A Perambulation of Kent: Containing the description, History, and Customs of that Shire. Collected and written (for the most part) in the year. 1570. by William Lambard of Lincoln's Inn Gent. and now increased by the addition of some things which the Author himself hath observed since that time. juuat immemorata ferentem Ingeniis, oculisque legi, manibusque teneri. ¶ Imprinted at London for Ralphe Newberie, dwelling in Fleetstreet a little above the Conduit. Anno. 1576. ¶ To his Countrymen, the Gentlemen of the County of Kent. THis Book fair written (in gift) lately sent unto me, do I fair printed (by dedication) now send and commend unto you. I know not (in respect of the place) unto whom I may more fitly thus sand it then unto you, that are either bred & well brought up here, or by the goodness of God and your own good provision, are well settled here: and here lawfully possess, or are near unto sundry of those things, that this book specially speaketh of: and thus, as of yourselves, do you see what they are now, and thus as of this book, may you know why they were, and by whom they were, and what they were long agone. I know not (in respect of the persons,) unto whom I may more fitly thus sand it, then unto you: with whom, I have been best and longest acquainted: from whom (by points of singular courtesy) I have been many ways much pleasured: Toward whom, for the general conjunction and association of your minds, and yourselves in good amity and familiarity, one toward an other: and all, in good zeal toward the advancement of Christian religion: and for the indifferent and discrete course ye keep in handling and compounding such controversies, as many times fall (and thereby in nourishing peace, a jewel most precious) between your honest and tractable neighbours, (things unto almighty God, very acceptable: unto her Majesty, very grateful: unto your country, very fruitful: unto yourselves, very commendable:) Toward whom, I say, for these causes which, as a member of this County with others I see joyfully and generally: and for the two first causes which derived from you, light upon me self particularly, I have been, and am, and must be very lovingly affected. I know not how I may more fitly and effectually commend it than to say, that it is in substance, an history: treating of the parts (and actions of greatest weight a good time together, done by the most famous persons) of one special Country: fet from great antiquity, which many men are much delighted with: out of sundry books with great study collected, painfully: by this author in the matter set out, truly: with good words well placed, eloquently. In commendation of this book, upon a fit occasion, the like in a manner, Alexander Nevil, Norwicus. is in Latin lately written by a Gentleman of our Country, known to be very honest, and, I think, very well learned: and so under the authority of his good judgement, may I (without blame) the more boldly commend it unto you. What utility followeth the study of Histories, many of them have well declared that have published histories written by themselves, or have set out Histories written by others. And therefore already sufficiently done, I need not (unlearned me self, I can not) therein say much. And yet thus much I may briefly say, and fit for the thing I have in hand (me thinketh) I must needs say, that (the sacred word of Almighty God always excepted) there is nothing either for our instruction more profitable, or to our minds more delectable, or within the compass of common understanding more easy or facile, than the study of histories: nor that study for none estate more meet, than for the estate of Gentlemen: nor for the Gentlemen of England, no History so meet, as the History of England. For, the dexterity that men have either in providing for themselves, or in comforting their friends (two very good things) or in serving their King and Country (of all outward things, the best thing) doth rest chiefly upon their awne & other folks experience: which I may assuredly account (for, Sir Thomas Moor Knight, in the history of King Richard the third. in an history, in our tongue as well written as any thing ever was, or I think ever shallbe, great experience derived from a proof of two such things, as prosperity and adversity be, upon a fit occasion under the person of a very wiseman, is rightly accounted) to be the very mother and masters of wisdom. Now that that a number of folks doth generally, is much more than that, that any one of us can do specially, and so by other folk's experience, are we taught largely: and that, that other folks for their King, their country, themselves, their friends, like good men do virtuously, aught to provoke us with good devotion inwardly to love them: & with good words openly much to commend them, and in their virtuous actions, rightly to follow them. And that, that other folks against their King, their country, their friends (and so against themselves) like foolish men do ignorantly, or like lewd men do wickedly, aught to move us first (as our neighbours) Christianly to bewail them: and then (as by precedents of peril procured through their awne follies and faults) dutifully and wisely to beware by th●m. And so by these men's experience (which like the burnt child, that then too late the fire dreadthe) with much repentance they buy dearly) are we taught and brought out of danger to settle ourselves, as it were, in a seat of surety. Thus you see what experience doth, and thus you see where other folks experience is to be had: which, for the good estate of England (resting chief upon the good judgement and service of the Gentlemen of England) is as I think, most properly fet from the History of England. And this for this purpose, I say both unto you my country men the Gentlemen of this County (a portion of the Realm) specially, and to all the Gentlemen of the whole Realm beside, generally. There resteth that for this book (which I do upon these respects thus sand, and with these reasons thus commend unto you) we should unto the Author William Lambard, yield our very hearty and perpetual thanks: as our Country man in our words and deeds lovingly use him: as a man learned, duly esteem him: Mathewe Parker archbishop of Canterbury in his Preface to the Book de rebus gestis Aelfredi Regis. (for a late very well learned and reverend father hath publicly and rightly so reputed him) as a Gentleman religious and very honest, make right account of him: which, for my part, I think meet to do, and mean to do: and for your parts, I desire heartily you should do, and I hope assuredly you will do. And if by you he might (and would) be moved at his good leisure, to do as much for all the rest of the Counties of this Realm generally, as he hath done for this County specially (toward which I know, by great pain and good cost, he hath already under the title of a Topographical dictionary gathered together great store of very good matter) himself (the Author of it) were worthy of good reward, & singular commendation for it. You (the motioners) in the reading, shall receive great pleasure by it: the rest of the Gentlemen of this Realm, that of themselves see what things in their awne countries are of greatest fame now, & by that book shall know, what those things and other things were long agone, must needs with great delight receive it: and surely, being as he is unto me, a very dear friend, for mine awne part, I mean also (God willing) upon some fit occasion, with my request to further it. The xuj. of April. 1576. Your Country man and very loving friend. I: W: ¶ GULIELMUS FLETEwodus Vrbis Londinensis Recordator, ad candidum Lectorem. EN tibi Lector, adest series dignissima rerum, Canticolûm si nôsse cupis pia stemmata, sive Si tibi sacra placent horum commixta prophanis, Sive meare libet per compita, flumina, pontes, Seu reserare velis septem diademata regum: Cuncta Topographia hac Lambardus pingit apertè, Jngenio rarus, gravis arte, labore notandus. Cuius mellifluo debet nunc Cantia libro Plurima, myriades rerum dum ventilat aptè: Quas benè si capias, habet hic cum foenore sortem. The Saxon Characters, and their values. Characters. values. a a b b c c d d e e f f g g h h i i k k l l m m n n oh oh p p q q r r s s s s t t u u ƿ w x x y y z z The abbreviations. Their values. & and ꝧ that ð th' þ th' Ð th' g ge The points. Comma, which is marked after the common period, thus (.) Period, which is here signed as the Greek interrogative, thus (;) Sundry faults (gentle Reader) have we unwillingly committed, in this Book, imprinted in the absence of the Author. Of these, some do blemish only the beauty of our own workmanship: others do offend against the laws of Orthography: Some do shrewdly pervert the sense of the writer, and will stay thee: others do utterly evert his meaning, and will much trouble thee. Such therefore as be most dangerous, we have here set before thine eye, beseeching thee to amend them with thine own pen, before thou enter into the Book: The which labour (we doubt not) but thou wilt the more willingly undertake in this one copy, when thou shalt have rightly weighed, what a work it would be for us, to perform it in six hundredth books. Page Lin. Error. Correction. 2 4 Sctos. Scots. 7 3 Zenagogus. Xenagogus. 48 6 bropam. Broxam 29 Haniswel. Hamswell. Southfrith for. Southfrith forest. 54 add (Wye) to the Schools there. Richard Agall. Richard Argall. 56 17 Sir Humphrey jilbert. S. Humphrey Gilbert. add john French to the names in F. there. 57 William Lambade. William Lambarde. 58 add S. Walt. Waller to the names in W. 60 27 in Latin. into Latin. 64 29 Kenulfus. Kenulfus. Amend the numbers of the. 2. pages, following next after the page. 67. 76 1 take out this (Malm. Covent.) 77 13 partly for the. partly by the. 78 5 ƿaenEt. þaenEt. 22 ƿaenEt. þaenEt. 84 20 Leoswine. Leoswine. 103 27 Simon Barley. Simon Burley. 108 1 then were appoin. that were appointed 109 18 Aulaf. Anlaf. 110 15 Syphinus. Syphnius. 112 34 which drew. withdrew. 119 1 Dorus. Doris. 121 16 kept till. keep till. 32 a Captain. a Captive. 122 20 and speed. and sped. 123 20 Borieux. Baieux. 124 8 Borieux. Baieux. 126 5 tenure. terror. 28 contained. continued. 128 32 a new work. the new work. 130 2 port sail. portsale. 3 crown, lands. Crownelandes. 131 18 strengthened. straightened. 135 27 a little. a title. 136 12 you know of. you know out of. 34 to edify. to deify. 137 22 shrived. shrined. 142 15 had at Rumney. did at Rumney. 21 upon them to the last man. upon them and slew them to the last man. 143 16 Badhenham. Hadhenham. 147 3 to the wood. into the wood. 13 in a place stronger. stronger in a place. 150 32 had received her. had recovered her. 155 2 then order. then ordered. 156 19 Borieux. Baieux. 159 17 used in. have used in. After the page. 160. amend the numbers of the next eight pages following. 161 3 to the very end. to the very same end. 162 9 landed in Pontein. landed in Pontieu. 10 angeon, poieton. angeou, poietou. 24 and converture. and coverture. 163 15 eight carnes. eight Carews. 166 18 procured the Pope. procured of the Pope. 167 18 contained four. contented four. 169 8 in weald. in the weald. 174 34 pronounce it of. pronounce of. 177 10 and in a company. and in the company. 178 3 Augustine. Augustine's. 180 15 cydƿitE. cyldƿitE. 181 10 possession. profession. 182 29 take out these four words. (as it is sure.) 187 25 if you offer. if you offered. 190 11 Kemsley town. Kemsley down. 191 18 hearted in his. hearted to his. 192 7 preachment (after. in which (after. 193 11 exercerentur. exercentur. 195 2 þƿangcEastsE þƿangcEastrE 15 Thongraster, or Thwangraster. Thongcaster, or Thwangcaster. 209 29 the very first. their very first. After the page. 211. amend the numbers of the two next pages following. 214 10 not greatly. not greedily. 219 8 Kings reward. King's award. 220 13 on the otherside. they on the other side. 222 13 church adjoining. churches adjoining. 228 18 chart of donation. charter of donation. 229 8 the justice of. the injustice of. 233 31 hath now sustained. hath sustained. 236 6 dissolved the. dissolved there. 13 and like the. and let the. 241 22 Claredowne. Clarendune. 243 19 writeth it. twyteth it. 244 26 not their manner. not the manner. 247 6 was given then. was given them. 251 in the margin, S. Sepulchres. S. Stephans. 252 29 to (maugre his mitre) race. (maugre his mitre to race. 261 26 gotten by pattern. gotten by perjury. 262 34 with might. with night. 264 18 sufficiently defended. sufficiently defenced. 270 5 and yet lost. and yet left. 271 13 recital of. the recital of. 22 Gibmandus. Gibmundus. 272 2 Alstanns. Aelsstanus. 15 Gualeramus. Gualerannus. 273 1 and there it is. and there is. 276 28 Cadishe. Achates. 279 16 tithed the number. tithed that number. 282 25 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 33 displeasure received. displeasure conceived. 283 4 pountion. pountion. 12 pountion. pountion. 289 2 again the Britons. against the Britons. 6 stead of Horse. stead of Horsa. In the margin of the page: Horstede borne in. Horstede barn, near. 295 23 less worthy. less worth. 296 19 Borieux. Baieux. 297 13 strengthened. straightened. 299 29 accomplishment. accouplement. 304 8. 9 debet sull. debet. 3. full. 15 de Althea. de Athle. 24 Nedestane. Medestane. 27 Heyburne. Heyhorne. 313 19 and. 2. Ric. 2. 316 26 weariness. wariness. 317 11 as is in. as he is in. 318 16 put our seals. put to our seals. 325 12 that number of. the number of. 329 16 peucata. Leucata. 341 7 burgHEr. burHEs. 342 10 the word which. the which word. 344 17 rejected. ejected. 358 27 caelcE. aelcE. 361 23 other uche. other such. 362 15 Hi ƿHrto. Hi þErto. 18 ƿE Hit. þE Hit. 366 25 three estales. three estates. 370 1 vaginacae. vagniacae. 3 ƿyrHam. ƿyrtHam. 391 32 in feodo. in feoda. 392 10 in feodo. in feoda. 396 in the mar. that call. call that. 399 11 shall entry. shall enter. 12 condtion. condition. 33 exemplfied. exemplified. 400 29 and in case not. and not in case. 30 is justified. is iustised. 406 25 seiset. seisei. 407 24 may wain her. may waive her. saxons ANGLIAE HEPTARCHIA. ¶ The exposition of this Map of the English Heptarchy, or seven Kingdoms. TO the end, that it may be understood, what is meant by the terms of Eastsaxons, Westsaxons, Mercia, Northumberland, and such other, of which there is common mention in the Treatise following: I have thought good to prefix a chard of the seven sundry Kingdoms into the which this Realm was sometime divided. But yet, for the better and more plain explication of the matter, it shall be good first to know, that all these Nations following have had to do within this our Country: The Britons, the Romans, the Scots and picts, the Saxons, the Danes, and the normans. The Britons. The Britons (after the Samothees, and Albionees, which be of no great fame in our history) were the most ancient Inhabitants of this land, and possessed it in peace, until julius Caesar (the Roman Emperor) invaded them: for so much may a man gather of Horace his words, where he sayeth, Intactus aut Brytannus, Sacra ut descenderet catenatus via. etc. These therefore wear by julius Caesar subdued to the Roman Empire, and their country made a tributary Province: in which case it continued many years together, until at the length they being grievously vexed with the picts and Scots their neighbours on the North, and being utterly void of all hope of aid to be had from the Romans their patrons (who also at the same time wear sore afflicted with the invasion of the Huns, and Vandals, like barbarous nations) they wear enforced to seek for further help: And therefore sent into Germany, from whence they received hired Soldiers, of the Nations called Saxons, jutes, and Angles, under the conduct of Hengist and Horsa, two natural brethren, and both very valiant Captains. The Scots & picts. These Sctos (as themselves do writ) wear a people of Scythia, that came first into Spain, then into Ireland, and from thence to the North part of Britain our Island, where they yet inhabit: They were called Scots, or Scyttes, of Scyttan, which is to shoot: The picts also came from the same place after them, and occupied the parts where Westmoreland and Galoway now be. And they were called picts, either for that they used to paint their bodies, to the end to seem the more terrible, or else of the word● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a Champion, by reason of their great courage and hardiness. The Saxons, jutes, & Angles, The Saxons, jutes, and Angles. wear the Germans that came over, (as we have said) in aid of the Britons, of which the first sort inhabited Saxony: the second were of Gotland, and therefore called Gutes, or Gottes: The third wear of Angria, or Anglia, a country adjoining to Saxony, of which the Duke of Saxony is Lord till this day, and beareth the name thereof in his stile, or title of honour, and of these last we all be called Angli, English men. These Germans, for a season served against the Scots, and Picts: But afterward (enticed by the pleasure of this country, and the fraud of the enemies) they joined hands with them, and all at once set upon the Britons that brought them in: and so, driving them into France, Wales, and Cornwall, possessed their dwelling places, and divided the country amongst themselves. Howbeit, they also wanted not their plague: For after that they had long warred one upon another, for the enlarging of their particular kingdoms, and had at the last so beaten the one the other, that the whole was by the Westsaxons reduced into one entire Monarchy, suddenly the Danes (a people of Norway, & Denmark) came upon them, and after much mischief done, in the end took the crown quite and clean from them. But they were expulsed after thirty years trouble, and the English and Saxon Nation restored to the royal dignity: which yet they enjoyed not many years after. The Normans. For strait upon the death of Edward the Confessor, William of Normandy (whose people at the first came from Norway also, and were therefore called Normans) demanded the Crown, and won it of Harold in the Field, whose posterity holdeth it till this day. Thus much of the Nations, that have had interest in this Realm: Now to our purpose, that is, The seven kingdoms to the division of the same into the sundry kingdoms under the Saxons. And although (by reason of the continual contention that was amongst them for enlarging their bounds) there can no certain limits of their kingdoms be appointed, yet we will go as near the troth as we can, and follow the best approved authors that have written thereof. The first Kingdom therefore, was called the Kingdom of the Westsaxons, because it was in the West part of the Realm, and it comprehended the whole Shires of Southampton, Berk, Wilton, Dorset, and Somerset, besides some parts of Surrey, Gloucester, and Devonshire: As for the residue of Devonshire, and whole Cornwall, the Britons retained it, whose language is not there as yet forgotten. The second, was the Southsaxon Kingdom, (so termed because it lay South) and contained whole Sussex, and the remain of Surrey. The third, was the Kentish Kingdom, and had for the most part the same bounds, that the Shire of Kent yet hath, although at some time, and by the prows of some King, it was extended much further. The Kingdom of Estsex, or of the Estsaxons was the fourth, which was named of the situation also, and included the whole Shires of Estsex, and Midlesex, with some portion of Hartfordshire. The fift, was of the East Angles, or East Englishmen, consisting of the isle of Elye, and the Shires of Norfolk, Suffolk, and Cambridge. The Kingdom of Mercia, or Mearclande, had the sixth place, which was so called of the Saxon words Mearc signifying a bound, limit, or mark, as we yet speak: and that, because it lay in the midst of this our Island, as upon the which all the residue of the Kingdoms did bound, and wear bordered. In this Kingdom wear wholly these Shires, Lincoln, Northampton, Rutland, Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham, Oxford, Chester, Derby, Nottingham, Stafforde: And partly Hereford, Hartford, Warwick, Shropshire, and Gloucestershire. Northumberlande (so called, because it lay North from the River Humber) was the seventh Kingdom: and it environed Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberlande, Cumberlande, and Westmerlande wholly, and so much of Lancashire besides, as was not in Mercia. This Kingdom was for a season divided into twain, that is to say, Deira, and Bernicia, but for as much as neither that division endured long, nor the acts of their Kings were greatly famous, I will not stay upon them: But to the end it may appear by what laws and customs these Kingdoms wear guided (for of them also we must make mention in this history) I will proceed to set forth the rest of the use of this chard of the English Heptarchy. As each Country therefore, hath his proper laws, Three sorts of Laws, in old time. customs, and manners of life, so no man aught to doubt but that these peoples, being aggregated of so many sundry Nations, had their several rules, orders, and institutes. Howbeit, amongst the rest those be most famous, which our ancient writers call the Dane law, Westsaxon law, and Merchen law: The first of which was brought in by the Danes: The second was used amongst the west Saxons: and the last was exercised in the kingdom of Mercia: and yet not so exercised amongst themselves alone, but that they spread over some parts of the rest of the land also, being either embraced for their equity above the rest, or commanded by such the Kings as prevailed above others. To the Westsaxons law therefore, all such were subject, as inhabited the Kingdoms of Kent, Sussex, or Westsex. The Eastsaxons, Estangles, and they of the kingdom of Northumberland (all which were much mingled with the Danes) lived under the Danes law. They of Mercia, had their own law, but not throwout: for after some men's opinions, the East and Northeparts of it lived after the law of the Danes also. The Laws of our time All these laws, King William the Conqueror collected together, and (after a discreet view had) by advice of his counsel allowed some, altered others, and quite abrogated a great many, in place of which he established the laws of Normandy his own country. ¶ The description and history, of the Shire of Kent. These things be all handled, in the induction to the Topographical Dictionary. Having thus before hand exhibited in generality, the names, situation, and compass of the Realm, the number of the sundry Nations inhabiting within the same, the several laws, languages, rites, and manners of the peoples, the conversion of the country to christianity, the divisions and limits of the Kingdoms, the beginnings and alterations of bishoprics, and such other things incident to the whole: Order now requireth, that I show in particular, the bounds of each Shire and County, the several Regiments, Bishops Sees, Lasts, hundreds, franchises, Liberties, Cities, Markets, Borroughs, Castles, Religious houses, and Schools: The Ports, Havens, Rivers, Waters, and Bridges: And finally, the Hills and dales, Parks, and forests, & whatsoever the singularities, within every of the same. And because not only the Romans and Saxons (that wear conquerors of this Realm) but also the Disciples of the Apostle Philip, and the messengers of Pope Gregory (that were converters of the people) arrived first in Kent: and for that the same by commodity of the River of Thamise (the chief key of this Island) first openeth itself, The author determined to have written this treatise, in latin. and to the end also that such guests & strangers as shall vouchsafe to visit this our Britain, may at their first entry find such courtesy and entertainment, as from henceforth they cease, either with Horace to call us, Hospitibus feros, or with others, Feroces in Aduenas, I will be their Zenagogus, or guide, and first show them our country of Kent, the inhabitants whereof, Caesar himself in his Commentaries, confesseth to be of all others the most full of humanity and gentleness. Kent therefore, Situation of Kent. lying in the Southeast Region of this Realm, hath on the North the River of Thamise, on the East the Sea, on the South the Sea and Sussex, and on the West Sussex and Survey. It extendeth in length, from Wicombe in the frontiers of Surrey, to Deal at the Sea side, thirty miles: And reacheth in breadth from Sandhirst (near Robertsbridge in the edge of Sussex) to the North-east point of the isle of Greane, almost thirty miles, & so hath in circuit. 150. miles, or thereabout. It is called by Caesar, and other ancient writers, Kent, why so named. Cancium, and Cancia in latin, which name (as I make conjecture) was framed out of Cainc, a word that (in the language of the Britain's, whom Caesar at his arrival found inhabiting there) signifieth, boughs, or woods, and was imposed, by reason that this Country, both at that time, and also long after, was in manner wholly overgrown with wood, as it shall hereafter in fit place more plainly appear. The Air in Kent, The Air. The Soil. by reason that the Country is on sundry parts bordered with water, is somewhat thick: for which cause (as also for that it is situate nearest to the Sun rising and furthest from the north pole of any part of the realm) it is temperate, not so cold by a great deal as Northumberlande, and yet in manner as warm as Cornwall. The Soil is for the most part bountiful, consisting indifferently of arable, pasture, meadow and woodland, howbeit of these, wood occupieth the greatest portion even till this day, except it be towards the East, which coast is more champaign than the residue. The Corn It hath Corn and Graine, common with other Shires of the Realm: as Wheat, Rye, Barley, & Oats, in good plenty, save only, that in the Wealdish, or woody places, where of late days they used much Pomage, or Cider for want of Barley, now that lack is more commonly supplied with Oats. Neither wanteth Kent such sorts of pulse, as the rest of the Realm yieldeth, The Poulse namely beans, peason, & tars, which some (retaining the sound of the latin word Vicia) call vetches, and which Polydore supposed not to be found in Ingland. The Pasture. The pasture and meadow, is not only sufficient in proportion to the quantity of the country itself for breeding, but is comparable in fertility also to any other that is near it, in so much that it gaineth by feeding. The woods fruits. In fertile and fruitful woods and trees, this country is most flourishing also, whether you respect the mast of oak, beech & Chesten for cattle: or the fruit of apples, Pears, Cherries, & Ploumes for men: for besides great store of oak and beech, it hath whole woods that bear Chestnutt, a mast (if I may so call it, and not rather a fruit, whereof even delicate persons disdain not to feed) not commonly seen in other countries: But as for Ortchards of Apples, and Gardens of Cherries, and those of the most delicious and exquisite kinds that can be, no part of the Realm (that I know) hath them, either in such quantity and number, or with such art and industry, set and planted. So that the Kentish man, most truly of all other, may say with him in Virgil, Sunt nobis mitia poma, Castaneae molles. etc. Touching domestical cattle, as horses, mares, oxen, The cattle. kine, and sheep, Kent differeth not much from others: only this it challengeth as singular, that it bringeth forth the largest of stature in each kind of them: The like whereof also Polydore (in his history) confesseth of the Kentish poultry. Parks of fallow Dear, and games of grey conies, Dear and conies. it maintaineth many, the one for pleasure, and the other for profit, as it may well appear by this, that within memory almost the one half of the first sort be disparked, and the number of warreyns continueth, if it do not increase daily. As for read Dear, and black conies, it nourisheth them not, as having no great walks of waste ground for the one, and not tarrying the time to raise the gain by the other: for, black conies are kept partly for their skins, which have their season in Winter: and Kent by the nearness to London, hath so quick market of young Rabbits, that it killeth this game chief in Summer. There is no Mineral, Not mines. or other profit digged out of the belly of the earth here, save only that in certain places they have mines of Iron, quarries of paving stone, and pits of fat Marle. The Sea, and fresh waters, The fish. yield good and wholesome fishes competently, but yet neither so much in quantity, nor such in variety, as some other coasts of the Realm do afford. And here let us for a season leave the Sea and the Soil, and cast our eyes upon the men. The people of this country, The people consisteth chiefly (as in other countries also) of the Gentry, and the yeomanry, of which the first be for the most part, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, governors, and the other altogether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, governed: Socage, and Knights, service. whose possessions also were at the first distinguished, by the names of knight fee, and gavelkind: that former being proper to the warrior, and this latter to the husbandman. But as nothing is more inconstant, than the estate that we have in lands and living (if at the lest I may call that an estate which never standeth) Even so, long since these tenors have been so indifferently mixed & confounded, in the hands of each sort, that there is not now any note of difference to be gathered by them. The gentlemen The Gentlemen. be not here (throughout) of so ancient stocks as else where, especially in the parts nearer to London, from which city (as it were from a certain rich and wealth séedplot) Courtiers, Lawyers, & Merchants be continually translated, & do become new plants amongst them. Yet be their revenues greater than any where else: which thing groweth not so much by the quantity of their possession, or by the fertility of their soil, as by the benefit of the situation of the country itself, which hath all that good neighbourhood, that Marc. Cato, and other old authors in husbandry require to a well placed grange, that is to say, the Sea, the River, a populous city, and a well traded highway, by the commodities whereof, the superfluous fruits of the ground be dearly sold, and consequently the land may yield a greater rent. These gentlemen be also (for the most part) acquainted with good letters, and especially trained in the knowledge of the laws: They use to manure some large portion of their own territories, as well for the maintenance of their families, as also for their better increase in wealth. So that they be well employed, both in the public service, and in their own particular, & do use hanking, hunting, and other disports, rather for their recreation, then for an occupation or pastime. The yeomen The yeomanry, or common people (for so they be called of the Saxon word gemen which signifieth common) is no where more free, and jolly, then in this shire: for besides that they themselves say in a claim (made by them in the time of King Edward the first) that the commonalty of Kent was never vanquished by the Conqueror, but yielded itself by composition, And besides that Geruasius affirmeth, that the forward in all battles belongeth to them (by a certain pre-eminence) in right of their manhood, It is agreed by all men, that there were never any bondmen (or villains, as the law calleth them) in Kent. Neither be they here so much bounden to the gentry by Copyhold, or customary tenors, as the inhabitants of the western countries of the Realm be, nor at all endangered by the feeble hold of tenant right, (which is but a descent of a tenancy at will) as the common people in the Northern parts be: for Copyhold tenure is rare in Kent, and tenant right not heard of at all: But in place of these, the custom of Gavelkind prevailing every where, in manner every man is a freeholder, and hath some part of his own to live upon. And in this their estate, they please themselves, and joy exceedingly, in so much, as a man may found sundry yeomen (although otherwise for wealth comparable with many of the gentle sort) that will not yet for all that change their condition, nor desire to be appareled with the titles of Gentry. Neither is this any cause of disdain, or of alienation of the good minds of the one sort from the other: for no where else in all this realm, is the common people more willingly governed. To be short, they be most commonly civil, just, & bountiful, so that the estate of the old franklyns & yeomen of England, either yet liveth in Kent, or else it is quite dead & departed out of the realm for altogether. As touching the artificers The Artificers. of this shire, they be either such as labour in the arts that be handmaidens to husbandry, or else workers in stone, Iron, & woodfuel, or else makers of coloured woollen clotheses: in which last feat they excel, as from whom is drawn both sufficient store to furnish the wear of the best sort of our own nation at home, and great plenty also to be transported to other foreign countries abroad. Thus much I had summarily to say, of the condition of the country, and country men, Now therefore (God assisting mine enterprise) I will go in hand with the history. The first in habitation of England. We read in the first book of Moses, that after such time as the order of nature was destroyed by the general flood, and repaired again by the mercy of almighty God, the whole earth was overspread in process of time, by the propagation of mankind that came of the loins of Sem, Cham, and japhet. By which authority, we are thoroughly certified, that all the nations of the world, must of necessity derive their Pedegrées from the country of Chaldee (or some place nigh unto it) where the Ark of Noah rested: The error of those, which say, that the Brytons wear Indigenae. And therefore, I will not here either doubt, or debate to and fro, as Caesar, Cornel. tacit. Polydore, and others do, whether the first inhabitants of this Island were (Aliunde advecti, and advenae) that is, translated and brought out of some other country to devil here, or no: Or yet affirm, as the same Caesar doth, that some, or (as Diodor. Siculus writeth) that all the Britanes wear indigenae, the natural borne people of that country, and that ab origine, even from the first beginning: for to take the one way of these, or the other, would but lead us to distrust the infallible Scriptures of God concerning the creation and propagation of mankind, and to trust the wretched vanity of opinion that the Gentiles had, and namely the athenans, who, the better to advance their antiquity, were wont to vaunt, That they only (forsooth) of all the Grecians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, Sativi, & indigenae terrae parentis, The very natural seeds, stocks, & ymps, springing out of their good mother the same earth where they dwelled, and not brought from elsewhere. We read likewise in the same book of Moses, that the Isles of the Gentiles were divided into their Kingdoms and nations, by such as descended of the children of japheth, whereupon, as the Italians in their histories derive themselves from Gomer the first son of japheth: the Spaniards from Tubal his fift Son: and the Germans from Thuysco (whom as they say, Moses calleth Ascenas) the eldest son of Gomer: Even so, the late learned, and yet best travailed in the histories of our country, rejecting the fond dreams of doting Monks and fabling friars, do collect out of Herodotus, Berosus, and others the most grave and ancient authors, that one Samothes, the sixth son of japheth, (whom Caesar in his commentaries calleth Dis, and Moses nameth Mesech) did about 250. years after the general inundation of the world) take upon him the first dominion of these countries in Europe, which are now known by the names of France and Britain, and the inhabitants thereof of long time called Celtae, or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for their special skill in riding. That is to say Riders: and to Ride. Of this man's name (say they) the first inhabiters of England wear called Samothaei, An. mundi. 2219. by the space of 300. years, or more: About which time Albion Mareoticus (the son of Neptune, or rather Nepthuim, as Moses writeth it, and descended of the race of Cham,) invaded the Isle, conquered the inhabitants, mixed them with his own people, and called them all after his own name Albionees, and the country itself Albion. Six hundredth and eight years (or thereabouts) after this also, An. ante Christum 1142. Brutus juhus (as all our common historiens have it) entered this Island with 324. ships, laden with the remains of Troy, and he likewise, both subdued all the former peoples that he found here to his own obedience, and also altered their name after his own calling: So that from thenceforth they were named Britain's, the terms of Samothees, and Albionees being quite and clean abolished. Kent, the first inhabited part of England. Now, out of these things thus alleged, I might (as me thinketh) draw probable conjecture, that Kent which we have in hand, was the first inhabited part of all this our Island. For if it be true, that master Bale in his Centuries confesseth, namely, that Samothes began his dominion over this Realm almost. 150. years after such time as he first arrived in that part of France which is called Celtique and had planted his people there, what can be more likely, then that he came out of France first into Kent? seeing that part (of all others) was most near unto him, and only of all the Island might be discerned out of the country where he was. And the self same reason Caesar useth, to prove, that the borderers on the South Sea side of this land were Aduenae, and brought out of France, although he was persuaded, that the dwellers within the middle parts of the Country were (Indigenae,) as we have already touched. But I will proceed in the history. Four Kings in Kent. Howsoever that be therefore, Caesar himself witnesseth, that at the time of his arrival in this Island, the people were by one common name called Britain's: And that Kent was then divided into four petite Kingdoms, which were governed by Carnillus, Taximagul, Cingetorix, and Segonax: who, having severally subject to their Dominions certain Cities with the territories adjoining unto them (after the manner of the Dukedoms, or Estates of Italy, at this day) extended their bounds (as it may be gathered) over the whole countries of Kent, Sussex, and Surrey, at the lest. This kind of Regality, But one King in Kent. Kent retained not many years after, because the Britain Kings, succeeding Caesar's conquest, & yielding tribute to the Romans, reduced not only these parts, but in manner the whole Realm also, into one entire Monarchy .. So that in course of time, and under the reign of King Vortiger, Kent was ruled by a Lieutenant,, or Viceroy, called Guorongus, as William of Malmesbury witnesseth. But it was not long, before these Britain's were so weakened, partly by intestine dissension amongst themselves, and partly by incursions of their neighbours the Scots, & Picts, that (the period of this their estate also drawing on) Vortiger their King was compelled to invite for aid the Saxons, jutes, and Angles, three sorts of the german nation: who, in stead of doing that which they came for, and of delivering the Britain's from their former oppression, joined with their enemies (Thessala fide, as the adage is) & brought upon them a more grievous calamity and conquest, subduing the people, suppressing religion, and departing (in manner) the whole land amongst themselves. So that now Kent recovered the title of a several Kingdom again, although not all one, and the very same in limits with the former four, yet nothing inferior in power, estimation, or compass. Of which this newly revived regiment, Hengist the chief leader of the Germans become the first author and patron. For he, finding himself placed by King Vortiger for his own habitation at Thanet in this Shire, and seeing a great part of his power bestowed in Garrison against the Scots under Ohtha his Brother, and Ebusa his Son in the North Country, and perceiving moreover, that he was arrived out of a most barren Country into this plentiful Island (with the commodities whereof he was inestimably delighted) he abandoned all care of return to his native soil, and determined to make here a seat for himself and his posterity. For helps whereunto, although he had on th'one side, his own prowess, the manhood of his warlike nation, their number, and necessity: and on the other side, the effeminate cowardice and voluptuousness of King Vortiger, the weakness of the Britain's themselves, and the advantage of the Scots and picts their ancient enemies, so that he might with plain force have brought his purpose to pass: yet he chose rather to achieve his desire by fair means, and colour of amity, a way, though not so hasty as the former, yet more speedy than that, or any other. Espying therefore, that king Vortiger was much delighted in women's company, and knowing well, that Sine Cerere & Libero, friget Venus, he had him to a solemn Banquet, and after that he had (according to the manner of Germany yet continuing) well plied him with pots, he let slip before him a fair gentlewoman, his own daughter, called Roxena, or Rowen, which being instructed before handhow to behave herself, most amiably presented him with a goblet of wine, saying in her own language, The first wasseling cup. ƿaes hail Hlaford cyning; wessail Lord King, that is to say, be merry Lord King: with which her dalliance, the King was so delighted, that he not only vouchsafed to pledge her, but desired also to perform it in the right manner of her own country. And therefore he answered (as he was taught) unto her again, drinc Haeile; drink merely. Which when she had done, himself took the cup, and pledged her so heartily, that from thenceforth he could never be in rest, until he had obtained her to wife, The issue of an ungodly marriage. little weighing, either how deeply he had endangered his conscience in matching himself with a heathen woman, or how greatly he had hazarded his Crown by joining hands with so mighty a foreign Nation. At the time of this marriage, Hengist (labouring by all means to bring in his own Country men) begged of the King the territories of Kent, Essex, Midlesex, and Suffolk, (then known by other names) pretending in word, that he would, in consideration thereof, keep out Aurel. Ambrose, (a competitor of the crown) whose arrival King Vortiger much feared, But meaning in deed, to make thereby a key to let into the Realm multitudes of Germans, for furtherance of his ambitious desire and purpose: which thing in process of time he brought to pass, not only creating himself and his posterity Kings of a large quarter, but also thereby showing the way and entry, how others of his nation might follow, and do the like. And thus Kent, being once again (as I said) reduced into a Kingdom, continued in that estate, by the space of three hundredth three score and eight years, or thereabouts, in the hands of fifteen successors, as the most credible authors do report: Some others add, Edbert, and Alric, and so make seventeen in all, whose names do follow. 