the Sabbaoth days: For God will never deal mercifully with you, if you make not greater account that they serve God, than yourself. Such as shall play at cards or dice (for dry money) not only chastise them, but also dispatch them away, for the vice of play may not be sustained but by stealing or deceit. The pages and young men that you shall take into your chamber, you have to make choice of such as be wise, honest cleanly and secret: for babbling and foulemouthed boys, they will imbecile your apparel, & stain your fame. Command the Controller of your house, that the pages be taught to go cleanly, to brush, and lay up their apparel, serve at the table, put of their cap, use reverence, and to speak with good manner, because it may not be named a palace, where there wants in the Lord shamefastness, and in the servants good bringing up.  
To the servant that shall be virtuous, and agreeable to your condition, trust him with your person, let him command in your house, incommend him with your honour, and give him of your goods, upon such condition that he presume not to be absolute lord of the common weal: for that day that they hold such one in reverence, they shall esteem you but little. If you will enjoy service, and be free from displeasures, you shall give no man such rule in your estate, that your servant shall thwart you, or your vassal disobey you. Also your Lordship is to be advertised (in that as now ye enter of new) you attempt not to do many new things: for every novelty doth not more please him that doth institute the same, than the accomplisment thereof displeaseth him to whom it is commanded.  
Lactantius Firmianus doth say, that the common wealth of the Sicienians endured longer, than that of the Greeks, 
A special adventure.  Egyptians, Lacedæmonians, and the romans, because in seven hundredth and forty years they never made new laws, neither brake their old. Such as shall counsel you to renew your judges, change your justices, make proclamations, 
The pretence of private profit, is void of all good counsel.  and to remove your service to other persons unknown. Consider very well, if they attempt the same, to the end that you shall not err, or else to amend their own estate. For it was a law amongst the Athenians, that he should have no voice in the common wealth, that pretended to have interest in that which he counseled.  
Now at the beginning you have much cause to consider in whom to trust, and with whom to take counsel: for if the counsellor be such as hopeth thereby to gather any gain: to that end he will direct his counsel, where his affection is inclined. In such sort that if he be covetous, he will seek to rob, and if he be malicious or matched with enemies, how to be revenged. And also such things as you shall find in your house to be reformed, and your common wealth to be chastised. It is not my opinion that you amend or reform all things in haste that is amiss: For it is not just, neither yet sure, that ancient customs of the common people be taken away suddenly, being brought in by little and little. The customs that touch not the faith, neither offend the Church, either offend the Common wealth, take them not away, neither altar them: the which if you will not for their cause, yet for your own cause disfavour the same (for if I be not deceived) in the house where dwelleth novelties, there lodgeth want of judgement.  

A notable measure.  Also my Lord I counsel you, that you in such wise measure your goods, that they live not with you, but that your lordship live with them. I say it because there be many noble men of your estate, that keep a great house with other men's goods: he that hath much, & spends little, they call him a niggard: & he that hath little & spends much, they hold him for a fool: for which cause men aught to live in such sort, that they be not noted miser's for their keeping either prodigal for their spending.  

A quent of marvedis, which be .6. a penny, amount 2500. Ducats.  My Lord Earl, be none of those that have two quentes of rent, & four of follies, which always go taking by lone, dealing by exchange, taking rend aforehand, and selling their patrimony: In such manner, as all their travel doth consist not in maintaining house, but in sustaining follies. Many other things I might say unto your Lordship in this matter, the which my pen doth leave to writ, to remit them unto your prudency. No more but the Lord be your protector.   
From Valiodolid the third of November.   

A letter unto the Admiral Sir Fadrique Enriques, wherein is declared, that old men have to beware of the year three score and three.  
Most renowned Lord and great Admiral, I assure you, I may firmly avouch unto your honour, that at the instant, there was not any thing farther out of my mind, than was your letter when I saw it enter into my Cell: and incontinente I imagined with myself, that you wrote unto me some jest, or sent unto me to declare some doubt.  

The heart of man is most excellent in his kind.  To the very like purpose the divine Plato did say, that such is the excellency of the heart, above all the other members of man, that many times the eyes be deceived in the things they see: and the heart doth not err in that it doth imagine. The Consul Silla, when he saw julius Caesar being a young man evil trussed, and worse girt: (for which cause many did judge him to be negligent, and also doltish) said unto all those of his band, beware of that ill girt youth: that although he appeareth to be such, yet this is he that shall tirannise the City of Rome, and be the ruin of my house. Plutarch in the life of Marcus Antonius recounteth of a certain Greek named Ptolomeus: which being demanded wherefore he did not talk, or was conversant with any man in all Athens, but with the young man Alcibiades? answered, because my heart giveth me, that this young man shall set Greece on fire, and defame all Asia. The good Emperor Trajan said, that he was never deceived in choosing friends, and in knowing of enemies: for presently his heart did advertise him, to whom he should repair, and of whom he should beware. And if we well consider the foresaid: neither the heart of Silla was deceived in that he propbesied of julius Caesar, neither the Art of Ptolomeus did err in that he divined of Alcibiades: because the one deprived Rome of her liberty, and the other darkened the glory of Greece. Thus much I thought to say unto your Lordship, to the end you might see, how my heart was not deceived in divining what you had written, and also what you craved.  
I may very well say, that sometimes your Lordship writeth me some jests that makes me merry: and sometimes you demand questions, that makes me watch: for your Lordship hath your judgement so clear, your memory so ready, 
Commendable qualities.  the Scripture so prompt, the time so disposed, and above all great swiftness in writing, and much use in reading: that you do me great grief to importunate me so often to declare that which you understand not, and to seek out that which you may not find, to expound as I did the verses of Homer, too declare the life of Antigonus, to search you the history of Methiadoes the Theban, to relate you the Ceruatica of Sertorius, you have judged to be done in manner without travel: but I swear by the law of an honest man, I was over watched in seeking, spent in disposing, and tried in writing it. Many other Lords of this kingdom, and also out of the same do writ unto me, and crave that I declare them some doubts, and sand them some histories: which doubts and demands be all plain and easy, and at three turns, I find them amongst my writings: but your Lordship is such a friend of novelties as always you ask me histories so strange and peregrine, that my wits may not in any wise but needs go on pilgrimage. My Lord coming, to the purpose, you say that the Earl of Miranda did writ unto you, that eleven days before the good Constable Sir Ynnigo of Velasco died, he heard me say and certify that he should die, the which as I then spoke, so afterwards it came to pass, but I would not declare unto him, by what mean I understood it.  
Your Lordship's pleasure is, that I should writ unto you, whether I did speak it in earnest or in jest: or if I saw in the sickman any prognostication, or if I knew in this matter any great secret: the which I will discover unto you, if you promise' me to keep it secret, and that unto me thereof you be not ingrate. The truth is, I said it to the Earl of Miranda, and also to the Doctor Carthagna: neither did I know it by revelation as a Prophet, either did I obtain it in Circle as a Necromantic, either did I find it in Ptolomeus as an Astronomer, nor understand by the pulse as a Physician, but I found it as a Philosopher: for that the good Constable did then go in the year Climatike. 
A notable secret in the year climatik.  At the present I understood the Constable to be sick, I demanded how old he was, and when they answered that he was three score and three, I said his life was in great peril, for that he was then in the most dangerous year to die.  
For the understanding hereof it is to wit, that all the life of man is like a long & a perilous sickness, wherein the seventh and the ninth day is much to be noted, for that in those cretick days, the sick do mend or grow worse. That which the Physician doth call Term in the sick man, is called in the whole by the Philosopher Climate: and from thence it is, that from seven to seven years, and from nine to nine years, men do change their complexions, and also many times their conditions. That this is true, it clearly appeareth, in that the man which is now phlegmatic, we see him turn choleric, the furious to be mild, the prosperous to be unfortunate, and also he that is wise remove to be foolish. All which cometh to pass, that after seven or nine years, they have changed as we have said their conditions, and also their complexions. Also it is to be understood, that in all the discourse of our life, we only live under one only climate, the which is seven, or nine years: except in the year of threescore and three, in the which two terms of two climates do join, which is to wit, nine sevens, or seven nines: because nine times seven, and seven times nine, be threescore and three years, and therefore in that year many old men die. Those that come to the year of three score and three, 
A perilous time for old men.  ought to live in very good order, and to walk very warily: because that year is so perilous, that none passeth the same without suffering some danger. Many and very notable men (in time past, and also present) died in that year of threescore and three. More and jointly with this I say, that the son that shall see his Father pass this term, let him not hope so soon to see him die: neither as yet to inherit.  
The Roman and Greek Princes, after they saw themselves escaped the year, théescore and three, they gave great gifts unto their people, and also offered no small offerings in their Temples: as it is read of the Emperor Octavius, the Emperor Antony the meek, & the good Alexander Severus.  
I thought good to give a reckoning unto your honour of this history: or to say better, of this philosophy: because you may understand how I did divine the death of the good Constable of Castille: which all we his friends and lovers did see, within the year sixty three to begin to be sick: and also to make and to die. Of all the great-states of this kingdom, I hold some for kinsmen, others my good Lords, some for neighbours, and others for acquainted: but amongst them all, I held him for my singular good Lord and friend, for that I found him of a very good conversation, and of a sound condition. The good Constable was mild in commanding, just in governing, 
Notable conditions of a noble man.  wise in speech, large in expense, valiant in battle, meek in pardoning, and a very good Christian in living. For that your Lordship and he were captains in the war, and Viceroys in time of peace: you will not deny that which I say to be very true, although I leave of him much more to be said. When you gave and also overcame the battle of Reniega near unto Pampalona, I do remember, that I coming unto your honour to confirm two bills, the one as concerning justice, the other for goods: your Lordship said unto me these words: with me (father master) you have framed and brought to pass, that I will do what you will, and confirm what you demand: but it is necessary, that first you inform the Constable of the case, and make relation unto him of the quality of the matter, for that he is very much advised in the distribution of goods, and very scrupulous in matters of justice. The good Constable had with me very great familiarity, and I with him inviolable friendship, and upon this foundation he did always communicate with me matters of conscience, and discharges of his goods, wherein always I did know of him, that he did procure to do well, and did shun and avoid to offend, I know not what to writ more in this matter unto your Lordship, but that the good Constable (if he finished his life here in Madrid) at the lest in my chronicle his memory shall remain immortal.  
From Madrid the xv. of October .1529.   

A letter unto the Admiral, Sir Frederique Enriques, in which is expounded, wherefore Abraham and Ezechiell did fall forward, and Hely and the jews backwards.  
RIght renowned Lord and Archmariner, great be the complaints that your Honour sendeth me in this your last letter: the one for that I have not answered this year unto your writing: and the other, because I have not sent your doubt absolved. The truth known and the certainty understood, neither shall I be blamed, or you remain offended. The very truth that hath passed in this matter is, that as they have stolen from Mansilla your servant his horse, and he played away all his money that he brought by the way (in seeking to borrow, to pay at his lodging) he forgot with me to take order for his answer. Since I read your letters with a very good will, and presently forthwith did put myself in study for your doubts, it is not just that fault to be imputed unto me, if your servants be forgetful to take their answer. Oftentimes I was both ashamed and also offended, to see your letters come so bitter and so choleric: that of a troth to show so much anger, and to writ so heavy or leadenlike, your Lordship had no occasion, and much less any reason. But as your body is little, and your heart exceeding the same, by a third or fift: if you give him place to speak what he will, and that he complain what he feeleth, believe me my Lord and be out of doubt, you shall live in yourself pained and discontented, and of other's not well-beloved.  
The great and mighty Lords, 
A lesson for Lords.  aught of nothing more too presume or boast themselves, than to have great hearts, which they aught to enjoy, (if they will employ them well,) in moderating themselves in great prosperities, and not to be dismayed in their great adversities. My judgement is, since your Lordship is naturally choleric, and of small patience, that you give not yourself to writ when you be distempered: for men do writ many times in their choler, which afterwards they would not should have passed (so much as) their thoughts. To the argument which you allege that I esteemed you but little because I would not answer presently: this I answer, I deny the premises, and defy the consequence: because your Lordship hath much, may do much, deserveth much, and therefore we all esteem you very much. For me to be ignorant of the great estate of your person, of blood so unspotted, of judgement so delicate, in letters of so great exercise, and of so great dexterity in arms: the cause were to great foolishness, or to much lack of wit. But let the case rest, let us divide all this unkindness amongst us, which is to wit, that your Lordship from hence forward defer or put off your choler, pardon Mansilla for forgetting his letter: and also kind me to expound your doubts: and after this manner we will give amendss to that which is past, and use silence for the time to come.  
Your honour demandeth, that I declare, wherefore the Patriarch Abraham in the vale of Mambre, 
The exposition of the text.  and the Prophet Ezechiel near unto the river Cobar, as holy scripture saith of them, fell to the ground upon their faces: and contrariwise, Heli the Prophet, and the jews that took Christ, fell backwards Your Lordship hath to consider, that it is not so light or easy which you doubt of, for if I be not deceived, it is a question that few men do move, and in a manner none doth expound. For notwithstanding I have seen much, and read much, I can not remember me to have considered or doubted, neither at anytime to have preached thereof: I dare be bold to say, that by these two manners of fallings, the one back wards, and the other forwards, do signify two kinds of sinning. For even as to fall after the one manner or the other, in the end all is falling: so in like manner, to sin after the one sort or the other, all is sinning. Those that do fall upon the back, and backwards, we see them have their faces discovered, 
To be ashamed of sin, is hope of amendment.  and looking up to heaven: by these are to be understood: those which do sin without the fear of God, & afterwards have no shame to have sinned. We see by experience that he that falleth forwards, may help himself to rise with his hands, with his elbows, with his knees, and with his feet: by this I would say, that then we have hope to come out of sin, when we shall be ashamed to have sinned. The contrary happeneth in him that falleth backwards, that which can never help himself with his hands, or lift himself, or stay with his feet. By this I would say, that the man that is not ashamed to be a sinner, late or never shall we see him come out of sin.  
Plutarch and Aulus Gellius do say, that no young man of Rome might enter amongst the common women, but with their faces very well covered. If there happened any so unshame-fast that durst enter or come forth discovered: so openly was he chastised, as if he had committed some forcible adultery. It is to be noted, that all those that fell forward were saints: as Abraham and Ezechiel: and on the contrary, those that fell backwards, as Hely the priest of the temple, and the jews that sold Christ were sinners. Out of all this there may be gathered, how much, and how greatly we have to regard, not only that we fall, either so much as to stumble: for we know not whether we shall fall forward as Abraham, or backward as the unfortunate Hely. Considering we descend of sinners, live amongst sinners, be conversant amongst sinners, and this world being in so great want of just men, we cannot deliver ourselves from all sins: jointly therefore with this let us pray unto the Lord, that if he take away his grace, that we do fall, that he take not away shamefastness wherewith to arise. Much is God offended with us to see how little we esteem to sin, but he is much more offended to see how slowly we remember to repent: for they be very few that do leave to sin, but at the time when they cannot more sin. O how many more be they that fall backward with Hely, than forward with Abraham: for if there be one that is ashamed of sin, there is an hundredth that account sin but pastime. Let every man esteem himself as he list, and let every man say what he supposeth: 
Not greater sinner than he that presumeth to be good.  but for my part I hold none for a greater sinner, than he that accounts himself for very just: neither do I conceive for very just, but he that acknowledgeth himself to be a great sinner. God doth well know what we can do, and he understandeth very well the strength that we have: and thereof it is, that he is not offended for that we be not just, but because we do not confess to be sinners. I return to say, that God doth not marvel that we be human in sinning, but that which doth offend him is, for that being as we are so great sinners, we would well make the world believe that we be very just. Let the conclusion be in this matter, that they only fall backwards with Hely, and with the Hebrews, that so without remorse sit down to sin, as they would sit down to eat, and lie down to sleep. Of that which I do most marvel in this matter is, that being as we are fallen into most grievous sins, we do so live, and go so contented, as though we had received of God a safe-conduct to be saved. Behold here my Lord your letter answered. Behold your doubt absolved. Behold here my fault excused. And also behold here your choler removed. No more but that our Lord give you his grace, and unto me his glory.  
From Madrid the xj. of November. 1528.   

A letter unto the Abbot of Monserrate, wherein is touched the oratory's that the Gentiles used, & that it is a better life to live in Monserrate, than at the Court.  
MOst reverend, and blessed Abbot, in the eleventh Calends of May, your Monk brother Roger gave me a letter of yours, which I received with gladness, and read with pleasure, for that it was from your fatherhood, and brought by the hands of that grave Father. Of Aurelianus the Emperor it is read, that the letters which Domitius sent unto him were so tedious, that he heard them, but did not answer them: and the letters that the Censor Turinus sent him, he himself did read them, and with his own hand answered them. Of a troth there be men so tedious in their speech, and so without grace in writing, that a man would rather be sick of a fever, than hear their talk, either read their letters.  
No man, of any man aught to marvel, since men be so divers in complexion, and so variable in condition, that many times against our will the heart doth love which were much better to be abhorred, and doth abhor that which were better to be beloved. I say this father Abbot, to the end you shall understand, that as often as they say, here is one of Monseratte, my heart rejoiceth to hear some news from thence, and the eyes he quickened in reading your letters.  
Father you writ unto me, that I advertise you, if in the old time amongst the Gentiles were used holy Oratories: as now is used amongst the Christians: to which demand I will say what I have read, 
Oracles of old time.  and that which presently I do remember. The oracle of the Scicilians was Libeus, the Oracle of the Rhodes was Ceres, the oracle of the Ephesians was the great Diana, the Oracle of the Palestines was Belus, the Oracle of the Argives was Delphos, the oracle of the Numidians was juno, the Oracle of the Romans was Berecinthia, the oracle of the Thebans was Venus, the oracle of the Spaniards was Proserpina, (whose temple stood in Cantabria, which is now called Navara.) That which the Christians do now call Hermitage, the Gentiles did name Oracle. This Oracle stood always distant from the Cities, and holden in very great veneration. There was always in the Temple one priest alone, it was well repaired, well locked, and well endued, and those that went thither on stations, they might only kiss the walls, & also from the doors behold, but within they might not enter, except ordinary priests, and strange Ambassadors. near vn●● the Oracle, they planted trees, within always oil did burn: the covering was all of lead to defend the rain: at the door there stood an Idol the which they did kiss: they had there a certain hollow trunk where they did offer, and an house builded where they lodged.  
Plutarch doth much praise the Emperor Alexander the great for that in all the kingdoms he conquered, and in all the provinces that he subdued, he commanded solemn Temples to be made to pray in, and Oracles far distant to visit. 
Antigonus to be noted.  The king Antigonus that was page to the Emperor Alexander, and father of king Demetrius, (although they reprehend him to be absolute in government, and dissolute in manners, the Historiographers do much praise him, because every week he went once into the Temple, and every month did sleep one night to the Oracle. The Senate of Athens did much more honour unto the dinure Plato after his death, than they did when he was living: and the cause thereof was, for that the good Plato, when he was weary of reading and studying, did withdraw himself to live, and also to die near unto a certain devout Oracle, wherein he was afterwards buried, and as God adorned. Archidamas the Greek, that was son to Agesilaus, after he had governed the common wealth of Athens .22. years, & had overcome by sea & by land ten battles, he commanded to he made in the most sharp mountains of Argos a most solemn oracle, wherein Archidamas did end his life, and also for himself did choose a sepulchre. Among all the oratory's that of old they had in Asia, the most famous was the Oracle of Delphos: for to that place from all parts of the world they did concur, and thither did carry most presents, and there made most vows, and also from thence of their Gods received most answers.  
When Camillus overcame the Samnites, the Romans made a vow, to make an image of gold to sand to the Oracle, for which purpose the matrons of Rome, gave their cholers, their rings, their bracelets, and their ear rings from their persons, for which liberality they were greatly honoured and largely privileged. I have said all this Father abbot, to the end y●… shall understand, that it is no new thing in this world to have amongst the people temples and hermitages. The difference betwixt ours and theirs, is: that those Oracles men have appointed, but our sanctuaries God doth choose, whereof there followeth great utility, and no small security: for that in the place that of God is chosen, we may pray without any scruple. I do remember I have been at our Ladies of Lorito, of Gadalupe, deal a penia de Francie, deal a Hoz de Segovia, y de Balunera, the which house and sanctuaries be all of much prayer & admiration: but for my content & my condition, our Lady of the craggy Rock, I find it to be a building of admiration, a temple of prayer, and a house of devotion. Father Abbot I assure you of a troth, I did never see myself amongst those sharp crags, amongst those high mountains, amongst those cruel rocks, & amongst those thick woods, that I did not purpose to be an other, that I did not sorrow for time past, and that I did not abhor liberty, & did love to be alone. I did never pass by craggy moon that forthwith I was not contrite, that I was not repentant at great leisure, that I did not celebrated with tears, that I did not watch one night, that I gave not to the poor: & above all, that I did not fill myself with sighing, and purpose to amend. Or that it pleased the God of heaven that I were such here, and in my whole life, as I have purposed to be when I was there. The more I go laden with days, the more dull I feel myself in virtues, & which is worst of all, that in good desires I am a saint, and in doing good works I am a sinner, preaching as I do preach, that heaven is full of good works, & hell is full of good thoughts. I know not whether they be my friends that do counsel me, parents that doth importune me, enemies that do direct me, business that doth hinder me, Caesar that without ceasing commands me, or the devil that tempts me. The more I do purpose to part from the world, more and more I find myself sinking to the bottom thereof. The troth is, that the life of the Court, is very pleasant for such as have an appetite thereto: for there we suffer hunger, cold, thirst, weariness, poverty, sorrow, angers, disfavours and persecutions: all which be tolerable and very easy to be suffered: for there is none that doth hinder our liberty, neither taketh reckoning of our idleness. Believe me father abbot, and be out of doubt, for the soul and also for the body, your life is much better there at craggy Mount, than this that we lead here at Court: for the Court serveth better to hear news thereof, than to experiment the things that passeth therein. In the Court he that may do little is soon forgotten, and he that hath somewhat, is pursued. In the court the poor hath not to care, and the rich can not help himself. In the Court they be few that live contented, and many that be abhorred. In the Court all procure to be in favour and authority, and in the end one only doth command. In the Court none hath desire there to die, notwithstanding we see not any that will depart from thence. In the Court we see many do what they 〈…〉 t, but very few what is meet, In the Court all do blaspheme the court, notwithstanding all follow the court. Finally, I say and affirm that which I have said and preached, which is, that the Court is not but for men that be private and in favour, that can gather the fruit thereof: and for young men that have no feeling thereof. It with these conditions (Father Abbot) you will come and devil at Court, from henceforth I make exchange for your craggy mount, and also do promise' you by the faith of a Christian, you shall more repent you to have been converted a courtier, than I to be admitted of the religion of S. Benet. For the much good will I bear you, for the much devotion I hold of that place, you are bound to pray unto God, 
God's grace doth only save us.  that he will draw me from this infamous life, and fight me with his grace, without the which we cannot serve him, and much less be saved. By the hands of friar Roger I have received the spoons you sent me, and to him I delivered the book that he desired me: in such wise, that I shall have spoons to eat with, and your fatherhod a book to pray in. In the rest that you writ, as concerning your Monastery, the case shall be, that you deal with God for me, as one that is devout, and I shall do with Caesar the work of a friend. No more, but that our Lord be your protector.  
From Valiodolid the seven. of jan. 1535.   

A letter unto the Admiral Sir Frederique Enriques, in the which there is declared a certain authority of the holy scripture.  
GLorious and right famous Archmarriner, I am determined before the judge Ronquillo to adjourn your Lordship, to the end that the parties called and heard, he he judge and give sentence betwixt us, whether I, being as I am a Gentleman, and a Courtier, be bound to answer Extempore, unto all your Letters: and to expound all doubts, which your honour so continually writeth unto me. Your solicitor is so importunate for answer (I confess) that many times I give the servant to the Devil, and also at sometime, I pray not unto God for the master.  
Complaining yesterday unto your solicitor, for that he was so tedious, and because so continually he did move me, he made me answer with a very good grace. Consider sir master I give you to understand, that the Admiral (my Lord) craveth of your reverence, that you writ unto him as a friend, that you sand him news as a Chronicler, declare his doubts as a Divine, and counsel his conscience as a Religious. Whereunto I replied, if your master the Admiral will be well served, also I will be well paid. The payment shall be, for the office of Chronicler, of a divine, of a friend, and of a Counsellor: that since I cannot get my meat with the lance, I must obtain it with the pen. I made all this threatening, not to the intent your Lordship shall give me to eat, but for that you should cease to be importune: for I thank God, 
A benefit due to such as serve princes.  the Emperor (that is my lord and master) hath not only given me that which is necessary, but also wherewith to reliene others. The benefit that we have (that attend upon Princes) is, that if we be bound to serve them, we have always licence to crave of them, but let the conclusion be, that with the same intention that I did speak those words here, it may please your Lordship to receive them there: that in fine & in the end, chide we never so much, or be we never so angry, you must needs do what I desire you: and I must of necessity do what you command me.  
Your Lordship's pleasure is, that I writ unto you, how that text is to be understood of Esaias, where he sayeth, Vae tibi jerusalem, quia bibisti calicem irae Dei usque ad feces: Which words are to be understood: woe be unto thee jerusalem, because thou hast drunk the cup of the Lords wrath, even to the dregs. Your lordship asketh a matter so high, & a thing so profound, that I had rather understand than speak it, taste it than writ it: for they know more thereof that be given to contemplation, than such as be occupied in reading: but this is the doubt. Since God the father did sand to Christ his son, a cup to drink of bitterness: whereof is jerusalem reprehended, for the cup that she drank of wrath? the one was the cup, the other was the cup: the one of bitterness, the other of wrath: the Synagogue did receive the one, and the Church the other: Christ did drink the one, jerusalem did drink the other: God sent the one, and God sent the other. But since it is so, why do they so much praise the cup that Christ tasted of, and condemn the sorrowful cup that jerusalem did drink?  
To understand the profundity of this scripture, we must presuppose, that there be two manners of cups, which is to wit, the cup that is said simply only of God, and the cup that is said with an addition, that is, of the ire of God. There is so great difference betwixt these two cups, that in the one we drink heaven, in the other we swallow hell: the holy cup of God is no other thing but temptations, hunger, cold, thirst, persecutions, exile, poverty, and martyrdom: of which things, God gives to drink and to taste, to such as he hath chosen to serve him, and hath predestinate to be saved. Unto whom God giveth this cup to drink, it is a sign that he is registered amongst them that shall be saved: in such sort that we can not escape Hell, but at the cost of very great travel. Profoundly it is to be considered what Christ said: that the cup should not only be given to his own person, but that it should also pass unto his Church, in such wise that he drank thereof, but he made not an end: for if Christ had drunk all the cup, only Christ should have entered the glory. And for this cause he prayed unto his father that the cup should pass unto those of his Church, for that we should all enter with him into the glory. O high mystery never heard of, that Christ being in the Garden, in the dark alone, flat upon his knees, sweeting, praying, and weeping, he did not crave of his Father, that the elect of his Church should be cherished or worldly pampered, but of that cup he would give them a draft to drink. Of that cup of bitterness and travel, only Christ did drink his fill: because he only was sufficient to redeem us. All we that came after Christ. If we cannot drink our fill, I would to God we might drink sufficient for our Salvation: the sword of saint Peter, the Cross of saint Andrew, the knife of saint Bartelmew, the girdierne of S. Laurence, & the shears of saint Steven, what other things are they, but certain badges they have received of Christ, 
Badges of Christ.  and certain gulps they have drunk of his cup. So many more degrees we shall receive in Heaven of Glory, as we have drunk of the cup of Christ in this life, and therefore we aught to pray unto God every day with tears, that if we cannot drink all his cup, at the lest that he will suffer us to taste thereof. The cup of Christ (although it be bitter in drinking) after the drinking thereof, it doth great profit: I would say, that the travels which we suffer to be good, they give not so much pain when we endure them, as they afterwards give pleasure, having passed them. Provide who will of the wines of Illana, of the butts of Candia, and of the pipes of Rebedew: but for my consolation and salvation, I ask not of God, but that all the days that remain of my life, he give me leave to drink if he please but one drop of his cup.  
There is another Cup which is called the cup of the wrath of God: whereof to speak, the entrails do open, the heart doth fail, the flesh doth tremble, and the eyes do weep: with this God doth threaten us, this is that which the Prophet speaketh of: Of this the sorrowful jerusalem did drink: of this the unfortunate Synagogue did make herself drunk. And the drunkenness of this, was the cause that Israel was banished from judea, and translated into Babylon.  
He drinketh of the cup of wrath, that falleth from the state of grace wherein he stood, whereof it followeth that the soul is much more dead without grace, than a body without a soul. Then it is said that God is an angered, 
Without grace a soul is like a body without life.  when he is careless of us, and that day that we be forgetful to fear him, and he not delighted to love us, and stumbling at every step, in the end of the journey we shall be condemned. O what difference there is in the wrath that men do show, and in that wrath and ire, which is said to proceed from God: for when men be angry they revenge, but God when he is angry, he ceaseth to chastise. In such wise that God doth more chasten an evil man, when he deferreth & doth dissemble with him, than when he doth presently torment him. There is not a greater temptation, than not to be tempted: there is no greater trouble, than not to be troubled: there is not greater chastisement, than not to be chastised: neither is there a greater whip, than not to be scourged of God. The sick man of whose health the physician despaireth is in small hope of his life, I would say, that his sin which God doth not chastise: I have great suspicion of his salvation.  
It is much to be noted, that the Prophet doth not only threaten jerusalem for that she did drink the cup of wrath: but also because she did drink the grounds and dregs thereof, until nothing was left: in such wise, that if there had been more, she would have drunk more. To drink of the cup unto the dregs, is: that having offended God grievously committing all manner of sins wickedly, forsaken some articles of the faith perversely, and having sinned with all the members damnably: As if the commandments being ten, had been ten thousand, we had rather die than leave any one of them disobeyed.  
To drink the Cup unto the dregs, is when we be not contented with breaking of one commandment or two or three, but that of force they must be broken all ten: to drink the cup unto the dregs, is: if we leave to commit any sins, it is not for want of will, but for want of power, or for want of occasion: to drink the cup unto the dregs is, that we do not only content ourselves with sinning, but that we do presume and boast ourselves of our sinning: to drink the cup unto the dregs is, committing as we do all manner of sins, we can not suffer that they call us sinners: to drink the cup unto the dregs is, to have so great unshamefastness in sinning, that we dare not entire and urge others to sin: to drink the cup unto the dregs is, to have our desires like a saint, and our deserts like a devil.  
Behold here my Lord Admiral, what I conceive of that text of the Prophet, behold here what I do think of your doubt, and I beseech God our Lord that he being pleased, we may deserve to drink of the cup that Christ did drink of, and not of the cup that jeremy doth writ of. I writ not unto your lordship news of the court as I was wont to writ, 
To drink of the one or of the other, great choice is to be used.  because it seemeth to commit treason unto the holy Scripture, if we should place any profane things at the foot of so holy a matter. No more but that our Lord give us his grace.  
From Madrid the xxv. of March.   

Another letter unto the same Commendathor, Sir Lewes Brave, wherein is written the conditions that the honourable old men aught to have: and that love seldom or never departeth the heart where it is entered.  
VEry noble and reformed knight, by the words of your letter, I understood how quickly the medicine of my writing came to your heart, and I do much rejoice to have shot at you with an arrow so envenomed, that was sufficient to make you stagger: but not to strike you down. Although in the other letter which I did writ unto you, it repented me to call you noble: now I hold it for very well employed, in this letter to entitle you very noble, because you have amended the abuse of your life, and answered according to your nobleness.  
Sir you writ unto me, that the words of my letter did penetrate your heart, and touch you to the quick, and to say you the troth, I was right glad thereof: for I did not writ it that you should only read it, but to the end you should cordially feel it. jointly with this I promise' you as a Gentleman, and swear unto you as a Christian, that it was not my meaning when I did writ unto you to offend you, but to the intent to amend you. Also you say, that at the instant you read my letter you burned the tokens of your enamoured, did tear the letters of love, dispatch the page of messages, removed all talk of your love, and gave a quittance to the Pander. I cannot but praise what you have done, and much more will praise it when I shall see you continued and persever in the same. For vices be so evil to be unrooted where they once take place: that when we think they be all gone, in the house they remain hidden. Sir I give you great thanks for that you have done, and also do crave pardon for that I have said, although it be true, to see you amended I do little esteem that you be offended. For an unkindness is sooner lost, than vice removed.  
Also you crave of me in your letter, that since I have written you the conditions of an old man enamoured, that I writ also unto you the conditions that a wise old man aught too have: because by the one may be known the shelf that is to be shunned, and by the other the channel obtained that is navigable, wherein I delight to accomplish your request, and to writ your desire: although it be true, that I know not, if my judgement shall have so delicate a vain, and my pen so good a grace, in giving counsel, as in reprehending. For there be many that in giving counsel be very cold, but in speaking malicious taunts very skilful. Sir, I will do my endeavour to do and say the best I can, with an admonition that I give before all things unto him that shall hear or read the same, that he prepare, not to take so great a taste in reading these counsels, as profit by using them.  
The old men of your age, they ought to be so advised in that they speak, and such examplers of that they do, that not only they are not to be seen to do evil works, either so much as to speak unhonest words. For the old man that is absolute and dissolute: is sufficient to corrupt or cast away a whole Town or common wealth. The old men of your age: 
Rules for old men.  aught to give, not only good examples, but also good counsel: for the inclination of the young man is to err and to vary, and the condition of the old man, aught to be to correct by discretion, and give good counsel to amend. The old men of your age: aught to be gentle, modest, and patiented: for if in times past they were breeders of discord, now they aught to be makers of peace. The old men of your age aught to be masters of such as know little, and defenders of such as can do little, and if they may not give them remedy, they leave not to give them comfort. For the heart that is tormented, despited, and in great distress, sometimes receiveth more comfort with the words which they speak, than with that which they give them. The old men of your age, now have no time to be occupied, but in visiting of hospitals, and relieving the poor: for there may not be a thing more just, than that, so many paces as have been spent to brothel houses, should now be spent to visit Temples. The old men of your age, aught not to be busied, but in making their discharges when they be in the house, and to bewail their sins when they go to Church: for he standeth in great surety of salvation, that in his life doth that he aught to do, and in his death what he can do.  
The old men of your age aught to use great measure in the words they speak, and pleasant brevity in that they recount, and also they aught to beware to tell news, and much less to use to relate fables: for in such a case, if they call young men light and foolish, they will say that old men dote and babble. The old men of your age aught to be removed from contentions, and from troubles in law, and if it be possible, to redeem them by the weight of money, to the end to be free from infinite travels: for young men only do feel the travel, but the old men do feel vexation, and bewail the displeasure.  
The old men of your age, aught to have their communication with persons well complexioned, & not evil conditioned, with whom they may repose and pleasantly be conversant: for there is not in this mortal life a thing that doth so recreate the heart: as is sweet conversation. The old men of your age aught to seek men, and choose honest friends, and much to consider that the friends which they shall choose, and the men with whom they shall be conversant, be not tedious in their speech, 
Conversation for old men.  and importunate in craving: ●or friendship and importunity never feed at one dish, either name themselves to be of one band.  
The old men of your age, aught not as now to use vain and light pastimes, but to have regard to the bestowing of their goods, and to consider for their houses: for the old man that looks not to his substance, shall want to eat, and he that watcheth not his house, shall not lack wherefore to weep. The old men of your age be bound to go cleanly, and well clad, but they have not licence to be curious, either with niceness to wear their garments: for in young men to be neat, is a good curiosity, but in old men, it is great vanity.  
The old men of your age aught much to flee brawling with your adversaries, either traverse in words with your neighbours: for if they reply any overthwart words, or speak any bitter injury, the hurt is, that you have a heart to feel it, and not strength to revenge it. The old men of your age, ought to be charitable, pitiful, and alms givers: for young men without experience, walk so bedolted of the things of this world, that it seemeth unto them sufficient to be termed Christians: but the old men that time hath advised, and age delivered from deceit, let them hold it for certain that God of them will never have pity, 
The exercise of good old men.  if they have not charity. The old men of your age, aught to have some good Books to profit, and other histories to pass away the time: for as now their age doth not suffer to walk, much less to travel, and as they are forced all day to be idle and pensive, so is it of more deserving that they fill themselves with reading in books: than too be tired in thinking of times past. The old men of your age aught to avoid entering into convocations, sessions, and Assizes: for in such places they entreat not but causes of the common wealth, and interest for goods: and that by the judgement of froward young men, and men passioned, where they never believe the wise, either hear the old of experience. The old men of your age, when you shall be in counsel, or called to counsel, aught not to be rash, janglers, or contentious: for it appertaineth to young men to follow their opinion, & the old men but only reason. The old men of your age, 
The notes of good old men.  aught to be sober, patient, and chaste, and to presume more to be named virtuous than old: for in these times, and also in time past, they have more respect to the life he leadeth, than to the hoar hears he weareth. The old men of your age, aught to hold for their chief exercise, to go every day to Church, and to hear service on the holiday: and if this shall seem painful or tedious, I give him licence to go no ofter to Church being old, than he went to visit his innamored when he was young. The old men of your age, aught to have all things well provided for their souls, to understand also for the health of their persons: for as Galene saith, old age is so monstrous in condition, that it is neither a sickness finished, or a perfect health. The old men of your age, before all things aught to procure their houses good and healthy, situate in a gladsome & sound air: for I am of opinion, that there is no goods better employed, than that which old men bestow upon a good house. The old men of your age, aught to procure, not only to devil in a good house, but also to sleep in a good chamber, 
Necessary provision for old men.  in a bed very cleanly, and the chamber very close: for as the old man is delicate and of small strength, so be is more offended by a little air that comes in at a chink, than the cold of one whole winter night did grieve him when he was young. The old men of your age, aught very much to procure to eat good bread, and to drink good wine, and the bread that is well baked, and the wine that is a year old: for as old age is compassed with infirmities, and laden with sadness, the good victualss shall hold them in health, and the good wine shall lead them in mirth. 
A diet for old men.  The old men of your age, aught much to consider that their meals be small, their meat young and well seasoned: and if they eat much, and of many meats, they ever go sick: for notwithstanding they have money to buy them, they have not heat to digest them. The old men of your age, aught too procure their bed curteyned, their Chamber hanged, a mean fire, the chimney without smoke: for the life of old men consisteth in going cleanly, warm, contented, and without anger. The old men of your age, aught utterly to avoid to dwell upon any river, either to do their business in moist grounds, either to sleep in airy places, for old men being delicate as they are, be like children, and naturally accraised: the air shall penetrate their powers, and moistness shall enter their bones. The old men of your age, upon pain of their life aught to be temperate in their diet, refusing to eat late: for old men, as they have their stomachs weak and grown cold, they may not digest two meals in a day: 
Temperance in old men provoketh sleep and avoideth belike.  for the old man that is unsatiable and a glutton, using the contrary, shall belike much and sleep little. The old men of your age, to the end that they be not sick, or grow heavy, neither turn to be gross, aught a little to refresh themselves, walk into the field, use some exercise, or be occupied in some faculty: for otherwise, it might happen them to get a tisick, or a lameness in their limbs: in such wise, that it will be hard to fetch breath, and by puffing and blowing give warning where you walk. The old men of your age aught to have great care to avoid all contentious brabbling amongst their servants, and sometime to bear with their negligences, to pay their wages, too the end they go contented: for otherwise they will be negligent in service, and very subtle in stealing. For conclusion, the old men of your age aught much to procure to wear their apparel sweet and cleanly: 
A conclusion with rules, convenient for old men.  their shirts very well washed: their house neat and well swept, and their chamber very close, warm, and well smelling. For the old man which presumeth to be wise, if he will live in health, and go contented, aught to have his body without life, & his heart without strife. In the end of your letter you writ, that having left to love, sorrow leaveth not to vere you, which useth to follow the enamoured: and instantly you desire me to give you some remedy, or to send you some comfort: for notwithstanding you have thrown it out of the house, it leaveth not now and then too knock at the gate.  
Sir in this case I remit you to Hermogenes, to Tesiphontes, to Doreatius, to Plutarch, and to Ovid, which spent much time, and wrote many books, to give order in what manner the enamoured should love, and the remedies that for their love they should use. Let Ovid writ what him pleaseth, & Dorcas say what he thinketh good, but in fine, there is no better remedy for love, than is, never to begin to love: 
A most certain remedy for love.  for love is so evil a beast, that with a thread he suffereth to be taken, but he will not departed with thrusts of a lance. Let every man consider what he attempteth, mark what he doth, behold what he taketh in hand, note whither he doth enter, and have regard where he may be taken: for if it were in his hands to set the tables, he is not certain to win the game. There is in love after it is begun, infinite shelves, immeasurable sloughs, dangerous rocks, and unknown whirelpooles, in which some remain defaced, other's blinded, some besoilde, and also some others utterly drowned, in such wise, that he that is best delivered, I account to be evil delivered.  
O how many times did Hercules desire to be delivered from his love Mithrida, Menelaus from Dortha, Pyrrhus from Helena, Alcibiades from Dorobella, Demophon from Phillis, Hannibal from Sabina, and Marcus Antonius from Cleopatra, from whom they could never, not only departed, but also in the end for them, and with them, they were cast away.  
In case of love, let no man trust any man, and much less himself: for love is so natural to man or woman, and the desire to be beloved, that where love amongst them doth once cleave, it is a sore that never openeth, and a bond that never unknitteth. Love is a metal so delicate, & a canker so secret, that he planteth not in the face where he may be seen, nor in the pulse where he may be felt, but in the sorrowful heart where (although he be sensible) they dare not discover it. After all this, I say, that the remedy that I give for love, is, that they give him no place to enter amongst the entrails, nor give their eyes liberty to behold windows, or give ear to bawds, either suffer any trade of Dames to come or go, & if any come to house, to shut the doors, and not to walk abroad after evening: if with these conditions love may not altogether be remedied, at the lest it may be eased and amended.  
Sir (and my gossip) if you will in all these things profit yourself and well consider thereof, you shall be excused of many angers, and also save much money. For to your age and my gravity it is more convenient to understand of the best wines, than to view the windows of the enamoured. Take for example & chastisement the Licentiat Burgos, your acquainted, 
A sudden and strange spectacle.  and my great friend, which being old (and enamoured as you) died this saturday, a death so strange and fuddayne, as was fearful to all men, and sorrowful to his friends. No more, but our Lord be your guide, and give me grace too serve him.  
From Burgos the .24. of Febr. 1523.   

A letter unto Sir james of Guevara, uncle to the Author, wherein he doth comfort him, for that he hath been sick.  
MAgnificent and right honourable Uncle, it pleaseth your Honour to complain of me in your letter, that I neither serve you as my good Lord, either do sue as unto a father, or visit as an uncle, neither write as unto a friend. I may not deny, but as concerning kindred your are my Father's brother, 
Note the eloquence of the Author.  in merit my good Lord, my father in courtesy, and my Progenitor in giving of liberal rewards, which I have received at your hands: not as a nephew, but as a son much beloved.  
Since I have confessed the affinity that I hold, and affirm the debt that I do own, no more will I deny the fault that I have committed in neglecting my duty in visiting and writing unto you: 
The perfect condition of a friend.  for with our friends we aught to accomplish until we may do no more, and spend until we have no more: let it avail what it may avail, and my excuse serve, what it may serve. The very troth is, that I go in this court with mine offices so occupied, and so bewandred in my business, that scarcely I know any man, neither yet remember myself: and this which (I say) is not so much to excuse my fault, as it is to accuse my living. For in the time when I was alive, and abode in my monastery, I did rise early to go to Church, I studied my books, preached my sermons, fasted the advents, performed my disciplines, bewailed my sins, and prayed for sinners: in such sort, that every night I made a reckoning of my life, and every day did renew my conscience. But afterwards, I died: afterwards they buried me: 
Buried, being alive.  and afterwards they brought me unto the Court: I grew negligent in fasting, I broke holy days, I forgot my disciplines, I did no alms, I prayed with negligence, I preached seldom, I spoke at large, I suffered little, I celebrated with dullness, I presumed much, and over much: and the worst of all is, that I gave myself to unprofitable conversations, the which lead me unto some tedious passions, and also affections to be avoided. Behold here my Lord and Uncle, after what manner we go in Court, neither know we kindred, or speak to friends, neither be sensible of the mischief, or profit us of the time, neither do we seek rest, or have any wit: but wandering here and there, we go as certain men bedolted and charged with a thousand thoughts.  
But setting this apart, since in time to come there shall be amendss, and for that which is past I may obtain pardon, I shall promise' you by the faith of an honest nephew, that the court having passed these ports, I shall come to visit you, and will writ by every messenger. Sir Ladron your son and my cousin willed me (here in Madrid) that I should writ unto you, the sorrow which I conceived of the sickness your Lordship hath had, and the long diseases you have passed. The excess you used, is grief unto me: the ague that held you, sorroweth me: the sorrows you have paste, displeaseth me: the syropes you received, irketh me: the purgations you used, loathed me: the ointments you experimented, despiteth me: the baths you proved, are tedious, and tormenteth me: the lavatories you tasted, paineth me: the money you wasted, vexeth me: because the sick man, considering the goods he expended, and the little that medicines have profited, many times it doth more grieve him, that he giveth to the Physician and Apoticarye, than the malady which he suffered.  
Behold here my Lord, how I am not a man that giveth one sorrow, but an hundredth if need be: although it be true, that a thousand times it sorroweth me, is not so much worth as one it pleaseth me. Lycurgus in the laws that he gave to the Lacedæmonians, did command, that no man should bring evil news to any man, but that the patient should divine it, or by discourse of time, he should understand it. The divine Plato in the books of his common wealth, did counsel the Athenians that they should not visit any of their neighbours in time of adversity, except they could by some means remedy them. For (he said) and said well, that cold and unsavoury is that comfort, when it cometh not be wrapped in some remedy. Of a troth, to remedy and give counsel be two distinct offices, & very seldom contained in one person: for counsel is to be given by the wife, & the remedy by him that possesseth the same. My Lord & uncle, I would God, that your remedy were in my hands (as it is to desire it) that I might rather say, It pleaseth me of your health, than that it sorroweth me of your sickness. Sir, you have to understand, I bear you much envy: not of Paradilla, where you dwell, not to the new planted vineyard which you possess, or to the mill that you make, either to the ninety years that you possess, but of the order that you use in your house: for that in nurture it is a palace, and in honest civility, 
A good praise to a Gentleman.  a College.  
Cato the judge, in his old age did withdraw himself to a country house, which stood betwixt Nola, and Caieta, & all the Romans that passed thereby did say, iste solus scit vivere: which is to understand, this man knoweth to live by himself, wherefore they reported that he had withdrawn himself thither in time, and sequestered himself from the hurly burly of the world. The greatest mercy that God useth to an old man is to give him to understand, that he is become old: for if he know this of himself, of a troth he shall find that the old man hath not of any thing more certainty, than every day to look for death. Plato said: iwenes citò moriuntur, senes autem diu vivere non possunt, that is to say, it is true that young men die quickly, but the old men can not live long. The steel being spent, the knife may not cut: the tallow consumed, the candle goeth out: the Sun being set, the day can not tarry: the flower being fallen, there is no hope of fruit. By that which is said, I would say, that after an old man is past four score years, he aught to make more readiness to die, than provisions to live. Diodorus Siculus saith, that it was a law amongst the Egyptians, that no king, after he had children, either any old man having passed threescore years, should presume to build an house, without first for himself he had made a sepulchre. My Lord, thus much I say, that not as an Egyptian, but as a good Christian, you have in the Monastery of Cuenca, made a sepulture, and endued a chapel, where your bones shall rest, and whereof your kindred may boast.  
Peter of Reynosa (your neighbour, and my great friend) hath advertised me, that in the pleasant Peradilla, the storm hath spoiled your wheat, and that in low places the vines be blasted, with which lamentable and strange chance (although you feel much grief) your lordship must show good courage, and have great patience: for that you now stand in such an age, as you shall rather want years to live, than corn to eat. Those that engross wines to make it dear, & keep their corn against the month of May, upon such men, heaviness aught to fall, and upon such loss is well employed: for there is nothing so meet, either more just, than the man that wisheth an evil year to the common wealth, should never see a good year enter his own house.  
It is a property of such as be much covetous, and little virtuous to murmur at that which nature doth perform, and God doth permit, in such sort that they will rather amend God, than correct themselves. Let houses fall, the vines be blasted, the storms spoil corn, the flocks die, and rend gatherers run away: if we give thanks to God for that he leaveth us, if we do not murmur for that he taketh away, if we grow not dull to serve him, he will never grow negligent to give us provision. They say unto me that your Lordship is vexed, sorrowful, and also untractable: these are privileges of old men, but not of wise old men: for it should be a much greater loss to have the wit blasted, than the Corn destroyed. Uncle you know very well, that in all the the markets of Vilada, & Palencia we shall found bread to be sold, but in none of the fairs of Medina, shall we found wisdom to be bought: For which cause men aught to give more thanks unto God, for that he did created them wise, than for that he made them rich. It is a more sound wealthiness for a man to esteem himself wise, than to presume to be of great wealth: for with wisdom they obtain to have, but with having they come to loose themselves. The office of humanity is to feel travels, and the office of reason is, to dissemble them. For when sudden assaults come upon us, and infortunes knock at our gates, if the heart should receive them all and of every one complain and bewail: he should ever have whereof to recount, and never want wherefore to lament.  

The wise man weary not but for the loss of a friend  Prometheus that gave laws to the Egyptians, said, that the Philosopher should not weep for any thing, but for the loss of his friend: for all other things are contained in our chests, only the friend dwelleth in the heart. If Prometheus did not permit to show any grief but for a friend, it is not credible that he would weep for the corn in the field, wherein he had great reason: for notwithstanding that the loss of temporal good is, wherewith we be most grieved: yet on the other part, it is that wherein our loss is lest. Seeing the incertainty of this life, and the continual changes that be in the same, as little surety men have thereof, that be in their houses, as the corn that is in the field. I dare say that we have very little wherein to trust, and many things whereof to be afraid. It is not unknown to your Lordship, that in this life there is nothing sure, since we see the corn blasted, trees stricken down, flowers fall, wood worm-eaten, cloth devoured with moths, cattle do end, and men do die: and that all things well marked, in the end all things have an end. Men that have passed three score years, have for their privilege, to see in their houses great misfortunes, which is to wit, absence of friends, death of children, loss of goods, infirmities in their persons, pestilences in the common wealth, and many novelties in Fortune: and for this cause Pliny durst say, that men aught not to be borne, if that he being borne forthwith should die. 
The honest care, not to live long, but well.  O how well said the divine Plato, that men ought not to be careful to live long, but to live well. I thought good thus much to writ unto you, to the end you should understand to profit yourself by old age, since you had skill to enjoy the days of youth: for in the age of fourscore years, it is a time to make small account of life, and to use great skill and no small reckoning of death.  
All these things I have written unto your Lordship, and my good uncle, not for that you have need, but because you shall have wherein to read, and also to the end you shall understand, that (although I go bescattered and wandering in this Court,) I do not leave to reknowledge the good. No more, but that our Lord be your protector.  
From Madrid the eleventh of March. 1533.   