1. Hengist, the first German. The Kings of Kent. 2. Oesc. 3. Occa. 4. Hermenric: or Ermenric. 5. Ethelbert, the first christened. 6. Eadbald. 7. Erconbert, the first that commanded the observation of Lent, in this shire. 8. Egbert. 9 Lothar. 10. Eadric. After his death, Nidred and Wibbard usurped, by the space of seven years, and therefore are not registered in the Catalogue of the lawful Kings. 11. Wightred, he built Saint Martin's at Dover. 12. Edbert, added by some. 13. Ethelbert. 14. Alric, added also, by some. 15. Eadbert Pren, or Edelbert Pren. 16. Cuthred. 17. Baldred. Now, although it might here seem convenient, before I passed any further, to disclose such memorable things, as have chanced during the reigns of all these forenamed Kings: yet for asmuch as my purpose specially is to writ a topography, or description of places, and no chronography, or story of times, (although I must now and then use both, since the one can not fully be performed without interlacing the other.) and for that also I shall have just occasion hereafter in the particulars of this Shire, to disclose many of the same, I will at this present, and that by way of digression only, make report of one or two occurrents that happened under Ethelbert, & Eadric, two Kings of this country. Ethelbert, the King of Kent. This Ethelbert, besides that he mightily enlarged the bounds of his own Kingdom, extending the same even to the river of Humber, was also the first King (amongst the Saxons, inhabiting this land) that promoted the kingdom of Christ, as to whom it pleased almighty God to break the bread of his holy word and gospel, through the ministery and preaching of Augustine the Monk, that was sent from Rome by Pope Gregory surnamed the great: amongst the Saxons I said, lest any man should think, that either the faith of Christ, was not hear at all, or not so purely preached, before the coming of that Augustine. For it is passed all doubt, by the stoaries of all Countries, and by the testimony of Beda himself (being a Saxon) that the Britons embraced the religion of Christ within this Island, many hundredth years before Gregory's time: whether in purer sort than he sent it hither, or not, let them judge that know, that he was called (worthily) Pater Caeremoniarum, and that may yet see in Beda, and others, what trumpery crept into the church of God in his time and by his permission, Eadric, the King of Kent. Eadric the other King succeeded in Kent, after Lotharius, who, because he rather reigned by lust, then ruled by law, incurred the hatred of his people, and was invaded by Ceadwalla (King of Westsex) and Mull his brother: which entering the country, and finding no resistance, herryed it from the one end to the other: & not thus contented, Ceadwalla, in revenge of his brother Muls' death, (whom the country people had cruelly slain in a house, that he had taken for his succour) entered this country the second time, and slaying the people, spoilt it without all pity. And yet not satisfied with all this, he suffered the quarrel to descend to Ina his successor, who ceased not to unquiet the people of this Shire, till they agreed to pay him 30000. Marks in gold, for his desired amends. These be the matters that I had to note in the reigns of these two Kings: as for the rest, I pass them over to their fit titles, as things rather pertaining to some peculiar places, then incident to the body of the whole Shire, and will now prosecute the residue. In the time of this Baldred, that standeth last in the table of the Kings, Kent was united by King Egbert (who last of all changed the name of the people, and called them Englishmen) unto the Westsaxon Kingdom, First name of Englishmen. which in the end become Lady and masters of all the rest of the kingdoms also: and it was from thenceforth wholly governed after the Westsaxon law, as in the Map of the tripartite laws of this Realm hath appeared, until such time as King Alfred first divided the whole Realm into particular Shires, upon this occasion following. Beginning of Shires. The Danes, both in his time, and before, had flocked by sea to the coasts of this land in great numbers, some times wasting and spoiling with sword, and fire, wheresoever they might arrive: and sometimes taking with them great booties to their Ships without doing any further harm: which thing (continuing for many years together) caused the husbandmen to abandon their tillage, and gave occasion and hardiness to evil disposed persons to fall to the like pillage, and robbery: The which, the better to cloak their mischief withal, feigned themselves to be Danishe Pirates, and would some time come on land in one part, and some time in an other, driving great spoils (as the Danes had done) to their ships before them. The good king Alfred therefore, that had marvelously travailed in repulsing the barbarous Danes, espying this outrage, and thinking it no less the part of a politic Prince, to root out the noisome subject, then to hold out the foreign enemy, by advice of his counsel, and by the example of Moses (which followed the counsel of jetro, his father in law) divided the whole Realm into certain parts, or Sections (being two and thirty in number, as I guess) which of the Saxon word Scyran, signifying to cut, he termed shires, or (as we yet speak) shares, and portions: and appointed over every one shire, an Earl, or Alderman (or both) to whom he committed the government and rule of the same. These shires he also broke into smaller parts, whereof some were called Laths, Laths. of the word gelaþian, which is, to assemble together: others, hundreds, Hundreds. because they contained jurisdiction over an hundredth pledges: and others, Tithings, tithings. so named, because there were in each of them to the number of ten persons, whereof each one was surety and pledge for others good abearing. He ordained furthermore, that every man should procure himself to be received into some Tithing, and that if any were found of so small credit, that his neighbours would not become pledge for him, he should forthwith be committed to prison, lest he might do harm abroad. By this device it came to pass, that good subjects (the travailing Bees of the Realm) resorted safely to their labours again, and the evil and idle Drones were driven clean out of the hive of the common wealth: so that in short time, the whole Realm tasted of the sweet honey of this blessed peace, and tranquillity. Some shadow I do confess, of this King Alfredes politic institution, remaineth even till this day in those courts which we call leets, where these pledges be yet named franci plegij, of the word freoborgh, which is a free pledge; But if the very Image itself were amongst us, who seeth not what benefit would ensue thereby, as well towards the suppression of busy thieves, as for the correction of idle vagabonds, which be the very seed of robbers and thieves. But leaving this matter to such as bear the sword, I will ply my pen, and go forward. Thus much therefore I thought good, now at the first to open, the more at large, because it may serve generally for all Shires, and shall hereafter deliver me from often repetition of one thing. Where, by the way, (lest I might seem to have forgotten the Shire that I have presently in hand) it is to be noted, that that which in the west country was at that time, (and yet is) called, a Tithing, Bosholder, & tithing-man. is in Kent termed a Borow, of the Saxon word, borh, which signifieth a Pledge, or a surety: and the chief of these pledges, which the Westernmen call a tithing-man, they of Kent name a Borsholder, of the Saxon words borHes ealdor, that is to say, the most Ancient, or elder of the Pledges, which thing being understood, the matter will come all to one end, and I may go forward. In this plight therefore, both this Shire of Kent, and all the residue of the Shires of this Realm, were found, when William the Duke of Normandy invaded this Realm: Kent keepeth her old customs. at whose hands the commonalty of Kent, obtained with great honour, the continuation of their ancient usages, notwithstanding that the whole Realm besides suffered alteration and change. For proof whereof, I will call to witness Thomas Spot, sometimes a Monk and Chronicler of saint Augustine's at Canterbury, who, if he shall seem to weak to give sufficient authority to the tale, because he only (of all the Storiers that I have seen) reporteth it, Yet, forasmuch as I myself first published that note out of his history, and for that the matter itself also is neither incredible, nor unlikely, (the rather because this Shire, even unto this day, enjoyeth the custom of give all kin descent, Gavelkyn. dower of the moiety, freedom of birth, & sundry other usages much different from other countries, I neither well may, ne will at all stick, now eftsoons to rehearse it. After such time (saith he) as Duke William the Conqueror had overthrown King Harold in the field, at Battle in Sussex, and had received the Londoners to mercy, he marched with his army toward the Castle of Dover, thinking thereby to have brought in subjection this country of Kent also. But Stigande, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Egelsine the Abbot of saint Augustine's, perceiving the danger, assembled the country men together, and laid before them the intolerable pride of the normans that invaded them, & their own miserable condition, if they should yield unto them. By which means, they so enraged the common people, that they ran forth with to weapon, and meeting at Swanscombe, Meeting 〈◊〉 Swanescombe. elected the Archbishop and the Abbot for their captains: This done, each man got him a green bough in his hand, and bore it over his head, in such sort, as when the Duke approached, he was much amazed therewith, thinking at the first, that it had been some miraculous wood, that moved towards him: But they as soon as he came within hearing, cast away their boughs from them, and at the sound of a trumpet bewrayed their weapons, and withal dispatched towards him a messenger, which spoke unto him in this manner. The commons of Kent (most noble Duke) are ready to offer thee, either peace, or war, at thine own choice, and election: peace with their faithful obedience, if thou wilt permit them to enjoy their ancient liberties: war, and that most deadly, if thou deny it them. Now when the Duke heard this, and considered that the danger of denial was great, and that the thing desired was but small, he forthwith, more wisely then willingly, yielded to their request: And by this mean both he received Dover Castle, & the Country to obedience, & they only of all England, (as shall hereafter appear (obtained for ever their accustomed privileges. And thus then hath it appeared (so shortly, as I could) what hath been the estate and government of this country, from the arrival of julius Caesar, (the first Roman that conquered this Realm) even to this present day. Now therefore, I will set before the Readers eye in Table, a plain particular of the whole shire, wherein, to the end, that under one labour double commodity may be reaped, I will not only divide it into the several Laths, hundreds, towns, and borrows, But also set over against each town and place, such sums of money, (as by report of the record of the. 13. year of her majesties reign) was levied in the name of a Tenth and Fifteen, upon every of the same: which being done, I will haste me to the description of such places, as either faithful information by word, or credible history in writing, hath hitherto ministered me. The Lathe of S. Augustine's. hundredth of Wingham. borrow of Wingham. lxvij s. j d. Borwe of Rollinge. lxvij. s. j d. borrow of Novington. lxvij. s. j d. borrow of Godestone. lxvij. s. i d. borrow of Den. lxvij. s. j d. borrow of Twytham. xxxiij. s. ix. d. borrow of Wimlingswold. xxxiij. s. ix. d. borrow of Kelington. xxxiij. s. seven. d. borrow of Gythorne. xxuj. s. i d. The parish of Ash, with the Borrow of Wyderton. twenty-three. l. xij. s. iij. d. Sum. xluj. l. xiv. s. x. d. H●ndreth of Preston. Town of Preston. u l. ix. s. x. d. Town of of Elmestone. l. s Sum. seven. l. xix. s. x. d. hundredth of Ringeslowe. Town of Wood. iiij. l. seven. s. viij. d. Town of Monketon. iij. l. Town of minster. xv. l. Town of S. Laurence. xvij. l. xiij. s. iiji. d. Town of S. Peter. xv. l. xvij. s. Town of S. john. twenty-three. l. xij. s. Town of S. Gyles. xv. s. Town of S. Nicholas. x. l. seven. s. Town of All Saints. iiij. l. vi. s. iiij. d. Town of Byrchingstone. viij. l. xv. s. iij. d. Sum. Ciij. l. xiij. s. seven. d. hundredth of Downhanford. The Lathe of S. Augustine's. Town of Staple. iiij. l. seven. s. Town of Adesham. iiij. l. ix. s. Town of Wykham. seven. l. xiv .. s. ten d. Town of Litleborne. seven. l. x. iiij. s. Town of Well. vj. l. xix. s. vj. d. Sum. xxxj. l. iiij. s. iiij, d. hundredth of Estrye. Town of Chillenden. xviij. s. Town of Berston. seven. s. ij. d. Town of Novington. xx. s. Town of Tyluestone. vj. l. vj. s iiij. d. Town of Wodnesborowe. xv. l. x. s. x. d. Town of Estrye. xiv. l. xj. s. x. d. Town of Waldershare. xij. s. Sum. xxxix. l. vj. s ij. d. hundredth of Kinghanford. borrow of Dorme. xxv. s. borrow of Kingston. iij. l. viij. d. borrow of Outemeston. xxij. s. iiij. d. borrow of Berham. xlij. s. iiij. d. borrow of Bereton. twenty-three. s. iiij. d. borrow of Shelving. xxviij. s. vj. d. borrow of breath. twenty-three. s. iiij. d. Sum. xj. l. v. s vj. d. hundredth of Petham. Town of Petham. seven. l. xij. s. seven. d. Town of Chatham. viij. s. x. d. ob. Town of Waltham. iiij. l. ij. s. u d. Sum. xij. l. iij. s x. d. ob. hundredth of Bewsbrough. Town of Colred. xxxix. s. Town of Shebertswold. lviij. s. Town of Popeshal. l. s Town of S. Margaret. iij. l. Town of Oxney. xxuj. s. seven. d. ob. Town of Westclif. xxxj. s. Town of Guston. xxxiiij. s. Town of Beawfield. xxxix. s: Town of Charlton. xlvij. s. Town of Hougham. iiij. l. Town of Bucland. xxviij. s. Town of Rever. xl. s. Town of Ewell. lxuj. s. Town of Leden. xxiv. s. q. Town of Smalhead. xiij. s. iiij. d. Town of Westlangden. xx. s. Sum. xxxij. l. xv. s. xj. d. ob. q. hundredth of Cornilo. borrow of Finglesham. xxxix. s. borrow of Sholdon. xl. s. borrow of Marten. thirty. s. borrow of Eastlangdon. xij. s. borrow of Asheley. xl. s. borrow of Sutton. twenty-three. s. u d. ob. borrow of Mongeham Magna. xl. s. borrow of Rippley. xvij. s. borrow of Norborne. twenty-three. s. borrow of deal. xiij. l. xix. s. borrow of Walmer. iiij. l. v. s viij. d. Borrow of Mongeham parva. xvij. s. Town of Ringwolde. viij. l. x. d. Sum. xl. l. vj. s xj. d. ob. hundredth of Blengate. Town of Sturey. xij. l. xiv. s. Town of Chistelet, xij. l. xiv. s. Town of Reculuer. xij. l. xiv. s. Town of Herne. xij. l. xv. s. Sum. l. l. xvij. s. hundredth of Westgate. borrow of Westgate. ix. l. xix. s. ij. d. ob. borrow of Harbaldowne. iiij. l. borrow of Hakington. iiij. l. vj. s borrow of Cokering. iij. l. xiv. s. borrow of Tunforde. xxxv. s. borrow of Rusheborne. xxviij. s. x. d. borrow of Harwiche. lvij. s, j d. Sum. xxviij. l. j d. ob. hundredth of Whitstaple. Town of Bleane. seven. l. xj. s. ix. d. Town of Whitstaple. vj. l. xv. s. Town of Natington. xj. s. iiij. d. ob. q. Sum. xiv. l. xviij. s. j d. ob. q. hundredth of Bregge. Town of Patriksborne. iij. l. xuj. s. Town of Bekesborne. iij. l. xviij. s. Town of Bregge. xv. s. Town of Blackmanbury. xxxiij. s. Town of little Harden. xxviij. s. Town of Natindon. xxviij. s. Town of great Harden. xxix. s. Sum. xiv. l. ij. s, Town of Sesalter. iij. l. vj. s viij. d. sum of this whole Lathe of S. Augustine's. Ccccxxxuj. l. xv. s. The Lathe of Shepway. hundredth of S. Martin. The town of Newchurche. xx. s. iij. d. The town of S. Mary's. xlix. s. The town of Hope. xij. l. seven. s. x. d. ob. The town of S. Martin. xiv. s. ij d. The town of S. Clement. l. s iiij. d. ob. The town of juechurche. lxviij. s. j d. The town of Medley. iiij. s. ij. d. Sum. xxij. l. xiij. s. xj. d. hundredth of Langport. The town of S. Nicholas. xuj. s. The town of Lyd. ix. l. ij. s. iiij. d. The town of Rompney. xiij. s. iiij. d. The town of Hope. xxix. s. Sum. xij. l. viij. d. hundredth of Alowsbredge The town of Snargate. lvij. s. xj. d. The town of Brenset. iiij. l. ij. d. The town of Brokeland. lxxvij. s. The town of Fayrefeld xliiij. s. ix. d. The town of Snave. xxxij. s. vj. d. ob. The town of juechurche. xxxj. s. iiij. d. The town of Newchurche. seven. s. i d. ob. Sum. xuj. l. x. s. x. d. hundredth of Byrcholte Franchesse. The town of Aldington. iiij. l. x. s. ob. The town of Mersham. viij. s. x. d. Sum. iiij. l. xviij. s. x. d. ob. hundredth of Newchurch. The town of Bylsington. liij. s. viij. d. The town of Newchurche. xxxiij. s. two. d. The town of Roking. l. s vj. d. The town of Snave. viij. s. iiij. d. The town of S. Marry. xxxiiij. s. iiij. d. Sum. ix. l. hundredth of Stowting. The town of Elmested. lxxij. s. ix. d. The town of Scelling. xix. s. ij. d. The town of Waltham. xxj. s. seven. d. The town of Stowting. thirty. s. xj. d The town of Horton. liiij. s. viij. d. ob. The town of Stanford. xxuj. s. x. d. ob. Sum. xj. l. vj. s hundredth of Lovingborough. The town of Eleham. xuj. l. xij. d. The town of Acryse. seven. s. viij. d. The town of Hardresse. xxix. s. iiij. d. The town of Stelling. thirty. s. j d. ob. The town of lining. ix. l. xv. s. viij. d. The town of Paddlesworth. xviij. s. iij. d. ob. Sum. thirty. l. ij. s. j d. hundredth of street. Town of Limeane. lxxv. s. j d. Town of Aldington. twenty-three. s. seven. d. ob. Town of Sellinge. vj. l. xj. s. ix. d. Town of Bonington. xij. s. ix. d. Town of Herste. xvij. s. vj. d. ob. Town of Westinghanger. xuj. s. xj. d. ob. q Sum. xiij. l. xvij. s. viij. d. ob. q hundredth of Oxeney. Town of Wyttresham. luj. s. j d. Town of Stone. lxxviij. s. iiij. d. Town of Ebbene. xij. s. vj. d. Sum. seven. l. vj. s xj. d. hundredth of Heane. Town of Saltwood. vj. l. seven. s. viij. d. Town of Lymeane. u s. j d. Town of Postling. iiij. l. x. s. xj. d. Sum. xj. l. iij. s viij. d. hundredth of Hame. Town of Warehorne. lij. s. u d. Town of Shaddockherst. u s. two. d. Town of Roking. xxix. s. Town of Snave. x. s. ij. d. Town of Orlaston. ix. s. ij. d. Sum. Cu. s xj. d. hundredth of Worth. Town of Dymchurche. lxj. s. x. d. Town of Bormershe. iiij. l. viij. s. iiij. d. Town of Newchurche. vj. s ij. d. ob. Town of Estbredge. xl. s. j d. Town of Blackmanstone. xij. s. Town of Westheathe. twenty-three. s. ij. d. q. Town of Lymen. xxix. s. iij. d. ob. Town of Aldingweke, and Organsweke. xxij. s. u d. Sum. xiv. l. iij. s iiij. d. q. hundredth of Folkestone. Town of Lyden. xxxij. s. j d. ob. Town of Swyngfeld. Cvj. s ix. d. Town of Akkam. xiij. l. xvij. s. Town of Folkestone. ix. l. v. s u d. ob. Town of Hawking. xxv. s. vj. d. Town of Acryse. xix. s. iiij. d. Town of Newington. viij. l. xiv. s. iiij. d. ob. Town of Cheriton. iiij. l. ij. s. iij. d. Sum. xlv. l. ij. s. ix. d. ob. sum of this whole Lath of Shepway. CCiij. l. xij. s. ix. d. ob. q. The Lathe of Scray, or Sherwinhope. hundredth of chart. Ashtisforde. iij. l. ix. s. chart. iiij. l. xvij. s. iiij. d. Betrisden. iij. l. ij, s iij. d. Hothefielde. xl. s. viij. d. ob. Sum. xiij. l. ix. s. ij. d. ob. hundredth of Longbridge. Willesbroughe. liij. s. vj. d. Kenington. iij. l. x. s. vj. d. Sevington. xviij. s. seven. d. q. Kingsnothe. xxxj. s. vj. d. Marsham. xij. s. x. d. ob. Hynxsell. xiij. s. vj. d. ob. Ashetisforde. lij. s. q. Sum. xij. l. xij. s. vj. d. ob. hundredth of Byrcholte. Westbraborne. xxxj. s. u d. Hastingleyghe. xxj. s. vj. d. ob. Bircholte. xx. s. iiij. d. ob. Eastbraborne. xix. s. viij. d. ob. Sum. iiij. l. xiij. s. ob. hundredth of Boughton under Bleane. Graveney. u l. viij. s. iiij. d. Harnehill. iiij. l. xiv. s. x. d. Selling. ix. l. Boughton. ix. l. v. s seven. d. ob. q Sum xxviij l. viij. s. ix. d. ob. q. hundredth of Teneham. Teneham. ix. l. ij. s. ij. d. The Lathe of Scray, or Sherwinhope. Linstede. ix. l. ix. s. iiij. d. Eastchurche and Stonepit. twenty-three. s. iiij. d. Hedcorne. xix. s. Dodington. vj. l. x. s. ij. d. Iwade. xj. s. Sum xxvij l. xv. s. hundredth of Calehill. Nashe. xx. s. ij. d. Field. xxxiij. s. viij. d. Hayslathe. xxxuj. s. x. d. Sandpit. xxvij. s. vj. d. chart. xl. s. x. d. Welles. xviij. s. Charing. xluj. s. vj. d. Sandhill. xxuj. s. vj. d. Acton. xvij. s. x. d. Eastlenham. xxxv. s. viij. d. Stanforde. xl. s. iiij. d. Pluckley. iij. l. Edisley. xxxv. s. Halingarse. xlv. s. iiij. d. Se●n●r. xliiij. s. ij. d. Halmeste. l. s viij. d. Saint john's. seven. s. vj. d. Grenehill. xiij. s. iiij. d. Sum. xxix. l. xix. s. x. d. hundredth of Feversham. Stone. xxxviiij. s. Preston. u.l. viij. s. xj. d. Stallisfield. xlj. s. Luddenham. iij.l. vj. s viij. d Ore. x. s. hearty. xxij. s. xj. d. Davington. iij.l. ij. s. viij. d. Ospringe. iij.l. ij. s. u.d. Feversham. ix. l. xxij. d. ob. Godneston. xxix. s. viij. d. Selling. xxxviij. s. j.d. Sheldwiche. iij.l. seven. s. u.d. thoroughly. u.l. xvij. s. viij. d. Badlesmere. xxxij. s. ij. d. Leveland. vj. s x.d. Nevenham. xlj. s. u.d. Norton. thirty. s. Boresfield. xiij. s. iiij. d. Boughton Malherb. xj. s. viij. d. Eseling. iij.l. j s. j.d. Sum. lij. l. iij. s ix. d. ob. hundredth of Tenterdene. Tenterdene. xij. l. seven. s. j.d. Ebnye. xxxvij. s. x.d. Sum. xiiii. l. iiij. s. xj. d. hundredth of Roluinden. Roluinden. iij.l. xj. s. x.d. Benyndene. lviij. s viij. d. Sum. vj. l. x. s. vj. hundredth of Barckley. Bedyndene. u.l. Benyndene. xxxix. s. Haldene. vj. s Sucardene. xv. s. ij. d. ob. q. Hedcorne. xij. s. Fryttendene. seven. s. viij. d. Cranebrooke. iij. s Sum. ix. l.ij.s.ix.d. ob.q. hundredth of Blackborne. Appledore. xlv. s.u.d.q. Kenardington. xl. s.x.d. Woodchurch. u.l. xuj. s. ob. Warehorne. xuj. s.ij.d. Shadockesherst. viij. s. Haldene. iij.l. vj. s x.d. Betrisdene. xvij. s. Sum. xv. l.x.ss. iij. d. ob.q. hundredth of Branfield. Hawkherst. iij.l. xviij. s. iiij. d. Cranebrooke. vj. s viij. d. Sum. iiij. l. u s. hundredth of Cranebrooke. Biddendene. iij. s uj.d. Cranebrooke. u.l. xuj. s. viij. d. Frittendene. xxxv. s. u.d. Stapleherst. xxviij. s. Hedcorne. x. s.x.d. Benyndene. thirty. s.x.d. Gowdherst. twenty-three. s. uj.d. Sum. xij. l. viij. s. ix. d. hundredth of Selbritendene. Newendene. viij. s. Sandherst. xxxv. s. x.d. Hawkherst. u s. viij. d. ob. Benyndene. xxj. s. ij. d. Sum. iij.l. x. s. viij. d. ob. hundredth of Mardene. Gowdherst. xxxviij. s. iiij. d. Stapleherst. xuj. s. ix. d. Marden. xix, s viij. d. Sum. iij. l. xiv. s. viij. d. Newendene. xxiv. s. xj. d. ●●. The Balywike of Kay, in the Hundred of Mylton. hundredth of Mylton. Tong. xliij. s. ix. d. Rodmersham. xix. s. vj. d. ob. Kingsdowne. vj. s vj. d. Borden. viij. s. vj. d. Tunstall. iij. l. xiij. s. iiij. d. Bredgar. ix. s. Morston. xxuj. s. Sum. ix. l. vj. s seven. d. ob The Balywike of Shepey, in the Hundred of Mylton. hundredth of Mylton. minster. xj. l. ix. d. Eastchurche. xj l. xiij. s. x. d. ob. Wardon. iij. l. vj. s iiij. d. Lesdon. iiij. l. xvij. s. ix. d. Sum xxx l. xviij. s. viij. d. ob. The Balywike of West, in the Hundred of Mylton. hundredth of Mylton. Raynham. ix. l. xij. s. vj. d. ob. Vpchurche. vj. l. x. s. x. d. Hartlyp. iij. l. iiij. s. iiij. d. Newenten. iiij. l. iiij. s. iiij. d. Halstone. xuj. s. Stokebury. xx. s. u d. Sum. xv. l. xuj. s. j d. ob. The Balywike of Kay, in the Hundred of Mylton. hundredth of Mylton. Sedingborne. vj. l. seven. s. ij. d Bapchilde. iiij. l. ob. Tong. xlvij. s. ij. d. Rodmersham. lv. s. u d. ob. Bredgar. ix. s. vj. d. Tunstall, viij. s. vj. d. Morston. seven. s. viij. d. Elmesley. xxvij. s. x. d. Mylstede. xxxj. s. viij. d. Kingsdowne. xxj. s. ob. Sum twenty l. xuj. s. ob. The Balywike of Borden, in the Hundred of Mylton. hundredth of Mylton. Mylton. seven. l. x. s. seven. d. ob. Stokebury. xx. s. Bredgar. iij. l. xv. s. iiij. d. Bycnore. xiij. d. Borden. iiij. l. x. s. xj. d. Sedingborne parva. viij. s. vj. d Tunstall. xv. s. viij. d. Newington. xlj. s. ix. d. Bobbing. liij. s. u d. Halstowe. xlij. s. iiij. d. Iwade. xxviij. s. ix. d. Sum xxuj l. viij. s. iiij. d. ob. hundredth of Felberoughe Cartham. Cxu. s iiij. d. Godmersham. Cix. s. Chiltham. x. l. ij. s. ix. d. Sum xxj l. seven. s. j d. hundredth of Wye. Bewbredge. vj. l. viij. s. iiij. d. Tremworthe. lj. s. Socombe. iiij. l. vj. s iij. d. ob. Gotley. xiv. s. ix. d. Bempston. x. s. vj. d. Wilmyngton. x. s. seven. d. Deane. x. s. ij. d. ob. Shotenden. xix. s. iij. d. Hellyinge. u s. ob. Eastwell. lv. s. iij. d. ob. Town. xxxviij. s. ix. d. ob. Cockliscombe. xluj. s. iij. d. Brompforde. xliiij. s. ix. d. Tokingham nothing, because it is in decay. Sum xxuj l. xij. d. ob. The town of Osprenge. u l. ij. s. ij. d. The hundredth of Marden. seven. l. vj. s x. d. sum of this whole Lathe of Scray. CCCCxij. l. xvij. s. x. d. ob. q. The Lathe of Aylesforde. hundredth of Chetham. The town of Chetham. viij. l. x. s. hundredth of Gillingham, & Greane. Gillingham & Greane. xv. l. ix. d. ob. hundredth of Eythorde. Berstede. xuj j s. iiij. d. Vlcombe. lix. s. Otham. xx. s. vj. d. Wormesell. twenty-three. s. viij. d. Thorneham. xlj. s. iiij. d. Hedcorne. xiv. s. chart. xxxv. s. j d. Boughton Maleherbe. xviij. s. Boughton Mouchelsey. xliiii s. iiij. d. Holingborne. iiij. l. xiij. s. iiij. d. East Sutton. xxix. s. iiij. d. Frenstede. x. s. Leneham. vj. l. seven. s. Harryetsham. lxiiij. s. Otterinden. xij. s. ij. d. Sutton valance. xlv. s. xj. d. ob. q Leedes. xluj. s. viij. d. Bromefeld. iiij. s. vj. d. Stokebery. xxxuj. s. Langley. xv. s. iiij. d. Wycheling. iiij. s. xj. d. Aldington. xxv. s. viij. d. Bycknore. x. s. iiij. d. Sum xxxix. l. xviiij. s. u d. ob. q. hundredth of Maydstone. The Late of Aylesford. Maydestone. xix. l. ix. s. ij. d. Lose. xxxiiij. s. iiij. d. Lynton & Crookherst. l. s viij. d Westre. xliiij. s. ij. d. Stone. lxxviij. s. ij. d. East Farleyghe. xlv. s. j d. ob. Detlinge. liij. s. iiij. d. Boxley. iiij. l. iij. s iiij. d. Sum xxxviij l. xviij. s. iij. d. ob. hundredth of Chamell. Chalk. lix. s. Hallinge. xij. s. Shorne. iiij. l. xuj. s. iiij. d Cowlinge. xxxix. s. viij. d. Higham. iiij. l. xj. s. iiii. d. Denton. xi. s. vi. d. Merston. viii. s. i d. ob. Frendsbury. iiii. l. xi. s. i d. ob. Cookistone. lii. s. two. d. Cobham. Cvi. s. viii. d. Strode. iiii. l. iii s seven. d. Clyffe. vi. l. xiii. s. x. d. Stoke. xvii. s. x. d. ob. Sum xl l. three s. two. d. ob. The town of Mallinge. iiij. l. ix. s. viij. d hundredth of Twyford. Huntingdon. xv. s. Yaldinge. lxxvij. s. iij. d. East Peckham. lxviij. s. j d. Netlest●d. seven. s. vi. d. Watlinbury. seven. s. ob. West Farley. seven. s. iiij. d. Testan. iiij. s. vj. d. Marden. viij. s Brenchesley. iiij. s. Tudeley. xvij. s. Sum ten l. xv. s. viij. d. ob. hundredth of Litlefeld. Mereworth. twenty-three. s. iiij. d. East Peckham. xliij. s. seven. d. West Peckham. xxvij. s. iiij. d Of the Barony of Hadlow. xxiv. s. viij. d. Sum .v. l. xiij. s. xj. d. The half hundredth of Westbarnsted. Westbarnested. xl. s. j d. ob. hundredth of Brenchesley. Brenchesley. lxxiij. s. iiij. d. Horsmondene. Cxj. s iij. d. Hotbysbroughe. xlviij. s. xj. d. Bayham. xxiv. s. vj. d. ob. Lamberherst. xviij. s. iiij. d. Beanecroche. ix. s. ij. d. Taperegge. ix. s. ij. d. Sum xiij l. xiv. s. viij. d. ob. hundredth of Wachelingstone. Borden. liiij. s. ij. d. Spelherst. thirty. s. ij. d. Stoningley in Pepingley xxxuj s. ix. d. Sheyborne Ruschall. xlij. s. ix. d. q. Tudeley. xxxiij. s. x. d. ob. Asherste. ij. s. Sum ix l. xix. s. viij. d. ob. q. The Lowy of Tunbrigge south. three l. xiv. s. ij. d. Hilden. iiij. l. v. s Hadlowe. iiij. l. x. s. x. d. Tunbrigge. xliij. ●. s. x. d. ob. Sum. xiv. l. xiij. s. x. d. ob. hundredth of Wrotham. Wrotham. x. l. iij. s. j d. ob. Stansted. liij. s. iiij. d. Itcham. lxv. s. iij. d. ob. Shibborne. xxiv. s. x. d. Sum. xvij. l. vj. s seven. d. Sum. xvij. l. vj. s seven. d. hundredth of Larkefeld. Byrlinge. lx●. s. vj. d. ob. Pedelsworthe. twenty-three. s. ij. d. ob. q. Layborne. xuj. s. xj. d. S. Leonarde. xuj. s. ij. d. ob. q. Ryashe. xxuj. s. seven. d. ob. q. Addington. xix. s. j d. ob. q. Offam. xiij. s. ix. d. Trottysclyffe. xvij. s. seven. d. q. Snothelande. liiij. s. ix. d. ob. Woldham, with the Parish of S. Margaret. xxviij. s. x. d. ob. Allington. x. s. ij. d. Dytton. u s. seven. d. Estemallinge. seven. l. ij. s. ob. Borham. xliij. s. ob. Acleford. Cxu. s u d. ob. q. Rugmerhyll. xx. s. iiij. d. Horswondene. xxiv. s. seven. d. ob. q. Huntingdon. seven. s. ij. d. ob. q. Sum. xxxij. l. vj. s iij. d. ob. hundredth of Hoo. The town of S. Warburge. ix. l. ij. s. viij. d. The town of S. Marry. iiij. l. xiv. s. iiij. d. The town of All Saints. Cvj. s three d. The town of Stoke. xxiii. s. vj. d. ob. Halsto. lvij. s. x. d. ob. West Peckham. xviij. s. vj. d. ob. Cobham. xxix. s. seven. d. ob. Sum. xxv. l. xij. s. x. d. hundredth of Toltingtrow. Mepeham. vj. l. Luddesdon. xl. s. Yelefeld. xlij. s. viij. d. Gore. lxiiij. s. seven. d. Gravesend. l. s vj. d. Torn. xliiij. s. vj. d. Mylton. l. s vj. d. Sum. xx. l. xij. s. ix. d. sum of this whole Lathe of Aylesford. CCC. l. xuj. s. xi. d. ob. The Lathe of Sutton at Hone. hundredth of Rokesley. The town of Rokesley. xix. s. x. d. Bexley. vj. l. xij. d. North Craye. xx. s. Orpington. iiij. l. xiij. s. x. d. Fotyscraye. xvij. s. u d. Chellesfeld. lxuj. s. viij. d. Farneburghe. xlv. s. iiij. d. Codeham. lxij. s. ij. d. West Wickham. xxxvij. s. iiij. d. S. Marry Craye. ls. j d. down. lij. s. iiij. d. Hese. twenty-three. s. viij. d. Keston. xij. s. iiij. d. Hever & Lingell. xviij. s. iij. d. Nokeholte. xv. s. Pollescraye. xlviij. s. viij. d. Chesilhurst. xlv. s. iiij. d. Sum. xxxvij. l. ix. s. iij. d. 〈…〉 hundredth of Axston. Town of Southfleete. iiij. l. xj. s. vj. d. ob. The Lathe of Sutton at Hone. Sutton. Cxj. s vj. d. ob. Fawkeham. xxix. s. ij. d. ob. Longefeld. twenty-three. s. vj. d. Heartily. thirty. s. seven. d. ash. lxxix. s. ij. d. ob. Rydley. xvij. s. Kingesdowne. xlj. s. iij. d. Maplescombe. xuj. s. viij. d. Farmingeham. u s. u d. ob. Stone. lxxiij. s. ix. d. ob. Swanescomb. lxj. s. ob. Darrent. xxxviij. s. ij. d. ob. Horton. iiij. l. ix. s. vj. ob. Eynesforde. xxxvij. s. xj. d. Lullingstone. xliiij. s. ij. d. ob. Sum. xxxix. l. x. s. viij. d. hundredth of Coddeshethe. The town of Shorham. lxxviij. s. Halsted. xiv. s. iiij. d. Otteford xxij. s. ij. d. Woodland. seven. s. viij. d. Sundrishe. x. s. viij. d. Sevenocke. iiij. l. xv. s. Kemsing. xxix. s. x. d. Seal. lix. s. Cheveninge. xxxix. s. viij. d. Leighe. xiij. s. Spelherst. u s. Sum. xviij. l. xiv. s. iiij. d. hundredth of Somerdene. The town of Chevening. xuj. s. iiij. d. Spelherste. xxij. d. Coveden. ix. s. iiij. d. Leighe. vj. s Penseherste. u s. vj. d. Hever, with the borrow of Tunbridge. vj. s Sum. xlv. s. hundredth of Westram. Town of Etonbridge. xxiv. s. Westram. xlj. s. ij. d. Coveden. xij. s. Brasted upland. xiij. s. iiij. d. Sum. iiij. l. x. s. vj. d. hundredth of Bromley and Beckenham. Town of Bromley. viij. l. Beckenham. Cxix. s. vj. d. Sum. xiij. l. xix. s. vj. d. The town of Brasted. xxvij. s. u d. ob. hundredth of Blackheath. Town of Lewesham. x. l ij. s. ij. d. Lee. lj. s. x. d. Ketbrooke. xxviij. s. seven. d. Eltham. seven. l. xuj. s. Chesylherst and Nottingham. xliij. s. viij. d. Westgrenewich. lv. s. x. d. Charleton. xlvij. s. seven. d. Wolwyche. xlj. s. x. d. Eastgrenewiche. seven. l. iij. s ij. d. Sum. xxxviij. l. x. s. viij. d. hundredth of little and Lesnes. Town of Erythe. xiv. l. iiij. s. iij. d. Craford. vj. l. xuj. s. Plumsted. seven. l. xix. s. Sum. xxviij. l. xix. s. iij. d. The town of Dertford. xiv. l. iij. s seven. d. sum of this whole Lathe of Sutton at Hone. Clxxxxix. l. xv. s. iij. d. Fraunchiles. Of the Duchy. Of the archbishop. Of the Bishop of Rochester. Of the Dean of Canterbury. Of Otforde. Of Wye. Of Asheford. Of Wrotham. Of Elfham. Of Osprenge. knights fees in old time, 254. and Di. whereof .27. belonged to the archbishop, eight to the Bishop of Rochester, and the rest to the King. Forests and Parks. South frith, for north frith .3. parks. Otforde, two. Knoll. Gromebridge. Panthyrst, disparked. Penshirst. Brasted dis. Henden dis. Hever dis. Bropam dis. Wrotham dis. Ightam dis. Cage dis. Postern dis. Sutton dis. Langley dis. Cooling. Byrling. Cobham. Alington dis. Merewood dis. Grenewiche. Eltham. 3. Ashowre. Southparke. Lullingstone. Calehyl. Léedes. S. Augustine's. Bedgebury. Westenhanger. Halden. Haniswell. Hungershall. Lie dis. Folkston dis. Shorland. Stonehyrst, dis. Stowting. Saltwood. Posting. At Ashford. Sissingherst. Glassenbury. Oxenhoth .2. dis. Hills of name. Shooter's hill Read hill. Gad's hill. Cockshoot hill. Shorne hill. Northdownes. Boxley hill. Boughton hill. Byrling hill. river hill. Raynam down. Mill hill. Baram down. South downs. Rivers. Thamis. Ravenshorne. Cray. Darent. Medwey. Rother. Lymen. Bewl. Genlade. Wantsume. Stowre. Bridges at Depeford upon Ravens. Lewsham upon Ravens. Crayforde, upon Cray. Eton bridge upon Medwey. Tumbridge. 5 upon Medwey. Brantbridge upon Medwey. Twyford upon Medwey. Yalding. upon Medwey. Teston upon Medwey. Farley upon Medwey. Maydstone upon Medwey. Ailesford upon Medwey. Rochester upon Medwey. Shorham upon Darent. Ainsford upon Darent. Farninghan upon Darent. Dartford upon Darent. Chaford. Lamberhirst. Bewl. Hetcorne. Newendene. Ashford. Canterbury. Cities. Canterbury. Rochester. Markets, upon. Tuesday, at Wrotham. Wednisday, at Dovor. Sandwiche. Canterbury. Gravesend. S. Marry Cray. Thursday, at Maydstone. Friday, at Sandwyche. Canterbury. Rochester. Tunbridge. Saturday, at Rumney. Hythe. Dover. Sandwyche. Feversham. Mylton. Asheford. Cranebrooke. Lenham. Malling. Sennock. Dartford. Fairs at Ashford. 27. july, being S. Ruffians day. Bromley. 1. February, being S. Bridgets day: and the .25. of july, being Saint james day. Brastede, on Thursday in Rogation week. chart the great. 25. March, being the annunciation of the blessed virgin Marie. Charing. 23. April, being S. George's day. 13. October being S Edward's day. 18. Octob. being S. Luke's day. Caunterbury, the tuesday in Whitsou week. 27. july, being the seven fléepers day. 29. Sept. being S. Michael's day: and. 29. Decem. being S. Thomas Beckets day. Cranbrook 29. May, being S. Corones' day: and. 24. june, being Midsummer day. Chilham. 25. july, being S. james day. Charlton. 18. Octob. being S. Luke's day. Clyffe. 17. September, being S. Lambert's day. Dover. 25. july, being S. james day. 24. August, being S. Bartilmews day: and. 11. novemb. being S. Martin's day. Feversham. 14. February being S. Valentine's day: and. 1. August, being Lammas day. Folkstone. 27. june, being S. Crescents day. Gravesend. 25. january, being S. Paul's day: and 13. October, being S. Edward's day. Hertesham. 24. june, being Midsummer day. Hedcorne. 28. june, being S. Leos day. Hide. 17. novemb. being S. Hugh's day. Lenham. 27. May, being S. Bede's day: and. 21. September, being S. Mathews day. lid, 11. july: being S. Benet's day. Maidstone. 1. May, being Philip and jacob's day: 9 june, being S. edmund's day: 6. October, being S. faiths day. &. 2. Fe● being the Purification, or Candlemas day. Meteworth. 10. August, being S. Laurence day. Malling. 21. September being S. Mathews day. 1. August, being Lammas day. 6. November, being S. Lennards day. S. Margaret's near Dartford. 20. jul. being S. Margaret's day. Northfleete, the Tuesday in Easter week. Otford. 24. August, being S. Bartilmews day. Pluckley. 5. Decemb. being S. Nycholas even. Rochester. 19 May, being S. Dunstanes day: and. 30. November being S. Andrews day. Romney. 1. August, being Lammas day. Reculuer. 7. Septemb. being the Nativity of the blessed virgin Marie. S●ttingborne. 21. Sept. being S. Mathews day. Strowde. 10. August, being S. Laurences day. Sandwiche. 23. Novam. being S. Clement's day. Sandhyrst. 7. Decem. being the even of the Conception. Sennock. 6. Decemb. being S. Nycholas day: and 29. june, being S. Peter's day. Tunbridge, Ash-wednesday: 24. june, being Midsummer day. &. 18. Octob. being S. Luke's day. Tenterdene. 26. April, being S. Cletes day. Wye. 13. March, being S. Theodores day. Wrotham. 23. April, being S. George's day. boroughs. Canterbury. Rochester. Maydstone, and the ports towns. Castles at, Canterbury. Rochester. Dover, and the Castle at the Key. Léedes. Tunbridge. Mylton. Gravesend. 2. Quynborow. Cooling. Sandowne. deal. Walmer. Saltwood. Alington. Shorham. Ainsford. Tong. Layborne. Vpnore. Honourable houses, belonging to the Prince, at Grenewiche. Eltham. Dartford. Otford. Knoll. S. Augustine's. Dover castle. Deal castle. To the Archbishop Canterbury. Wingham. Ford. To the Bishop of Rocchester. Broomley. Rochester. Halling. To men of honour, Berling Cobham. Cooling. Penshyrst. Shorland. Houses of poor people, with provision of living, at Grenewiche. Orpington. Lullingstone. Shorhant. Senuock. Rochester. Great Chart. Canterbury. Sandwiche. Dover. Houses of poor people, without provision. Dartford. Whitdiche. Chestnut wood. Religious houses, that sometime were, and their yearly values. Wingham. 84 li. by year. minster. Wye College. 93. li. Horton Priory. 95. li. Bilsington Priory. 81. li. Newendene. Folkstone. 41. li. Dovor prior. 170. li. Meason dieu. Hospital there. 59 li. Bradsoll Abbay of S. Radigundes. 98. li. Westlangdon. 56. li. Boxley. 204. li. Léedes priory. 362. li. Combwell. 80. li. Feversham. 200. li. Aninton priory there. Maydstone col. 159. li. Shepey. 129. li. Motenden. 60. li. Christ's Church. In Canterbury. S. Augustine's. In Canterbury. s. sepulchres. 29. li. In Canterbury. S. Gregory's. In Canterbury. S. Tho. hos. 23. li. In Canterbury. S. james hos. 32. li. In Canterbury. S. Nicholas hosp. 109. li. In Canterbury. S. Maries without Cant. Rochester priory. 486. li. Cobham col. 28. li. Strood. 52. li. Malling Abbay. 218. li. Higham priory. Tunbridge priory. Ailcfford. Dartford. 380. Grenewiche. Meason dieu, at Osprenge. Lesnes Ab. Schools, at Canterbury. Rochester. Sandwiche. Cranbrooke. Great chart. Bydendene. Tunbridge. Maydstone. Sennock. ¶ The names of such of the Nobility, and Gentry, as the Heralds recorded, in their visitation. 