A letter unto Master Gonsalis Gil, in which is expounded that which is said in the Psalmist, Inclinavi cor meum ad faciendas iustificationes tuas in aeternum.  
RIght reverend and eloquent Doctor, ad ea quae mihi scripsisti quid tibi sim responsurus ignoro: although I say that to so many things I know not to answer, I should have said better, that I dare not to wright. For the affairs of our common wealth, are come to that estate, that though we be bound to feel them, we have no licence to report them. It is too grievous in our humanity to suffer injuries, but it is much more grievous unto the heart to keep them secret, 
Who is worthy of praise.  and not to utter them: for the remedy of the sorrowful heart is, to discover his poison, and to unburden where he loveth. He deserveth much, and can do very much, that hath a heart to feel things as a man, and dissembleth them as discreet. For he is of a greater courage that forgets the sorrow that once entereth into the heart, than he which revengeth it. If my memory should reveal what it doth retain, my tongue speak what it doth know, and my pen writ what me listeth, I am sure those that be present would marvel, and such as be absent, would grow offended: for now burneth the pearcher without tallow, and at random all goeth to the bottom. The army of gentlemen be here in Medina deal ryo secco, and they of the commonalty in Villa Braxima, in such wise, that too the one we desire victory, and of the other we have compassion. For the one be our good Lords, and the others our good friends: I desire that the part of the gentlemen may overcome: and it grieveth me to see the death and fall of the poor: chief for that they know not what they ask, either understand what they do. If the travel of the war, and the peril of the battle might light upon their shoulders, that were inventors thereof, and that have altered the people, it should be tolerable too see, and just to suffer: but alas the sorrow, they fight in safety, and chase the bull in great surety: we have the monastery full of soldiers, and the Cells occupied with knights: wherein, there is no place for a man to withdraw, either a quiet hour to study: In such wise, that if my Books be scattered, also my wits be wandering. What quietness or contentation will you that I have, seeing the king is out of his kingdom, the commons rebel, the counsel fled, the Gentlemen persecuted, the towns men altered, the governors astonished, and the people sacked, every hour entereth men of war, every hour they make alarms, every hour they sound to battle, every hour they ordain ambushes, every hour there is skirmishes, every hour they intend repairs, and also every hour I see them bring men wounded. The Cardinal and the governors command me to preach and instruct them in the affairs of peace, that which I can say, is every third day I go from one camp to an other, and they of the commonalty will not believe me, neither will be converted: in such wise that they have the voice of jacob, and the hands of Esau. In this civil war, I hear them say from thence so many things, that it displeaseth me, and I see here so many things that discontenteth me, Quod posui custodiam ori meo, ut non delinquam in lingua mea. If they meet there with my letters, or yours should be seen here, either for not understanding, or by evil interpreting, it might be, I should incur some danger, and you discredit. Ignosce mi domine, tum brevitate literarum, tum etiam quòd non liceat hic nostra tempestate apertius loqui.  

The Author doth expound an authority of the Prophet.  
THis other day (which was the feast of Saint Thomas) when I preached unto the governors, you do say in your letter that you heard me expound that Text of the Prophet, which sayeth: Inclinavi cor meum ad faciendas justificationes tuas in aelernum proptet tribulationem: and you desire me to sand it you in writing, in such form & manner as I did pronounce it in the pulpit. Sir I will perform it (although I use it not) for that I wish you well, and am also beholding unto you. For the friend unto his friend, should neither hide secret that he knoweth, 
The friend unto the friend, neither hideth secret, nor denieth money.  or deny any thing that he possesseth. But coming to the purpose, it is a thing to be noted, & no less to be marveled, that the Prophet would bind himself to serve God for evermore without end, knowing that she should die, and have an end. For the understanding of this text of David, it is necessary to expound that of Christ, which saith, Ibunt in supplicium, boni autem in vitam aeternam: because the one authority being expounded, the other is easily understanded. Christ being as he is, the whole truth and the sum of justice, it seemeth a thing disproporcioned to give unto the good, infinite glory for temporal merits, and to give unto the evil eternal pain, for temporal faults: Since he commandeth in the apocalypse, that by the weight of their demerits the wicked should be tormented. If it were not divine judgement, it would seem in the opinion of man, to be a just thing they should give unto the just that served God an hundredth years in this world, so much more of glory in the other world: and to the wicked that offended fifty years, being alive here in this world, they should torment him as many more in hell: In such sort that there the pain should be given by weight, and the glory by measure. In that God giveth not temporal reward, for temporal service, neither doth give temporal pain for temporal offences: there seemeth and aught to be in this case some high mystery, which if it be facile to demand, is very difficile to absolve. For the understanding hereof, it is to wit, that the pain they have to give us in the other world, and the reward we shall receive in the glory, is not answerable to the many or few works which we do, but unto the much or little charity wherewith we work them: for God doth not behold what we do presently, but what we would do. It may be that a man may deserve much with little works: and another merit little passing many travels, for our deserts consist not in the travels we do pass, but in the patience we use therein.  
Not without a high and very notable mystery Christ said (in your patience,) and said not (in your labour) you shall possess your souls. For as Austin saith, 

Not in your labour but in patience.  
Not the pain but the cause maketh the martyr.   the pain makes not the Martyr, but the cause wherefore he suffereth. Answering to your demand and to my doubt, I do say and affirm: that for this cause, in the other world they shall give eternal reward unto the good: for if God should let them live for ever and ever, they would never cease to serve God. In like manner they shall give unto the wicked infinite pain, their sins being infinite, for if God for evermore should give them life here in this world, they would never cease to offend him. The Prophet to say, inclinavi cor meum in aeternum, is as if he should say, I Lord do bind myself to serve thee, so much as shall please thee to be served of me. In that if it shall please thee to perpetuate my life, it shall be always employed in thy service, what wilt thou that I say more, (o my God,) but if it shall please thee, and may be to thy service, that my days be temporal, that at the lest my good desires may be infinite, quia in aeternum inclinavi cor meum. O with how great desire aught we to serve God, and how great hope aught we to have of our salvation, for that we have a Lord of so good condition, and a God of such power, that without any scruple we may set down in his account, not only what we do, but also what we desire to do. No more but that our Lord be your protector.   
From Medina del rio secco the xxij. of january. 1523.   

A letter unto the Abbot of saint Peter of Cardenia, in which he much praiseth the mountain country.  
reverent Abbot and monastical Religious, Regi seculorum immortali sit gloria, quia te ex litteris tuis bene valere audio, & ipse bene habeo. The health of the body at all times aught to be much esteemed, & much more in this present year: for we have war within the house, and pestilence is calling at door. I have not said much in saying that the pestilence calleth at the door, since Auila is infected, Madrigal depopulate, Medina escandalized, Valiodolid in great fear, and Duennas mourning.  
As touching the rest I give your fatherhood many thanks for Ochams Dialogues that you lent me. And I give you no less for your powdered meat you sent me; and as I was borne in the Astuaries of Sintillana, and not in the costs of Cordova, you could have sent me nothing more acceptable than that salt flesh: in such sort, quod cognovisti cogitationes meas de long. From Asia unto Rome, the fair Cleopatra sent unto her good friend Marcus Antonius a powdered Crane, 
A powdered crane sent from Asia to Rome  which he so esteemed, that he eat every day only one morsel of that powdered meat. From Illiria (in the Confines of Panonia) they brought presented unto the Emperor Augustus six salted Lampreys, which meat was so new a thing in Rome, that he only eat but one, and divided the other five amongst the Senators and Ambassadors. Macrobius in his Saturnals recounting, or to say better, reprehending Lucullus the Roman of a solemn and costly supper that he made to certain Ambassadors of Asia, he saith amongst other things they did eat, a Gripe in pottage, and a Goose in pickle. In a certain invective that Crispus Sallust maketh against his adversary Cicero, amongst the most grave things that he doth accuse him, is, that he caused to be brought to satisfy his wanton excess, powdered meats from Sardinia, 
Plato offended with Dionysius for eating twice on the day.  and wines from Spain. The divine Plato when he went to see Dionysius the tyrant, was not of any thing in him so much offended, as he was to see him eat two times a day, and to drink the better he did eat salt flesh. There past much time in Rome, in which although they did eat flesh newly powdered, they not yet know to make a brine. But as times gosh every day discovering more things, & the industry of man goeth more sharpened, it is come to pass that the pickle, brine, & powdered meats that was found out most delicate for kings: at this present the rustical be glutted withal. For better seasoned and also more sweet & delectable I hold the powdered meats of the mountain, than those of Castille for in the mountains herbs be more delicate, the waters more pure, the country more cold, the beasts more sound, and the air more subtle. That the mountain is a better country than Castille, it appeareth most clear, in that the wines that goeth from hence thither be more fine, and the men that cometh from thence hither be converted more malicious, in such wise, that wines be there made better, and here men made worse.  
I like very well of that james Lopes of Haro was wont too say, that for one to prove a perfect man, he aught to be borne in the mountain, and transferred into Castille: but I am sorry that unto my country men there cleaveth few courtesies and less good manners that we have there, and very much malice that we use here. When we demand of a neighbour of the confines of Cordova, of Zocodover, of Toledo, of Valiodolid, or of Segovia, in what country he was borne, incontinent he assureth (it is true) that he was borne in that country, but his grandfather came from the mountain, in such wise that at the instant they will be Castilians, & in lineage they will be Biscains.  
If Roger of Toledo do not deceive us, seven Nations had the dominion of nine provinces of Spain, which is to wit, the greeks of Carpentania, the Vandals of Andolosia, the Zuitsers of Carthagene, the Alaians' of Galicia, the Hunes of Arragonia, 
Seven nations inhabited Spain.  the Goths of Lucitania, and the Romans of Pirenea. But of all the nine Nations we read of none that did pass the rock of Ordunia, neither durst approach the rock of Horadaida. To us that be Montanezes the Castilians cannot deny, that when Spain was surprised by the Moors, the greatest & chiefest men were not saved only in the mountains, and that afterwards all the nobles have not descended from thence. The good Inigo Lopos of Santillana did use to say, that in this our Spain that lineage was a stranger or very new, that in the mountains was not possessed of some notable Manor. Father Abbot I thought good to say all this, to the end you shall see how much I do esteem that which you sent me: the one, for that it was powdered, and the other for that it was seasoned in my country. It is no novelty that the powdered meats of my country do like me well, since the Emperor Severus did never wear shirt but of the flax of Africa which was his natural country.  
Of Aurelius the Emperor, his chroniclers do recount that he said many times, that all meats that we eat of other countries, we eat them with appetite, but those that be of our own country we eat them with love and also with appetite. As concerning the rest that your Fatherhood did writ and incommend unto me, friar Benet your subject and my friend, may say what I did speak therein unto his Majesty, and what he answered me, which presently was dispatched. No more, but that the grace Dei nostri jesu Christi sit tecum & mecum.  
From Madrid, the twelfth day of March, Anno Domini .1522.   

A letter unto Doctor Manso, present of Valiodolid, in which is declared, that in the affairs of an other, a man may be importunate.  
RIght magnificent and most reverent Imperial judge, quanto timore ad vos scribam, novit ipse quem timemus in vobis, with much fear and no small shame, I writ this letter unto your Lordship, because every day I have been with my letters so importunate, that I deserve to be holden importune and tedious. Believe me sir, that it is a strange thing unto me to go to importune, or yet to be importuned: 
The importunate and the fool are brothers children  for the man that is importune, I hold him for the brother of a fool. The suitor that is patiented, silent, and mannerly, we take pleasure to hear him, answer him, and dispatch him: on the other side, to him that is troublesome, oversharp, intermeddling, and importunate, we shut the doors against him, we cut off his tail, we turn away our face, and also we give him betwixt the teeth (you are come in an evil hour.)  
Cicero in his book of Friendship, saith, that in the affairs that toucheth but ourselves, we aught only to make suit, but for such as concern our near friends, we aught to entreat, and may be importune. In following suits, there is much to be considered: what the suitor is, to whom he maketh suit, and wherefore he maketh suit, and also in what time he sueth: because to dispatch a thing out of time, is to cut the peacock by the knees. There are affairs of such quality, that only to speak in them were shameful, and yet if they be procured for others, it is great charity. The thing that Alexander the great most praised in the great philosopher Calisthenes, was, that for others he craved many things, and for himself nothing. julius Caesar and Cicero were mortal enemies, but in the end, on a certain day in the Senate, julius Caesar said unto Cicero, I cannot deny this (O Cicero) but that in the things that touch thyself, thou art remiss, and in matters that concern the common wealth, very importune.  
There was a Law amongst the romans much used and also observed, that upon pain of death none should presume to approach the tent, where the Emperor did eat and sleep, except such as did serve him by day and guard him by night, but the case was thus. The Emperor Aurelius being in wars in Asia against Cenobia, in the night a certain Greek servitor entered the emperors tent, 
A notable example of a pitiful Prince.  which being taken and presently condemned to die, the Emperor Aurelius from his bed where he lay spoke with a loud voice, if this man did come to sue for any thing for himself, let him die: and if he came to sue for another, let him live, and for certain it was found, that the poor man came to make suit for his three companions that had slept being of the watch, which the Captain commanded to be whipped and to be delivered to the enemies. O example to be noted, and to memory to be incommended, for that out of one self chance and misfortune, the soldier obtained life, the companions escaped distress and shame, and the good Prince enjoyed the renown of clemency. I thought good to allege these old examples, to advise such as you that be supreme judges, and constituted in high estates, to the end that if you will not do all that we crave, at the lest you will not chide us when we be suitors unto you: because, that bond that holdeth the judge to be just in that he judgeth, the very same doth bind the good to be importune when he sueth for another. The office of the good man is to pray and be importunate, not only for the good, but also for the evil: it is to wit, for the good that they may be made better, and for the evil that they pardon them. Since there is no law in this world so rigorous, that in good or in evil part may not be interpreted, the judges have to presuppose we do not desire them to break their laws, but that they do but moderate them: for many times the suitor doth complain, not of the sentence of condemnation, but of the desire that the judge did show to condemn him In the judge it is not only a vice intolerable to condescend to all that which they crave, but also a great extremity to do nothing of that they desire: the good judge aught to be always just in that he giveth sentence, and in that they desire him sometime humane. When the Consul Ascanius did boast himself that in the office of Censor or judge, he had never admittted, either so much as heard the requests of his friends. 
An answer of Cato to Ascanius.  The good Censor Cato said unto him on a certain day in the Senate, the offence standeth not (o Ascanius) in that the judge suffereth himself to be sued unto, but to consent himself of any man to be commanded. Not of few, but of many judges we may justly say, that which they do not at the entreatance of a gentleman, they do afterwards by the Counsel of their private friend. I do lie if I did not entreat a judges wife to 'cause him to consider of a plea of a friend of mine, which answered me, Entreat? what think not Master Guevara, that my husband hath a wife that must entreat, but command: And so it came to pass (as she said) for that which could not be obtained in half a year, she dispatched in one night. In the books of common wealth, Plutarch doth advise Trajan, that since in human laws there be more things arbitrable than forcible, he should advise his judges, to approach more unto reason than opinion. The unbridled judges that naturally be severe and untractable, it is impossible but that they must be odious unto all men, and for this cause I think it very meet, that one by one they should hear all men with courtesy, and afterwards determine what they shall find by justice. Many justices do hold it for advancement of honour to hear their suitors with an evil will, and not to do any thing wherein they be entreated: which they do not, because they be just in their offices, but for that of their nature they be evil conditioned.  
The good judge aught not to wrist the laws to his condition, but wrist his condition conformable unto the laws: 
The good judge wresteth his condition agreeable to good laws.  for otherwise it should not be expedient to seek just judges, but men well conditioned: but in somuch as God was entreated of those of Niniveh that w●re condemned, of Ezechias that was anointed, of David that offended in adultery, of Achab that committed Idolatry, of josua that did not overcome, of Anna that was barren, 
An example for men to be entreated of other men.  and of Susan that falsely was accused: surely it is not much that men do suffer themselves to be entreated of other men. I thought good my Lord precedent too writ all these things, not to teach you them, but to remember you of them. The Abbot of saint Isidro is of my acquaintance and great friend, for we were brought up in palace together, and were fellows of one College, in such wise that we be brethren, not in arms, but in letters: and now of late there hath been process against him to appear in this your audience, for which he would present himself before your presence, and in his way take a letter of mine, by which I do much desire your Lordship that the Father Abbot and his Monks: Sentiant si placet, quod non sit amor ociosus, sive vester ad nos, sive nostrum ad illos, salva tamen in omnibus justicia, contra quam noque patrem respicere fas est.  
From Toledo the xx of August. 1532.   

A letter unto the Earl of Benevent sir Alonso Pimentell, wherein is entreated the order and rule holden by the ancient Knights of the band.  
RIght renowned, and greatest Earl of Spain, most acceptable to my heart was the letter you did writ unto me (by the Commendathor Aquilera) because there was not in these Kingdoms, Lord nor Prelate, that had not written unto me, and to whom I had not written again, (except your honour, & my Lord the Earl of Cabra,) but since we have passed the port, and that the gulf is navigable, the way tracked, and I come to your acquaintance: knowing the sincerity of your blood, the generosity of your person, the authority of your house, and the fame of your renown: I will not leave from hence forward to request you, neither will I be negligent to writ unto you. With some Lords and gentlemen I hold acquaintance, 
A sugared speech.  with others kindred and affinity, with other friendship, with others conversation: but to other some I refuse communication, and fly their condition: for in wit they be doltish, and in their communication very tedious. It is more painful to suffer a tedious Lord or Gentleman, than a foolish ploughman: for the inconsiderate Gentleman will make you rave, and the doltish ploughman provokes you to laugh: and farther (and besides this) the one you may command to hold his peace, and the other you must suffer until he have made an end: but your Lordship is of so good stuff, and come of so right a Turquois, and so delicate of judgement, that there may be no place in my conceit, but that from hence forward I will boast myself of your conversation, and joy myself of your condition. Your Lordship doth command me to writ unto you (if I have read in any ancient writing) who were the knights of the Band in Spain. Also you would understand, in the time of what prince this order was established, who was the inventor thereof, why he devised the same, what rules he gave them to live with, how long it lasted and wherefore it was lost: although I were some suspicious witness, and your Lordship were judge Ronquillo, you could not take my deposition by interrogatories more delicately. 
A commendable eloquence.  I swear by the law of a good man, that if mine answer be so accomplished, as your demand is exquisite, your honour shall be satisfied, and I not a little tired. After I did see the stately buildings that you have made at Valiodolid I did more boast you for a good builder than for a curious reader, and therefore I do much delight in that you demand and writ unto me, for that to the good Knight it is as pertinent to have a book under his pillow, as a sword at his bed's head.  
The great julius Caesar, in the mids of his camps, had his Commentaries in his bosom, his lance in his left hand, 
Notes of julius Cesar, & of Alexander the great.  and his pen in the right hand: in such wise, that all the time that was free from fight, he spent in reading and writing. The great Alexander, that only with fear did subdue the West, and with arms did conquer the East, he was always girt with Achilles' sword, and with the Iliads of Homer did always sleep in his Chamber. It is not my opinion that you should take writing and reading for your principal office (as I that am bound to study) but the tenth hour you spend in talk and lose in play, you should employ and spend in reading. But coming to the purpose, it is to wit, that in the year M.CCC.lxviij. the King Sir Alonso being in the City of Burgos, that was the son of King Sir Hernando, and of the Queen the Lady Constance: This good King made a certain new order of Knighthood, which he entitled the Order of the band, wherein he himself with his children, his brethren, and the sons of the most rich and noble Knights of the realm did enter. Four years after he had ordained this order of the band, the king Sir Alonso being in Palentia, reformed the rules which he had made, and also added punishments for the transgressors of the same: in such wise, that agreeable to the last rule, which was the better and more Knightlike, I will writ this letter unto your Honour: They were named Knights of the band, 
The order of the knights of the band in Spain in time past.  because they did wear upon them a certain red scarf three fingers broad, after the manner of a stole, cast upon the left shoulder, and knit under the right arm. None could give the band but only the King, either any might receive the same, except he were the son of a Knight, or the son of some notable Gentleman, & that at the lest had been resident at the Court ten years or in the wars against the Moors had served the King.  
In this order of the band, the eldest sons of knights that were inheritors could not enter, but such as were second or third sons, and that had no patrimony, for the intention of the good King (Sir Alonso) was, to honour the sons of the worshipful of his Court, that could do and had but little. That day which they received the band, they did present into the King's hand faith and homage to observe the rule, and I say they made not any straight vow, or rigorous oath, because if afterwards any should transgress some part of the rule, they should be subject to the chastisement, but not bound to the sin.  
HIs first rule commanded, that the Knight of the band was bound to speak unto the King (being required) for the advancement of his Country, 
A right notable rule.  and for the defence of the Common wealth, upon pain that being noted thereof, he should be deprived of his patrimony, and banished out of his country.  
2 His rule commanded, that the knight of the band above all things should speak troth unto the king, unto his Crown and person should observe fidelity: And if any in his presence should murmur of the king, and he should not disco ver it, and being approved with infamy, he should be turned out of Court, and for evermore deprived of the band.  
3 His rule commanded, that all those of that order should use much silence, and that which they spoke, should be of great troth: and if by chance any knight of the band should tell any notable lie, he should go one month without his sword.  
4 His rule commanded, that they should accompany themselves with wise men, of whom they might learn to live well, and with men of war that might teach them to fight, upon pain that the knight of the band which should suffer himself to be accompanied, or be seen to walk with merchants, men of occupations, Lawyers, or with men of the country, should be grievously reprehended of the master: and one whole month in his chamber imprisoned.  
5 His rule commanded, 
A necessary rule for these our days.  that all the knights of this order should maintain their words, and keep fidelity unto their friends, and in case it were proved against any knight of the band, that he had not accomplished his word (although it were given unto a base person, and upon a small matter, yet) such a one should go alone in court and unaccompanied, not presuming to speak, or to approach or keep company with any knight.  
6 His rule commanded, that the knight of the band should be bound to have good armour in his chamber, good horses in his stable, a good lance at his gate, and a good sword at his girdle: upon pain that if in any of these things he were defective, they should call him (in Court) by the space of a month, servant, and should loose the name of knight.  
7 His rule did command, that no knight of the band should presume to ride to the Court on a mule, but on horseback, either openly should dare to go without his band, either should take upon him to go to Court without his sword, or venture at his lodging to eat alone: upon pain to pay a mark of Silver towards the jousts.  
8 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should be served with a liar, either boast himself like a babbler, upon pain that if any of them should put himself in palace to tell news or tales, or to make to the king any false report, he should go to court one month on foot, & arrested an other into his chamber.  
9 His rule commanded that no knight of the band should complain of any wound that he had received, either should boast himself of any deed he had done, upon pain if he so reported of his sore, or should relate many times of his prows, he should of the master be grievously reprehended, and of the other knights of the band not visited.  
10 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should presume to play at any play, (in especial at the dice) upon pain, that if any did play, either in his lodging did consent to play, they should take away his months wages, and for six weeks banished him the Court.  
11 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should presume to lay his armour to guage, either to play the apparel pertaining to his person at any play that might be devised, upon pain that he that should play them away, or lay them to guage, should go two months without the band, and an other month remain prisoner in his lodging.  

A rule for modesty of apparel.  12 His rule commanded, that the knight of the band in the week days should be appareled in fine cloth, and on the holy days he should wear some kind of silk, and at Easter some little of gold, and he that should have neither stocks, and wear buskins, the master should be bound to take them away, and to make an alms of them to the poor.  
13 His rule commanded that if the knight of the band would to the Palace, or walk to the Court on foot, that he should not go in great haste, either speak with loud voice, but that he should talk with low voice, and walk at great leisure, upon pain that of the other knights he should be reprehended, and of the master chastised.  
14 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should presume either in jest or in earnest, to speak to an other knight any malicious or suspicious words, whereof the other knight might remain shamed or despited, upon pain he should ask pardon of the injuried, which should give the offender banishment from the court for three months.  
15 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should take any quarrel with any damsel unmarried, either should raise any Law to a woman that were the daughter of a a Gentleman, upon pain that any such knight might not accompany any Gentlewoman in town, either dare to serve any dame in palace.  
16 His rule commanded, that if any knight of the band should encounter in the street with any Lady or Gentlewoman that should be generous & of valour, he should be bound to bring himself on foot, and to accompany her, 
A rule for erection of courtesy and good manner.  upon pain to loose a months wages, and should be of the dames not beloved.  
17 His rule commanded, that if any noble woman or damsel in her hair, should desire any knight of the band to do any thing for her which he could do, and should refuse to do it, that such a one in Palace the Dames should call: The evil commanded knight, and void of courtesy.  
18 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should dare to eat any vile or gross meats: which is to wit, Onions, Garlic, Chibols, nor such like, upon pain that he that were such a one, should not that week enter into the Court, either sit at the table of a gentleman.  
19 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should presume to stand at his meat, eat alone, either to eat without napkins: but that they should eat sitting, accompanied, and the cloth spread, upon pain that the knight which should not do so, should eat one month without his sword, and pay a mark of silver for the tilt.  
20 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should drink wine in a vessel of earth, either should drink water in a pitcher, and at the time of drinking he should bless himself with his hand, and not with the pot, upon pain, that the knight which should do the contrary should be a month banished from the Court, and an other month drink no wine.  
21 His rule commanded, that if two knights of the band should quarrel, and defy each other, the other knights should travel to bring them agreed, and if they would not be friends, that no man should help them upon pain, that if any did contrary, he should go one month without his band, and pay● a mark of silver to the justs.  
22 His rule commanded, that if any did wear the band without gift from the king, two Knights of the band should defy him, & if they did overcome him, he might not wear the band, but if he overcame them, he might from thence forward wear the band, & name himself knight of the band.  

Rules for the observing of peace.  23 His rule commanded, that when in court they should exercise justs and Attorneys, the knights that should win the prize at the jousts and tourneys, should also win the band (although before he were none of the knights of the band) which the king presently there would give, and all the knights of the order into their company should receive.  

Rules for the observing of peace.  24 His rule commanded, that if any knight of the band should lay hand upon his sword against any other knight of his company, that in such a case he should not appear before the king in two months, and that he should wear but half his band other two months.  
25 His rule commanded, that if any knight of the band should give a word to an other knight of the band upon any anger or quarrel, that he should not enter in court one whole year, the half of which time he should be prisoner.  
26 His rule commanded, that if any knight of the band were made a justice by the king, either in the court, or out of the same, that he might not do justice upon any of the knights of the band, but that in taking him in any thing not well done, he might only take him, and afterwards remit the same unto the king.  
27 His rule commanded, that the king going on warfare, that all the knights of the band should attend upon him, and being in camp, they should all join under one standard, and jointly should fight together: upon pain, that that knight which in the wars should sighed without his standard, and join to an other strange knight, should loose his years wages, and an other year should go with half his band.  
28 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should presume to go to the wars (except it be against the Moors) and that if in any other war he should be found with the King, that for the present he take away the band, and that if he should fight in the favour of any other than the king, he should loose the band.  
29 His rule commanded, 
Rules for the exercise of arms.  that all the knights of the band should assemble three times in the year where the king should command: and these assemblies should be to make muster of their armour and horses, & to talk in things of their order: and these were in April, September, and Christmas.  
30 His rule commanded, that all the knights of the band should at lest tourney two times in the year, and just four, & to practise the play at the canes six times, and use the carrere every week: upon pain, that that knight which was found negligent to live in these warlike exercises, and should be unready in exercising of them, he should go one month without his band, and an other without his sword.  
31 His rule commanded, that all the knights of the band should be bound within eight days after the king should come to any place, to set up a tilt to just, and letter for tourney, and more than this, they should have a Master, where to school and skirmish, and to play at rapier and dagger: upon pain that he that should be negligent herein, should be arrested in his lodging, and they should take away half his band.  
32 His rule commanded, that no knight of the band should be in the Court without serving some dame, not to dishonour her, but to feast her, or else to marry with her, and when she shall walk abroad to accompany her, as she shall like, on foot, or on horseback, using reverence with his cap, and courtesy with the knee.  
33 His rule commanded, that if any knight of the band did understand, that within the compass of thirty miles of the Court there should be made any justs or Attorneys, he was bound to go thither to just and turneye: upon pain to go one month without his sword, and as much without his band.  
34 His rule commanded, that if any knight of the band should be married within three score miles compass of the Court, all the other Knights of the band should go with him to the King, to crave for him some reward, and that afterwards they should accompany him to the place of his marriage, to the end that there they should do some honourable exercise of chivalry and knighthood, & to the end they should offer some jewel unto his spouse.  
35 His rule commanded, that on the first sunday of every month, the knights of the band should go to Court together, very well appointed & armed, and that there in the Court, or in the great hall in the presence of the king and all his Court, they should play at all weapons two and two, in such wise that no hurt were done: for the end that this order was made, was because they should rather boast themselves of deeds, than of the names of knights, and were of the king therefore much honoured.  

They should assail each other.  36 His rule commanded, that they should not tourney more than thirty with thirty, and with sword rebated, and at the sound of a trumpet they should assail each other, and also at the sound of the Clarion they should all retire, upon pain not to enter more in tourney, and in one month not to go to the Court.  
37 His rule commanded, that at the jousts none should run more than every man his four courses, and should have for judges, four Knights, and he that in four courses broke not a staff, should pay all the costs of the tilt.  
38 His rule commanded, that at the time that any Knight of the band did fail or die, they should all go to help him to die well, and after they should go to his burial, and for that he had been brother and companion of the band, they should for one month be clad with black, & after for three months forbear to Just.  

The nobleminde of the maker of this rule is to be noted.  39 His rule commanded, that two days after the knight of the band should be buried, all the other knights of the order should assemble and go to the king, on the one part to deliver the king the band that the dead had left, and on the other part to make supplication (to have remembrance) to raise in his place some of his able sons, if he left any, and to use his bounty towards his wife, to sustain and marry her children and daughters.  
Behold here my Lord the rule and order of the knights of the band, that was made by the king Alfonso: jointly whereunto I will add all the knights that did first enter into this order, the title of whom said thus.  

These are the most courteous, the most esteemed, the most renowned, the most chosen Knights and Infants of the Knightlike order of the Band, that our Lord and king Don Alphonso commanded to be made, whom God maintain. The King Don Alfonso that made this order.  
The infant Don Pedro  
Don Enrique.  
Don Fernando.  
Don Tello.  
Don ivan el bueno.  
Don ivan Nunez.  
Enrique Enriquez.  
Alfonso Fernandez Colonel.  
Lope Diaz de Almacan.  
Fernan perez puerco carrero.  
Fernan Perez ponce.  
Carlos de Guevara.  
Fernan Enriquez.  
Aluer Garcia Dalbornoz.  
Pero Fernandez.  
Garci joffre tenorio.  
ivan Estevanez.  
Diego Garcia de Toledo.  
Martin Alfonso de Cordova.  
Goncalo ruys dela Vega.  
ivan Alfonso de Benavides.  
Garci Laso dela Vega.  
Fernan Garcia Duque.  
Garci Fernandez tello.  
Pero Goncales de Aguero.  
ivan Alfonso de Carriello.  
Ynigo Lopez de Horozco.  
Garci Gutierez de Graialba.  
Gutierre Fernandez de Toledo.  
Diego Fernandez de Castriello.  
Pero ruyz de Villegas.  
Alfonso Fernandez Alcayde.  
Ruy Goncales de Castaneda.  
Ruy ramirez de Guzman.  
Sancho Martivez de Leyva.  
ivan Goncales de Bacan.  
Pero Trillo.  
Suero Perez de Quinones.  
Goncalo Meria.  
Fernan Carriello.  
ivan de Roias.  
Ptralbarez Osorio.  
Pero Lobez de Padilla.  
Don Gil de Quintana.  
ivan Rodrigez de Villegas.  
Diego Peres Sarmiento.  
Mendorodrigues de Viezma.  
ivan Fernandez Colonel.  
ivan de Cereiuela.  
ivan Rodrigez de Cisneros.  
Oreion de Liebana.  
ivan Fernandez del Gadillo.  
Gomez Capiello.  
Beltran de Guevara unico.  
ivan Tenorio.  
Ombrete de Torrellas.  
ivan Fernandez de Bahamon.  
Alfonso Tenorio.   
THat which is to be noted in all this letter is, how in order the Gentlemen and Knights went in those days, and how they did exercise themselves in arms, and advanced themselves by deeds of prows, and that the children of good men were in the king's house very well brought up, and were not suffered to be vicious and go lost. It is also to be noted in this letter, 
Things to be noted.  in how little time the world hath made so many changes, it is to wit, undoing some, and advancing others out of the dust, because fortune never dischargeth her shot but against such as be set aloft. My Lord I say this, for that there is to be found in this order of the band, some ancient lineages which in those days were noble and famous: all which be not only ended, but (also) altogether forgotten. What houses or Manors be there now in Spain of the Albornozes, of the Tenorios', of the Villegas, of the Trilloes, of the Quintanas, of the Biesmas, of the Cereivelas, of the Bahamondas, of the Colonels, of the Cisneros, of the Graialbas', and of the Horozcoes: of all these lineages there were Gentlemen and Knights very honourable. In those days, as in the list it doth appear amongst those that first entered into the order of the band, of all which, at this present there is not found any notable Manor, neither so much as the name. There are now in Spain other Lineages, the which be Velascos, Manriques, Enriques, Pimenteles, Mendozas, Cordova's, Pachecos, Cunigas, Faiardos', Aguilares, Manueles, Arellanos, Tendillas, Cuevas, Andradas, Fonsecas, Luna's, Villandrandos', Caravaiales, Soto maiores, and Benavides.  
It is a thing surely to be noted, and no less to be marveled, that none of the lineage of all above said, is named amongst the Knights of the band. All which in these our days be illustre, generous, rich, and much renowned. It is well to be believed that some of these glorious lineages were risen in those days, and if they were not put amongst the knights of the band, it was not because they wanted gravity, but for that they had not at that time such authority, and also because (though they had sufficient nobleness) they wanted riches. Also it is to be thought that of those ancient and forgotten lineages there are enough at this instant descending and decayed, that he noble and virtuous: which for that we see they have little and may do little, we hold it for better too keep silence, than so name them. The sons of Gentlemen and Knights, be they never so glorious in blood, if they have little, and may do little, (let them hold it for certain) they will esteem them but little: and therefore it were very good counsel, that they should rather remain rich servants in their countries, than to come to the Courts of Kings to be poor Gentlemen. For after this manner they should in their countries be honoured, that now go in Court discountenaunced.  
According to this purpose it came to pass in Rome, that Cicero being so valiant of person, and having so great commandment and power in the common wealth, they did bear him great envy on all sides, and beheld him with overmuch malice. Wherefore a certain Roman magistrate said (as if we should say unto a frankling of Spain) tell me Cicero, 
A gracious confession of Cicero.  wherefore wilt thou compare with me in the Senate, since thou knowest & all others do know, that I am descended of glorious Romans, and thou of rustical ploughmen? where unto Cicero made answer with very good grace, I will confess it, that thou art descended of noble Roman magistrates, and I proceed from poor ploughmen, but jointly with this thou canst not deny me, but that all thy lineage is ended in thee, and all mine begins in me. Of this example your Lordship may gather what difference there is betwixt times, betwixt lineages, and also betwixt persons. Since we know, that in Caius began the Augustus, and in Nero ended the Caesars. I would say by that which is said, that the want of nobleness in many gave an end to the lineages of the Knights of the band, and the valiantness of others, gave a beginning to other glorious lineages that be now in Spain: because the houses of great Lords be never lost for want of riches, but for want of persons.  
I have enlarged this letter much more than I promised, and also more than I presupposed, but I give it all for well employed, since I am sure, that if I remain wearied in writing thereof, it will not be tedious unto your Honour too read it, because therein are so many and so good things, that of old Gentlemen they are worthy to be known, and of young gentlemen necessary to be followed.  
From Toledo, the xij. of December. 1516.   

A letter unto the Constable of Castille sir Ynigo of Valesco, in which is touched that the wise man aught not to trust his wife with any secret.  
Renowned and good Constable, Sir james of Mendoza gave me a letter from your honour written with your hand, and sealed with your seal, I would to God there were as good order taken with my letters that I answer you, as is here used with such as you sand me. For I cannot say, whether it be my hap, or my mishap, that scarcely I can writ you a letter whereof all in your house understand not. As much as it doth please me that all men know me to be your friend: so much doth it grieve me, when you discover of me any secret, chief in grave and most weighty affairs: for coming to the intelligence of your wife and children that you communicate with me your delicate affairs, they will make great complaint if to the profit of their substance I direct not your conscience. My Lady the Duchess did writ unto me, advertising to have some scruple in me, saying: that I was against her as concerning the house of Tovare, which I did never speak or think: for the office that I do most boast myself of, is to direct men that they be noble and virtuous, and not to understand in making or marring of heirs or Manor houses.  
My Lord Constable you do know, that at all times when you discover yourself, and take counsel of me, I have always said, and do say, that the Gentleman of necessity must pay that he oweth, and what he hath, divide at his will: and that to make restitution there needeth a conscience, and too give or divide, judgement and wisdom: if there pass either more or less betwixt us two, it is without need that your nobleness should speak it, or of my authority be confessed. For the things that naturally be grave, and do require secrecy, if we may not avoid that they judge or presume of them, at the lest we may cut off, that they know them not. In that your Lordship hath let fly some words, or lost some letter of mine, my Lady the Duchess is not a little offended with me, and I do not marvel thereof, in that she not understanding the mystery of your speech, or the ciphers of my letters, did kindle her choler, and raised a quarrel against me: Believe me my Lord Constable, that neither in jest or earnest, you aught to put secret things in confidence of women: for to the end that others shall esteem them more, they will discover any secret. I hold the husbands for very doltish that hide their money from their wives, and trust them with their secrets: for in the money there is no greater loss than the goods, but in discovering their secrets sometime he loseth his honour. The Consul Quintus Furius discovered all the conspiracy of the tyrant Catiline to a Roman woman named Fulvia Torquata, the which manifesting the matter to another friend of hers, and so from hand to hand it was dewlgate through all Rome, whereby it happened that Quintus Furius lost his life, and Catiline his life and honour. Of this example your Lordship may gather, that the things that be grave and effectual, aught not to be committed to the confidence of women, much less spoken in their presence: for to them it importeth nothing the knowledge of them, and their husbands it toucheth much, if they be discovered. There is no reason to think, either is it just to presume and say, that all women are like, for that we see there are many of them honourable, honest, wise, discrete, and also secret: whereof some have husbands so foolish and such buzardes, that it should be more sure to trust them than their husbands. Not offending the gentlewomen that be discrete and secret, but speaking commonly of all, I say, that they have more ability to breed children, than to keep secrets. As concerning this let it be for conclusion, that it happen you not another day to talk before any man, much less before any woman. That which we have communed and agreed betwixt ourselves, there might rise thereof that your Lordship might remain offended, and I disgraced. At this present there is nothing more new in Court, to writ, than that I am not a little offended, of that your Lordship dare discover, & troubled with the words that my Lady the Duchess hath sent me, for which cause I beseech you as my good Lord, and command you as my godson, that you reconcile me with my Lady the Duchess, or command me to be forbidden your house.  
From Valiodolid the eight of August .1522.   

A letter unto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco, wherein is touched that in the heart of the good Knight, there aught not to reign passion or anger.  
Renowned Lord, and pitiful Constaple, I may say by your honour, that which God said by the synagogue, which is to wit: Curavimus Babylonian, & non est curata, relinquamus illam, which is to say: we have cured Babylon, and it would not be cured, let us abandon it. Sir I say thus much, for that it hath happened not a little gracious unto me, that whereas I craved in my letter that my Lady the Duchess should not see any one part thereof, notwithstanding you have not only showed it, and conferred thereon with her, but also had great game thereat. Whereupon in the way of revenge, I showed your letter unto the Earl of Nassaro, who with Flemings, Portugal's, Almains, and Spaniards, did also take some pastime therewith, yet was it my very good luck that all the evil that I said of women in your letter, my Lady the Duchess converted into jest, in such wise that with great reason I may praise her for her wisdom, and complain me of your temerity.  
My Lord Constable, I shall most heartily desire you not to have such care to make proves of treacle with my letters, but to read them, and to tear or else burn them: for it may happen that some day you might read them before some not very wise, either yet of good condition, that might divine to my hurt, that which they understand not, to their own profit.  
Leaving this a part, your Lordship sayeth, that for my sake you have remitted the displeasure you did bear against the Gentleman, the which I accept for so great courtesy, and grace, as if unto myself the injury had been pardoned: for I am so tender over him that is my dear friend, that all which I see to be done in the behalf of his person, & to the amendment of his estate, I set it down in mine own account. Besides the accomplishment of my desire, your Lordship hath performed that which you were bound to do: for Princes and great Lords have no licence to do injuries, either so much as to revenge them. For as you know, that which is in the meaner called wrath, in the mighty is named pride: and that which amongst the smaller sort is chastisement, in the mighty is termed vengeance. As often as you shall make conjugation with your nobleness and conscience, and shall call to remembrance that you be a Christian and a Knight, it shall not mislike you of the offences you have dissimuled, and it shall grieve you of the injuries you have revenged. The pardoning of injuries giveth great contentation to the heart, and the desire of revengement is no small torment thereof. By that which is said, I would say, that sometimes for some man to revenge some little injury, he escapeth from thence much more injuried. There be some injuries, that only are not to be revenged, neither as much as to be confessed: for things of honour are so delicate, that the same day that any confesseth to have received an injury, from that day he bindeth himself to take revengement.  
The Consul Mamilius demanded at a certain time of julius Caesar, wherein it was that he had in this world most vain glory, and in the remembering thereof did take most pleasure: to this the good Caesar made answer, by the Gods immortal I swear unto thee (O Consul Mamilius) that of nothing in all this life I do think that I deserve so much glory, or any other thing doth give me so great joy and contentation, 
A notable example to be embraced.  as pardoning of those that do offend me, and gratifying such as do serve me. O words worthy praise, and pleasant to hear, notable to read, and necessary to follow: for if julius Caesar did believe as a pagan, he did work as a Christian, but we all believe as Christians, and work like Pagans.  
I speak it not without a cause that we live as (Pagans, although we believe as Christians,) since in this case the malice of man is grown so great, that many would pardon their enemies, and dare not for fear of their friends: for if they once perceive them to speak of pardoning any man, presently they will say, they do it more of cowardice, than of conscience. Be it as be may, and let every man speak as he thinketh good in this case of pardon, your lordship hath done with that Gentleman like a faithful Christian, and with me like a very friend: and beside fidelity to God, and friendship to a friend. There is no more to be craved of any man in this world.  
The memorial that your Lordship sendeth me of that things that toucheth your goods and conscience, I (my Lord) will consider thereof at leisure, and will answer upon advisement, because in your charges or discharges, in such wise I will give you counsel as in my breast no scruple shall remain. In him that asketh counsel there aught to be diligence and no slackness, for that many times business lieth so in corners and so far from hand, that it shall be more sure counsel to trust to our weapon, than to stay for that books shall say: the contrary whereof is to be used of him the shall give counsel unto another, which is to wit, that he have much wisdom and little diligence: for counsel that is given, if it be not upon advisement, most times bringeth some repentance.  
The divine Plato writing of Orgias the Greek said, 
Hasty counsel breedeth repentance.  My friend Orgias, thou writest unto me, that I should counsel thee how thou shouldest behave thyself in Licaonia, and on the other part, thou makest great haste to have an answer: which thing although thou dost rashly crave, I dare not perform, for that I do much more study to counsel my friends, than to read in schools to Philosophers: the counsel that is given or taken, aught to be given by a man that is wise, for the good judgement he hath, a learned man for the much that he hath read, an ancient man for that he hath seen, 
Worthy to be admitted a counsellor.  a patiented man for that of himself he hath suffered, a man without passion because malice shall not blind him, a man without interest, for that covetousness shall not let him: Finally, I say, that the shamefast man and of a noble mind, ought to give unto his friends money with liberality, and counsel with great gravity.  
If it be true (as it is most certain) that he ought to have all these conditions that should give counsel unto an other, we dare well say, that to give counsel is an office so common, that many use it, and very few can perform it. There cometh a careful man to ask counsel of his friend (in giving which counsel the one way or the other, there goeth life, honour, goods, and also conscience) and then his friend whose counsel he hath craved, without removing or further thinking thereof, void of all scruple or doubt, sayeth what is to be done in that case (as though he had found it written in the holy Scripture.)  
All this I say unto your Lordship, because sometime you be offended and grow angry, if I answer not presently unto your letters, and sand you not your doubts declared. As concerning that which you writ of Marcus Aurelius, the case standeth thus: that I translated and presented it unto Caesar not all finished, the which Laxao did steal from the Emperor, and the Queen from Laxao, and Tumbas from the Queen, and the Lady Aldonsa from Tumbas, and your lordship from the Lady Aldonsa: in such wise that my sweats ended in your thefts. The news of this Court is, that the Secretary Cobos groweth private: the governor of Brefa doth keep silence: Laxao doth murmur and groan: the Admiral doth writ: the Duke of Veiar doth hoard and keep: 
Short news from the court  the Marquis of Pliego doth plays: the Marquis of Villa Franca followeth his business: the Earl of Osorno doth serve: the Earl of Siruela doth pray: the Earl of Buendia doth sigh: Gutiere quixada doth just: and the judge Ronquillo doth whip.  
From Madrid the sixth of januarie 1524.   

A letter unto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco, in which is said, that which the Marquis of Piskara reported of Italy.  
Renowned Lord, and complaining Constable, it hath chanced me with very good grace, that you never writ me letter wherein there cometh not some murmuring complaints, saying: that I have not answered to all that you have written, or that I am very short in writing, or that I writ but now and then, or that I detain the messenger, or that I writ as one offended: in such wise that neither in me is any end of faults, nor in your Lordship any lack of complaints: but if your Lordship will note, and accuse all the wants of considerations, negligences, slackness, simplicities, and doltishness that I have: I can tell you, that you shall be wearied, and also tired, for there is in me many things to be reprehended, and very few wherefore to be praised. That which is in me to be praised is that I esteem myself to be a Christian, keep myself from doing hurt to any man, and boast myself to be your friend. And that which is in me to be reprehended is, that I never leave to sin, neither ever begin to amend: this it is my Lord that doth vex me, this it is that sets me aground, and this is the cause why that there never remaineth in me gladness: for as your Lordship knoweth, matters of honour and of conscience, give great cause to be felt or considered, but not to be discovered. To writ short or at large, to writ late or in time, to writ polished or without order, neither is it in the judgement of him that doth indite it, either in the pen that writeth the same: but in the matter that he hath in hand, or in the aptness of time he useth: for if a man be disgraced, he writeth that he aught not, and if in disposition, he writeth what he listeth. Homer, Plato, Aeschines, and Cicero, in their writings never cease to complain, that when their common wealths were in quiet and pacified, they studied, read, and writ: but when they were altered and unruly, they could not study, & much less wrought. That which passed by those glorious personages in those days, every day passeth now in myself, for if I be well disposed and in temper, it is offered me by heaps, as much as I would writ, and if by chance I be disgraced or distempered, I would not so much as to take pen in hand. There be times that I have my judgement so kindled and so delicate, that (as me thinketh) I could sweep one grain of wheat, and cleave a hair in sunder. At another time I have it so dull and so far removed, that I can hardly hit a nail with a stedge. I know not what to writ of this Court, but that the Marquis of Peskara, is come hither from Italy, which doth recount from thence such & so many things, that if they be worthy to be put in Chronicle, they be not to be written in a letter. He that knoweth the condicione of Italy, will not marvel of the things thereof: for in Italy no man may live under the defence of justice, but that to have and too be able, he must be of power or else very private. Let him not desire to live in Italy, that hath not favour of the king to defend, or power in the field to fight: for in Italy they never care to demand by justice, that which they may win by the lance. 
The conditions of Italy.  In Italy they have not to ask of him that hath an estate or goods, of whom he did inherit them, but how be did win them. In Italy to give or take away estates or goods, they seek not right in the laws, but in arms. In Italy he that leaveth to take any thing, it is for want of power, and not for want of william. Italy is very pleasant to live in, and very perilous to be saved. Italy is an enterprise whether many do go, and from whence few do return. These and many other such like things the Marquis of Peskara recounted unto us at the table of the Earl of Nassao, (many Lords being present, and some Prelates.) Give thanks unto God our Lord that hath bred you in Spain, & of Spain, in Castille, and of Castille in Castille the old, and of Castille the old in Burgos, where you are beloved and served, for that in the other places or towns of Spain, although they be noble & of power, they have always some controversies. The memorial the your Lordship sent me this year to consider of, and upon the same to give you counsel, now I send it you corrected with my conscience, and consulted with my science. No more. etc.   

A letter unto the Constable Sir Ynigo of Velasco, in which is declared, the prizes of things as in old time they were wont to be sold in Castille.  
Renowned and curious Constable, I have received a letter from your Lordship, as it appeareth by the same: although you be chief or head of the Valascos, and I of the Ladrons of Guevara, there you have the deed, and here I have the name. For entering into my cell, you have stolen my Pictures, and overturned my Books. If there be a privilege of the Constables of Castille, (the religious being at his prayers, that they shall enter and sack his cell, it were very just to show wherefore they did it, or else to restore unto the owner the thing stolen. Your Lordship writeth unto me, that you will not restore the pictures that you have taken away, except I sand you written the ancient ordinances that were made by the king Don ivan in Toro, in such wise, that you do not content yourself with stealing, but that you will also extort and do violence. I know not which was greater that day, your fortune or my mischance, in that my Cell was open: for I swear by the faith of a christian, that my lance in the sight of God were much more worth, if I should use as great circumspection in refraining my thoughts, as I use in the keeping of my books. Your Lordship sayeth, that the book you happened upon in my library was old, of an old letter, of old time, and of old things, and did entreat of the prices how all things was sold in Castille, in the time that King john the first did first reign. I will not only write unto you that which the good king did ordain in Toro, but also the rude and gross speech wherewith that ordinance was written, whereof may be gathered how there hath been changed in Spayn, not only the manner of selling, but the manner of speaking. That which hath passed in this case is, that the king Sir john the first kept Court in the City of Toro, in the year. M. CCCC. and vi in which he did ordain very particularly, not only how victuals should be sold, but also for what prices the labourer should work. The title of that ordinance saith these words which followeth, in so old a kind of speech, that the Spaniards themselves crave an interpreter, and is much to be marveled at, but most of all for the prices of things, is almost incredible. Which I leave unwritten, partly to be considered by these words that follow, wherewith the Author concludeth his Letter as followeth.  
This Letter being read, I believe your Lordship will marvel of the good cheap that was in those days, and of the dearth that is now of victuals. And I believe that you will laugh at the rustical speech that was then, and of the polished speech that now is used, although it be true, that the vantage that we have now in the speech, they had then of us in their living.   