1574. To the which I have added such as I called to mind, and have set a star before each of them, that they may be known from the rest. A. * Sir Christopher Allen. * Asheley. * Richard Agall. William Acher. Christopher Abdy. Richard Austyn. * Robart Alcock. james Austyn. B. Sir Richard Baker. Nicholas Barham, Sergeant at the law. * Edward Boys. * Boughton. * john Barnes. * Humphrey Bridges. * Bonham. Ralph Bossevile. Robert Bing. Danyell Bettenham. Thomas Brent. john Boys. Francis Bourne. Henry Brochull. john Barham. * james Barham. William Browne. john barrow. Nicholas Beer. Thomas Blechenden. William Bedingfeld. Michael Berifford. * Jerome Bret. * Bam. * Nicholas Ballard. C. * Sir William Cobham, Lord Cobham, and warden of the five Ports. Sir Henry Crispe. Sir Thomas Cotton. * Sir Rowland Clarke. * Sir Alexander Colpeper. Sir Henry Cobham, George Catlyn. * Barthram Calthrop. * Chowne. William Cromer. George Clifford. Humphrey Clarke. William Clarke. Robert Colwell. William Cheyney. William Claybrook. William Crispe. William Cayser. * justinian Champneys. * Giles crow. * Thomas Colpeper. * Cranwell. * Crumpton. * carrel. * john Cobham. Cuts. D. * Sir William Damsel. * Thomas Darrell. * Robert Deane. * Dalyson. Richard Déering. Delahay. james Dalton. * George Darrel. john Delapynd. Gaius Dixon. William maintainer. * Digges. * Thomas Duke. E. Daniel Euering. Vincent Engham. Ralph Edolf. France's Eglesfield. F. Sir Thomas Fane. Thomas Fane. George Fogge. * Henry Fane. Thomas Fyneux. Symond Fifeld. Thomas Farby. Alexander Fisher. Thomas Fluyd. Robert Fylmer. john franklin. moil Fynche. * Thomas Fisher. * Ralph Fynche. G. * The Lady Golding. Sir Thomas Guldeford. Edmund Gay. George Goldwell. Thomas Greek. William Gybs. Henry Gylman. Thomas God-den, * Richard Garthe. * Barnaby Gooche. * Norton Green. H. Sir George Howard. * Sir Perceuall Hart. Sir james Hales. William Hamon. Richard Hardes. Roger Herleckenden. * Christopher Harflete. * Honywood. * john Heyton. Thomas Honywood. Henry Haddes. john Harper. Martin Herleckenden. * Edward Hales. * Richard Heron. Ralf Hayman. Abacuk Harman. Thomas Hamon. William Holmden. * George Harte. I * Sir Humphrey jylbert. john Iden. William Isley. Paul Ihonson. * Martin James. K. Sir Thomas Kempe. * Richard Knatchbull. L. * William Lovelace, Sergeant at the Law. * Thomas Lovelace. john Lennard. Richard Lone. Anthony Light. Thomas Lewson. William Lewknor. Lée. * William Lambade. M. * Roger Manwood, justice of the common place. George Multon. Edward Monings. john moil. William Midleton. Walter meinie. Anthony meinie. William Mount. * Edward Martin. Moor. N. Sir Henry Nevil, Lord Aburgevenny. * Alexander Nevil. Valentine Norton. * Thomas Nevil. * Thomas Nevil. O. Henry Oxenden. john Orwell. P. * Thomas Potter. * pain. William Partridge. Ciriac Petit. Henry Petit. William Petit. William Pordage. Richard Parkar. * james Peckam. * john Pet. * Palmer. R. * Sir john Rivers. * Thomas Randall. Walter Roberts. * john Roberts. William Roper. Robert Rudstone. Richard Rogers. Robert Rychers. William Raynes. S. * Sir Henry Sidney. Knight of the Garter, Lord Deputy of Ireland, and Lord Precedent of Wales. Sir Warham Seintleger. Sir Thomas Scot Anthony Sands. john and Edw. sybil. Vincent S. Nicholas. john Sidley. Christopher Samson. William Swan. William Swan. Thomas Stoughton. * Charles Scot * Francis Sandbache. * Reynold Scot * Summer's. * Francis Shakerley. * William Sidney. T. john Tuftone. Thomas Tourney. Roger Twisden. Morris Tichebourne. john Twine. Thomas Tuttesham. William Tylghman. * james Tebolde. john Tebolde. * Robert Thomas. * Francis thin. * Richard Tomeyo. W. Sir Thomas Walsingham. Thomas Wootton. * Thomas Watton. * Thomas Whetenhall. * Ralph Weldon. * George Wyat. * Thomas Wale. Thomas Willoughby. Francis Wilford. john Wybarne. Richard Waller. john Wylkyns. Thomas Waren. William Weston. Davy Wylkyns. Robert Walker. * Edward Wyat. * Robert wiseman. The names of the Kentish writers, drawn (for the most part) out of the Centuries of Master john Bale. Androgeus, Comes. Ethelbertus, Rex. Lotharius, Rex. Eadricus, Rex. Wightredus, Rex. Heddius Stephanus. Tobias Cantianus. Neotus Aldulphius. Serlo. Fridegodus. Haimo. Folchardus. Obsernus. Eadmerus. Aernulphus. Elmerus. Odo Cantianus. Alexander Cantuariensis. Eadmundus grime. Radulfus Roffensis. Richardus Pluto. Richardus Doverensis. Samson Durovermus. Radulfus Maidston. Geruasius Dorobernensis. Solitarius Presbyter. Nigellus Wireker. Alexander, Theologus. Simon Stokius. joannes Cantianus. Haimo de Feversham. Thomas Spottus. Simon Mepham. Petrus de Ikham. Guilielmus Pagham. joannes Tanetoes. Thomas Chillenden. Guilielmus Starnfield. Thomas Pontius. Simon de Feversham. Martinus de Clyvo. Thomas de Stureia. Reginaldus Cantuariensis. Radulphus Strodus. Thinredus Doverius. Guilielmus thorn. Richardus Maidston. Guilielmus Gillingham. joannes Wrotham. joannes Oldcastle, Dominus Cobham. joannes Langdene. Guilielmus white. Guilielmus Beckley. joannes Capgrave. Guilielmus Stapilhart. joannes Fisher. joannes Frithe. Simon Fish. Thomas Wyatt, Senior. Leonardus Digs. joannes Ponetus. Richardus Turnerus. Elizabetha, Regina. Hitherto (almost altogether) out of Master Bale: to the which, these may be added, that have written since. joannes Colpeper. Thomas Digs. Thomas Harman. Edovardus Deering. Thomas Potter. Reginaldus Scot Alexander Nevil. Georgius Harte. Guilielmus Darrel. Thomas Twine. Hitherto of Kent in particularity, and by way of Table: Whereof some part is drawn out of credible Records: part is spoken of mine own knowledge, and part is fetched from other men by information. For the first fort I hold myself sufficiently warranted: but in the other twain, if either by want of memory I have not taken all, or by too much credulity have mistaken any, I pray pardon for it, and desire the Reader either to correct, or supply it, by his own discretion and judgement. Now a few words of the Welsh History, and then to the division of the Shire & Country itself. ¶ A short counsel, as touching the Bryttishe history. ALbeit that I am justly occasioned (before I make mine entry) to speak largely, for confirmation of the credit of our Bryttishe or Welsh history, (the faith whereof is by William Petite, and Polidore Virgile called into question) for as much, as I shall be enforced to use it as a ground work of my whole frame and building: yet for that I mind not in any part of this my labour, to handle with many words, matters in controversy, (being otherwise sufficiently charged with things more incident to my purpose, and no less fit to be known.) And because also that matter hath already found more learned and diligent patrons, I will with few words pass it over, contenting myself, if I shall have added to other men's heaps, one small proof or twain, which by chance I gleaned after them, and referring such as desire more abundant testimonies, to the reading of john Leland, and Sir john ap Rese, two learned men, that have plentifully written therein. The state of the matter is this, whether Geffrey of Monmouthe Geffray of Monmouth be the author of the British story (as William Newborow, and Polydore charge him) or the translator thereof only out of the Bryttishe, as himself in his book professeth. Whereof must needs ensue, That if the work be his own, it hath no more credit, than he himself (being the author) could bring unto it: But if he did only translate that, which Walter the Archdeacon of Oxford brought out of Normandy, and delivered unto him, Then doth not the estimation depend upon Geffray, but upon some other (wh●●soeuer he were) that first wrote it. Now, that it may appear unto you, that he was only the interpreter of that which came out of Normandy, I will call to witness, Henry the Archdeacon of Huntingdon, who lived in the time of king Henry the first, and was somewhat before William Petites days, who (as himself confesseth) was borne in the beginning of the reign of king Stephan, about which time Geffray of Monmouthe was on live also. This Henry (besides a learned history of the realm) wrote three several treatises which I have seen: One entitled, De miraculis Angliae: An other, De serie Regum potentissimorum: And the third, De origine Regum Brytannorum. In this latter, he saith plainly. That at such time as he travailed towards Rome, he found (in an ancient Library of the Abbay of Bec) an old book, entitled likewise, De origine Regum Brytannorun, the which beginning at the arrival of Brutus, ended with the acts of Cadwallader, and agreed throughout (as by collation I collected) with this our Bryttishe history, which I doubt whether Henry of Huntingdon had ever seen. Now therefore, if this were an old book in his time, it could not be new in the days of Petite, that succeeded him: And if the argument were written before in the British tongue, it is very probable, that he was not the first author, but only the translator thereof in Latin. For further likelihood whereof, I myself have an ancient British, or Welsh copy, which I reserve for show, and do reverence for the antiquity, little doubting, but that it was written before the days of William Petite, who, as he was the first, So upon the matter reckon I him the only man, that ever impugned the Bryttishe history. For as touching Polydore Polydore. (though he were a man singularly well learned) yet since he was of our own time, and no longer since, his forces must of necessity be thought to be bend, rather against the verity, then against the antiquity of that writing. Wherein if he shall seek to discredit the whole work, for that in some parts it containeth matter, not only unlikely, but incredible also: then shall he both deprive this Nation of all manner of knowledge of their first beginning, and open the way for us also to call into question the origine, and antiquities of Spain, France, Germany, yea and of Italy his own country: in which, that which Livy reporteth of Romulus and Remus, Numa and Aegeria, is as far removed from all suspicion of truth, as any thing, whatsoever the Galfride writeth, either of Brutus, Merlin, or King Arthur himself. Seeing therefore, that even as corn hath his chaff, and metal his dross, so can there hardly any writer of the ancient history of any nation be found out that hath not his proper vanities mixed with sincere verity: the part of a wise Reader shallbe, not to reject the one for doubt of the other, but rather with the fire and fan, of judgement and discretion, to try and sift them a sunder. And as my purpose is for mine own part, to use the commodity thereof, so often, as it shall like me: so my counsel shallbe, that other men will, both in this and other, observe this one rule, That they neither reject without reason, nor receive without discretion, and judgement. Thus much in my way, for assertion of the British history I thought good to say once for all, to the end that from henceforth (whatsoever occasion of debate shallbe offered, concerning either the verity or antiquity of the same) I neither trouble myself, nor tarry my Reader, with any further defence, or apology. The Bishops See, and Diocese, of Canterbury. HE that shall advisedly consider the plot of this Shire, may find three diverse (and those not unfit) ways, to divide it: One, by breaking the whole into the East and West Kent: The order of this description. An other, by parting it, (as Watling street leadeth,) into North, and south Kent: And a third, by severing it into the two distinct Dioceses of Canterbury, and Rochester. Of these three, I have determined to choose the last, both because that kind of division hath as certain limits, as any of the former, & for that, it seemeth to me the most convenient severance, being wrought both by bound of place, and of jurisdiction also. And because the See of Canterbury, is not only the more worthy of the twain, but also the Metropolitan, and chief of the whole realm: I have thought good, in the first place, to show the beginning and increase of that Bishopric, and afterward to prosecute the description and history of the principal parts belonging to the same. It is to be seen, in the British history, and others, that at such time as King Lucius (the first christened Prince of this land) had renounced the damnable darkness of Paganism, Flamines turned into Bishops. and embraced the glorious light of the Gospel of God, he changed the archflamines of London, York, and Caerleon, into so many archbishops: and the Flamines, of other inferior places, into inferior Bishops, through out his whole realm. Howbeit, this matter is not so clear, but that it is encountered by William Petit, which (in the Proheme of his history) affirmeth boldly, that the Britons which professed Christian religion within this Island, before the coming of Augustine, were contented with Bishops only, & that Augustine himself was the very first, that ever had the Archbishops pall amongst us. As touching Bishops it is evident by Beda himself, that both before, & in Augustine's time, Wales alone had seven at the jest: but as for archbishops (although for my own opinion I think with William, the rather for that I suppose, that the simplicity of the Britain clergy, was not as then enamoured with the vain titles of the Roman arrogancy) yet to the end that the reader may be thereby the more justly occasioned, to make inquisition of the truth in that point, it shall not be greatly out of his way, to sand him by Silvester Giraldus, Canbrensis, a man (considering the age (excellently well learned, & which lived about the same time with William Petit, or William of Newborow) as some call him. This man, in a book which he entitled, Itinerarium Walliae, setteth forth most plainly the Archbishops, that in old time were at Caerleon, their translation from thence to Saint David's, their transmigration from Saint David's over the Sea into Normandy, and the whole Catalogue of their succession in each of those places. But here, some man, thinking me more mindful to direct others, than careful to keep mine own wai, will happily ask me, what pertineth it (I pray you to Canterbury, whether there have ben Archbishops at London, York, & Carleon, or no? London spoiled of the archbishopric. yes (no doubt) it maketh greatly to our treatise of Canterbury: for, not only the forenamed British history, Matthew of Westminster, & William of Malmesbury do show manifestly, that Augustine by great injury spoiled London of this dignity of the Archbishops chair, bestowing the same upon Canterbury: but the Epistle of Pope Gregory himself also, (which is to be read in the Ecclesiastical story of Beda) convinceth him of manifest presumption & arrogancy, in that he sticked not to prefer his own fantasy & liking before the Pope his masters institution & commandment. For Pope Gregory appointed two Archbishops, the one at London the other at York, whereof either should have under him 12. inferior Bishops, & whereof neither should be subject to other: only for Augustine's honour) he willed, that they all should be under him during his life. But Augustine not so contented, both remained resident during all his life at Canterbury, and before he died consecrated Laurence archbishop there, least, either by his own death, or want of another fit man to fill the place, the chair might happily be carried to London, as Gregory the Pope had appointed. Matthew of Westminster saith, that Merlin had prophesied, Dignitas Londoniae adornabit Dorobriniam. William Malmesbury writeth, that he did it, Sedulitate Regis hospitis, (meaning King Ethelbert) & ch●ritate civium captus: But I think verily, that he meant thereby to leave a glorious monument of his swelling pride & vanity: whereunto I am the rather led, by the observation of his stately behaviour used towards the British Bishops, and some other of his acts, that savour greatly of vainglory, ambition, and insolence. Whatsoever the cause were that moved him thus to apparel Canterbury with the archbishop of London's pall, at Canterbury hath it continued ever sithence, saving that at one time, Offa the King of Mercia (or middle England) partly of a disposition to honour his own country, and partly of a just displeasure conceived against Lambright (or janbright, as some copies have it, the thirteenth archbishop,) for matter of treason, translated the honour of the See, either wholly, or partly, to Lichefield: But there it remained not long, for after the death of King Offa, Kenulsus his successor restored Ethelard to his place at Canterbury again. The increase of the archbishopric, The whole Province of this Bishopric of Canterbury, was at the first divided by Theodorus (the seventh Bishop) into five Diocese only: howbeit in process of time it grew to twenty and one, besides itself, leaving to York (which by the first institution, should have had as many as it) but Durham, Conttention for the Primacy. Carlisle, and Chester only. And whereas by the same ordinance of Gregory, neither of these archbishops aught to be inferior to other, save only in respect of the priority of their consecration, Lanfranc (thinking it good reason that he should make a conquest of the English Clergy, since his master King William had vanquished the whole nation) contended at Windsor with Thomas Norman (archbishop of York) for the primacy, and there by judgement before Hugo the Pope's Legate recovered it from him: so that ever since, the one is called Totius Angliae primas, and the other, Angliae primas, without any further addition. Of which judgement (one forsooth) hath yielded this great reason: that even as the Kentish people, by an ancient prerogative of manhood do challenge the first front in each battle, from the inhabitants of other countries: So the Archbishop of their shire, aught by good congruence to be preferred before the rest of the Bishops of the whole Realm. Moreover, whereas before time, The archbishop's place in the general counsel. the place of this archbishop in the general Counsel, was to sit next to the Bishop of saint Ruffians, Anselmus (the Successor of this Lanfranc) for recompense of the good service that he had done, in ruffling against priests wives, and resisting the King for the investiture of clerks) was by Pope Urban endowed with this accession of honour, that he and his successors, should from thenceforth have place in all general counsels, at the Pope's right foot, who then said withal, Includamus hunc in orb nostro, tanquam alterius orbis Papam. And thus the archbishops of Canterbury, by the fraud of Augustine, by the power of Lanfranc, and by the industry of Anselme, were much exalted: but how much that was to the grievous displeasure, and pining envy, of the archbishops of York, you shall perceive by that which followeth. King Henry the first, kept (upon a time) a stately Christmas at Windsor, Wrestling for the primacy. where (the manner of our kings then being at certain solemn times to wear their crowns) Thurstine of York (having his cross borne up before him) offered to set the crown upon the king's head: But William of Canterbury withstood it stoutly, and so prevailed by the favour of the king, and the help of the standers by, that Thurstine was not only disappointed of his purpose, but he (and his cross also) thrust clean out of the doors. William of York (the next in succession after Thurstine, both in the See and Quarrel) perceiving that the force of his predecessor prevailed nothing, attempted by his own humble means (first made to the king, and after to the Pope) to win the coronation of king Henry the second, from Theobald the next Archbishop of Canterbury: But when he had received repulse in that sort of suit also, and found no way left to make avengement upon his enemy, he returned home all wroth, and (mixing poison in the chalice, at his Mass) wreaked the anger upon himself. After this, another hurley burley happened in a Synod, assembled at Westminster, in the time of king Henry the second, before Cardinal Hugo, (Pope Alexander's Legate) between Richard and Roger, than Archbishops of these two Sees upon occasion, that Roger of York coming of purpose (as it should seem) first to the assembly, had taken up the place on the right hand of the Cardinal, which when Richard of Canterbury had espied, he refused to sit down in the second room, complaining greatly of this prejudice done to his See: whereupon, after sundry replies of speech, the weaker in disputation (after the manner of shrewd school boys in London streets) descended from hot words, to hasty blows, in which encounter, the Archbishop of Canterbury (through the multitude of his meiney) obtained the better: So that he not only plucked the other out of his place, and (trampling upon his body with his his feet) all to rent and tare his Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, but also disturbed the holy Synod therewithal, in such wise that the Cardinal for fear, betook him to his feet, the company departed their business undone, and the Bishops themselves moved suit at Rome, for the finishing of their controversy. By these, & such other successes, on the one side, the bishops of Canterbury following, took such courage, that from thenceforth, they would not permit the Bishops of York to bear up the cross, either in their presence, or province: And on the other side, the bishops of York conceived such grief of heart, disdain, and offence, that from time to time, they spared no occasion to attempt both the one & the other. Whereupon, in the time of a parliament, holden at London, in the reign of King Henry the third, Boniface (Archbishop of Canterbury) interdicted the Londoners, because they had suffered the Bishop of York to bear up his cross whiles he was in the city. And much to do there was (within a few years after) between Robert Kylwarby of Canterbury, and Walter Giffard of York, because he of York advanced his cross, as he passed through Kent towards the general Counsel. The like happened also, at two other several times, between Friar Peckam (archbishop of Canterbury) and William Winkewane, The end of the strife for the supremacy. and john de Roma (archbishops of York) in the days of King Edward the first. At the length, the matter being yet once more set on foot between Simon Islepe (the archbishop of this country) and his adversary (the incumbent of York for that time) King Edward the third, in whose reign that variance was revived, resumed the matter into his own hand, and made a final composition between them, the which he published under his broad seal to this effect: first, that each of them should freely, and without empeachement of the other, bear up his cross in the other's Province, but yet so, that he of York and his successors for ever, in sign of subjection, should within two months after their inthronization, either bring, or send, to Canterbury, the Image of an archbishop bearing a cross, or some other jewel wrought in fine gold, to the value of forty pounds, and offer it openly there upon Saint Thomas Beckets shrine: then, that in all Synods of the clergy, and assemblies where the King should happen to be present, he of Canterbury should have the right hand, and the other the left: finally, that in broad streets, and high ways, their cross-bearers should go together, but that in narrow lanes, and in the entries of doors and gates, the crozier of Canterbury should go before, and the other follow, and come behind. So that (as you see) the Bishops of Canterbury evermore prevailing by favour and obstinacy, they of York were driven in the end, to give over in the plain field, for very despair, wanhope, and weariness. But hear by the way, I would feign, for my learning, know of these godly Fathers, or rather (since themselves can not now make answer) of some of their ungodly favourers, whether this their Helena, this cross (for the bearing whereof they contended so long, and so bitterly, that a man might doubt with the Poet, Peceat uter Cruce dignius) whether (I say) it were exalted, as the sign of that Cross whereon Christ triumphed over the Devil, or else but for a flag and antsigne of their own pride, whereby they sought to triumph and insult the one over the other? And again, if it were Christ's cross, then why they did forbidden it to be advanced, at any time, by any person, or in any place? Or if it were but their own, then why they did, and yet do, command us simple souls, not only with great humility, but with divine honour also, to prostrate ourselves, and to adore it? I am sure they may be ashamed to affirm it to be the one, & I think they willbe ashamed to confess it to be the other. I will cease therefore to urge it any further, & will prosecute the Catalogue of the archbishops of this See, since the arrival of Augustine. In the which, the first seven, be of that number which Pope Gregory sent hither out of Italy: The next twenty three, and Stigande, were Saxons: all the residue, Normanes & Englishmen. And because there is some variance as touching the times of their continuance and sitting, I purpose to show (under one view) the opinion of two sundry authors, so far forth as they have spoken thereof, that is to say, William of Malmesbury, and an ancient Chronicler of Coventrie, (whose name I have not hitherto learned) and in the residue to follow our own late and received writers. The beginnings of their governments, after the Annals of Canterbury. The years of their Continuance in government, after the opinion of An. Do. Wil Malm. Chro. Coven. 599. Augustine, whom our lovanists call, the English Apostle. 16. 16. 612. Laurence. 5. 5. 617. Mellite. 5. 5. 624. justus. 3. 9 626. Honorius. 26. 20. 653. Deusdedit, or Deodat the first Saxon. 10. 9 Wighard, which died at Rome before his consecration. 668. Theodore a Grecian borne, and the last of those that came out of Italy. 22. 22. 691. Brightwald. 37. 38. 731. Tatwine. 3. 4. 737. Nothelinus, or jocelin 5. 7. 741. Cuthbert the first that was buried in Christeschurche, and that obtained churchyards for England. 17. 17. 759. Bregwine. 3. 3. 774. Lanbright, or janbright. in his time the See was translated to Lichefield. 17. 17. 790. Aethelwardus, he recovered the See to Canterbury again. 23. Wulfredus, or Wifred 28. 28. 830. Fegeldus, or Swithredus. three months. 831. Celnothus, or Eilnothus. 41. 41. 890. Etheredus, or Etheldredus. 18. 18. Pleimundus, one of the learned men, that instructed king Alfred. 34. 34. 925. Athelmus 12. 13. 947. Wulfhenius, or Wulfhelmus. 13. 14. 956. Odo, or Odosegodus. 5. 20. 958. Elfsius, or Elfsinus, or Elsinus, which died before his consecration, in his journey towards Rome, in revenge (as they say) because he came in by Simony, and sporned at the tomb of his predecessor. Brithelmus, was elected: but king Edgar rejected him. 970. Dunstanus, the famous juggler. 26. 989. Ethelgarus. 1. 1. 991. Siricius, by his advice King Etheldred gave to the Danes a great sum of money. 5. 5. 996. Alfricus. 1004. Aelfegus, he was slain by the Danes. 6. 6. 1012. Livingus, or Ethelstanus. 7. 7. Eilwardus. 1020. Egelnothus. 18. 18. 1038. Eadsius, or Edsinus, who for sickness committed the charge to Siwardus, the Abbot of Abingdon, & after Bishop of Rochester which nevertheless vouchsafed not to find him necessaries. 11. 11. 1050. Robertus Gemeticensis, the first Norman, advanced by King Edward the confessor. 12. 12. 1053. Stigandus, deposed by the conqueror. 17. 17. 1072. Lanfrancus, in his time the Bishops Seas were first removed from villages, to Cities. 19 19: 1093. Anselmus, in his time law was first made to divorce Priests from their wives. 16. 16. 1114. Radulphus Roffensis, surnamed Nugax. 9 1122. Willimus de Corueil, he crowned Stephan, against his faith given to Maude the Empress. 15. 1138. Theobaldus, he was endowed first, with the title of Legatus Natus, by Pope Innocent the second. 23. 1162. Thomas Becket, the first Englisheman after the Conquest. 8. Robertus, the Abbot of Bec was elected, but he refused it. 1173. Richardus, the Prior of Dover. 9 1183. Baldwinus, the bishop of Worcester: he died in the expedition, that king Richard the first made into Syria, & was before at great contention with the Monks. 7. Reginaldus, he died before consecration. 1193. Hubertus. 13. 1205. Stephanus de Langton, the cause of the trouble of king john. 21. 1228. Gualterus de Euesham, elected, but refused both by the King and Pope, for the insufficiency of learning. 1229. Richardus Magnus. 8. 1233. johannes, the Subprior of Christ's church, was elected after the Pope had refused one Ralph Nevel, but this john resigned, in whose place john Blund was chosen, but that election also was repealed. 1234. Edmundus de Abingdon, the one & twenty Bishop of Cant. that the Popes had canonised. He departed the realm, & died for anger of a repulse 7. 1244. Bonifacius, uncle to Elinor, the wife of Henry the third. 16. 1270. Willelmus de Chillenden, elected, but he resigned to the Pope, who chose Kilwardby. 1272. Robertus Kilwardby, Friar preacher. 6. 1278. johannes Burnel, Bishop of Bath elected, but the Pope refused him, and appointed Friar Peckam. 1279. johannes de Peckam a friar Minor, born in Sussex. 13. 1292. Robertus de Winchelsey, a notable traitor to the King, & true servant to the Pope. 19 Thomas de Cobham, elected, but refused by the Pope, he was commonly called, Bonus Clericus. 1312. Walterus Reignold. 14. 1328. Simon de Mepham. 5. Thus far out of the Story of Coventrie. 1334. johannes de Stratford. 29. 1350. johannes Offord, or ufford. Thomas Bradwardine, he erected the Black friars in London. 1350. Simon Islepe; he founded Canterbury College in Oxford. 17. 1367. Simon Langham. 2. 1369. Wilhelmus Witlesey. 5. 1375. Simon Sudbury. 6. 1381. Wilhelmus Courtenay. 15. 1396. Thomas Arundel attainted of treason, by parliament, in the one and twenty year of Richard the second. 18. Rogerus Walden, in the exile of Arundel: but deposed: Then made Bishop of London, & again deposed, and died in the seventh year of Henry the fourth. 1414. Henricus Chicheley, built Alsoules, and S. john's College in Oxford, and the College of Higham. 29. 1443. johannes Stafford. 8. 1452. joannes Kempe. 3 1455. Thomas Bourchier. 33. 1486. joannes Morton, builded much at Knol, and repaired Lambeth. 14. Thomas Langton elected, but he died before consecration. 1500. Henricus Deane, or Deny. ●. Willielmus Warham, builded Otforde house. 28. Thomas Cranmer, he was burned for the truth. Reginaldus Poole. 3 Mathaeus Parker. Thus have you the succession of seventy Archbishops, in the recital whereof, I do (of purpose) spare to dispute the variance arising amongst writers, as touching the continuance, & true times of their government, which discrepance, groweth partly, for the default of the authors themselves, not observing the due account of years, and partly by the unskill of such as have untruly copied out their works: I willingly reserve also for other places, sundry the histories of their lives and doings, both because I think it fruitless, to reconcile such manner of disagréements, and also, for that (as I said before of the Kings) I deem it impertinent to my purpose, to speak further of any thing, than the very place in hand, shall justly give me occasion. It followeth therefore, that according to promise', The order of this description of Kent. I handle such particular places within this Diocese, as are mentioned in history, in which treaty, I will observe this order. First to begin at Tanet, and to peruse the East and south shores, till I come to the limits, between this Shire, & Sussex: then to ascend Northward, and to visits such places, as lie along the bounds of this Diocese & Rochester, returning by the mouth of Medwey to Tanet again, which is the whole circuit of this Bishopric: and lastly, to describe such places, as lie in the body and midst of the same. Tanet, called in British, Inis Rhuochym, of the Shore Rutupi: it is named of some writers, in Latin (or rather greek) Thanatos, in Saxon, tenet, in stead of ƿaenet. Not snakes in Tanet. IVlius Solinus (in his description of England) saith thus of Tanet: Thananatos nullo serpitur angue, & asportata inde terra angues necat. There be no snakes in Tanet (saith he) & the earth that is brought from thence will kill them. But whether he wrote this of any sure understanding that he had of the quality of the soil, or only by conjecture at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in Greek signifieth death, or kill, I wot not, & much less dare I determine, because hitherto neither I myself have heard of any Region hereabout (only Ireland excepted) which beareth not both snakes and other venomous worms, neither am I yet persuaded, that this place borrowed the name out of the Greek, but rather took it of the proper language, of this our native country: For ƿaenet, in the Saxon, or old Engglishe tongue, soundeth as much as, moist, or watered, which derivation, how well it standeth with the situation of Tanet, being Peninsula, and watered (in manner) round about, I had rather without reasoning, refer to every man's judgement, then by debate of many words, either to trouble the reader, or to interrupt mine own order. Leaving the name therefore, I will resort to the thing, and show you out of Beda, and others, the content and stoarie of this isle. There lieth (saith Beda, speaking of the place, where King Ethelbert entertained Augustine) in the East part of Kent, an Island, called Tanet, containing (after the manner of the English account) six hundred families, or Hides of land (as the Saxon book of Beda hath) which be in deed after the opinion of ancient writers, plough lands: It is divided from the continent, or main land, by the river called Wantsume, which is about three furlongs broad, and to be passed over in two places only: Hereunto if you add the opinion of Polydore, the description willbe the more evident. It containeth (saith he) about nine miles in length, and not much less in breadth, and it was some time divorced from the continent, by a water, but now it is almost united again. Thus much for the description. As touching the history, you may read in Geffray of Mommouth, that after such time as the Brytons had deposed Vortiger their King, for that he brought in the Saxons, which began soon after their entry to show themselves in deed, such as they were in name, For (Seax) in their language signifieth a sword, or axe, or hatchet. (not shields against the picts and Scots, but swords to shed the Briton blood) Vortimer his son (whom they places in his seat) so straightened the Saxons in this isle, (the which, as William of Malmesbury writeth, Vortiger had given them to inhabit, at their first Arrival) that for a colour they sent Vortiger to treat with him of peace, and in the mean while for fear, conveyed themselves into their Ships, and Sailed homeward again. The same Author reporteth, that after this, Cador, (the Duke of Cornwall) by commandment of King Arthur, chased the Saxons into Tanet, where he slew Childric their leader, and received many of the residue to grace and mercy. Howbeit the Saxons themselves, after that in process of time, they had gotten the dominion over the Britons, enjoyed not the possession of Tanet in much better quiet than the Britons had done before them. For in the days of King Athulf, (the father of Alfred) the Danes fought in Tanet against Ealhere, (the Duke, or captain of Kent) and Huda, (the Duke of Surrey) & slaying them both overthrew their powers, and possessed the isle. After this, in the time of the same King, they sojourned with their army a whole winter in Tanet: and lastly (in the reign of King Etheldred) they harried, spoiled, and sacked it in such sort, that the religious persons were constrained to abandon the place, for I find, that shortly after, King Canutus gave the body of Mildred, and all the lands belonging to minster Abbay (that then was in this Isle) to the Monks of saint Augustine's at Canterbury. But, for asmuch as good order requireth, that I should tell you of the foundation, before I speak of the fall, you shall hear out of William thorn, (one that made an appendix to the history of Thomas Spot, both Monks of Saint Augustine's) the occasion of the first fabulous beginning of this Abbay. The occasion of the building of Minster Abbay. Certain servants, or officers (saith he) of Egbright (the third King of Kent after Ethelbert) had done great injury to a noble woman (called Domneva, the mother of Saint Mildred) in recompense of which wrongs the King made an Herodian oath, and promised upon his honour, to give her whatsoever she would ask him. The woman (instructed belike by some Menkishe counsellor) begged of him so much ground to build an Abbay upon, as a tame dear (that she nourished) would run over at a breath: Hereto the King had consented forthwith, saving that one Tymor (a counselor of his) standing by, blamed him of great inconsideration, for that he would upon the uncertain course of a Dear, depart to his certain loss, with any part of so good a soil, but the earth (saith William Thorn) immediately opened, and swallowed him alive, in memory whereof, the place till his time, was called Tymor sleep. Well, the King and this Gentlewoman proceeded in their bargain, the Hind was put forth, and it ran the quantity of forty and eight ploughlands, before it returned. And thus Domneva (by the help of the King) builded at minster (within that precinct) a Monastery of nuns, upon such like discretion, (you may be sure) as Ramsey Abbay was pitched, even where a Bull by chance scraped with his foot, and as Rome itself (for whose favour these follies be devised) was edified, where the she Wolf gave Romulus and Remus suck. For it was called Roma, of Ruma, a pap or dug. Over this Abbay, Mildred (of whom we spoke) the daughter of Marvel, (that was son to Penda, King of middle England) become the Lady and Abbess: who because she was of noble lineage, and had gotten together seventy women, (all which Theodorus the seventh Bishop) veiled for nuns, she easily obtained to be registered in our English Calendar, & to be worshipped for a Saint, both at Tanet, while her body lay there, and at S. Augustine's, after that it was translated: And no marvel at all, for if you will believe the author of the work called (Nova Legenda Angliae) yourself will easily vouchsafe her the honour. This woman (saith he) was so mightily defended with divine power, S. Mildred● miracles. that lying in a hot oven three hours together, she suffered not of the flame: She was also endued with such godlike virtue, that coming out of France, the very stone whereon she first stepped at Ippedsflete in this Isle, received the impression of her foot, and retained it for ever, having besides this property, that whether so ever you removed the same, it would within short time, and without help of man's hand, return to the former place again: And finally, she was so diligently guarded with God's Angel, attending upon her, that when the devil (finding her at prayers) had put out the candle that was before her, the Angel forthwith lighted it for her again. And this (no doubt) was the cause, that the Religious persons of S. Augustine's, and of S. Gregory's at Canterbury, fell at great dissension for her, each affirming, that after the spoil of Tanet, her bones were removed to their Monastery: the one claiming by King Canutus, as we said before, and the other deriving from archbishop Lanfranc, who (as they affirmed) at the dotation of their house, bestowed upon it (amongst other things of great price) the translated relics of Mildred, and edburga's bodies. Howsoever that were, they both made merchandise of her miracles, and the Monks of S Augustine's perceiving, that by the dissolution of the Monastery, and the absence of the Saints, their town of Minster, in Tanet was fallen to decay, of very conscience, and for pity's sake, by the mean of Hugh their Abbot, procured at the hands of King Henry the first, the grant of a Market, to be holden there, which I wot not whether it enjoyeth to this day, or no. Thus much of the Isle and minster Abbay. Now a word or two touching Ippedsflete, whereof I spoke before, and of Stonor another place within the Isle, and then I will leave Tanet, and proceed in my journey. This Ippedsflete, Ippedsflete, is the place where Hengist and Hors● (the Saxon captains) came first on land, and it is of divers Chronicles diversly termed, some calling it Ippinesflete, others Heoppinesflete, and others Wippedsflete, These of the last sort writ, that it took the name of one Wipped, (a noble man amongst the Saxons) who only was slain on that part, when Aurel. Ambrose (the leader of the Britons) lost twelve of his principal chieftains in one conflict. In deed, the name soundeth, the place where Wipped, or Ipped swimmed, which I could have agreed to be the same, that is at this day called, Wapflete in Essex, (the rather for that Ralph Higden writeth, that the Britons never invaded Kent, after the battle at Craforde, which was before this overthrow that I last spoke of.) Howbeit since the writer of our holy Legend layeth it in Tanet, I am contented to subscribe. In this Isle lieth Stonor, Stonor. sometime a haven town also: for in the reign of William Rufus, there arose a suit in law, between the Londoners, and the Abbot of S Augustine's (than owner of the place) as touching the right of the haven of Stonor, wherein by the favourable aid of the Prince, the Monks (as Thomas Spot, their own Chronicler reporteth) prevailed, and the Citizens had the overthrow. Not long after which time, they obtained of King Henry the first, a fair to be holden yearly at this town, five days together, before and after the feast of the translation of S. Augustine. Now would I forthwith lead you from the Isle of Tanet, to the ruins of Richeborow, saving that the Goodwin is before mine eye, whereof I pray you first harken what I have to say. The Goodwin, or Goodwin Sands. THere lived in the time of King Edward (commonly called the Confessor) a noble man, Earl Godwine and his sons. named Godwine, whose daughter Edgithe, the same King, by great instance of his nobility, (being otherwise of himself disposed to have lived sole) took unto his wife. By reason whereof, not only this Godwine himself (being at the first but a Cowherd's son, and afterward advanced to honour by King Canutus, whose sister by fraud he obtained to wife) become of great power and authority within this Realm (but his sons also being five in number) were by the king's gift, advanced to large livelyhoodes and honourable possessions. For Goodwin was Earl of Kent, Sussex, Hamshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire, and Cornwall: His eldest son Swain, had Oxfordshire, Berkshire Gloucestershire, Herefordshire, and Somerset: Harold, held Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, & Huntingdonshire: Tosti, had Northumberland: And Gurte, & Leoswine, possessed other places. etc. But as it is hard in great prosperity to keep due temperance, for, Superbia est vitium rebus solemn secundis: So this man and his sons, being puffed up with the pride of the King's favour, their own power, policy, and possession, contemned all other, and forgot themselves, abusing the simplicity of the King by evil counsel, treading under foot the nobility by great disdain, and oppressing the common people by insatiable ravin, extortion, and tyranny. So that immediately, and at once, they pulled upon their heads, the heavy displeasure of the Prince, the immortal hatred of the noble men, and the bitter execration and curse of the