A Letter unto sir Alonso of Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, precedent of the Indians, wherein is declared, wherefore the kings of Spain be entitled Catholic.  
RIght magnificent and Indian Proconsul, about twenty days passed they gave me a letter from your honour: and above fifteen days since I did writ an answer of the same, the which no man to this day hath come to ask, neither do I know by whom to sand it. Your lordship doth writ that I should advertise your honour what it is that they say here of your Lordship: to speak with liberty, and to say you the truth, they say all in this Court, that you are a very good christian, 
A plain advertisement.  and a very untractable Bishop: also they say, that you are long, prolix, negligent, and indetermined in the affairs that you have in hand, and with the suitors that follow you, & which is worst of all, that many of them do return to their houses, spent and not dispatched: they say that your Lordship is fierce, proud, impatient, and suspicious, and that many do leave their business undetermined, to see themselves by your Lordship so overshadowed. Others say, that you are a man that deals in troth, you speak truth, and that you are a friend of truth, and that a man given to lying was never seen to be your friend: also they say that you are right in that you command, just in your judgements, and moderate in your executions, and that which is more than all: that in matters of justice, and in the determination thereof, you have neither passion or affection: 
Notable conditions in a judge.  they say that you are of much compassion, pitiful, and an alms giver: and that (which can not be spoken but to your great praise) to many poor and in necessity, from whom you take goods by justice, on the other part you give it them out of your chamber. Your Lordship hath not to marvel of that which I say, neither do I mislike of that which you do, because out of the one and the other, there may be gathered, that no man in this world is so perfect, but there is in him to be amended, either any man so evil, that hath not in him to be praised. The history writers do note Homer of vain speech, Alexander for furious, julius Caesar for ambitious, Pompeius for proud, Demetrius for vicious, Hannibal for perjured, Vespasian for covetous, Trajan for a wine bibber, and Marcus Aurelius for amorous: Among men so illustre, glorious, and heroical as all these were, it is not much that your Lordship do pay for a pound of wax to be of their fraternity: And this pound is not because you are an evil Christian, but for that you were of weak patience. There is no virtue more necessary in him that governeth a common wealth than is patience: for the judge that is measured in that he speaketh, and dissembleth the injuries that they do unto him, 
May descend but not fall.  he may descend, but not fall. The Prelates and presidents that have charge to govern people, and determine causes, much more than other men aught to live circumspectly, and be of more suffering: for if we of you be judged, believe me that of us also you are beholden, viewed and considered. There is nothing in this world more sure, than he which is feared of many, aught also to fear many: for if I will be a judge of your goods, for the same you will be a viewer of my life: and thereof it cometh to pass that many times the judge is more damnified in his fame, than the surer in his goods.  
My Lord all this is to be understood of judges that be proud, of evil complexion and melancholic: Such as be mild, gentle, and suffering, they do not examine the lives they lead, but also they dissemble the weakness they commit. He that hath charge of the common wealth, it is necessary that he have a mild condition, in such wise that when he shall see weakness, 
Excellent graces in a judge.  that he make strong: and where he seeth courage, that he praise it: and where he seeth want of foresight, that he provide: and where he seeth dissolution, that he chastise: and where he seeth necessity, to secure: and where he seeth sedition, to appease it: and where he seeth conformity, to conserve it: and where he seeth suspicion, to clear it: and where he seeth heaviness to remedy it: and where he seeth gladness, to temper it: for after extreme pleasure and gladness, many times do follow no small distresses. If in your virtuous attempts ye take in hand, there shall happen some success not conformable to your good desires, and if it shall also chance that you be grieved therewith, impute not all the fault upon yourself: for the man that doth all that he can do, we cannot say to him, that he doth not that he aught to do, since in blood I hold you for kinsman, in conversation for friend, in authority for my good Lord, 
A friendly persuasion.  and in deserving for father, I shall not leave to pray you as a father: and beseech you as my good Lord, that you be mild in conversation, and measured in your words: because of judges & Lords as you are, at sometimes they do more feel a word, than of another the push of a lance. But since in all this kingdom it is notorious that your Lordship is honest of your life, and just in your tribunal or judgements: I would not gladly hear that those that do praise that which you do, should complain of that which you say: with a Lord of so high estate, 
Skilful eloquence.  and with a judge of so preheminent an office, my pen should not have presumed to writ what it hath written, if your Lordship had not commanded. My Lord I said it, because if this that I have here written unto you shall not like you, that it may please you to send too revoke the licence that you have given.  
Also you will that I shall writ unto your Lordship, 
Why the kings of Castille be called Catholics.  if I have found in any ancient Chronicle, what is the cause wherefore the Princes of Castille do call themselves not only Kings, but also Catholic Kings. And that also I writ unto you, who was the first that called himself Catholic King, and what was the reason and the occasion to take this so generous and Catholic title. There were enough in this Court of whom you might have demanded, and of whom you might have understood, in years more ancient, in knowledge more learned, in books more rich, and in writing more curious than I am. But in the end my Lord be sure of this one thing, that that which I shall writ, if it be not written in a polished stile, at the lest it shall be all very true: Coming to the purpose, it is to be understood, that the Princes in old time did always take proud overnames: 
The overnames of renowned kings  as Nabugodonozer that did entitle himself King of Kings, Alexander the great the king of the world, the king Demetrius the conqueror of Cities, the great Hannibal the tamer of kingdoms, julius Caesar the Duke of the City, the king Mithridates the restorer of the world, the king Athila the whip of nations, the king Dionysius the host of all men, the king Cirus the last of the Gods, the king of England defender of the Church, the king of France the most Christian king, and the king of Spain the Catholic king. To give your Lordship a reckoning who were these kings, and the cause why they did take these so proud titles, to me it should be painful to writ, and to your Lordship tedious to read, it is sufficient that I declare what you command me, without sending what you crave not.  

The year, the day, the month and hour that Spain was lost.  It is to wit, that in the year seven hundredth fifty two, the fift day of the month of july upon a sunday, joining to the river Bedalake, about Xeres on the frontiers, even at the break of day was given the last and most unfortunate battle betwixt the Goths that were in Spain, and the Alarues that had come from Africa, in which the sorrowful king Sir Rodrigo was slain, and all the kingdom of Spain lost. The Moor that was Captain, and that overcame this famous battle was named Musa, which did know so well to follow his victory, that in the space of eight months he did win and had dominion from Xeres in the frontiers, unto the rock Horadada, which is near to the town of Onnia. And that which seemeth to us most terrible is, that the Moors did win in eight months, 
Spain lost in eight months, and hardly recovered in eight hundred years.  which in recovering was almost eight hundred years, for so many years did pass from the time that Spain was lost, until Granado was won. The few Christians that escaped out of Spain, came retiring unto the mountains of Onnia, near unto the rock Horadada, unto which the Moors did come: but from thence forward they passed not, either did conquer it, for there they found great resistance, and the land very sharp. And when they of Spain did see that the king Sir Rodrigo was dead, and all the Goths with him, and that without Lord or head they could not resist the Moors, they raised for king a Spanish Captain that was named Sir Pelaius, a man venturous in arms, and of all the people very well beloved. The fame being spread throughout all Spain, that the mountain men of Onia had raised for king the good Sir Pelaius, all men generous and warlike did repair unto him, with whom he did unto the Moors great hurt: and had of them glorious triumphs. Three years after they had raised the good sir Pelaius for King, he married one of his daughters with one of the sons of the Earl of Navarn, who was named Sir Peter, and his son was called Sir Alonso. This Earl Sir Peter descended by right line of the lineage of the blessed King Richardoes, in whose time the Goths did leave the sect of the curled Arrius, by the means of the glorious and learned Archbishop Leonard. The good king Pelaius being dead, in the eighteen year of his reign, the Castilians exalted for king a son of his, that was named Favila, the which two years after he began to reign, going on a certain day to the mountain, meaning to slay the Bear, the Bear killed him.  
And for that the king Favila died without children, the Castilians elected for king, the husband of his sister, which is to wit, the son of the Earl of Navarne, who was named Alonso, the which began his reign in the year vii C.lxxij. his reign endured eighteen years, which was as much time as his father in law the good King Sir Pelaius had reigned.  
This good King was the first that was named Alonso, which took his name in so good an hour, that since that day amongst all the kings of Castille that have been named Alonso, we read not of one that hath been evil, but very good. Of this good king Alonso the historiographers do recite many landable things to recount, worthy to be known, and exemplars to be followed. The King sir Alonso was the first that out of Navarne entered Galizia, to make war upon the Moors, with whom be had many encounters and battles: in the end he overcame and drove them out of Astorga, Ponferada, Villa franca, Tuy and Lugo, with all their Countries and Castles.  
This good king Alonso was he that did win of the Moors the City of Leon, and builded there a royal place, to the end all the Kings of Castille (his successors) should there be resident, and so it came to pass, that in long time after, many Kings of Castille did live and die in Leon. This good King Alonso was the first that after the destruction of Spain began to build Churches and to make Monasteries and Hospitals, in especially (from the beginning) the Cathedral churches of Lugo, T●y, Astorga, and Ribe●ew, the which afterwards did pass to Mondonedo. This good king Alonso did build many and very solemn Monasteries of the order of saint Benet and many hospitals in the way of saint james, and many particular Churches in Navarne, and in the Country of Ebro, which he endued all with great riches, and gave them opulent possessions. This good King Alonso was the first that did seek, and commanded to be sought with very great diligence, the holy books that had escaped the hands of the Moors, and as a zealous Prince commanded that they should be carried to the Church of Oiendo to be kept, and gave great rewards unto such as had hid them. This good King Alonso was the firsts that commanded that all the great writers and singers should resort to Leon, to the end they should writ great singing books, and little breviaries to pray on, the which he gave and divided amongst all the Monasteries and Churches that he had founded: for the cursed Moors had not left a Church in Spain that they did not overthrow, either book that they did not burn. This good king Alonso was the first, that did begin to make all the Bishop's houses joining to the Cathedral Churches, 
To the end cold in winter neither heat in summer should hinder residents.  because the heat in the Summer, either the cold in Winter, should not let them to be resident in the Quire, and to see how they worshipped God.  
This good king Alonso the first died in the age of lxiiij years, in the City of Leon, in the year of our Lord 793. And his death, of the Castilians and Navarrois was as much bewailed, as of all men his life was desired. How acceptable his life was unto God, it appeared most clear, in that the Lord showed by him at his death: which is to wit, that at the point of his last breath, they heard over his chamber Angelic voices sing and say: Behold how the just dieth and no man maketh accounted thereof, his days be ended and his soul shall be in rest. The lamentation was so great that was made through out Spain for the death of this good King Alonso, that from thence forward every time that any named his name, if he were a man he put off his cap, and if a woman she made a reverence. Not three months after the death of the good King Alonso, all the mighty of the Kingdom joined in parliament, wherein they did ordain and command by a public Edict, that from thence forward and for evermore none should presume to say coldly or driely, the king Alonso, but for his excellency they should call him the king Alonso the Catholic, for that he had been a prince so glorious, and of the divine service so zealous. This good king was son in law of sir Pelaius, 
The first invention of the title Catholic.  he was the third King of Castille, after the destruction thereof: he was the first king of this name Alonso: he was the first that founded Churches in Spain: he was the first King at whose death such Angelic voices were heard: he was the first king that was entitled Catholic: by whose deservings and virtues all the kings of Spain (his successors) be called to this day Catholic Kings.  
My Lord, it seemeth to me, that since the kings of Spain presume to inherit the name, they should also presume to follow his life, which is to wit, to make war upon the Moors, and to be fathers and defenders of the Church: And for that in the beginning of this letter, I did use the speech of a friend, and in this I have accomplished what you craved as a servant. I say no more, but that our Lord be your protector, and give us all his grace.  
From Segovia the xij. of May. 1523.   

A letter unto Mosen Rubin of Valentia, being enamoured, wherein is touched the displeasures that the amorous dames give unto their lovers.  
MAgnificent and old enamoured, 
Contrary salutations in respect of his birth and manners.  being in Madrid the fourth of August, where I received a letter of yours, and for that it was torn, and the firm somewhat blotted, I swear unto you by the law of an honest man, I could not found means to read it, or imagine or call to remembrance who should writ it. For notwithstanding we were acquainted when I was Inquisitor in Valencia, it is almost a thousand years since we saw each other: after I awakened and called myself to remembrance, and did read, 
A sufficient cause to forget old acquaintance.  and read again your letter, I fell in the reckoning that it was of Mosen Rubin my neighbour (I say Mosen Rubin the enamoured) I remember that sometimes we were wont to play at the chess in my lodging, and cannot advise me that you gave me the dame, but I do certainly remember, that you did not suffer me to see your enamoured. I remember that at the rock of Espadon, 
Assured notes of old acquaintance.  at the encounter we had with the Moors, I escaped wounded, and you with a broken head, where we could neither find Chirurgeon to cure us, or as much as a clout to bind us. I remember that in reward for that I caused your bill to be firmed by the Queen, you sent me a Mule which I did gratify and not receive. I remember that when we went to accompany the French King to Requena, when we came to the seven waters, I complained for want of meat, and you for lack of lodging: and in the end, I received you into my lodging, and you went forth to provide victuals. I remember when Caesar commanded me to repair unto Toledo, you gave me a letter to be delivered unto the Secretary Urias, upon a certain business of yours, to whom I did not only speak but also obtained your suit. I remember that chiding with a chaplain of your wives in my presence, when he said unto you, that it were not convenient you should deal foully with him, for that he had charge of souls, & was a Curate, you made answer, that he was not a Curate of souls but of fools. I remember that I counseled you and also persuaded you, being in Xatina, that you should give to the Devil the love that you wots of: and I also do know, because they were tedious, perilous, and costly. I remember that after in Algezira you reported (weeping and sighing) that you had no power to chase them from your mind, either root them from your heart: and there I returned to say and swear, that it was no love, either pleasant to your person, or too your estate convenient. I remember that after we met at Torres, where I demanded to what conclusion you had framed your love, you answered in a thousand sorrows and traveles, for that you had escaped from thence wounded, abhorred, beflouted, infamed, and also be peeled. Of many other things, (I remember) I have both seen and hard you speak and do, in that time that we were neighbours and coversant in Valentia: 
The issue of unhonest love.  whereof (although we may talk) they are not too be written.  
In this present letter you advertise me that now you are enamoured and taken with other new loves, and that since I said the troth in the first, you pray me to writ my opinion in the second, (holding it for certain, that my skill serveth to let blood in the right vain, and also to bind up the wound.) Sir Mosen Rubin, I would you had written or demanded some other matter: for speaking the very troth in this matter of love, you are not in the age to follow it, either may it be contained with my ingravitie to writ it: of my habit, of my profession, and of my authority and gravity, you should have demanded cases of counsel, and not remedies of love: for I have read more in Hostiensis that instructeth to give counsel, than in Ovid that teacheth to be enamoured. Of a troth master Mosen Rubin I say, that it is neither you or I, that love doth like, and with whom she doth delight. For you are now old, and I am religious, in such sort, that in you age doth abound, and in me wanteth liberty. Believe me sir & be out of doubt, it is not love but sorrow, not mirth but displeasure, not taste but torment, not recreation but confusion: when in the enamoured there is not youth, liberty, and liberality. The man that is now entered into age, and will be young again and enamoured, they never term him an old lover, but a filthy old fool, and (as God save me) they have great reason that so do call them: for old rotten straws are more fit to make dung, than to be kept. The God Cupid, and the Goddess Venus, 
The conditions of men apt for love.  will not have in household but young men that can serve, liberal that know to spend, and free that can enjoy and delight, patient that can suffer, discreet that have skill to talk, secret that know too keep silence, faithful to gratify, and valiant that can persever: he that is not endued and privileged with these conditions, it should be more sound counsel for him to delve in the field, than to be enamoured in palace. For there are not in this world men more miserable than the enamoured that be foolish. The doltish lover besides that his dame scorneth him, his neighbour's jest at him: his servants beguile him, Pander bepéeleth him, he is blinded with guileful speech, evil employeth his jewels, goeth without foresight, he is light of belief, and in the end finds himself beflouted. All the offices, crafts, and sciences in this world may be learned, except it be the skill and occupation to know to love: the which, neither Solomon had skill to writ, Asclepius to paint, Ovid to teach, Helen to report, either yet Cleopatra to learn, but that from the school of the heart it must proceed, and pure discretion must give instruction. There is not any thing wherein is more necessity to be discreet, than in being a lover: for if a man have hunger, cold, thirst, and weariness, the only body feeleth it, but the follies that is committed in love, the heart chief bewaileth them. To the end that love be fixed, sure, perpetual, and true, there must be equalities betwixt the enamoured: for if the lover be young, and she old, or he old and she young, or he wise and she a fool, or he a fool and she wise, or he love her, and she abhorreth him, or she love him, and he abhorreth her: believe me sir and be out of doubt that of feigned lovers, they shall end assured and unfeigned enemies. Master Mosen Rubin, I thought good to say thus much unto you, to the end that if the lover that you have now chosen be in possession of three score and three years as you are, 
A lover in possession of threescore and three years.  there is no great peril that you love and know her. For most of the time you shall spend, shall be in recounting unto her the lovers that you have holden, and she in reckoning up unto you, all such as hath served her.  
Speaking more in particular, I would know to what purpose a man as you that hath passed threescore years, that is full spent, and laden with the gout, will now take a Courtesan young and fair, which will rather occupy herself in robbing, than delighting of you? To what end will you have a love of whom you may not be served, but to bind up grieves, and to drive away flies? Wherefore will you have a dainty Dame, since betwixt you and her there may rise no either conversation or communication, but to relate and count reckonings and tales, and how little you have eaten all the day, and how many times you have told the clock that night? For what cause would you have a love since you want strength to follow her, goods to serve her, patience to suffer her, and youth to enjoy her? Why will you have an amorous dame unto whom you can not represent how much you have suffered and endured for her sake, but report how the gout is risen from the hand to the shoulders? To what conclusion will you love an infamous woman, which will not enter in at your doors that day which you cease to give her, or shall grow negligent to serve her? To what consideration do you delight to have a wanton love, unto whom you shall not dare to deny any thing that she craveth, either chide for any displeasure she giveth? To what service will you have a lawless love, who may not be served conformably to your good, but agreeable to her foolishness? For what skill will you have alemman, which must be gratified for the favour she beareth you, and dare not complain of the ielosies she shall demand of you? For what conceit will you have a second Lais, which when she shall flatter you, it shall not only be to content you, 
A chief cause of courtesans love.  but something to crave of you? For what intent will you have a love, before whom you must needs laugh, although the gout make you rave? For what meaning will you have a dissolute dame, with whom you shall spend all your goods, before you shall have acquaintance with her conditions? And why desire you a lusty Lass, with whom you are joined for money, and also sustain her with delights, and yet in the end must departed from her with displeasures? If you M. Mosen Rubin with these conditions will needs be enamoured, be it so in a good hour, for I am sure it will rain into your house.  
To your age and infirmity, it were more convenient to have a friend to recreate, than a Lamia, with whom to putrefy. Samocratius, Nigidius, and ovid did write many books, 
The authors of remedies for love, and the fruit they reaped thereof  and made great treatises of the remedies of love, and the reward of them, is, they sought remedies for others, and used none for themselves, all three died, persecuted and banished, not for those offences they committed in Rome, but for the loves they attempted in Capua. Let ovid say what he dreameth, Nigidius what him pleaseth, Samocratius what he thinketh good, but in fine, the greatest and best remedy against love, is to flee the conversation and to avoid the occasion: for in causes of love we see many escape that do flee it, and very few that abide it. Sir take you heed, that the Dinel deceive you not in your reckoning (a fresh to be enamoured) since it is not convenient for the health of your person, either answerable to the authority of your house: For I assure you of my faith, that sooner you shall be delivered of the displeasures of your Courtesan, than of the pains of the gout. My pen hath stretched out farther than I thought, 
The beginners of quarrels do sometime catch a wipe.  and also farther than you would: but since you were the first that laid hand to weapon, the fault is not mine, if I have happened to give you a wipe. To the Father Prior of Corta caeli, I send a rich palia, for my sake I pray you to command that it be given him, & in my behalf to visit him, because I lodged long time with him, & am much bound & affectioned unto him. No more but that our Lord be your protector, and keep you from an evil leman, and heal you of your gout.  
From Madrid the third of March .1527.   

A letter unto the Bishop of Zamora Sir Anthony of Acuna, wherein he is sharply reprehended, for that he was captain of the commons that rebelled in Spain.  

Contrary congratulationss in respect of his function and manners.  reverent and seditious Prelate, Zalobrena the sergeant of your band gave me a Letter of yours, which presently I could not understand, but after I had read, & returned again to read the same, I did see it was no letter, but a bill that the Bishop of Zamora had sent: wherein he did defy and threaten that he would kill me, or command me to be chastised. The cause of this defiance your Lordship declareth to proceed, for that in Villa Braxima I withdrew Sir Peter Giron from your partiality, and counseled him to cease to follow you, and retire to serve the king. I my Lord do accept your defiance, 
The likelihood of a notable combat.  and hold myself defied, not that we kill ourselves, but that we examine ourselves, not to the end we go unto the field, but to incommende ourselves to reason. Which reason as a viewer of our facts shall declare whether of us is most culpable, I in following and obeying the King, or you in altering and revolting the kingdom. I remember me being as then but young in Trecenon, a manor house of Guevara, I did see my uncle Sir Ladron, & sir Beltram my father, mourn in black for your father, & (in very troth my lord Bishop) seeing you as I did see you in Villa Braxima compassed with artillery, accompanied with soldiers, and armed at all points: with more reason we might wear green, because you live, than black for that your father died. The divine Plato of two things did not discern which first to bewail, that is to wit: the death of good men, or the life of the wicked: for it is a most great grief unto the heart to see the good so soon to die, and the wicked so long time to live. A certain Greek being demanded for what cause he showed so great sorrow in the death of Agesilaus? He answered: I weep not because Agesilaus died, but for that Alcibiades remaineth living, whose life offendeth the Gods, and escandalizeth the world. A certain Gentleman of Medina (who is named john Cnaso) reported that being appointed to have the oversight of your bringing up, he was driven to change four Nurses' in six months: for that in nursing you were fierce wayware, and importune in sucking. It seemeth unto me my Lord Bishop, that since in your childhood you were so painful, and in your life so seditious, it were great reason, that in your old years as you should be quiet: if not for your deserving, yet to repose you should seek quietness: holding as you have in your possession three score year completed▪ and shortly may boast yourself of three score and ten accomplished, it seemeth to me no evil counsel that you offer (if it like you) the flower to God, for that you bestowed so much bran in the world. Since your garden is blasted, your vinedage ended, your flower fallen, your primetime finished, your youth passed, you old age come, it were much more convenient to take order for amendment of old sins, & reformation of your life, than to execute the office of Captain over rebelling commoners. If you will not follow Christ that made you, yet follow sir Lewes of Acuna that begat you: at whose gates many poor every day did feed, and at your gates we see not but playing and blaspheming soldiers.  

A lewd office for an old bishop.  To make of soldiers priests, it passeth: but of priests to make soldiers, is an act most scandalous: whereunto I will not say your Lordship consented, but that you exactly have performed. You brought from Zamora to Tordissillas, three hundredth Massing Priests, not to instruct the kings subjects, but to defend that Town against the King: and to remove your Lordship from evil tongues, as also for the better salvation of their souls, 
Prelates for the body.  you brought them from Zamora, in the beginning of Lent, in such wise that like a good pastor & an excellent Prelate, you removed them from praying to fight: in the assault which the Gentlemen gave at Tordessillas against your band, I saw with mine eyes one of your priests with an harquebus overthrow eleven men behind a window, & the grace was, that when he did level to shoot, he blessed himself with his piece, and killed them with the pellot. I saw also, before the assault was ended, the Soldiers of our side, that were without, give that good Prelate such a blow in the forehead with an arrow, that the death of that caytise was so sudden, as he had neither time to confess his sins, nor yet so much as to bless himself. But now the soul of that Bishop that removed that priest from his church, & the soul of that priest that slew so many men, 
Doubtful to be answered.  what excuse can they have before men, and what account may they make to God? It were a sin to take you from the wars, but much greater to make you of the church, since you be so offensive, & in nothing scrupulous, & hereof we be most certain, for that you make no account to fight & to kill, and also to be irregular.  
I would gladly know in whether book you have read most, which is to wit, in Vegetius, which entreateth of matters of wars, or in S. Austin his book of Christian doctrine? and that which I durst avouch is, I have seen you many times handle a partisan, but never any book: and it seemeth unto me not a little grievous, that to the soldiers that assaulted and fell at the taking of the fort of Impudia, they say, that you said: So my sons up, fight and die, behold, my soul for yours, since you die in so just an enterprise, and a demand so holy. My Lord Bishop, 
A Bishop utterly void of a scrupulous conscience.  you well know that the Soldiers that there were slain were excommunicate for sacrilege, traitors to the King, robbers of churches, thieves on high ways, enemies of the common wealth, and maintainers of civil war. It is most evident, that the soul of that Bishop that speaketh such blasphemy, is not much scrupulous, that desireth to die as a soldier: neither do I marvel that he desireth to die like a desperate Soldier, that never made account of his estate as a Bishop. If you had raised this war to reform the common wealth, 
A bishop fight for a bishopric.  or to have made free your country from some oppression and taxation, it might seem you had occasion, although in deed no reason) but your Lordship hath not risen against the king for the weal of the kingdom, but to make exchange for a better Bishopric, and to drive the Earl of Alva de Lista, out of Zamora. If you enter in reckoning with all those of your band, which go in your company, certainly you shall find that passion was your foundation, & not reason, neither zeal of the common wealth, but overmuch desire in every one to augment his own house and estate.  
Sir Peter Giron would have the possession of Medina: the Earl of Saluatiera command the royal Pastures: Fernando de Aualoes revenge his injury: john de Padilia be master of S. james: Sir Peter Lasso the only ruler in Toledo: 
An Abbot fight for a bishopric.  Quintanilla Controller of Medina: Sir Fernando de Hulloa expel his brother out of Toro: the Abbot of Compludo obtain the Bishopric of Zamora: the Doctor Barnardine, the Auditor of Valiodolid: Ramir nimez the possession of Leon: and Charles de Arrelano join Soria with Vorobia. The wise man sayeth, he seeketh occasion that will departed from a friend: in like manner we may say, that seditious men seek not but rebellious times: for that it seemeth unto them which want & are in necessity, while rebellion lasteth, they may feed of the sweat of other men's brows, and profit by their neighbours loss. The art seemeth not a little gracious which you have used to deceive and persuade Toledo, Burgos, Valiodolid, Leon, Salamanca, Auila, and Segovia to rebel, saying, that by this mean they shall be established and made free, as Venize, Geneva, Florence, Sena, and Luke: in such wise, that from henceforth they shall not be named Cities, but signiories. Musing what was to be said in this matter: a good space I had my pen in suspense, and in the end, I conceived that upon so great a vanity and mischief (never like heard of) there is nothing to be said, much less to be written. For I hold it for certain and dare avouch, that you make not those Cities free, but a pray, not entitle them with signiories, but profit yourselves with their riches. Those the will take in hand any enterprise that naturally is seditious or offensible, have not to consider of the occasion that moveth them to rise, but only the good or evil end which thereof may proceed: for all famous offences have had always a beginning of good respects. Silla, Marius, and Catiline, which were famous Romans, and glorious Captains, under the colour to deliver Rome from evil governors, made themselves tyrants of the same. At sometimes it is less evil in great Cities to bear with some want of justice, than to move the people, and thereby to raise war: for that war is a certain net that catcheth away all weal from the common wealth.  
The great Alexander being demanded for what cause he would be Lord of the whole world, made answer: All the wars that are raised in this world, is for one of these three causes, which is, either to have goods, many laws: or else many Kings: therefore would I obtain the same, to command throughout the whole world, that they honour but one God, serve but one king, and observe but one law. But let us now confer your Lordship with Alexander the great, and we shall find, that he was a King, and your Lordship a Bishop: he a Pagan, and you a Christian: he bred in the wars, and you in the Church: he never heard of the name of Christ, & you have sworn to observe his Gospel: and with all these conditions he would not for the whole world have but one king, and your lordship would have seven only for Castille. I say unto your Lordship, that you would establish seven kings in Castille, for that you would make the seven Cities of the same seven signiories. The good and loyal gentlemen of spain use to remove kings, to make one king, and such as be traitors and disloyal, do use to remove the King, to make kings.  
For us and our friends, we will no other God but Christ, no other law but the Gospel, or other king but the Emperor Charles the fifth. And if you and your commoners will have an other king, and an other law, join yourselves with the Curate of Mediana, which every sunday doth establish and take away kings in Castille. And this is the case. In a certain place named Mediana, which is near unto Palomera of Auila there was a Biskay priest, and half a foot, which was moved with so great affection to john of Padilia, that at the time of bidding of beads on the holy days, he recommended after this manner: My brethren, I commend unto you one ave Maria for the most holy commonalty, that it never decay. I commend unto you an other ave Maria for the majesty of king john of Padilia, the God may prospero him. I commend unto you an other ave Maria for the queens highness our mistress and Lady Mary of Padilia, that God may preserve her: for of a troth these be the true kings, and all the rest before time were tyrants. These prayers continued about three weeks (little more or less.) After which time john of Padilia, with his men of war passed that way, and the soldiers that lodged in the priest's house enticed away his woman, drank his wine, killed his hens, and eat up his bacon. The sunday following, in the Church he said: It is not unknown unto you my brethren, how john of Padilia passed this way, and how his soldiers hath left me never a hen, have eaten me a flitch of bacon, 
The prelate lost his Catelina.  have drunk out a whole tinage of wine, and have carried away my Catiline, I say, for that from henceforth you shall not pray unto God for him, but for king Charles, and for our Lady Queen jone, (for they be the true Princes) & give to the devil these strange kings. 
A tinage is an earthen can used in Spain of no little size to hold their wine.  Behold here my Lord Bishop, how the Curate of Mediana is of more power than your Lorshippe, for that he made and unmade Kings in three weeks, which you have not performed in eight months: and yet I do swear and prophesy, that the King that you shall establish in Castille, shall endure as little as that king which was made by the Curate of Mediana. No more but that our Lord be your protector, and lighten you with his grace.  
From Medina del rio secco, the twenty of December .1521.   

A letter unto the Bishop of Zamora, sir Antony of Acunna, in which the Author doth persuade him to turn to the service of the king.  

Repugnancy in respect of estate and manners.  Reverend & disquiet bishop, by the letter of Quintanilla of Medina, I was advertised in what manner your lordship received my letter, and also understood, that in the end of reading thereof, presently you began to grove, and murmuring, said: Is this a thing to be suffered, that the tongue of friar Antony of Guevara, may be of more power than my lance? and that he be not contented to have withdrawn Sir Peter Giron, (even from betwixt our hands) but also now even here doth writ me a thousand blasphemies. It hath much pleased me, that my letter was so well confected, that with such swiftness it pierced unto your heart: for I did not writ that you should read it, but that you should read and feel it. The patiented that doth determine to receive a little rhubarb, suffereth the bitterness that it leaveth in the throat, for the profit it doth him against his fever. I would say, that it shall little profit your Lordship, though you know how to complain: if you do not likewise determine how to amend: for that your Lordship is an Oforio in blood, in dignity a Bishop, in authority a gentleman or a knight, and in profession a Christian, I hold you in great reverence: but jointly therewith, as concerning your furious complainses and threats, I esteem them very little: for there is a God that beholdeth his servants, and a Prince that standeth for his subjects.  
I conceive no evil, that you be a warrior, and that you go armed, upon condition that your armour be such, as the Apostle speaketh of, quòd arma militiae nostrae non sunt carnalia sed spiritualia: because your war aught not to be with enemies but with vices, and as Seneca saith, more glory was deserved by Cato in banishing vice out of Rome, than of Scipio for conquering the Carthaginians in Africa. But since you would needs go on warfare, and make war upon the whole common wealth of Castille, to foil your enemy the Earl of Alva de Lista, what fault had the King and Queen committed? To pardon many for the merit of one is the office of Christians, but to chastise many for one man's offence is the condition of tyrants: in such sort, 
The condition of tyrants.  that from henceforth we may not call you Bishop of Zamorra, but tyrant of the common wealth.  
Many times I stay, to consider to what purpose your Lordship would needs disobey the king, altar the kingdom, raise up the people, make armies, join with communers, cast away yourself, and hurt and endamage the common wealth: I am not able to comprehend any occasion, much less any reason (except it be that, as you desire to be Archbishop of Toledo you would obtain by strength, that which you deserve not by virtue.) If the matter might come in judgement before God, yea, and also before men, your Lordship may be sure, that more demerits would be found in you to be dispossessed of your Bishopric that you now possess, than merits wherefore to give you the archbishopric that you crave. The dignities of the Church of God aught not to be given unto such as doth procure them, but unto those that do refuse them: for so much the more worthy is he to govern souls, that thinketh himself most unworthy to perform the same. To deserve the archishopric of Toledo, your Lordship aught rather to shed tears, than blood: to be in the temple, and not in the fields: to accompany the religious, and not soldiers: too pray at your hours, and not to altar the common wealth: but your Lordship seeing that you cannot deserve by virtue, you determined to obtain by armed strength. You aught too have remembered that God hath chosen you for a Bishop, and not for a Captain, 
The office of a Bishop.  for the Church, and not for the war: to preach, and not to fight: to be invested with surplice, and not with a shirt of mail: to secure Orphans, and not soldiers: and also to give orders, and not to order stales and ambushes to skirmish. The first bishop of this world which was S. Peter, found amongst all the Apostles but two sword to defend Christ, and there is to be found a M. Hagbuts within your house to ruinat this Realm. In such wise we have to praise you, not for your books that you read in, but for the armour you do possess.  
Maldonado (your servant and my friend) hath advertised me, that you have given him a benefice of ij. C. Ducats. I demanding if he understood to read his divine prayers? He made answer: Sir you are in a wrong account, for at this instant in the house of my Lord Bishop, none hath skill to pray, but we all learn to skirmish. 
A Bishop practiseth his household not to pray but to skirmish.  The houses of good prelate's, are not but certain schools of virtues where none may have acquaintance with lies, or learn to play the glutton, or too go at large, or to be idle, either yet to delight in much talk, either to quarrel, or to be ambitious: which is not so in your house, where all become absolute, and glory and presume too be dissolute. When the governors of the kingdom this other day sent me thither unto you, to offer conditions of peace with those of the convocation in the town of Braxima, and saw your Lordship armed, like a clock compassed with soldiers, environed with such multitude of shot, accompanied with such numbers of commoners, and laden with affairs, and business of so great importance, I was in a doubt with myself, whether that which I saw was a dream, or else the Bishop Sir Turbin were risen again from death. If you will not call to remembrance that you are a Christian, that you are a priest, that you are a Preacher, and that you are a native of this kingdom: yet become advised that you descended of noble blood, and of an ancient house (although it be most true, that as you be an Osorio in blood, so are you rash and desperate in condition.) It grieveth me (my Lord Bishop) that you use armour, not as a wise man, but as one overrash, 
Armour used to wrong purpose.  not as one that defendeth, but as one that offendeth, not as you aught, but as you list: for I perceive you follow opinion, and fly reason: all your displeasure riseth for following your will, and employing your ability to a wrong purpose, but as Seneca saith, in the house where will doth command, very seldom reason doth inhabit, and (as Muscoso maketh report,) that eating many times you say at your table, is there no man that will take me master Guevara, to hung him at a window for the deceit and enticing away of sir Peter Giron out of our partiality? To say that I deceived him, I deny it: to say that I delivered him from deceit I confess it: and whether it be good or evil for him to remain there or turn hither, I am sure he repenteth not to have believed me, neither I to have given him counsel.  
Your Lordship doth well remember when your Captain Lares did take me, and so taken brought me before you: and notwithstanding you reprehended and dealt evil with me, I requested you on the behalf of the governors, that you would leave war, and accept an honest concord, in which Embassage you esteemed me very little, of that I said made small account also, and skoffed at that which I spoke. My lord Bishop you do well know, how many evil days I have passed, how many injuries I have suffered, what froward words with me have been used, what perils I have passed, what despites have been done unto me, with what threatenings I have been threatened, and also what slanders they have raised upon me: for that I have followed the King, and procured peace unto the Kingdom. When I was at the town of Braxima with your Lordship and with the Commoners, I preached nothing unto you but penitence, and to the king's governors at Medina del rio secco I persuaded nothing but clemency: for it was impossible, if the one did not repent, and the other pardon, that these kingdoms might be remedied, neither so many evils and dangers cut off. Now since I have traveled after this manner, and suffered so great travails, I know not why you should call me traitor, desire to kill me, and to hung me at a window, since I desire not to see your Lordship hanged, but amended. Titus Livius maketh mention of a Roman Patricide, 
A wrong mean to obtain fame.  who being ambitious of honour, & a coward to obtain the same, determined to set fire on the treasure house where all the people of Rome laid up their treasure. This evil disposed fellow being taken, tormented, and examined of the cause of his enterprise, made answer: I would have done this hurt to the common wealth, for that writers should make mention of me in their Chronicles: which is to wit, as touching the treasures of Rome, though I had not ability to obtain them, yet had I skill to burn them. I thought good too put your Lordship in remembrance of this history, to the end you may understand, considering I am Preacher and Chronicler unto his majesty, in which imperial Chronicle, there shall be sufficient report of your Lordship, not that you were a father and a pacifier of your country, but rebellious, and an inventor of these wars. How may I with troth writ of the rebellion of Toledo, the death of the ruler of Segovia, the taking of Tordesillas, the imprisonment of the counsel, the siege of Alaheios, the convocation of Auila, the burning of Medina, the alteration of Valiodolid, the scandal of Burgos, the loss of Toro, Zamora, and Salamanca, without I make mention of your Lordship? How may I make report of the evils that Vera the Lockier hath committed in Valiodolid: Bobadilla the shereman in Medina: the Lockiar in Auila, 
A slanderous fraternity.  and Burgos: and in Salamanca the Skinner: but that in that holy brotherhood we must found the Bishop of Zamora? I report me unto you my Lord Bishop, shall I raise any slander upon you, by reporting in my Chronicle, that I saw at the town of Braxima, all the artillery brought together to the gates of your house. I saw watch & ward kept round about your lodging, I saw all the Captains of your bands feed at your table, I saw them all join to consult in your chamber, and that all did exclaim for long life to the bishop of Zamora? All these things which your Lordship hath done, I would gladly leave them unwritten, if your Lordship would amend, and also remedy the mischief you have in hand: but I behold you with such eyes, and with such an opinion: that you will rather loose your life wherewith you live, than the opinion which you follow. I conceived no small compassion, when this other day I saw you compassed with the commoners of Salamanca, with villains of Saiago, with manquellers of Leon, with rebels of Zamora, with Cappers of Toledo, and with hit makers of Valiodolid. All which in general you are bound to content, 
Difficult to content.  and not licence to command. This kind of people that you lead of the commonalty is so vain and fickle, that with threats they will follow you, with entreatance be sustained, with promises be blinded: fight with fear, walking with suspicion, living upon hope: not contented with little, or pleased with gifts: for their intent is not to follow those that have most right, but such as give best wages. There is a certain difference betwixt us and you, which is: that we which follow the King, hope to be rewarded, but you have no such hope, but by violence to please yourselves, which we know well that you yourself have promised to yourself the archbishopric of Toledo, 
Vain promises.  we well know that john of Padilia (he himself) hath promised unto himself the Mastership of S. james, we do know that Clavero (himself) hath promised unto himself the Mastership of Alcantara, we well know that the Abbot of Compludo (he himself) hath promised unto him self the Bishopric of Zamora, we well know that the Prior of Vadiodolid (he himself) hath promised unto himself the Bishoprik of Valentia, sir Peter Pinentel, Maldonado, Quintanilla, Sarabia, 
A quent of Maruedis which be 6. for a penny. amount. 2500 Dukats.  the Licenciat Barnardine, and the doctor Cowsehed: None of these at this day will give their hope for a good quent of rent. Ramir Nunez & john Brave do accept to be called Lords, john Brave for that he hath hope to be Earl of Chincon, & Ramir Nunez Earl of Luna: it may be that one of them or both may first loose their heads, before they have obtained their estates.  
Wherefore my Lord Bishop, retire, repent, and amend, because the loyalty of Castille doth not suffer but one king, neither endure but one law. No more, but that our Lord be your instructor.  
From Tordesillas the tenth of March. 1521.   

A letter unto Sir john of Padilla Captain of the Commoners against the King, wherein he persuadeth him to surcease that infamous enterprise.  

Repugnancy of speech in respect of noble blood, and want of judgement.  MAgnificent and unadvised Gentleman, the letter that with your own hand you have written unto me, and the credit and trust you sent me, with your servant Montaluan, I have received here in Medina: and to say the troth, I did not more delight to see your letter, than I received grief to hear your message: for that it seemeth you determine to proceed with your enterprise, and to finish the ruin of this common wealth. Sir you do well understand, at the assembly of Auila, I said unto you, that you were lost, deceived, and sold: because Hernando of Auila, Sir Peter Giron, the Bishop of Zamora, and the other commoners, had not invented this Civil war with zeal too redress the offences in the common wealth: but to take vengeance of their enemies. Sir also I said unto you, that the resolution of that assembly seemed unto me great vanity and no small vaunt, 
A frivolous devise.  and that which the common people demanded, which is to wit, that in Castille all should contribute, all should be equal, all should pay, and that they should be governed after the manner of signories in Italy, the which is scandalous to hear, and blasphemy to speak: for as it is impossible to govern the body without arms, so is it impossible that Spain be sustained without Gentlemen. Also I said unto you, that being of blood undefiled, of person so well compact, in arms so expect, of mind so valiant, in judgement so advised, in condition so well liked, in age so tender, and in the flowers of your youth, it were much more convenient for you to serve the King in Flaunders, 
Notable qualities evil employed.  than Castille to trouble his kingdom. Also I did advertise you, how in that of late the King had created the Admiral and the Constable for governors, which with all the mighty and nobles of Spain, joined in Medina del rio Secco, to give order for the succour of Tordisillas, and to chase away the Rebels from the town of Braxima, my desire and judgement is, that you should rather esteem to be a soldier with the Gentlemen, than a Captain over Rebels. Also I said unto you, that the governors had commanded a scaffold to be made, whereupon a King at arms being ascended made public proclamation, that all Knights and Gentlemen that repaired not within fifteen days with Horse and Armour under the King's Standard to serve and be resident, should be holden as traitors and disloyal, and that it seemed unto me that you should rather have accomplished that which the governors commanded, than that which in Toledo they had desired. Also I said unto you that commonly civil and popular wars decay in puissance, prevail seldom, and may not endure, and after they be finished, and the common wealth pacified: 
In rebellon use to pardon the poor, and to behead the Captains.  the Kings and Princes of the same do use for custom to pardon the common people, and behead the Captains. Also I said unto you that you should not blind yourself with foolish lies, either with words of uncertain purposes, which is to wit: if any shall say unto you that you are the father of the country, the refuge of prisoners, the repair of the grieved, the defender of the common wealth, and the restorer of Castille: for the very same persons that to day do name you redeemer, on the morrow will proclaim you traitor. Also I said unto you that you aught to have before your eyes, that your father Peter Lopes, and your Uncle Sir Garcia, and your Brother Gutiere Lopes, and all your friends and allies, be all in service of the King in the governors Camp: and that you alone (of all your lineage) amongst rebels bend against the King, whereof there followeth that you alone being in fault, they here in general receive the shame.  
Also I said unto you, that since the King had given you no cause of offence, either taken from you any reward or bounty, or commanded you any injustice. It were very unjust that you should be the whip wherewith Hernando of Aualos should revenge his injury. For if he hath sworn to be revenged of Xeves, also you are bound to be faithful unto the King. Also I said unto you, that you should give to the Devil the prophestes, witchcrafts, and enchantments of the Lady Mary your wife: which is said that she and a certain woman slave do practise? for that to speak and practise with the Devil, it may not be otherwise but that she-looseth her soul, and you to loose your life and honour. Also I said unto you, that you should not care to attempt to enter the Covent of Vcles, with intent to be master of Saint james, either to throw Sir john del rio Secco out of Toledo, since it were a vanity to think it, and a great lightness to take it in hand, for to be master of saint james, you have not done such service wherefore it should be given you, neither sir john hath done any treason, why it should be taken from him. So many and so good Counsels, so many and so profitable advises, so many and so persuasive words, so many and so importune desires, so many and so great promises, so many and so great assurances, as I gave, promised, did swear, desire, and importune, and assure you, might not proceed from a suspicious friend, either from a man of a double condition, but rather as from a father to a son, 
Persuasions of a perfect friend.  from a brother to a brother, and from a friend to a friend. I would to God you did thoroughly know my heart, and the heart of Hernando of Aualos your uncle, then should you see most clear, how it is I that do love you, and he that doth deceive you: I that give you the hand, and he the man that offereth you deceits: I that show you the depth, and he that sends you to the bottom: I that set up the mark, and he that takes away the white: I that lets you blood in the right vain, and he that lameth your arms. Finally, 
An eloquence rarely used.  I am he that would cure and open your impostume, and he is the man that giveth end to your life, and burieth your renown. If you had taken my counsel, I had placed you in my Chronicles amongst the glorious personages of Spain, with the famous Viriato, the venturous Cid, the good Fernan Gonsalis, the Knight Tiran, and with the great Captain, and other infinite Knights and Gentlemen worthy of praise, and no less to be followed. But since you would needs imitate and credit Hernando of Aualos, and the other rebellious commoners, I shall be forced to place you in the Cathaologe of the famous tyrants, that is to say, with the justice Castromino, and Fernan Centeno, with captain Sapico, the duchess of Villalua, the Marshal Peter Pardo, Alfonso Trusillo, Lope Carasco, 
Rebels of Spain.  and Taymayo Isquirdo.  
All these and many other with them, were tyrants and rebels in the days of king john, and king Henry. And this is the difference betwixt you and them, that every one of them did tyrannize but their own countries, but you the whole country of Castille. I can not comprehend your intention, either can I conceive what you may obtain in following this enterprise, and to contend upon so unjust a demand, since you know, and all we understand, that if your enterprise should hap to prevail, there is none that would accept, gratify, or take it in good part: and if your purpose be made frustrate, there is a King that will revenge the injury, for the greatness and Majesty of Castille knoweth not to endure disobedience to their kings, either suffer themselves to be commanded by tyrants.  
When this year ye came to talk with me in Medina del campo, and I went with you to see the bit maker, and Viloria, the skinner, Bobadilla the sheareman, Pennelas the card maker, Ontoria the lockier, Mender the bookebynder, and Lares the ensign bearer, that were the heads and inventors of the commoners of Valiodolid, Borgos, Leon, Zamora, Salamanca Auila, and Medina: I assure you, I was dismayed and ashamed for that presently I did both see and know that passion was your guide, 
Evil guides not to be followed.  and they conducted by opinion, & that you all, did flee reason: but for that I am in life a sinner, in habit religious, in office a preacher, and in knowledge simple, you have not to make small account of my counsel: for as Plato said, we are not a little beholding unto those that do advise us wherein we err, and do direct us in what we aught to do: for it is much better we amend by other's correction, than loose ourselves by foolish perseverance. Believe me, and be out of doubt, Master john of Padilla, if you had spoken first with me in Toledo, as you did after talk with me in Medina, you had never taken this enterprise in hand: for as the Emperor Trajan did use to say, men that possess noble hearts and blushing visages, aught never to begin that, which lieth not in their hands to perform: for otherwise, they shall leave with great shame, that they began with great hope. Sir, you do well know, that all those that you lead in your camp against the king, be thieves, murderers, 
An eloquent persuasion.  blasphemers, and seditious Commoners: all which as they are a base people, and men of handicraft, you have to entreat them, but not to force them: suffer, but not to chastise: to pray, but not to command: to flatter, but not to threaten: for they follow you not to remedy things amiss, but to rob the goods that others have in possession. That day that the king shall enter into Castille: that day that you shall loose any battle: and also that day that you have not to pay the men of war, then shall you see how they will trudge from you, without taking any leave, and also make a secret sale of you.  
Sir, have compassion of your age so tender, and of your blood so undefiled, of your parentage so honourable, of your house so ancient, of your condition so good, of your ability so ●ntier, and of your youth so evil employed: all which things you have unfavourly infected, and also in a manner mortified. If you will believe me and give credit unto my words, incommende yourself unto God, leave this enterprise, turn unto the king, go unto the Governors, and shake hands with these commoners. Forasmuch as the king is pitiful, and all men desire your remedy and welfare: he would much more accept your coming to serve with the rest, than to have raised this war against him. Let not the devil deceive you, either any vain or fantastical imagination hinder you to perform the same, neither to conceive that they have to charge you with unstableness, in that you have enterprised, either as a traitor for that you have taken in hand: because in all the histories of this world they be accounted loyal that serve their king and such as rebel be called disloyal, & traitors. Also if a Gentleman be reproved for slothfulness, he riseth more early, and useth more diligence: if they call him babbler, he keepeth silence: if they accuse him for a glutton, he useth temperance: if they charge him as an adulterer, he abstaineth: if they burden him to be furious, he suffereth: if they impute him to be ambitious, he abaseth: if they name him a sinner, he amendeth: but if they call him by the name of a traitor, there is no water that may wash or make it clean: either any excuse that may excuse it. Neither is the King so much offended, or the kingdom so much altered, or affairs so aforehand, nor the Governors of so hard disposition, but that you may be reduced and find time very convenient to serve the King. 
The words of a very friend.  The which if you would perform, I promise' you by the faith of a Christian, and do swear unto you by the law of an honest man, that amending this wrong, my pen shall change his stile.  
Montauan, master of your house, and I have communed in secret things of great importance, and since he did herein credit me, it shall not be amiss that you believe him there, and if you will not, I wash my hands of all your fault, and from hence forward do take my leave of your friendship. No more, but that with the faith and credit that I have received your letter, with the very same it may please you to receive this of mine.  
From Medina deal camop the eight day of March, in the year of our Lord .1521.   

A letter unto a Gentleman, and secret friend to the Author, wherein he doth advise and reprehend him for his wretched covetousness.  

Repugnancy in speech, in respect of birth and manners.  MAgnificent and covetous Gentleman, the good Emperor Titus, that was son to Vespasian, and brother to Domitian, was of himself so virtuous, & of all the Roman Empire so well-beloved, that at the time of his death they did engrave these words upon his sepulchre: Delitiae moriuntur generis humani, which is to say, To day is dead in Rome that did rejoice all mankind. Of this good Emperor Titus is read in Suetonius, that being at supper on a time with many Princes of the empire, 
A famous speech of an heathen prince  & other Ambassadors of divers kingdoms, suddenly gave a great sigh, & said, Diem amisimus amici, as if he should say more clear: Let not this day be accounted amongst the days of my life, because this day I have not performed any bounty, neither given any reward. Plutarch doth report of Alexander the great, that when many Philosophers had disputed in his presence wherein consisteth the good hap of this life, he made answer: Believe me friends, and be out of doubt, that in all this world there is not equal delight or like pleasure, as to have wherewith to be liberal, and not wherefore to chastise. 
A magnificent answer of a pagan king.  Also it is said of Theopontus the Theban, who being a Captain of men of war, a souldioure craved of him some piece of money to buy bread, and having none to give, pulled of his shoes, saying: If I had better, I would give thee better, but in the mean while take these shoes of mine for that I have no money: 
An exceeding humanity of a general to a poor soldier  for it is more just that I go barefoot, than thou an hungered. Dionysius the tyrant entering upon a certain day into his sons chamber, and seeing there many jewels of silver and gold, said: Son, I did not give these riches to the end thou shouldest keep them, 
An excellent counsel to make enemies tender, and to conserve friends.  but because thou shouldst give and impart them. For there is no man in this world of more power, than the giving and liberal man: for with his giving he conserveth his friends, and maketh tender his enemies. I have made this discourse to utter a certain thing unto you, which if you were in Castille, as you are in Andolozia, my pen should never have written unto you, but my tongue should have spoken it into your ear: for our assured friends, notwithstanding we have licence to blame them, yet we may not use our liberty to defame them. Some of Andolozia hath told me here, and some of your friends have written me from thence, that your delight exceedeth to far in hoarding up of money, and no less enemy with the spending thereof. Of which deed and disposition I am not a little grieved, & also much ashamed, because honour & avarice be so contrary and in such contention and defiance, that they never devil in one person, neither at any time had any affinity. All vicious men in this life have some taste in their vices, except it be the miserable and most unfortunate covetous niggard, which is tormented with that which others do possess, & takes no taste in that which he hath. The painful travel of the covetous niggard is, that always he walketh suspicious and in fear, that the raging floods carry away his Milles, that the herd eat up his meads, that hunters steal his game, and that thieves rob his treasure: but in fine, the miserable covetous man, from no man doth so much defend his goods, 
The covetous man defendeth his goods from himself.  as from his own person. That wherein the covetous man takes most savour, is to hutch up double Ducats, to tell gold, to hide money, to sell his wine dear, to hoard much wheat in garners his Ewes to have good yeaning, not to rain in April, and to have much wheat in May. The highest glory of the covetous man is, to be getting, to be hoarding, none to crave of him, and never to spend. And although in these few things he taketh some taste, with many other he passeth great torments, which is to understand, if they ask an halfpenny for spice, a penny for candles, a dandiprat for an earthen pot, a farthing for oil, two pens for salt, he rives the house with yells, and gives unto the devil both wife and children, exclaiming that they are all bent to rob him. God endueth that 〈◊〉 with singular grace to whom he giveth a shamefast coū●●●…unce, and an heart of noble disposition. For if the wretched niggard had once tasted how sweet a thing it is to give: the things most necessary to his proper use, he should not be able to retain. The noble minded and liberal man giveth not so much as they give him: for in recompense of every bounty, they give themselves wholly at his liberty to be commanded.  

The liberal and noble minded, is Lord of his neighbour.  The liberal and noble minded man is Lord of the people where he dwelleth, & of all men with whom he hath conversation: for being assured that he will gratify them, no man hath the face to deny him any thing. The contrary doth chance to the miserable niggard and hard hearted covetous man, unto whom no man will approach, no man will talk, no man will accompany, no man giveth any thing, no man entereth his doors, neither any man will fetch fire at his house. Who will crave any thing of the covetous niggard? much less enter his house, 
The vile conditions of the covetous.  seeing him wear his shoes torn, his hose rend, his cap thread bore, his hat greasy, his shirt ragged, his doublet loose and unpoynted, and he walking alone? How will he remedy the necessity of a stranger, that will not mend the gutter of his house? How will he give any man an alms that trusseth himself with a points end? How will he secure the unknown, that killeth his own with hunger? How will he give wood to the hospital, that warms himself by the trash of straw? To whom will he lend money that burieth his own? How will he impart and give of his wheat, that hath hope in May to sell for double price? Who dare be a friend to the covetous and wretched niggard, being an enemy to him self? How many covetous men have we seen and do see every day, unto whom God giveth force to get riches, wit to sustain them, a mind to defend them, a life to possess them, & giveth them not licence to enjoy them? but where they might be Lords of other men's, 
Slaves to their own goods.  we see them slaves to their own proper goods. Of how much more excellency is honest property, than is cursed avarice, which is to be known most clear: because the poor man is contented with his little, and the rich man with his abundance seemeth to be in necessity? What greater disgrace, either greater mischance may happen to the wealthy covetous man, since for all things he seeth in others he sigheth, and all that he hath in possession he lacketh? The covetous man hath his eyes occupied in his vines he planteth, his hands in the money he receiveth, 
Wanting that which he possesseth.  his tongue amongst his factors with whom he chideth, his feet in wandering to his herds and granges, his time in wiles that he frameth, his ears in accounts be receiveth, his body in bargains he maketh, & his heart on the Ducats that with great watch he keepeth: in such wise, that as he goeth wandering besides himself, so he observeth no part to himself. That the covetous man hath not the heart or courage to give to his friends or kindred, it is most true. Dare they bestow any cost upon themselves? no surely: not truly: but hold it as evil employed whatsoever they bestow upon themselves, as that which is stolen from them. To the covetous miserable niggard they raise a slander upon him, in saying that he is rich: because, not he the riches, but the riches doth him hold & possess: in such wise, that he passeth great traveles in gathering of them, danger in keeping them, law in defending them, and torment in departing from them: for if shame did not let him, he would rather eat bread and onions, than lay out one peney. The covetous man is not of so good disposition as is the dirty Potter, since the one profiteth himself by earth, and the other dare not touch gold: and farther and besides this, the poor Potter getteth his living by selling of pots, & the wretched covetous man loseth his honour by hoarding of riches. The wretched niggard having his money never so much buried, watched, and kept, yet from none doth he so much keep it, as from himself, 
Two keys to his coffer, but two C. in his heart.  because if he have two keys unto his coffer to make all safe, he hath two hundredth in his heart to save them from spending: men shamefaced and of noble minds, have great cause to beware that they begin not to hoard or lay up money: for if he once give himself to hoard and hide money, be it never so little, be it no more but to gain one only groat, he shall every day fall into a thousand evils, shames, and confusions. For any man to be revenged of a covetous man, he hath not but to desire that he may live long, for a much worse life is obtained by the wretched niggard with his avarice, 
The whole life of the niggard is spent in penance.  than we would give him with some great penance. I do lie if I did not know (being warden of Arevallo) a great rich man, which did not eat of all his goods, but the feign fruit, the rotten grapes, the musty Wheat, the sour Wine, the Rateaten bread, the wemmy cheese, and the resty Bacon: in such wise that he would not enterprise or adventure to eat, but that he could not cell. I confess that sometimes I went unto his house, more to behold than for any business, and saw his chambers full of Cobwebs, his doors unhanged, the windows cleft, the locks decayed, the flowers uneven and full of holes, the tiles untiled, the chairs broken, the attorneys fallen down: in such wise, that it was rather an house to murmur at, than to devil in. Although it be a shame to spell it, I will not leave to say that which the neighbours and his friends hath said unto me: that if there happened any kinsman or friend to visit him, he was driven to seek lodging at his neighbours, or to borrow all that was necessary. Great (of a troth) is that covetise, and much infamous is that avarice, which is not repressed with the shame of this world, neither cut off by the fear of death. The covetous wretched niggard, that he goeth seeking, 
The fruits of covetousness.  is carefulness for himself, envy for his neighbours, spurs unto his enemies, a pray for thieves, peril for his person, damnation for his soul, malediction for his heirs, and law for his children. All these things Sir I thought good to writ, thereby to give you to understand the gross office you have taken in hand, and the evil opinion they do couceyve of you (the which to us your friends is great shame, and to you a most great infamy.) Sir amend your fault, and take some other order in your life, for in the house of any honest man, any lack of goods is tolerable, but no want in honour. If you shall always continued to be a miser, a niggard, and shall give yourself to keep and hoard money, from henceforward I take my leave of your friendship, and also to call you my acquainted: For I never delighted to hold acquaintance with the man that would presume to lie, and give himself to keep. This letter I sand you without head or foot, which is to wit, without date or firm, for going with such choler and so unsavoury, it is not reason he should be known that did writ it, neither to whom it was written. No more.   

A letter unto the Lady Mary of Padilia, wife to Don john of Padilia, wherein the Author doth persuade, that she turn to the service of the king, and give no occasion of the loss of Castille.  
MAgnificent and unadvised Lady, in the days that the good Emperor justinian did reign in the East, a certain Captain of his did govern the kingdoms in the West that was named Narsetes, a man of great capacity to govern, and of great valiantness in fight and giving battle: of this Narsetes the Romans did say, that in him only was the force of Hercules, the boldness of Hector, 
Notable conditions of the captain Narsetes.  the nobleness of Alexander, the wisdom of Pyrrhus, the valiantness of Antheus, and the fortune of Scipio. After that this glorious captain had overcome and slain Atholia King of the Goths, Vncelino king of the French men, Sindual king of the Britons: and also pacified and triumphed over all the kingdoms of the West, the Romans sought means to disgrace him with his Lord and master justinian, saying and giving him to understand, that he sought means to obtain the Empire: wherefore Narsetes was constrained to depart from Rome and to pass into Asia to appear before the Emperor justinian, and the Empress Sophia his wife, to declare his innocency, and to make proof that envy had raised that slander: certain days were then past that the Empress Sophia had conceived disdain against Narsetes, some say it was for his great wealth, others for that he commanded in the Empire with too much authority, and others because he was a gelded man: and when she saw time to utter her hatred, she said unto him in Court on a certain day: since thou Narsetes art less than a man, and half a woman (being an Eunuch) I command thee to leave the government of the Empire, 
I cruel commandment.  and that thou get thee up to weave where my maids do weave and knit cawls, and that there thou help them what they command thee. Although Narsetes were a man of great authority and of no less gravity, these words did so deeply pierce him to the quick, that he changed countenance, the tears broke from his eyes, and so chafed, with tears he said: Serene Princes, I would right gladly that you should chastise me as a Lady, but not to defame me like a woman: it grieveth me not so much of that you have said, as the occasion which you give me, how to make you answer: and said more, I presently departed unto Italy to weave, knit, and frame such a toil, 
A sharp answer.  that neither thou mayst comprehend, nor yet thy husband able to unweave. Coming now to the purpose, my Lord Abbot of Compludo gave me here in Medina a letter from your Ladyship, which contained such overthwarts, such want of measure, and so great rashness, that he was ashamed too have delivered it, and I astonished to see the contents thereof. And as the good Narsetes answered the Empress Sophia, it grieveth me not of that you have said, but of that which I must answer, 
His pen is constrained to make combat  for of necessity my pen must stand forth to make combat with your tongue. Your Ladyship doth say in your letter, that you have seen the letter that I sent unto your husband john of Padilia, and that it doth well appear in the same, that it came from a friar, irregular, foul spoken, overthwart, absolute and dissolute: and that if I were one of the world, not only I would not dare to wright such things, neither yet so much as in corners to speak them. Also you do extremely charge me that I have suborned Sir Peter Lasso, dissuaded sir Peter Giron, contended with the Bishop of Zamora, resorted to Villa Braxima for the Governors, that I preach publicly against the commoners, and that in my mouth there is no truth, nor in my deeds any fidelity. Also you blame me, charge, condemn, and threaten me for the letter I did writ unto your husband, and for the counsels and advertisements I gave him: affirming and swearing, that since he had conference with me, he hath always been sorrowful, penunue, melancholic, and also unfortunate.  
Also you note, blame, and charge me, that I never cease too lie unto the governors, deceive the commoners, discourage his men of war, preach against the commonalty, promise' that which the King commandeth not, go and come to Villa Braxima, and to lead all Castille in suspense. These and such other things are contained within your letter unworthy the writing, and scandalous to recount. But since your Ladyship hath first laid hand upon the sword, complain not if I happen to give you some wound on the head. To that which your Ladyship saith (if I were of the world as I am of religion,) I durst not wright such a letter unto your husband, your Ladyship speaketh great troth: for I being the son of Sir Beltram of Guevara, and cousin to Sir Ladron of Guevara, and to be there in the world, I should not writ unto him but fight with him: not make pens, but sharpen the lance: not give counsel or persuade your husband, but defy him: because the contention betwixt loyalty and treason, 
Loyalty and treason fight not with words, but with sword.  aught not to be tried with words, but with swords. I am in profession a Christian, in habit religious, in doctrine a divine, in lineage of Guevara, in office a preacher, and in opinion a gentleman and no commoner: for which cause I presume to preach the troth, and to impugn the commonalty. I hold for sure, that those which defend the troth, be the most noblest knights and gentlemen in your Camp: for they rob not upon high ways, neither steal out of Churches, destroy no corn, burn no houses, spoil no people, neither do consent to men of vile conditions: for they observe the law, and obey the king. I hold these for rebels amongst the commoners, Hernando of Aualos that did invent it, your Ladyship that doth sustain it, your husband that doth defend it, the Bishop of Zamora that doth prosecute it, Sir Peter Giron that doth authorize it, Sir Peter Lasso that doth publish it, Sarabia that doth commend it, Quintanilla that doth accompany it, Sir Charles of Aurellano that doth honour it, and Sir Peter Pimentel that commands it: all which know not what they follow, much less what they demand.  
I do well understand that Hernando of Aualos was the first that invented the state of all things in common, and I know that in your house was commanded and ordained, to make convocation in Auila, and the order to raise all Castille, in such manner, that he made the fire, and your Ladyship did blue it. A black correction was that of Giberaltar, which was taken from Hernando of Aualos. Since it was the cause that he deceived you, and you john of Padilla, and john of Padilla Sir Peter Giron, and sir Peter Giron sir Peter Lasso, and Sir Peter Lasso the Abbot of Compludo, and the Abbot of Compludo the Bishop of Zamora, the Bishop of Zamora the Licenciat Barnardine, the Licenciat Barnardine Sarabia, and Sarabia all the rest of the Litany. I have many times thought, devised and also inquired, what motion might move your Ladyship to vow the alteration of this kingdom: and all your friends and kinsfolk do answer, that you have divined or else dreamt, to see your husband master of Saint james, which if it be so, is a most certain great lightness, and no small vanity: for it may come to pass, that in the place to give him the cross, they may put him upon the cross. If you would make your husband Master of Saint james, you must take some other order, and give him some other counsel: for so great a dignity in times past was not obtained to the masters thereof by rebellion, (as you that have raised all Castille) but by fight valiantly with the Moors in the voyage of Granado. In all the common wealths of this world there be friends and enemies, contented and discontented, prosperous and unfortunate, and also loyalties and treasons, wherein the one or the other is known: the loyal in that they give themselves to serve, and the traitors to spoil and rob. Your Ladyship hath to remember that king john is dead, and king Henry gone, they have cut the throat of the Marshal Peter Pardo, and they have banished the justice Castromino, the Captain Sapico was drowned in a well; and Fernan Centeno was hanged: in whose miserable times, who could do most had most, but now praise be to God, he that will have any thing, must not only crave but deserve. If stories do not deceive us, Mamea was proud, Medea was cruel, Martia was envious, Popilia was unchaste, Mirtha was malicious, and Domitia was rash: but I have read of none that hath been disloyal and a traitress, but your Ladyship that hath denied the fidelity that you own, and the blood from whence you are descended. Your Ladyship descending from a parentage so honourable, of blood so ancient, of father so valiant, and of lineage so noble: I know not what sins you have committed (that it should be your chance) to match with a husband of so small discretion, and he to obtain a wife of so great wisdom. Women naturally were wont to be pitiful, but your Ladyship is cruel, they were wont to be mild, but you are fierce, they were wont to be patient, but you are quarreling, and also they were wont to be cowards, but you are over hardy: in such wise that to the Duchess of Vilalua, succeeded the Lady Mary of Padilla. Assiria complaineth of their scandal Semiramis, Damascus for Mithridates, 
Famous women.  Armenia for Pincia, Grecia for Helena, Germany for Vxodonia, Rome for Agrippina, Spain for Hecuba, and now Castille complaineth not that they are raised for you, but that you have raised them. To quiet this City of Toledo where you are resident, neither the commandments of the King is sufficient, neither the promises of the Governors, neither the siege of the Prior john, neither the threatenings of Sir john de Ribora, neither the entreatance of the Archbishop of Varry, neither persuasions of your brothers, neither yet prayers of the monasteries, but that every day more and more you are fleshed in war, & less friend to peace. Also they report that you have a sorceress or rather a fool to your slave, which is a great witch: and (they say) that she doth affirm and make you believe, that ere it be long, you shall be magnified with the title of Grace, and your husband with the title highness, in such wise that you stands in great hope to succeed the queens Majesty, and your husband no less to succeed the King's highness: which I cannot believe, nor lightly will believe. But if by chance there be any thing, beware of the Devil, and have no confidence in spirits: for joseph did dream that he should be Lord of his brethren, but he dreamt not that they should cell him into Egypt for a slave. But it may be (considering the Devil is so skilful and very subtle) he hath prognosticated unto you the same that now you hold, the authority that your husband now possesseth, how the king should be absent, and Castille rise and be in rebellion: but on the other side, he hath hidden from you how the commonalty shall be defaced, and how yourselves shall be cast away. Zorastes that was inventor of that art of magic, Democritus the Philosopher, Arthenius Captain of the bands, Pompeius' Consul of the Romans, julia the daughter of julius, and others infinite with them, gave themselves to speak with Devils, and to believe much in dreams: which (as they believed) if they were alive, would recount unto us the great deceipts the Devil used with them here on earth, and the great torments that they give them there in hell. I did never see, 
Ungodly sciences.  neither ever did read man or woman to believe in dreams, use witchcrafts, deal with necromancers, mark or study in Augurise, practise with Enchantors, & incommende themselves to Magisians, that were not holden for light witted, and for evil Christians, for the Devil with no man holdeth so strait friendship, to the end to advise him, but to deceive him. Also they make report of your Ladyship here, that you entered the vestorie or treasure house of Toledo, to fetch the plate that was there, not to the end to renew it, but to pay your men of war. The manner that you used in fetching the same hath not seemed here a little gracious, which is, that you entered kneeling, holding up your hands, covered with black, 
A religiu● theft.  striking your breast, weeping and sobbing, with two burning torches before you: O fortunate theft, o glorious pillage, o happy plate, since thou hast deserved to be stolen with so great devotion from that holy Church. Men, when they steal do fear, and weep when they be hanged: the contrary is found in your Ladyship, since you weep when you steal, I think you will laugh at execution. The Romans to sand a certain present unto the God Apollo in Delphos, all the Ladies and women of Rome gave their collars from their necks, their rings from their fingers, their bracelets from their arms, and also their ear rings from their ears: because they held them better employed to be given to their temples, than to wear them to their own uses. Madame, God grant that you be now a better Christian, than you would have then been a Roman: since you have presumed to take the plate from the Church of Toledo, with an evil will would give your gold to the temple of Apollo. To take from soldiers to give to the Church, it passeth: but to take from the Church to give unto Soldiers, is a thing very slanderous and intolerable: in such wise as it was great sacrilege to take it from whence it was taken, and no less horrible to give it where it was given. Humbly I beseech your Ladyship to cut off these evils, leave that people, open those gates, retire your husband, quiet your own heart, give witchcraft to the Devil, and have pity on Toledo: for if otherwise the affairs go on, as they have begun, we shall not want wherefore to bewail, and you shall have to pay.  
From Medina del rio secco, the sixteenth of january .2522.   

An Oration made in the town of Braxima, unto the Knights and Gentlemen of the assembly, wherein the Author doth request them unto peace in the name of the King.  
MAgnificent and extreme Gentlemen, I do invoke and call to witness the God that made me, and I do swear by this holy temple that in all things that here I intend to speak, 
An eloquent persuasion.  my intent is not to defame any man, and less to deceive: because the religious habit wherewith I am clad, and the noble blood from whence I descend, give no place that I should be of malicious entrails, either double in words. Some of those that are here present do very well know my condition and my conversation: and also you do know the liberty I use to take in speaking frankly, and my bold plainness in preaching, and in the use of lying very cold, and in reprehending absolute. Yesterday which was New years day, I preached unto the governors, and to all the mighty and noble men of the kingdom that was there with them. And for that I did sharply say what was to be cut off, and in the kingdom to be amended: to day they have commanded me to come hither with this letter of credit and of safe conduit, to the end I should say unto you wherein you err, as I said unto them wherein they failed. Also gentlemen I bring with me a large instruction firmed by the Cardinal, the Admiral, and the Constable, in which is contained what word the King doth send you, and what they on his behalf do offer: because his writing being seen, and my tale heard, from henceforth either cruel war shall be determined, or a general and godly peace concluded. In sixteen days I have come hither to confer with you seven times: and because the governors will not any more command me to come hither, neither in these affairs farther to travel, it is necessary that this day we determine, and as friends or enemies to declare ourselves: for otherwise being as you are so near together, of necessity you must strike battle. I my Masters will say what I think, and also will speak what is commanded me, to the end, that the one and the other being heard, you may understand what you have to answer, and determine what you have to do. But first I have to complain of your captain Lares which took me, and misused me both in word and deed, he knowing very well that a mediator passing from Camp to Camp, in all places is accustomed to go safe. There is no reason that Lares should carry me taken as a thief, and use me with rudeness as a traitor, for I come in the King's name, and at the commandment of the governors, to bring peace and to avoid war, and besides this, if I were one of the world, he would hold himself right happy to be one of my servants: but leaving this apart, I will recite unto you what I have passed, and the heinous mischances whereat I have been present. Since the king hath been absent, and the commonalty raised, (you may credit me in all that I shall say unto you, which I have not divined either dreamt, but with my eyes have seen it) you well know of this your commotion the beginner was Harnando of Aualos, the captain sir Peter Ciron, the general john of Padilla, the counsellor the licenciate Barnardine, the accessary the Doctor Suniga, 
The auhors of Rebellion.  the ensign bearer Peter of Mercado, the chaplain the Abbot of Compludo, and the Metropolitan my Lord bishop of Zamora. I was present in Segovia at the first rising that was in this kingdom, when upon the xxiij of May on a wednesday after Easter, they pulled out of the Church of S. Mighell the justice Tordisillas, & carried him to the gallows, where they hanged him betwixt two hogs, as jesus Christ was betwixt two thieves.  
I was present also in Auila, when all the procurers of the assembly were joined together in the vestry of the great Church and there did all swear to prosecute and die for the service of the commonalty, (except Antony Ponce & I that would not swear:) whereupon commandment was given to pull down his house, and that I should depart from Auila. Also I was present in Medina del campo the xxij of the month of August, on a tewsday in the morning, when Antony of Fons seca came upon them in the break of the day with viij HUNDRED lances, and for that they denied him the king's artillery, he burned the town and the monastery of S. Francis. 
Hard shifts.  Also I was present there when the Shereman Bobadilla did rise, and others with him, and threw out at the town hall window, the justice Nieto, and slew Tells the Bookebinder, and forthwith took the house, placed porters, and entitled himself with grace and highness, as though he had been presently Lord of Medina, or that the King of Castille had been dead. I was present when Valiodolid first rebelled in burning Medina, and all in armour went the whole night pulling down houses, having for their Captain Vera the bit maker. Also I was in Valiodolid when the Cardinal fled away by the bridge, the Precedent put himself into Saint Benet's, the Licenciat Vergas scape out at a window, the Licenciat Sapata we brought forth in friars habit unto Sigales, and the Doctor Guevara my brother was sent in the name of the Counsel unto Flaunders: all the other lords of the royal Counsel I did not see them when they were taken, but I saw them afterwards prisoners, and now I see them fled, that they neither dare assemble, or execute justice. This other day I saw in Soria where they hanged a Procurer of the city, being poor, sick, and old, not because he had committed any evil, but for that some did wish him evil. To report unto you how they have thrown the Constable out of Burgos, the Marquis of Auia from Tordisillas, the Earl and Countess of Duneas, and the knights and gentlemen from Salamanca, and Sir james of Mendoza from Palentia, and how in place of these gentlemen they have taken for their leaders and captains, 
An untoward change.  bitten makers, sheremen, skinner's & lockmakers', is no small shame to recount, and infamy to hear. The hurts, murders, robberies, and scandals, that is now committed within this realm, I dare say, that of this so great fault we all are in fault, because our God is so right a judge, that he would not permit that all should be chastised, if all were not offenders. The affairs of this miserable kingdom is come to such a state, the through the same there is no way sure, no temple privileged, none that tilleth the field, none bringeth victuals, none the executeth justice, none safe in their houses: 
A miserable state.  yet all confess a king, and appeal to the king, but the disgrace is, that none doth observe the law, & none doth obey the King: believe me, if your people did acknowledge the King, and observe the law, neither would they rob the kingdom, or disobey the King: but for that they have no fear of the sword, nor doubt of the gallows, they do what they lust, and not what they aught. I know not how you can say, that you will reform the kingdom since you obey not the King, you consent to no governors, you admit no royal counsel, you suffer no Chancellor, you have no judges nor justices, no giving of sentence in matters of law, neither any evil chastised: in such wise, that your judgement to have no justice in the kingdom, 
A wrong devise to maintain a common wealth.  is to reform justice. I can not comprehend how you will reform this kingdom, since by your consent there is no subject that shall acknowledge a preacher, neither any Nun that keeps her cloister, no Friar that remaineth in his monastery, neither woman that obeyeth her husband, nor vassal that observeth loyalty, neither any man that dealeth justly: in so much that under the colour of liberty, every man liveth at his own wil I know not how you will reform the common wealth, since those of your camp do force women, ravish maidens, burn villages, spoil houses: steal whole slockes, cut down woods, and rob churches, in such wise, that if they leave any evil undone, it is not because they dare not, but for that they can not. I can not conceive how you will reform the common wealth, since by your occasion Toledo is risen, Segovia altered, Medina burned, Halaheios' besieged, Burgos fortified, Valiodolid immutined, Salamanca straggled, Soria disobedient, and also Valentia an Apostata. I can not perceive how you will reform the common wealth, since Naiarza is rebelled against the Duke, Dueas against the Earl, Tordisillas against the Marquis, Chincon against his Lord, since Auila, Leon, Toro, Zamora, and Salamanca, do neither more or less than the assembly doth command. So may my life prospero as I like of your demand: which is to weet, that the King be not absent out of this Realm, that he maintain all men in justice, that he suffer no money to be transported out of the Realm, that he give his rewards and offices unto the natural subjects of Spain, that they devise not any new tributes: and above all, that the Offices be not sold, but given to men of most virtue.  
These and such other like things you have licence to crave, and only the King hath authority to grant: but to demand of princes with the lance, that which they have to provide by justice, is not the part of good vassals, but of disloyal servants, we well understand that many people of this land do complain of the new government of Flemings, and to speak the truth, that fault was not all theirs, but in their small experience, and our much envy. Further, advertising that the strangers were not more to be blamed than our own country men, they knew not the state of things, either what offices to crave, neither how they would be sold, but that they were advised and also instructed in the skill thereof by the men of our own nation, in such wise, that if in them there did abound desire of gain, in us there did exceed the vice of cruel malice. Although Master Xebes and the rest have committed some fault, I know not that our Spain hath done any offence, 
Mischief for a medicine.  that you should in the same and against the same raise any war. The medicine that you have invented for the remedy of this mischief, is not to purge but to kill. But since you will needs make war, let us examine here against whom is this war? not against the king, because his tender youth doth excuse him: not against the Counsel, for they appear not: not against Xebes, for he is in Flaunders, not against the Governors which have but now entered their offices: not against the Gentlemen, who have not offended: neither yet against tyrants, for the Kingdom was in peace: than is this war again your own country, and against our own (lamentable) common wealth. The want of providence in the king, neither the avarice of Xebes is sufficient cause that we should see that which we do see, the people to rise against people, fathers against the sons, the uncles against their cousins, friends against friends, neighbours against neighbours, and brothers against brothers: but that our sin hath so deserved to be chastised, and yours hath merited that you should be our scourge. Speaking more particular, you are not able to excuse your fault, for beginning as you did the assembly of Auila, from which counsel all this war hath had his feeding, and of a troth presently I did divine and also preach that is to wit, that never was Monipody of any kingdom, whereof did not arise some notable scandal. The kingdom is now altered, the king is disobeyed, the people are now risen, the hurt is already begun, the fire is already in flame, and the common wealth goeth sinking to the bottom. But in the end, if it like you, a good end may be made, from whence may proceed all the remedy, for that we have firmly to believe, that God will rather hear the hearts that pray for peace, than the mischiefs and drums that proclaim war. If it may like you to forget some part of your anger, and the governors to loose some part of their right, I hold it all for finished. And to speak you the troth, in popular and civil wars, men do rather fight for the opinion they have taken, than for the reason that they hold. My judgement should be in this case, that you should join with the Governors to talk and confer for the grieves and things amiss, and to understand for the remedy thereof: for by this means you should grow to more ripeness for the things you have to demand, and in our king and master more facility in that which he should grant. If it may please you to leave your armour, and give faith unto my words, I swear by the faith of a Christian, & by this letter of credence that I bring with me, do promise' you that you shall be pardoned of the king, and well entreated of his governors: that you shall never for this deed be chastised, neither yet in words be blamed or defamed. And because it shall not seem that your zeal hath been in vain, and that the Governors doth not desire the common wealth, I will here show unto you, what they will do for the kingdom, and what kindness on his majesties behalf they will bestow upon you, which is as followeth.  
First, they promise' you, that at any time when the king's Majesty shall be absent from this kingdom, he shall place a Castilian to govern Castille: 
Large offers.  because the authority & greatness of Spain endureth not the government of strangers. Also they promise' you, that all the dignities, holdings, and offices of the kingdom and Court, shall be given to Spaniards, and not to strangers: notwithstanding there be many noble personages that have well deserved and in whom they were well employed. Also they promise' you that the royal rents of the people shall be rated at an indifferent rent, in such wise, that the Cities may have reasonable gain, and no great loss to the king. Also they promise' you that if in the regal counsel shall be found any examiner, or any other officer, (although it be the precedent) unwise or unapt for government, and not learned to give sentence, or not honest of life, that his majesty shall absolve him of his office: notwithstanding they may be affectionate to some, and also offended like other men. Also they promise' that from henceforth his Majesty shall command his justices of Court and Chancery, that they shall not use their commandments so absolute, neither their chastisements so rigorous: notwithstanding that sometimes they be in some things fierce, because they may be more feared and also more esteemed. Also they promise, that from henceforth his Majesty shall command to reform his house, and also remove the excessive charges thereof: considering that disordinate expenses bring forth new tributes. Also they promise' you, that for any need the King's Majesty may have, he shall not carry, neither yet command to be carried any money out of this kingdom to be transported into Flaunders, Almaigne, or Italy: considering that incontinent, traffic decayeth in kingdoms where money wanteth. Also they promise' that his Majesty shall not permit from henceforth, Biscay Iron, Alum of Murcia, Victuals of Andolozia, nor Sacks of Burgos, to be laden in strange bottoms, but in ships of Biscay and Galizia, to the end that strangers shall not rob, and our Country men to gain whereby to eat. Also they promise' that his Majesty shall not permit to be given from henceforth, fortress, Castle, bridge, gate, or town, but unto Gentlemen plain and courteous, and not unto Gentlemen or Knights of power, which in revolting times may rise with the same: considering that in the ancient times none might have Artillery or Fortress, but the King in Castille. Also they do promise' you, that from henceforth his Majesty shall not permit licences to carry corn into Portugal, neither from Mancha to Valentia: considering that many times to have licence to transport thither, is here amongst ourselves cause of great dearth. Also with all brevity his Majesty will command the contentions and matters in law to be examined and considered, that have been continued betwixt Toledo, and the Earl of Velalcassar, and Segonia, and sir Fernando Chichon, and of jaen with the town of Martos, and Valiodolid with Simancas, and that of sir Peter Giron with the Duke of Medina: considering that those in possession do delay, and the dispossessed complain. Also they promise', that the King will command to reform the excesses, give law for banquets, reform Monasteries, visit Chanceries, repair sorts, and fortify all the frontiers: considering that in all these things there is necessity of reformation and also of correction. If you my Masters be such as you publish yourself throughout Castille, which is to wit: that you be the redéemers of the Common wealth, and the restorers of the liberty of Castille: behold here we offer you the redemption, and also the resurrection thereof, because so many and so good things as these are, neither did you remember to demand, either would presume to crave: now is the hour come wherein of necessity it must be manifested, whither you speak and mean one thing. For if ye desire the general wealth now is it offered you, and if you pretend your particular interest, it may not be granted you: for speaking the troth it is not just, but most unjust, that with the sweat of the poor common wealth you should seek to amend the state of your own houses. But let it be for conclusion since we be here in the Church of the town of Braxima, of my part I do humbly beseech you upon my knees, and in the behalf of the governors I do request you, 
Pithyly persuaded.  and on the King's name I command you to leave your armour, to discamp your camp, and to unfortifie Tordisillas: if not, I justify this offer for the governors, that all the evils, mischiefs, and slaughters that hereafter shall happen in this kingdom be upon the charge of your souls, and not upon the burden of their conscience.  
As I kneeled down at the speaking of these last words, forthwith came unto me Alonso of Quintanilla and Sarabia, bore headed and with great courtesy, did help me to rise and forced me to sit down. During the time I did speak all that is aforesaid, it was a thing to look upon, and worthy consideration: how some of them did behold me, some did stamp, some did eye me, and also some did mock me: but I never the more did leave to note, either stay to speak. After I had finished my Oration, they all with one voice said and desired the Bishop of Zamora to speak his judgement, and that afterwards they would all see what were convenient to be done. Forthwith the Bishop took me by the hand & in the name of them all, he said unto me: Father friar Antony of Guevara, thou hast spoken sufficiently, and also for the authority of thy habit as a man over rash, but for that thou art a young man and of small experience, neither knowest thou what thou speakest, either understandest thou what thou demandest, either waist thou made a Friar being a boy, or else thou art angry, or knowest little of this world, or thou wantest judgement: since thou presumest to speak, & such things wouldst make us believe: but thou father (being stayed within thy monastery) knowest not of tyrannies which they execute in the kingdom, & that which the knights & noble men hath tiramnised of the real patrimony, for which cause, 
A sharp reprehension.  thy intent shall be received, although thy words not believed. I have heard say, that thou art rash in thy speech, and sharp in reprehending, and jointly therewith I did believe (since the Governors had thee in their company) that thou hadst a good zeal and no want of judgement, but since they suffer they foolishness, it is not much that we endure thy words. God hath been thy good Lord that none of the captains of the war hath been present, for according to thy disordered talk which thou hast used, they would first have taken away thy life before thou mightst have finished thy tale, & then it might be in our hands to be sorry, but not to remedy. 
A friendly advise.  When some other day thou shalt talk in the presence of so great authority & gravity as these are which be present, thou oughtest to be in that thou shalt say very moderate, & in the manner of thy speech very much measured, because thy speech hath been rather to scandalise than to mitigate us, for that thou pretendest to condemn us and discharge the governors: and since we be but Captains to execute and not judges to determine: it is convenient that thou givest us by writing firmed with thy hand all that thou hast said, and promised on the King's behalf: that we may send it to the Gentlemen of the holy assembly, and there they shall see what they have to command us, and to answer to thy embassage: presently they sent a post to Tordisillas, (for there was the assembly) with the credence that I brought, and with the talk I had used, which gave for answer, that so cold a message, and such disordered talk deserveth no other answer but to be well reprehended, & also grievously punished. Presently they commanded me to depart from the town of Braxima without any letter, neither any word that I should say to the governors: except this Bishop that said unto me, Father Guevara far you well, & beware you come not again, for if you do, you shall return no more: and say unto your governors, that if they have authority from the king to promise' much, their commission extendeth to perform very little. This done and said, I returned to Medina del rio Secco evil used, and worse answered, and from thence after I had spoken & the Bishop answered me, wars was determined, and peace never more spoken of. It was no small grief unto Sir Peter Giron and Sir Peter Lasso of the foul words they used with me, and of the evil answer their fellowship gave me, for surely they would right gladly have been reduced to the King's service, and that peace should have been established. Sir Peter Giron met me upon the way when I returned, and there conferred upon such and so delicate things, whereof did rise that he retired from the Camp to Villalpandos, and that the governors should march unto Tordisillas, & so it was brought to pass. By that journey the Queen was delivered, and they of the assembly taken.   

A letter unto Doctor Melgar Physician, wherein is touched (by great eloquence) the hurts and profits that Physicians commit.  
RIght reverent Doctor & Caesar's Physician, I have received your letter, and the receipt that came therein: & whether I did speak or not speak unto the Precedent in your case, you may understand by the dispatch thereof, & by the report of your servant: in such wise, that you have performed with me like a Physician, and I with you like a friend. And whether you or I have done best, it is to wit, you in curing of me, or I in dispatching of you, let good men see & judge, since I remain with my gout, & you have obtained good deliverance. Sir I commanded those herbs to be sought, & the roots to be gathered: and according to the tune of your billet, I have gathered, stamped & drank them, and God give your soul better health, than they did profit me any thing for my gout, for they did inflame my liver, & too much cool my stomach. I will confess unto you that as in this my disease you did not only err, but also you did hurt me: every time, that with the cold my stomach beginneth to belike, 
Cruel prayers.  presently I say, a shame beshine Doctor Melgar, since my disease was not above the girdle, but from the thigh downwards, I did not crave that you should purge the humours, but deliver me from pain, I know not why you should chastise my stomach, my foot making the offence? I commoned with Doctor Sotto here in Toledo, as concerning a Sciatica I had in my thigh, & he commanded to be given unto me two Cautories with an boat instrument behind the ears, & the profit I gathered thereof was, he gave all the Court occasion to laugh, and mine ears to endure great pain. And in Alcala I commoned with Doctor Cartagema, and he did ordain me a certain receipt wherein was contained the gall of an Ox, the ordure of a Rat, the bran of Oats, the leaves of nettles, the buds of Roses, and Scorpions fried, to make a plaster to be laid unto my thigh: The profit and great ease I gathered thereof was, it kept me from sleep three nights, and I paid to the Apoticary that made it ten groats: but from henceforth I renounce the counsels of such counsellors, the Aphorismos of Ipochras, 
The authors of Physic.  the fines or conclusions of Auicene, the cases of Ficino, the compositions of Rasis, and also the Canons of Erophilo, if in their writings that wretched and cursed plaster be to be found, which as it did not suffer me to sleep, much less to take any rest, I did not only take it away but also buried it, for that it did not only stink most filthily, but burned me most grievously. I remember that in Borgos Anno 21. Doctor Sotto cured me of a certain wandering fever, made me eat so much Apium, take so much Barley water, and drink so much stilled Endive, that I fell into such a thirst, that only I could not eat, neither so much as to abide that favour of meat. Not many years after I went to visit the same Doctor Sotto being sick in Tordisillas, and saw him eat an Orange, & drink a cup of fragrant white wine after the cold had left him, and the heat began to come upon him. Wherefore I did not a little marvel, and half offended I said unto him laughing: tell me Master Doctor in what law is it contained, or what justice doth suffer it, that you cure yourself of your Ague with wine of S. Martin, and on the other side you cure my Sciatica with dung of oxen? Whereunto graciously he made me answer, your Lordship (Master Guevara) hath to understand, that our master Ipochras hath given commandment to all Physicians his successors, that upon pain of his malediction we should cure ourselves with wine, and our pacientes with stilled water. Although Doctor Soto told me this tale in jest, 
A tale told in jest, believed in earnest.  I did firmly believe it, because you Master Doctor did once say unto me in Madrid, that in all the days of your life, you never received compound purgation, either proved the fast of stilled water. There is no art in this world that makes me loose the stirops (or to say better) my wits, but the manner that Physicians do use to cure: For we see them desirous to cure, and enemies to be cured. And because Master Doctor you writ unto me, also you swear and conjure me, by the desire I wish to the welfare of my father, that I writ unto you, what is my judgement of Physic, and what I have read of the inventors birth & and first rising thereof. I will perform your request, although it be more than others would wish, for it is a matter that the wise Physicians will delight in, but wherefore the foolish will give both you and me to the devil.  

Of the most ancient inventors of Physic and medicine.  
IF Pliny do not deceive us, there is no art of the seven liberal Arts, wherein there is practised less troth, and which hath passed more mutability than the Art of Medicine. Because there hath not been kingdom, people, either notable nation in this world, where she hath not been received, and after entertainment, again thrown out of the same. 
Great travails that physic hath past.  For if as she is a medicine, she were a man, immeasurable were the travels that she would report that she had suffered, and many and very many are the kingdoms that she hath traveled, and provinces that she hath wandered, not because they neglected to be cured, but for that they held Physicians suspicious & to be doubted. The first that amongst the greeks found the art of curing, was the Philosopher Apollo, and his Son Aesculapius, which for being so famous in Physic, 
Physic hath wandered many countries  they concurred unto him, as unto an Oracle throughout all Grecia, but the chance was thus. This Aesculapius was but a young man, and by great mischance was slain with lightning. And as he left no disciple that knew his secrets, neither that could make his medicines, the master and the Art of medicine jointly did perish. Four hundred and forty years was the Art of Physic lost, in such wise, 
Physic utterly decayed the space four hundred years  that in all the world there was not a man found that did cure publicly, or was called Physician: for so many years passed from the time that Esculupius died, until the birth of Arthaxerxes the second, in whose time Ipochras was borne, Strabo, Diodoro, & also Plini maketh mention of a woman of Grecia, that in those most ancient times did flourish in the art of Physic, of whom they recite so many monstrous things and so incredible, that to my judgement they be all, or the more part of them feigned: for if they should be true, it seemed rather that she raised the dead, than cured the sick. In these days there did rise in the province of Achaia an other woman, that began to cure with psalms and words, without applying any medicine simple or compound: which being known in Athens, was condemned by decree of the Senate to be stoned to death: saying, that the Gods, neither nature, had given remedies for sickness in words, but in herbs and stones. In the days that they had no physicians in Asia, the Greeks held for custom when any man had made experience of a medicine, and did heal with the same, he was bound to writ it in a table, and to hung it up in the temple of Diana, that was at Ephesus: for that in the like case any other might use the same remedy. Trogos, Laertios and also Lactantius saith, that the cause whereby the Greeks did sustain themselves so long time without Physicians was, 
Rules to be noted.  that in May they did gather sweet herbs which they kept in their houses: they were let blood once in the year, did bathe once every month, and also they did eat but once a day.  
Conformable to this Plutarch doth say, that Plato being demanded by the philosophers of Athens, if he had seen any notable thing in Tinacria, which is now called Sicilia, made answer, vidi monstrum in natura, bominem bis saturum in die, which is to say, I did see a monster in man's nature which did fill or feed himself twice in one day: he said thus by Dionysius the tyrant, which was the first that invented to eat at noon, and afterwards to sup at night: for in the old worlds they did use to sup but not to dine. I have curiously considered, and in great variety of books I have sought, and that which I found in this case is, that all the nations of this world did eat at night, and only the Hebrews did feed at none: but following our intent, it is to understand, that the temple most esteemed in all Asia, was the Temple of Diana: the one cause was, for that it was stately of buildings, another, for that it was served with many Priests, but the most principal cause was, for that the tables of Medicines were hanged there, to cure the diseased. Strabo sayeth, that eleven years after the battles of the Peloponenses, 
The place whereas Ipochras was borne, and other famous men.  the great Philosopher Ipochras was borne in a little Island named Coe, in which also were borne those glorious personages Lycurgus and Brias, the one Captain of the Athenians, and the other Prince of the Lacedæmonians Of this Ipochras it is written, that he was of small stature, somewhat pore blind, with a great head, of much silence, painful in study, and above all, of a high and delicate judgement. From xviij. years unto thirty five, Ipochras continued in the schools of Athenes studying Philosophy and reading, and notwithstanding that in his time many Philosophers did flourish, he was more famous, renowned, and esteemed, than all the rest. After that Ipochras departed from the studies of Athenes, he wandered throughout divers kingdoms and provinces, enquiring and searching of all men and women, what they did know of the properties and virtues of herbs and planets, and what experience they had seen of them. At which things he did writ and incommend unto his memory. Also Ipochras did search with most great diligence for other books of Physic, written by any other ancient Philosophers, 
The diligence of Ipochras.  and it is said that he found some written books, in which their authors had written no medicine that they had made, but such as they had seen made.   

Of the Kingdoms and Provinces where Physicians were banished.  
Twelve years Ipochras did travel in this peregrination, after which time he retired unto the temple of Diana that was in Ephesus, and translated all the tables of medicines, and experiments that were there preserved many years, he put in order all that was before confused, and added many things that he had found out, and other things that he had experimented. This Philosopher Ipochras, is Prince of all Physicians in the world, for he was the first that took pen to writ and to put Physic in order.  
Also it is said of him, that he never made error in that he prognosticated, either in any disease he took in cure. Ipochras did give counsel to Physicians, that they should never take in hand to cure any disordered patient, and did counsel the sick to shun the unfortunate Physician: for (saith he) he that cureth may not err, where the patiented is of good government, and the Physician fortunate.  
The Philosopher Ipochras being dead, for that his disciples began to cure, or to say more truly, to kill many sick people of Grecia, (for that the science was very new, and the experience much less) it was commanded by the Senate of Athenes, 
Physicians banished out of all Greece.  not only that they should not cure, but also departed out of all Grecia. After that the disciples of Ipochras were thrust out of Grecia, the art of Physic was banished and forgotten an hundred and threescore years, so as none durst to learn, and much less to teach the same: for the Greeks had their Ipochras in such estimation, that they affirmed that Physic was borne and buried with him. Those hundred and threescore years being past, another Philosopher and physician was borne named Chrysippus, in the kingdom of the Sicionians, which was as renowned amongst the Argives, as Ipochras amongst the Athenians. This Philosopher Chrysippus, although he were very well learned in Physic, and very fortunate in the experience thereof, of the other part he was much opinionative and of presuming judgement: for all the time of his life & lecture, and in all his books that he did writ, his purpose was none other, but to impugn Ipochras in all that he had said, and only to prove most true that which he affirmed, in such wise, that he was the first Physician that pulled medicine out of reason, and put it in opinion. The Philosopher Chrysippus being dead, there was great alteration amongst the Greeks, which of the two doctrines they should follow, which is to wit, that of Ipochras or of Chrysippus, and in the end it was determined that neither the one should be followed, or the other admitted: for they said, 
Another hundred years physic banished out of Greece.  that neither life nor honour aught to be put in disputation. After this the Greeks remained an other hundred years without Physician, until the time of one Aristrato a philosopher which did rise amongst them. He was cousin to the great philosopher Aristotle, and was resident in the kingdom of Macedonia, where he of new did exalt the art of Physic, not for that he was more learned than his predecessors, but for that he was more fortunate than all the rest. This Aristrato recovered fame by curing king Antiochus the first, of a certain disease of the lights, in reward whereof the young prince his son that was named Ptholemus did give a thousand Talents of silver, 
An exceeding reward.  and a cup of gold, in such wise, that he won honour throughout all Asia, and riches for his house. This Philosopher Aristrato, was he that most defamed the art of Physic, because he was the first that set Physic asale and began to cure for money, for until this time all physicians did cure, some for friendship, and some for charity. The Physician Aristratus being dead, there succeeded him certain his disciples, more covetous than wise: which for that they gave themselves to be more handsome men of their money, than to cure diseases, 
The first physician that cured for money.  they were commanded by the Senate of Athens, that they should not presume to teach physic, much less to cure any person.   

Of other travels that Physic did pass.  
ANother hundred years in Asia was physic forgotten, till the time that Euperices was raised in the kingdom of Tinacria, but for that he and another Physician did vary upon the curing of King Chrysippus (the which at that time reigned in that Isle) it was determined by those of the kingdom, 
Physic banished another HUNDRED years.  that they should only cure with simple medicines, and not presume to mix or make compositions. Long time the kingdom of Sicill continued, and also the greater part of Asia, without the knowledge of the art of medicine, until the time that in the isle of Rhodes there remained a certain notable physician and philosopher named Herosilo, a man that was in his time very learned in physic, and very skilful in Astrology, Many do say that this Herosilus was master to Ptolomeus, and others say that he was not, but his disciple: but be it as be may, he left many books written of Astrology, and taught many scholars also. This Herosilus held opinion, that the pulse of the patient aught not to be taken in the arm, but in the temples, saying: that there never wanted that, which in the arm was sometime hidden. This physician Herosilus was of such authority amongst the Rhodians, that they held this opinion, to take the poulse in the temples, all the days of his life, and also the lives of his scholars, who with his scholars being all dead, the opinion took an end, although it were not forgotten. Herosilus being dead, the Rhodians would never more be cured, neither admit any other physician in their country: the one cause, was not to offend the authority of their philosopher Herosilus: and the other, for that naturally they were enemies unto strange people, and also no friends of new opinions. This being past, physic fell asleep other four score years, as well in Asia as in Europa, until the great philosopher & physician Asclepiades was raised in the Island Mitiline: A man sufficiently well learned, and most excellent in curing. This Asclepiades held opinion, that the pulse aught not to be sought in the arm (as now they seek) but in the temples, or in the nose. This opinion was not so far besides reason, but that long time after him, the physicians of Rome and also of Asia did entertain the same. In all these times it was not read that any physician was borne in Rome, or came into Italy: for the Romans were the last of this world that did entertain Clocks, jesters, Barbers, & Physicians. 
In four hundredth years, Rome reserved no Physicians.  Four hundred. iij. years and ten months, the great city of Rome did pass, without the entertaining of any Physician or Chirurgeon. The first that hath been read to have entered Rome, was one that was named Antony Musa, a Greek borne, and in science a Physician. The cause of his coming thither was, the disease of Sciatica, that the Emperor Augustus had in his thigh: the which when Antony Musa had cured, and thereof wholly delivered him, in remuneration of so great a benefit, the Romans did erect unto him a picture of Porphiry in the field of Mars, and farther and besides this, did give him privilege of citizen of Rome. Antony Musa had gathered exceeding great riches, & also obtained the renown of a great Philosopher, if with the same he could have been contented, and not to have exceeded his Art of physic: but this was the chance of his sorrowful fate. Giving himself to cure by Surgery, as also by medicine, it is some time necessary in that Art to cut of feet, or fingers, and to make incisions: the Romans being not used to behold such cruelties, and to suffer so intolerable grieves, in one day and in one hour they stoned him to death, & drew him all abouts in the streets. From the time they stoned this miserable Antony Musa, they consented not to have any Physician or Chirurgeon in all Italy, 
Nero brought from Greece vices and physicians.  until the time of the wicked Emperor Nero, which at his return from Grecia, brought unto Rome many physicians, and also many vices. In the times of the Empire of Nero, Galba, Octo, and Bitello, physic did much flourish in Italy, and the physicians did greatly triumph in Rome: but after the death of these Princes, the good Emperor Titus commanded the Orators and also the physicians to be driven out of Rome. The Emperor Titus being demanded why he did banish them, 
Physicians banished by Titus the Emperor.  since the one were advocates for matters in law, and the other did cure the diseased? he made answer: I banish the Orators, as destroyers of the customs, and also physicians as eni●●●● to health. And more he said, I do also banish the physicians to take away the occasions from men that be vicious, for that we see by experience, in the Cities where physicians be resident, there is always abundance of vices.   