common sort. Whereupon the king for a season banished them, the nobles never after liked them, and the poor people not only railed upon them while they lived, but also by devised tales (as the manner is) laboured to make them hateful to all posterity after their death. And amongst other things, touching Godwyne himself, they feigned, that he was choked at Winchester (or Windsor, as others say, for liars can not lightly agree) with a morsel of bread, and that this his land in Kent sunk suddenly into the Sea. Neither were these things continued in memory, by the mouths of the unlearned people only, but committed to writing also, by the hands and pens of Monks, friars, and others of the learned sort. So that in course of time, the matter was past all peradventure, and the things believed for undoubted verity. But whatsoever hath been heretofore thought of these matters, having now just occasion offered me to treat of the thing, I will not spare, to speak that which I have read in some credible writers, and which I do think meet to be believed of all indifferent readers. Silvester Giraldus (in his itinerary of Wales) and many others, do writ, The cause of Goodwin Sands that about the end of the reign of King William Rufus, (or the beginning of Henry the first) there was a sudden and mighty inundation of the Sea, by the which a great part of Flaunders, and of the low countries thereabout, was drenched, and lost, so that many of the inhabitants (being thereby expulsed from their seats) came over into England, and made suit to the same King Henry, for some place of dwelling within his dominion. The King pitying their calamity, and seeing that they might be profitable to his Realm, by instructing his people in the art of clothing, (wherein at that time they chief excelled,) first placed them about Carlisle in the North country, and afterward (upon cause) removed them to Rosse and Haverford in Wales. Now at the same time that this happened in Flaunders, the like harm was done in sundry places, both of England, and Scotland, also, (as Hector Boethius, the Scottish historiographer, most plainly writeth) affirming, that (amongst other) this place, being sometime of the possession of the Earl Godwine, was then first violently overwhelmed with a light sand, wherewith it, not only remaineth covered ever since, but is become withal (Navium gurges, & vorago) a most dreadful gulf, and ship swalower. This thing, as I cannot but marvel how it hath escaped the pens of our own country writers (the rather for that some of them living about that time) have mention of that harm in the low country: so I stick not to accept it for assured truth, considering either the authority of the writer himself, being a diligent and learned man, or the circumstances of the thing that he hath left written, being in itself both reasonable, & likely. And thus I might well make an end, but because I have already taken occasion to accuse them of forgery, which affirm Godwine to have been choked at the board, I trust it shallbe no great offence, (though beside purpose, yet for declaration of the truth) to rehearse shortly, what some credible storiers have reported of that matter also. And to the end that the truth may appear by collation of the divers reports, I will first show what the common opinion and tale of his death is, and then afterward what these other men writ concerning the same. The death of Earl Godwyne. Ealred, the Abbot of Ryvauxe, (who took pains to pen the history of the same King Edward's whole life, and of whom all others (as I think) learned this tale, saith: that while the King and Godwyne sat at the table, accompanied with others of the Nobility, it chanced the Cupbearer (as he brought wine to the board) to slip with the one foot, and yet by good strength of his other leg, to recover himself without falling, which thing the Earl earnestly marking, said pleasantly, that There, one brother had well helped another: marry (quoth the King) so might me mine, ne hadst thou been Earl Godwine: casting in his dish the murder of his brother Alfred, which was done to death at Elie by the counsel of Godwine, as hereafter in fit place for it shall appear. Hereat the Earl was sore moved, and thinking it more than time to make his purgation, took a morsel of bread into his hand, and praying (with great and vehement obtestation) that it might choke him, if he by any means caused the slaughter or consented thereto, he put the bread into his mouth, and was immediately strangled therewithal. Some writ, that this bread was before accursed by Wulstane, the holy Bishop of Worcester, after a certain manner then used, & called Corsned, 1. Cursed bread. as in the table to the Saxons laws is to be seen. But this Ealred affirmeth that after the words spoken by the Earl, the King himself blessed the bread with the sign of the cross: And therefore these men agree aswell together, as blessing and cursing be one like to another. But letting that and them pass, hear (I beseech you) what Alfred of Beverley (a learned man, that lived in the time of King Henry the first, somewhat before this Abbot Ealred) saith, touching this matter. Godwinus gravi morbo ex improviso percussus, ac Regi ad mensam Wyntoniae assidens, mutus in ipsa sede declinavit, ac postea in cameran Regis a filijs deportatus, moritur. Quidam autem dicunt. etc. Godwine being suddenly stricken with a grievous disease, as he sat at the table with the King at Winchester, fell down from his stool, and was carried by his sons into the King's chamber, where he died: but some say that he was choked etc. And to the same effect writeth Marianus the Scot Simeon also, the chanter of Durham, which lived about the time of this Alfred, or rather before him, treating of this matter, hath these words. Godwinus gravi morbo percussus, in ipsa sede declinavit, & post horas quinque moritur. Godwyne being taken with a grievous disease, dropped down from the place where he sat, and died within five hours after. Thus these men report another manner of his death, the one using no mention at all of any accursed bread, and the other reciting it but as a tale. And for the more plain detection of the deceit of this Abbot, he that will read the second book of William Malmes. De Regibus, shall find, that the occasion, and introduction of this matter (I mean, the slipping of the King's Cupbearer, and the speech that proceeded thereof, namely, that One brother had well helped another) is word for word stolen from thence, for William (which lived before Ealred) reporteth, that king Ethelstane, by persuasion of one that was his cupbearer, had banished Eadwine his own brother, for suspicion of treason, and had committed him to the Seas and winds in an old, shaken, and frail vessel, without sail, oar, or companion, (save one Esquire only,) in which exile he perished, and that afterward the King (understanding his brother's innocency, and sorrowing his own rashness) took occasion by sight of his cupbearers foot slipping, to be avenged of the false accusation, even as it is here told of King Edward. But Ealred, forsooth, was so fully disposed to magnify King Edward (because he so much magnified the monkish and single life) that he sticked not at greater matters than this, affirming boldly that the same King while he heard Mass at Westminster, The visions of Edward the confessor. saw between the priests hands, Christ blessing him with his fingers: That at another Mass he saw the seven sleapers at Ephesus, turn themselves on the one side, after they had slept seventy years together on the other, (which, Epimenides did sleep. 75 years. seeing it was within five years of so many as Epimenides slept,) Ealred (in my fancy) is worthy to have the second game at the whetstone.) Furthermore, that S. john Baptist sent to King Edward, a King of Gold from jerusalem, which he himself had sometime before given to a poor man, that asked alms of him in the name of S. john: And such other matters of like credit, 1. Love, Ly. or game for the whetstone. which both for the vanity of the things themselves, being meet to have place in Philopseudes of Lucian, and for the desire that I have to keep order, I will pretermit, and return to my purpose. Richeborowe in Latin, Vrbs Rutupina: in Saxon (ReptacHester) the name being forged (as I conjecture) either of the Bryttishe word (Rwyd) which signifieth a net, in token that it stood by fishing: or of (Rwydd) which signifieth speed, because from thence (as some think) is the most short and speedy cut over the Seas. MAthew (the Monk of Westminster, & Author of the work called, Flores Hystoriarum) taketh the place which Beda, Ptolemy, and others call Rutupi, to be Sandwiche, and therefore he applieth to the one whatsoever he findeth of the other: but because john Leland (a man generally acquainted with the antiquities of the Realm) affirmeth in his work which he entitled (Syllabus in Genethliacon Eaduerdi) Rutupi to have been, where Richeborowe now is (to which opinion I rather incline) I think good to give them several titles, and to speak of Richeborowe by itself, leaving to fit place (for Sandwiche also) such matter, as of right belongeth thereunto. The whole shore of Kent therefore, that lieth over against Dunkircke, calais, and Boulogne, is of Caesar, Juvenal, Lucan, Ptolemy, Antoninus, and others, called Rutupiae, or Rutupinum littus, and that place of England which Beda taketh to be nearest to the Morines (a people of Gallia Belgica, which at this day comprehendeth, Picardy, Boulogne, Artoys, and some part of the low countries) is of john Leland interpreted to be Richeborowe, not passed half a mile distant from Sandwiche toward the East. The same man also, persuaded partly by the view of the place itself, and partly by the authority of one Gotcelinus, supposeth, that Richeborow was of ancient time, Richeborow, was sometime a City. a City of some price, and that it had within it a Palace, where King Ethelbert received Augustine. As for the title of a City, I doubt not but that if the ruins of the ancient walls yet extant, or the remenants of the Roman coin often found there, did not at all enforce the likelihood, yet the authority of Beda alone (which calleth it plainly a city) would suffice: But whether it were the Palace of King Ethelbert, when he entertained Augustine, he that shall advisedly read the first Chapter of Beda his first book of the Ecclesiastical story, shall have just cause to doubt, for as much, as he showeth manifestly, that the King came from his Palace in the Continent (out of Thanet) to Augustine: & Leland himself confesseth, that Richeborow was then within Thanet, although that since that time, the water hath changed his course, and shut it clean out of the Island. Now, where some men (as I said) have taken it to be Sandwiche, I take them to be greatly deceived. Sandwiche, is not Rutupi. For Richeborowe (being corruptly so sounded, for Reptsborowe) hath remaining in it, the very roots (as I may speak it) of Reptachester: And Reptachester (saith Beda) and Rutupi Portus, are all one: So then (Chester) being turned to (Borrow) (which be in deed two words, but yet in manner of one signification and effect) Rept, and Rich, have some affinity the one with the other, but neither Rich, Repta, nor Rutupi, can have with Sandwiche any manner of similitude. Thus much of the name, and antiquity of this poor Town, which was in time of the old Brytons, of great price, and the common Port or place of arrival out of France, whereof we find no other note in latter history, either because the same was long since (before the coming of the Saxons) neglected, when as the Romans had lost their interest within this Realm: Or else, for that soon after their arrival it decayed, by reason that the water changed his course, and left it dry: So that now most aptly, that may be said of this town, near to the Isle Thanet, which Virgil some time wrote of Tened itself. Dives opum, Priami dum regna manebant, Nunc tantum sinus, & statio malè fida carinis. A wealth land, while Priam's state, and kingdom upright stoade, But now a bay, and harbour bad, for ships to lie at road. But now I will make toward Sandwiche, the first of the Ports (as my journey lieth) and by the way speak somewhat of the Five Ports, in general. The Cinque Portes. I Find in the book of the general survey of the realm, The antiquity of the Ports. which William the Conqueror caused to be made in the fourth year of his reign, & to be called doomsday, because (as Matthew Parise saith) it spared no man (but judged all men indifferently, as the Lord in that great day will do) that Dover, Sandwiche, and Rumney, were in the time of King Edward the confessor, discharged almost of all manner of impositions and burdens (which other towns did bear,) in consideration of such service to be done by them upon the Sea, as in their special titles shall hereafter appear: whereupon, although I might ground by reasonable conjecture, that the immunity of the haven towns (which we now call by a certain number, the Cinque Portes) might take their beginning from the same Edward: yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of King Edward, the first after the conquest (which is reported in our book of Entries) A recital of the grants of sundry Kings to the Five Ports, the same reaching no higher, then to William the Conqueror, I will leave my conjecture, and lean to his Chartre: contenting myself to yield to the conqueror, the thanks of other men's benefits, seeing those which were benefited, were wisely contented (as the case then stood) to like better of his confirmation or second gift, then of King Edward's first grant and endowment. And to the end that I may proceed in some manner of array, I will first show, which Towns were (at the beginning) taken for the Five Ports, & what others be now reputed in the same number: secondly, what service they aught, & did in times passed, & lastly what privileges they have therefore, & by what persons they have been governed. Which be the Five Ports. If I should judge by the common, and rude verse, Dover, Sandwicus, Ry, Rum, Frigmare ventus, I might say, that Dover, Sandwiche, Rye, Rumney, and Winchelsey, (for that is, Frigmare ventus) be the Five Ports: Again if I should be ruled by the roll which reciteth the Ports, that sand Barons to the parliament, I must then add to these, Hastings, & Hyde, for they also have their Barons, as well as the other: and so should I not only, not show which were the first Five, but also (by addition of two others) increase both the number, and doubtfulness. Leaving the verse therefore, for ignorance of the author, and suspicion of his authority, and forsaking the roll (as not assured of the antiquity) I will fly to Henry Bracton, a man both ancient, learned, and credible, which lived under King Henry the third, and wrote (above three hundredth years since) learnedly of the laws of this Realm. He (I say) in the third book of his work, and treatise of the Crown, taking in hand to show the articles inquirable before the justices in Eire, (or Itinerant, as we called them, because they used to ride from place to place throughout the Realm, for administration of justice) setteth forth a special form of writs, to be directed severally to the Bailiffs of Hastings, Hithe, Rumney, Dover, and Sandwiche, commanding them, that they should 'cause twenty and four of their Barons for so their Burgesses, ●●i●● w●re ●●led 〈◊〉 ●lde 〈◊〉. or Townsmen, and the Ci●●●●ns of London likewise, were wont to be termed) to appear before the King's justices at Shipwey in Kent, as they accustomed to do, there to inquire of such points, as should be given them in charge. Which done, he addeth moreover, Contention, between Yarmouth, and the five Ports. that for so much as there was oftentimes contention between them of the Five Ports, and the inhabitants of Yarmouth in Norfolk, and Donwiche in Suffolk, there should be several writs directed to them also, retournable before the same justices at the same day and place: reciting, that where the King had by his former writs summoned the Plées of the Five Ports to be holden at Shipwey, if any of the same towns, had cause to complain of any (being within the liberties of the said Ports) he should be at Shipwey to propound against him, and there to receive according to law and justice. Thus much I recite out of Bracton, partly to show that Shipwey was before King Edward the firsts time, the place of assembly for the Pleas of the Five Ports, partly to notify the difference, and controversy that long since was between these Ports, and those other towns: But purposely and chiefly to prove, that Hastings, and Hithe, Dover, Rumney, and Sandwiche, were in bracton's time, accounted the Five principal havens or Ports, which were endowed with privilege. Neither yet will I deny, but that soon after, Winchelsey and Rye might be added to the number. For I find in an old record, that King Henry the third took into his own hands (for the better defence of the Realm) the towns of Winchelsey, and Rye, which belonged before to the Monastery of Fescampe in Normandy, & gave therefore in exchange, the Manor of Chiltham in Gloucester shire, & divers other lands in Lincoln shire: This he did, partly to conceal from the Prior's Aliens, the intelligence of the secret affairs of his Realm, & partly because of a great disobedience and excess, that was committed by the inhabitants of Winchelsey, against Prince Edward his eldest Son. And therefore, although, I can easily be led to think, that he submitted them for their correction to the order, and governance of the Five Ports, yet I stand doubtful whether he made them partners of their privileges, or not, Winchelsey first builded. for that had been a preferment, and no punishment: but I suspect rather, that his Son King Edward the first, (by whose encouragement and aid, old Winchelsey was afterward abandoned, and the now Town buidled) was the first that appareiled them with that pre-eminence. By this therefore let it appear, that Hastings, Dover, Hithe, Rumney, & Sandwiche, were the first Ports of privilege, which (because they were Five in numbered) both at the first gave, and yet continued, to all the residue, the name of Cinque Portes, although not only Winchelsey and Rye, be since that time, incorporated with them as principals, but divers other places also (for the ease of their charge) be crept in as parts, limbs, and members of the same. Now therefore, somewhat shallbe said, as touching the services that these Ports of duty own, and in deed have done, to the Princes: whereof the one (I mean with what numbered of vessels, in what manner of furniture, and for how long season, they aught to wait on the King at the Sea, upon their own charges) shall partly appear by that which we shall presently say, and partly by that which shall follow in Sandwiche, and Rumney: The other shallbe made manifest by examples, drawn out of good histories: and both shallbe testified by the words of King Edward the first in his own Chartre. The book of doomsday before remembered, chargeth Dover with 20. vessels at the Sea, whereof each to be furnished with one and twenty men, for fifteen days together: and saith further, that Rumney and Sandwiche answered the like service: But now whether this (like) aught to be understood of the like altogether, both in respect of the number and service, or of thee (like) in respect of service, according to the proportion of their ability only, I may not hereby take upon me to determine, For on the one side, if Rumney, Sandwiche, and the residue, should likewise found twenty vessels a piece, than (as you shall anon see) the five Ports were subject to a greater charge at that time, then King Edward the first laid upon them: And on the other side, if they were only chargeable after their proportion, then know I not how far to burden them, seeing the Record of doomsday itself, bindeth them to no certainty. And therefore leaving this as I find it, I must elsewhere make inquisition for more lightsome proof: And first I will have recourse to King Edward the first his Chartre, in which I read, that At each time that the King passeth over the sea, the Ports aught to rig up fifty and seven ships, (whereof every one to have twenty armed soldiers) and to maintain them at their own costs, by the space of fifteen days together. And thus it stood with the Ports for their general charge, in the sixth year of his reign, for than was this Chartre sealed: But as touching the particular burden of each one, I have seen two divers testimonies, of which the first is a note in French (bearing the countenance of a Record) and is entitled, to have been renewed in the two and twenty year of the Reign of the same King, by Stephan Penchester, than Constable of Dover Castle, in which the particular charge is set down in this manner. The Port of Hastings aught to find three ships. The lowie of Pevensey, one. Buluerhithe and Petit jahn, one. Bekisborne in Kent, seven. Grenche in Kent, two men and armour, with the ships of Hastings. The town of Rye, five. To it was Tenterdene annexed, in the time of King Henry the sixth. The town of Winchelsey, ten. The Port of Rumney, four. lid, seven. The port of Hythe, five. The Port of Dover, nineteen. The town of Folkstone, seven. The town of Feversham, seven. The Port of Sandwiche, with Stonor, Fordwich, Dale. etc. five. These Ships they aught to find upon forty days summons, armed and arrayed at their own charge, and in each of them twenty men, besides the Master of of the Mariners: all which they shall likewise maintain five days together at their own costs, giving to the Master six pence by the day, to the Constable vj. pence, and to each other Mariner iij. d. And after those five days ended, the King shall defray the wages. The other is a Latin Custumall of the town of Hyde, the which although it pretend not so great antiquity as the first, yet seemeth it to me to import as much, or more likelihood and credit: It standeth, thus. These be the Five Ports of our sovereign Lord the King having liberties, which other Ports have not: Hasting, Romenal, Hethe, Dover, Sandwiche, the chief Towns. The services due by the same. Hasting shall find .21. ships, in every ship .21. men, and a Gartion, or Boy, which is called a Gromet. To it pertain (as the members of one town) the Seashore in Seford, Pevenshey, Hodeney, Winchelsey, Rye, Ihame, Bekesbourne, Grenge, Northie, Bulwerhethe. Romenal. 5. ships, In every ship .21. men, and a Gartion: To it pertain, as members thereof, Promhell, Lede, Eastwestone, Dengemareys, old Rumney. Hethe .5. ships, as Romenal before. To it pertaineth the Westhethe. Dover .21. ships, as Hasting before. To it pertain, Folkstane, Feversham, and Saint Margerets, not concerning the land, but for the goods and chattels. Sandwich .5. ships, as Romenal, and Hethe before. To it pertain Fordwiche, Reculuer, Serre, and Deal, not for the soil, but for the goods. sum of the Ships. 57 sum of the men. 1187. and 57 Gartions. This service, the Barons of the Five Ports do acknowledge to own to the King, upon summons yearly (if it happen) by the space of .15. days together, at their own costs and charges, accounting that for the first day of the .15. in which they shall spread their sails to go towards those parts that the King intendeth: and to serve so long after .15. days, as the King will, at his own pay, and wages. Thus much out of these ancient notes, whereby yourself may easily discern the difference: but whether the one or the other, or (by reason of some latter despensation) neither of these, have place at this day, I must refer to them that be privy & of counsel with the Ports: and so leaving this also undecided, hold on the way, wherein I am entered. The good service of the .5. ports. This duty of attendance therefore (being devised for the honourable transportation, and self conduct of the Kings own person over the narrow Seas, the Ports have not only most diligently ever since that time performed, but furthermore also, valiantly behaved themselves, against the enemy from time to time, in sundry exploits by water, as occasion hath been proffered, or the necessity of the Realm required. And amongst other feats not unworthy perpetual remembrance, after such time as Lewes (the French Dolphen) had entered the Realm to aid Stephan Langton the archbishop, and the Nobility in the life of King john, and had sent into France for new supply of soldiers after his death, Hubert of Borough (than Captain of Dover) following the opinion of Themistocles, Muris ligneis querendam salutem. in the exposition of the Oracle of the wooden walls, by the aid of the Port towns, armed forty tall ships, and meeting with eighty sail of Frenchmen upon the high Seas, gave them a most courageous encounter, in which he took some, sounke others, and discomfited the rest. King Henry the third also, after that he came to riper age, had great benefit by the service of the Cinque Portes: And King Edward the first in his Chartre, maketh their continual faithful service, (and especially their good endeavour, then lately showed against the Welshmen) the principal cause and motive of that his liberal grant. Furthermore, about the midst of the reign of the same King, a hundredth sail of the Navy of the Ports, fought at the Sea with a fleet of .200. Frenchmen, all which (notwithstanding the great odds of the number) they took, and slew, and sounke so many of the Mariners, that France was thereby (for a long season after) in manner destitute, both of Seamen and shipping. Finally, and to conclude this part, in the days of King Henry the fourth, the Navy of the Five Ports, under the conduct of one Henry pay, surprised one hundredth and twenty French Ships, all laden with Salt, Iron, Oil, and no worse Merchandise. The privileges of these Ports, The privileges of the 5. Ports being first granted by Edward the Confessor, and William the Conqueror, and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus, Henry the second, Richard the first, Henry the third & king Edward the first, be very great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedom and exemption, that the inhabitants have by reason of the same. For they send Burgesses to the parliament, which by an honourable name be called Barons: They bear the four staves of the Canopy over the King's head at the time of his coronation, and they dine at the uppermost table in the great hall, on his right hand: They themselves be exempted from all payments of subsidy: And their Heirs freed from wardship of body, notwithstanding any tenure. They be empleadable in their own Towns also, and not elsewhere: They have amongst themselves in each port, their particular place of justice, and at Shipwey the general court of their assembly, where the Lord Warden taketh his oath at his first entry into the office, & where they aught (of right) to hold all their general Plées also, although they sit now for the most part at Dover: They have power (if justice be not done them) to take the inhabitants of other Towns and Cities in Withernam: to govern Yarmouth: by their Bailiff for one season of the year, to do justice upon criminal offenders: To hold plea in Actions real and personal, to take Conusance by fine, to enfranchise villains: & sundry other things, which because they be to long to be rehearsed at large, and lie not fitly in the way of my purpose, I will omit, and descend to the Wardens of the Ports, reciting in a short Catalogue, the names of so many of them, as I have found to govern, sithence the arrival of King William the Conqueror. And although it be no doubt, but that the Ports were under the government of some, before the time of the conquest also, yet because King William was the first (so far as I have read) that made the office perpetual, and gave it the title which it now beareth (the name warden I mean, which came from Normandy and was not at all known to the Saxons) I think best to begin at his time. Again, for asmuch as the Constableship of the Castle of Dover, and this office, have been always inseparably matched together, and for that I shall have fit place to speak of that hereafter, when I shall come to Dover, I will respite the rehearsal of both their originals till then: and here (in the mean season) set down the race of the Wardens by name only. The names of the Wardens of the Five Ports john Fynes, created by William the Conqueror, warden of the Ports, and Constable of Dover, by gift of inheritance. james Fines, his Son, which died at Folkston. john Fynes his Son. Walkelm, who delivered it to King Stephan, and immediately after his death, abandoned the charge, and fled into Normandy. Allen Fynes, restored by King Henry the second. james Fynes, his Elder Son. Matthew Clere (as it should seem by Mat. Par. & William Petite) who imprisoned Godfrey, the Archbishop of York in Dover castle, as under that title shall appear. William of Wrotham. Hubert of Burgh, the Earl of Kent, who being deposed Bartram of Cryol succeeded. Richard Gray, appointed by the Barons, that warred against King Henry the third, who was deprived of his office by Hugh Bigot, because he let in the Pope's legate by the King's licence, and against the mind of the Nobles. Henry Braybrooke. Edward the first, in the life of his father, who made Henry Cobham his deputy, whose Son & Heir (called john) founded Cobham College. Roger Leyborne, in the time of King Edward the first. Stephan Penchester, in the time of Edward the first. Sir Robert Asheton. Hugh Spenser, the younger, in the time of Edward the second. Edmund of Woodstock, the Earl of Kent. Reginald Cobham, in the time of Edward the third. Bartholomew Burwhasse, or Burgehersh, one of the first companions of the order of the Garter. john Beauchampe, the Earl of Warwick. Sir Robert Herle, in the latter end of King Edward the third. Edmund the Earl of Cambridge. Sir Simon Barley, whom Thomas of Woodstock beheaded. Lord Henry Cobham, the Son of Reginald Cobham. Sir john Enros. Sir Thomas Beaumond. Edward, the Duke of Aumarle and York, whom King Henry the fourth removed, and substituted in place Sir Thomas Erpingham, for a season, but afterward, he gave the office to. Prince Edward his Son, who when he was King in possession, bestowed it upon Humphrey, the Duke of Gloucester. james Fines, Lord Say, whom jacke Cade beheaded. Edmond, the Duke of Somerset. Humphrey, the Duke of Buckingham. Simon Mountford, under King Henry the sixth. Richard Nevel, the Earl of Warwick. William, the Earl of Arundel. Richard, the Duke of Gloucester, called afterward King Richard the third. Sir William Scot. Henry the Duke of York. james Fines, the Lord Say. Henry in his Father's life, afterward the eight King of that name. Arthur Plantagenet, Viscount Lisle, Bastard Son to King Edward the fourth. Sir Edward Poynings. Henry, the young Earl of Richemond. Sir Edward Guldeford. George Boleyn, Viscount Rocheford. Sir Thomas Cheynie, Treasurour of the household. Sir william Cobham, Lord Cobham. Thus much of the u Ports, in general. Now of Sandwiche, the first of them in the order of my journey, and then orderly of so many of the residue, as lie within the Shire that I have presently in hand. Sandwiche is called in Latin, Sabulovicum, or Portus Rutupinus, in Saxon Sondƿic, that is to say, the Sandie Town, because the coast thereabout aboundeth with Sande. THis Town (as it appeareth by the report of Leland, and as it may seem also by the name itself, being mere Saxon) began by the Saxons, after the fall of poor Richeborowe, which was in price while the honour of the Britons stood upright, and was either abated die the fury of the Saxons, when they won that coast from them, or else came to ruin, by the alteration and vicissitude of the Sea, which peradventure choked the haven thereof with light sand, as it hath since that time done this at Sandwiche also. King Canutus gave (as some writ) to Christ's church in Canterbury, Relics of great price. Saint Bartholmews arm (if happily it were not a changeling: for Kings & great men were oftentimes after that sort deluded, though they in the mean time bought such relics dearly, and thought that kind of gift most princely) he gave also a rich Pall, a Crown of Gold, and this haven of Sandwiche, together with the royalty of the water on each side, so far as (a ship being on float at the full Sea) a man might cast a short hatchet out of the vessel unto the Bank. The place itself grew in time to be well peopled, The ancient estate of Sandwiche. and of worthiness to be one of those Ports, that found favour of privilege, in consideration of their service at the Sea, for it appeareth by the book of doomsday, that this was the estate of Sandwiche. It lay in a hundredth belonging to itself, it did to the King such like service by tenure, as Dover did: It was of the possessions of Christ's Church, as I have showed, and was appointed for the apparel of the Monks of that house, to the which it yielded forty thousand herrings besides certain money, and had in it three hundredth and seven houses inhabited: And I find not, but that the Town continued in the like plight, long after the Conquest, (being somewhat amended also by the Staple, which King Edward the first for a season removed thither) even until the time of King Henry the sixth, in whose days Peter Brice (the Steward of Normandy) landed at Sandwiche, Sandwiche spoiled, & brent. and with fire and sword, wasted the Town in manner to ashes, and slew the inhabitants almost to the last man. Since which time, partly by the smart of that wound, but chief by the abundance of the light Sande (wherewith the Sea hath glutted the haven) it is declined to great decay, and were like to fall to extreme ruin, were it not that now presently it is somewhat relieved by the repair of such, as have abandoned their Country for the freedom of their consciences, whose abode how long it will be, the Lord only knoweth, for whose cause they suffer banishment. The school at Sandwiche. There was in this Town, before the general suppression, a house of Carmelites, whereof I read none other good thing, save that it brought forth one learned man, called William Becley, in the reign of King Henry the sixth. But now lately (to repair the loss of that dissolution) Master Roger Manwoode, a man borne in the Town, and advanced by virtue and good learning to the degree of a Sergeant at the Law, hath for the increase of Godliness and good letters, erected and endowed a fair Free School there, from whence there is hope, that the common wealth shall reap more profit after a few years: than it received commodity by the Carmelites, since the time of their first foundation. This only is that which I had to say, either of the present, or passed estate of this place: which done, I will proceed to the narration of such other things, as long since happened thereabouts, partly for the illustration of the antiquity of the town, & partly for the setting forth of the commodity of the haven, but chief for the observation of the order which I have beegonne: which is, to pretermit nothing (worthy note) that I find in stoarie, concerning the place that I take in hand. But because that which I have to say, dependeth altogether, (or for the greater part) upon the History of the Danes, which many years together disquieted this land, it shall be fit, aswell for the better explication of the things presently in hand, as also for the more easy understanding of other matters, that must hereafter follow, to disclose (so compendiously as I may) the first beginning, proceeding, and ending, of the Danishe affairs, wars, and troubles within this Realm. About the year after Christ, seven hundredth four score and seven, The whole history of the Danishe doings in England. three vessels of the north East Country men (whose ancestors had before, within the compass of one hundred and forty years, sacked Rome in Italy four several times, and whose offspring afterward won Normandy from the French King) showed themselves upon the western shore of England, being sent before hand (as it is supposed) to espy the commodity of the havens, the advantage of arrival, the wealth and force of the inhabitants, & to the end to prepare the way for greater powers, than were appoin- to follow. These had no sooner set some of their men on land, but the reeve, or officer or Beorhtric, or Brictricke (than King of the West Saxons) had knowledge thereof: who came unto them, and demanding the cause of their arrival) would have carried them to the King's presence, but they in their resistance slew him, whereupon the people of the Country adjoining, addressed themselves to revenge, and assembling in great numbers, beat them back to their ships, not without the loss of some of their company. And this was the first attempt, that ever the Danes (for so our histories call by one general name, the Danes Norwais, Gottes, Vandals, & others of that part) made upon England: after which time, what horrible invasions, miseries, calamities, and oppressions followed, shall appear anon. Not long after this enterprise, a few ships of them, made the like assay in Scotland, and within short space after that also, some other of them entered Tynemouth Haven in the North part of England, and taking some small booties, returned to their vessels. Now by this experiment, they had gained sufficient knowledge of that, for which they first came, & therefore thinking it fit time to assay further, they rigged up a greater numbered of ships, armed more store of chosen soldiers, entered the River of Thamise with five and thirty sail, landed in despite of the people, fired, spoiled, harried, and prevailed so far, that Egbert (who then had the Monarchy over all England) was feign to come with all his power to the relief and rescue. But such was the will of God (for the punishment of Idolatry and superstition, which then overwhelmed this Realm) that the Danes in stead of being discomfited by the King's repair, were marvelously encouraged by his misfortune. For, after that they had once gotten the better in the field against him, they were so embouldened thereby, that notwithstanding he afterward, and some other valiant Princes following, by great prowess, abated their fury in part, yet, adjoining themselves to the Britons (that then were in great enmity with the Saxons) and swarming hither out of their own Country in such flights, that the number of the slain was continually supplied with great advantage, they never ceased to infest the Realm, The continuance of the Danes, in England by the space of three hundredth years and more, during the reigns of fifteen several Kings, till at the last, they had made Etheldred fly over into Normandy, & leave them his Kingdom. During all which time, how mightily their forces increased under Hinguar, Hubba, Halfden, Guthrum, Aulaf and Hasten, (their Navy being risen from three ships, to three hundred and fifty at the lest) how piteously the East, West, south, and north parts of the Realm were wasted (the towns, Cities, religious houses, and Monasteries of each quarter being consumed with flames) how miserably the common people were afflictted, (men, women, and children on all sides going to wrack, by their tempestuous fury) how marvelously the Kings were amazed, (the arrivalles of these their enemies, being no less sudden, then violent) how barbarously the monuments of good learning were defaced, (the same suffering more by the immanity of this one brutish Nation, then by all the wars and conquests of the picts, & Scots, Romans, and Saxons) and finally, how furiously fire, and sword, famine and pestilence, raged in every place, God and men, Heaven and the elements conspiring (as it were) the fatal destruction of the Realm, I may not here stand to prosecute particularly: but (leaving each thing to fit place) I will proceed with King Etheldred, and so to my purpose. This man above all other, was so distressed by their continual invasions, that since he wanted force to make his longer defence, he thought it best to give money for their continual peace. And therefore charging his people with importable tributes, he first gave them, at five several pays, 113000. l. & afterward promised them 48000. yearly: hoping that (for as much as they seemed by the manner of their war, rather to seek his coin, than his kingdom, to rob, then to rule) at the lest this way to have satisfied their hunger: but like as the stone called, Syphinus, the more it is moisted, the harder it waxeth: so no gifts could quench the golden thirst of these greedy raveners, but the more was brought to appease them, the more stony, and inexorable they showed themselves, never ceasing (even against promises, oaths, & hostages) to execute their accustomed cruelty. The Danes, all slain in one night. Hereupon King Etheldred, having now exhausted the whole treasure of his Realm, and therefore more unable, then ever he was, either by power, or prayer, to help himself, or to relieve his subjects, determined by a fine policy (as he thought) to deliver both the one and the other. For which purpose, by the advise of one Huna, (the general of his army) he wrote letters to each part of the Realm, commanding, that upon S. brice's day (which is the morrow after Saint Martin's night) the English men should all at once set upon the Danes, Saint Martin's drunken feast. before they had digested the surfaite of that drunken solemnity, and so utterly kill and destroy them. This his commandment was received with such liking, entertained with such secreacie, and executed with such speed and celerity, that the Danes were