A letter written from Grecia to Rome, wishing them to beware of the Physicians that were come thither.  
THE great Cato of Utica was no small enemy to all physicians of this world, specially that they should not enter within the Empire of Rome, 
Cato an enemy of Physicians.  who from Asia did writ a letter unto his son Marcellus that was in Rome, after this manner. In thee and in me it appeareth most clearly, that more is the love that the Father beareth unto the son, than the son unto the father: since thou forgettest thyself to writ unto me, neither yet to provide for defence of thy necessities. If thou wilt not writ unto me as to thy father, writ unto me as unto thy friend: not withstanding it is much more which thou owest unto my hoar hairs, and also unto my good & friendly works. As concerning the rest, my son Marcellus, thou knowest that I have been resident a Consul here in Asia five years, of which the most time I have continued here in Athens, where all Grecia do hold their notable studies of their renowned Philosophers, and if thou wilt understand what I conceive of these greeks, it is, they speak much and perform little, they call all men barbarous, and only themselves Philosophers: and the worst of all is, they be ready friends to give counsel unto all men, & enemies to accept the same, injuries they know to dissemble, but never to pardon: they be very constant in hatred, and very mutable in love and friendship. Finally my son Marcellus I say unto thee, that naturally, they be proud to command, and untamable to service. Behold here what in Grecia the Philosophers do read and teach, and what the popular people do learn: and if I do writ unto thee, it is, for that thou shalt not pain thyself to come into Grecia, neither to pass thy thought to leave Italy. Since thou know'st and also dost understand, that the gravity of our Mother Rome, neither may suffer youthly wantonness, neither admit novelties. That day that the fathers of our sacred Senate shall permit the Arts and letters of Grecia to enter Rome, from that day I hold our common wealth as lost: for our Romans do esteem and make account to live well, and the greeks but only to speak well. In those kingdoms and Cities where schools and studies be well ordered, and on the other part their common wealths evil governed, notwithstanding we see them flourish, very shortly we shall see them famish, for there is not in all this whole world any thing that justly may be termed perpetual, but that which upon troth and virtue is founded. Although all the arts of Grecia be suspicious, pernicious & scandalous, yet I say to thee my son Marcellus, for the commonwealth of our Mother Rome, the worst of them all is physic, for that all these greeks have sworn to sand to kill by medicine those which they might not overcome by arms. Every day I see here these physic Philosophers hold amongst themselves great altercations, about the curing of infirmities and the applying of certain medicines: and that which is most to be wondered, that doing what the one commandeth, and the other counseleth, we see the patiented cruelly tormented, and sometimes finish his days: in such wise, that their question riseth, not how they shall cure him but how with medicines they may kill him. My son Marcellus, thou shalt advise the fathers of the Senate, if they bring thither vj. physic philosophers which be departed hence out of Grecia, that they suffer them not to read or teach physic, either to cure in the common wealth: because this art of medicine is so perilous to be exercised, and so delicate to be understood, that there be many that do learn, and very few that do know it.   

Of seven notable benefits that proceedeth from the good Physician.  
BEhold here master Doctor, the beginning of your Physic declared, and how it was found, how it was compiled, how it was lost, how it was banished, how it was received, and also how sorrowfully she went wandering from common wealth to common wealth. Master Doctor, by your letter you also crave of me, that I writ unto you, not only what I have read of Physic, but also my judgement thereof: which I will accomplish to do you pleasure, and also for that it may 
Nota  be seen, how much profit riseth from the good Physician, and what hurts from the evil. Medicine is to be praised, because the maker of all things did created the same for the remedy of his creatures, giving virtue to waters, plants, herbs, stones, & also in words, to the end that with all these things men should be cured, and with their health serve him. 
The causes of praise of physic.  God is much 〈…〉ed with the patience which the sick man useth, but much more with the patience, charity, and hospitality that the whole and sound man performeth. It is a thing religious and also necessary to procure bodily health, and to serve God, for if the sick man have good desires: his works be weak, but he that is whole, sound, and virtuous, hath good desires and excellent, and also notable works.  
Medicine is to be praised, when it is in the hands of a Physician that is learned, grave, wise, stayed, and of experience: for such a Physician with his science shall understand the infirmity, with his wisdom seek his medicine, and with his great experience what and when to employ the same.  
Medicine is to be praised, when the Physician useth not the same but in sharp diseases that be very perilous: which is to wit, for the Pluresy, Squinancy, inflammation, sharp Fever, or Apoplexy: because in cases so dangerous, and in perils so perilous, all things for health is to be provided, and the Physician in all things to be credited.  
Physic is to be praised, when the Physician is so wise, that he doth heat a great repletion or heat of blood, by washing the megrim with a fume, a grief of the stomach with a sacket: a heat of the liver with an ointment: bleared eyes with cold water: a constupation of the belly with a Glister: and a plain Fever with good diet.  
Physic is to be praised, when I shall see the Physician that cureth, profit more with simple medicines that nature hath created, than with compounds which Ipochras hath inuented● in such wise, that having power to cure me with clear water, he force me not to drink stilled Endive.  
Medicine is to be praised, when the physician is expert, that knoweth the times to be considered in a sick man, that is to wet: when they have their beginning, increasing, and also their declinations, ordering the rule and remedy according to the disease and the estate thereof traveling to know the complexion of his patient, enquiring his estate past, and judging aforehand what may happen in time to come, giving order for the case present, always having regard to the strength and puissance of the patient.  
Physic is commendable, when the physician seeth a sick man in great peril, and stricken with a doubtful sickness, doth delight that they shall call an other unto him, (and more if the patient desire) upon such condition, that every one of them do give themselves to study & to consult for the recovering of health, & not that they prepare to argue and contend. The physician that with these conditions doth use to cure, we may safely call and put our trust in him, and also with our purses pay him: because the effect of physic consisteth to have ability to understand the grief, and experience to minister.   

Of nine pernicious evils that Physicians do commit.  
I Lament me unto you Master Doctor of many filthy Physicians, idiots, rash, and unexpert, that which having heard a little of Auicene, or for that they have been resident at Gadulupe, or servants to the queens Doctor, they transportthemselves to the university of Merida, or else with a rescript from Rome, they take degree of Bachelors, Licentiates, and Doctors, of whom the old proverb may justly take place, which saith, Physicians of Valence, long robes and small science.  
I complain me unto you Master Doctor of many common physicians and inexpert, the which if they take in hand any strange or perilous diseases, after they have purged the sorrowful patient, let him blood, ointed, & given him Syrup, they know not to apply any other remedy, either practice any other experience, but to command him after supper to receive a culesse prepared, and in the morning's tisan clarified.  
I complain me unto you master Doctor, of many young and childish physicians, and without judgement, which to an ague that is simple, ordinary, common, not furious, neither dangerous, they make their receipts as large and deep from the apothecary, as if it were an inflamed pestilence, in such wise, that it shall be less hurt unto the sorrowful patient to endure the evil he possesseth, than to abide the remedy that such provide.  
I complain me unto you, master Doctor, of many of your companions that presume of learning, and (of troth they be no fools) which do never cure us with simple medicines, either do minister unto us that which is plain, gentle and not furious: but to give us to understand, that they know that which others know not, they make their receipts of things so strange and out of use, that at the present they be very difficile to be found, and afterwards more difficult to be received.  
I complain me unto you master Doctor, of many of your servants and doltish bachelors, in consideration that a●… infirmities having their chreticke or determinative days, going from day to day making their course, that they have no care to consider thereof, and much less to reckon on what day the disease began, either the hour wherein the access did first offend, to behold whether the disease goeth increasing or diminishing: because to apply or minister a medicine in one hour, or in an other, there dependeth no more but the life of the man.  
I complain me unto you master Doctor, that generally all you that be Physicians, do wish each other evil, being different in condition, and contrary in opinions, wherein it appeareth most clear, that some follow Ipochras, some Avicen, some Galen, some Rasis, some the Counsellor, some Ficine, and other some none at all, but their own judgement, & that which is most to be lamented, is, that all the mischief lieth not but upon the sorrowful patient, because at the time you should cure him, you give yourselves to disputing.  
I complain me unto you master Doctor, of many physicians that be childish in age, new in office, rude in judgement, and not well stayed in their wits, which in any experience that they have seen, read, or heard, be it never so difficult to be done, or perilous to take, presently they command it to be performed, although it be not requisite but hurtful to the disease, whereof riseth many times that one foolish experience doth cost the sick man's life.  
I complain me unto you, and also of you master Doctor, that generally all you Physicians do make your receipt for such things as you command us to take, in dark latin, in blind cypherings, and in terms unused, with great and large receipts, which I know not wherefore nor to to what end you use it for if it be evil that you command, you aught not to do it, and if it be good, let us understand it: for that we, and not you, must take them, and also pay the apothecary for them.   

The Author's judgement of Physic.  
BEhold here master Doctor delicately touched, not only the commodities that good Physicians do perform, but also the great hurts that the evil Physicians do commit. And to say the troth for my part I do believe it, that notwithstanding my complaints be many, your faults be much more: since to the cost of our lives you win great fame, and obtain great wealth. 
The rule and Lordship of the Physician  With the rule and Lordship of the Physician no man may compare, for at the instant they enter our door, we do not only put them in trust with our persons, but also we part with them our substance, in such wise that if the barber draw forth three ounces from the vain of the head, they draw forth ten from the vain of the chest. After the charitable exercise of alms giving, there is nothing better employed than that which is given to the Physician that happeneth to perform his cure, & on the other part, there is nothing in this world so evil spent, as that which the Physician getteth that erreth in his cure, which doth deserve not only to be unpaid, but also for the same to be well chastised. It was a law much used, and also a long time observed amongst the Goths, 
A law amongst the Goths.  that the sick man and the Physician betwixt them made bargain, the one to cure, and the other to pay, and if by chance he did not cure according to his promise and band: in such a case the law commanded that the Physician should loose the travel of his cure, and also pay the Apoticary. I assure you Master Doctor that if this law of the Goths were observed in these our days, that you and your companions would give yourselves more to study, and would be better advised in the things you should take in hand, but for that you be very well paid whether the patient be cured or not cured, and if ye happen to perform the cure, you attribute the glory unto yourselves, but if not, you lay all the fault in the poor patient. This appeareth most clear, for commonly you charge the patient that either he is a glutton, drinketh much water, eateth much fruit, sleeps at noon, doth not receive that he is commanded, takes too much air, or doth not endure to sweat: in such wise that the sorrowful patient which they cannot cure, they do not forget to defame. It seemeth not a little gracious unto me, that which your Ipochras affirmeth, which is, that the Physician is not to be esteemed, that of himself is not well fortunate: whereof we may infer that all our lift and health doth depend not in your medicines that you minister unto us, but in the fortune good or bad, that the Physician holdeth. He seemeth to have small confidence in Physic, that durst publish such a sentence: for if we stay ourselves by this rule of Ipochras, 
A sentence of Ipochras.  we must fly the wise Physician that is ill fortunate, and seek to be cured with him that is unwise and fortunate. In the year of xviij. I being sick in Osoruillo, which is near unto your house of Melgar, coming to visit me, you said that I had to consider, for that you had killed Sir Ladron mine Uncle, Sir Beltram my Father, Sir james my cousin, and the Lady Ynes my Sister, and that if I had a mind to enter into that brotherhood, you would rather undertake to kill me, than to cure me: although Master Doctor you spoke it in jest, yet in deed it was most true: for which cause since I heard you speak it, and read that rule of Ipochras, I determined in my heart never more to offer my pulse, neither incommend my health unto your counsel, because in my lineage of Guevara your medicine is unfortunate. Of many famous physicians I have seen performed divers famous cures, and of many foolish Physicians, I have seen brought to pass many and great doltish follies. I speak it for this cause master Doctor, for in the hands of the Miller we loose but our meal, in the Ferrar but our Mule, in the Lawyer but our goods, in the Tailor but our garment, but in the hands of the Physician we loose our lives. O how great necessity aught he to have, & how convenient it is for him first to consider, that at his mouth hath to receive a purgation, or to consent that in his arms they let him blood, for many times it doth happen that the sick would give all that he hath to be delivered of his purgation, or to recover his blood into his arm.  
In this whole world there be no men of more health than such as be of good government, and reck not to follow physic: 
The Emperor Adrian'S opinion of Physicians.  for our nature craveth to be well ruled, and very little to understand with Physic. The Emperor Aurelius died of the age of threescore and six years, in all which time he was never purged or let blood, neither did use Physic, but every year he entered the Bath, every month he did vomit, every week he did forbear to eat one day, & every day did walk one hour. The Emperor Adrian, for that in his youth he was greedy in feeding, and disordered in drinking, he came to be in his age much grieved and sickly of the gout, with great pain in the head, whereby he went ever laden with Physicians; and of great experience of many medicines. If any man be desirous to know the profit he found by physic, and the remedies be received of Physicians, he may easily understand in that (at the hour of his death) he commanded these words to be engraven upon his tomb, per ●… turba medicorum, as if he should speak more clear, mine enemies having no power to kill me, am come to die by the hands of Physicians. They report a certain thing of the Emperor Galienus, of a troth worthy to be noted, and gracious in hearing, which is, that the Prince being sick and very evil of a Sciatica, a certain famous Physician had the cure of him, which had used a thousand experiments without any ease or profit: on a certain day the Emperor called and said unto him, take Fabatus two thousand sexter 〈◊〉 and also understand, that if I give them, 
A notable reward in the place of punishment.  it is not because it 〈…〉 hast cured me, but for that thou shalt never more hereafter cure me. To how many Physicians might we say 〈…〉 those days as the Emperor Gabenus said unto his Physician 〈◊〉 which although there be not named Fabates, with great reason we might tear me them Bobates: for they neither knoweth him 〈…〉 that offendeth the disease, either 〈…〉 apply a necessary or convenient medicine. As God sai●… and master Doctor, for my part I do firmly believe, that it should be sounder counsel for us, for no cause to pay the ignorant Physicians (to the end they shall not cure us) than for that they should minister unto us: for we ●…earely see with our own eyes, 
Valiant physicians.  that they kill more with their receipts from the apothecaries, than their predecessors have slain fight in the wars. 
The author's opinion of Physic.  But this shall be the conclusion of my letter, that I do accept, approve, praise, and bless medicine: and on the other side I do curse, reprove and condemn the Physician that knoweth not to use the same. For, according to that which your Pliny sayeth (speaking of medicine) non rem antiqui damnabant sed artem. As if Pliny should speak more clear, the ancient wise men and such as banished Physicians out of their common wealths, did not condemn medicine, but the art of curing, that men had invented in the same: for nature having laid up the remedy of diseases in simple medicines, they have framed and shut it up in things compound, in such wise, that many times it is less painful, to suffer the disease, than to abide the remedy. No more but that our Lord be your protector, and give me grace to serve him.   
From Madrid, the xxvij. of December. 1525.   

A letter unto Mosen Puche of Valentia, wherein is touched at large, how the husband with the wife, and the wife with the husband, aught to live. A letter for the new married.  
Young and new married Gentleman Mosen Puche, to be married unto the Lady Mary Gralla: and the Lady Mary Gralla to be married with Mosen Puche, from hence I wish them good success of their marriage, and from hence I pray unto God they may delight each other long and many a day. Mosen Puche to be married with a wife of xv. years, and the Lady Mary to be married unto 〈◊〉 husband of xvij. if I be not deceived, there remaineth unto them sufficient time to enjoy their matrimony, and also to bewail their marriage.  

Ancient laws for the married  Solon So●…onio commanded the Atheni●es that they should not marry until the age of xix. The 〈…〉 commanded the Lacedæmonians that they should not marry until the age of xxv. The Philosopher Promotheus commanded the Egyptians that they should not marry until the age of thirty. years. And if by chance any durst marry before the appointed age, the fathers were publicly chastised, and the children not holden for legitimat. If Mosen Puche and the Lady Mary Gralla were of Egypt (as they be of Valencia) they could not escape unpunished, and also their children disinherited.  
For the great courtesy that I have received of your mother, and for the entire amity and perfect love I held with your father, in the time I was Inquisitor at Valencia it grieveth me to see you married in so tender years, and laden with so great a charge: for so great a burden is matrimony, as you neither may have licence to leave it, either have you age to suffer and support it. If your father did marry you of himself without consent, he used with you no small cruelty: and if you married without licence, you have committed no less rashness. For a young man of xvij. and a young woman of xv. to dare set up house, their deeds declareth great temerity, and want of good counsel in the consent thereof: for the poor younglings, neither do they know the burden they take in hand, either feel the liberty that they loose. Let us understand what conditions the wife aught to have, 
The conditions of the happily married.  and what conditions the husband must hold in possession, to the end they may be happily married: and if it be found in Mosen Puche, and in the Lady Mary Gralla, from henceforth I confirm and ratify their marriage, and condemn myself to have spoken without skill. The properties due to a married wife is, that she have gravity when she walketh abroad, wisdom to govern her house, patience to suffer her husband, love to breed and bringing up her children, affable with her neighbours, diligence to lay up and to save goods accomplished in things appertaining to honour, a friend of honest company, and a great enemy of wanton and light toys.  
The properties appertaining to the married husband is, 
A note for the married.  to be reposed in his speech, mild of conversation, faithful wherein he is trusted, wise wherein he giveth counsel, careful for the provision of his house, diligent in the ordering of his goods, of sufferance for the importunities of his wife, zealous in bringing up of his children, advised in things of honour, and a sure man with all men that he dealeth. But now demanding answer, if in the xvij. years of Mosen Puche, and in the xv. years of Lady Mary Gralla, we shall find all that we have said, or that ever they thought thereof. In men of so tender years, and married so young, it is to be suspected, that such and so delicate things, neither do they know to understand when they be told them, neither yet being wanting to ask for them: but I answer and also prophesy unto the xvij. years of Mosen Puche, & to the xv. years of the Lady Mary Gralla, that if they will not learn all these properties, and after their learning observe them, that in a little further process of time, they with their burden shall fall to the ground, or else either of them seek new love. I hold it not for so weighty to be admitted a novice friar, as a young man to be married, for the one may refuse and come forth, and the other may not repent. The incommodities that do follow the marriage of xvij. with xv. Mosen Puche and the Lady Mary Gralla can more effectually declare, than I can writ. For if I say aught, it is by guess, but they may affirm it as feeling witnesses. For men to marry themselves very young, there followeth great hurts: which is to understand, their wives are broken and spoiled in their child bed, weaken their strength, laden with children, spend their patrimony, soon moved to jealousy, not comprehending what appertaineth to honour, they understand not to provide for the household: the first loves finish, and new cares approach, in such wise, for marrying themselves so young, they come afterwards to live discontented, or else to be separated in their old age. 
A grave sentence of Plato.  The divine Plato gave counsel to his common wealth, that they should marry their children in such an age, wherein they should understand what they did choose, and very well perceive what they took in hand. Grave and very grave is this sentence of Plato, for to take a wife, or to choose a husband is no hard thing, but to understand to sustain an household is very difficult. I have not been married, neither have had any motion to be married, but for as much as I have seen amongst my kindred, and have read in books, by that I have suspected of my neighbours, and by which I have heard of my friends, I found by my reckoning, that those that chance to be well married, have here their Paradise, and such as have had worse chance, of their house they have made an hell. What man to this day, that hath matched with a woman of such perfection, that wished not in her some things to be amended? What woman hath chosen a husband so accomplished, that found not in him some thing to be misliked?  
In the first view of wooers & of their contraction few marriages be displeasant, but in process of time few things be liked, and that which is most certain being in want, and money spent, incontinent without delay, displeasures knocks at gate. O sorrowful married man, if thou marry with a gentlewoman, thou must bear with her pomp and folly: If thou encounter with a woman that is mild and wise, thou must accept her poverty: if thou match with one that is rich, 
The travels of the married man.  it may happen thee to be ashamed of her kindred? if thou choose thee a wife that is fair, thou hast mischance sufficient to watch her: if it be thy chance to obtain a wife that is foul, after few days thou wilt shun thy house, and also seek new lodging: if thou boast thyself that thy wife is wise, and of goodly parsonage, also thou complainest that she is costly and no house keeper: if thou say of thyself that thy wife is a good housewife, forthwith it is reported that no servant may endure her fierce cruelty: if thou dost glory that thy wife is honest and chaste, many times thou dost abhor her for that she is too much jealous: what wilt thou that I say more? O thou poor married man, that which I speak, besides that is spoken, is: If thou shut thy wife within doors she never ceaseth to complain: if thou give her leave to walk at liberty, she giveth occasion for thy neighbours to talk, and thyself to suspect, and if thou do much chide, she goeth always with a crooked countenance: & if thou say nothing, none may endure her: if thy dispense be in her disposition, the stock goeth to wrack: if the laying out be in thine own hands beware thy purse or secret sale of thy goods: if thou keep thee much at home, she thinks thee suspicious: and if thou come late home, she will say that thou dost wander: and if thou give her good garments she must go forth to be seen, if she be not well appareled thou art bidden to an evil supper: if thou show thyself loving she esteemeth thee little, if thou be negligent therein, she suspecteth thee to be in love else where: if thou deny what she craveth, she never ceaseth to be importunate: & finally if thou unto her discover any secret, she cannot but publish it: behold here the reason, and also the occasion wherefore, if in the common wealth there be ten well married, there be a hundred that do live abhorred and in repentance, which presently would departed from their wives, house and chamber, if they could finish with the Church, as they can perform with their conscience. If matrimony amongst Christians were as it is amongst the Gentiles to be divorced at every man's liking, I swear there would be more haste to the lent of divorcement, than to all the rest of the year to be married.  

That no man do marry but with his equal.  
THe rules and counsels that I will give here unto those that are to be married, and also unto such as be already married: if they be not profitable to live contented, at the lest they shall serve them to avoid many displeasures. The first wholesome counsel is to understand, 
Equality betwixt the married very necessary.  that the woman choose such a man, and the man such a woman, that there be equality both in blood and in estate: which is to wit: the Knight with the Knight, the merchant with the merchant, the Squire with the Squire, and the ploughman with the ploughman: For if herein there be disconformity, the more base shall live most discontented, and the other of more worthy degree very much repentant. The merchant that marrieth his daughter unto a Knight, and the rich ploughman that taketh a man of worship unto his son in law: I do say and affirm, that they bring into their house a proclaimer of their infamy, a certain moth for their garments, a tormenter of their fame, and also a shortner of their lives. In an evil hour hath he married his son or daughter, that hath brought into his house such a son in law, or daughter in law, that is ashamed to name him father, 
Household enemies.  whose daughter or son he or she hath married: in such mariadges it can not truly be said that they have brought to house a son, but a Devil: a daughter but a Snake: not: to serve but to offend: not: children but basilisks: not to honour him, but defame him. Finally I say, that he that marrieth not his daughter with his equal, shall find it less evil to bury than to marry her: for if she die, they shall bewail her but one day, but to be evil married, is to bewail her many years. The rich merchant, the poor squire, the wise plough man, and the good townflike crafts man, needs no daughter in law that can frill and paint herself, but such as he skilful very well to spin: for that day that such men shall presume to have in ure the carpet and pillow, 
A caveat for Parents.  that day they spoil their house, and their goods sinketh to the bottom.  
I return again to say and affirm, that such men beware, that brings into their houses a son in Law that presumeth of worship, and knoweth not but to walk up & down the streets: that accounteth to be a trim Courtier, and that is skilful at cards: and dice: or boasteth himself for running of horses: for in such cases the poor father in law must fast, to the end the foolish son in law may have to spend in follies. But the conclusion of this counsel shall be, that all men marry their children with their equal and according to their estate, otherwise I do certify before the year be out, it shall reign upon their heads that seek a foolish or an inconvenient marriage.  
Also it is a counsel very expedient that every man choose a wife according to his complexion and condition: for if the father marry the son, or if the son do marry of necessity & not at his liking, the sorrowful young man may not say (of a troth) that they have married him, but for evermore have marred him. To the end that marriages be perpetual, loving and pleasant, betwixt the man and the woman there must be a knitting of hearts, 
A knitting of hearts before striking of hands.  before striking of hands: it is very convenient that the Father give counsel unto the son that he marry to his contentation, but in no wise to use violence to force him against his liking: for all violent marriages engender hatred betwixt the married: contention betwixt the fathers, scandal amongst the neighbours, law betwixt the parents, and quarrels betwixt the kindred: neither is it my opinion that any should marry suddenly and secretly, as a vain light young man: for every marriage done only in respect of love without further advisement, most times do end in sorrows.  
It is a thing very common that a young man of small age and less experience, but of to much liberty, knowing not what he doth love, and much less what he taketh in hand, groweth enamoured of a young girl and marrieth with her, which (at the very instant) when he hath finished to taste her, he beginneth presently to abhor her. The thing that is most to be procured betwixt the married is, that they love entirely and fervently: 
Love cometh running, and returneth flying  for otherwise they shall all day go sorrowing with crooked countenances, and the neighbours shall have no want whereof to speak. Also I will advise them to have their loves fixed, true and sure, settling in the heart by little and little: for otherwise, by the self same way that love came running, they shall see her return flying. I have seen many in this world love in great haste, which I have known afterwards abhor at great leisure. One of the most painfullest things contained in man's life is, that if there be a hundred permanent and constant in love, there is also a hundred thousand that never cease to abhor. It is also to be advertised, that the counsel which I give unto the father to make no marriage without consent of his son, the same I give unto the son, that he marry not against the will of his Father: for otherwise, it may come to pass, to receive more offence by the malediction of his father, than his marriage portion may yield him profit. Young men when they marry in their youth have no further consideration but of their pleasure, and only content themselves to have their wives beautiful: but the father and mother, for that it toucheth both honour and goods, they seek him a wife that shall be wise, rich, gentle, honest and chaste: and the last thing they behold, is, her beauty. The marriages that be made, hidden and in secret, I say it groweth of great lightness, and proceedeth of no small cruelty: for it giveth to all the neighbours whereof to talk, and to their old parents wherefore to weep. It happeneth many times that the mother overwatcheth herself to spin, and the Father to grow old in gathering a sufficient portion. And at the time they shall entreat or talk of an honest marriage, the foolish young man remaineth secretly married, whereof after followeth, that the mother remaineth weeping, the father ashamed, the kindred offended, and the friend scandalised: and yet thereof proceedeth a greater grief, which is, that the son hath chanced to match with such a wife, that the father holdeth his goods not only evil employed, but is much ashamed to admit her into his house. Also another offence riseth in the like marriage, which is, many times the fathers do determine, with the sons portion to remedy and amend the daughter's marriage: and as the young man's most principal intent is to enjoy the maid without care of goods: the sister remaineth cast away, the son deceived, and the father derided. plutarch in his politics sayeth, that the son which married without consent of his Parents, amongst the greeks, was publicly whipped: amongst the Lacedæmonians they did not whip, but disinherit. Laertius sayeth, that unto such (so married) it was a custom amongst the Thebans, not that they should only be disinherited of all goods, 
In old time the father's blessing preferred before hope of inheritance.  but also openly be cursed of their parents. Let no man esteem it light to be cursed or blessed of their elders: for in the old time amongst the Hebrews, the children (without all comparison) held more account of their father's blessing, than of their Grandfather's inheritance.   

That the woman be very shamefast, and no babbler or full of talk.  
ALso it is a counsel very necessary, that the man which shall marry and set up house, 
Want of shamefastness in women most hurtful.  do choose a wife shamefast, for if forcibly there should be in a woman but one virtue, the same aught to be only shamefastness. I confess that it is more perilous for the conscience, but (I say) less hurtful to honesty, that a woman be secretly unhonest, than openly unshamefast. Very many infirmities be covered in a woman only by shamefastness, and many more suspected in her, that is of overbold and of shameless countenance. Let every man say what he will, but for my part I do firmly believe, that in a woman of a bashful countenance there be few things to be reprehended, and in her that is otherwise, there wanteth all things wherefore to be praised. 
The safety of women's reputation.  The safety that nature hath given unto a woman to keep her reputation, chastity, honour, and goods, is only shamefastness: and that day, that thereof she hath not great regard, let her yield herself evermore for a castaway. When any man shall inquire marriage of any woman, the first thing he hath to demand is not, if she be rich, but if she be shamefast: for goods is every day gotten, but shamefastness in a woman once lost, is never recovered. The best portion, the greatest inheritance, and the most precious jewel that a woman can bring with her, is shamefastness.  
For if the Father shall see that his daughter hath lost the fame, it shallbe less evil for him to bury her, than to marry her. The manner is, that many women presume to be talkers, and to seem gracious in taunting, which office I would not see them learn, and much less put in ure for speaking the troth, and also with liberty, that which in men we call gracious, in women we term it witless babbling.  
News, tales, vain fables, and dishonest talks, an honest woman aught not only shame to speak them, but also loath to hear them. The grave women & of authority aught not to care to be skilful of talk and news, but to be honest and silent: for if she much presume of talk and taunting, the very same that did laugh at her device, will afterwards murmur at her manners. The honour of women is so delicate, that many things which men may both do and speak, is not lawful unto women that they once dare to whisper them. The gentlewoman or women that will be holden grave, aught not only to keep silence in things unlawful and unhonest, but also in lawful things, if they be not very necessary: for women seldom err by silence, and by much speech they seldom cease to give cause of reproach. O sorrowful husband, whose lot hath chanced to light on a wife that is a great babbler, & yet would seem a curious speaker. For truly, if any such once take in hand to recite a matter or to frame any complaint or quarrel, she neither admitteth reason, or patiently suffereth any word to be said unto her. The evil life that women pass with their husbands, is not so much for that which they commit with their persons, as it is for that which they speak with their tongues: if the woman would keep silence, when the husband beginneth to chide, he should never have bad dinner, neither she worse supper: which surely is not so, 
The cause of domestical Combatts.  for at the instant that the husband beginneth to utter his grief, she beginneth to scold and yell: whereof doth follow, that they come to handy gripes, and also call for neighbours.   

That the wife be a home keeper, and avoiding all occasions.  
IT is also a commendable counsel that the wife presume to be honest, and an housekeeper: for when women in their houses will be absolute, they come afterwards to wander the streets dissolute. The honest woman aught to be very well advised in that which she speaketh, and very suspicious and doubtful in all things she doth: because such manner of women as have no regard to their words, do afterwards offend in deeds. For how simple and ignorant is that man, but he easily knoweth the honour of women to be much more tender and delicate than of men: and that this is true it appeareth most clear, for that a man may not be dishonoured but with reason, but for a woman to shame herself, occasion is sufficient. She that is good and presumeth in goodness to continued, may hold it for most certain, that she shallbe so much better as she shall have of herself less confidence: I say less confidence, to the end that she neither adventure to give ear to wanton or light words, or presume to admit feigned offers. Let her be as she may be, and deserve what she may deserve, and presume what she thinketh good: that if she delighteth to hear, and suffer to be served, early or late she shall fall. And if they shall answer that they do it for pastime and to laugh and be merry: to this I reply, that of such jests, they use to remain all to be jested. I advise, and readuise any Gentle woman, or other Dame of City or town: that she do not venture with cousin or Uncle, either with any other of her kinsmen to encommend herself or go alone: for if to be alone with a stranger there is to be feared of that may chance: with her Cousin or kinsman let her doubt what may be spoken. Let no honest woman have confidence in saying, the kindred betwixt them is so near, that it is impossible that any may mistrust them: for if the malice of man will venture to judge the thoughts, it is no credible that he will pardon that which he seeth with his eyes. The Gentlewoman or others that shall hear or read this my writing, I would they should note this sentence, which is: 
Suspicion no small enemy to women's lives.  That to a man for that he is a man, it is sufficient that he be good, although it doth not appear: but the woman, for that she is a woman, it is not sufficient that she be good, but that also it be manifest.  
It is to be noted and noted again, that as the provision of household dependeth only on the husband, even so the honour of all dependeth only of the woman: In such sort, 
The honour of the husband dependeth on the wife.  that there is no honour within thy house, longer than thy wife is honourable. We do not here entitle honourable such as be only fair of fare, of gentle blood, of comely parsonage, and a keeper of goods: but only her that is honest of life, and temperate and advised in her speech. Plutarch reporteth that the wife of Thucides the Greek, being demanded how she could endure the stench of her husbands breath, answered: 
A notorious example of a Greek.  As no other but my husband hath come near me, I thought all other men's breath had been of the very same savour. O example worthy to be known, and much more to be followed, which is taught us by that most Noble Greek: that the honest woman is so much to be advised, that she consent not the haunt of any unhonest company so near as to smell his mouth, either so much as to touch his garments.   

That the married woman be not proud or cruel.  
ALso is right worthy counsel, that the wife be not cruel and ambitious, but mild and suffering: for they be two things that give no small hindrance unto a woman, which is to wit: her much talk, and little sufferance: 
A furio●… woman is compared to the hill Ethna.  and thereof proceedeth, that if she be silent, all men do esteem her: if she suffer her husband, she shall be very well married O how unfortunate is that man, that is married unto a froward and a cruel woman: the hill Aethna doth not whirl out fire so furiously, as she throweth poison out of her month. Without comparison much more is the fury of a woman to be feared, than the ire of a man: for the angered man doth but discover his mind, but the fierce woman to scold, yell and exclaim can find no end.  
The amused man, and the woman that presumeth of honesty, aught not to contend with any other woman that is furious: for at the instant that she loseth her shamefastness, and kindleth her choler, she only saith not what she hath seen or hard, but also what she hath dreamt. It is unto me not a little gracious, that when a woman is kindled with a furious rage, neither heareth she herself, nor understandeth others, neither doth admit excuse, nor suffer word, neither taketh counsel, or cometh near to reason: And the worst of all is, that many times she leaveth to quarrel with whom she was first offended, and spiteth her malice against him that came to make peace. When any furious woman brawleth with any man or woman, and some other comes betwixt to make peace: she will not only afterwards give him small thanks, but also will raise against him many quarrels: Saying that if he had been the man she thought of, he would have chid on her behalf, and also revenged her cause. The woman that naturally is fierce and crabbed, she never thinketh to be angry with out a cause, neither skoldeth without reason, and therefore it is much better to lean her than to resist her. I return to rectify my saying: which is, that the house is unfortunate where the wife is a brawler and quarrelous: for such a one is always ready to chide, and never to confess her fault. The cruel brawling woman is very perilous, for she causeth her husband to be fierce, she giveth offence unto her kindred, she is hated of her cousins, 
An evil kind a measuring.  and the neighbours fly from her: whereof followeth sometimes, that her husband meeteth her body with his feet, and combeth her hair with his fingers. Unto a furious brawling woman on the one side it is a pastim to hear her chide: and on the other part it is terrible to understand what she will not let to speak: for if a procession of people shall take in hand to answer her, she shall weary them all with a litany of injuries. Unto her husband she saith, that he is negligent, his servants slothful, the maids sluttish, her Sons glutonous, her daughter's windowgazers, that friends be in grate, 
Malice finds many faults.  that the enemies be traitoures, the neighbours malicious, her Gossippes envious: and above all the rest, she saith that no man dealeth truly with another, either observeth loyalty with his wife. I do lie, if I did not see two honourably married, separate themselves for no other occasion, but for that the seely married man was sometimes sad at Table, and other times did sigh at bed. The woman said that her husband had some treason against her at the Table: and for the beauty of some other that he loved he did sigh in bed: and the certainty of the matter well known, the troth was, that the man was bound in a perilous suretyship, and could not be merry, but in the end for any thing that I could entreat, preach, or chide, I could never bring them agreed, until he had sworn and given me his faith, 
Commodities following a patient wife.  not to be sad at the Table, neither to sigh at bed. The woman that is patiented and suffering, shall be blessed of her husband, well served of servants, much honoured of neighbours, and in great reverence with her kindred. And where it is otherwise, let her hold it for certain, that they will all fly from her house & bliss themselves from her tongue. When a woman is fierce, proud, and cruel, small delight hath her husband that she is descended of gentle blood, of comely parsonage, rich of goods, and allied into his house: but he curseth the day he was married, and blasphemeth the man that first moved the matter.   

That Husbands be not rigorous, chief when they be new married.  
IT is also an aceeptable counsel, that the husband be not fierce, nor disorder with his wife: for betwixt them there shall never be concord, if the woman do not learn to keep silence, and the husband to have patience. I dare say (and in a manner swear) it shall rather be the dwelling of fools, than the house of friends, 
The dwelling rather of fools than friends.  where the husbands wanteth wisdom and the wife patience: for in process of time they shall either separate, or else every day be in battle. Women naturally be tender in complexion & weak in condition: to this end a man is a man, that he know to tolerate their faults, and cover their weakness, in such wise, that once they must support them biting, and an hundred times licking.  
If there be compassion of the man that is matched with a fierce wife, much more of the woman that is encountered with a furious husband: For there be men so fierce and of so small patience, that the poor women their wives, neither is their wisdom sufficient to serve them, neither their patience to suffer them, sometime for their children, sometime for their servants, and sometime for want of money: betwixt man and wife offences may not be excused: and in such a case I durst avouch, 
A time for the husband to seek his wits.  that then when the wife is angry, he hath need to seek his wits, which is to wit, to take all things in jest, or not to answer a word. If unto all things that the wife will be grieved and frame complaints, the wise man should answer and satisfy, let him hold it for certain, that he needeth the strength of Samson, and the wisdom of Solomon. Mark well married man what I say unto thee, which is, that either thy wife is wise, or else thy wife is a fool. If thou be matched with a fool, it availeth little to reprehend her, and if thou be married unto a wise woman, one sharp word is sufficient: because my friend thou hast to understand, that if a woman be not corrected by that which is said, she will never amend by that which is threatened. When a woman shall be inflamed with ire, the man aught to suffer her, and after the flame is somewhat quenched, to reprehend her: for if she once begin to lose her shame in the presence of her husband, they will every hour cleave the house with yells.  
He that presumeth to be a wise man, and to be a good husband, he aught rather to use his wife with mild reasons and sagacity, than with rigour and force: for the woman is of such disposition, that in the end of thirty years marriage, there shall every day be found thwart in her condition, and alterations in her conversation. Also it is to be noted, that if at all times the husband aught to shun quarreling with his wife, much more he aught to avoid the same when they shall be newly married: for if at the beginning she shall have cause to abhor and hate, late or never will she return to love. At the beginning of their marriage, the wise husband aught to fawn, flatter, and to enamour his wife: for if then they recover love each to other, although afterwards they come to some household words and grudgings it proceedeth of some new unkindness, and not of old rooted hatred. 
Forget not to make choice to harbour such guests.  Mortal enemies be love and hatred, and the first of them that taketh lodging in the heart, there he remaineth inhabitant all the days of life, in such wise, that the first loves may departed from the person, but never forgotten at the heart. If from the beginning of the marriage the woman do take the bit to abhor her husband, I commend them both unto a miserable life, and also unto an unfortunate old age. For if he shall have power to make her to fear him, he shall never have strength to force her to love him. 
Causes rather of pity than of envy.  Many husbands do boast themselves to be served and feared in their houses, of whom I have more pity than envy: because the woman that abhorreth, doth fear and serve her husband, but she that liketh doth love him and cherish him. Much aught the woman to travel to be in grace with her husband, and very much aught the husband to fear to be in disgrace with his wife: for if she do once determine to fix her eyes upon same other, he shall enjoy her in despite of her husband: for so long a journey, and for so painful a life, as matrimony is, the husband aught not to be satisfied that he hath robbed his wife of her virginity, but in that he hath possession and use of her will: for it is not sufficient that they be married, 
To be noted.  but that they be well married, and live very well contented. The man that is not beloved of his wife, holdeth his goods in danger, his house in suspicion, his honour in balance, and also his life in peril: because it is easy to believe, that she desireth not long life unto her husband, with whom she passeth a time so tedious.   

The Husbands be not over jealous.  
ALso it is a counsel to be embraced, that married men do avoid to be with their neighbours malicious, and of their wives jealous: because only two kinds of people be jealous, which is to understand, such as be of evil condition, and such as in their youth have spent their time in wantonness. Such kind of men do imagine, that their wives give the like entertainment unto others, as they received of their neighbour's wives: the which is no small vanity to think, and no less foolishness to speak: for if there be some that be dissolute, there be also other some wise, honest, and advised. To say that all women be good, is of too much affection: and to say that all be evil, is to great want of reason. It is sufficient to say, that amongst men there is many things to be reprehended, and amongst women there wanteth not wherefore to be praised: I hold it not for evil, that unto her which is vain and light, they use her not only with reason, but also taking away occasion: 
Good counsel.  but withal it is to be understood with this condition, that they use her not with such straightness, either give her so evil a life: whereby under colour to keep herein, they bring her to despair. We cannot deny but there be women of so evil condition, and so unhonest of inclination, that will not be corrected with force, either amended by chastisement. But it seemeth that such were borne into this world, only to torment their husbands and to shame their kindred. And on the other side there be women many and very many, which of their own proper nature be of so tractable condition and chaste inclination: that it seemeth not that they were borne into the world, but for a mirror to the common wealth, and a glory unto their whole kindred. I return once more to say, that sometimes it is not evil to shut the door, to remove her from the window, to deny her going abroad, and to deliver her from some suspicious company: 
Advertisements worth the following.  but this the husband must bring to pass with great skill, that he always show a greater faith in the liberty she hath, than in the watch or direction he giveth. I do praise and approve, that men with their wives be cautelous, but I hold it not for sure that they be over jealous: for women be of such quality, that they procure nothing so much as that which is most forbidden them. If the husband have the wife in suspicion, he aught to profit himself by skill, not uttering it in words: for if a woman do once found herself ashamed, she will not fail to found out the means and manner, to make the suspicion true, and not so much for the appetite she hath to be vicious, as she hath to feel her heart revenged of her husband. The force of Samson, the science of Homer, the prudence of Augustus, the cautels of Pyrrhus, the patience of job, the sagacity of Hannibal, and the vigilancy of Hermogenes, be not sufficient to govern a woman, either to bring her will in subjection: for finally and in the end, in all this world there is not so great force, that can make one good by force. The negligences, wants, and weakness that the husband shall see in his wife, it were no wisdom to proclaim them, neither yet presently to chastise them, but some he must gently correct, some advisedly admonish, some severely punish, some cut off, and the most and greatest part he must dissemble. 
To be considered.  For wise and patiented though a woman may be, only two things she cannot endure to hear, neither is her patience sufficient to suff●●, which is to understand, that any hold her for evil of body and foul of face: but notwithstanding she be evil, she will be holden for good, and being foul, she will be praised for fair. But let it be for conclusion, that when the husband is sure of all things, which is to wit: that his wife maketh no market of his person, that his fame wander not the streets, and that his goods go not to wrack, in my judgement it is meet, that he never handle her as one that is jealous, or speak unto her as one that is malicious: because the woman is much bound to be virtuous, when the husband in her commendeth great confidence.   

That if betwixt the married there happen some unkindness, they aught not to give part thereof unto neighbours.  
ALso it is a right profitable counsel, that in such wise the husband & wife behave themselves in their unkindness and differences, that they give no part thereof unto their neighbours: for they have to understand, that if they wish them evil they will rejoice, and if they wish them well they give them whereof to talk. There be men so cumbersome, 
An evil manner of conference  and women of such evil suffering, that they know not to chide, but yelling: nor the other to answer but crying: in such wife that their neighbours have an office in the week time to pacify them, and on the holiday to hear their grieves. The husband complaineth saying, that his wife is fierce, and that no Devil may deal with her. He also complaineth that she is jealous and suspicious, and that he is not able to live with her. He also complaineth, that she is impatient and foul tongued, and continually revileth him. He also complaineth, that his wife is weak, foul, and sickly, and that he spendeth all in curing her. Also he complaineth, that she is costly, slothful, and always sleeping, and that she riseth not till noon.  
Also he complaineth, that she is sluttish, idle and negligent, and that the things of his house she neither knoweth to gather together, and much less to lay them safe. Also he complaineth, that his wife is a seeker of kindred, a gossip, a street gadder, and that if she once take the door, until the stars shine she returneth not to house. 
The wives complaint.  On the other side the poor women for that they have no force to revenge, they profit themselves to complain with their tongues. The wife complaineth of her husband that he is sad, sullen, and melancholic, and that of an extreme evil condition: neither liked of his neighbours, nor endured of his servants. She complaineth of his husband, that he is furious, proud, and of evil suffering, and that many times when with choler he is inflamed, he beswingeth her maids, and also teareth her kerchief from her head. Also she complaineth, that he upbraideth her to be foul and evil favoured, a slut, a filth, and a jew: and that sometimes he speaketh so many and so great despiteful words, that they break her heart, and tear the tears out of her eyes. Also she complaineth that he consenteth not, that she go to see her father and mother, nor visit her friends and kinsfolks, and of pure malice he doth not suffer her to go out at door: and commandeth her at the mids of service to departed home from the Church. Also she complaineth, that her husband is jealous and suspicious without any occasion, and much less with any reason, and for that cause he doth not suffer her to go out at doors, or to look out at window, neither put on good garment, neither dress her head, or speak a word with any man, but that she must be watched as a maid, and hid in like a Nun. Also she complaineth of him that he believeth nothing that she speaketh, neither doth accept any service she can do him: for if he be once angry, presently he chargeth her with a lie, and whirleth all that he catcheth. Also she complaineth of him that he leaveth no married woman that he serveth not, nor widow that he followeth not, or woman at large to whom he goeth not, or wench with whom he dallieth not: and that he keepeth her (sorrowful and most unfortunate) to no other end, than to make ready children, dress the pot, and sweep the house. Also she complaineth of him, that not contented to take the wheat, the bacon, the butter, the oil, the cheese, to give unto such and such out of the door, but also stealeth from her, to give unto his minion that which she spinneth at the rock, and also what she getteth by making of lace. Also she complaineth of him, that he is a common gamester at tables and dice, & that not contented to play all the rent, and all that he can get: but also he playeth the furniture of his house and the jewels appertaining to her person. Also she complaineth of him, that many times he cometh from abroad so furious, so troubled, and so be devild, that none may abide him, or much less suffer him, but that he whippeth and chideth the children, he brawleth and maddeth with the maids, 
Froward out of measure.  he teareth and pulleth the boys by the hear, and also behayleth her by the locks. Of those and other such like things doth the man and the wife complain each of other, whereof to give part unto such as can not remedy it, neither convenient that they should understand it, it seemeth unto me, that in the man it is too much simplicity, and in the woman too much vanity.  
I return to say, that it is of small skill, and too much ignorance, since they will show unto none what they have in their chests, and at times will utter all that is in their stomachs. For a friend to show unto his friend, his bread, his wine, his money, and his garner, there is no inconvenience at all, but the inconvenience is in that we love, in that we desire, and in that which we worship: all which is not only to be kept secret, but also hidden and removed. The love and hatred that is fixed in the heart, it is necessary that it be locked and also sealed. For what do I reserve for him that I like very well, if I say unto all men what is hidden in my heart? unto him that loveth us with his heart, and we wish him good with all our heart, to him alone and to none others we have to manifest our heart. 
A counsel to be embraced.  The passions that they give us, and the misfortunes that they offer us, it is no wisdom to discover, but unto him that will help us to remedy it, and also will help to bewail the same: because the tears of a friend doth not a little disburden the heart of travel. If this be true, as it is, to what end doth the husband complain of the wife, and the wife of the husband, unto any which they know can give them no remedy, but jest, scorn and deride them? If any overthwarting of the husband, or any weakness be in the woman, it is great foolishness and little wisdom to utter where it is not known, for it is less evil, that others do suspect it, than to give them to understand it of their own mouth.   

That the Husbands provide things necessary for the house.  
IT is also a sound counsel, that the husbands be diligent and careful to make provision for their houses, to clothe their wives, to bring up their children, and to pay their servants, because in voluntary matters men may be negligent but the necessities of their house, do neither suffer negligence, or forgetfulness. The office of the husband is, to get goods, and of the wife, to gather them together, and save them. 
The office of the husband and of the wife.  The office of the husband is, to go abroad to seek living, and of the woman to keep the house. The office of the husband is, to seek money, and of the woman not vainly to spend. The office of the husband is, to deal with all men, and of the woman to talk with few. The office of the husband is, to be intermeddling, and of the woman to be solitary and withdrawn. The office of the man is, to be skilful in talk, and of the woman to boast of silence. The office of the man is to be zealous of honour, and of the woman to presume to be honourable. The office of the man is to be a giver, and of the woman to be a saver. The office of the man is, to apparel himself as he may, and of the woman as it becometh. The office of the husband is, to be lord of all, and of the wife to give account of al. The office of the husband is to dispatch all things without door, & of the wife to give order unto all things within the house. Finally I do say, that the office of the husband is, to husband the goods, & of the wife to govern the family. I thought good to say thus much, to the end that the house wherein every one performeth his office we may call a college of quietness, & the house wherein every one shifteth for himself, we may term it a hell.  
That the wife shall demand of her husband things superfluous and very costly, neither aught she to crave it, or the husband to give it: but if she require things necessary, they aught not to be denied, for the husband hath to conceive for most certain, that upon the gauges of honour, many times the wife doth provide for herself and her household. The husband that giveth not unto his wife, a coat nor mantel, smock nor shoe, kerchief nor sleeve, neither to cloth her children, nor yet to pay servants: and on the other part he seeth all these things provided for free, and made better: certainly such a one may well think that she rather getteth them trotting, 
Rather trotting than spinning.  than spinning. O how many women be evil, not because they would be so, but for that their husbands giveth them not that which is convenient: The which, by exchange of chastity, do supply their extreme necessity.  
To maintain house and family, it is not sufficient that the wife do spin, weave, sow, work, watch, and overwatch: but that also the husband do watch, sweat, and travel: and if not, he may hold it for certain, that his house shall be provided to the cost of his honour, and to the charge of her person. For poverty or weakness, no woman aught to do any thing to shame herself, or dishonour her kindred: but jointly with this, I dare avouch, that many times the negligence of the husband doth bring to pass, that his wife with him is absolute, and with others dissolute. I know not with what face, either with what heart he dare beat or chide his wife, since she never seeth him put hand to his purse to buy meat.  
The husband that conformably unto his estate doth maintain his family and sustain his house, just and most justly he may chide with his wife for the negligence that she useth, and for the excess that she committeth, 
Causes of spiteful patience.  and where it is not so, he must suffer what she speaketh, let pass what he heareth, use silence in what he suspecteth, and also dissemble what he seeth.   

That the Husband bring no suspicious persons to their houses.  
ALso it is a convenient counsel, that married men be friends and familiar with honest persons, and procure to avoid evil company. There be many that be evil married, not for the faults that in their wives is seen, but for she vicious words that unto her the malicious speaketh. If the husband be an Ox I say nothing, but if he be of judgement and discreet, he hath to take it for scorn and shame, that any man dare say any evil of his wife, since others seethe her not once a week, and he hath her every night in his chamber, every day at his table, and every hour in his house. If the wife be a fool, a babbler, a goer at large, wanton, light, absolute or dissolute, the husband is the first that should understand thereof, and the man that should presently therefore give remedy: and if he know it and do not amend it, 
Not small offence to God.  such an Ox and so behorned, they aught to permit to himself, since he will suffer it. One of the most grievous offences that we may commit against God, is: to bring hatred betwixt the man and his wife, and the wife and her husband: for if there shall any negligence he seen in the man, or any weakness found in the woman: we are bound to advise them, but have no licence to accuse them. Many times the husband is in fault, and over easily giveth credit unto his friends, neighbours, and also to his servants, the which if they advertise him of any evil of his wife: it is not so much for the zeal of his honour, as it is for the malice they bear unto her. Also it is hurtful unto the husband to be conversant with evil men: by the infamy that may proceed of their conversation, for there be some men so evil and of so far a fetch, that they procure friendship with the husband, to no other purpose, than to have an entry more sure to deal with his wife. It may be well suffered, that the neighbour, the friend, the kinsman, and the acquainted with the husband may have friendship with the wife, but no familiarity: because friendship requireth no more but communication, but familiarity leadeth to conversation. I am not of the opinion, that a man should have such confidence in any man: that certainly he durst say, upon my vow I assure thee, that I entered such a man's house, and with his wife did eat, laugh, and play, talk, and pass the time: because she is much my good Mistress, friend, and devout. I defy that friend that hath no other pastime but with his friends wife. That which is tolerable to be said in such cases, is: that such a man is my friend, 
The wife and sword must not be lent.  and his wife of some acquaintance: because it is an old proverb That the wife and the sword may be showed, but not lent: If unto the husband there happen any infamy for bringing his friend to house, & to bring him acquainted with his wife, let him complain of himself that was the cause, and not of his wife that stumbled.  
Plutarch saith, that it was a law amongst the Parthians, that the wives might not hold other particular acquaintance, but the friends of their husbands: in such wise, that amongst those barbarous people, the goods they held was not only common, but also the friends that they loved. I should think it good, that the wife should love the friends of her husband, and that the husband should love the kindred of his wife: because if he will obtain peace in his house, he aught to be served of his wife, & of her kindred honoured. The husband aught not to be so wilful or careless, that when the kindred of his wife shall come to house, that he leave to talk with them, & to entertain them with some cheer: because it should be unto her no small disgrace, and unto him great want of good nature. Sometime also the wives do conceive affections, and take in hand friendships to be excused (although not suspicious) for the sustaining whereof, they come to some quarrels with their husbands, and also sometime unto extréem unkindness, the which I allow not, neither much less do I counsel: because the honest or honourable and advised woman, hath to hold no friendship so dear: that it may be sufficient to breed unkindness with her husband. In any honest woman it is not tolerable to say, this is my friend: but to say this is of my acquaintance: because the married woman aught to have none for enemy, and only her husband to hold for friend. Also it seemeth not well unto me, that some women be to much affectioned, passioned, and bending, the which sometimes for defence of their friends and to stand forth to help their parties: do meet their hair by the fists, 
A foolish fashion to take up dust.  and also take up dust with their shoulders.   

That women aught to gather and to sow.  
ALso it is a right necessary counsel, that married women do learn, and also know very well to govern their houses, which is to weet, to gather, to sow, to work, to sweep, to play the Cook, and to sow with the needle: 
Necessary exercises for the married wife.  because they be things so necessary, that with out them, they themselves can not live, and much less content their husbands. Suetonius doth say, that Augustus the Emperor commanded the Ladies his children, to learn all the offices & qualities wherewith a woman might live & be maintained, and whereof she aught to boast herself: in such wise, that all which they did wear, they did spin and weave. For the greatness of any gentlewoman's estate, or nobleness of blood, or estimation of great wealth, so well doth a rock become her girdle, as a knight his lance, or a priest his book. When the Romans upon a certain wager, did sand from the wars to Rome, to understand what every man's wife did at home: amongst them all, the most famous and most praised was the chaste Lucrece, & for no other cause, but for that she only was found weaving, and all the rest idle. If they say unto one, that amongst the nobles it is a matter of no account to understand in these simplicities: to this I answer, that the honest woman hath not to be ashamed to spin, and to lay up, but to eat, rest, and talk: because the honour of a gentlewoman doth not consist to be set at her ease, but to be in business. If women would take pain in their houses, 
Idleness and chastity are greatenimies.  we should not see in the streets so many cast away, because in this world there is not so mortal an enemy unto Chastity, as is idleness. A woman that is young, in health, at liberty, fair, lusty, and taketh her ease, what is it that she thinketh leaning upon a cusshin? That which she performeth is, to set her down at leisure, to devise what form she may use for liberty to loose herself: in such wise, that she deceiveth all men, saying that she is good, and on the other part she enjoyeth her life at pleasure. What a delight is it to see a woman rise early in the morning, to stir about, her kerchief not all dressed, her coat tucked up, her arms bore, without slippers, chiding with the maidens, calling up servants, and dressing her children? What a pleasure is it to see her make her own partlet, to wash her clotheses, to air her Wheat, to sift her Meal, to gather her things together, to bake her bread, to sweep the house, to make the fire, and to set on the pot: and after meat to take her cusshin for bone lace, or her rock to spin? 
The works of an housewife.  there is no husband in this world that is so foolish or unsensible, that will not like his wife much better on the saturday when she worketh, than on the Sunday when she fristeth. I like not well of those women, that know no other thing but to go to bed at one, rise at eleven, go to dinner at twelve, and talk till night: and more and besides this, they know nothing but to trim their chamber where they shall lie, and to dress a withdrawing place where to work in, in such wise, that such be not borne but to eat, sleep, rest, and talk. Leaving apart the chamber wherein they sleep, and the place where they work, if you make a turn about the rest of the house, you will be ashamed to see it, & loathed to walk in it. where all things lieth disordered, and worse swept: in such wise, that many Gentlewomen to maintain an estate, make their house a stable. For a woman to be good, it is no small help to be always in business: 
A friendly warning to all mothers.  and by the contrary, we see no other thing, but that the idle woman goeth always pensitive. Let all manner of women believe me, that in any wise they busy their daughters in some honest exercise for I give them to understand (if they know not,) that of idle moments, and wanton thoughts, they come to make evil conclusions. No more but that our Lord be in your proceeding:   
from Granada the .4. of may .1524. years.   

A letter unto Mosen Rubin of Valentia, wherein he answereth to certain notable demands. A letter very convenient, for the woman that marrieth an old man.  
RIght worshipful ancient, renewed with youthly motion, your Letter read and considered, that which I conceive and comprehend thereof, is, that it containeth much writing, and cometh written in very gross paper, whereof it may very well be inferred, that you have waste time, and want of money. Small comfort should he have at your hands, that at this instant should crave your alms for a Coat, 
A Marevedy is the sixth part of a penny.  that hath not a Maruedye to buy a sheet of paper: Although I hold it for most certain, that if you have not at this present a Marevedy to buy paper, at other times you use to set an hundred ducats at a rest. The property and condition of Players is, sometimes to have great abundance, and at other times to suffer great lack, in such wise, that to day having too many ducats to play, on the morrow they have not to pay for their dinner. I have said it many times, and also written in my doctrines: that I envy not these gamesters for the money that they win, but at the sighs that they give: because, if they cast the dice with courage, with great sighs they wish their chance. But coming to the purpose of your demand, and answering to your request: I say, that if to all the demands of your letter, I shall not answer with grace and good eloquence, impute the fault to my disgrace, and also unapt disposition. And the cause of my disgrace endureth not to be written with ink in paper. But it sufficeth a man to be at Court, where be few things to be commended, but many to the contrary. Sir you writ unto me to advertise you of my opinion of the bailiwick of Orihnela, which the Queen hath given you, and the guard of the frontiers of Caspe, whither the Moors of Pampe do pass, and they of Africa do enter. To this I answer, that you have to make small account, that the Queen hath given you the charge of justice if god deny you his grace: because preheminent offices, by virtues be conserved, but heroical virtues amongs offices, do run in peril. In him that administereth justice, it is necessary he have good judgement to give sentence, temperance in his speech, patience to suffer, good counsel to discern, good disposition to justice, and fortitude to execute. If in the budget of your household stuff, you find yourself furnished with all these kind of goods: you may safely be judge of Orihnela, and also governor of Valentia. And if your ability stretch not so far, it should be more sound counsel for you, to keep your house, than to bring your honour in question and disputation. Also you wright unto me, to advertise you what was contained in the countess of Concentainas letter, which the queen showed me. That which passed in this case, is: that the Earl of Concentaina being dead, my Lady the Countess presently did wright unto the vassals of the Earldonr, a certain letter of the sorrow and grief of her husband's death: and in the end and conclusion of the letter, they placed according to the manner of such Ladies and widows, which is to wit, the sorrowful and most unfortunate countess, and added there unto in the place of the firm thereof, two great blots. The letter being received, and red by her vassals, in their counsel before all men: they advised to answer my Lady the Countess, and also to give her to understand, of the sorrow they conceived of the death of the Earl her husband and their Lord. And it seemed good unto them, that since she had changed the stile of her firm, that also they were bound too altar the stile of their letter: In which, the superscription thereof said thus: Unto our sorrowful Lady and most unfortunate countess of Concentayna: withinin the upper face of the letter, where they place the words of courtesy and congratulation, was after this manner: Right magnificent and most sorrowful Lady: at the end where was said, by the ordinance of the counsel, justice, & governors, were made three dasshes much blotted, in such wise, that according to the tenor of her writing, she answered: My Lady the Countess received no small offence thereof, and yet with good grace she said unto me, that she wished the error had passed by one man's fault, and not as it was by all their consents. Also you writ unto me to advertise you how it standeth with Mosen Burela, since the time he received that so great distress in Xatina: Sir unto this I answer, that unto me he giveth great sorrow to behold him, and no less compassion to hear him: because I see him wander laden with thoughts, and no less forsaken of friends. Believe me sir and be out of doubt, that he falleth not in all this world, that falleth not out of his prince's favour, because the fashion or stile of Court is, that the private and in favour, knoweth not himself, & with the fall, and out of favour, no man will grow acquainted. The houses and Courts of Princes be very fortunate unto some, & no less perilous unto others: because there, either they prevail and grow very great, or else utterly loose themselves. All Courtiers seem to me, to resemble the be, or else the Spider: wherein there be some persons in Court so fortunate, that all things whereon they lay hands, turneth to gold, and others so unlucky, that all which they pretend converts to smoke. As concerning our Mosen Burela, I can say unto you, that he is thoroughly smoked, as touching his honour: and no less stumbled and fallen in respect of his goods, because he hath lost the office that he held, and the credit wherewith he was sustained. Sir, also you wright to me, to advertise you of the state of the Sons of Vasko Bello, your friend and my neighbour: to this I answer, that their parents having past their lives in the trade of merchants, they have converted themselves to the state of Gentlemen: and to the end you understand me better, I say, they be not of the Gentlemen of ancient right, but such as have obtained by prize and purchase, because their goods being consumed, I hold their gentry fully finished. In the state that men do get their living, in the same they aught to conserve themselves: for otherwise, of rich Merchants, they become poor Servants. The Sons of Vesko Bello have quartered their goods, as if they should have quartered the same by justice: for the one part they have given to women, another to banquets, another to dice, and the other to wanton devices, in such wise, that that which their father's gate in Fairs, they spend and consume in follies. Sir, also you writ me to advertise you of my judgement, of a certain new marriage that they offer you in Villena with a woman that is rich, young, fair, gentle, and above all of good report and fame.  
As concerning the first, Sir I can say unto you, that such a marriage as this, is of many desired, and of few obtained, because there is not in this world, a woman so perfect and accomplished, the hath all in her, that of her husband may be wished, & nothing found in her to be removed & rejected. There be some Gentlewomen, the which if they on the one part be rich, of gentle blood, young, and fair, they hold on the other part, a certain overthwartness in condition, and certain frowardness in conversation, that their husbands hold it for less evil to dissemble that they see, than to chide or grow angry for that which they feel. Leaving this apart, Sir you have to consider, that if she be young, you are old: and if she be fair, you are hoar headed: and that it is not sufficient that she do content you, but that she also of you have very good liking: for otherwise, she walking with a crooked face, you shall pass with her a very tedious life. Among the married, it is less evil that misliking do happen unto the man, than unto the woman: because the husband if he be wise, can dissemble his grief: but the wife, neither can she dissemble it, neither yet keep silence. If the wife which they give you, be rich, I hold it for profitable: if she be fair, I hold it for delectable: if she be of gentle blood, I hold it for honourable: but if she be young, I hold it for perilous, because she shall have wherefore to sigh, to see you so old: and you shall not want, wherefore to watch, to see her so young. I cannot say in whether of you both I may lay the blame, or rather which I may not blame: you, for choosing, or she in accepting: because a young wench of twenty years, with an old man of threescore years, is a life of two years. Consider well what you do, and have regard what you take in hand, and be advised with whom you marry: for a man of so great an age, to marry with so tender years, from henceforward I prophecy, that either she shall hate you, or else defame you, either else finish or make an end of you. Sir, finally I say, that if you will accept my counsel, and escape anger and displeasure, you shall keep your house, and procure and follow your profit: and if you will needs marry, you shall marry with the fatlings of Algezi, with the lambs of Polop, with the white wine of Monuiedro, and with the Claret of Venicarlo, the which shall yield you substance, and enlarge your life. No more but that I incommend myself, to the grace of the Lady Leonora of Villa nova.  
From Granado the xij. of February. Anno. 1526.   

A letter to the Cannon Osorius: wherein is declared, that we know not the things that profit or hurt us in this life.  
Reverend Cannon, Cornelius Rufus in the late time of Omitus Cincinatus, lying one night in his bed in good health, dreamt that he had lost his sight, so as he was constrained to be lead like a blind man, which afterward was found true, for awaking from sleep he was so deprived of sight, that he never after could see either heaven or earth. Phalaris the Theban being grievously sick of a disease in his lungs, enterprised himself to enter into battle, wherein he received a wound with a Spear, and such was his fortune, that he was not only healed of the hurt which in the battle he received, but was also discharged and cured of his former malady. Mamilius Bubulus king of Hetruria receiving in battle a wound with an arrow which entered his body up to the feathers, the same being drawn out, the head thereof remaining still in his flesh, had afterwards by fortune's favour this good chance, one day going to chase, in pursuit of a heart was cast down Horse and man into a ditch, out of which mishap sprang his better luck, for by means of the same he voided from him the arrow head before left and closed in his flesh, and become afterwards more healthful than ever he was before. So as we may infer by that which hath been said, that men full little know what is profitable or hurtful to them: sure it appeareth that Cornelius Rufus sleeping in his bed become blind, Phalaris the Theban by hurt of a spear recovered remedy of his former sickness: and Mamilius by mishap of a fall to receive happy avoidance of the arrow head which before lay closed in his flesh. Wherefore I conclude and say that all the chances of this present life have in themselves alone no more good or evil than according to their sequel and effect they bring, so that if we found they have conclusion to our liking, we count them happy and good: and if contrary to our desires and expectation they bring misfortune, unfortunate and evil, which giveth me just cause to say that we should not for any flattery of fortune, or of any good hap be proud, nor yet for any her frownings and contrary haps despair. I have made all this recital before, to gratify your new recovered health and the departure of your sickness, that is to say, that having been three years grievously sick of a fever quartan, there hath happened to your mind some so great a grief that the force thereof suffered to drive and beat the quartain from your house, which maketh me once twice and thrice to affirm that we know not what to require to be helping to us, because divers times with great care we seek that we should flee and eschew, and we flee from that we should with all diligence seek and follow. Among the high precepts of the divine Plato this was one, that we should not pray to the Gods to give us this or that, but with importunate prayer to require, that it would please them to give us that which stood with divine pleasures best to bestow, and to our need most commodious. The Hebrews being long time ruled by judges, demanded of God a King to govern them, whom they might obey, which God performed, rather to satisfy their earnest petition, than of any proceeding from his merciful pleasure: he gave them such a person to their King, as it had been better for than never to have demanded or had any at all. Now be it as it be may, or happen what shall happen, I return again to rejoice with you for the departure of your troublesome fever, and the bitter anger which hath chased it from you: though I remember not that ever I read and much less heard the Lady Sorrow at any time caused any good thing to hap unto us. I certify you Sir Cannon, if all the diseases might be cured like yours with heaviness and sadness, pensiveness and cares would then be more dear in our hearts, than Rhubarb is now in the apothecary's shops: and if we should buy sighs, sobs, and tears in the market for money, I assure you very many both men and women would thereby grow exceeding rich and happy, which now are poor and unfortunate, because sorrow with every body is so common, that there is neither corner nor place so secret wherein she is not found. Touching myself I tell you, if the sighs I have breathed, and the sorrow I have endured, might serve for medicines to cure the quartain, I would be bound to set up such a Shop of those merchandizes, that it should serve both Spain and France. I have seen many in this world whereof some wanted their eyes, some their ears, and some their hands: othersome lack houses, others goods, and some other apparel: But I never knew nor heard of person were he never so poor that had not sorrow and grief: so is there no house in the world so rich, that sometimes wanteth not money, and of envies and sorrows is never destitute. Sadness saith Solomon drieth the sinews, and consumeth the bones, which by you cannot be proved, since it is apparent, that melancholy sullenness hath not wasted your bones, but purged your body of all evil humours and restored your health. Now from henceforth, if any one come to visit you when you are sick, he cannot (as I think) more pleasure you than to give or minister occasion to move you to choler. But sir I curse your complexion and hate your conditions, since anger, envy, and sorrow must be your Physicians to cure your maladies, for men that be reasonable, do usually give money to enjoy mirth and solace, and to escape some sorrows and troubles. Now if you will believe me, and hereafter follow mine advice, be glad for the loss of your quartayne, but say not that you drive him from you with anger & grief. For I swear to you by the law of a friend, if you do, that all men will therefore diffame you, and say that you are compounded and furnished with choleric, adust, and evil complexion: but for this matter let this suffice. There be many things here in the Court to be talked of in secret, and few to be written openly. For murmurings be matters of counsel, and my letters oft pass through many men's fingers, which when they cannot rightly understand & perceive their effect, than every one judgeth and gloseth thereof after their own devise and opinion. I pray God be your guide, & give us grace evermore to fear him.   

A letter to Count Masaoth Marquis of Cenolte, wherein is expressed why amongst the sects of Mahomet, some be termed Turks, Sarracenes, and others, Moors.  
Honourable Lord and singular friend, it is now ten days paste since you requested me in the emperors chamber, to resolve you one doubt, the which to do I have searched with pain, and used what diligence I possibly might: holding it but justice to submit my travel to your commandment, that never denied me any thing which I requested of you: desiring you withal to respect, that if I seem long in satisfying your demand, it is not want of diligence to search, but of good hap quickly to find that which I seek, and you desire to have, because a man of your state and calling, must be served with truths and reason, and not with fabling uncerteynties. Your Lordship's desire is to know why the great Turk is termed the Great Turk: and wherefore the followers of Mahomet's feet be called Sarracens, some Moors, and some Turks, being all of the law and religion of their only god and Lord Mahomet? For the discussing of the which doubt, and for that you may the better understand my resolution of the same: I am forced to recite the history to you (as it were from the first or beginning. Understand my Lord, 
The original of the Turks  that Asia the less is a region which with many other Regions is enclosed, all which generally are called great Turquie: it boundeth towards the east, on the confines of Arabia minor: on the west it is enclosed with the great lake Cynia: and on the north side with the flood Euponius: and on the south cost it is walled with the mount Pithmiaus. In this Turquie near to Armenia, by the great hill Paton, was an ancient City named Truconia, whereof the inhabitants were named Truconians, after the name of the City. Within this City Goths did come to inhabit, who because they could not call it Traconia, pronounced and called it Turquie, and citizens Turks: so that the word Turquy is a name corruptly come from the word Traconie. Within the country of Turquie is sundry provinces: as the Province of Licaonia, whereof the chief city is Icaonia: Likewise Cappadocia, the chief whereof is Cosaria: the Province Isanca, whose head city is Solenna, which now is called Briquemust: the country called Icaonia, whose chief city is Fer, in old time named Quisguaince: also Paflagonia, whose capital or Metropolicke town is Gernapolis, in which most properly ended the whole Asia. And as within this country of Turquy is contained many several countries and provinces, so hath it ever been peopled with men of several countries and nations, as with Asians, Greeks, Armenians, Sarracenes, jacobines, jews, and Christians: The which albeit they acknowledge the Great Turk for chief Lord, yet notwithstanding they were not all in obedience to one kind of law and religion.  
In like manner you must note that in the kingdom of Palestina, which bordereth upon Damas', there were three Arabies, as Arabia Silapide, 

The first Saracyns.  
This Mahomet was borne in Arabia, issued of the line of Ishmael and of a base place: he being an Orphan was sold to a great Merchant, his master died, he married his widow, he was instructed in false doctrine by a monk named Sergius a fugitive from Constantinople, he afterwards challenged and the people attributed certain divine veneration unto him, which the unlearned Barbarians were prompt to believe, so as when by force of the falling sickness he fell, he feigned to the people that he could not endure the brightness of the Angel Gabriel, whom he affirmed to celebrated with him the secrets of the highest, with many such abominable errors, and such like abuses he abused the people.   that now is Syria maior: Arabia deserta, joining upon Egypt: and Arabia Petrosa, which is compassed with judea. In Arabia Petrosa, by the flood jordanus near the mount Libanus, there dwelled an ancient kind of people called Saracyns, which were so called after the name of Sartato their chief and Metropolitan City, which at this present be still so named Saracyns. This kind of people in times past were much esteemed for their strength and valiantness in wars, and were then had in reputation therefore, as the Swissers are accounted of at this day in Europa, in such wise, that no Prince durst enterprise against any other to battle, except he were aided with the strength of Saracyns. It chanced that Heraclius a Roman Emperor passing through Asia to invade the Persians, requested aid of the Saracyns in the same voyage and journey, to whom he promised good usage and true pay, the Saracyns agreeing to Heraclius request, came thoroughly furnished with 40000 footmen soldiers, whose Captain general was a gentleman of their own country called Mahomet, a man subtle in wit, of valiant heart, and fortunate in exploit of war, as he manifested most puisantly by obtaining more honour than any other in the Camp, whereby he grew in daily reputation amongst his own companions, and more fearful than the Wolf is to the Sheep, to the hearts of his enemies, which hanging the times of these wars, caused the Emperor Heraclius to favour him above all others. The wars ended, and licence given for all the strangers to depart, he sent the Saracyns away discontented and not well paid, which moved them, and their general Mahomet to raise mutiny and conjuration, in such wise, that they assailed Palestina, which before they had subdued, and invaded the countries of Egypt, Damas', the two Syrias, Pentapolis, and Antioch, without resistance of any person.  
Here also you must understand, that Mahomet was by his father a Gentle, and by his mother a jew, which is the cause why he was fostered in judea. He held one Sergius which was infected with the heresies of Arius and Nestor, a very ambitious man, for his especial friend. By whom Mahomet understanding well, what honour and reverence the Saracyns yielded unto him: and accounting himself their head and chief, determined to become their King & lawgiver, to the end, as King to be reputed, and for lawmaker to be worshipped. And as this monster Mahomet had a Gentle to his father, a jew to his mother, and a Christian Heretic to his chief friend and instructor: so each of them used their several laws: out of which three he determined to elect one, to satisfy, or more properly speaking, to delude all nations. Thus this miscreant (nothing regarding the soul's health, nor due reformation of the common state, but thirsting after the renown of a Prince during life, and the fame of their lawgiver after death) instituted and published a sect, or rather a rabble of abominable precepts, and detestable counsels: thereby to change the virtuous, and therewith to delight the vicious and wicked.  
In the year 630. Heraclitus inferred and began his wars against the Persians, and in the year 632. the wars ended. In that year 632. Mahomet by conquest subdued the greatest part of Asia, and in the year 636. he gave his laws to the Saracyns his countrymen, the which he first brought into Arabia Petrosa, not by preaching in word, but murdering with sword. The government of the East thus resting, it chanced in the year 642. that an infinite number of barbarous people, passing by the streets of the mountains Caucasus, to invade that part of Asia Minor that bordereeh on Asia Maior, whose coming brought good success to the Nations adjoining. These people by descent were of three mighty rude countries, that is, of the Scythians, now called Persia, of the Panonians now named Hungaria, and of the Escaines' now called Denmarcia: which barbarians departed forth of their native soil, as it is judged, constrained with penury and want of victuals, as also with the Civil wars which they had amongst themselves. For being without a governor, they lived by robbing and pilling one from another, evermore driving the weakest to the worst. Whereat Mahomet astonished at this their arrival, and seeing the Scythes and Paenonians daily more and more to endamage Asia, and to become so stout, as to furnish themselves with places of defence, he determined with a mighty power of Saracyns to encounter them. This thing dismayed the Barbarians, and caused them to assemble together, where they chose one Trangolipique for their general, a man in wars much fortunate, and in peace most vicious.  
Now the wars of the Scythians and Saracyns grew so hot, so long, and so cruel, that in three years and a half was soughten six mighty and bloody battles, wherein Fortune declared her mutability, for to the Saracyns she was unfriendly, and to the Scythians nothing favourable, sometimes giving victory to the one side one day, and triumph to the other side on the next day. Which the Scythians well noting, and perceiving that their number was much decreased by means of those wars: and also the Saracyns beholding the present spoil of their countr●…▪ they agreed amongst themselves upon Articles ensuing, to continued friends for ever: that is, that the Scythes should receive the law of Mahomet, and that the Saracyns should give them that country to inhabit. Which accordingly took effect, and was concluded in the year 647. that the Saracyns and Turks become friends and confederates, and from that time forward, did wholly submit themselves to the obedience of Mahomet, taking him for king, and vowing fidelity to his laws.  
Strabo, Plynie, Pomponius Mela, and Gelaton, which have described all countries in the world, make little account of Turkey before such time as the Scythes began to inhabit the same, who in the end become so strong, and the Great Turk and Turquy so famous, as at this day it is reputed one of the most renowned empires in the world.  

How the love of Mahomet entered Africa.  
Understand you, that in the year 698. a puissant Pirate named Abeuchapeta, passed from Asia into Africa, leading with him 70. Galleys and 100 other vessels furnished for his exploit, with which he peeled, & pirased, such as he met withal by Seas, and did also many times much hurt on the firm land. This Abeuchapeta was a man valiant, hardy, and rich: and a Saracyne observing the law of Mahomet, of whom the Arabian Historiographers report, that he never sacked any Town that would submit themselves to him, nor ransomed to liberty any person that he had taken prisoner. This companion (for so henceforth will I term him,) understanding that in the Realm of the Moors, (otherwise called the country of Mauritania, and now called the kingdom of Marrucos) were extreme cruel and civil wars: he determined to hasten thither with his fleet, and to establish himself Lord of all: who passing the straits Giberaltare, and being arrived upon firm land, immediately practised to acquaint himself with one of the chief bands of the Moors, by which policy in short time he obtained afterward to be chief of the Realm, and compelled them secretly to accept and observe the mahometical laws and religion, by kill some and banishing others. Whereby it came to pass, that such as this companion brought thither with him, and the subdued inhabitants of Marrucos, were the first in Africa that togethers embraced the laws of Mahomet, who as before time were always called Moors, do still at this present and ever after continued the name of Moors or Morisques: so that the inhabitants of Thunies, which be those of Tunis, and the Numidians which are the people of Fez, and the Maurentines, which are the people of Marrucos, be all generally termed by the name of Moors: though the countries do much differ in situation. This then is the resolution of your letter, and the answer to your demand: that the name Saracyns was first found in Arabia, where Mahomet was borne: the name Turk's invented in Asia, where Mahomet remained, and the name of Moors establed in Africa, when the law of Mahomet was there first received.  
Now resteth it to discover unto your Lordship, wherefore this name Great is attributed to the Turk, seeing it is a title which none but he useth: other Princes being only and simply called by the names of Kings or Emperors.  
For better understanding whereof, know you, that in the year 1308. when Michael Palealogos was Emperor of Constantinople, and Bonifacius the 8. chief Bishop of Rome. There sprang amongst the Turks a family of Othomans, much fortunate & famous over all Asia, in such sort that those Turks surnamed Othomen, enlarged the limits of their rule, and revenues of their crown, more in 200. years, than any of their predecessors had in 800. These Othomans descended of base lineage, and were naturally of Prusea three days journeys from Trapezoncia. The first Prince of this nation called Ottoman, took this name upon him at his erecting of a Castle in the country of Gallana, which he did to perpetuate the memory of the Othomans' name. 
Ottoman.  This Ottoman the first subdued many provinces of the Kings his adjoining neighbours, he won all that which stretched from Bythinia unto the Sea Cocsin. He brought to his obedience many fortresses, towards the Sea Pontic and all the Cities standing on the Sea costs named Teutonica, with the Town of Sina, anciently named Sebastia. Leaving to succeed him his only son named Orchanee, 
Orchanee.  second Emperor of the Turks of the race of Othomans, which conquered many provinces from the Empire of Palialogos: but especially he obtained the countries of Lycaonia, Phrygia, Missina, and Carry: he took by force Prusia, now called Bursia, which was the abiding seat of the Kings of Bythynie in which he received his mortal wound in the first year of the reign of john King of France. 
Amurathes.  To whom succeeded Amurathes his son, who imitating the steps of his Father and Grandfather, in passing an arm of the Sea Hellispont in Abidie, to invade the greeks, took Galiapolys with divers other Towns, and afterwards suddenly with a mighty power set upon the Emperor of Constantinople, that nothing mistrusted him, and wan Servia and Bulgaria, but in the end he was killed by a servitor.  
After Amurathes succeeded by succession two infants, 
Solyman and Bajazeth.  Solyman and Bajazeth, which by treason murdered his brother Solyman, whereby he alone enjoyed the Empire of Turkey, and to revenge the murdering of his father, he attempted sharp wars against Mark the Lord of Bulgaria, whom he vanquished and flew, and subdued a great part more of his country. Shortly after he overcame the provinces of Hungaria, Albania, and Valachia, and there committing many spoils and damages, he took divers christian prisoners, which he led in miserable captivity into Thracia, to which Bajazeth succeeded in right of inheritance two infants, one named Mahomet, and the other Orchanee, which by his unnatural brother Mahomet, was deprived of life, so as the government of the Empire was wholly in Mahomet, who by might conquered the Null, and laid upon them a grievous tribute: after, he invaded the satraps of Asia, and recovered all the countries which the great Tamberlens soldiers before had taken: he chased his own kindred and alliance from Galacie, Pontus, & Capadocia, not sparing, nor once pitying any noble personages or princes of his own blood. He always kept himself in Drinople, the Metropolike City of Thracia, there placing his imperial seat: from thence exiling such Christians as were remaining and inhabiting there in the seventeenth year of his Empire.  
To this Mahomet succeeded his son called Amurathes, he ordained first the janissayres, (runagate christians to defend his person) by whose valiancy, he together with his successors have subdued the East. With force he invaded Hungaria, Bosina, Albania, Vallachia, and Grecia: he took Thessalonia from the Venetians, he obtained victory against Laodislaus king of Polonia, against the Cardinal julian, and against Huniades.  
When Amurathes was dead, his son named Mahomet, 
Mahomet son to Amurathes.  succeeded in his place, which with homicide entered his government: for, because his father should not be buried alone, he slew his younger brother, to keep company with his dead father. This wicked Prince believed in no God: he affirmed Mahomet a false Prophet, like unto himself. He also scorned all Saints, patriarchs, and Prophets. This Mahomet was of heart like Alexander the great, in good fortune a Cesar, in travel a Hannibal, in justice a Traian, in vices a Lucullus, and in cruelties a second Nero. He was of great courage, well favoured, evil coloured, friend to justice, and highly delighted in martial affairs. He was in feeding a glutton, and in the acts of Venus much impatient: To hunting an enemy, and to Music no friend. He delighted to exercise himself sometimes with feats of arms, and sometimes in reading histories. This Mahomet conquered from the Christians the Empire of Constantinople and Trapezonda. He wan two hundred towns and twelve Realms, that is to say: Pontus, Bythinia, Capadocia, Pamphilia, Licia, Sicilia, Papblagonia, Acbaria, Lydia, Phrygia, Hellespont, and Morea: He also wan the Segniories of Achaia, Carcania, and Epyrus, and all the Forts and Cities near the river Randabelo. He likewise obtained a great part of Macedonia, and of the Province of Bulgaria, together with the land of Roscia, and the mountains Serbye, even to the lake Nicomante. Moreover be conquered all the Cities, Provinces, and Fortresses that were between Andrinopolis, and the famous river Danubia and Balaquian: also the Isle Mitilene, and the foresaid Bosina. These and much more did this miscreant Mahomet vanquish and subdue. And yet notwithstanding, as Historiographers report, 
Mahomet first of the race of Othomans, that took on him the name of Great Turk and Emperor.  he would amongst his weighty affairs consume much time in abominable vices. This was he, which first acquired to himself the glorious title and name of Great Turk and Emperor, of all the house and race of Othomans, whose predecessors before his time were always entituled Kings or Turks. He reigned thirty two years, and died of the Colic four days after he sickened, in the year of our saviour Christ. 1492. In which year of this tyrants death, was the City of Granado taken by the King Don Ferdinando. To this Mahomet succeeded in Empire and name of Great Turk, a second Bajazeth, who, in his Father's life, 
To this Bajazeth succeeded Selim, which poisoned his father, because he lived overlong, and to Selim succeeded Soliman which wan Belgra, Hungaria, Buda, and Rhodes.  by procurement of the janissayres, and in the hope of their aid, purposed to usurp the state and Empire to himself. And as the father being now very old, could yield no remedy nor revenge to his disloyal son, died for thought: so was his life, which by enemies could not be taken away, lost by the envies of his children. Now if your Lordship desire more amply to read the writers of this history, I will when it please you, bring them unto you.   
From Toledo the .7. of januarie. 1533.   

A letter to Don Frances of Villoa, expounding certain strange and ancient Epitaphs.  
MAgnificent and curious Knight, for answer to the letter which Peter de Heredia (master of your house) delivered me at Carsares the 15. of the month paste. I say, that after I had opened it, I stood long in doubt, whither it should be a letter sent me from a friend, or the last will and testament of some one departed: but then, when I better advised the superscription, I found it a letter come from Don Frances de Villoa, a friend, nay a singular friend to Friar Anthony Guevara: and to say truly, after I had perused and considered it, I rather wished two dozen of Quails, and a gammon of Bacon, whereof you have plenty, than a sheet of paper: for they would have delighted mine eyes, and nothing have troubled my memory. But notwithstanding this my pleasant speacke, I delighted much in the receit of your letter: whereby I perceive that your hurt leg is cured, and that presently you omit all tedious affairs, and only apply yourself to pleasant pastimes.  
Also, I gather by your letter, that you much desire to understand of the destruction of Spain, and the signification of certain Epitaphs, which you have found written in a book in your coffers, and now you send them to me to be expounded. For which I cannot yield condign thanks to your gentle heart, which conceiveth of my ability such good opinion, that you judge my knowledge sufficient to satisfy you in so high matters. Wherefore to arm my endeavour to encounter your courtesy, I have most willingly in this my letter sent you the exposition of those Epitaphs, and the discourse of the history, which you so much desire, beginning with the Epitaphs, and ending with the rest.  

The first Epitaph.  

Semiramis Queen of Babylon set this Epitaph up in the name of her husband Ninus.  MIhi pater jupiter Belus auus Saturnus Babilonicus: proauus Chus Saturnus Aethiops: Abanus Saturnus Aegiptius: Ataws Caelus Foenix Ogiges. Ab Ogige ad meum awm solorbem suum circumlustravit semel ac tricies & centies.  
Ab Auo ad patrem sexties & quinquagies: A patre ad me bis & sexagies. Columnam, templum, statue, iovi Belo Socero, & matri Rheoe in olimpo Semiramis dicavi.  
Semiramis Queen of the Assyrians graved this title on a pillar, and dedicated it unto Belus her father in law, in the name of her late husband Ninus, as than it was used amongst them, which words englished, signify as followeth.  
My father was jupiter named Belus: my grandfather, Saturnus Babylonicus: my great grandfather was Chus Saturnus Aethiops: The father of my great grandfather was Saturnus Aegipriacus, and the grandfather of my great grandfather was Celus Faenix Ogiges.  
From the time of the flood until Ninus, the sun had performed his course .330. times. Nembroth reigned .56. years. Belus my father reigned .62. years. I Semiramis have dedicated this pillar, temple, and Image unto Belus my father in law, and Rhea his mother in law in Olympia.  
Now better to make you understand this antiquity so ancient, and this age so old, you must note that these words Saturnus, jupiter and Hercules were not proper names, as Peter and john be, but they were common names or titles attributed to men for their excellencies and dignity, as the names of Emperors, Kings and Dukes. The most ancient kings that founded any chief Town or City within their Realms or dominions, were called Saturni, and their eldest sons jupiter's, and their daughters juno. Their Nephews, and the infants of their children, if they were valiant, were called Hercules. And therefore when any Prince's successors of the said first founders, did place themselves at any time in other countries to inhabit the same, and founded any new Cities or Towns (as oftentimes they did when their ancestors and predecessors had sufficiently peopled such as they before had builded) such Princes enjoyed a double title, keeping the name of jupiter by right of succession, and the name of Saturn, by reason of their new foundation, and so likewise the Princes which sprung of them by succession, were also named jupiter's in one respect, and Hercules in another: whereof proceedeth the great number of jupiter's, Saturn's, and Hercules, wherewith histories be so replenished.  
Belus was therefore here entitled by the name of jupiter, for that he was son and successor to Nembroth in the Assyrian Empire. Nembroth also was termed Saturn Babylonicus, because he first founded the City, and peopled the Realm of Babylon. Chus was also termed Saturnus Aethiopicus, for that he first peopled Aethiopia, and there founded towns and Cities. Chamfor that he first peopled Egypt was called Saturnus Aegiptiacus. These Saturnius were called children of the Heavens and of Earth. Thus have you now heard the first Epitaph expounded.   

The second Epitaph.  

The Epitaph of Cata Manlia that was buried living.  C. Man. C. Man. F. inferno Plutoni tricorpori charissimae Proserpinae tricipitique Cerbero munus mecum ferens, damnatam dedo animam vitamque. Hoc me condo monumento, ne obrutis domus lapsu filijs sex, quos Pûblius Scipio patrijs Camertibus ad Salid ex Libya incolumes restituerat, in desolata orbitate supersim. Vixi An. 56. M. 1. D. 5. boras scit nemo: vale vita.  

The exposition of the same.  
ICaia Manlia, daughter to Caius Manlius, do carry with me mine own present, for I give my condemned soul and life to the infernal three bodied Pluto, and to Proserpina his most dear spouse, & to the threeheaded Cerberus. I have enclosed myself in this Sepulchre to live in care and grief abandoned and afflicted. I have vj. Children slain most miserably by the fall of a house, after that Publius Scipio had led them into their country of Camerin out of Libya traveling towards Salia. I lived luj. years, one month, and five days, but how many hours no man knoweth. Farewell life.  
Now if memory deceive me not, and that my books be true, this Epitaph was found in our time in Rome, which was of a woman of Camerin that was burned living, because in those days they were so foolish and faithless, that they esteemed it a thing deserving praise, and much honourable to be buried quick, or violently to murder themselves with their own hands: and thus they did to please themselves and serve the Devil. But law divine and human doth manifest now unto us how execrable a vice this is, and forbiddeth every man to procure his own death, since we have our saviour Christ the author of our life.    

The third Epitaph.  
Belli potens valida natus de gente Gothorum, 
The Epitaph of Athaolphus king of the Goths.   
Hic cum sex natis Rex Athaolphe iaces:  
Ausus es Hispanas primus descendere in oras,  
Quem comitabantur milia multa virum:  
Gens tua tunc natos & te invidio sa peremit,  
Quem post amplexa est Barcino magna gemens.  
To understand this Epitaph you must note, that when the Goths (which were a barbarous and cruel nation of the North) had sacked Italy, as by the ruins remaining it appeareth, Athaolphus the 24. their King, determined to have overrun Spain, and to have spoiled it as they had done Italy, and other places in their way. But when he came and was arrived at Barcelona, he, with vj. of his children, were there by his own soldiers traitorously murdered and buried, upon whose Tomb was placed this Epitaph, with his arms, which englished importeth as followeth.  
Here lieth the valiant Athaolphus, with six of his children, issued of Gothick blood: this was the first that adventured to enter Spain with an Army, slain with his own men, and buried with great tears, in the great City of Barcelone.  
See here the exposition of your Epitaph, and the cause of the fame.  
It resteth now to reveal the occasion of the destruction of Spain, and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims, concerning which you must understand, that in the time of the reign of king Roderic (which was of the line of the Goths,) there was in Spain a Prince called julian, Earl of Cepta, and Lord of Consuegra: which had a daughter of excellent beauty and incomparable wisdom, named Caba. This damosel being sent to the Court to attend upon the Queen, to serve her according to the manner of the Country, was cause of the destruction of Spain. 
The deflowering of a maiden, was cause of the ruin of Spain, or rather the heresy of Arius wherewith they were infected, was cause of that punishment.  For the king being surprised with her love, (when she would not agree to accomplish his inordinate desires) determined by force, if not by love to enjoy her, being thus drowned in extreme passions, he deflowered her within his royal Palace. The which when Count julian understood, he was highly offended therewith, and feeling himself much injured thereby: determined revenge upon the kings own person, to the end he might make a perpetual remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his deflowered daughter.  
This Count julian kept secretly in his stomach, the mortal hatred he bore unto King Roderic: and when he saw convenient time, he made semblance to pass into Africa with an army which the King had committed unto him, where with to repulse the Moors, which then invaded the borders of Spain. And having conferred of his determinations with Muzza lieutenant general of that Province, to the great Miramamolyn Vlit, he secretly practiced with him in this sort, that if he would yield him sufficient supply of soldiers, he would put all Spain under his obedience. The which when Muzza understood, he gave intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn, who did not only in courteous wise accept the offer of the Count, but also sent him a sufficient army to bring his devised practise to effect.  
The country being near the straits of Giberaltare, was well furnished with men of great courage. He then following fortune, being stirred forward by his wife, and the injury which he had received, rejecting all love of his country, & renouncing obedience to his Prince: Suddenly as he had embarked his army of Moors in four ships, and strongly fortified himself, he revealed to his friends and kindred the injury which the king had done him by deflowering his daughter, and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so weighty. Whereunto they assenting, sent him aid both of men & money:  
See here the exposition of your Epitaph, and the cause of the fame.  
It resteth now to reveal the occasion of the destruction of Spain, and how the Christians lost the same to the Paynims, concerning which you must understand, that in the time of the reign of king Roderic (which was of the line of the Goths,) there was in Spain a Prince called julian, Earl of Cepta, and Lord of Consuegra: which had a daughter of excellent beauty and incomparable in wisdom, named Caba. This damsel being sent to the Court to attend upon the Queen, to serve her according to the manner of the country, was cause of the destruction of Spain. 
The deflowering of a maiden, was cause of the ruin of Spain, or rather the heresy of Arius wherewith they were infected, was cause of that punishment.  For the King being surprised with loving her (when she would not agree to accomplish his inordinate desires) determined by force, if not by love, to enjoy her, so as being thus drowned in extreme passions, he deflowered her within his royal Palace. The which when Count julian understood, he was highly offended therewith, and feeling himself much injured thereby: determined revenge upon the kings own person, to the end he might make a perpetual remembrance of the wrong done by the Prince to him and his deflowered daughter.  
This Count julian kept secretly in his stomach, the mortal hatred he bore unto king Roderic: and when he saw convenient time, he made semblance to pass into Africa with an army which the king had committed unto him, where with to repulse the Moors, which then invaded the borders of Spain. And having conferred of that which he would do, with Muzza Awenokair lieutenant general of that province, to the great Miramamolyn Vlit, he secretly practiced with him in this sort, that is, if he would yield him sufficient supply of soldiers, he would put all Spain under his obedience. The which when Muzza understood, he gave intelligence thereof to King Miramamolyn, who did not only in courteous wise accept the offer of the Count, but also sent him a sufficient army to bring his devised practise to effect.  
The Islands of this country being near the straits of Giberaltare, were well furnished with men of great courage. He then following fortune, being stirred forward by his wife, and the injury which he had received, rejecting all love to his country, & renouncing obedience to his Prince: Suddenly as he had embarked his army of Moors in four ships, & strongly fortified himself, he revealed to his friends and kindred the injury which the king had done him by deflowering his daughter, and requested their friendly succour in his enterprise so weighty. Whereunto they assenting, sent him aid both of men and money: so as he took all the coasts of Spain, and much of the country for the Moors: which was the first entry of the Moors into Spain, and was in the year of grace, 712.  
When the miserable king Roderic had understanding hereof, & that if with speed he ordered not his affairs, he should be in danger to lose his realm and state: with all the has●● possible he assembled an army to encounter the Moors, and made a nephew of his Captain general. But the Moors giving them the overthrow, mangled him & his men in pieces. About which time, another army of Moors, which the forenamed Muzza had placed in garrison in places before subdued, entered and took another country or province. Which King Roderic understanding, and perceiving the Moors daily to advance their force, committing to fire and sword all the country that they subdued: he gathered together another army, in which himself in person together with all the Nobility of Spain, 
The Moors being Lords of all Spain except Biscay & the Mountains, which is Astiria & Cantabria, divided it into kingdoms, as Cordubia, Carthage, & such like.  would go to search out the Moors, which then remained at Seres, and did so in deed: where he made great slaughter both of the strange Moors, & of his own Christians. But in fine, the Christian army was utterly destroyed, & the king lost: in such wise, that afterwards he could never be found quick or dead. From this time Spain fell into the subjection of the Moors. This battle was ended on a sunday the fourth of September, in the year of our Saviour 714. so as the Moors being then victors, might easily make themselves Lords of all Spain.    

A letter unto the Admiral Sir Frederirk, wherein the Auctor doth touch the manner that in old time was used on their sepulchres, and the Epitaphs that were placed upon the same.  
GLorious Admiral & curious Lord, neither doth it profit me to be angry, either to hold my peace, to exclaim or complain, neither yet to cease to make answer: but that always I must continued in combat with your letters, as also with your messengers, for absolving your doubts. It is but .15. days since I answered your letter, and not a month since I absolved a certain doubt: I am determined with myself not to answer you to any letter, neither to declare you any doubt until the counsel of Saratan have considered thereof, and they of Villaunblalo do determine and judge therein.  
To perform wherein you request me, & to execute the case which you command me: I may not deny unto your Lordship, that I have not seen much, heard, passed, & also read much: but jointly herewith, your honour hath to consider, that I am now become old, wearied & also tired, & go laden with great afaires, which be of necessity, but your doubts proceed of william.  
I have said & also written unto your honour many times, as you are but of little body, & have that mind so generous & noble, it should be much to your ease, 
A necessary consideration betwixt will and necessity.  that you & Alonso Espinel made exchange, which is to wit, that he should lend you some more body, wherein that heart of yours might be contained: and you bestow on him some more heart, for that gross and so unwieldy a body. Considering the great dullness of Alonso Espinel, and the exceeding spirit & liveliness of your honour: I do not think to be deceived, to vouch that your Lordship is a soul without a body, & that he is a body without a soul. 
A hard comfort.  One thing doth yet comfort me, which is, that as your Lordship now groweth old, and I also, both old & sickly: we shall not much writ each to other, and much less use mutual visitation: because, as the divine Plato said, that young men at times die suddenly, but old men may not live long.  
Little or much, or much or little, may it please the king of heaven, that that which we live, we may live to his service, 
An account to be made, not what we live, but how we live.  for that we have no account to make, what we live: but how we live.  
Leaving apart both your jests, and my complaints: I my Lord from hence forth am determined to answer your letters with all brevity, as also to declare unto you all your doubts: for as Horace the Poet saith, it appertaineth to wise men, 
A counsel of Horace the Poet.  to show a willing mind in that, wherein necessity constraineth.  
Coming to the purpose, your honour commandeth me, to writ unto you, the manner which they used in old time to make their sepulchres, & the fashion which they observed in placing their Epitaphs: for as it seemeth, you mean to take order for your sepulture, & to devise for the invention of your Epitaph. From henceforth I say and divine, that all those which shall see my answer unto your demand, will marvel, & also as it may chance to laugh, for that I shallbe forced in this place to relate histories very strange, and customs never heard off.  
Pliny in the beginning of his seventh book, reciting the great miseries wherewith man is borne, & the immeasurable travels wherein he liveth, sayeth thus: Amongs all the beasts that nature hath brought forth, only man creepeth, only man is ambitious, 
Errors of man's life.  man only is proud, covetous, and superstitious, only desireth long life, & maketh a sepulture wherein to be buried: most truly Pliny spoke great troth, because all other beasts, neither riches doth make proud, neither poverty doth make sad, neither care to lay up in store, neither travel to gather together, neither weep when they be borne, neither grow sad when they shall die: but only travel for living, without carefulness where to be buried. 
A superfluous care.  Only the foolish man is he, which fetcheth marble from Gene, Alabastre from Venice, porphire from Candie, bone of Gelofe, and ivory of Guinea: for no greater purpose than to build a stately chapel, and to erect a sumptuous sepulchre, where to bury his bones: & the worms to gnaw his entrails. I do not disallow, either reprove, but the rather I admit, & praise, to build good churches, to erect great chapels, to endue with good doctrines, to paint fair stories, and to make rich ornaments: but jointly therewith I say, that I hold it for more safe, that a man travel and pain himself to lead a good life, than make a rich Sepulture. 
A sound counsel.  O how many poor men which are buried in Churchyards, whose souls rejoice and rest in heaven: and how many, which be buried in sumptuous and stately Sepulchres, whose souls be tormented in Hell. On that night which Troy was burned, Aeneas entreating his father Anchises to departed the City, to the end he should not want a Sepulchre, 
A small boast of Anchises.  the old man answered Facilis iactura Sepulchri, as if he had said, There is no less grief unto man, than to want a Sepulchre. The King Anchises said well in that he spoke, since we see the living man complain of the biting of a fly, and of a flea that doth offend him: but of a man that is dead, we never hear any complaint, for any lack of ringing, or want of sumptuous burial.  
If Homer and Pisistratus do not deceive us: The Cithes were the people that with most pomp did bury their dead, and in most reverence did hold their Sepulchres. Zenophon the Theban saith, That the Cithes fleeing before Darius, he sent word to know how far they would run: they answered, we Cithes make no great account to loose our houses, our fields, 
S 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 thy 〈…〉  neither our children, neither yet ourselves, in respect of offence to the Sepulchres of our forefathers: unto the which when thou shalt approach, o King Darius, there shalt thou see and know, in how much more we esteem the bones of the dead, 
Th 〈…〉 me 〈…〉 they 〈…〉 An 〈…〉 any 〈…〉 cease 〈…〉 amon 〈…〉  than the life of the living.  
The Salaminos buried their dead, their backs turned against the Agarens, which were their mortal enemies: In such wise, that their enmity endured not only in time of life, but also when they were dead.  
The Massagedas at the time of death of any man or woman, they drew forth all the blood in their veins: and that day all the kindred being assembled, did drink the blood, and afterwards did bury the body.  
The Hircans did wash the bodies of the dead with wine, and did anoint the same with a precious oil: and after the parents had bewailed and buried the dead, they kept that oil to eat, and that wine to drink.  
The Caspians in finishing the last breath were cast into the fire: and the ashes of the bones being gathered into a vessel, did afterwards drink them in wine, in such wise, that the entrails of the living, was the Sepulchre of the dead.  

A strange Sepulture.  The Cithes held for custom, to bury no dead man, without burying a live man with the same: and if by chance there were not that willingly would be buried with the dead, for money a slave was bought, 
A violence without all reason.  with violence to be buried with the same.  
The Bractians which were a people very barbarous, with smoke did cure the bodies of the dead, as we now use to smoke our Bacon: after at times (in stead of Martelmas beef) by piecemeal to boil the same in the pot.  

An art most barbarous.  The Thibirins did by industry breed certain most cruel Dogs, the which at the last gasp of the dead, were cast unto the Dogs to be eaten & torn to pieces: in such manner, that the bowels of the Dogs, was the place where the Thibirins did bury their dead.  