suddenly, & in a manner wholly, both men, women, and children (like the Sons in Law of Danaus) oppressed at once in a night: only a few escaped by Sea into Denmark, and there made complaint of King Etheldreds' butchery. For revenge whereof, Sweyn their King, both armed his own people, & waged foreign aid, and so (preparing a huge army) took shipping, and arrived, Sweyn the Dane. first here at Sandwiche, and after in the north Country: the terror of whose coming was such, that it caused the Country people on all sides, to submit themselves unto him, in so much, that King Etheldred, seeing the cause desperate, and himself destitute, fled over into Normandy with his wife, and children, friends, & family: After which his departure, although both he himself returned, and put Canutus (the next King of the Danes) to flight: and Edmund his Son also fought sundry great battles with him, yet the Danes prevailed so mightily upon them, that three of them in succession, (that is to say, Canutus, Haroldus, and Hardicanutus) reigned Kings here in England almost by the space of thirty years together: so much to the infamous oppression, slavery, and thraldom of the English Nation, that every Dane was (for fear) called Lord Dane, and had at his commandment, wheresoever he become, both man and wife, and whatsoever else he found in the house. At the length, God, taking pity upon the people, took suddenly away King Hardicanute: after whose death, the Nobility, & Commons of the Realm, joined so firmly, and faithfully, both hearts and hands, with their natural and Liege Lord, King Edward: that the Danes were once again (and for ever) expulsed this Country, in so much that soon after, the name (Lord Dane) being before time a word of great awe and honour, grew to a term, and bywoord of foul despite and reproach, being turned (as it yet continueth) to Lourdaine: besides, that ever after, the common people in joy of that deliverance, have celebrated the annual day of Hardicanutus death, with open pastime in the streets, calling it, even till this our time, Hoctuesday, Hoctuesday. in stead, (as I think) of Hucxtuesdaeg, that is to say, the scorning, or mocking Tuesday. And now thus much summarily being said, as concerning the truth of the Danes being here, who ruled in this land almost thirty years, and raged (without all rule) above three hundredth and fifty: I will return to Sandwiche, disclosing therein such occurrents of the Danishe doings, as pertain to my purpose. In the year eight hundredth, fifty, and one, after Christ, Athelstane the Son of Ethelwulfe, & King of Kent (whom Mathewe of Westminster taketh, or rather mistaketh, for a Bishop) fought at the Sea before Sandwiche, against a great Navy of the Danes, of which he took nine vessels, & discomfited the residue. Against another Fleet of the Danes which landed at Sandwiche in the year one thousand and six, King Etheldred made this provision: Provision of armour. that every three hundredth and ten Hides of Land (which Henry Huntingdon, Mathewe Parise, and others, expound to be so many plowlands) should be charged with the furniture of one ship, and every eight Hides should find one jack and salad, for the defence of the Realm: By which mean, he made ready a mighty navy to the Sea: But what through the injury of sudden tempest, and what by the defection of some of his Nobility, he profited nothing. King Canutus also, after that he had received the the worse in a fight in Lincolneshyre, which drew to his ships, that lay in the haven at Sandwiche, & there most barbarously behaved himself, cutting of the hands and feet of such as he had taken for hostage, and so departed all wroth, and melancholic, into Denmark, to repair his army. The same man, at his return hither took land, with his power at this town: and so did Hardicanutus, his son after him. Furthermore, in the days of King Edward the confessor, two Princes, (or rather principal Pirates) of the Danes, called Lochen, and Irlinge, landed at Sandwiche, and laded their ships with rich spoil, wherewith they crossed over the seas to Flaunders, and there made money of it. At this place landed Lewes the French Dolphin, that aided the English Nobility against King john, as we shall hereafter have cause to show more at large. Finally, in the reign of King Richard the second, certain French ships were taken at the Sea, whereof some were fraught with the frame of a timber Castle (such another, I suppose, as William the Conqueror erected at Hastings, so soon as he was arrived) which they also meant to have planted in some place of this Realm, for our annoyance: but they failed of their purpose, for the engine being taken from them, it was set up at this Town, & used to our great safety, and their repulse. Eastrye. Having somewhat to say of Eastrye, I trust it shallbe no great offence, to turn our eye a little from the shore and talk of it, in our way to Deal. It is the name of a Town, and hundredth within the Last of Saint Augustine's, and hath the addition of East, for difference sake, from Westrye (commonly called Rye) near to Winchelsey in Sussex. Mathewe of Westminster maketh report of a murder done at it, which because it tendeth much to the declaration of the ancient estate of the town, I will not stick to rehearse so shortly as I can. After the death of Ercombert, the seventh King of Kent, Egbert his Son succeeded in the kingdom, A Courtly Sycophant. who caused to be virtuously brought up in his Palace (which was then at this Town) two young Noble men of his own kindred, (as some say,) or rather his own Brethren, (as William of Malmesbury writeth) the one being called Ethelbert, and the other Etheldred: these Gentlemen so prospered in good learning, courtlike manners, & feats of activity meet for men of their years and parentage, that on the one side, they gave to all well disposed persons, and lovers of virtue great expectation, that they would become at the length men worthy of much estimation and honour: and on the other side, they drew upon them, the fear, misliking, and utter hatred, of the naughty, wicked, and malicious sort. Of the which number there was one of the Kings own household, called Thunner, who (as virtue never wanteth her enviers) of a certain devilish malice, repining at their laudable increase, never ceased to ●lowe into the King's ear, most untrue acc●sations against them: And to the end that he might the rather provoke the King to displeasure, he persuaded him of great danger toward his estate and person by them: and for as much as the common people (who more commonly worship the Sun rising, then going down) had them in great admiration and reverence, he desired the King, that either he would sand them out of the Realm, or be contented to wink at the matter if any his friends, for the love of him, and surety of his estate, should procure to dispatch them. The King, somewhat provoked by fear of his own peril, (though nothing desirous of their destruction) even as a little water thrown into the fire increaseth the flame, so by a cold denial, gave courage to the attempt: & therefore, Thunner espying fit time, slew the children, and buried their bodies in the Kings Halle, under the cloth of his estate. But it was not long, but there appeared in the house, a bright shining pillar, replenishing each corner with such terrible and fearful light, that the servants shrieked at the sight thereof, and by their noise awaked the King: who, as soon as he saw it, was touched with the conscience of the murder, whereunto he had a little before in heart consented, & calling in great haste for Thunner, examined him straightly what was become of the children, and when he had learned the truth, he become most sorrowful, and penitent therefore, charging himself with the whole crime of their deaths, for that it lay wholly in him to have saved their lives: Then sent he for Deodat, the archbishop, and desired to understand by him, what was best to be done for expiation of the fault: this good father (thinking to have procured some gain to his Church, by veneration of the dead bodies, if happily he might have gotten them thither) persuaded the King to incoffen them, & to commit them to honourable burial in Christeschurche at Canterbury: A right popish miracle. but (saith mine Author) when the hearse was ready, it would not be moved by any force toward that Church: as truly (I think) as the cross of Waltham with twelve Oxen and so many kine, could not be stirred any other way, but toward the place appointed: or as the Image of Berecinthia, which the Romans had brought out of Asia, could not be removed till the Vestal virgin Claudia had set to her hand. Hereupon the company assayed to convey it to Saint Augustine's, but that all in vain also: at the last, they agreed to lead it to the Monastery of Watrine, and then (forsooth) it passed as lightly (saith he) as if nothing at all had been within it. The obsequies there honourably performed, the King gave the place where this vision appeared to his sister Ermenburga, who (having a longing desire to become a veiled Nun) had a little before abandoned her husband's bed, and choosing out seventy other women for her company, erected there a Monastery, to the name, and honour, of these two murdered Brethren. William of Malmesbury addeth moreover, that the King gave the whole Isle of Thanet also to his Mother, to appease the wrath that she had conceived for the loss of her Children. deal. Dela in Latin, after Leland: I conjecture that it took the name of the Saxon word þille, which is a (plain floor) or level, by reason that it lieth flat and level to the Sea. THe Chronicles of Dover (as Leland reporteth, for I never saw them) have mention, that julius Caesar being repulsed from Dover, arrived at this place, and arrayed his army at Baramdowne: which thing how well it may stand with Caesar's own report in his commentaries, I had rather leave to others to decide, then take upon me to dispute: being well contented where certainty is not evident, to allow of conjectures, not altogether vehement, Only of this I am well assured, that King Henry the eight, having shaken of the intolerable yoke of the Popish tyranny, King Henry the 8. fortifieth his Realm. and espying that the Emperor was offended, for the divorce of Queen Katherine his wife, and that the French King had coupled the Dolphin his Son to the Pope's Niece, and married his daughter to the King of Scots, so that he might more justly suspect them all, then safely trust any one: determined by the aid of God to stand upon his own guards and defence, and therefore with all speed, and without sparing any cost, he builded Castles, platfourmes, and blockehouses, in all needful places of the Realm: And amongst other, fearing lest the ease, and advantage of descending on land at this part, should give occasion and hardiness to the enemies to invade him, he erected (near together) three fortifications, which might at all times keep and beat the landing place, Sandowne & walmere that is to say, Sandowne, deal, and Wamere. This whole matter of Deal, john Leland in Cygnea cantione, comprehendeth featly in these two verses. jactat Delanovas' celebris arces, Notus Caesareis locus Trophaeis. Renowned Deal doth vaunt itself, with Turrets newly raised: For monuments of Caesar's host, A place in stoarie praised. But what make I so long at Deal, since Dover (the impreignable port, and place so much renowned for antiquity) is not many miles of? I will haste me thither therefore, and in the sight thereof unfold the singularities of the place. Dover, called in Latin, Dorus, Durus, Doveria, Dubris, and Dorubernia: In Saxon Sofra. All which names be derived either of the British word (Dufir) which signifieth water, or of the word (Dufirha) which betokeneth high, or steep: for the situation of the place, (being a high rock, hanging over the water) might justly give occasion to name it after either. THe treatise of this place, shall consist of three special members, that is to say, the Town, the Castle, and the Religious buildings. The Town, was long since somewhat estimable, howbeit that which it had (as I think) was both at the first derived from the other two, and ever since also continually conserved by them: But whether I hit, or miss in that conjecture, certain it is, by the testimony of the record in the Exchequer, commonly called doomsday book, that the Town of Dover was of ability in the time of King Edward the Confessor, to arm yearly 20. vessels to the Sea by the space of 15. days together, each vessel having therein. 21. able men. For in consideration thereof, the same King granted to the inhabitants of Dover, not only freedom from payment of Tholl, and other privileges throughout the Realm, but also pardoned them all manner of suit and service, to any his Courts whatsoever. The Town itself was nevertheless (at those days) under the protection and governance of Godwine, the Earl of Kent: for I read, The town of Dover. that it chanced Eustace, the Earl of Bolloine, (who had married Goda, the King's sister) to come over the seas into England, of a desire that he had to visit the King his Brother, and that whiles his herbenger demeaned himself unwisely in taking up his lodgings at Dover, he fell at variance with the Townsmen, and slew one of them: But Nocuit temeraria virtus. For that thing so offended the rest of the inhabitants, that immediately they ran to weapon, and kill eighteen of the Earls servants, they compelled him and all his meiney to take their feet, and to seek redress at the King's hands. Godwine resisteth the King. The King hearing the complaint, meant to make correction of the fault, but the Townsmen also had complained themselves to Godwine, who determining unadvisedly to defend his clients and servants, opposed himself violently against the King his Liege Lord and Master. To be short the matter waxed (within a while) so hot between them, that either side for maintenance of their cause, arrayed and conducted a great army into the field. Godwine demanded of the King, that Eustace might be delivered unto him, the King commanded Godwine (that arms laid aside) he would answer his disobedience by order of the Law: and in the end, Godwine was banished the Realm by the sentence of the King and Nobility, whereupon he and his Sons fled over the Sea, and never ceased to unquiet the King, and spoil his subjects, till they were reconciled to his favour, and restored to their ancient estate and dignity. This town, was so sore wasted with fire, soon after the coming in of King William the Conqueror, that it was wholly (save only nine and twenty dwelling houses) consumed, and brought to ashes. And in the time of King Edward the first also, whiles two of the Pope's Cardinals were here in the treaty of an atonement, to be made between England and France the frenchmen landed at Dover in a right, and burned a great part of the town, and some of the religious buildings. So that in those times, it was much impaired by those misfortunes. But now in our memory, what by decay of the haven (which King Henry the eight, to his great charge, but that all in vain, sought to restore) and what by the overthrow of the religious houses, and loss of calais, it is brought in manner to miserable nakedness and decay: which thing were the less to be pitied, if it were not accompanied with the ruin of the Castle itself, the decay whereof, is so much the more grievous, as the fame thereof is with our ancient stories (above all other) most blazing & glorious. Dover Castle. The Castle of Dover (saith Lidgate and Rosse) was first builded by julius Caesar the Roman Emperor, in memory of whom, they of the Castle kept till this day, certain vessels of old wine, and salt, which they affirm to be the remain of such provision as he brought into it. As touching the which (if they be natural, and not sophisticate) I suppose them more likely to have been of that store, which Hubert de Burghe laid in there, of whom I shall have cause to say more hereafter: But as concerning the building, because I find not in Caesar his own Commentaries, mention of any fortification that he made within the Realm: I think that the more credible report, which ascribeth the foundation to Arviragus (a King of the Britons) of whom Juvenal the Poet hath mention, saying to the Emperor Nero, in this wise, Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno Excidet Arviragus, etc. Juvenal in the end of his. 4. Satire. Some King thou shalt a captain take, or else from Bryttishe wain Shall Arviragus tumble down. And of whom others writ, that he found such favour in the eye of Claudius the Emperor, that he obtained his daughter to wife. But whosoever were the author of this Castle, Mathewe Parise writeth, that it was accounted in his time (which was under the reign of King Henry the third) Clavis, & Repagulum, totius Regni, the very lock and key of the whole Realm of England. And truly it seemeth to me, by that which I have read of King William the Conqueror, that he also thought no less of it: For at such time as Harold, being in Normandy with him (whether of purpose, or against his will, I leave as I find it, at large) made a corporal oath, to put him in possession of the Crown, after the death of King Edward: It was one parcel of his oath, that he should deliver unto him this castle, and the Well within it. The same King had no sooner overthrown harold in the field, and reduced the Londoners to obedience, but forthwith he marched with his army toward Dover, as to a place of greatest importance, and speed in that journey, as is already declared. Not long after which time also (when he had in his own opinion) peaceably established the government of this Realm, and was departed over into Normandy, of purpose to commit the order of that country to Robert his son, divers of the shire of Kent, knowing right well, how much it might annoyed him to loose Dover, conspired with Eustace, the Earl of Boloine, for the recovery and surprise of the same. And for the better achieving of their desire, it was agreed, that the Earl should cross the seas, in a night by them appointed, at which time they would not fail with all their force to meet him, and so (joining hands) suddenly assail and enter it. They met accordingly, and marched by dark night toward the Castle, well furnished with scaling ladders, but by reason that the watch had descried them, they not only failed of that which they intended, but also fell into that which they never feared: for the Soldiers within the Castle (to whom Odo the Bishop of Borieux, and Hugh Mountfort, which then were with the King in Normandy, had committed the charge thereof) kept themselves close, and suffered the assailants to approach the wall, and then, whiles they disorderly attempted to scale it, they set wide open their gates, and made a sudden sally out of the piece, and set upon them with such fury, that they compelled Eustace with a few others, to return to his Ship, the rest of his company, being either slain by the sword, destroyed by fall from the Clyffe, or devoured by the Sea. The same King also, being worthily offended with the disobedience, avarice, Odo, the Earl of Kent. and ambition of Odo (his bastard brother, whom he had promoted to the Bishopric of Borieux, and to the Earldom of Kent,) for that he had not only by ravin and extortion, raked together great masses of Gold and treasure, which he caused to be ground into fine powder, and (filling therewith divers pots and crockes) had sounk them in the bottoms of Rivers, intending therewithal to have purchased the Papacy of Rome: But also because he refused to tender unto him the County of Kent, and was suspected for aspiring to the Crown of this Realm, consulted with Lanfranc (the archbishop of Canterbury, and a professed enemy to Odo) how he might (safely and without offence to the Ecclesiastical estate, for that he was a Bishop) both contain that treasure within the Realm, and also detain his person from going into Italy, whether ward he both addressed himself with all speed, and gathered for his train, great troops of valiant, and serviceable men out of every quarter: Lanfranc counseled the King, to commit him to safe custody, and for his defence armed him with this pretty shift: If it be laid to your charge (quoth he) that you have laid violent hands upon a sacred Bishop, Say, that you imprisoned, not the Bishop of Borieux, but the Earl of Kent. The King liked well the conceit, and causing Odo to be apprehended, cast him into prison, whence he was not delivered, during all the time of his reign. That done, he made diligent inquisition for the hourdes of gold, and by fear of torture, caused the Bishop's servants to bewray the whole treasure. Fynes, the first Constable of Dover Castle, and the beginning of Castlegard. Then also took he new order for the government of this Shire, and because he was persuaded, that nothing within the same was of more importance, than Dover Castle, he seized it into his hands, forthwith fortified it, and chose out a noble man, called john Fynes, (of whose prowess and fidelity he had made good trial) and committing unto him, not only the custody thereof, but the government of the rest of the Ports also, by gift of inheritance, he named him Constable of Dover, and warden of the Cinque Portes. And to the end that he should be of sufficient ability to bear the charge of the defence thereof, he gave him to the number of six and fifty Knights fees of land and possession, willing him, to communicate some parts of that gift, to such other valiant and trusty persons, as he should best like of, for the more sure conservation of that his most noble and precious piece. He accordingly called unto him eight other worthy Knights, and imparting liberally unto them, of that which he had received of the King, bound them by tenure of their land received of the King, to maintain one hundredth and twelve soldiers amongst them: which number he so divided by months of the year, that five and twenty were continually to watch and ward within the Castle, for their several stintes of time: and all the rest ready at commandment, upon whatsoever necessity. The names of these eight were, William of Albrance, Fulbert of Dover, William Arsicke, Galfride Peverell, William Maynemouth, Robert Porthe, Robert Crevequer (called in the Latin Records, De crepito cord) that is, Cracked heart: And Adam Fitz Williams. Each of all which, had their several charges, in sundry towers, turrets, & bulwarks of the castle, and were contented of their own dispense, to maintain and repair the same, in token whereof, divers of them bear the names and titles of these new chosen Captains, even till this our present time. And thus Dover being dispatched of a busy Bishop, fenced by the King's appointment, furnished, fraught, and planted with a most faithful Constable, vigilant Captains, and diligent warders, gained and retained the opinion and name of a most important, commodious, and necessary piece, not only with the native Princes and Nobility of our own Realm, But also with such foreign Potentates, as had war and contention with us: in so much as in sundry troubles ensuing, at sundry times afterward within this Realm, it did plainly appear, that this Castle was the chief mark, whereat each man directed his shot. For King Stephan, Estimation of Dover Castle. in the contention that arose between him and Maude the Empress, for the title of the Crown, thought that no one thing stood him more in hand, then to get the possession of Dover Castle, and therefore he never ceased to solicit Walkelm (that then had the custody thereof) till he had obtained it. Lewes also, the French Dolphin, which by the instigation of the Pope, & invitating of the Nobility, invaded King john, (upon such cause as shall hereafter appear) having gained, partly by tenure, & partly by surrender of the Barons, that were of his faction, almost all the Castles and Holds, lying on the south part of the Realm, could not yet think himself assured, unless he had Dover also. For his Father Philipe, hearing that he had the possession of sundry other strong places, and that he wanted Dover, Swore by Saint james arm, (which was his accustomed oath) that he had not gained one foot in England: and therefore, he made thither with all his power, and besieged it straightly: But that noble Captain Hubert of Borroughe, Hubert of Brough, a noble captain. (of whom I lately spoke) which was in his time, Constable of the Castle, warden of the Ports, Earl of Kent, and chief justice of all England, defended it with such courageous constancy, that it was both a comfort to the English subject, and a wonder to the French enemy to behold it: in so much, as I can not worthily impute the delivery of this Realm, from the peril of foreign servitude (wherein it then stood) to any one thing so much, as to the magnanimity of this man. Of whom also (by the way) I think good to tell you this, that in his time of Constableship at Dover, and by his means, the service of Castlegarde there, which had contained (as I showed before) from the time of William the Conqueror, was with the assent of King Henry the third, converted into a payment of money, the land being charged with ten shillings for every Warder, that it was bound to find, and the owners thereby discharged of their personal service, and attendance for ever: At which time also, he caused the same King to release by his free Chartre, the custom of Forage due to this Castle, and that done, himself instituted new laws amongst the watchmen, and increased the number of the Warders. But now to my purpose again. Simon, the Earl of Leycester, and leader of the Baron's war against King Henry the third, even at the first wrested the Castle of Dover, out of the King's possession, and keeping the same during all his life, used to send thither (as unto a place of most assurance) all such as he had taken prisoners. After his overthrow, Edward (than Prince, and afterward the first King of that name) assailed it with all speed, and (by the aid of the prisoners within, which had taken the great tower to his use) obtained it: There left he prisoned, Guy the son of this Simon, but he escaped soon after, by corruption of his keepers. To make an end, the Nobility of that time were fully persuaded, that both the safety and danger of the whole Realm, consisted in this one Castle: And therefore (saith Mathewe Parise) at such time as King Henry the third, called over from beyond the Seas his own brother, Richard (than King of the Romans) the Noble men (who had him in some jealousy) would not agree, that he, or any of his, should once enter within this Castle. Not without good cause therefore, hath Dover by great pre-eminence, been reported the chief of the Five Ports, assigned by laws of parliament, as a special place for passage and exchange, and by ancient tenure acknowledged for Lady and Mistress of many Manors: To it always some man of great appearance is appointed as Captain and governor. To it sundry Gentlemen of the Shire, pay yet money for the ancient duty of their attendance and service: And to it sinally, the country men in all times of trouble, have an especial eye and regard. Reparation of Dover Castle. As concerning the maintenance of this Castle in fortification, and building, I find not much more in story, than I have already opened, which happeneth the rather (as I think) for that many private persons within the Shire of Kent, were of long time, not only bound by their tenors of Castlegarde, to be ready in person for the defence, but also stood charged in purse, with the reparation of the same. Only I read in john Rosse, that King Edward the fourth, to his great expense, (which others reckon to have been ten thousand pounds) amended it throughout: Having therefore none other memorable thing touching the Castle itself, I will leave it, and pass to the Religious houses. S. Martin's in Dover. Lucius the first christened King of the Britons, builded a Church within Dover Castle, to the name and service of Christ, endowing it with the tolle or custom of the haven there. And Eabaldus (the son of Ethelbert, the first christened King of the Saxons) erected a College within the walls of the same, which Wyghtred (a successor of his) removed into the town, stored with two and twenty Canons, and dedicated it to the name of S Martin: This house, was afterward new builded by King Henry the second (or rather by William Corbeil, the archbishop in his time,) stuffed by Theobalde his successor with benedict Monks, and called the priory of S. Martin's, Contention between the Religious persons for trifles. though commonly afterward, it obtained the name of a new work at Dover. Between this house and Christ's Church in Canterbury (to the which King Henry the second had given it) there arose (as it chanced usually amongst houses of Religion) much contention, for certain superiorities of jurisdiction, and for voice and suffrage in the election of the archbishop. For on the one side, the Prior and Covent of Dover, claimed to have interest in the choice of the archbishop, which the Prior of Christ's Church would not agreed unto: And on the other side, the Prior of Christ's Church pretended to have such a sovereignty over S. Martin's, that he would not only visit the house, but also admit Monks and Novices at his pleasure, which the other could not bear: So that they fell to suing, provoking, and brawling (the ordinary and only means, by which Monks used to try their controversies) and ceased not appealing, and pleading at Rome, till they had both wearied themselves, and wasted their money. Howbeit, as it commonly falleth out, that where respect of money and reward guideth the judgement and sentence, there the mighty prevail, and the poor go to wrack: So the Monks of Canterbury, having to give more, and the Pope and his ministers being ready to take all, poor Dover was oppressed, and their Prior in the end constrained to submission. And here, because I am fallen into mention of controversy between ecclesiastical persons, of which sort our histories have plenty, I will touch in few words, the evil entreaty that William Longchampe, the jolly Bishop of Elye, and chancellor of all England, used toward Godfrey the King's brother, and Bishop of York elect, within this priory. King Richard the first, Longchamp the lusty bishop of Ely. being persuaded by the Pope and his Clergy, to make an expedition for the recovery of the holy land, partly for the performance of that which the King his father had purposed to do in person, and partly for satisfaction of his own vow, (which he made when he took the cross, as they called it, upon him) set to port sail his Kingly rights, jurisdictions, and prerogatives, his crown, lands, fermes, customs, and offices, and whatsoever he had beside, to raise money withal: and so committing the whole government of his Realm, to William the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor, he committed himself, and his company to the wind and Seas. This Prelate, having now by the King's commission the power of a Viceroy, and besides, the Pope's gift, the authority of a Legate and Vicar, and consequently, the exercise of both the sword, so ruled and reigned, over the Clergy & laity in the king's absence, that the one sort found him more than a Pope, the other felt him more than a King, and they both endured him an intolerable Tyrant: for he not only over ruled the Nobility, and outfaced the Clergy, spoiling both the one and the other, of their livings and promotions, for maintenance of his own riot, pomp, and excess: But also oppressed the common people, devouring and consuming wheresoever he become, the victual of the country, with the troops and trains of men and horses (being in number a thousand or fifteen hundredth) that continually followed him. Among other his practices, having gotten into his hands, the revenues of the archbishopric of York (whereof Godfrey, the King's brother was then elected Bishop, and busy at Rome for to obtain his consecration) and fearing that by his return, he might be defrauded of so sweet a morsel, he first laboured earnestly to hinder him in his suit at Rome, and when he saw no success of that attempt, he determined to make him sure, when soever he should return home. And for that purpose, he took order with one Clear, (than Sheriff of Kent, and Constable of the castle of Dover, to whom he had given his sister in marriage) that he should have a diligent eye to his arrival, and that so soon as the archbishop did set foot on land, he should strip him of all his ornaments, and commit him to safe custody within the Castle. Which thing was done accordingly: for the archbishop was no sooner arrived, and entered the Church, to offer to Saint Martin, sacrifice for his safe passage (as the Gentiles that escaped shipwreck, were wont to do to Neptune:) But Clear and his company came in upon him, and doing the Chancellors commandment, violently haled him and his Chaplains to prison. Hereat john (than the King's brother, but afterward King) taking just offence, and adjoining to him for revenge, the uttermost aid of the Bishops and Barons, his friends and allies, raised a great power, and in short time so strengthened the Chancellor, that he not only agreed to release Godfrey, but was fayne himself also (abandoning his late pomp and glory) to get him to Dover, and lie with his brother Clere, as a poor, private, and despoiled person. Howbeit, not thus able to endure long, the note of infamy and confusion, whereinto he was fallen, he determined within himself to make an escape, and by shift of the place, to shroud his shame, in some corner beyond the Seas: And therefore, shaveing his face, and attiring himself like a woman, he took a piece of linen under his arm, and a yard in his hand, minding by that disguising, to have taken vessel amongst other passengers unknown, & so to have gotten over: But he was not at the first, in all his authority, more unlike a good man, than he was now in this poor apparel unlike an honest woman: and therefore being at the very first discovered, he was by certain rude fellows openly uncased, well boxed about the ears, and sent to the next justice, who conveyed him to john his great enemy. And thus was all the gay glory of this gallant brought to shame and confusion, his Peacocks feathers pulled, his black feet bewrayed, his fraud unfolded, his might abated, and himself in the end suffered to sail over with sorrow and ignominy. Religious houses in Dover. Besides this priory of S. Martin's, (which was valued at a hundredth fourscore and eight pounds by year) there was lately in Dover also an Hospital, rated at fifty nine pounds: An other house of the same sort, called Domus Dei, (or Maison Dieu) reputed worth one hundredth and twenty pounds: And long since a house of Templars (as they call it) the which (together with all other of the same kind throughout the Realm) was suppressed in the reign of King Edward the second: The foundation of any of these, I have not hitherto found out, and therefore can not deliver thereof any certainty at all: The order of the Templars, when it began. Only as touching this Temple, I dare affirm, that it was erected after the time of Conquest, for as much as I am sure, that the order itself was invented after that Godfrey, of Bolein, had won jerusalem, which was after the coming in of the Conqueror. To these also may be added for neighbourhood sake (if you will) the Monastery of S. Radegundes on the hill, two miles off, valued at fourscore and eighteen pounds by year. And here, having perused the Town, Castle, and religious buildings, I would make an end of Dover, save that Mathewe Parise putteth me in mind of one thing (not unworthy rehearsal) that was done in this Temple: I mean, the sealing of that submission, which King john made to Pandulphe (the Pope's Legate) wherein he yielded his Realm tributary, and himself an obedienciarie, and vassal, to the Bishop of Rome: And because this was almost the last act of the whole Tragedy, and can not well be understood without some recourse to the former parts and beginning, and for that some men (of late time) have taken great hold of this matter, to advance the Pope's authority withal, I will shortly (after my manner) recount the thing as it was done, and leave the judgement to the indifferent Reader. After the death of Hubert (the archbishop of Canterbury) the Monks of Christ's Church agreed among themselves to choose for their Bishop, The Pope and king john fall our for Stephan Langton. Reginald the Subpryor of their house. King john (having no notice of this election, wherein no doubt he received great wrong, since they aught to have of him their Congee deslier) recommended unto them, john Gray, the Bishop of Norwiche, a man that for his wisdom and learning, he favoured much. Some part of the Monks, taking sudden offence at Reginalde (for that he had disclosed a secret out of their house) and being glad to satisfy the King's desire, elected this Gray for their Bishop also. Hereof grew a great suit at Rome, between the more part of the Monks on the one side, and the suffragans of Canterbury, and the less number of the Monks on the other side. The Pope (upon the hearing of the cause) at the first ratifieth the election of john Gray: Howbeit afterward he refuseth both the elects, and preferreth Stephan Langton, whom the Monks (because the matter was not before litigious enough) elected also. Now King john, hearing, that not only the election of Gray (contrary to the Popes own former determination) was made frustrate, but that there was also thrust into his place a man familiarly entertained by the French King (his great enemy) disliked much of the choice, & forbade Stephan the elect, to enter the Realm: The Pope again, who (as Mathewe Parise writeth) sought chief in this his choice, Virum strenuum, a stout man, that is (in plain speech) a man that could exact of the Clergy, keep in awe the laity, and encounter the King and Nobility) seeing his champion thus rejected, beginneth to startle for anger: first therefore, he moveth the King by minacing letters to admit Stephan, & (not so prevailing) he enterditeth him, & his whole Realm: And finally, both provoketh all Potentates to make open war upon him, and also promiseth to the King of France, full and free remission of all his sins, and the kingdom of England itself, to invade him: this done, he soliciteth to rebellion the Bishops, nobility, and commons of the Realm, losing them (by the plenitude of his Apos- to like power) from all duty of allegiance toward their Prince. By this means divine service ceased, the King of France armed, the Bishops conspired, the nobility made defection, and the common people wavered, uncertain to what part to incline: To be short, King john was so pressed with suspicion & fear of domestical & foreign enemies on all sides, that (notwithstanding he was of great and noble courage, and seemed to have forces sufficient for resistance also, if he might have trusted his soldiers) yet he was in the end compelled, to set his seal to a Chartre of submission, whereby he acknowledged himself to hold the Crown of England of the Pope's Mitre, & promised to pay yearly for the same and for Ireland, 1000 Marks, to the holy father & his successors for ever: this Chartre, because it was afterward with great insultation and triumph closed in Gold, The Golden Bull. was then commonly called, Aurea Bulla, the Bull of Gold. Thus, omitting the residue of this story, no less tragical and troublesome, then that which I have already recited: I report me to all indifferent men, what cause Paulus iovius, or any other popish parasite hath (by colour of this Bull) to claim for the Pope, superiority & Dominion over the King of this Realm, since john without the assent of the estates, (I mean his nobility and commons) could not (in such a gift) either bind his successors, or charge the kingdom. And for plain declaration, that his submission proceeded not with their consent, I read in a treatise of one Simon de Boraston (a Friar Preacher, in the time of King Edward the third) the which he wrote concerning the King's right to the Crown of Ireland, that in the reign of Henry the third (which next of all succeeded King john) there were sent from the King, the nobility and the commons of England, these Noble men: Hugh Bigod, john Fitz Geffray, William Cantlowe, Philip Basset, and a Lawyer named William Powicke, to the general Counsel, then assembled at Lions in France, of purpose, and with commission, to require that the said Bull, sealed by King john, might be canceled, for as much as it passed not by the assent of the Counsel of the Realm: and the same Author writeth, that the Pope for that time did put them of, by colour of more weighty affairs, which the Counsel had then in hand. I know, that it may well be thought needless, to labour further in confuting a little, so weightles: (for it is true, that Aristotle saith, Stultum est, absurdas opiniones accuratius refellere) It is but a folly, to labour over curiously, in refelling of absurdities. And therefore I will here conclude the treatise of Dover, and proceed particularly to the rest of the places that lie on this shore. Folkstone in Saxon, folcestane, Id est, Populi Lapis, or else, flostane, which signifieth a rock, or a flaw of stone. Amongst the places lying on this shore (worthy of note) next after Dover, followeth Folkstone, S. Eanswide and her miracles. where Eanfled, or rather Eanswide, the daughter of Eadbalde, the son of Ethelbert, and in order of succession, the sixth King of Kent, long since erected a religious priory of women, not in the place where S. Peter's Church at Folkstone now standeth, but south, from thence, where the Sea many years ago hath swallowed and eaten it. And yet, lest you should think S. Peter's Parish church to be void of reverence, I must let you know of Nova Legenda Angliae, that before the Sea had devoured all, S. Eanswides relics were translated thither: The author of that work reporteth many wonders of this woman, as that she lengthened a beam of that building three foot, when the Carpenters (missing in their measure) had made it so much too short: That she haled and drew water, over the hills against nature: That she forbade certain ravenous birds the country, which before did much harm there abouts: That she restored the blind, cast out the Devil, and healed innumerable folks of their infirmities. And therefore after her death, she was by the policy of the Popish priests, and folly of the common people, honoured for a Saint. A popish policy. And no marvel at all, for it was usual in Papistry, not only to magnify their Benefactors of all sorts, but to edify also (so many of them at the least) as were of noble Parentage, knowing that thereby, triple commodity ensued: the first, for as much as by that mean, they assured many great personages unto them: secondly, they drew (by the awe of their example) infinite numbers of the common people after them: And lastly, they adventured the more boldly (under those honourable, and glorious names and titles) to publish their povishe and pelting miracles. And this surely was the cause that Sexburge in Shepie, Mildred in Tanet, Etheldred at Elye, Edith at Wilton, and sundry other simple women of Royal blood in each quarter, were canonised Saints: for generally the Religious, of those times, were as thankful to their Benefactors, as ever were the heathen nations to their first Kings and founders: The one sort Sanctifying such, as did either build them houses, or devise them orders: And the other Deifying such, as had made them Cities, or prescribed them Laws and government. This was it that made Saturn, Hercules, Romulus, and others more, to have place (in common opinion) with the Gods above the stars, and this caused Dunstane, Edgar, Ethel would, and others, first to be shryved here in earth, and then to sit amongst the Saints in Heaven. But let me now leave their policy, and return to the History. The Town of Folkestone was sore spoiled by Earl Godwine and his Sons, Folkestone spoiled. what time they harried that whole coast of Kent, for revenge of their banishment, as we have often before remembered. The Hundred The Hundred. of Folkstone, contained in the time of King Edward the Confessor, a hundred and twenty plough lands, it had in it five Parish Churches, it was valued at a hundred and ten pounds, & belonged to the Earl Godwine before named. The Manor The Manor. was given to William Albranc (of whom, I made mention in Dover) with condition, to find one and twenty warders toward the defence of that Castle, and it grew in time to be the head of an honour or Barony, as in the Records of the Exchequer, remaineth as yet to be seen. Saltwood. THat Saltwood was long sithence an Honour also, it may appear by an ancient writ, directed by King Henry the second from beyond the Seas, to King Henry his Son, for the restitution of Thomas Becket the archbishop, to all such goods, lands, and fees, as were taken from him, during the displeasure between them: which writ both for show of the ancient form, and because it containeth the matter of history, I will not stick to exemplify, word for word, as Mathewe Parise hath recorded it. Sciatis, quod Thomas Cant. Episcopus pacem mecum fecit ad voluntatem meam, & ideo praecipio tibi, ut ipse, & omnes sui, pacem habeant, & faciatis ei habere, & suis, omnes res suas, bene, in pace, & honorifice, sicut habuerunt tribus mensibus, antequam exirent Angliae faciatisque venire coram vobis, de melioribus & antiquioribus, militibus, de honore de Saltwood & eorum juramento faciatis inquiri, quid ibi habetur de feodo Archiepiscopatus Cant. & quod recognitum fuerit esse de feodo ipsius, ipsi faciatis habere: valet. The Pontifical iusice, of William Courtney the Archbishop But if this Record of the Kings, suffice not to prove the honour of this place, than here (I pray you) a word of the honourable (or rather the Pontifical) dealing of William Courtney the Archbishop, who taking offence that certain poor men, his Tenants, of the Manor of Wingham, had brought him rend hay and littar to Canterbury, not openly in carts for his glory, as they were accustomed, but closely in sacks upon their horses as their ability would suffer, cited them to this his castle, of Saltwood, and there after that he had showed himself (Adria iracundiorem) as hot as a toast with the matter, he first bond them by oath to obey his own ordinance, & then enjoined them for penance, that they should each one march leisurely after the procession, bareheaded & barefooted, with a sack of hay or straw on his shoulder, open at the mouth, so as the stuff might appear hanging out of the bag to all the beholders. Now I beseech you, what was it else for this proud Prelate thus to insult over simple men, for so small a fault, (or rather for no fault at all) but Laureolam in Mustaceis querere, and no better. Thus much (at this present) of the Place, for as touching the first matter, concerning Thomas, that shall appear at large in Canterbury following. And therefore leaving on our right hand, the stately parts of Sir Edward Poynings unperfect building at Ostenhangar, Ostenhangar. let us see what is to be said of Hyde. Hyde, is written in Saxon Hyþe, that is, the Haven: and called of Leland in Latin, Portus Hithinus, in some Records, Hethe. THe name of this place importing (as it should seem) by the generality thereof some note of worthiness, and the long continued privileges thereunto belonging (it self being long since one of the five principal Ports) at the first led me (and happily may hereafter move others also) to think that it had been of more estimation in time past, then by any other thing now apparent may well be conjectured: Howbeit, after that I had somewhat diligently searched the Saxon antiquities, from whence (if from any at all) the beginning of the same is to be derived, & had perused the book of doomsday, wherein almost nothing (especially that might be profitable) was pretermitted, and yet found little, or (in manner) nothing, concerning this Town committed to memory: I become of this mind, that either the place was at the first of little price, and for the increase thereof endowed with Privileges, or (if it had been at any time estimable) that it continued not long in the plight. And truly, whosoever shall consider, either the Universal vicissitude of the Sea in all places, The Cause of the decay of Havens in Kent. or the particular alteration, and change, that in times passed, and now presently it worketh on the coasts of this Realm, he will easily assent, that Towns bordering upon the Sea, and upholded by the commodity thereof, may in short time decline to great decay, and become (in manner) worth nothing at all. For, as the water either floweth, or forsaketh them, so must they of necessity, either flourish, or fall: flowing (as it were) & ebbing with the Sea itself. The necessity of which thing, is every where so inevitable, that all the Popish ceremonies of espousing the Sea (which the Venetians yearly use on Saint Marks day, by casting a Golden ring into the water) cannot let, but that the Sea continually by little and little, withdraweth itself from their City, and threateneth in time, utterly to forsake them. Now therefore, as I cannot fully show, what Hide hath been in times passed, & must refer to each man's own eye to behold what it presently is: So yet, will I not pretermit to declare out of other men, such notes as I find, concerning the same. From this Town (saith Henry Huntingdon) Earl Godwine, and his Sons in the time of their exile, fetched away divers vessels, lying at road, even as they had at Rumney also, whereof we shall have place to speak more hereafter. Before this Town (in the reign of King Edward the first) a great fleet of French men showed themselves upon the Sea, of which one (being furnished with two hundred Soldiers) set her men on land in the Haven, where they had no sooner pitched their foot, but the Townsmen came upon them to the last man, wherewith the residue were so afraid, that forthwith they hoist up sail, and made no further attempt. hide miserably scourged. This Town also was grievously afflicted, in the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the fourth, in so much as (besides the fury of the pestilence, which raged all over) there were, in one day, two hundredth of the houses consumed by flame, & five of their ships with one hundredth men, drowned at the Sea: By which hurt the inhabitants were so wounded, that they began to devise, how they might abandon the place, and build them a Town else where: Whereupon they had resolved also, had not the King by his liberal Chartre (which I have seen under his scale) released unto them, for five turns next following (unless the greater necessity should in the mean time, compel him to require it) their service of five ships, of one hundredth men, and of u garsons, which they aught of duty, and at their own charge without the help of any other member, to find him, by the space of fifteen days together. Finally, The shortest passage between England & France. from this Town to Boulogne (which is taken to be the same, that Caesar calleth Gessoriacum) is the shortest cut over the Sea, between England and France, as some hold opinion: Others think that to be the shortest passage, which is from Dover to calais: But if there be any man, that preferreth not haste before his good speed, let him (by mine advise) prove a third way, I mean from Dover to Withsand: for if Edmund Badhenham, the penner of the Chronicles of Rochester, lie not shamefully, (which thing you know how far it is from a Monk) then at such time as King Henry the second, and Lewes the French King, were after long war reconciled to amity, Lewes came over to visit King Henry, and in his return homeward saluted saint Thomas of Canterbury, made a princely offer at his tomb, Thomas Becket granteth a petition after his death. and (because he was very fearful of the water) asked of saint Thomas, and obtained, that neither he in that passage, nor any other from thenceforth, that crossed the Seas between Dover and Withsand, should suffer any manner of loss or shipwreck. But of this Saint (saving your reverence) we shall have fit place to speak more largely hereafter, and therefore let us now leave the Sea, and look toward Shipwey. Shipwey, or Shipweyham, in the Records: commonly, Shipwey Cross. Between Hyde and Westhanger, lieth Shipwey, the place that was of ancient time honested with the Plées and assemblies of the Five Ports: although at this day, neither by good building extant, it be much glorious, nor by any common meeting, greatly frequented. I remember, that I have read in a book of Privileges of the Five Ports, that certain principal points, concerning the Port towns, be determinable at Shipwey only: And likely it is, that the withdrawing of the trial of causes from thence to Dover Castle, hath brought decay and obscurity upon the place. Of this place, the whole Last of Shipwey, (containing twelve hundreds) at the first took, and yet continueth the name: At this place, Prince Edward, the Son to King Henry the third, exacted of the Barons of the u Ports their oath of fidelity to his Father, against the maintainers of the Baron's war: And at this place only our Limenarcha, or Lord warden of the Ports, Lord warden of the Ports. receiveth his oath, at his first entry into the office. Whether this were at any time a harborough for ships, Shipwey, sometime a Hau●n town. (as the Etymology of the name giveth likelihood of conjecture) or no, I dare neither affirm nor deny, having neither read, nor seen, that may lead me to the one, or the other: only I remember, that Robert Talbot (a man of our time, and which made a Commentary upon the itinerary of Antoninus Augustus) is of the opinion, that is was called Shipwey, because it lay in the way to the Haven, where the ships were wont to ride: And that haven taketh he to be the same, which of Ptolemy is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, novus Portus: of Antoninus, Limanis, The Haven Limene, & the Town Lymne. of our Chroniclers Limene Mouth, and interpreted by Leland to betoken, the mouth of the river of Rother, which now in our time openeth into the Sea at Rye, but before at Winchelsey. His conjecture is grounded, partly (as you see) upon the Etymology of the name, partly upon the consideration of some antiquities that be near to the place, and partly also upon the report of the country people, who hold fast the same opinion, which they have by tradition received from their Elders. In deed, the name, both in Greek, and old English, which followeth the Greek, that is to say, Limen and Limene Mouth, doth signify a Haven, whereof the Town of Lymne adjoining, and the whole deanery, or limit of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, in which it standeth (for that also is called Lymne) by likelihood took the name. This Haven (saith he) stood at the first, under a high Rock in the Parish of Lymne, under the which there was situate a strong Castle for the defence of the port, the ruins of which building be yet apparent to the eye. There is extant also, a fair paved causey, some miles of length, leading from Canterbury toward the same port: and they of the Town enjoy the Privileges of the Five Ports, and do reserve a brazen Horn, and a Mace, as ensigns of Castle guard, and administration of justice, in old time exercised there. Finally they affirm, that (the water forsaking them by little and little) decay and solitude came at the length upon the place. For, whereas at the first, ships were accustomed to discharge at Lymne, the Sea afterward (either hindered by the sands, or not helped by the fresh water) shortened his flood, and caused the merchants to unlade at Westhithe: Neither did it yet ascend so high any long season, but by continual decreasings, withdrew itself, & at the length compelled them to lay their wares on land at this Hithe, which now standeth in deed, but yet without any great benefit of the Sea, for asmuch as at this day, the water floweth not to the Town by half a mile and more. These conjectures, & reports, be reasonable, but yet, as I am sure that they be utterly at variance with that opinion, which Leland would plant of the present course of the River of Rother (as we will show in Newendene, when, we shall come to the place) so am I in doubt also, what means may be found, to reconcile them with the relations of Asserus Menevensis, The River Limen, now Rother. Henry Huntingdon, & our old Saxon Chronicles, all which seem to affirm, that Apledore Apledore. stood upon the water Lymen, which if it be so, than I see not (the places considered) how this Town of Lymne could ever be situated upon the same River. Their words in effect, be these. In the year, after Christ, 893. the great army of the Danes, left the East part of France, and came to Boulogne, & from thence with. 250. vessels sailed into the mouth of the River Lymen, in Kent, which floweth from the great wood that is called Andred: Thence they towed up their boats four miles into that wood from the mouth of the River, where they found a Castle half built, and a few Country men in it, all which together with the Village, they destroyed, and fortified at a place called Apultree. By which it may in deed at the first face seem, that the River Lymen led from Apledore to the Sea, & came not by Lymne: but yet that I may say somewhat for Talbot, these words do not necessarily enforce so much, for that they be not, that they towed their ships up to Apledore, but four miles to the wood, and builded at Apledore, which they might well do, although they had come in at Hithe. To the which sense also the words of Asserus Menevensis (which lived in that very time) do give somewhat the more place and liberty, when he saith. They towed up their ships, four miles into the wood, where they threw down a certain Castle (half built, in which a few Churls of the Country were placed) & the Town also, & they raised an other stronger in a place called Apledore: For these words (an other in a place stronger called Apledore) seem to import, that Apledore was not the Town four miles within the rivers mouth, which they pulled down, but some other: Which, as for the distance it might happily be Lymne that we have in hand: so because there is no apparent memorial of any such course of the River, I will not affirm it to have been the same, but refer the decision of the whole controversy, to the learned and inquisitive reader, that will bestow his labour to try, and trace out the very truth. Courtopstrete, commonly: but truly Court at street. THe enemy of mankind, and Prince of darkness, Satan the Devil, perceiving that the glorious and bright shining beams of Gods holy truth and gladsome Gospel, had pierced the misty thick clouds of ignorance, & showed (not only to the people of Germany, but to the inhabitants of this Island also) the true way of their deliverance, from damnable error, idolatry, and Popish superstition: And fearing, that if he did not now bestir him busily, he was in peril to loose infinite numbers of his subjects, and consequently, no small part of that his spiritual kingdom, practised most carefully in all places, with Monks, Friars, Priests, nuns, and the whole rabblement of his Religious army, for the holding of simple souls in wonted obedience, and the upholding of his usurped Empire in the accustomed glory, opinion, and reverence. And for this purpose (amongst sundry flights, set to show in sundry places, about the latter end and declination of that his reign) one was wrought by the Holy maid of Kent, in a Chapel at this town, in devise as malicious, in deed as mischievous, and in discovery as notorious, as any other whatsoever. But because the midst, and end of this Pageant, is yet fresh in the knowledge of many on living, & manifested to all men in books abroad: And for that the beginning thereof is known to very few, and likely in time to be hid from all, if it be not by some way or other continued in mind: I will labour only to bewray the same, and in such sort, as the maintainers thereof themselves have committed it to writing. For not long since, it chanced me to see a little Pamphlet, containing four and twenty leaves, penned I wot not by what doltish dreamer, printed by Robert Redman, Entitled: A marvelous work of late done at Court of Street in Kent, and published (as it pretendeth) to the devout people of that time for their spiritual consolation: in which I found the very first beginning, to have been as followeth. About the time of Easter, in the seventéenthe year of the Reign of King Henry the eight, it happened a certain maiden named Elizabethe Barton, The holy Maid of Kent. than servant to one Thomas Kob, of the Parish of Aldington, twelve miles distant from Canterbury, to be touched with a great infirmity in her body, which did ascend at divers times up into her throat, and swelled greatly: during the time whereof, she seemed to be in grievous pain, in so much as a man would have thought, that she had suffered the pangs of death itself, until the disease descended, and fell down into the body again. Thus she continued by fits, the space of seven months, and more, and at the last, in the month of November (at which time also a young Child of her Masters lay desperately sick in a cradle by her) she being vexed with the former disease, asked (with great pangs and groaning) whether the Child were yet departed this life, or no: And when the women that attended upon them both in their sickness, answered no, she replied that it should anon: which word was no sooner uttered, but the child fetched a great sigh, and withal the soul departed out of the body. This her divination and foretelling, was the first matter, that moved her hearers to admiration: But after this, in sundry of her fits following, although she seemed to the beholders to lie as still as a dead body (not moving any part at all) as well in the trances themselves, as after the pangs passed also, she told plainly of divers things done at the Church, and other places where she was not present, which nevertheless she seemed (by signs proceeding from her) most lively to behold (as it were) with her eye: She told also, of heaven, hell, and purgatory, and of the joys, and sorrows, that sundry departed souls had, and suffered there: She spoke frankly against the corruption of manners and evil life: She exhorted repair to the Church, hearing of Mass, confession to Priests, prayer to our Lady and Saints, and to be short, made in all points, confession and confirmation of the Popish creed and Catechism, and that so devoutly and discreetly (in the opinion of mine author) that he thought it not possible for her to speak in that manner. But amongst other things, this one was ever much in her mouth, that She would go home, and that she had been at home, whereas (to the understanding of the standers by) she had never been from home, nor from the place where she lay: whereupon being (in a time of another trance) demanded where That home was, she answered, Where she saw and heard the joys of heaven, where S. Michael weighed souls, where Saint Peter carried the keys, and where she herself had the company of our Lady at Court of street, and had heartily besought her to heal her disease, who also had commanded her, to offer unto her a Taper in her Chapel there, and to declare boldly to all Christian people, that our Lady of Court of street, had received her from the very point of death: and that her pleasure was, that it should be rung for a miracle. Which words when her Master heard, he said, that there were no Bells at that Chapel, whereunto the Maiden answered nothing, but the voice that spoke in her proceeded, saying, Our blessed Lady will show more miracles there shortly, for if any depart this life suddenly, or by mischance, in deadly sin, if he be vowed to our Lady heartily, he shall be restored to life again, to receive shrift, and housel, and after to departed this world with God's blessing. Besides this, she told them what meat the Eremite of that Chapel of our Lady at Court of street had to his supper, and many other things concerning him, whereat they marveled greatly. And from that time forward, she resolved with herself, to go to Court of street, and there to pray and offer to our Lady, which also she did accordingly: And was there delayed of her cure for a certain season, but yet (in the mean time) put in assured hope of recovery. During which mean while, the fame of this marvelous Maiden was so spread abroad, that it came to the ears of Warham the archbishop of Canterbury, who directed thither Doctor Bocking, Master Hadleighe, and Barnes, three Monks of Christ's Church in Canterbury, father Lewes, and his fellow, two observants, his Official of Canterbury, and the Parson of Aldington, with commission to examine the matter, and to inform him of the truth. These men opposed her of the chief points of the Popish belief, and finding her sound therein, not only waded no further in the discovery of the fraud, but gave it great countenance, and joined with her in setting forth of the same: So that at her next voyage to our Lady of Court of street, she entered the Chapel with ave Regina Caelorum, in pricksong, accompanied with these Commissioners, many Ladies, Gentlemen, and Gentlewomen of the best degree, and three thousand persons besides, of the common sort of people. There fell she eftsoons into a marvelous passion before the Image of our Lady, much like a body diseased of the falling Evil, in the which she uttered, sundry metrical and rhyming speeches, tending to the worship of our Lady of Court of street (whose Chapel there, she wished to be better maintained, and to be furnished with a daily singing Priest) tending also to her own bestowing in some Religious house, for such (said she) was our Lady's pleasure, and to the advancement of the credit, of such feigned miracles, as mine author reporteth. This done and understood to the archbishop, she was by him appointed to S. sepulchres, a house of nuns in Canterbury, where she laboured sundry times of her disease, and continued her wonted working of wondrous miracles, resorting often (by way of trance only) to our Lady of Court of street, who also ceased not to show herself mighty in operation there, lighting candles without fire, moistening women's breasts that before were dry and wanted milk, restoring all sorts of sick to perfect health, reducing the dead to life again, and finally doing all good, to all such as were measured and vowed (as the manner was) unto her at Court of street. Thus Elizabeth Barton was advanced from the condition of a base servant, to the estate of a glorious Nun. The Eremite of Court of street was enriched by daily offering, S. Sepulchres got the possession of a Holy Maiden, God was blasphemed, the holy Virgin his mother mishonoured, the silly people were miserably mocked, The Bishops, Priests, and Monks, in the mean time with closed eyes winking, and the Devil and his limbs, with open mouth laughing at it. And thus the matter stood sundry years together, until at length, the question was moved about King Henry's marriage, at which time this holy Maiden (not containing herself within her former bounds of hypocrisy) stepped into this matter also, and feigned that she understood by revelation, that if the King proceeded to the divorce, he should not be King of this Realm one month after: Whereupon, her doings were once again examined (not by men given over to believe illusions, but by such as had the prudent power of proving spirits) and in the end her dissimulation was deciphered, her Popish comforters were bewrayed, the deceived people were well satisfied, these dangerous deceivers were worthily executed, and the Devil their Master was quite and clean confounded. The circumstances of all which doing, I do of purpose omit (knowing that it is in the statute of .25. Chap. 12. year of King Henry the eight, and each where else, in manner, to be read, and thinking myself to have performed promise, in that I have disclosed the first attempts) and will now therefore make towards Rumney. Bylsington. AFter the decease of King Edward the third, and against the day of the Coronation of King Richard the second which succeeded him, john the King of Castille and Lions, Duke of Lancaster, and Earl both of Leycester and Linolne, claiming in the right of his Earldom of Leyce●er, to be high Seneschal (or Steward) at that solemnity, and thereby to have the authority of hearing and determining of the claims, of all such as by their tenure pretended to have any office or fee at the King's inthronization, amongst other suits received a petition, exhibited by Richard then Earl of Arundale and Surrey, in which the same Earl claimed the office of chief Butler, and recognized himself ready to perform the same. Butler the Coronation. Whereupon, forthwith one Edmund Staplegate, exhibited another petition, and likewise made his claim to this effect. That whereas he, the said Edmund held of the King in chief, the Manor of Bylsington in Kent, by the service to be his Butler at the Coronation, as plainly appeared in the book of Fees and Sericancies in the Exchequer: And whereas also by reason of that tenure, the late King Edward the third had both seized the lands of that petitioner (for so much as he was in his minority, at the time of the death of Edmund Staplegate his father) and had also committed the custody of his body to one jefferay Chawsier (to whom he paid. 104. l. for the same) he now proffered to do that service, and prayed to be admitted to the office thereof, with allowance of the fees that belonged thereunto. These claims and the replies also, both of the Earl, and of Staplegate, being heard and considered, It was then order (partly for the shortness of the time, which would not permit a full examination of the matter, and partly because that on the Earl's side it was proved, that his ancestors had been in possession of that office, after the alienation of the Manor of Bylsington, whereas on the other part it appeared not, that the ancestors of Staplegate had ever executed the same) that (for the present Coronation) the Earl should be received, and the right of Staplegate, and all others should be nevertheless to them saved. Thus much of the Manor of Bylsington, (which lieth here on the right hand) I thought meet to impart with you, to occupy us withal in our way to Rumney: priory at Bylsington. for as touching the priory that there was, although I suppose it to have begun by the liberality of some of the Earls of Arundale, yet can I assure you of nothing touching it, save only of the yearly value, which you shall find in the Particular of this shire, amongst the rest of the suppressed houses. Rumney, called in Saxon, Rumen ea; that is to say, The large watery place, or marsh: It is written in the Records corruptly, Rumenal, and Romual. THE participation of like Privilege, might well have moved me to have placed the Ports together, but the purpose of mine order already taken, calleth me another way, and bindeth me to prosecute them, as they lie in order of my journey. There be in Kent therefore, two towns of this name, the Old and the New Rumney, as touching the latter whereof I mind not to speak, having not hitherto found either in Record or History, any thing pertaining thereunto: but that little which I have to say, must be of old Rumney, which was long since a principal Port, and giveth cause of name to the new town, as itself first took it, of the large level, and territory of marish ground that is adjoining. This Town (saith the Record of doomsday) was of the possession of one Robert Rumney, and holden of Odo (than Bishop of Borieux, Earl of Kent, and brother to King William the Conqueror) in the which the same Robert had thirteen Burgesses, who for their service at the Sea, were acquitted of all exactions, and custome● of charge, except felony, breach of the peace, and forstalling. It was sometime a good, sure, and commodious Haven, where many vessels used to lie at Road: For Henry (the archdeacon of Huntingdon) maketh report, that at such time as Godwine (Earl of Kent) and his Sons were exiled the Realm (upon such cause of displeasure, as hath already appeared in Dover) they armed vessels to the Sea, and sought by disturbing the quiet of the people, to compel the King to their revocation: And therefore, (among sundry other harms that they did on the Coast of this Shire) they entered the haven at Rumney, and lead away all such ships, as they found in the harborough. Thomas Becket Thomas Becket. (the archbishop) having by froward disobedience and stubborn pertinacity, provoked King Henry the second to indignation against him, and fearing to abide the trial of ordinary justice at home, determined to appeal to the Pope's favour at Rome, for which purpose he secretly took boat at Rumney, minding to have escaped over: but he was driven back by a contrary wind, and so compelled to land against his william. The understanding of which matter, The Pope's authority was abolished in England, in the time of King Henry the second. so exasperated the King against him, that forthwith he seized his goods, and gave commandment by his writ to the Sheriffs of all coasts, to make arrest of all such, as for any cause provoked to the Pope. He caused also his subjects (from twenty years of age upward) through out the whole Realm, to renounce by oath, all wonted obedience to the See of Rome, and solicited earnestly the Emperor Frederic, and Lewes the French King, to have joined with him in deposing Pope Alexander, for that he so commonly received runagates, and such as rebelled against their lawful Princes. But such was either the enmity of Lewes the French King, against King Henry the second, or his dull sight in discerning the profit of the whole Christian common weal, that he refused to assist the other twain, by means whereof, both Frederic the Emperor, was afterward compelled to yield him to the Pope, & King Henry the second glad (withal submission) to reconcile himself to the archbishop's favour. Rumney Marsh Rumney Mar●he. is famous throughout the Realm, as well for the fertility & quantity of the soil & level, as also for the ancient and wholesome ordinances there used, for the preservation and maintenance of the banks, and walls, against the rage of the Sea. It containeth (as by due computation it may appear) 24000. Acres: For the taxation of Rumney Marsh only (not accounting Walland Marsh, Guildford Marsh. etc. amounteth to 50. pounds, after the rate of one half penny the Acre) and it is at this day governed by certain laws, made by one Henry Bath, a justice and Commissioner for that purpose in the time of King Henry the third. Of which his statutes, experience in time hath begotten such allowance, and liking, that it was afterward not only ordered, that all the low grounds between Tanet in Kent, and Pemsey in Sussex, should be guided by the same: But they are also now become a pattern, and exemplar to all the like places of the whole Realm, to be governed by. The place is not much inhabited, because it is Hyeme malus, Aestate molestus, Nunquam bonus, Evil in Winter, grievous in Summer, and never good. As Hesiodus (the old Poet) sometime said of the Country where his Father dwelled. And therefore, very reasonable is their conceit, The three steps of Kent. which do imagine, that Kent hath three steps, or degrees, of which the first (say they) offereth Wealth without health, the second giveth both Wealth and health, and the third afoordeth health only, and no Wealth. For, if a man, minding to pass through Kent toward London, should arrive, and make his first step on land in Rumney Marsh, he shall rather find good grass under foot, then wholesome Air above the head: again, if he step over the Hills, and come into the Weald, he shall have at once the commodities, both Caeli, & Soli, of the Air, and the Earth: But if he leave that, and climb the next step of hills, that are between him, and London, he shall have wood, and corn, for his wealth, and (toward the increase of his health) if he seek, he shall find, Famem in agro lapidoso, a good stomach in the stony field. Not marvel it is therefore, if Rumney Marsh be not thick peopled, seeing most men be yet still of Porcius Cato his mind, who held them stark mad, that would devil in an unwholesome Air, were the soil never so good and fertile. And this thing being well understood to the estates of the Realm, they used in Parleamentes, to allure men hither, by exemption from payment of Subsidies, and such like charges, wherewith the inhabitants of other places be burdened. Neshe, called in Saxon (Nesse) which signifieth a Nebbe, or nose of the land, extended into the Sea. THis Cape lieth in Walland Marsh. south from Rumney, and is of the number of those places, that Earl Godwine afflicted in the time of his banishment: from hence he passed toward London, and there (by the help of his confederates) showed such an assembly, that the Bishops, and Noble men (for very fear) become suitors to the King for his peace, and in the end procured it. Before this Neshe, lieth a flat into the Sea, threatening great danger to unadvised Sailors. And now having thus viewed such places a long the Sea shore, as ancient Histories have put me in remembrance of: I might readily take occasion, both to recommend unto you, the vigilant study of our Ancestors, in providing for the defence of the Sea Coasts, and withal show you a Precedent or two of theirs, containing the assess of such particular Watch and Ward, as they used there in the Reign of King Edward the third, in whose time also it was first ordered, that Beacons in this Country should have their pitch pots, and that they should be no longer made of wood-stackes or piles, as they be yet in Wiltshire, and elsewhere. But because those assesses were not permanent, and always alike (as not growing by reason of any tenure) but arbitrable from time to time, at the discretion of such, as it liked the Prince to set over the Country in time, of wars, And for that also we at this day (God be thanked therefore) have besides the like watchful endeavour of our present governors, sundry standing platforms (as you have seen) erected to the very end, & maintained at the continual charge of the Prince, I will not here stand upon that matter, but forsaking the shore, betake me Northward to pass along the River Rother, which divideth this Shire from Sussex: The order of this description. where after that I shall have showed you Apledore, Stone, & Newenden, I will pierce through the Weald, to Medwey, and so labour to perform the rest of my purpose Apledore, in Saxon Apultre, in Latin, Malus, that is, an Apletree. IN the time of King Alfred, that great swarm of the Danes which annoyed this Realm, and found not here wherewith to satisfy the hungry gut of their ravenous appetite, broke their company into twain: whereof the one passed into France, under the conduct of Hasten, and the other remained here under the charge of Guthrune. The Danes do spoil, France, & England, at one time. This Hasten with his company, landed in Pontein, ranged over all Picardy, Normandy, Angeon, Poieton and passed over Loire, even to Orleans, kill, burning, and spoiling whatsoever was in his way, in so much that besides the pitiful butchery committed upon the people, and the inestimable booty of their goods taken away, he consumed to ashes above nine hundredth religious houses, and Monasteries. This done, he sent away .250. of his ships laden with rich spoil, which came hither again, entering into the River of Rother, (then called as Leland wéeneth, Lymen, at the mouth whereof old Winchelsey sometime stood) and by sudden surprise took a small Castle, that was four or five miles within the land, at Apultre (as some think) which because it was not of sufficient strength for their defence and converture, they abated to the ground, and raised a new, either in the same place, or else not far from it. Shortly after cometh Hasten himself also, with eighty sail more, and sailing up the River of Thamise, he fortifieth at Middleton now Mylton, over against the isle of Shepey: Which thing when King Alfred understood he, gathered his power with all haste, and marching into Kent, encamped between the two hosts of his enemies, and did so bear himself, that in the end he constrained Hasten to desire peace, & to give his own oath and two of his Sons in hostage, for observation of the same. But how soon after, Hasten forgot his distress, and how little he esteemed either his own troth plighted, or the lives of his children so pledged, it shall appear when we come to fit place for it: In the mean while I let you know, that the book of doomsday speaking of Apuldore, layeth it in the hundredth of Blackburne, and describeth it to contain eight Carnes, or Ploughlandes. Stone, in the isle of Oxney, called in Saxon (Stana) that is, a stone, or as the Northern men yet speak, A Steane. IN the days of King Etheldred, when almost all parts of the Realm felt the Danishe fury, this place also was by them pitieousely spoiled and brent, which done, they departed to Sandwiche, and did there, as hath already appeared. Newendene, in Saxon, Niƿeldene, that is, The low or deep valley: Leland calleth it Noviodunum, which word is framed out of the Saxon Niƿandune, & soundeth as much as the New Hill. THE situation of Newendene is such, as it may likely enough take the name, either of the deep and bottom (as I have conjectured) or of the Hill and high ground, as Leland supposed. For it standeth in the valley, and yet climbeth the hill: So that the termination of the name may be Dene, or Dune, of the valley, or of the hill indifferently. Howbeit, I would easily yield to Leland in this matter (the rather, because the common people of that quarter speak much of a fair Town, that sometime stood upon the hill.) Saving that both many places there abouts are upon like reason termed Denes, and that john Bale (who had seen an ancient history of the house itself) calleth it plainly Newendene. It is a frontier, and March Town of this Shire, The course of the river Lymen, now Rother. by reason that it lieth upon the river, that divideth Kent and Sussex in sunder, which water Leland affirmeth to be the same, that our ancient Chronicles call Lymene, though now of the common sort, it is known by the name of Rother only: It riseth (saith he) at Argas hill in Sussex, near to Waterdowne Forest, and falleth to Rotherfield, thence to Hichingham, and so to Robert's bridge (corruptly so termed, for Rothersbridge) from whence it descendeth to Bodyam's Castle, to Newendene, Oxney, and Apultree, and soon after openeth into the Sea. The place is not notable for any other thing, then that it harboured the first Carmelite Friars, that ever were in this Realm. For about the midst of the reign of King Henry the third, that order came over the Sea, The first Carmelites in England. arrived in this land, and made their nest at Newendene, which was before a woody, and solitary place, and therefore (in common opinion) so