An use of the Chibirins most inhuman.  And for that it shall not seem that we speak of favour or at large, your honour hath to read S. Jerome against jovinian, & the Poliantea, in the title of sepulture, where you shall found all that I have said, and also much more which we have omitted here to be written.  
Of the sepulture of Belus, of Minus, of Semiramis, of Promotheus, of Ogiges, and of the other kings of Egypt, Diodorus Siculus reciteth so many and so fabulous things, the which I think better to omit than to wright, to avoid his dishonour and mine own travel.  
The Cithes did bury their dead in the fields, incoffined with a certain wood of Cithia incorruptible. The hebrews did bury their dead in their inheritances or vineyards: upon the same they erected a fair cover curiously wrought, & of stone of great choice. Commonly in old time they did bury within their houses, or in the mids of their possessions, and so at this present appeareth in Italy, that wheresoever ye shall found any Tomb of earth & stone, it signifieth that there hath been erected some honourable sepulture. Four Sepultures have been in Rome, 
The four notable Sepultures in Rome.  most rich and stately: that is to understand, of the great Augustus, which at this present is called the needle of Adrian, which now is the Castle Saint Angel: of the good Marcus Aurelius, which is erected in the field of Mars: and of the valiant Severus, which was placed in the Vatican.  
Many Princes, both Greeks, Latins, romans, Persians, Medes, Argives, hebrews, and Germans, did make & build many & very stately temples: but we read of none that commanded or gave order for themselves to be buried therein: but in the fields, and their Temples they did dedicated unto their Gods. Moore than three hundredth years after the foundation of the Christian faith, none at any time were buried within the Church: whereof it proceedeth, that it is not found in any of the ancient Legends of the martyrs, but that such a martyr was buried in Cimiterie of Pretexato, either of Calisto, or else in the house or inheritance of some faithful Christian.  
Long time after the great Constantine, this custom was brought into the catholic Church, to be buried in the same: & it is to be thought, that it rather proceeded of the devotion of the faithful, than for any interest to the Clergy.  
Also your honour saith in your letter, that you hold me for a man both careful and curious, for which cause you suppose, (for that I have passed divers times with Caesar into Italy, and have many ways traveled through Spain:) I should have collected and recovered some Epitaphs of Sepultures, worthy to be seen, and notable to be read. I cannot deny, but that after the manner of a drunkard, that venteth for the best wine: 
A commendable manner of drunkenness.  so doth mine eyes stare and wander to found out some old Sepulture, that may contain some thing to read, or sentence or Epitaph worthy the writing: and as I have traveled many & divers lands & provinces, I have seen many & very ancient sepultures, in which I have found some writings grave, some sharp, others devout, some malicious, some gracious, & some foolish, in such wise, that some are to be noted, some to be scoffed, and others to be laughed at. If I had thought that any would have been so curious, as to have craved or demanded them, as I have been careful and curious to search and found them: I would have held them in more estimation, and also have commended them to more safe keeping: for of them I have lent, given, lost, and some have been stolen, and othersome I have reserved.  
But the case shall be thus, I will sand unto your Lordship all manner of Epitaphs, which is to understand, such as be grave, malicious, foolish, and some that be gracious: for that in the good your honour hath to note, & in the other whereat to laugh.  
In an Hospital of the incurable, that is in Naples, Caesar upon a certain festival day did hear service, where I saw in the great Chapel, a Tomb of a young gentleman, whereon his old mother had placed this lamentable Epitaph.  
Quae mibi debebas, supremae munera vitae,  
Infelix soluo, nunc tibinate prior,  
Fortuna inconstans, lex & varabilis aevi,  
Debueras cineri iam superesse meo.  
In the same kingdom and City of Naples, upon another festival day, Caesar went unto a stately Monastery of Nuns of S. Clare, where I found a Tomb of a certain gentlewoman betrothed, which happened to die the same week she should have been married: upon whom her parents bestowed this lamentable Epitaph.  
Nate beu miserum: misero mibi nata parenti,  
unicus ut fieres, unica nata dolour,  
Nam tibi dum virum, taedas, thalamumque parabam,  
Funera & inferias, anxius ecce paro.  
In the City of Capua, I found a Sepulture very old, and in a manner defaced, in which these letters were engraven, although very short, yet comprehending much.  
Fui non sum,  
Estis non eritis.  
In the City of Gaieta, one of the strongest upon the Sea coast in all Italy, being there with Caesar, I met with a Sepulture not of the oldest, upon which were written these words.  
Silvius Paladius,  
ut moriens viveret,  
Vixit ut moriturus.  
In Rome walking the stations of Saint Paul, passing at great leisure beholding the Church: I encountered with an old Sepulchre upon the ground: on the stone whereof these words were engraven.  
Hospes quid sim vides,  
Quid fuerim nosti,  
Futurus ipse, quid sis cogitaes.  
In the Monastery of Minerva in Rome, which be of the order of Preachers, I saw in a certain Tomb written these words.  
O mors, O mors, O mors,  
Aerumnarum portus,  
Et meta salutis.  
Caesar being in the wars of Africa, the Viceroy of Cicilia died, which was called the Earl of Monteleon, Lord of Calabria. And for that by justice he did cut the throat of the Earl of Camarato, and with him many others, the Sicilians did deadly hate him for the same. The cause was thus, being buried in Saint Francis of Mezina, by night they added this title upon his Sepulchre, as I was advertised by the warden of the house.  
Qui propter nos homines,  
Et propter nostram salutem,  
Descendit ad inferos.  
In the year a thousand five hundred twenty and three, coming out of France by Navarne, in a little Church in Viena not far from the Growine, I saw an Epitaph upon the Tomb of the Duke Valentine: which without writing, I commended unto my memory: and as I think thus it said.  

Here lieth clad in a little clay,  
That mortal men did fear,  
Which in peace & war the full whole sway,  
In all this world did bear.   

O thou that goest with care to seek,  
Worthy things of praise most meet,  
If worthy things thou wouldst praise,  
Here thou hast to direct thy ways,  
And therein farther to spend no days.   
In the wars of Lombary there died an ancient soldier, which was valiant and meanly rich, who was buried by his friends in a little Village betwixt Plazentia and Voguera, on whose Sepulture were written these words.  
Here Campuzano doth lie,  
With whose soul the Devil did fly,  
But his goods had Sir Antony.  
In Alexandria de la Palla, I found another soldier buried in the Church within the Castle; upon whose Sepulture, that is to say, upon the wall, I saw written with a Coal these words.  
Here lieth Horozco the Sergeant,  
Which lived playing,  
And died drinking.  
In the City of Aste, when Caesar went to make war in France, we stayed certain days: A Soldier was buried in the monastery of Saint Francis, & as it seemed being very poor, made his will very rich, upon whose Sepulture another Soldier placed these words.  
Here lieth Billandrando,  
Which all that he had did not let to play,  
And that which he had not he gave away.  
In the City of Nisa, we buried an honourable soldier that had been Captain: but in the morning, and at night, with a Coal I saw written upon his Tomb these words.  
Here lieth the Soldier Billoria,  
Whose body to the Church by his friends did sand,  
But his heart to his love he did incommende.  
In a place of Spain which shall be nameless, I found the Sepulture of a certain Gentlewoman, upon whose Tomb these words were written.  
Here lieth the Lady Marina in earthly press,  
Which died thirty days before she was countess.  
In the .18. year, I being warden of the City of Soria, going to preach to the Camp of Gomara, in a little Village I encountered with an old Sepulture, upon the stone whereof were written these words.  
Here lieth bald john Hussillo,  
Which taught boys to swim,  
And wenches to dance very trim.  
This year past, in visiting my bishopric of Mondonedo, I found in the Archdeaconship of Trasancos, in a little Church by the Sea side, an ancient Tomb, which they said was of a gentleman natural of the place, which had these words written.  
Here lieth Vasko Bell,  
A good Gentleman and a fell,  
The which never drew his sword indeed,  
That made any man ever to bleed.  
Going for Custos of my province of conception, in a general Chapter, jointly with certain religious Portingalls of my order bound to the same place: amongst the which the warden of Sanctaren a man both wise and learned, understanding me to have delight in old things, said that in his Monastery, upon a Tomb of a Portugal Gentleman were written these words.  
Here lieth Basko Figueira,  
Much against his william.  

An amplification upon a small cause.  So high a sentence, so delicate words, and so certain a troth as this, as God save me might not proceed, either be invented, but of a man of an high & delicate judgement: they were spoken in Portugal, in a Monastery of Portugal, in the behalf of a Portugal, and a Portugal said them: whereof I gather unto myself, that the nobles of Portugal be wise in their attempts, and of sharp judgement, in what they speak. To my judgement, my appetite, & to my taste and liking, to this day I have not heard or read a thing so gracious, as the letter of that Sepulture: because, there may not be said a greater troth, than to say that Basko Figueira, or any other person, is in his Tomb much against his william. What Sepulture is in this world so rich, wherein any man desireth to dwell, or wisheth to be buried, what man is so insensible, that would not rather live in a narrow hovel, than in a large and ample sepulture. Not only Basko Figueira lieth in his sepulture against his will, but also the Maccabees in their Pyramids, Semiramis in her Polimite, the great Cirus in his Obiesko, the good Augustus in his Columna, the famous Adrian in his Mole magno, the proud Alaricus in his Rubico: All which if we could demand of them, and they answer us, would swear and affirm, that they died without their own consent, and were buried against their wills. My Lord Admiral from henceforth I divine, that if Basko Figueira lieth dead in his sepulture against his will: with an evil will I dare avouch you will be buried in yours, although most certain the chapel is rich, and your Tomb very stately.  
Your honour hath to understand, that I thought good to enlarge this letter, to the end you should have, whereat to marvel, and also wherewith to laugh with a protestation that I make, that if you write again within this half year, I will refuse to answer: for that I have in hand certain works of mine own, presently to be printed, and after to be published. No more, but that our Lord be in your keeping.  
From Valiodolid, the xxx of March, 1534.   

A letter unto Sir Alphonce Manrique, archbishop of Civil, wherein is declared a certain passage of holy Scripture, convenient to be read of judges and prelate's that be cruel.  
Right Noble and pitiful Prelate, if your reverend Lordship do conceive that for the gallant bay mule which you have sent me by Orlande your Steward, I should submit myself to do you great service, either to tender great thanks, ye are greatly deceived: for although she be both fair and good, I have won and gained the same by a sentence pronounced against your honour, for the costs of process, and the amends wherein you are condemned, when your most reverend Lordship and the Duke of Naiarra, upon a certain contention did elect me for your judge: which is to weet, where the situation of Sagunto should have stand, and the renowned Neomantia should have been: wherein to determine and verify your doubt, I studied very much, and traveled not a little. And since you are condemned in a Mule, and consented unto the sentence, once again I advertise your honour, that I will neither restore her, and much less pay for her. My Lord the Duke of Naiarra your brother, at Court doth daily threaten me, that either by violence he will take her from me, or else 'cause her to be stolen: wherefore I humbly pray your honour, to command that he leave me in peace, otherwise I promise' you, to prove unto him, by my ancient histories, that the borders and limits of Naiarra, have been two leagues within the Duchy.  
But now setting aside all jests, to speak in earnest, I shall perform with right good will, what your honour doth command, as touching the exposition of the passage in Exodus, which I preached last in the presence of Caesar.  

An exposition of the .25. chapter of Exodus.  In Exodus, the .25. chapter, it is written, that our Lord God said unto Moses: Emunctoria quoque facies, & ubi ea quae emuncta sunt, extingantur, fiant de auro purissimo. As if he would have said, About the lamps of the Temple, thou shalt have snuffers of most fine gold, to snuff withal: and also thou shalt make a basin of gold, wherein to say the same.  

A necessary manner to expound the Scriptures.  But now to understand this text very well, it is convenient and necessary to take hold of the Scripture farther of, and more deeper: because in the profound and delicate passages of the holy scripture, it doth much import to declare the text from the bottom and very root.  
Wherein it is to be noted, that immediately after our Lord God had delivered the children of Israel out of the country of Egypt, he gave them a law to observe, Priests to inform them, magistrates to govern them, a land to inhabit, Manna to sustain them, and a tabernacle to pray in. The curious reader shall found in the Psalms and Prophets, many times these names repeated: that is to say, Tabernacle, Sanctuary, Altar, Propitiatory, Sancta Sanctorum. Which names although they were verified in the synagogue of the Hebrews, there was notwithstanding a difference of the one and other. Tabernacles among the jews was as much, as among the Christians at this present we call Church. The order whereof although it be difficile to writ, nevertheless it is very mystical, and worthy the understanding.  
In the mids of the host, where the hebrews did advance their pavilions, 
A description of the Tabernacle.  they left a certain space of an hundredth cubits in length, and fifty of breadth: where on both sides they erected two stately pillars, which did serve for distinctions or separations of the room for the Priests from the people. All which place as well in length as breadth, the Israelites did name Tabernacle, which is as much to say, as a place dedicated only to God. In the mids of this tabernacle, was placed a solemn and a magnificent altar, where upon the sacrifice was done: there was also the great basin of water, where the Priests did wash: and for that unto that place, and no further, the Israelites might not enter, it was named Sanctuarium, which is to say, a place sanctified.  
Within the Sanctuary there was another separation, of the space of thirty cubits in length, and ten of breadth, made of Sittim wood, and aloft having the fashion or form of heaven, it was covered with a triple coverture, whereof the one was made of read sheeps wool, the other of goats hear, and the other of Taxus skins, which was for defence of the rain and Sun. Under this said heaven, and in the mids of this said place, there was the holy table, upon which was set the holy bread, called the loves of proposition, and the holy incense, and other sweet odours. This place here named, was called the holy Tabernacle, because the Priests only might enter: unto the which place no other person would adventure to approach.  
In the mids of this tabernacle there was a great curtain strained betwixt the pillars, within the which was the tabernacle of witness: wherein also was placed the tables of the law, the Manna of heaven, & Aaron's rod. This place was entitled the holy of holiest: wherein the high Priest might enter once a year. Within the said Ark there was a table of fine gold, somewhat more long than broad, whereon were placed two Cherubins of gold at every corner, their wings aloft stretched abroad, beholding each other. In the mids betwixt the cherubins, there was a dark cloud, within the which was the Angel that gave answers, as God commanded: And also answered what the good old Moses determined. In this place where these cherubins are, was the most secret and sacred of all the tabernacle. This place was called the Propitiatory: because in that place, the Lord God did manifest himself more propice and near, as well to pardon, as to answer them. Besides the propitiatory, and near the altar of the tabernacle, night and day was fire, wherein also they did burn the holocausts, sacrifices, and oblations.  
Within the tabernacle and propitiatory, ten paces or there abouts of the mercy seat, or Sancta Sanctorum, was placed a magnificent candlestick of fine gold: whereon were fixed six lamps full of oil olive, which did burn day & night, to give light to the tabernacle. Here it is to be noted, that neither in the ancient Tabernacle of Moses, either in that famous Temple of Solomon, it was not commanded, either permitted to burn tallow candles, either tapers of wax, but lamps of oil: for the mystery of the wax, the only woorkmanshippe of the honey be, was left to lighten the Catholic Church. And because the Tabernacle, the Sanctuary, the Altar, the mercy Seat, and Sancta Sonctorum, were holy places, and edified only unto God: The law commanded they shooulde be decked, neat, clear, and gladsome: and not fowl, or filthy. Wherefore the Priests had always near unto the candlestick, snuffers of gold to snuff the lamps, and a basin of gold, incontinently to place and put out that which was snuffed. Behold the literal sense, and that which was permitted in the Synagogue, now right reverend, it is great reason that we declare what we understand as touching these snuffers, and the snuffing of the lamps.  

The signification of this discourse touching the mystery of the snuffers of Gold.  
surely a thing worthy the noting, & also to be marveled at, that fire or flame, being a thing that doth purify, mundify, and give light: notwithstanding it throweth from itself and produceth fume and smoke, both tedious and stinking: and therefore I would gladly demand of him that shall hear or read the same, what he would answer, whereof it is, 
A question.  That the altar being holy, the Tabernacle holy, the Propipitiatorie holy, the ark holy, the candlestick holy, and all that there is, holy and blessed: notwithstanding there remaineth always in the Temple, to clip, to neat, to purge, to snuff, and whereupon to set the foot. We have hereby to understand and to infer: That there hath not been, neither is there any nation, congregation, common wealth, estate, 
An imperfection of all estates.  or person so holy, so perfect, or so reformed, that there is not in the same to be amended, or else purged, wiped, & also snuffed. For to say the troth, we see no person live so well, that might not, and aught not to live better than he doth.  
And how cometh it to pass, 
A note for the Pope and papists.  that any dare canonize for Saint the most holy man in this world: seeing the scripture sayeth, The child new borne to be in sin. God finding causes to chasten the Angels, doth he not find wherefore to purge and snuff men?  
He that heareth the royal Prophet David speak after this manner: Ecce enim in iniquitatibus conceptus sum, & in peccatis concepit me matter mea: Durst he peradventure say, that in him was no sin?  
And God said unto No, Quòd omnis caro corruperat viam svam: what may he be, that will say, he had no sin, considering that God condemneth the universal world of sin?  
Since the Psalmist sayeth with most clear voice, Omnis homo mendax: how comes it to pass, that any dare excuse himself of sin? The Scripture saying thus, Adam sinned in eating of the defended fruit: Cain sinned in kill his brother: King David sinned by his adultery: jonathas sinned in eating the honey: Absalon in conspiring against his father David: and also Solomon sinned by idolatry. Then since these glorious personages be fallen down flat, is there any person, that may think himself safe from stumbling?  
And in the name of God, I crave to be answered, for what cause did the divine Paul cry, saying: Qui se existimat stare, videat ne cadat, but to the end that every man should consider with himself, that he is fallen into sin, or that shortly he may fall into sin?  

An example not to be forgotten.  He that considereth the most infortunate fall of judas the disciple of jesus Christ, accompanying jesus Christ, and hearing jesus Christ: dareth he adventure to trust and have confidence in himself? Since we are descended of sinners, have taken our birth of sinners, be conversant with sinners, and commit so enorm and deadly sins: say we not most true, that they be most unjust, which affirm & esteem themselves for just and righteous?  
I admit that every man say what he will, and perform of himself what he thinketh good: For if I will confess the troth, that in me there is many things to be amended, many things to be clipped or shorn, many things to be purged, and to too much to be snuffed.  


Not small part of justification, to confess our sins.  
And yet unperfect without correction.   And surely, it is no small part of justification, to confess our faults: notwithstanding the confession sufficeth not, if we do not enforce ourselves to correction. For if a candle have too long a snuff, it sufficeth not a little to dress and erect, but to snuff the same. And for that, if in this whole world there were but one vice wherein we might fall, all men would beware thereof: But seeing there be so many quagmires, wherein to be mired, it is a thing too common, that if we sink not to the bottom, at the least we remain all bemyred.  
If we will have the candle clear, and of himself give light, it is very necessary that he be often snuffed. By this that I have said, I would say, that the man that hath shame in his face, and would preserve his conscience, presently when he hath committed the fault, he must determine to amend. For if he once harden his conscience, late or never doth he amend his life.  
To this purpose the wise Solomon said, Impiusciòn in profundum malorum venerit, contemnit: as if he should say, 
Contempt of amendment yieldeth utter confusion.  He that the Lord doth refuse to secure with his merciful hand, deferring from day to day to amend, he goeth deeper and deeper to the bottom, being clad in such manner with sin, as he in no wise will yield to correction.  
Wherefore God in commanding that at the foot of the lamps that did light in the Temple, there should be snuffers to snuff them, it is no other thing, as me thinketh, but that every man aught to seek with whom to be indoctrined, in that which he aught to follow, and removed from his error wherein he offended. For in his own cause, it is not permittible for any man to be judge of himself.  
But how contrary is the fashion at these days in this miserable world. The glorious Apostle S. Paul said, In novissanis diebus coaceruabunt sibi magistros prurientes auribus, which is, 
A change of fashion.  They shall more delight to have with them, flatterers to deceive them, than directors by good counsel to advise them.  
I return to say and reiterate, that it is no other thing to command to have snuffers nigh unto the candlestick, than to give us to understand, that we aught often to accustom ourselves to purge our conscience. For if it be necessary in one hour, three or four times to snuff the candle, it shall not be overmuch, that every week at the least, once or twice to purge and snuff the soul. The candle having a great snuff, may not well give light, and the soul laden with sins, may find no merit. And therefore it is necessary to give and maintain much; as to a lamp, or to snuff him well as a candle: because, sins that be rooted and grown old, be difficile to confess, and hard to amend.  
Therein it is also to be understood, God commanded that the snuffers, wherewith they should snuff the lamps, and also the basin wherein they should lay the snuffers, to be not of gross, but pure and most fine gold, to give us to understand, 
The understanding of the snuffers of most pure and fine gold.  that the King, the Prelate, the judge, the governor and giver of chastisement, aught not to contain in themselves any vice, wherefore to be shorue, clipped, or snuff: for that it is not permittable by the laws human or divine, that one thief should judge another thief to be hanged.  

The snuffers of lead or iron to be noted.  And then are the snuffers of lead, or of iron, when the judge or governor is of a life less honest, in his speech inordinate, and wherein he judgeth of partial affection. For otherwise it shall be more expedient, to neat and purge the snuffers, than to snuff the candles,  
And then be the snuffers of fine gold, when the judge or Prelate is of a sincere life: modest in his purposes, zealous of his Common wealth, 
Notable qualities of a magistrate.  & a right justicer, as also by the voice of common consent to have nothing whereof to be amended, and less to be desired.  
Faciebat David judicium & justitiam omni populo. This is written of David in the second book of Kings, which is as much to say, 
A notable example of king David.  That the good king David did sit openly giving audience to every man, and doing justice to all men. Certainly there be many, that as judges do hear all in public: and small is the number which giveth right to all men: And some that do justice unto divers, but not many that equally minister justice to all men. Which aught in no wise to be done, much less to be consented unto. For the law aught not to go as the king willeth: but rather the King as the law willeth. O words most certainly to be noted, and to memory be incommended: 
To be incommended to the memory of Princes.  by the which is said of the good King David, not by the hands of another, but of himself: not in his house, but openly: not once, but every day: not to one person, but to all the people: not that he would prolong them, but it is said, from the present hour● in which he heard them, he did dispatch them.  
The judges that God did constitute and sand into divers places, all have been holy and just, which is to say, No which was sent against the idolaters, Loath that was sent against the Sodomites, Moses against the Egyptians, Helie against the false prophets, and Daniel against the false judges. Notwithstanding they found much wherefore to correct, yet in them there was not found any thing whereof to be snuffed. And therefore of the Prelate, which is wise, virtuous, and not cruel, all men take pleasure to be advised of their negligences, and corrected of their faults. But if such a one be absolute, or dissolute, with great grief they endure to be chastised.  
Neither serveth it to great purpose, that the snuffers wherewith we snuff the candle, be of gold or silver, if in the place of snuffing, we doubt the candle: whereby I would say, 
A note for judges.  that the true judge or Prelate aught to conceive better of himself, to be pitiful, than rigorous, stretching his intention rather to amend the fault, than discredit the sinner. With snuffers of gold doth he snuff the candle, when the judge or prelate do chastise the mischief, and on the other part hath pity on the offender. For otherwise God will accept the patience of him that is corrected, and condemn the will and froward disposition of him that correcteth.  
Neither is it also without mystery, that God commanded in his law, that under the holy candlestick the snuffers should be placed, & the basin of gold, wherein they should bestow the snuffing of the lamps. For in the sacred Scripture, there is no word that is not mystical. Surely I suppose it is no error to say, that the Candlestick is the Church, the candle the sinner, the snuffers the Prelate, and that which is snuffed, is sin: 
An excellent expo●●tion.  which God commandeth to be snuffed, and incontinently in water or sand to be covered, to the end it do not offend or give stench unto him that snuffeth the same. And therefore the judge or governor of the common wealth, aught curiously to consider, not only the act of correction of faults, but also which concerneth the preserving of credit. And it is no other thing, when God willeth, the presently after the snuffing of the lamp, the snuff should be buried, but that the sinner be chastised, & not dishonoured.  
Admitting that our Lord jesus Christ had sin in great horror, notwithstanding he did not hate the sinner. For he himself said, Non veni vocare justo, sed peccatores. And of him thus was said, Hic peccatores recipit, & manducat eum illis. The Lord & redemptor with golden snuffers did snuff the lamps, and in a golden basin did lay the snuffers, when he called sinners; did preach to sinners, & was served of sinners, having no disdain to have them in his company, and to sit with them at one table.  
If we aught to use our skill in snuffing the candles, much more delicately we aught to correct sin, which to say, that the correction be in secret, discrete, and done with Christian charity, and not as a Prelate or judge cruel and inhuman. jesus Christ understood very well, that judas should cell him and deliver him into the hands of the jews, and yet notwithstanding he washed his feet, 
An example to be embraced  did communicate as with his other disciples, did sit at table with him, and gave him leave to talk and confer: to give us to understand, that with such modesty we should correct the faults of our neighbour, that by no means we should hinder his credit.  
In this wretched world, that which we snuff from the candle, we cast upon the ground, and tread upon with the foot, I would say, that from the hour that a poor sinner committeth any notable crime, from thence forth he is abhorred of all men, and likewise defamed, as though we were not accustomably used to prosecute sin, behold sin, and commit offences. I assure your Lordship, that if all men which know to sin, that be given to sin, & glorify themselves to have sinned, should fail or die: we should then have small cause to build houses, neither yet to sow wheat. But it is not so, nor hath been so in the house of God. For that which was snuffed, was laid in the basin of gold, 
For that God pardoneth sinners, it is convenient that sinners do pardon each other.  to give us also to understand, that he which sinneth by frailty, either doth err by negligence, we aught not presently to defame, and much less to dishonour.  
For if God which is most injured, give pardon, there is no reason that another sinner as great, should condemn him. Behold most noble and my good Lord, what it is that I understand as concerning this passage, and that which I preached unto the Emperor in the palace at Madrid, the .12. of August, Anno. 1527.    

A discourse made unto Queen Elinor, in a sermon of the transfiguration, wherein is touched by an high style, the great love that Christ did bear us.  
RIght high and magnificent Princes, the most ancient among the ancients, and the most famous amongst the famous Adages or proverbs, is the same which was given by the Oracle of Apollo unto the Orators of Rome: which is to wit, Nosce teipsum: and, Ne quid himis: As if he would have said, All the weal of the common wealth is contained in that, that every man do know himself, and that none do manifest himself, his deeds & attempts extreme. Inasmuchas that presumption, & to great self liking, importeth danger, and every excess likewise, and leadeth unto travel. Words more brief, and sentences more compendious certainly might not be spoken, either found in writing: For that (to say the troth) if every man did consider with himself the small worthiness that he containeth, he would not so lightly judge of others, and if no man would so extremely determine to perform his will, so many errors, violences, and faults would not be committed.  
And for that cause, the man that is in his conversation presumptuous, and in his affairs headstrong, unbrydeler, 
To row against the stream, and fish against the wind.  and opiniative, no man aught to bear him envy, or impair his rent, since he roweth against the stream, and fysheth against the wind.  
To eat too much, is extreme and excess: too much cold & to great heat, is the same: great abundance & miserable poverty is likewise extreme, whereof we may infer, that only virtue is that, which is equal in balance, and that only is vice, 
The notes of Virtue.  that endureth no equality. One man to call another man extreme or excessive, is to touch him with to great an injury, considering that every man which is heady and extreme, 
The garments wherewith a fool is clad.  he is not far from the state of a fool. Insomuch that folly is no other thing, but when a man without respect doth all things to his own liking.  
Then I demand if this be true, as it is, wherefore sayeth the Gospel, that upon the Mount of Thabor, Moses and Helie did talk with jesus Christ, of the great excess which he should use and perform in jerusalem.  
Truly these be words very strange, the perfection of God being such, that his powerserueth not to commit any thing superfluous, neither yet defective in any thing he taketh in hand. And what is he that dareth to say, that there is any thing, which he cannot do? or performeth that which is not reasonable?  
Then presently let us examine the life of the good jesus Christ, and we will see if we can find, wherein he hath been extreme, or wherein he hath used excess, since we all confess, that his life hath not been but as a clock to govern us, and as a butt whereat to shoot.  
Neither are we able to say, that he committed any excess in eating or drinking, for presently after he was baptised, he went to fast in the desert forty days & forty nights on a tanke.  
And less did jesus Christ use excess in his apparel, since it is not found written that he had more than two coats, and yet went bore foot.  
Not in sleeping, either in recreating that he used excess: since that many times he passed the night without rest, sleep or lodging, and tired with travel, was driven to repose upon the wells side of Samaria.  
Not in words, either in his Sermons, since his enemies did say, that never any man spoke so little, so well, and with such modesty,  
Not in the law which he hath given us, either in the precepts which he hath ordained: for he hath not commanded in his Gospel any thing which is profane: and in recompense he hath promised the observers thereof life everlasting.  
Neither hath he used excess in hoarding of treasures or other comforts of man's life: for that he lived apostolic, and all those of his college, which partly lived of Alms, and did eat ears of corn in the fields for necessity.  
And to say the troth, and to speak clearly of this matter, the excess and the great extremity which the blessed jesus committed, was not, as it is said, in drinking, eating, sleeping, 
An extreme excess committed of Christ.  or in any other thing, but only in love: for all his other works and actions were finished, except the love which he did bear, that was infinite and had no end. And therefore if any would balance the griefs, sorrows, afflictions, and tears of jesus Christ, with the love that he did bear us, without comparison he shall find his love far to exceed and surmount his torments, for that upon the tree of the Cross, his passion had an end, but his love and affection did never cease.  
And certainly jesus Christ in all things used great moderation, except in his love, which he did bear unto the universal world, being so excessive, that it exceeded the humanity, approaching very near unto the divinity. And therefore, if he had not been God and man, as he was, it had been impossible to have loved with so great affection, and to have bestowed so great and marvelous things, for that which he loved.  
Most certainly jesus used excess and great extremity, to suffer so many thorns to pierce his sacred head, & so many other passions and torments to afflict his most divine body: which passions and torments, did far exceed the afflictions which the Martyrs endured. Therefore we say, 
Thirst ceaseth not to commit excess.  that great was the excess and extreme was the love that jesus Christ did bear us: which he did manifest in the works of a most true and perfect lover.  
Moses and Helie did not common with jesus Christ, of government of the family, neither of their synagogue, but of the ignominious & staunderous death, which jesus Christ should endure at jerusalem, and how he should die for all men, and that he should be tormented with exceeding afflictions, which he should endure with an heart accompanied with extreme love. Si diligitis me, mandata mea seruate: which is to say, My dear disciples, it is not sufficient to say, that you love me, if otherwise you be negligent to observe my commandments: for that you see, I am not satisfied to love you well in words, but that I show and perform the same in deeds. If we would profoundly regard these words of jesus Christ, 
Love of effect more than of affection.  we should find the love of God not only to consist in affection, but in effect.  
I would say that good works be more exorable unto God than holy desires. For him that is feeble and sick, it sufficeth that he love, but he that is hole and sound, aught to love and work: for jesus Christ our God doth accept the want of power, but is displeased with want of william.  

Want of power, but not of will is accepted.  Diligite inimicos vestros, & benefacite ijs qui oderunt vos: As if he should say, Love your enemies, and do good unto them that persecute you. jesus Christ giving to understand, that love aught to be put in effect.  
Likewise the scripture saith, Ignis in altari meo semper ardebit, & sacerdos nutriet illum mittens ligna: Within the Temple that is dedicated, sayeth the Lord, and upon the Altar which is consecrated unto me, I will that it be always furnished with fire, one of the Priests having charge with wood to maintain the same that it go not out. In such wise that God is not satisfied, that for his own time, there should be fire of love: but also therewithal he commandeth, that it be entertained with the wood of good works. For as fire goeth out, if it be not maintained with wood, so likewise love groweth cold, which is not mixed with good works: and as the fire without wood turneth to ashes, so doth love without works take an end and finish.  

Love hath his maintenance by good works.  The Philosopher will say, that, habitus, is engendered of actus: and the Divine will say, that the good love is conserved by the mean of the good work.  
Speaking of the extreme love that God did bear us, jeremy sayeth, In charitate perpetua dilexi te: which is, I love not as others, neither is my love like the love of others: for I love mine with charity, and do entreat them with pity.  
The love of man is such, that if they determine to love any thing, it is most likely they love the same, for the perfection thereof. As if he should love an Orient stone, it is for the property or beauty thereof: if he love meat, it is for the taste: If he love gold, it is, for that it is precious: If he love Music, it is for that it gladdeth him: If he love his wife, it is for her bounty or beauty. In such wise, that man advanceth not to love any thing, in which he hath not some opinion, that it shall like or please him. But far otherwise is the love which God beareth us. For we know not in ourselves any cause, 
Weak causes to obtain the love of God.  why God should be in love with us, which is most evident, for that our eyes delight to behold nothing but vain things, our ears to hear lies & flatteries, our hands ready to rapine, our hearts bend upon covetise: In such wise, that in our wretched and miserable person, God findeth not any occasion why he should love us, but many wherefore to hate us. Notwithstanding the blessed jesus, determined to remedy the sins that he saw in us, and the ingratitude that he found in us: it pleased him to secure us with his mercy, and to lend us his blessed grace, by the means whereof we might bring forth the fruits of good works, whereof he himself might be amorous, and our conscience comforted.  
Then Saint Peter, that denied him, S. Paul, that pursued him, S. Matthew that as a Publican did exchange, the thief that did steal, might not have found the house of jesus Christ if he himself first had not given his grace.  
O love never heard of, o lover not to be compared, 
Against the hear of mundaine love.  the which against the hear of mundaine love, both give love, and the occasions of love.  
In charitate perpetua dilexi te, said jesus Christ by the Prophet, that the love wherewith jesus Christ doth love us, is not feigned, much less transitory, but perpetual, & stable: which is most true, in as much as by the mean of his own grace, he is pleased with us, before our good works can declare us to be his friends.  

A divine love not used among men.  That with a perpetual and perfect charity thou lovest me, o thou love of my soul and redeemer of my life, considering the love which thou bearest us is thine, and the profit thereof is mine, pretending no other thing of thy love which thou bearest to all creatures, but by demonstration to declare thy sovereign bounty, in placing upon us thy most great and ardent charity.  
With perpetual charity, O Lord, thou dost love us, considering that great day of thy passion, wherein neither the torments of thy body, either the despiteful malice of the people, 
A most sovereign & unremovable love.  might in no manner withdraw thy sovereign bounty, or darken thy most great charity: but rather with innarrable sighs, and tears incomparable, didst pray for them that did crucify thee, & didst pardon them that did offend thee.  
And most certainly, with a perpetual charity did our good Lord love us, since from the present hour wherein he finished his prayer, and rendered his spirit, incontinent was manifested the fruit of his passion, and the efficacy of his prayer.  
Non rogo pro ijs tantum, sed pro bis qui credituri sunt in me. jesus Christ speaking unto his father the night before his passion, said, O my father, I pray not unto thee only for my Apostles and Disciples, but also I pray as well for all the faithful which shall believe in me, and that shall love thee. For even as thou & I be one self thing in divinity, so they and I be one body mystical by charity.  
O Redeemer of my life, o repairer from all my distresses, what may I do that may please thee, wherewith may I recompense thy great goodness, wherewith I am indebted? if I be not sufficient to give due thanks for the good things that hourly thou dost bestow upon me, what ability may I find to satisfy the great love which thou bearest unto my soul?  
Surely the words that the Lord jesus Christ did speak in his prayer, be right worthy to be noted, retained, and to memory to be commended, considering we were not yet borne, neither yet our great Grandfathers. 
Christ extended an ardent love unto us, before we had being.  He prayed unto his father with such instance and great efficacy, for the health of all his Church, as much I say, as for those, which were with him at supper: in such wise, that the good Lord, as he should die for all, would pray for all: whereof we may infer, that we aught fully to believe, and to be out of doubt, that since our redeemer had us in remembrance before we came into the world, that he will not now forget us, when by faith we enter into his service.  
I pray thee gentle Christian say unto me, 
A great cause of hope.  if jesus Christ had not pitied our estate, what had become of us? surely if the Church of God at this present do contain, or is endued with any obedience, patience, charity, humility, abstinence, or continence, all is to be imputed to the ardent love that jesus Christ did bear us, by the prayer he made unto his father on our behalf, redeeming our disgrace with his precious blood, and by his prayer placing us in favour.  
To be in love with such as be present and absent, to be in love both with quick and dead, it passeth: 
A love never hard of.  but to love such as be yet to come; and be not yet borne, certainly is a thing that was never heard of: the which our redeemer hath performed and brought to pass, and yet hateth the wicked liver, and loveth the good not yet borne.  
In such manner is coupled together, both life and death, love and hatred, he that loveth, and the thing loved, that all taketh end at an hour, which is contrary unto the love which jesus Christ doth bear us: for his love had beginning before the creation of the world, and yet shall not end at the day of judgement. The conclusion of all that we have said shall be: 
An everlasting love.  that the excess or extremity which was spoken of in the mount of Thabor, was of the extreme and excessive sorrows, that jesus Christ should endure, and of the most great and excessive love that he did bear us, and in time to come should show us here by grace, and after by glory. Ad quam nos perducat jesus Christus Amen.   

The taking and overthrow of Carthage, done by Scipio the great, with a singular example of continency which he there expressed, written to the Bishop of Carthage.  
MOst honourable Lord, and Catholic Prelate, I have received in this City of Toledo, in his majesties Chamber, the letter that you have written, and the Emerald which you have sent me, the which surely is very fair and rich, but notwithstanding, in respect of the place and from whom it cometh, I rather hold and esteem it more dear, & incontinuall remembrance. And I understood by your letter, your estate, and how you behave yourself in your bishopric, and that you are not as yet disposed to come to this Court, for that you are there in greater quietness, and have leisure to serve God, whereof doubtless I do not a little envy your felicity: for this life at Court is no other thing than a languishing death, 
The manner and fruit of life in the Court of Spain.  a certain unquiet life, without peace, and principally without money, and a certain purchase of damage and offence to the body, and of Hell for the soul.  
If it pleased his Majesty that I might retire unto my house, I promise' you by the faith of a Christian, I would not stay one hour at Court. For the Court is neither good or convenient for me, either I for the Court. But being confessor unto his majesty, and Amner unto the Empress, I may not escape one day from the Court. Notwithstanding amongst all these discommodities, 
The commodities of the Court of Spain.  we receive this benefit, which is, we understand in this Court all that is done, or in practice, through the world, which is a matter wherein man doth much delight, & content his spirits, having no regard to other things, that might turn him to more profit.  
As touching you my Lord: you possess your house with great quietness delivered of all fantasy to come to the Court, as well for the reasons abovesaid, 
A good rule for a Bishop  as also for that your people shall be indoctrined and maintained in better behaviour, and your haul and buttery more thoroughly furnished.  
Farther, you command me to writ unto you particularly, when the Carthaginians entered into Spain, & at what time Scipio the African did take Carthage, the chief City of your Bishopric: and that you have laid a wager with the Lord sir Peter of Mendoza governor of the same City, upon the same matter, & being of contrary opinions, have chosen me for judge or arbitrator of your contention. Certainly these be things very far from my profession: for being religious as you know, it should serve much better to the purpose, to sit and understand of the time that my religion was invented, and in what country S. Francis was borne, than to understand when the Carthaginians entered Spain, & at what time the Romans did sack & subvert Carthage. But since you have chosen and established me for your judge, & will that I shall say my opinion, 
A matter without remission.  & that which I know: I shall not fail to yield & tender my endeavour, without any remission of the Mule which you promised me.  
But coming now to the purpose, you have to understand, during the wars betwixt the Gaditains, 
The Gaditains be those of Calais.  & the Turdetaynes, the Gaditains scent their ambassadors to the Carthaginians, to draw them to their party, & to have succour from them: whereunto the Carthaginians consented, and at the instant sent Marhaball, a man very valiant, to go into Spain to the succour of the Gaditains. This Marhaball under the colour of giving aid unto the Gaditains, 
A possession and a secret commission to be noted.  brought himself in possession of a certain part of Andolozia, and reduced the same under the government of the Carthaginians, following his secret commission, and the order which was given him in his ear: This was brought to pass in the year of the general Flood. M. D.CCCX.  
This was the first descent of the Carthaginians in Spain. In the days when the Romans expelled their kings. But afterwards, the Carthaginians divers times by divers captains, did invade & had possession of many countries & cities of Spain, which they held unto the time that the romans coming unto the succour of the Saguntines, where the Carthaginians were discomfited, distressed & driven away: both the armies being conducted by Hannibal & Scipio, the first being the leader and Captain of the armies of Carthage, the other for the Romans. This Scipio was then entitled Scipio the great, & renowned with the surname, African, for that after he subdued the great Carthage, & did take the same by divers assaults. This City as is known to your Lordship, 
A description of the situation of Carthage.  it holdeth on the East part, a certain hill with a ridge, compassed with the Sea, and on the other side where this hill or ridge joineth unto the City, there is a lake on that side of Bize.  
The Carthaginians supposing their City to be sufficiently strong upon that side, gave no order thereof either for watch or ward. As Scipio battered the City by Sea & land, he had advertisement by certain fishermen of Tarresko, which at othertimes had repaired and gone to Carthage, that the water of the lake did use to fall at an hour. 
A most unfortunate report of a neighbour.  By which advertisement Scipio caused the water to be sounded, and having found the greatest depth but to the girdle, & in most places but to the knees, he caused certain chosen soldiers to enter the water, which passing without impediment, did climb the walls, & entered the City, obtaining thereby possession with small loss, having executed great slaughter of the people thereof, and Hanno the Captain of the City being taken prisoner. And as the romans did prosecute and performed the destruction of the City, forcing to pass by the edge of the sword all that ever they met, a Damsel of Spain of a noble house, the wife of Madonius, brother to Indibilis, Lord of the Illergets, did yield herself prostrate and groveling at the feet of Scipio, most humbly beseeching, that it might please him to vouchsafe to recommend the honour of the women unto the soldiers. And as Scipio answered, that he would gladly perform the same, this Lady replied saying after this manner:  
O Scipio, I am charged with one particular and right sorrowful grief, 
A double suit of a virtuous Lady.  which pierceth my heart in this present fortune to solicit thy excellency to use thy mild favour with great diligence: for I have here my two nices (showing two most excellent right singular young Ladies) daughters of Indibilis, which hold and esteem me as their only mother, who tear mine entrails and break and pierce my heart, to see them in servitude amids the armies.  
Whereof Scipio being moved by great compassion, and no less reverence, made answer unto this Lady: Madame, you have to understand, that notwithstanding the common courtesy of the Roman people, and my natural condition do provoke me to defend the honour of Ladies: yet therewithal, 
An answer of a noble & virtuous mind.  your great virtue and dignity constrains me to use more speedy diligence therein: considering that in the mids of your adversities you forget not the chief point of honour, which all Ladies of chaste renown aught to maintain, keep & defend. 
A chief point of Ladies of chaste renown   
The which being said, he commended these three Damsels to the guard and defence of a gentleman of name and much esteemed for his virtue, straightly commanding the same, to entreat and serve these Ladies, with no less courtesy, than if they were the wives or daughters of gentlemen of Rome.  
And now, since you have been advertised of one virtuous act of Scipio, I will yet recite another right famous deed, 
A spectacle for young Captains.  of great virtue, to show unto the world, that Scipio doth worthily deserve eternal praise, to serve as an example and perfect spectacle of continency to all young Captains.  
The cause was this: at the very instant that Scipio had dispatched these three Ladies aforesaid, the Soldiers brought unto him a certain young Damsel, the fairest that ever they had seen: but Scipio understanding that she was betrothed to Lucius Prince of the Celtibires, and that she was descended of parents very noble, would in no wise touch her, but rather had a double care to defend her honour. And having commanded the father and the husband of the said Lady to be called unto his presence, and also understanding the said Prince to love with an ardent desire, and an inflamed affection: said thus unto him: O Lucius, having thy love in my power, and being young as thou art, I might well enjoy the delight of her beauty: 
Scipio of singular continency.  but having advertisement that thou bearest her great and most perfect affection: I have thought good not only to defend but also to preserve her for thee, and tender the same into thy hands as chaste a virgin, as she was delivered unto me. And I will no other recompense at thy hands, but that thou continue a faithful friend unto the romans, for thou shalt not found a Nation in this world of so perfect friendship as are the Roman people, neither of so great merit for their worthy virtues.  
Whereunto Lucius could say no other thing, but kissing the right hand of Scipio, besought the immortal Gods, to remunerate the great goodness and passing courtesy he had used unto him, confessing his great want of ability, for the recompense of so great a bounty.  
And after returning unto the parents of the said Damsel, rendering their daughter without any ransom: They most instantly besought him, that it might please him to accept the gold which they had brought for her ransom, in token and as a pledge of their amity and dutiful affection.  
Scipio being pressed of them, did accept the same: and placing it at his feet, in the presence of them all, called Lucius and said: 
A rendered ransom given to the marriage of an enemy.  behold Lucius, I give thee this gold which thy father and mother in law have presented me, as a gift unto the marriage of thy wife, besides that which before was appointed thee. Take and refuse it not for my sake, and as a token for remembrance of sound friendship in time to come.  
Then Lucius and his father and mother in law, receiving the Damsel and the gold, did take their leave of Scipio, and retired into their country, publishing in all places where they passed, most greatest praise of Scipio and the Roman people.  

A recompense for courtesy received.  Very shortly after Lucius came to seek Scipio with fourteen hundredth horse, to attend and assist the Romans. After which time Scipio departed from Carthage to Tarzacone, to give order for the wars, in effect to chase and expulse the Carthaginians out of Spain.  
My Lord behold here my opinion as touching your demand: and if your honour, or the governor be not of the same opinion, which is, that if Marhaball were not the first Carthaginian that entered Spain: and that the great Scipio the African, did not take, sack, and subvert new Carthage: I will say no more, but that if Titus Livius were alive, he would give you such a combat with the Camp of his Decades, that he would thoroughly give you to understand of your wrong information.  
Of news there is no other, but that his Majesty is in health, and twice a week goeth to the assembly. The Empress also is in health, and this hot weather feedeth very little. This other night from Civil they brought a paquet of letters unto his majesty: 
News.  wherein he was advertised of ten ships from Peru, to be arrived in the haven of Civil with twenty Millions of gold, whereof there were eight for his majesty, and twelve for other particular persons. Diego of Acunia the bearer hereof, shall farther make report of all that passeth here at Court. No more but God have you in his keeping and give me grace to serve him.  
From Toledo the 22. of july. 1537.   

A disputation and discourse held against the jews of Rome, wherein is declared notable authorities of the sacred Scripture.  
ALiama Horranda, which is to say, honourable troop of Inis, I remain with the long disputation past, so weary, and my head so distempered with your cries, that if it were not for the service of my Lord jesus Christ, and for the zeal of your souls, the profession of a divine, as also for the honour of my law which I confess & sound believe: you should be assured that I would neither dispute with you any more, or enter at any time into your Synagogue, for that as touching your conversion ye are too too much obstinate, 
To be obstinate and opiniative expresseth enmity to the troth.  and in the manner of disputation extremely opiniative. Neither unto you either yet unto me doth it appertain, that the difficulties or opinions which either of us defendeth, should be verified with offensive arms, much less with injurious words assuring, that at the Schools where I have studied, and of the masters of whom I have learned, he was not esteemed wise, that cried strongly, but could perform and speak very well.  
And since we debate not upon any matter of your goods, much less is my coming for the same or any such purpose, but only for the verifying of the sacred Scripture. I pray you for the love of God, interrupt not my reasons, but hear me with patience until I have finished my tale: for all you of this Synagogue hold for custom, that if any word be spoken against your taste or liking, forthwith ye begin to garboil, cry & brabble. Therefore hear me, and I will hear you: speak, or else I will speak: give ear unto me, or else I will harken unto you: suffer me, and I shall endure and suffer you: since we talk, confer and dispute of matters so high and divine, it is good reason that such difficulties, and so great mysteries should be disputed after the manner of wise men, and not crying as fools: considering that the wisdom of the wise is known by his talk, 
The wise is known by the manner, & modesty of his talk.  and his prudence in the modesty which he useth in his speech.  
I have said all this, for that in the disputation which we have had betwixt us, eight days past, ye did not only impugn and speak against both the authorities which I alleged of the holy Prophet Esay, and of King David, but also joining your fists to my eyes, ye charged me with the lie, injuriously and threatening.  

The Inis dispute with their fists.  If ye should say, that I am a great sinner, a dasterd, dull, and simple, I confess the same.  
But to say that is false which I alleged, or erroneous which I defended, I utterly appeal and deny: for my good Lord jesus Christ of his mercy either could or would fail me therein. But coming to the purpose, me thinketh to commit no injury, to bring forth and allege the passages of the holy Bible, and therewithal, of the holy Prophet David, and a king amongst you best beloved, and of Esay the Prophet, of you most esteemed. The which have said and prophesied, of the ignorance which ye should have, from the which I beseech God to draw you and with his grace to inspire you: for certainly I have compassion to consider your great infamy, having in times passed above all nations received most favour of God.  

Psalm. 63.  Scrutati sunt iniquitates, defecerunt scrutantes scrutinio. The royal Prophet David said, speaking of the doctors of your law, as if he would say, 
King David did Prophesy the errors and false interpretation of the Inis.  the ministers of the law be set, to interpret and declare the sacred scripture, from the which, they have not drawn but falsehood and malice.  
But now honourable Inis, I pray you to say, of whom doth your Prophet here speak: And tell me what they be, that dare falsify the sacred scripture? to the end we may understand to shun them, or else as Heretics to burn them. For as the divine Plato said, he aught to be accused of high treason, that falsely doth interpret the law.  
If ye will say, that the Gentiles, Scrutati sunt iniquitates, 
The Gentiles be excused of false interpretation of the scripture.  which is to say, That they have evil interpretated the law, I answer that you speak unjustly and raise a false testimony against them: for the princes of the heathen have more gloried and given themselves unto the wars than to the interpretation of books.  
If ye will say, that those which presently be called Moors or Turks, be the same people, whereof the Prophet speaketh: Scrutati sunt iniquitates, hereunto I answer, 
The Turks, Moors, and Saracens, were not accused by the prophecy of King David, to be false interpreters. The Christians be defended of false interpretation of the Scriptures.  that as false is the one, as the other: for as much as if we will have regard unto the time of the reign of King David, which did prophesy the same: until the time of Mahomet the first inventor and conductor of the sect of the Moors, we shall found, that there did pass, less than 2000 and more than 1800. years.  
If we would say and affirm that the Prophet did mean, and direct his speech unto the Christians, I say also it is most false, and repugnant unto all troth, for being admitted, that the Christian faith had beginning to reign 600. years, before the sect of the Moors, and more than 3000. years after the beginning of the Gentility or the Heathen from the time that this prophecy was written at jerusalem, unto the time they began to name themselves Christians at Antioch, there passed more than a thousand years, and also three hundred years more for advantage.  
Behold here truly verified, that since the prophecy may not be advouched upon the Gentiles, the Moors, neither yet the Christians, that it is to be understood, & spoken unto you jews, more expressly, for that the Prophet saith not Scruteront, 
A manifest proof that the Prophet only chargeth the jews of false interpretation.  but Scruterent, giving us to understand, that many years before King David did pronounce the same, your ancestors had then already begun to corrupt the sacred Scriptures, and to add unto the same erroneous glosses.  
I lie not, neither do I repent to have said, that your ancient fathers, Scrutati sunt iniquitates, since they have no grace to understand the Prophecy of jeremy which saith, 
jeremy. 31.  post dies multos (dicit dominus) dabo meam legem in visceribus illorum, & in cord eorum ad scribam legem meam As if he would have said: After many days, and after many years, I will created a new people, and will give them a new law, which I myself will wright in their bowels, 
A comfort unto Christians  and hide within their hearts: to the end that no person shall falsify the same, and much less shall they be able to forget it.  
Then as the Prophecy which saith: Scrutati saint iniquitates. etc. is spoken only unto you, and not to all men: in like manner this Prophecy of jeremy which saith, dabo legem in visceribus illorum, etc. is spoken unto us Christians, and not to you jews.  
For as much as our Catholic faith consisteth more in that which is rooted within our hearts, than in that which is written in books: in such manner the weal of the Christian lieth not in that which he readeth, but in that which he believeth. 
The weal of the Christian is faith.   
The marvels that Christ hath done, and the doctrines which he hath given unto the world: It is necessary and well done, to know and also to read them: but it is much more found and sure to believe them: for the number is infinite which be saved without reading, but not one person without well believing.  