much the more fit for Religious persons to inhabit. They of that profession were called Carmelites, of a hill in Syria, named Carmelus, where at the first, a sort of men that lived solitarily, were drawn into companies by one joan (the patriarch of jerusalem) in the days of King Henry the first: And after that coming into Europe, were by Honorius Quartus, the Pope, appointed to a rule and order, by the name of the Brothers of Mary, which title liked themselves so well, that they procured the Pope Urban the sixth, three years pardon, for all such as would so call them: But certain merry fellows, (seeing their vanity, and knowing how little they were of kin to Mary the blessed Virgin) called them the brothers of Mary Aegiptiaca, the harlot, whereat the Pope was so offended, that he plainly pronounced them Heretics for their labour. I read, that in the reign of King Richard the second, one William Starnefeld was prior of this house, and that he committed to writing, the original and beginning of the same, But hitherto (though to no great loss) it hath not chanced me to see it. The Weald, so named of 〈◊〉 on word peald, which signifieth A woody country. The Britons called it Andred, of which word the Saxons called it AnSreSesleag, in Latin, Saltus Andred the chase of Andred. This latter name was imposed for the exceeding greatness of it: for Anrhsed in British, is as much as great, or wonderful. Now than we are come to the Weald of Kent, which (after the common opinion of men of our time) is contained within very straight and narrow limits, notwithstanding that in times passed, it was reputed of such exceeding bigness, that it was thought to extend into Sussex, Surrey, and Hamshyre, and of such notable fame withal, that it left the name to that part of the Realm, through which it passed: for it is manifest, by the ancient Saxon Chronicles, by Asserus Menevensis, Henry of Huntingdon, and almost all others of latter time, that beginning at Winchelsey in Sussex, it reached in length a hundredth and twenty miles toward the West, and stretched thirty miles in breadth toward the north: Kent, why so called. And it is (in mine opinion) most likely, that in respect of this wood, that large portion of this Island (which in Caesar's time contained four several Kings) was called of the British word (Cain) Cancia in Latin, and now commonly Kent: Of which derivation, one other infallible monument remaineth, even till this day in Staffordshyre, where they yet call their great woody Forest, by the name of (Kanc) also. On the edge of this wood (in Sussex) there stood sometime a City, called (after the same) Andredes Chester, which Ella (the founder of the Southsaxon kingdom) after that he had landed with his three sons, and chased the Brytons into the wood, razed, and made equal with the ground: And in this wood, Sigbert, a King of Westsex, was done to death by this occasion following. About the year after the Incarnation of Christ, seven hundredth fifty five, this Sigbert succeeded Cuthred his cousin in the kingdom of the Westsaxons, and was so puffed up with the pride of his dominion (mightily enlarged by the prosperous successes of his predecessor) that he governed without fear of God, or care of man, making lust his law, and mischief his minister: Whereupon one Cumbra, (an Earl and counsellor) at the lamentable suit of the Commons, moved him to consideration: But Sigbert, disdaining to be directed, commanded him most despitefully to be slain: Hereat the Nobility and Commons were so much offended, that assembling for the purpose, they with one assent deprived him of his crown and dignity, and he (fearing worse) fled into the wood, where after a season, a poor Hogheard (sometime servant to Cumbra) found him (in a place, which the Saxon Histories call Prifetsflode) and knowing him to be the same that had slain his Master, slew him also without all manner of mercy. The Weald was sometime a wilderness. The History of this Hoghearde, presenteth to my mind, an opinion that some men maintain touching this Weald: which is, that it was a great while together in manner nothing else but a Desert, and waste Wilderness, not planted with Towns, or peopled with men, as the outsides of the shire were, but stored and stuffed with herds of Dear, and droves of Hogs only: which conceit, though happily it may seem to many but a Paradox, yet in mine own fantasy, it wanteth not the feet of sound reason to stand upon: For, besides that a man shall read in the Histories of Canterbury and Rochester, sundry donations, in which there is mention only of Pannage for Hogs in Andred, and of none other thing: I think verily that it cannot be showed out of ancient Chronicles, that there is remaining in Weald of Kent, or Sussex, any one monument of great antiquity. And truly this thing I myself have observed, in the ancient rentalles and surviewes, of the possessions of Christ's Church in Canterbury, that in the rehearsal of the old rents and services, due by the Tenants dwelling without the Weald, the entry is commonly after this form, De redditu. seven. s.uj. This Benerth, is the service which the tenant doth, with his Cart & plough. d. De viginti ovis. j.d. De gallinis, & benerth. xuj.d. Summa viij. s.xj.d. quieti redditus. But when they come to the tenants inhabiting within the Wealdy country, than the stile and Intituling, is first, Redditus de Walda, Then after that followeth, De tenementis joanis at Style in lose. iij. s.iiij.d. Without showing for what ancient service, for what manner of custom, or for what special cause, the same Rent grew due and payable, as in the first stile or entry is expressed. Whereupon I gather, that although the property of the Weald, was at the first belonging to certain known owners, as well as the rest of the country, yet was it not then allotted into Tenancies, nor Manured like unto the residue: But that even as men were contented to inhabit it, and by piecemeal to rid it of the wood, and to break it up with the plough: So this latter rent (differing from the former, both in quantity and quality, as being greater than the other, and yielded rather as recompense for fearme, then as a quiterent for any service) did long after by little and little, take his beginning. And hereout also springeth the diversity of opinions, touching the true limits of this Weald: The bounds of the Weald. Some men affirming it to begin at one place, and some at another, whereas (in my fantasy) there can be assigned, none other certain bounds thereof, than such as we have before recited out of the ancient Histories: For even as in the old time (being then a mere solitude, and on no part inhabited) it might easily be circumscribed: So since (being continually from time to time made less by industry) it could not long have any standing or permanent terms. And therefore, what so ever difference in common report there be, as touching the same, for as much as it is now (thanked be God) in manner wholly replenished with people, a man may more reasonably maintain, that there is no Weald at all, then certainly pronounce, either where it beginneth, or maketh an end. And yet if question in Law should fortune to be moved, concerning the limits of the Weald, (as in deed it may happen upon the Statute of Woods, and otherwise) I am of opinion, that the same aught to be decided by the verdict of twelve men, grounded upon the common reputation of the country thereabouts, and not by any other means. But because I wot not, how the natural and ancient inhabitants of this country will bear it, that a young novice, and lately adopted Denizen, should thus boldly determine at their disputations, I will here (for a while) leave the Weald, and go forth to the residue. Farley, in Saxon, farrlega, and may be interpreted, the place of the Boars, or Bulls. FArley, both the East and West, bordering upon Medwey, belonged sometime to the Monks of Christ's Church in Canterbury, to whom it yielded in the days of King Edward the Confessor, twelve hundredth Eels for a yearly rent. This I exemplify to the end that it may appear, that their reservations (in ancient time) were as well in victual, as in money, and that thereof the lands so leased, were called Fermes, Fermes why so termed. of the Saxon word, feormian; which is to feed, or yield victual. Which Etymology of the word, although it might suffice to the proof of that matter, yet to the end, that my conjecture may have the more force, I will add unto it the authority of Geruasius Tilberiensis, a learned man, that flourished in the days of King Henry the second, who in his Dialogue, of the observations of the Exchequer, hath in effect as followeth. Until the time (saith he) of King Henry the first, the Kings used not to receive money of their lands, but victuals, for the necessary provision of their house. And towards the payment of the Soldiers wages, and such like charges, money was raised out of the Cities and Castles, in which husbandry and tillage was not exercised. But at the length, when as the King, being in the parts beyond the Seas, needed ready money, toward the furniture of his wars, and his subjects and farmers complained, that they were grievously troubled by carriage of victuals, into sundry parts 〈…〉 the Realm, far distant from their dwelling houses. The King directed commission to certain discrete persons, which having regard of the value of those victuals, should reduce them into reasonable sums of money: The leveying of which sums, they appointed to the Sheriff, taking ordre withal, that he should pay them at the Scale, or Beam, that is to say, that he should pay six pence over & above every pound weight of money, because they thought, that the money in time would wax so much the worse for the wearing. etc. Thus far Geruasius. I am not ignorant, that Geruasius himself in an other place of that Book, deriveth the word (Farm) from the Latin (Firma) Howbeit, for asmuch as I know assuredly, that the term was used here amongst the Saxons, before the coming of the Conqueror, and that the Etymon thereof, descended from the Saxon language (whereof happily Geruasius being a Norman, was not much skilful) I am as bold to leave his opinion for the derivation, as I was ready to cleave to his report for the History. Maidstone, contractly for Medweys' Town: in Saxon MeSƿegestun, that is, the Town upon Medway: it is taken to be that which in Antoninus, is called Duropronis. One ancient Saxon book, which I have seen writeth it thus, Maegþanstane, which is as much to say, as the mighty, or strong stone: a name (belike) given for the Quarry of hard stone there. THe name of this Town (being framed, as the most part think, out of the name of the water) might easily move a man to judge, that it had been long since the Principal town upon the River whereon it is situated: The rather for that the Saxons (in imposing the names of their chief places) used to borrow (for the most part) the names of the waters adjoining, Towns named of the Rivers. as Colchester was so by them called, of the water Colne: Cicester (or rather Cyrenchester) of the water Cyren, in Latin Corinius: Donchaster of the River of Done: Lyncolne of Lindis: and (to come to our own Shire) Eilesford, of Eile, Dartford of Darent, Crayford, of Cray, and such other. howbeit, for asmuch as I find not this place, above once named in any ancient history, and but seldom mentioned in any Records that I have seen, I dare not pronounce it of any great antiquity, but speak chief of that which it hath gotten within the compass of late memory. In the time of King Edward the sixth therefore, this Town was incorporated, and endowed with sundry liberties, all which soon after it forfeited by joining in a Rebellion moved within this Shire, under the Reign of Queen Marie. Nevertheless, of late time the queens Majesty (that now is) of her great clemency, hath not only restored to the Town the former incorporation, but endowed it also with great Privilege, appaireling the Mayor with the authority of a justice of the Peace, exempting the Townsmen from foreign Sessions, and creating the Town itself a borough, enabled to have voice in parliament. In it were four principal ornaments of building, the College, the Bishop's Palace, the house of the Brothers of Corpus Christi, and the Bridge: The College. Of which the first, was built by Boniface (the archbishop of Canterbury, and Uncle to Eleonor, the wife of King Henry the third) to the honour of Peter, Paul, and Saint Thomas (the Martyr, as they would have it) and endowed with great possessions, by the name of an Hospital, but commonly termed the new work. This had not stood fully a hundredth and forty years, but that William Courtney (a successor in that See, and a Noble man, as the other was) pulled it down, and erecting a new, after his own pleasure, gained thereby the name of a founder, and called it, a College of Secular Priests. The Palace, that yet standeth, The Palace was begun by john Vfford, the archbishop, but for as much as he died, before he had brought the work to the midst, Simon Islepe (the next in succession saving one) took this matter in hand, & not only pulled down a house of the Bishops which had long before stood at Wrotham, but also charged his whole Province with a tenth to accomplish it. I find in a Record, that Thomas Arundel (an other Bishop of the same See) founded a chantry at Maidston, The School which whether it be the same, that was sometime called the house of the Brothers, and but lately converted by the Townsmen into a Free school, or not, I will not boldly affirm, but I think it rather so, then otherwise. Of the Bridge I find no beginning, but I suspect, that it rose by the archbishops, which were not only owners of the Palace hard by, as you see, but Lords and patrons of the whole Town, and Church also. The River of Medway and whereof it took the name. And thus much only of the Town: as touching the River of Medwey, it seemeth to have been so named, either because it stood in the middle of the Kentish Kingdom, or else for that it ran mid between the two Bishoprics: For the word (Midƿeg) signifieth nothing else, but the Midway as (Middeg) doth noon, or Midday, unless happily some man would rather have it called (Medpoeg) because of the meadow that it maketh all along the course of the same. This River is increased by the four principal Brooks that run into it, whereof (to begin at the West) the first springeth about Crowherst in Surrey (not far from the head of Darent) it falleth to Eton-bridge, and taking in the way Hever, Penshreste, and Tunbridge, joineth with the second at Yielding. The second ariseth at Blackbrooks in Waterdown forest, not fully a mile from Eredge, the Lord Aburgennies house, and cometh to Beyham, to Lamberhirst street, and to a place in Scotney ground, called little Sussex, where it meeteth with a small brook called Beaul, (that springeth at Tishirst three miles of, and giveth the name to Beauldbridge) from whence they join in journey to Horsmondon and Merden, and there mingling with the third, they run altogether to Yalding. The third Brook taketh beginning about Great chart, and descendeth to Hedcorne, Stilebridge, and Merden. The fourth, and last, breaketh out of the ground at Lineham, washeth the Castle of Ledes, a little from whence it receiveth the small water of Holingburne, & in a company of the same passeth toward Maidstone: At which place (as I think) the name of Medwey, first beginneth, the rather, because it hath there received all his helps, and crossing the Shire, as it were in the midst, laboureth from thence in one entire Channel to find out the Sea. The River Ail, or Eile For otherwise the River itself is properly called Egle, or, Eyle, of which both the Town of Ailesford, and the Castle of Alington (or rather Eylington) do take their names. If I fail in this derivation, the fault (for the first part) is his that made the Chart of this Shire, & then the folly is mine that follow him, but the truth notwithstanding is easily to be found out, by any man that will make investigation and examine it, and our trespass also herein more venial, for that we go not about to shadow it. Piccendene Hothe, commonly, but anciently written Pinenden, of Pinian, to punish: and so it soundeth the place of Execution, or punishment. The name of Harlot, whereof it began. RObert, the Duke of Normandy, had issue by a Concubine (whose name, as the Annals of S. Augustine report, was Harlothe, and after whom, as I conjecture, such incontinent women have ever since been called Harlots) three Sons, that is to say, William that afterward subdued this Realm, Robert, that was created Earl of Moretone, and Odo that was first consecrated Bishop of Baieux, than Earl of Kent, and lastly Lieutenant, or Vicegerent of this whole Realm, under William his Brother. Odo the Earl of Kent. Robert, was reputed a man of small courage, wisdom, and learning, and therefore passed his time in gloriously: But Odo, was found to be of nature so busy, greedy, and ambitious, that he moved many Tragedies within this Realm, and was in the end thrown from the Stage, and driven into Normandy, as hereafter in fit place shall be more amply declared. In the mean while, for this present place, and purpose, I find that during his abode in Kent, The ancient manner of the trial of right. he had so encroached upon the lands and Privileges of the archbishopric of Canterbury, and Bishopric of Rochester, that Lanfranc (being promoted to that See of dignity, and finding the want) complained to the King, and obtained, that with his good pleasure they might make trial of their right with him. To the which end also, the same King gave commission to Goisfrid (than Bishop of Constance in Normandy) to represent his own person, for hearing of the controversy: caused Egelric the Bishop of Chichester (an aged man, singularly commended for skill in the Laws, and Customs of the Realm) to be brought thither in a Wagon, for his assistance in Counsel, commanded Haymo (the Sheriff of Kent) to summon the whole County to give in evidence: and charged Odo his brother to be present, at such time and place, as should be notified unto him. Pinnendene Heath (lying almost in the midst of the Shire, and therefore very indifferent for the assembly of the whole County) was the appointed place, and thereunto not only the whole number of the most expert men of this Shire, but of sundry other Countries also, came in great frequency, and spent three whole days in debate of these Bishop's controversies, concluding in the end, that Lanfranc, and the Bishop of Rochester should be restored to the possession of Detling, Stoce, Preston, Danitune, and sundry other lands, that Odo had withholden: And that neither the Earl of Kent, nor the King himself had right to claim any thing in any the lands of the archbishop, saving only these three customs, which concern the King's high ways that lead from one city to an other: that is to say: That if any of the archbishop's tenants should dig in such a high way, or fell a tree cross the same, to the hindrance of common passage, and be taken with the manner, or convinced thereof by Law, he should make amends to the King therefore: And likewise when he did commit bloudsheade, manslaughter, or any other criminal offence in such were deprehended doing the fault, that the amendss thereof belonged to the King also: but in this latter case, if he were not taken with the manner, but departed without pledge taken of him, that then the trial and the amendss pertained to the archbishop himself, and that the King had not to meddle therewith. On the otherside also they agreed, that the archbishop had many Privileges throughout all the Lands of the King, and of the Earl, as namely, the amerciament of bloodshed from such time as they cease to say Alleluia in the Church service, till the Octaves of Easter: the which how long it is, let them see which can turn the Pie and the Portuse: and at the lest the one half of every amerciament, due for the unlawful begetting of children, commonly called CySƿite, which last thing, I do the rather note, to the end that it may appear, The Clergy have in croched upon the Prince, in the punishment of adultery. that in those days the Bishops had not wholly gotten into their hands, the correction of adultery and fornication, which of latter times they have challenged from the laity, with such pertinacy: and which they have punished (both in the laity, and clergy) with such lenity, that not only the Prince's commodity is thereby greatly decreased, but also incontinency in his subjects intolerably augmented. Neither is it to be proved by this testimony only, that such was the order in old time, but by the book of doomsday itself also, where it is plainly said. De adulterio Rex habebit hominem, Archiepiscopus mulierem. In case of adultery, the King shall have the man, & the archbishop the woman. etc. But to return to Pinnendene: the commodity of the situation itself, and the example of this notable assembly, have been the cause, that not only the Sheriffs use to hold their County Courts, but also to appoint the meeting for choice of Knights to the parliament, most commonly at this place. Boxley, may take the name either of the Saxon word (boxeleage) for the store of Boxtrees that peradventure sometime grew there, or of (bucesleag) which is as much to say, as a place lying in Vmbelico, in the midst, or Navel of the Shire, as in deed this Boxley doth. AS touching the foundation of Boxley Abbay, abbeys do beget one another. I find an obscure note in ancient Chronicles of S. Wereburges in Chester, where it is thus reported, Anno, 1146. fundata est Boxleia in Cancia, filia Clarevallis propria. Which I call obscure, because it appeareth not to me by the word (filia) whether it be meant, that Boxley were erected by the liberality of the Monastery of Clarevalley, or else instituted only after the possession, rule, and order of the same. For the like notes I find in the same Chronicle of divers other houses within England, to which the same Monastery of Clarevale (and others also) were like good mothers: and amongst the rest, that not many years after, this Monastery of Boxley itself was delivered of such another spiritual child, called the Abbay of Robertsbridge in Sussex. Nevertheless, I make conjecture, that the author meant by (filia) nothing else, but that one Abbay either furthered by exhortation the building of another, or else furnished it after the building with Monks of her own brood: And for more likelihood that this should be his mind, Hear (I pray you) what he saith in another place, Comes Cornubiae fundavit Hails, filiam Belliloci in Anglia, which his words, distinguish plainly between the founder that bore the charge of the building, and the Abbay, after the order and pattern whereof it was instituted. But leaving to comment any longer upon that doubtful text, I will take to witness the Chronicles of Rochester, which (putting the matter out of doubt) say plainly, that one William de Ipre (a noble man, and Lieutenant to King Stephan, in his wars against Maude the Empress) founded the Abbay of Boxley, and planted it with a Covent of white Monks. And so have you at once, the name of the Author, the time of the foundation, and the rule of the profession, at Boxley: whereunto if you shall add the yearly value (which I read in the Record to have been two hundredth and four pounds) you have all that I find written concerning the same. But yet if I should thus leave Boxley, the favourers of false and feigned Religion, would laugh in their sleeves, and the followers of God's truth might justly cry out, and blame me. For, it is yet fresh in mind to both sides, and shall (I doubt not) to the profit of the one, be continued in perpetual memory to all posterity, by what notable imposture, fraud, juggling, and Legierdemain, the silly lambs of God's flock were (not long since) seduced by the false romish Foxes at this Abbay. The manner whereof, I will set down in such sort only, as the same was sometime by themselves published in print (as it is sure) for their estimation and credit, and yet remaineth deeply imprinted in the minds and memories of many on live, to their everlasting reproach, shame, and confusion. The ungrations Rood of Grace. It chanced (as the tale is) that upon a time, a cunning Carpenter of our cou●trey, was taken prisoner in the wars between us and France, who (wanting otherwise to satisfy for his ransom, and having good leisure to devise for his deliverance) thought it best to attempt some curious enterprise, within the compass of his own Art and skill, to make himself some money withal: And therefore, getting together fit matter for his purpose, he compacted of wood wire, paste, and paper, a Rood of such exquisite art, and workmanship, that it not only matched in comeliness, and due proportion of the parts, the best of the common sort: but in strange motion, variety of gesture, and nimbleness of joints, passed all other that before had been seen: the same being able to bow down, and lift up itself, to shake and stir the hands and feet, to nod the head, to roll the eyes, to wag the chaps, to bend the brows, and finally, to represent to the eye, both the proper motion of each member of the body, and also a lively, express, and significant show of a well contented, or displeased mind, biting the lip, and gathering a frowning, froward, and disdainful face, when it would pretend offence: and showing a most mild, amiable, and smile cheer and countenance, when it would seem to be well pleased. So that now it needed not Prometheus' fire, to make it a lively man, but only the help of the covetous Priests of Bell, or the aid of some crafty College of Monks, to deify and make it pass for a very God. This done, he made shift for his liberty, came over into the Realm, of purpose to utter his Merchandise, and laid the Image upon the back of a jade, that he drove before him. Now when he was come so far as to Rochester on his way, he waxed dry by reason of travail, and called at an alehouse for drink to refresh him, suffering his horse nevertheless to go forward alone thorough the City. This jade was no sooner out of sight, but he miss the straight western way that his Master intended to have gone, and turning south, made a great pace toward Boxley, and being driven (as it were) by some divine fury, never ceased till he came at the Abbay church door, where he so beat and bounced with his heels, that divers of the Monks heard the noise, came to the place to know the cause, and (marveling at the strangeness of the thing) called the Abbot and his Covent to behold it. These good men seeing the horse so earnest, and discerning what he had on his back, for doubt of deadly impiety opened the door, which they had no sooner done, but the horse rushed in, and ran (in great haste) to a pillar (which was the very place where this Image was afterward advanced) and there stopped himself, and stood still. Now while the Monks were busy to take off the load, in cometh the Carpenter (that by great inquisition had followed) and he challengeth his own: The Monks, loath to lose so beneficial a stray, at the first make some denial, but afterward, being assured by all signs that he was the very Proprietary, they grant him to take it with him. The carpenter than taketh the horse by the head, and first assayeth to lead him out of the Church, but he would not stir for him: Then beateth he and striketh him, but the jade was so resty and fast nailed, that he would not once remove his foot from the pillar: At the last he taketh off the Image, thinking to have carried it out by itself, and then to have led the horse after, but that also cleaved so fast to the place, that notwithstanding all that ever he and the Monks also, (which at the length were contented for pity's sake to help him) could do, it would not be moved one inch from it, So that in the end, partly of weariness in wrestling with it, and partly by persuasion of the Monks, which were in love with the Picture, and made him believe, that it was by God himself destinate to their house, the Carpenter was contented for a piece of money, to go his way and leave the Rood behind him. Thus you see the generation of this the great God of Boxley, comparable (I warrant you) to the creation of that old beastly Idol Priapus, of which the Poet saith. Olim truncus eram ficulnus, inutile lignum. Cum faber incertus SCAMNUM, FACERETNE PRIAPUM, MALVIT ESSE DEUM: Deus inde ego furum. etc. A Figtree block sometime I was, A log unmeet for use: Till Carver doubting with himself, were't BEST MAKE PRIAPUS, OR ELSE A BENCH? resolved at last To make a God of me: thenceforth a God I am, of birds And thieves most dread, you see. But what? I shall not need to report, how lewdly these Monks, to their own enriching, and the spoil of God's people, abused this wooden God after they had thus gotten him, because a great sort be yet on live, that saw the fraud openly detected at Paul's Cross, and others may read it disclosed in books extant, and commonly abroad. Neither will I labour to compare it throughout, with the Trojan Palladium, which was a picture of wood, that could shake a spear, and roll the eyes as lively as this Rood did: and which falling from heaven, chose itself a place in the Temple, as wisely as this Carpenter's horse did: and had otherwise so great convenience and agreement with this our Image, that a man would easily believe the device had been taken from thence: But I will only note, for my purpose, and the places sake, that even as they fancied that Troy was upholden by that Image, and that the taking of it away by Diomedes and Ulysses, brought destruction (by sentence of the Oracle) upon their City: So the town of Boxley (which stood chief by the Abbay) was through the discovery and defacing of this Idol, and another (wrought by Cranmer and Cromwell) according to the just judgement of God, hastened to utter decay and beggary. S. Runwald, and his miracles. And now since I am fallen into mention of that other Image, which was honoured at this place, I will not stick to bestow a few words for the detection thereof also, as well for that it was, as very an illusion as the former, as also for that the use of them was so linked together, that the one can not thoroughly be understood without the other: for this was the order. If you minded to have benefit by the Rood of Grace, you aught first to be shriven of one of the Monks: Then by lifting at this other Image (which was untruly of the common sort called Saint Grumbald, for Saint Rumwald) you should make proof whether you were in clean life (as they called it) or no: and if you so found yourself, than was your way prepared, and your offering acceptable before the Rood, if not, than it behoved you to be confessed of new, For none might enter into the Temple of Ceres in Eleusis, but such as were innocent. for it was to be thought, that you had concealed somewhat from your ghostly Dad, and therefore not yet worthy to be admitted Ad Sacra Eleusina. Now that you may know, how this examination was to be made, you must understand, that this Saint Rumwald was a pretty short picture of a Boy Saint, standing in the same Church, of itself so small, hollow, and light, that a child of seven years of age might easily lift it, and therefore of no moment at all, in the hands of such persons as had offered frankly: But by mean of a pin of wood, stricken through it into a post (which a false knave standing behind, could put in, and pull out, at his pleasure) it was to such as offered faintly, so fast and unmovable, that no force of hand could once stir it: In so much, as many times, it moved more laughter, than devotion, to behold a great lubber to lift at that in vain, which a young boy or wench had easily taken up before him. I omit, that chaste Virgins, and honest married matrons, went oftentimes away with blushing faces, leaving (without cause) in the minds of the lookers on, suspicion of unclean life, and wanton behaviour: for fear of which note and villainy, women (of all other) stretched their purse strings, and sought by liberal offering, to make Saint Rumwalds' man their good friend and Master. But mark here (I beseech you) their pretty policy in picking plain folks purses. It was in vain (as they persuaded) to presume to the Rood without shrift, yea, and money lost there also, if you offer before you were in clean life. And therefore, the matter was so handled, that without treble oblation, (that is to say) first to the Confessor, then to Saint Rumwald, and lastly to the Gracious Rood, the poor Pilgrims could not assure themselves, of any good gained by all their labour: Not more than such as go to Parisgardein, the Bell Sauage●, or some other such common place, to behold Bear baiting, Interludes, or Fence play, can accounted of any pleasant spectacle, unless they first pay one penny at the gate, another at the entry of the scaffold, and the third for a quiet standing. I myself can not conjecture, what reason should move them, to make this Saint Rumwald the Touchstone of clean life and innocency, unless it be upon occasion of a miracle that he did, in making two holy Priests to lift a great stone easily, which before divers lay persons could not stir, with all their strength and ability: Which thing (as also his whole life and death) to the end that the tale shall want no part of due credit, I will shortly recite, as in the work called Nova Legenda Angliae, I find reported. A Pagan or unchristened King of Northumberland, had married a Christian woman, daughter to Penda, the King of middle England, who would not (by any means (be known carnally of her husband, till such time as he had condescended to forsake Idolatry, and to become a Christian with her. The Nativity of S. Rumwald. The husband (with much to do) consented to the condition, and she not long after waxed great with child, and as (upon a time) they were riding toward their Father King Penda, she fell into travail of child birth, and was delivered by the way (in a fair meadow) at Sutton of a man child, which so soon as he was come out of his mother's belly, cried with a loud voice, three several times, Christianus sum, Christianus sum, Christianus sum. I am a Christian, I am a Christian, I am a Christian. And not ceasing thus, made forthwith plain profession of his faith, desired to be baptized, chose his Godfathers, named himself Rumwald, and with his finger directed the standers by to fetch him a great hollow stone, that he would have to be used for the font: hereupon sundry of the King's servants, assayed to have brought the stone, but it was so far above all their strengths, that they could not once move it: when the Child perceived that, he commanded the two Priests (his appointed Godfathers) to go and bring it, which they did forthwith most easily. This done he was baptized, and within three days after (having in the mean while discoursed cunningly sundry mysteries of Popish religion, and bequeathing his body to remain at Sutton one year, at Brackley two, and at Buckingham for ever after) his Spirit departed out of his body, & was by the hands of the Angels conveyed into heaven. Mylton, in Saxon Midetun, so called of the situation, for it lieth in the midst between two places, the termination of whose names be in tun also, that is to say, Newentun, and Marstun. EVen at such time as King Alfred divided this Shire into Laths and hundrethes, the Town of Midleton, or Milton (as we now call it, by our common manner of contraction) was in his own hands, & therefore set forth in our ancient Histories by the name and title of, Regia Villa de Midleton. In which respect (of like) he gave to the hundredth, the name of the same Town, as of a place more eminent than any other within that precinct. Kemsley Town, in the Parish of this Midleton, is the very place, wherein the time and reign of the same King Alfred, Kemsley down. Hasten the Dane (that so much annoyed France) arrived and fortified, as we have at full disclosed in Apledore before. This Town, continued of good estimation, until the Reign of King Edward the Confessor, in whose days, and during the displeasure between him, and Earl Godwine, such as were of the devotion of the Earl at home, burned the kings house at Midleton, while he and his Sons abroad ransacked, harried and spoiled the skirts, and out sides, of the whole shire besides, after which time, I have not read, neither is it likely, that the place was of any price, or estimation. Sedingbourne, in Saxon Saetungburna; that is, the Hamlet along the Bourne, or small River. One interpreteth it, as if it were, Seethingbourne, Riuus Feruiens, aut Bulliens, but how likely let others see. FOr want of pertinent matter, touching either the beginning, increase, or present estate of this place, I am driven to furnish the room with an impertinent Sermon, that a mitred Father of Rochester long since bestowed upon his auditory there. In the time of King Henry the third, and after the death of Richard, the archbishop of Canterbury (surnamed the great) The Monks of Christ's Church were determined to have chosen for their archbishop, Ralph Noville, the Bishop of Chichester, and Chancellor to the King: but Gregory the Pope, fearing that Ralph would have travailed earnestly for release of the tribute, which his innocent predecessor had gained by King john's submission (for the story sayeth, that Noville was a good man, and true hearted in his Country) bore the Monks in hand, that he was rash in word, and presumptuous in act, and therefore much unworthy of such a dignity: Nevertheless, because he would not seem utterly to infringe the liberty of their election, he gave them free licence to take any other man besides him. Whereupon, the Monks agreed, and chose one john, the Prior of their own house. The Popish manner of preaching. Now, when this man should go to Rome (as the manner was) for to buy his confirmation, Henry (than Bishop of Rochester) addressed himself to accompany him to his Ship, and when they were come to this Town, the Bishop of Rochester stepped into the Pulpit, like a pretty man, and gave the Auditory, a clerkly collation, and Preachement (after many other things) he burst forth into great joy, (as a man that had been rapt into the third Heaven) and said. Rejoice in the Lord (my brethren all) and know ye assuredly, that now of late in one day, there departed out of purgatory, Richard (sometime) King of England, Stephan Langton, the archbishop of Canterbury, and a chaplain of his, to go to to the divine Majesty. And in that day, thereissued no more, but these three, out of the place of pains: and fear not to give full and assured faith to these my words, for this thing hath been now the third time revealed unto me, and to another man, & that so plainly, as from mine own mind all suspicion of doubt is far removed. These few words, I have in manner translated out of Thomas Rudburne, and Mathewe of Westminster, to the end that you might see, with what wholesome and comfortable bread, the preaching Prelates of that time fed their Auditories, and that you might hereby consider, that, Si lux sit tenebrae, If the Bishops, the great torches of that time, were thus dim, Ipsae tenebrae quantae? What light was to be looked for at the little candles, the soul Priests, and seely Sir john's. Believe me, if his Fatherhood had not plainly confessed, Popish purgatory, is derived out of Poetry. that he came to the knowledge of this matter by revelation, I would easily have believed, that he had been with Anchises in Hell, as Aeneas sometime was, where he learned, what souls should come next to life, and where he hard the liveliest description of Poetical, or Popish Purgatory, (for all is one) that is any where to be found. Which to the end that you may see what agreement there is between the old and the new Romans, touching this article of religion, I will show it you, in a few of Virgil's own verses. Quin & supremo cum lumine vita reliquit, Non tamen omne malum miseris, nec funditus omnes Corporeae excedunt pests, penitusque necesse est Multa diu concreta, modis inolescere miris. Ergo exercentur paenis, veterumque malorum Supplicia expendunt. Aliae panduntur inanes Suspensae ad ventos, alijs sub gurgite vasto Infectum eluitur scelus, aut exuritur igni: Quisque suos patimur manes. Exinde per amplum Mittimur Elysium, & pauci laeta arua tenemus: Donec longa dies, perfecto temporis orb, Concretam exemit labem, purumque reliquit Aetherium sensum, atque aurai simplicis ignem. Which Thomas Phaer translated after this manner. Moreover, when their end of life, and light doth them forsake, Yet can they not their sins, nor so- rows all (poor souls) of shake, Nor all contagious fleshly from them voids, but must of need Much things congendred long, by won- derous means at last out spread: Therefore they plagued been, and for their former faults and sins, Their sundry pains they bide: some high in air do hung on pings, Some fleeting been in floods, and deep in gulfs themselves they tire, Till sins away be washed, or clen- sed clean with purging sire. Each one of us our paenance here abide, that sent we be To Paradise at last: we few these fields of joy do see. Till compass long of time, by per- fect course hath purged quite, Our former cloddred spots, and pure hath left our Ghostly Spirit, And senses pure of soul, and sim- i'll sparks of heavenly light. Now therefore, if this Bishop's Poetry may be allowed for divinity, me thinketh that with great reason I may entreat, that not only this work of Virgil's Aeneides, But Homer's Iliads, Ovid's Fasts, & Lucian's