Many be saved without reading, but not one person without believing.  The Edicts and Proclamations, which they ordained, and the laws of Moses, Promotheus, Solon, Lycurgus, and Numa Pompilius, were all written with their hands, and preserved and kept safe in their originals within their liberties: but the law of jesus Christ, aught most certainly to be written within our hearts: for that, in as much, that the Lord gave us no other law, but the law of love, he did like and thought it better, that we should search and found the same within our hearts, 
Love is the law of Christians.  than within our books.  
And not without great mystery, God said by the mouth of your Prophet, that the law which his son should give us, that he should first writ it within the hearts, before the Evangelist should reduce them by writing into books: for after this manner, it might not be forgotten, neither yet burned.  
And so, if your ancient predecessors, had obtained the law of Moses written in their hearts, as they had them written in old parchment: they had not in times past worshipped the Idols of Baal, Bell, Pegor, Asterot, Bahalim, and Belzebub: for which offence, you were carried captive into strange countries, and fallen into your enemies hands.  

How it came to pass, that the Hebrew tongue was lost.  
IN like manner ye used me with no small despite, for that in disputing against you, 
Chapter .49.  I alleged your Esay, where God the Father speaking unto his own proper son, said these words, parum est mihi, ut suscites tribus jacob, & feces Israel: dedit te in lucem gentium ut sis salus mea usque ad extremum terrae. As if he would have said: it is no great matter, that thou serve me, to suscitate and raise up the lies of jacob, and to convert the dregs of Israel: for I have given thee also for a light unto the Gentiles: to the end that thou shalt be my saving health unto the end of the world.  
There is no man, having read although but little in the holy Scripture, that will not say and affirm, that the Prophet Esay was not an Hebrew borne, a Prophet of a noble line, and right eloquent in the scriptures: for which cause, you aught rather to blame and complain of him, which doth call and term you lies and dregs of jacob, than of me, the which in all our diputations, have not at any time alleged any Christian doctor, but only Hebrewish Prophets.  
I say again, that you have small reason to be offended with him or me: for there is another Prophet which doth call you off scouring, another venom, another lies, another dregs, another ordure, 
A report as true, as miserable.  another slime, another smoke, another filth, in such wise, that as often as ye did not cease to sin, so did they not cease to blazon, and to express you with most perfect terms.  
Are ye able to deny, that of your priesthood, of your Sceptre, of your Temple, of your Realm, of your law, of your tongue, 
An heavy destiny.  either of your scripture, is there any remaining but the lies which smelleth, and the dregs which stinketh?  
Surely, that which was in your law, clear, neat, precious, and odoriferous, long before the incarnation, was consumed: and that little which remained, in jesus Christ did take an end. And as concerning the priesthood of your law, the great sacrificer, or the high Priest, aught he not to be extract out of the Tribe of Levy, whereof you have nothing left but the lies? for yet in the time of younger and better days, it was no more given unto the levites that did best deserve it, but unto him that offered most silver: in such wise that to him that offered most, 
Nothing left but lies.  and had greatest skill to flatter, the priesthood was given: as when a garment is sold by the drum.  
Likewise of your Sceptre royal, what have you but the lies? for Herod Eskalonite a stranger, did not only usurp your Realm, but by industry caused the Prince Antigonus, son to Alexander your King, to be drowned: the final end of your Realm of judea, 
Nothing left but dregs.  and of the Crown of Israel.  
What shall we say of your most ancient Temple, so magnificent in buildings, and so holy in the action of sacrifice: surely ye have no other thing but the lies.  
For ye well know, that forty years and no more. After ye crucified the Lord jesus Christ, the emperors Titus and Vespasian the father and son, 
Nothing but lies.  did sack, destroy, and burn the same.  
Of the Monarchy of your kingdom much less have you not of any thing, than the lies, for that, from the time, the great Pomp●y passed into Asia, and subdued Palestine, he never after committed faith to any jew: I say to give him any special charge of government in the City, or defence of any fortress, 
Nothing but dregs.  but perpetually did show yourselves subject to the Romans, not as Vassals, but rather as slaves.  
If we should speak of your ancient language, & of the old characters of your writings, we should likewise find, that you have not any thing left but lies: and for proof thereof, first I pray you tell me, which is he amongst you, that knoweth the language of your ancestors, either can read, 
Nothing but lies.  or else understand, any of the ancient Hebruish books?  
But now to bring you to the knowledge thereof, I shall deduce, notwithstanding it doth not like you, directly and successively, the beginning of your Hebrewish tongue, and how by little and little it was lost again. 
The beginning and ending of the Hebrew tongue described.  Wherein you have to understand, that the Patriarch No, with his children and Nephews, escaping the Flood, went and did settle in the country of Caldea: the situation whereof, is under the fourth Climate, the Region after the Flood first inhabited and populat, from whence be issued the Egyptians, Sarmits, greeks, Latins, and all other Nations. In the same Region, I mean beyond the river Euphrates, and near unto Mesopotamie: the Patriarch Abraham was borne and nourished, the which being called of God, came to devil in the country of Canaan, afterwards named Syria the less: the country where the good old Abraham and his generation did most inhabit.  
In those days in that country of Canaan they had in use to speak another language named Sirien, very different from the Called tongue: But as Abraham and his posterity dwelling in that country many years, these two languages by process of time, grew to be corrupted, Abraham his family and successors, being not able to learn the Sirien speech, neither the Siriens the Called tongue: of these two languages there remained in use one, which was named the Hebrew.  
Also you have to understand, that this name Hebrew, is as much to say, as a man that is a stranger, or come from beyond the River: and for that Abraham was come from the other side of the River Euphrates, he was generally called Hebrew, in such wise, that of this name Hebrew, by the which Abraham was called, the speech, tongue, and language, was also named Hebraique, and not Chaldean, notwithstanding that he was of Caldea.  
Many Doctors, Greeks and Latins, have said, that the Hebrew tongue doth come from Heber, the son of Sale: and that it was the language, which was in use and spoken before the general Flood: notwithstanding, Rabialhazer, Mosanahadach, Aphesrura, Zimibi, and Sadoc, your most ancient and famous Hebrew doctors, do swear and affirm, that the first speech and language in this world, was lost in the construction, or to say better, the confusion of the tower of Babylon, without perfection remaining in any one word of their language.  
And then, since the language of No was lost, the Chaldean converted into the Sirien, and the Sirien into the Hebrew, it came to pass that jacob with his twelve sons, went to dwell in Egypt, where they did sojourn so long Captives, that very near they forgot the Hebrew tongue, neither aptly could learn the Egyptian language, remaining in their speech and pronunciation corrupted.  
And as after the destruction of the second Temple, as also the total and final loss and destruction of the holy land. That your brethren were dispersed throughout the world, & for the most part Captives, and that in you there remained nothing but the lies of jacob, the things desolate of Israel, God did permit that they should jointly take end, both the form of your life, and the manner of your speech.  

The jews lost both the form of their life, and the manner of their speech.  Behold here honourable jews, sufficiently proved by your own doctors, that of your country, language, renown, glory, and the whole state of your synagogue, ye have nothing left but the lies, as the Prophet saith, and the dregs and grounds of the tub.  
In such manner, that ye have neither Law to observe, 
A marvelous desolation.  King to obey, Sceptre to esteem, priesthood to advance your honour. Temple to pray in, City to inhabit, neither language to speak.  
And for that the scope and proof of your obstination, and our health and salvation, doth lie and consist in the verity of the Scripture which we have received, 
How, where, when, and by whom, the scriptures were falsified  and the falsehood and corruption of them which you confess: it shall be expedient to recite, how, where, and when, your Scriptures were corrupted and lost, even as I have produced and brought forth the loss of your language.  
You have therefore to understand, that the five books of the law, the which your great Duke Moses did writ, after he came forth of the Land of Egypt, and before he entered the land of promiss: and those which were written by the Prophet Samuel and Esdras, were all written in the Hebrew tongue without any addition of the Egyptian language, for your Moses (being inspired by God in all the things he did take in hand) did wright these books in the most ancient Hebrew tongue, which is to understand, in the very same that Abraham did speak at his coming out of Called: God giving you thereby to understand, that you should have followed your father Abraham, not only in the form of your life, but also in your speech.  
During the time that Moses, Aaron, joshua, Ezechiell, Caleph, Gedeon, and all the fourteen Dukes, did govern your Aliama, until the decease of the excellent King David, 
Aliama a troop or company.  the law of Moses was always well understood, and indifferently well observed.  
But after the decease of these good personages, and the kingdom and government being come into the hands of the successors of David, the synagogue was never more well governed, neither the Scriptures well understood: I would say not well understood generally of the twelve Tribes.  
There were notwithstanding, always some particular persons of the house of Israel, the which were agreeable and also acceptable unto God, and to the common wealth very profitable.  
That your law was not from thenceforth well understood, is most evident: for it was prohibited and defended in your Aliama, 
A prohibition amongst the jews to read the scriptures.  that neither the visions of Ezechiell, the sixth Chapter of Esay, the book of the Canticles of Solomon, the book of job, neither the lamentations of jeremy, should be read, or commented by any person: which was done, not because the books were not holy and approved, but rather because ye could not understand them.  
Much less may you deny me, that your Rabbi Salmon, Rabbi Solomon, 
The jews doctors alleged.  Rabbi Fatuell, Rabbi Aldugac, and Rabbi Baruch, do not say and affirm by their writings, that after your second deliverance from the Captivity of Babylon, ye never more understood, to perform the Ceremonies of your temple, speak the Hebrew tongue, either understand the holy Scripture, much less to sing the Canticles of David.  
And no less may you deny, that of all sorts of your jewish people in the days of the great Priest Mathathias, did repair unto the Court of king Antiochus, to cell the Realm, and to learn his law: and that which is more vile, ye consented that all the books of Moses, should publicly be burnt, and likewise permitted schools in the City of jerusalem, to read the laws of the Gentiles, 
A most wicked exchange.  placing also an Idol in the holy temple, unto whom was offered incense, and other odours, as if it had been the true God: the which most certainly I would not have spoken, if I had not found it written in the book of Maccabees.  
And then our Lord God, seeing the wine of the law in a manner consumed, and that there remained nothing but lies and dregs, and the time approaching that the Gentiles should be called and converted, and that in them the Church should begin: he did permit and ordain that all the holy scriptures should be translated into the Greek tongue, foreseeing that the Hebrew tongue should be lost.  
And how so famous a translation and interpretation came as touching their law, having also in the same charge to judge all differences betwixt the people. They had likewise the charge to command, and to make ordinances as touching the government of the Common wealth, even to the assignment & direction, what every one should have in his house.  
These were the men, hat did ordain and command, that before the Hebrews should suit at table, 
The apostles accused by the jews, and defended by Christ.  they should wash their hands: the transgression of which Ceremony the jews did accuse the Apostles, but as well defended by jesus Christ.  
For surely, if these ancients had not dealt farther than with the government of their common wealth, and judging their causes, it had been notwithstanding a thing tolerable. But by their authority they thrust in themselves, to gloze the Bible, and garboil the scripture. Whereof the principal that thereto did first give attempt, was Rabbi Salmon, Rabbi Enoch, 
A cause of error in the scripture.  Limuda, Rabbi Adam, Rabbi Elechana, and Rabbi joiade, whose gloss ye have as much praised and esteemed, as if God himself had ordained, and Moses written them. 
Congregations or Common wealths.  Whereof hath risen many errors in your Aliames', and many wrong and most untruths in the Scriptures, which you have.  
Neither are ye able to deny unto me, that by the mean of your false interpretations, and the erroneous understandings that your predecessors have committed and done upon the Bible, there hath not risen in your synagogue, 
The three cursed sects, Asees, Saducees, and pharisees.  those three cursed sects, of the Assees, Saducees, and pharisees, the which heretics caused in your common wealth great scandals, and in your law great doubts.  
And to the end you shall understand, that I know all your secrets. It is not unknown unto you, 
The auctor knoweth the secrets of the jews.  that .40. years before the incarnation of jesus Christ, there was in Babylon a jew named jonathan Abemiziell, so much esteemed amongst you, and his doctrine so much reverenced, that your authors have said, that in him was renewed the faith of Abraham, the patience of job, the zeal of Helie, and the spirit of Esay.  
This Rabbi Abemiziell, was the first that translated the Bible out of the Hebrew into the Caldian tongue, with such diligence and fidelity, that he was thought to be inspired of the holy Ghost in the doing thereof.  
This good jew Abemiziel, is the same, the which, whereas the Psalmist sayeth, Dixit Dominus Domino meo: he said, Dixit Dominus verbo meo.  
And in that Psalm which sayeth, Ego mortifico: he said, Ego mortificor. And where it is said, Percutiam & ego sanabo: he said, Percutiar & ego sanabo.  
And where it is said, Aduersus Dominum, & adversus Christum eius: he said, Aduersus Dominum, & adversus Messiam eius.  
And where Solomon sayeth: Viam viri in adolescentia, he said, Viam viri in adolescentula. In such manner, that in his words he seemed rather to prophesy than to translate.  
The translation of this jew Abemiziel, is the same, which at this present we call the Caldian translation, and the which is most in use in the oriental Churches, likewise is used of the Armenians, the Caldees, the Egyptians, and of many greeks.  

The jews began to convert Christians.  But the doctors of your law, perceiving that many jews did convert Christians, and that also conformable unto his translation they gathered, that Christ was the true Messiah. The which when they perceived, they did assemble in the City of Babylon, in the fourth year of the reign of the Emperor Traian: 
The jews condemn and duty the translation of Abemiziel, doubting the conversion of the jews to Christ.  wherein it was ordained, and commandment given, under great penalties, that any of that translation should never more be used, but in all places wheresoever it should be found, without remission to be burned.  
The translation of Abemiziel being condemned by the common consent of the jews, it came to pass in the sixth year of the said Emperor Traian, a certain great and famous heathen Priest, borne in the Isle of Pont, named Aquile, did convert himself to the law of Moses, the which conversion he did not perform of conscience to save his soul, but to obtain in marriage an excellent fair jewish woman, with whom he was far inflamed.  
And for that this Aquile, was a man very skilful in the Greek and Hebrew tongues, he found no better opportunity more aptly to show his spirit, than to take in hand the translation of all the holy Scripture, out of Hebrew into Greek.  
This same was the first translation that was performed after the incarnation of jesus Christ, 
The first traslation after the incarnation of Christ.  in the year .104. after his nativity. The which translation among you jews, was in small estimation, because it was done by such a one as in times paste had been a Heathen or Gentle, and of the Christians much less esteemed, for that it was brought to pass by him that was converted a jewe.  
Fifty two years after the death of the said Aquile, it is to be understood, in the eight year of the evil Emperor Commodus: 
The second translation.  There was another Greek translation performed by a jew named Theodosius, the which after become a Christian: which removed and made perfect all the errors of Aquile.  
Thirty seven years after the death of Theodosius, which is to understand, 
The third translation.  in the ninth year of the Empire of Severus: there was another translation performed out of the Hebrew into Greek, by a man learned and virtuous, named Simachus, the which was approved, well allowed, and received throughout all the east: notwithstanding that, not long after it was reproved and rejected.  
In those times, there reigned in the greatest parts of Asia, the Heresy of Ebionites, whereof Saint john in the Apocalypse maketh report: notwithstanding that Theodosius and Simachus had been faithful in their translations, and of troth and veritable in their words: our Church would at no time receive their scriptures, having no confidence in the credence of their persons.  
Fourteen years after the death of Simachus, which was the fifth year of the Empire of Heliogabalus, it came too pass, that a certain patriarch of jerusalem, being named joannes Budeus, found in a cave at jericho, faithfully written and catholicly translated out of Greek into Latin, all the old and new Testament.  

The fourth translation allowed in the Christian Church.  This is the translation the which at this present the Latin Church doth use, this is that which we call Quinta editio: and of others is named the Translation Hiericontini, which is to say, that which was found in Hiericho: the auctor whereof was never known.  
In the eight year of Alexander Severus, the son of Mamea, which was about ten years after the translation Hiericontine was found, a Doctor of ours named Origene, did correct the translation of the .70. Interpreters, which is to understand, in adding where they had been brief, 
A fifth translation by Origen after Christ.  declaring the dark mysteries, placing a little star, as a mark, where he had made declaration of any matter, and where he did remove or take away, he added the mark of a little arrow.  
All these six translations above mentioned, which is to say, of the .70. Interpreters, of Aquile, of Simachus, of Theodosius, of jericho, & that of Origene, our ancients did use for custom, of them all to make one book, writing in every leaf, by six divisions, and this book was named, Hexapla, ab ex, quod est ex Latinè, quasi sex traductiones in se continens.  
Four hundredth years after this, a certain Doctor of ours named S. Jerome, most certainly a man very holy, and in his time and of his temple most learned, and greatest understanding in the sacred Scriptures and humane letters, and no less expert in the Greek, Hebrew, and Caldée tongue. This man did in like manner correct the translation of the .70. Interpreters, & made also another by itself out of Greek into Latin, as well of the old as of the new Testament. The greatest part whereof, is now in use in our Catholic Church, and is the same that we most esteem.  
In like manner I will that you understand, that in the 314. year after the nativity of our saviour jesus Christ, there was raised among you a certain jew of Idumaea, named Maier, a man very subtile, and in the art of Nygromancie no less skilful, which obtained such credit and reputation among you, that he made you fully believe, that God had given two laws unto Moses in the mount of Sinai: 
One of the great & manifest causes of the false belief of the jews.  the one in writing, and the other in word: and said, that God had done the same, knowing that in time the written law should be lost, and that law should reign which was given by word.  
This cursed jew Maier, further said, that God had revealed this law unto Moses' only and alone, 
A Cruel suggestion of the Devil.  and Moses did reveal the same to joshua, and joshua to his successors, and so from hand to hand it was revealed unto him, and that unto him only God had commanded to put the same in writing, and to manifest the same to his jewish people. Insomuch that the law of Moses began to be abolished, and the people and their law to be lost.  
This law which your jew Maier had invented, in the hebrew speech was named Misna, which is to say, the Secret law. This said law was glossed afterwards by many of your doctors, namely by Rabbi Manoa, Rabbi Andasy, Rabbi Butaora, and Rabbi Samuel: the which in like manner with him did writ many wretched and cursed things, and no small lies, in prejudice of the law that jesus Christ had preached unto you, and the law which Moses had given you.  
This law is the same which your rabbis have otherwise named the book of the Talmud, wherein your doctors do say, that when God upon the Mount of Sinai, did give the law unto Moses, that then were present the souls of David, of Esay, of jeremy, of Ezechiel, and of Daniel, and of all the other Prophets. And likewise they say, that there was present all the souls of their rabbis of the Synagogue, 
Vanities affirmed by the jewish doctors.  which should declare both the laws of Moses, and also said, that shortly after God would anew created their bodies, to infuse these souls.  
But it is right well known unto you, that according to the Prophecies, and the laws of Moses, the true Messiah, which was jesus Christ, was then come, and that all your jewish Common wealth is now finished: for which cause ye have preferred this law named Misna, and his gloze, named Talmud, by the mean of which law and gloss, ye bold abused all the common people, and yield destruction to your jewish estate.  

This prophecy of David verified upon the jews.  Concluding, I say, that very well, to good, right, and direct purpose, I have alleged against you that text of David, which sayeth, Scrutati sunt iniquitates: And the other of Esay, which sayeth, Parum est mihi ut suscites feces. In so much, as you have falsified the Scriptures, 
This prophecy of Esay verified upon the Christians.  & invented other new laws.  
Wherefore, in respect thereof, I have done you neither wrong nor injury, considering also that at this present ye do more defend the law of Maier, than the law of Moses. And for that I have dilated this discourse, more than I thought to have done, the rest shall remain to be verified in some other disputation.    

An excellent disputation, which the Auctor held against the jews of Naples, wherein is declared the high mysteries of of the Trinity.  
Honourable rabbis, and stiff-necked jews, in the last disputation holden betwixt us on saturday last, ye would have plucked out mine eyes, and also have beaten me: because I alleged them these words of jesus Christ, which say: Ego principium qui & loquor vobis. Answering ye said, that neither jesus Christ understood what he said, either I much less what I defended: scornfully mocking ye affrmed that I was but simple: the which in deed may be very true. But to note my Lord jesus Christ of falsehood, most certainly of your part it proceedeth of your to too great wretchedness, and most exceeding and extreme wickedness: being utterly repugnant unto his bounty to deceive, and to his divinity to lie. Were it in you, or had ye the grace to believe, as I, and all others do, and aught to believe, that his humanity & word is united, ye would in like manner believe & confess that it were impossible, that the blessed jesus might err, in that which he commanded, either exercise his life as sinner, either his speech as liar.  
But forasmuch as ye remain obstinate in your laws of Moses, ye deserve not to understand so high mysteries. The law of Moses I do not deny, but your Cabal I can in no wise credit, but utterly defy, & firmly believe the Gospel of jesus Christ. And also most faithfully am fully persuaded, that when Christ in his humanity did take beginning, your ceremonial law did then take ending. And from the present hour that the Lord jesus Christ said upon the cross, Consummatum est, he gave us to understand, that then was finished the holocausts, sacrifices, oblations, figures, ceremonies, and also your royal sceptre had then taken end, and pontifical dignity declined and in short time after utterly consumed, and in the same moment our church began to spring, & your synagogue to be buried.  
There is now more than .1500. years past, that ye have had neither King to obey, sacrificing priest to command, temple to pray in, sacrifice to offer, prophets in whom to give credit, either as much as a city wherein to be succoured or repair unto: in such wise, that to all men it is manifestly seen, that your sorrowful synagogue is dead, and ended without all hope for evermore to rise again.  
jesus Christ said, that your kingdom should be removed and taken away, that your temple should be subverted and overthrown, that ye should be dispersed throughout the world, the jerusalem should be destroyed, & that your law should be lost. In like manner jesus Christ said, that ye should die obstinate in your sins, and so continue wandering as vagabonds until the end of the world.  
Notwithstanding that ye remained in bondage, servitude, & slavery, in those two great captivities of Egypt & Babylon, yet there remained with you some rennant of priesthood, of prophet, of king, or of law. But after the coming of jesus Christ, all was lost, all was finished, & all was vanished away, nothing remaining unto you, but the name of jews, & the liberty of slaves. There is not any nation in this world, be it never so barbarous, that hath not some place to retire unto, or some captain to defend them, the Garaments of Asia, the Messagetes bordering upon the Indians, and the Negroes of Aethiope, bearing witness, except you most miserable jews, the which in all places and countries be fugitives and captives.  
Certainly, most obstinate and stiff necked people, I do not marvel that I have so little profited, and done so little good amongst you in these five months, in arguing, preaching, and disputing: in so much that jesus Christ with his excellent doctrine and marvelous miracles, could do no more in .30. years, having no grace to accept the same in better part, than to crucify him for his great bounty.  
Then sithence the principal cause of your loss doth consist, in that ye believe not the new Testament, neither understand the old, which is most true. For, if sound and entirely ye had understanding of the sacred scripture, with your own hands ye would set fire unto the synagogue.  
And for that you have all in general, and every one in particular, desired me, to say and give you to understand, what, or how the Christians do conceive, and what our doctors and learned men do teach, as touching the right high mystery of the Trinity.  
I pray you also honourable Rabbis, to be intentive to that which I shall propose, and to have regard to that which I shall determine, for that the mysteries of the Trinity, be of such depth and profundity, that they aught to be believed with the understanding, although reason may not show and comprehend them. Forasmuch as all you Rabbis & jews, which be present, do well understand the Latin and the Spanish tongue, and I understand your Hebrew & the Italian tongues, I will endevoire and undertake to declare the best that I can, this mystery of the Trinity, partly in Latin, and partly in Hebrew, & partly in Spanish: for the matter is so high, that one language is not sufficient to declare the same.  
scilicet singularitatis, incommutabilitatis: et dignitatis. By this I understand, that for one person, to be a Divine person, it is requisite, that he should have three things, which is to understand, that it have in it some singularity: which is not found in any other, Incommutabilite, which unto it and to no other, is communicated: And some dignity, which in it, and not in any other is to be found. The person of jesus Christ our God, by all these reasons here above said, is a person Divine, notwithstanding, it be clad with human flesh. As touching the first, which is to have some privilege of singularity, that hath been found, in the Soul of jesus Christ, the which only by special grace, from the hour it was created, it was united with the Divine word.  
The second privilege of jucommutabilite, was found in the Sacred body of jesus Christ, the which in the Womb of his glorious mother, likewise, was by the holy Ghost formed, Et a verbo Assumptum. The third privilege, which is of dignity, is likewise found in the Soul and body of jesus Christ, remaining in his human nature, and not, but one person: the which was and is Divine.  
You have farther to understand, honourable Rabbis. That there are two terms: the definition of which, is very necessary to be known unto them, That seek to understand any thing in the holy Scripture, which is to say: Acts essentialles, and acts personalies. The example thereof is written in the first Chapter of Genesis. In principio Creavit deus Celum et terram, etc. In this place here, this name Deus, Accipitur essentialiter, Et non personaliter, quia creare est actus essentiales, et non personalis: et convenit e rinitati, in quantum deus.  
Also it is written, Dominus dixit ad me filius meus es tu: in which place, this name (dominus) Accipitur personaliter, et non essentialiter: 
Psal. 2.  qui de patris persona precise intelligitur: et in divini, generare est actus personalis, et non essentialis, et est notio ipssius patris. Likewise ye have to understand, that as in jesus Christ, is one person divine, there is in the same divine nature: humane nature, & mystical nature. Prima est eterna, Secunda est a verbo assumpta. Tertia est in Adam corrupta, qui licet non sunt altera spetie ab humanitate Christi, tamen est altera secundum conditionem nature sauciate. In the scriptures jesus Christ is introduced sometimes, 
Psal. 30. Psal. 119. Psal. 20.  speaking according to divine & eternal nature, as when it is said: Dominus dixit ad me filius meus est tu: Sometimes speaking in the humane nature, As when he saith: In capite libri scriptum est dame et illum: non est exaltatum cor meum. etc. And sometimes is brought in speaking according to the nature mystical, & corrupted. So as, Long A salute meaver ba delictorum meorum, et illud: Delicta labiorum meorum non sunt a te abscondita. The which he said, as of the pain, not touching the fault, for as much as the body mystical did perpetrate, & his true & very body did pay and suffer. Our amity is so little. That our proper sins we discharge upon others: And in jesus Christ, charity is so great, That he taketh the sins of others, upon himself: in such manner that he confesseth to have many sins, for as much, as he is the redeemer of many sinners. Behold honourable Rabbis, what it is that the Christians do understand, of his divinity, and that which we confess of his humanity. Unto which faith I extéeme to live, and protest to die. And for that I have said more than I thought to have done, yea and more than ye would have heard: we will remit for another disputation, both your doubts, and my answers: Considering that my Lords the Prelates, And the noble men that be here, do stay to go to dinner, and to withdraw themselves. etc.   

¶ A Letter to Sir Ferdenando of Cordova, wherein is discoursed the eleven persecutions of the Church: when, and by whom they were persecuted.  
WOrshipful Sir and Christian Knight, john de Cabreta your Steward delivered me a letter from your worship, which was as long as between Madrid & Almagro, where at this present you do remain: whereby if you think to receive no short answer: by writing so long a Letter: you do much abuse yourself, for wanting opportunity & leisure to study: I may not employ myself to writ such long & tedious Epistles: especially, when he to whom they are written is simply, but a friend: Yet true friends delight, not only in reading long letters, but are grieved if their friends writ not every day: all which above said, is not to say: that I esteem not to place you in the chiefestes ranks of my best friends. And if you imagine the contrary, you are much deceived: For your friends & mine do well know that Don Ferdenand de Cordova, and Friar Anthony de Guevarra Bishop of Mondoneto be two bodies joined in one will, linked in a chain of in dissoluble amity. But omitting this discourse, & returning to your letter: I assure you it pleased me very much, & chiefly in that I perceived your good disposition, which is no small matter in the midst of these perilous heats. Now touching the persecutions of the myllitant Church: whereof you have written, & whereof the Prior of Calatrana & you have liberally discoursed: I answer, that there have been many persecutions of the Church: done at sundry times and by several Princes. And for that I greatly desire to do you that service which lieth in my power, I have not failed to send you the said persecutions in order as followeth.  
The first persecution was in the reign of the Emperor Nero, the which (possessed with the Devil, in whose bonds his offences did imprison him) perceiving the number of Christians daily to increase at Rome (by grace of the evangelical word which Peter & Paul preached there, where they were martyred for such conversion of the people) determined with his power to persecute & destroy the Church: whereby he murdered many Christians, as well in Rome as else where, which was the first persecution of the Church. For albeit the Church since the suffering of Christ hath been continually persecuted in her particular members, yet notwithstanding until the coming of Nero, there went forth no commandment to persecute the Christians.  
Touching the constancy of the Martyrs, and the diversity of the torments which they endured (beside the Catholic Historiographers which writ thereof) Cornelius Tacitus a Painim writer, and enemy to the Christians (yet very credible in his writing) doth report the same: who making recital of the persecutions made by the ordinance of the Emperor Nero, (of whom Sueton maketh also mention) doth say of the slaughter of Christians, both men and women: that amongst a thousand diversities of punishments and deaths, they cast the Christians to be torn in pieces with dogs: And to make the dogs more fierce upon them, the men were braced in skins of Bears, and other savage Beasts. Which persecution was performed (as witnesseth Cornelius Tacitus and Suetonius) after the huge fire of Rome: In the eleventh year of the Empire of Nero: by whose decree the glorious Apostles Peter and Paul were martyrred. It may well be, as I also believe, that this martyrdom continued little more than three years: For though it were done at that time (according to the Prior of Calatrana his opinion) yet God would preserve his Apostles, and defer their martyrdoms until the foresaid time.  
The second persecution was in the time of the Emperor Domitian. This wicked and accursed monster, understanding that there should one spring out of the line of David, which should expel him out of the Empire, he caused search to be made with much diligence, for all those which descended from the race of David amongst the jews, and caused them to be put to death: only ransoming as Eusebius saith two persons of the same family, who further for the accomplishment of his devilish devices, at the motion of the fiend he determined to persecute the Catholic Church: Whereby at his commandment a great slaughter was made of Christians within Rome and without. In which persecution multitudes of the Christians were at the first committed to banishment, who after were tormented, and then murdered by most horrible pains and cruel deaths, as affirmed Eusebius: Orosius and many other Christian Historiographers. This was the second general persecution of the primitive Church, in which S. john the Evangelist was confined, or exiled into the Isle of Pathinos where he saw the visions of the apocalypse. It were hard to know how long this persecution endured, but as we may gather by Eusebius, it continued two years & a little more. For he saith that Domician did moderate and cease his execution, and yet notwithstanding aswell by reason of the said persecution as for his other vices, the same Domician hath been holden to be one of the most wicked and cruel Princes that ever lived.  
The third persecution of the Church was under the government of the Emperor Traian, who alured by the Devil & his other ministers determined by torments to punish the Christians: and therefore by public edict, ordained that the Christians should worship the Idol of the Gentiles upon pain of death: Whereunto the Christians not willing to obey, he made a great slaughter of them. This was the third persecution of the Church Catholic, whereof Eusebius and divers other Historiographers Christians do make plentiful mention, & that was in the tenth year of the Empire of Traian, which afterward also commanded this persecution to be stayed as doth appear by some writers, & especially in the letters of Plyny directed to Traian, & in the answers thereto sent by the same Emperor which are at this present extant, where he prescribed that the christians should be permitted to live in their Laws and under their liberties: If they did not commit any other wickedness therewith.  
The fourth persecution was in the time, and under the dominion of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius surnamed the Philosopher, whose life we have described in another book apart by itself, this Prince during the time that he made wars against the Parthians, as Eusebius and Orosius do declare, endeavoured his power to persecute the Christians, which remained in Europe and Asia, where Lucus Varus was governor. This was the fourth persecution of the Church myllitant, so that it followeth that God suffered this general pestilence to reign amongst them, and a thousand other calamities to happen unto them enduring the government of this Prince as we have largely declared in his Chronicle.  
The fift persecution of the Church was during the reign of Septimus Severus the Emperor the which by the instigation of the devil, made a great butchery of the faithful Christians. This fift persecution was the cause (as faith Osorius) the God did not permit this Prince to live in peace, for one of his Captains rebelled against him, named Albinius, the which made all Britain to revolt from him, calling himself Emperor during the time of his life.  
The sixth persecution of the Church was in the time of the Emperor Maximius, the cursed Prince being offended that Alexander Severus had supported the Christians, by express ordinance & commission made a great and bloody spoil of the Christians, & principally of the ministers of those which executed any authority amongst the Christian people: This was the sixth persecution as saith Eusebius & Orosius in the which this Prince used many unaccustomed torments, and caused divers cruel punishments to be invented, whereby the poor Christians might be miserably handled, who had such an opinion and presumptuous pride of himself & his power, that he esteemed that no person might once hurt him, and that it were impossible to wound or to kill him. In which opinion he most devilishly pursued all his cruelties and torments.  
The seventh persecution was in the rule of the Emperor Decius: This Prince although otherwise he were of good natural disposition, was notwithstanding in religion an Infidel, and in that respect sought the vexation of the militant Church, so that no such cruelty were before time used, as now in his time towards the afflicted Christians. The which is affirmed that he only did in despite of his prodecessour Philip: who had before been Christened. And so this seventh persecution was in the time of this Decius.  
The eight persecution was enduring the reign of the Emperor Valerian: who (as Eusebius doth report) was so favourable to the Christians in the beginning of his reign, that he would not permit that any person did them any wrong or violence: for he bore such affection and honour unto them that his palace was a true college and sanctuary for the Christians: but towards the end of his reign, he suffered himself to be seduced by a Magicien of Egypt, who was a deadly enemy to the Christian religion, because the same did impugn the deceipts and Sorceries of the Magicians. In such sort that he did not all only change his opinion towards the Christians, but also persecuted them with great slaughter. This was the eight persecution of which Orosius doth liberally discourse, but such was the justice of God for his cruel excess, that such evil fortune followed Valerian after this deed, that he was taken prisoner and fell into the hands of Sapor King of Percia which did entreat and handle him most cruelly.  
The ninth persecution of the Church was in the time of the Emperor Aurelian, who having most lovingly used the Christians in the first six years of his reign (as appeareth by the writing of Eusebius and Orosius) in the end by the provocation of the Devil and other most wicked persons, he persecuted the Christians generally throughout all the confines of his Empire. And this was the ninth persecution of the faithful. Now it happened that as this Prince was ready to sign a commission which he was to dispatch to the governors of the Princes of the Empire against the Christians, an arrow fell from Heaven so near unto him that those which were present, thought that it had killed the Emperor. But besides this sign and advertisement God suffered the effect to follow, that is to say, the death of the aforesaid Prince, for he was miserably slain by his own men and servants, and by the same received the guerdon and payment of his deserts and offences.  
The tenth persecution was in the time of the Emperor Diodesian. This Prince being in quiet rest from all his affairs, stirred by Belzebub and his ministers: he being a Painim and nourished in the superstitions of the idolatry of the Gentiles, began to persecute and pursue the Catholic church, which was the tenth general persecution of the Christians, (to account from the same of Nero) and this was the most cruel & longest of continuance of all others, the which endured by the space of ten continual years. Now the Christians had long time lived in rest & quiet since the persecution which was in the government of the Emperor Aurelian, in such sort that the Christian religion was now become of great force in all churches. And all the Cities and Towns, as well within the dominions of the Emperor, as without the limits of the same: and the Christians were exceedingly multiplied in number, and had great assemblies in their Churches. But as saith Eusebius, this rest and liberty which they enjoyed, was cause that the policy and manner of living of the Christians began to be corrupted, so that many iniquities & wickedness did grow presently, & the old former sanctimony began to diminish, and such disorders & dissensions began to be moved amongst the Bishops and the Prelates, that as the said Eusebius witnesseth: God permitted this persecution to serve in place of revenge, and chastisement of his Church. This persecution was so great, so cruel, and so bloody: that it is impossible for any pen to writ the unnatural slaughters which the Paynims used: neither is there any tongue that is able to pronounce them. The which Eusebius doth well declare, being a present witness, beholding the same with his eyes, as done in his own sight: for he saith that he cannot describe nor speak that which he saw executed before his face. To whom Orosius doth condescend, writing in the same sort, that there was not any heart so hard that would not be moved to compassion, reading the cruelties of this persecution. Which amasseth me to consider of the constancy of the Martyrs which endured such torments so valiantly, and of the cruelty of those which murdered and tormented them so maliciously. And to the intent that you and all other should know what punishments this butcherly Prince ministered unto the Christians, I have willingly recited some notable parts of the same, which be these. first this Prince did ruinated and sack all the Churches of the Christians, and forbidden them to make any assembles for the service of God in any part: be commanded all the books of the holy Scriptures to be burned which they might find. Also he ordained that all Christians of what estate or condition so ever they were, should not be admitted to estate or any office of Magistrate, and that those presently which were placed in any offices should be removed, and counted infamed, and some were put to death for example.  
Further they appointed that the goods of the Bishops and Prelates Christians, should be declared to be confiscate and for fayted. The Christian bond man could not be manumitted or enfranchised. And these Laws were published through the confines of the Empire. Besides the which constitutions, the poor miserable Christians, were otherwise most wickedly entreated, and received divers outrageous injuries: divers being enforced to die cruelly and with much shame. And in some provinces where they were blinded with affections & particular occasions which the Devil guided by the permission of the divine God, they used many cruelties and incredible horribleness towards the Christians, as in Frigia, Suria, Egypt, and divers other countries, for some were broiled and scorched in life, and others had their flesh carded as though it had been well, or flax, which poor Christian creatures after such burning and torments, were thrown into strait prison, in great feebleness, and yet honest and constant in the faith, they were hanged naked by the feet, to prolong their deaths the more with shame and dishonesty. And by that means endured double torment, of some they cut of the noose, the ears, the fingers, the hands, and the feet, and only left them their eyes to behold their misery, and to increase their grief and pain, they tare some alive quite in the midst, tying one leg to a great arm of a Tree bended with force, and the other leg to another tree crooked in the same manner: Afterwards letting the same Trees to return into his natural place, for to cleave the body in sunder. So others they used this cruelty, that they pricked sharp needles and great thorns between the nails of the flesh and the hands, which be the most sensible and tenderest parts of all the body. Some other men were beaten with round balls, and pellets of Lead and Tin. In conclusion they were enforced to endure and sustain the most cruel torments which might be devised, by the devils policy. And this slaughter of the Christians was exceeding great, during this persecution.  
The eleventh and last persecution generally of the Church was enduring the government of the Emperor julianus, which was an Idolater, & Sacrificer to the Devil: Which Emperor studied by all means he might to persecute the christian church. Who likewise to attain the effect of his purposed devise, did use a singular & unaccustomed subtlety, by the which under cloaked & colour of shadowed courtesy & benignity, he did enféeble the Christian religion as much as he could, giving them always yet to understand, that he was soft & gentle by nature, & not cruel & rigorous. This new invention in persecuting the Church was subtly found out by him as I think, because he had seen & by experience did understand that the blood of the martyrs did 'cause the christian religion to spring more fruitfully. And therefore he determined to work & proceed contrary to the other Emperors his prodecessors had performed, that is to say, to draw the christians unto his Idolatrous worshipping by advancement of estates, offices, & dignities, as witnesseth Ruffinus, S. Hierom & Casiodorus, so that hereby he caused divers ambitious & covetous persons to deny christianity, & to follow Idolatry, by means of the estates & offices which they had given them. This was the greatest wound that ever the Church received, for divers Christians by the means of this invention, removed their faith, but in the end when the Emperor julian perceived that these devices served to small end to his intent, although he made them not to lose their lives, neither did violently constrain their consciences. Yet he published divers hurtful edicts against the Christians, and very vicious for Christianity. First he commanded that no Christian might obtain any degree in School, keep Lecture, or read in any art or science, whatsoever, neither that he might be admitted to study, unless he did worship the Idols. The which he did to the end that the Christians banished from the knowledge of learning should be brought to Idolatry, or that they should else remain fools and ignorant Idiots, and so by continuance that none should be able to preach the evangely. Also he ordained that no Christian should be admitted to any estate, office, or dignity of Magistrate, either in war or peace. In conclusion this monster searched out all the ways to raise battle against jesus Christ, without shaedding humane blood, which was the right devise of the Devil, to deprive the blessed Martyrs from the glory and crown which they should have obtained for their martyrdom. Behold the first, & most notable persecutions, which the church militant sustained: since which time there hath been many other, in every several place, but they were of small importance in respect of these before said. Touching the rest, because I am weary of writing this long letter, & that my pen can do me no more service therein. I say nothing else but this, that I will more redéelie employ myself towards the County of Osarno, for the affairs of Vasco lopes, which you have recommended unto my favour: as soon as the said County may attend the same, for he keepeth his bed at this instant, & laboureth grievously of the Gout. The Lord have you in his keeping, & give me grace to serve him.  
From Valiodolid the .15. of june. Anno. 1541.    

 

   

¶ The Table of the familiar Epistles of Sir Antony of Guevara.  

AN Oration made unto the emperors Majesty in a Sermon at the triumphs, when, the french king was taken. fol. 1  
An Oration made unto the emperors Majesty in a Sermon on the day of kings wherein is declared how the name of kings was invented. fol. 4.  
A discourse or conference with the Emperor upon certain and most ancient stamps in metals. 12  
A relation unto Queen Germana declaring the life and laws of the philosopher Lycurgus. 20  
A letter unto Sir Alonso Manrique, Archbishop of Civil, and Sir antony Manrique Duke of Navara, for the judgement of a matter in contention. 21  
A letter unto the Constable Sir Ynnigo of velasco, wherein the Author doth persuade in the taking of Founterabie, to make proof first of his wisdom, before he experiment his fortune. 38  
A letter unto sir Antony of cuninga, Prior of saint john, in which is said that although there be in a Gentleman to be reprehended, there aught not to be cause of reproach. 41  
A letter to the Earl of Miranda, wherein is expounded that text of Christ, which saith, My yoke is sweet. 45  
A letter unto sir Peter Giron, wherein the Author doth touch the manner of ancient writing. 53  
A letter unto sir Ynnigo of Velasco, Constable of Castille, wherein th'author doth teach the breifnes of writing in old time. 59  
A letter unto the Marquis of Pescara, wherein the Author doth note what a captain aught to be in the wars. 66  
A letter unto sir Allonso Albornos, wherein in is touched that it is a point of evil manner not to answer to a letter written unto him 72  
A letter unto sir Gonsalis Fernandes of Cordova, great captain, in which is touched that the knight escaping the wars aught not from thenceforth to departed his house. 77  
A letter to sir Enrique Enriques, wherein the author doth answer to many gracious demands. 83  
A letter for sir Anthony of Cneva, wherein is expounded an authority of holy scripture. 88  
A letter unto Master friar john Beneviades, wherein is expounded the text, which saith: The evil spirit sent of God came upon Saul. 94  
A letter unto the Marquis of Velez, wherein he writeth unto him certain news of the court. 98  
A letter unto the Bishop of Tui new precedent of Granado, in which is said what is the office of Precedents. 103  
A letter unto the Warden of Alcala, in which is expounded the Psalm which saith: Let the living descend into hell. 1●7  
A letter unto Diego de camina, wherein is treated how envy reigneth in all men. 111  
A letter unto sir john de Moncada, in which is declared what thing is ire, and how good is patience. 115  
A letter unto sir Jerome Vique, in which is treated how great liberty is much hurtful. 121  
A letter unto sir Jerome Vique, where in is declared an Epitaph of Rome. 125  
A letter unto the Bishop of Badaioz, wherein is declared the ancient laws of Badaioz. 127  
A letter unto sir john Palamos, wherein is declared which was saian's horse, and Toloze gold. 129  
A letter unto the Duke of Alba sir Frederique of Toledo, wherein is entreated of infirmeties & the profits of the same. 134  
A letter unto sir peter of acunia, Earl of Buendia, wherein is declared a prophesy of a certain Sibill. 138  
A letter unto Ynigo Manrique, in which is recounted what happened in room betwixt a slave and a Lion 141  
A letter unto sir Peter of Acunia, Earl of Buendia, wherein is touched how lords should govern their estates. 152  
A letter unto the Admiral sir Frederique, Enriques, in which is declared that old men have to beware the year three score and three. 168  
A letter unto the admiral sir Frederique Enriques, wherein is expounded wherefore Abraham and Ezechiell did fall forward, and Hely backwards 172  
A letter unto the abbot of Monserrate, wherein is touched the Oratoris that the gentiles used. 176  
A letter unto the Admiral sir Frederique Enriques, wherein is declared a certain authority of holy Scripture 178  
An other letter unto Lewes Brave, wherein is touched the conditiones that honourable old men aught to have. 185  
A letter unto sir James of Guevara Uncle to the author, wherein he doth comfort him 192  
A letter unto Master Gonsalis Gill▪ in which is expounded that which is said in the psalmist, Inclinavi cor meum. 198  
A letter unto the Abbot of saint Peter of Cardenia, in which he much praiseth, the Mountain country. 201  
A letter unto Doctor Manso Precedent of Valiodolid, wherein is declared that in other men's affairs we may be importunate. 204  
A letter unto the Earl of Behevent sir Alonso pimentill wherein is entreated the old ancient order of the knights of the band 208  
A letter unto the Constable of Castille sir Ynigo of Valasco, in which is touched that the wise man aught not to trust his wife with any secret of importance. 220  
A letter unto the Constable sir Ynigo of Valasco wherein is touched, that in the heart of the good Knight, there aught not to reign passion or anger. 223  
A letter unto the Constable sir ynigo of Valasco, which is said what the Marquis of Piscara reported of Italy. 227  
A letter unto the Constable sir ynigo of Valasco, in which is declared the prizes of things in old time in Castille. 229  
A letter unto sir Alonso of Fonsica, Bishop of Burgos, precedent of the Indians, wherein is declared wherefore the Rings of spain be entitled catholic. 2●0  
A letter unto Moson Rubin of Valentia being old and enamoured. 237  
A letter unto the Bishop Zamora Sir Antony of Acuna, wherein he is sharply reprehended, being captain of the commoners that rebelled in spain. 242  
A letter unto the said Bishop of Zamora, in which he is persuaded to turn to the service of the king. 248  
A letter unto sir john of Padiila, captain of the commoners revolted. ●54  
A letter unto a gentleman, and secret friend to the Author, wherein he adviseth and reprehendeth his wretched covetousness. 260.  
A letter unto the Lady mary of Padilla, wife to Don john of Padilla, wherein the Author doth persuade that she turn to the service of the king. 265  
An oration made in the Town of Braxima, unto the knights and gentlemen of the assembly, wherein the Author doth tequest them to peace in the name of the king. 272  
A letter unto Doctor Melgar Physician, wherein is touched the profits and disprofites of Physic. 282  
who first invented medicine and practised Physic. 282  
Of kingdoms and provinces that banished Physic. 287  
The travails of Physic. 289  
A letter sent from Grec●a to Rome, with a caue●t against Physicians. 291  
Of seven notable benefits proceeding from the good Physician. 293  
Of nine pernicious evils, that Physicians commit. 295  
The authors judgement of Physic. 297  
A letter unto M●sen Puche of Valentia, wherein is touched at large how the husband with the wife, and the wife with the husband etc. 300.  
That none do marry but with his equal. 304  
That the women be very shamefaced and no babbler. 3●8  
That a woman be a home keeper and ●hun occasions. 309  
That the married woman be not proud or cruel. 311  
That the husbands be not rigorous, especially when they be new. etc. 313  
That the husbands be not over jealous. 316  
That if betwixt the married there pass any unkindness, they give no part thereof unto their neighbours. 318  
That the husbands provide things necessary for the house. 321  
That the husbands bring not to their houses suspicious persons. 322  
That married women aught to learn to sow and gather together. 325  
A letter unto Mosen Robin of Valentia, wherein he answereth to certain notable demands, a letter very convenient, for the woman that marrieth an old man. 327  
A letter to the cha●on Osorius: wherein is declared, that we know not the things that profit or hurt us in this life. 331  
A letter to count Nasaoth Marquis of cenece, wherein is expressed why amongst the fectes of Mahomet, some be termed Turks, some saracens, and others Moors. 334  
A letter to Don Frances of ulloa, expounding certain strange and ancient Epitaphs 344  
A letter unto the admiral sir Fredrick, wherein is touched the manner that in old time was used on their sepulchres, and the Epitaphe upon the same. 351  
A letter unto sir Alphonce Maurique, Archbishop of civil, wherein is declared a certain passage of holy scripture. 361  
A discourse made unto queen Elinor, in a sermon of the transfiguration, wherein is touched, the great love that christ did bear us. 371  
The taking and overthrow of carthage, done by scipio the great. 378  
A disputation and discourse holden against the jews at Rome 383  
An excellent disputation, that the author had with the jews of Naples, wherein is declared, the most high mysteries of the trinity. 398  
A right high &, profitable discourse appertaining chief unto the learned. 401  
A letter to sir Ferdenando of Cordova, wherein is discoursed the eleven persecutions of the church when, and by whom they were persecuted. 405   
FINIS.   

The fawtes that be escaped in printing.  
Foll. 328. line. 2. Read caspe for pap.  
Foll. 329. line. 4. Read they for flee.  
Foll. Idem. line 16. Read fallen for fall.  
Foll. 331. line. 11. Read algezire for algezi.  
Foll. Idem line. 20. Read Tincinatus, for omitus.  
Foll. 336. line. 26. Read during, for ba●ging.  
Foll. 335. line 13 Read enxo●ius, for enponius.  
Foll. Idem. line. 14. Read pithiniachus, for pithanius.  
Foll. Idem. line. 17. Read thesithes, for goths.  
Foll. Idem. line 23. Read Cesaria, for rosaria.  
Foll. Idem. line 24. Read Isawrus, for Isauca.  
Foll. Idem. line 24. Read feleuce, for solenua.  
Foll. Idem. line 25. Read briquiene, for briquemust.  
Foll. Idem. line 26 Read, fes, for fee.  
Foll. Idem. line. 6. Read quisquiane, for gnisquaince.  
Foll. 354. line 27. Read ninus, for mimus  
Foll. ●6●. line 5. Read demanded, for determined.  
Foll. 384. line 20. Read neither, for either.