Dialogues also, may be made Canonical: for these all excel in such kind of fiction. tongue Castle, or rather Thong Castle, in Saxon þƿangceastses, in British Caerkerry, of (Thwang, and Karry) both which words, signify a Thong of leather. THe British Chronicle, discoursing the invitation, arrival, & entertainment of Hengist and Horsa, the Saxon captains, mentioneth, that among other devices (practised for their own establishment and security) they begged of King Vortiger, so much land to fortify upon, as the hide of a beast (cut into thongs) might encompass, and that thereof the place should be called Thongraster, or Thwangraster: after such a like manner, as Dido (long since beguiling Hiarbas, the King of Lybia) builded the Castle Byrsa, containing twenty and two furlongs in circuit, of which Virgil spoke, saying. Mercatique solum, facti de nomine Byrsam, Taurino possint quantum circundare tergo. etc. They bought the soil, & Byrsa it called, when first they did begin, As much as with a Bull hide cut, they could enclose within. But Saxon Grammaticus applieth this Act to the time of the Danes, Doncaster in the North Country. affirming that one juarus (a Dane) obtained by this kind of policy, at the hands of Etheldred, the Brother of Alfred to build a fort. And as these men agree, not upon the builder, so is there variance between written story, & common speech, touching the true place of the building: for it should seem by Galfrid, Hector Boctius, & Ric Cirencester, the it was at Doncaster in the North Country, because they lay it in Lindsey, which now is extended no further than to the North part of Lincoln shire: But common opinion (conceived upon report, received of the elders by tradition) challengeth it to tongue Castle in this Shire: Whereunto if a man do add, that both the first planting, and the chief abiding, of Hengist and Horsa, was in Kent, and adjoin thereto the authority of Mathewe of Westminster: which writeth plainly, that Aurelius Ambrose, the captain of the Britons, provoked Hengist to battle at Tongue in Kent, he shall have cause, neither to falsify the one opinion lightly, nor to faith the other unadvisedly. And as for mine own opinion of Doncaster, (which is taken to be the same, that Ptolemy calleth Camulodunum) I think verily, that it was named of the water Done, whereon it standeth and not of Thong, as some feign it. Which derivation, whether it be not less violent, (and yet no less reasonable,) then the other, I dare refer to any reasonable and indifferent Reader. To this place therefore, of right belongeth the story of King Vortigers Wassailing, which I have already exemplified in the general discourse of the ancient estate of this Country, and for that cause do think it more meet to refer you thither, then here to repeat it. Tenham, in Saxon TynHam; that is to say, a Town (or Hamlet) often houses, as Eightam, had the name of EaHtHam, a Hamlet (or Town) of eight dwellings. AT Tenham was long since a mansion house, pertaining to the See of Canterbury, where, in the time of King john, Hubert the archbishop departed this life, as Mathewe Parise reporteth, who addeth also, that when the King had intelligence of his death, he braced forth into great joy, and said, that he was never a King (in deed) before that hour. It seemeth, that he thought himself delivered of a shrew, but little foresaw he that a shrewder should succeed in the room, for if he had, he would rather have prayed for the continuance of his life, than joyed in the understanding of his death. For after this Hubert, followed Stephan Langton, who brought upon King john such a tempestuous Sea of sorrowful trouble, that it caused him to make shipwreck, both of his honour, crown, and life also: The story hath appeared at large in Dover before, and therefore needeth not now eftsoons to be repeated. Shepey, in Latin, Insula ovium, & Oninia, in Saxon, Sceapige, the isle of Sheep. SExburga (the wife of Ercombert, a King of Kent) following the ensample of Eanswide, the daughter of King Ethelbald) erected a Monastery of women in the isle of Shepey, called Minster, which (in the late Just, and general suppression) was found to be of the yearly value of an hundredth and twenty pounds. This house, and the whole Isle was scourged by the Danes, whom I may well call (as Attila, the leader of the like people, called himself) Flagellum Dei, the whip or flail of God, three times within the space of twenty years, and a little more: first, by thirty and five sail of them, that arrived there and spoiled it: Secondly, and thirdly, by the armies of them, that wintered their ships within it: Besides all which harms, the followers of the Earl Godwine and his sons (in the time of their proscription) landed at Shepey, and harried it. It should seem by the dedication of the name, that this Island was long since greatly esteemed, The English sheep and wool. either for the number of the Sheep, or for the fineness of the fleece, although ancient foreign writers ascribe not much to any part of all England, and much less to this place, either for the one respect, or for the other: But whether the Sheep of this Realm were in price before the coming of the Saxons, or not, they be now (God be thanked therefore) worthy of great estimation, both for the exceeding fineness of the fleece (which passeth all other in Europe at this day, and is to be compared with the ancient delicate wool of Tarentum, or the Golden Fleece of Colchos, itself) and for the abundant store of flocks, so increasing every where, that not only this little Isle, which we have now in hand, but the whole realm also, might rightly be called Shepey. Quinborowe, called in Latin, Regius Burgus, in Saxon, CyningburH, That is to say, The King's Castle. King Henry the eight fortfieth his Realm. AT the West end of Shepey, lieth Quinborowe Castle, the occasion of the first building whereof, was this. King Edward the third, determining (about the thirteenth year of his reign) to make demand of his right to the Crown of France, first quieted Scotland by force, then entered amity with his neighbours of Holland, Seland, and Brabant, and lastly (fortifying at this place for defence of the Thamise) made expedition by Sea, and land, against the French King, and moved war that had long continuance, wherein, nevertheless after sundry discomfitures given, before Sluse, Cressey, calais, and Poitiers, he was in the end, right honourably satisfied. During this building, William of Wickam (surnamed Perot) a man not so plentifully endowed with good learning, as abundantly stored with Ecclesiastical living, (for he had nine hundredth pounds of yearly revenue, fourteen years together, and was afterward by degrees advanced to the keeping, first of the privy, and then of the broad Seal) was Surveyor of the king's works, which is the very cause (as I conjecture) that some have ascribed to him the thank of the building itself. This platform was repaired by King Henry the eight, at such time as he raised Blockhouses along the Sea coasts, for the causes already rehearsed in Deal. Of Quinborowe, Leland saith thus, Castrum Regius editum recipit Burgus, fulmina dira, & insulanos Tutos servat, ab impetu vel omni. A Castle high, and thundering shot, At Quinbrought is now placed: Which keepeth safe the Islanders, From every spoil and waste. The name is fallen (as you see) by depravation of speech from Kingesborowe, to Quinborowe: howbeit, the Etymology is yet conserved, both in our ancient histories, & in the style of the Court (or law-day) there. I may add, that in memory of the first name, the Ferry or passage from the isle to the main land, is yet called The King's ferry also. Feversham, in Saxon fafresHam; AS it is very likely, that the Town of Feversham received the chief nourishment of her increase from the Religious house: So there is no doubt, but that the place was somewhat of price long time before the building of that Abbay there. For it is to be seen, that King Ethelstane held a parliament, and enacted certain laws at Feversham, about six hundredth and forty years ago: at which time (I think) it was some Manor house belonging to the Prince, the rather, for that afterward King William the Conqueror (to whose hands at length it came) amongst other things, gave the advowson of the Church, to the Abbay of S. Augustine's, and the Manor itself to a Normane in recompense of service. But what time king Stephan had in purpose to build the Abbay, he recovered the Manor again, by exchange made with one William de Ipre (the founder of Boxley) for Lillychurch: and raising there a stately Monastery (the temporalties whereof did amount to a hundred fifty & five pounds) he stored it with Cluniake Monks. This house, was first honoured with the burial of Adelicia the Queen, his wife: Then with the Sepulture of Eustachius his only son: and shortly after him self also was there interred by them. I read none other thing worthy remembrance touching this place, Save that in the reign of King john, there broke out a great controversy between him and the Monks of S. Augustine's, Monks do contend with the King forcibly, touching the right of the Patronage of the Church of Feversham. For, notwithstanding that King William the Conqueror, had given it to the Abbay (as appeareth before) yet, there wanted not some (of which number Hubert the archbishop was one) that whispered King john in the ear, that the right of the Aduouson was devoluted unto him: which thing he believing, presented a Clerk to the Church, and besides commanded by his writ, that his presentée should be admitted. The Abbot on the other side withstood him, & for the more sure enjoying of his possession, not only ejected the King's Clerk, but also sent thither divers of his Monkers to keep the Church by strong hand. When the King understood of that, he commanded the Sheriff of the Shire, to levy the power of his county, and to restore his presentée: Which commandment the officer endeavoured to put in execution accordingly: But such was the courage of these holy whoresons, that before the Shefiffe could bring it to pass, he was driven to win the Church by assault, in the which he hurt and wounded divers of them, and drew and haled the rest out of the doors, by the hair and heels. Now it chanced that (at the same time) john the Cardinal of Saint Stephans, (the Pope's Legate into Scotland) passed through this Realm, to whom (as he sojourned at Canterbury) the Monks made their moan: and he again, both encouraged them to send their Prior to Rome for remedy, & furnished them with his own Letters, in commendation of their cause: In which, amongst other things, he told the holy father Innocentius plainly, that if he would suffer Monks to be thus entreated, the apostolic authority would soon after be set at naught, not only in England, but in all other countries also. Here upon the Pope sent out his commission, for the understanding of the matter: but the Monks (being now better advised) took a shorter way, and sending to the King two hundredth marks in a purse, and a fair Palfrey for his own saddle, they both obtained at his hands restitution of their right, & also won him to become from thenceforth their good Lord and Patron. But here (I pray you) consider with me, whether these men be more likely to have been brought up in the School of Christ, and Paul his Apostle (who teach, Ne resistatis malo: & vincatis bono malum) Or rather to have drawn their divinity out of Terence Comedy, where the counsel is, Malumus nos prospicere, quam hunc ulcisci accepta iniuria, yea, and out of the worst point of all Tully's Philosophy, where he permitteth, Lacessitis iniuria, infer vim & iniuriam, seeing they be so ready, not of even ground only, but before hand, not to answer, but to offer, force and violence, even to Kings and Princes themselves. I wis they might have taken a better lesson out of Terence himself, who adviseth wise men, Consilio omnia prius experiri, quam armis, and therefore I pity their beating so much the less. But by this and such other monkish parts of theirs, you may see, Quid otium & cibus faciat alienus. Genlade, and Gladmouthe. BEda hath mention of a water in Kent, running by Reculuers, which he calleth Genlade: This name was afterward sounded Yenlade, by the same misrule, that geard is now Yard, geoc Yoke, gyld Yield, gemen Yeomen, and such other. Henry of Huntingdon also reporteth, that King Edward (the Son of Alfred builded at Gladmouth: This place I conjecture to have stood at the mouth of that River, and thereof to have been called first Genlademouthe, and afterwards (by contraction, and corruption of speech) Glademouthe. For, The names of Towns framed out of the mouths of Rivers. The corruption of our English speech. to compound the name of a Town, out of the mouth of a River adjoining, was most familiar with our ancestors: as the name Exmouthe was framed out of the River Ex: Dartmouthe of the water Dert: Stourmouth in this Shire, of Stowre, and such other like: And no less common with us of later time is it, to corrupt (by contraction) the true names almost of all places, but especially of so many of the same, as consisted at the first of three syllables, or above. For, of Medweys' Town, we make Maidstone, of Eglesford, Ailsford, of Ottanford Otford, of Sevennocke Sennock, and so forth infinitely both throughout this Shire, and the whole Realm: and that so rudely (in a great many) that hardly a man may know them to be the same: For Maildulphesbyrig we call Malmesbury, Eovesham Esham, and Hagustaldsham we cut of by the waste, and nickname it, Hexam: Neither hath this our manner of abbreviation, corrupted the names of towns contagion) almost our whole speech & language, calling that which in old time was Heofod; now Head, Kyning King, Hlaford Lord, Sunu Son, and in numerable such other, so that our speech at this day (for the most part) consisteth of words of one syllable. Which thing Erasmus observing, merrily in his Ecclesiast. Compareth the English tongue to a Dogs barking, that soundeth nothing else, but Baw, waw, waw in Monosillable. If this roveing arrow of mine own conjecture, have miss the mark of Glademouth whereat I directed my shot, yet will I prick at Yenlade with an other out of the same quiver, and happily go nearer it. Beda speaketh there of the North-east mouth of the flood Genlade: which speech of his were idle, if that water had none other mouth but that one. And therefore, having read that the Northwest month of the same water, running between Shepey & Hoo, is called Yenlade also (though our Statute books, misplacing some letters, name it corruptly Yendal) I suppose, that Yenlade is a name proper to the whole stream that passeth between Shepey and the main Land, having the two mouths, Eastswale and Westswale, well enough known. Reculuers, in Saxon Raculf minster; derived (as I guess) of the British word, Racor, that signifieth forward, for so it standeth, toward the Sea. THe present estate of Reculuers, deserveth not many words: As touching the antiquity therefore, and beginning of the place, I read, first that Ethelbert, ●he first King of Kent, having placed Augustine at Canterbury, withdrew himself to Reculuer, and there erected a Palace for himself and his successors: Furthermore, that Ecgbrighte, (the seventh King of Kent, in succession after Hengist) gave to one Bassa, the land at Reculuer, The River called Wantsume. to build him a minster upon, which stood at the one side of the water. Wantsume, that ran two sundry ways into the Sea, and made Tanet an Island: And finally, that not long after the same time, one Brightwald (being Abbot there) was advanced to the archbishopric of Canterbury, & was the first oh all the Saxon Nation, that aspired to that dignity. In which behalf, Reculuers, (how poor and simple soever otherwise) hath (as you see) somewhat whereof to vaunt itself: As it may also, of the body of Ethelbert the second (a King of Kent) which (as the Annals of Saint Augustine's report) remaineth likewise interred there. Thus have I walked about this whole Diocoese: now therefore let me cut over to Watlingstreete, The order of this description. which I will use for my way to Rochester, and tell you of the places that lie on each side. But first, hear (I pray you) of Stouremouthe, and Wyngham, which be in my way to Watlingstreate. Stouremouthe, in Latin, Ostium Sturae, that is to say, the mouth of the River Stoure. KIng Alfred, having many times (and that with much loss, & more danger) encountered his enemies the Danes, & finding that by reason of the sundry swarms of them, arriving in divers parts of his Realm at once, he was not able to repulse them being landed, he rigged up a royal Navy, and determined to keep the high Seas, hoping thereby either to beat them upon the water, or to burn their vessels if they should fortune to arrive. Soon after this, it fortuned his Navy to meet with the Danish fleet at the mouth of the River Stoure, where at the first enccunter, the Danes lost sixteen sail of their ships: But, (as many times it falleth out, that security followeth victory) so the Kings army kept no watch, by reason whereof the Danes having repaired their forces, came freshly upon the English Mariners at unwares, and finding them fast a sleep, gave them a great and bloody overthrow. The likeness, or rather, the agreement, of the names, would lead a man to think, that the true place of this conflict, should be Stouremouthe in this Shire, the rather for that it is derived of the mouth of the river Stoure and that by the circumstance of the story it appeareth, that King Alfred was in Kent when he made determination of this journey. Howbeit, he that shall advisedly read the story, as it is set down by Asserus, shall confess it to have been in Eastangle, which contained Norfolk and Suffolk, etc. And for the more certainty, I take it to have chanced at the same place, which we now call Harwiche Haven. For that River divideth Essex from Suffolk, and not far from the head thereof in Essex, there standeth a Town yet called Sturmere, which (in my fantasy) sufficiently maintaineth the knowledge of this matter. Thus much I thought fit to say of the name Stowremouth, lest otherwise the Reader (whom I would keep within the limits of Kent) might be shipped in the boat of this error, and be suddenly carried from me. Again, it shall not be amiss (for the better understanding of this self same History, penned by Henry Huntingdon) to note that in this place, he calleth the Danes, not Paganos, as in the rest of his book he useth, but by a strange name Wicingas, as the Saxon Chronicles, in report of the same matter, do term them: which word (I think) he took out of some Saxon Chronicle that he followed, and happily understood not what it signified: For if he had, why should he not rather (since he wrote Latin) have called them Piratas, as the word in deed meaneth, and as Asserus in the rehearsal of the same fight, had done before him. It may be, The decay of the old English tongue. that he was a Norman borne: but truly I suppose rather, that the Saxon speech was well nigh worn out of ure, in the reign of King Stephan, (under whom he lived) seeing that even immediately after the coming in of the Conqueror, it began to decline. For it is plain, that the Normans at the very first entry, laboured by all means, to supplant the English, and to plant their own language amongst us: and for that purpose, they both gave us the laws, and all manner of pastimes, in the French tongue, as he that will peruse the Laws of the Conqueror, and consider the terms of Hawking, Hunting, tennis, Dice play, and other disports, shall easily perceive: They rejected also, the Saxons Characters, & all that their wonted manner of writing, as writeth Ingulphus, the Abbot of Croyland (which came over with them) and as a man may yet see in the book of doomsday itself, which (notwithstanding that it was written within a few years, after the arrival of the Conqueror) yet being penned by Normans, it retaineth very few letters of the Saxon Alphabet. Thus far by occasion of the water Stoure in Suffolk: as touching the course of our own River of the same caling (which both giveth the present name of Stourey, & Stouremouthe, and the old name to Canterbury, also) I will refer you wholly to the Map of this Shire. Wingham. BEsides the stately, The archbishops were well housed. and Princelike palaces at Canterbury, Maidstone Otford, Knoll, Croyden, and Lamb-hythe, which the Archbishops of this Shire kept in their hands, both to perform their set solemnities of housekeeping, and to sojourn at, with their whole trains, when they travailed toward the Court, and parliament, or remained for business about the same: they had also of ancient time divers other Manor houses of less cost and capacity, planted in divers parts of this Country, in which they used to breath themselves, after their great feasts and affairs finished, and to lodge at, when they travailed the Country to make their visitations. Of this number (amongst other) were Ford, chart, Charing, Charteham, Tenham, and this our Wingham: at the which, Baldwyne (the archbishop in the Reign of King Henry the second) lay, at such time, as he had contention with his covent of Christ's Church, for making a Chapel at Hakington, as in fit place you shall find more largely disclosed. In the mean season, I will only tell you, that (as the Annals of Saint Augustine's report) when two of his Monks came to this house on horseback, in great haste to serve the process of that suit upon him, he received the Process dutifully, but he caused them to dismount, and to walk home on foot fair and softly. At this house also, Provision of armour● King Edward the first rested for a season, with Robert of Winchelsey (then newly made archbishop) whilst he took order for the defence of the Sea Coasts, charging both the spirituality and commons with horse and armour, according to the quantities of their livelyhoodes and possessions. And here was he advertised, that one of his family (called Sir Thomas Turbeville, whom he had sent into Gascoine with commission) was fallen into the hands of the French King his enemy, and imprisoned in Paris, and that for his deliverance he had conspired with the French King, and promised to betray the King, his master: whereupon king Edward caused such diligent watch to be laid for him, that he was taken, and such speedy and severe justice to be executed upon him, that he was forthwith condemned, drawn thorough London, and hanged on live. Of this man a Poet of that age, alluding to his name, made this verse following, and some other. Turbat tranquilla clam, Thomas Turbida Villa. etc. Our things now in tranquillity, Thom. Turbuill troubleth privily. The names of Laths, and of Wapentakes. It is no small token of the ancient estimation of this place, that it giveth the name to the whole hundred in which it is situate: for that is most usual, both in this Shire, and elsewhere, that the whole territory, (be it Lathe, Wapentake, or hundredth) most commonly beareth the name of some one place, most notable, and excelling other within the same at the time of the name imposed, although happily at this day, some other place do much exceed it. To make an end, here was sometime a religious College, the governor whereof was called a Provost, which I suppose to have been founded by some of the archbishops, and I find to have been valued at fourscore and four pounds of yearly revenue. Watling street in Saxon, ƿeatlingastrete, of one Weatle, whom the printed book of Mat. West. calleth untruly Wading. KIng Molmutius, the British Solon, & first Law maker, The Privileges of high ways. decreed amongst other things: that such as were found praying in the Temple, labouring at the plough, or travailing in the high ways should not be impeached by any officer, but that they should enjoy peaceable freedom and liberty, both for their goods & persons: But, forasmuch as he had not (in his life time) described those ways that he would have thus privileged, great contention arose after his death, which ways should be taken for high and royal, and which not: and therefore, Belinus, (his Son and successor) to cease all controversy, limited in certain, four especial high ways: whereof the first was called, Erming-streete, and lead (after the opinion of some) from southhampton to S. David's in Wales, or (as others writ) to Carlisle in the north: the second was named Fosseway, and extended from Cathnes in the North of Scotland to Totnes, a cape of Cornwall: The third Ikeneled (or as others writ it) Rekeneld, and reached from East to West (as Huntingdon affirmeth) but as others will, from Tinmouth to S. david's, which is from North-east to south-west. Watlingstreete, where we now are, was the fourth, and it began at Dover (after the opinion of Ralph Higden) passed through the midst of Kent, crossed the Thamise at the West end of London, (howbeit others, to whom I rather incline, think that it ran through London, and there left the name to Watling-streete there) from thence to S. Albon, Dunstable, Stretford, Towcester, Lilburne, & Wrecken, thence over the river of Severne to Stretton, & so through the midst of Wales to Cardigan, and to the bank of the Irish Sea. And this is the common and received opinion (although in deed there be divers) touching the first beginning and description of this way. But Simon the chanter of Durham, and he that made the continuation to the History of Asserus Menevensis (both very good authors) ascribe both the beginning and the name also of this way, to the sons of a Saxon King, whom they called Weatle: which their opinion, as I do not greatly receive, because I find not that name (Weatle) in any Catalogue of the Kings that I have seen: So will I not rashly reject it, for the estimation that I otherwise retain of the writers themselves: But do leave the Reader to his free choice, to take or leave the one, or the other. And, as there is difference concerning the first beginning and name of this way: So all agree not in the trace and true course of the same. For Henry (the archdeacon of Huntingdon) affirmeth, that it stretched from Dover to Chester. And this Simon reporteth, that it extended itself from the East Sea, to the West. Which third and last opinion, may well enough stand, either with the first, or the second. But now, as touching this privilege granted by Molmutius, although it continued not altogether in the same plight, yet some shadow thereof remaineth even to this day, as by the laws of King Edward the Confessor, which confirmed the protection of the four ways by name, and by the Statute of Marlbridge, which forbiddeth distresses to be taken in any the Kings high ways, or common streets, and by the Statute (called Articuli Cleri) which commandeth that such as abjured, should not be molested while they be in the high ways, may evidently appear. I find in History, that this Watlingstreete, hath heretofore, not only served for the free passage of the people, but that it hath been (at times also) a mark and bounder between some Kings, for the limits of their jurisdictions and authority: For so it was between Edmund and Anlaf, Alfred and Guthrum, and others. But, because these matters reach further than this Shire extendeth, The order of this description. I will reserve them to fit place, and show you in the mean while, what I count note worthy on both sides of this way, till I come to the Diocese of Rochester. lining. ON the South side of Watlingstreete, and under the Downs, lining is the first that offereth itself: concerning the which, I have found a note or twain, that make more for the antiquity, then for the estimation of the place: for I read in the Annals of S. Augustine's of Canterbury, that Eadbald (the son of King Ethelbert, the first Christened King of Kent) gave it to Edburge his sister, who forthwith clocked together a sort of simple women, which under her wing there, took upon them the Popish veil of widowhood. But that order in time waxed cold, and therefore Lanfranc the archbishop, at such time as he builded Saint Gregory's in Canterbury (as we have touched in Tanet before) reckoning it no small ornament of his dotation, S. Gregory's in Canterburi first builded. to bestow some renowned Relic, that might procure estimation to his work, translated the old bones of Edburge from lining to Saint Gregory's, Relics. and verified in Papistry, the old Maxim of Philosophy, Corruptio unius, generatio alterius. Baramdowne, in the Saxon, BarHamdune; That is to say, the hill where the Boars do abide. AS this place is of itself very fit (by reason of the flat level and plainness thereof) to array an hest of men upon: So have we testimony of three great armies that have mustered at it: The one under the conduct of julius Caesar, who landing at Deal (as we have before showed) surveyed his host at Baramdowne, and marching from thence against the Britons, so daunted their forces, that he compelled them to become tributary: Not less infortunate, but much more infamous to this country, was the time of the second muster, King john yieldeth to the Pope. which happened in the reign of King john: who hearing that Philip (the king of France) had by incitation of the Pope (as hath already appeared in Dover) prepared a great army to invade him, and that he was ready at calais to take shipping, determined to encounter him upon the Sea, and (if that assay succeeded not) then to give him a battle on the land also: For which service he rigged up his ships of war, and sent to the Sea, the Earl of Salisbury, (whom he ordained Admiral) and calling together fit men from all the parts of the Realm, he found (by view taken at this place) an army of sixty thousand men to encounter his enemies, besides a sufficient number of able and armed soldiers, to defend the land withal: Now, whilst he thus awaited at Baramdown, to hear further of his adversaries coming, Pandulph (the Pope's Legate) sent unto him, two Knights of the order of the Temple, by whose mouth he earnestly desired the King to grant him audience. The King assented, and the Legate came unto him, and said in sum as followeth. Behold (O Prince) the King of France is in arms against thee, not as against a private enemy to himself alone, but as an open and common adversary both to the Catholic Church, to the Pope's holiness, to whole Christendom, and to God himself: Neither cometh he upon opinion of his own power and strength, but is armed with great confidence of God's favourable aid, accompanied with the consent of many great Princes, furnished with the presence of such as thou haste banished out of thy Realm, and assured by the faithful promises of sundry of thine own Nobility, which now are present in person with thee. Consider therefore in what danger thou standest, and spare not to submit thee, while space is: least if thou persist, there be no place left of further favour. The King hearing this, and being (upon causes known to himself) more distrustful of Traitors at home, then fearful of enemies abroad, agreed to serve the time, and taking the Legate to Dover with him, sealed the Golden Bull of submission, whereby England was once again made a tributary Province to the City of Rome, and that in so much the more vile condition, than it was before: as an usurped hierarchy, is inferior to a noble, lawful and renowned Monarchy. For it is truly said, Dignitate domini, minus turpis est conditio servi. Now when the French King on the other side of the Seas, had word hereof, he retired with his army in a great choler, partly for that he was thus deluded, but chief because he had lost his Navy, which the Earl of Salisbury had set on fire in the haven at calais. The Baron's war. Simon Mountfort (the Earl of Leycester,) that was elected by the Barons of this Realm, general of that army which they raised against King Henry the third, arrayed thirdly a very great host of men here, at such time as he feared the arrival of Eleonar the Queen, who being daughter to the Earl of Province, and then left in France behind the King and the Earl, (which also had been both there a little before, to receive the French King's reward, touching their controversy) ceased not by all possible means, to solicit the King of France, and to incite other her friends and allies, to aid King Henry against the Nobility. But whether it were, that presently they could not, for their own affairs, or that at all they durst not, knowing that their coming was awaited, they served not her desire: by means whereof, the Lords waxed strong, and soon after gave the King a battle in Sussex, wherein they both took him, and his brother Richard, and his eldest son prisoners. But as touching the original, proceeding, and event of these wars, I willingly spare to speak much in this place, knowing that I shall have opportunity often hereafter to discourse them. Now therefore, let us consider, a few other places, and then haste us to Canterbury. Charteham. AFter such time, as King john had made himself the Pope's tenant of the Crown and Realm of England, (as even now I told you) the Clergy of this country was so oppressed with romish exactions, that they were become, not only unable, but thereby unwilling also, to relieve the necessity of the Prince, with any priest of money, as in times paste they had accustomed to do. Whereat the King on the one side taking offence, pressed them many times very hard, not ceasing till he had wrong somewhat from them: And on the other side, appealing to their holy father's aid, procured (by their great cost) many sharp prohibitions, and proud menacies against him. So that sundry times in the reign of King Henry the third, this ball was busily tossed between the King & the Pope, the Clergy (in the mean while) looking upon, but nothing laughing at the game. The Pope's revenue in England. Among other things done for the manifestation of the Pope's ravin, the same King at one time commanded a general survey to be made of the Pope's yearly revenue within this realm, & found it to surmount the yearly receipt of his own Exchequer, in very rent, besides innumerable secret gifts and rewards, whereof no account could be made. Hereupon the Prince, by advise of his Realm, sent special messengers to the general counsel, that was then holden at Lions in France, with commission to sue for redress: The like complaint also, was at the same time, and for the same cause, exhibited by the King of France: Neither was the state of the Empire free from the heavy yoke of that Popish oppression: for M. Parise reporteth that even them, the Emperor himself wrote an earnest letter to the King & Nobility of this realm, soliciting them to join with him in withstanding the tyranny of the Romish See. Howbeit, all this could not help, but that the Popes (labouring daily more & more with this incurable disease of Philargyrie) continually peeled the English Clergy, and so encountered King Henry, that in the end he was driven to use the mean of the Pope's authority, whensoever he needed aid of his own spirituality. After Henry, followed his Son Edward the first: who being more occupied in Martial affairs then his Father was: And thereby more often enforced to use the help of his subjects, for the raising of some necessary Masses of money, now and then borrowed of his Clergy, till at the length, Pope Boniface the eight (treading the path of his predecessors pride) took upon him to make a constitution, That if any Clerk gave to a lay man, or if any lay person should take of a Clerk, any spiritual goods, he should forthwith stand excommunicate. By colour of which decree, the Clergy of England, at such time as the King next desired their cuntribution towards his wars, made answer with one assent, That they would gladly, A parliament without the Clergy. but they might not safely without the Pope's licence, agree to his desire. Hereat the King waxed wroth, and calling a parliament of his Nobility and Commons (from which he excluded the Bishops and Clergy) enacted, that their persons should be out of his protection, and their goods subject to confiscation, unless they would by submitting themselves redeem his favour. It was then a world to see how the wealthy Bishops, fat abbots, and rich priors, in each quarter be stirred them, each man contending with liberal offer to make his ransom, in so much as the house of Saint Augustine's in Canterbury (as the Annals of their own Abbay report) gave to the King two hundred and fifty pounds in money for their peace, having lost before (notwithstanding all their haste) two hundredth and fifty quarters of their wheat, which the King's Officers had seized to his use, & shipped to be sent into Gascoin for the victualling of his men of war. Only Robert of Winchelsey (than archbishop of Canterbury) refused to aid the King, The traitorous behaviour, of Robert of Winchelsey, the archbishop. or to reconcile himself, in so much as of very stomach he discharged his family, and abandoned the City, and withdrew himself to this Town: from whence (as mine Author saith) he road each Sunday, and Holiday to the Church adjoining, and preached the word of God. Polidore, in his own opinion, giveth him an apt Theme writing that he preached upon this text, Polidore, was the Pope's creature. Melius est obedire Deo, quam hominibus, It is better to obey God, than men which, if he will have to serve the turn, he must construe it thus, It is better to obey the Pope, than the King, and so make the Pope a God, and the King no more than a common man. But Peter the Apostle of God, from whom the Pope would seem to derive, and Polidore the Apostle of the Pope (for he first sent him hither, to gather his Peter pence) were not of one mind n this point: For he enjoineth us plainly. Subditi estote omni humanae ordinationi propter Dominum, sive Regi, tanquam praecellenti. etc. Be ye subject to all human ordinance, for the lords sake, whether it be to the King as to the most excellent. etc. making the King the most excellent under God, (who no doubt) if he command not against God, it is to be obeyed before the Pope, concerning whom, we have no commandment at all in God's Scripture. Howbeit, since Polydore and the Bishop served one common Master, namely, the man of Rome, it is the less marvel, if he commend his endeavour in this part, and that is of the less credit also which he writeth of him in an other place, where he bestoweth this honourable Elogium upon him, Quantum in eo fuit, de Religione juxta atque de Repub. promereri studuit, a qua nunquam discessit, nunquam oculos deiecit: ita officio suo atque omnium commodis sibi seruiendum censuit. As much as in him was, he studied to deserve well, both of religion, and of the common wealth, from the which he never departed, ne turned away his eyes: so thought he it meet to serve his own duty, and the profit of all men: As concerning his desert in religion, I will say nothing, because it may be thought the fault of that age & not of the person only: but as touching his behaviour toward his Prince and Country (wherein also consisteth no small part of religion and fear of God) since our law alloweth of the trial De vicineto, I will bring you one of his next neighbours to depose for him, a man that lived in the same time with him, I mean the writer of the Annals of Saint Augustine's, who upon the year 1305. hath this note following. Eodem an. 7. Kal. Maij, cum saepe dictus Archiepiscopus Robertus, super multis Articulis enormibus (& praecipue super proditione, quam cum quibusdam comitibus, & proceribus multis, pactus erat in dolo, ut Regem a Regni solio deijcerent, & silium eius Eduardum, ipsius in trono subrogarent, & patrem perpetuo carceri manciparent) a Rege calumniaretur, & inficiari non posset obiecta: ultra quam credi potest timore percussus, ad Regis pedes pronus cadens in terram, ut eius mereretur assequi clementiam, seize per singula flens & eiulans, Regis subdidit voluntati: Sic igitur humiliatus est ille Deo odibilis & superbus, qui per totum Anglorum orbem, oris sui flatu, more meretricio, Sacerdotium deturpavit, & Clerum: & in populo tyrannidem exer cuit inauditam. Et qui Regem, Dominum suum, literatorie ei scribens, nominare renuit superbiendo, nunc humiliatus, & Regem, & Dominum suum facit, & nominat, obediens factus, sedinuitus ei devotius seruiendo. The same year, the 25. of April, when as the often named Robert the archbishop, was challenged by the King for many points of great enormity, and especially for the treason which he had imagined with certain Earls and Noble men, to the end that they should displace the King from the seat of his Kingdom, and place his son Edward in his throne, and cast the Father into perpetual prison: and when he could not deny the things objected against him, being strooken with an incredible fear, and falling down prostrate upon the earth at the King's feet, that he might deserve to obtain his favour, with weeping and wailing he submitted himself wholly to the King's pleasure: & thus was that proud, & most hateful man to God, brought low and humbled, the which defiled throughout all England, with the breath of his mouth, like an harlot, the state of the priesthood and Clergy, and exercised intolerable tyranny over the people: and he, which before writing unto the King, refused in his letters for pride to call him his Lord, now being humbled, both acknowledgeth and calleth him his Lord and King, being made obedient, and to serve him with great devotion, but yet against his william. Again, when as in the same year, he was cited to appear at Rome (upon complaint that he had wastefully spoiled the goods of his Church) and came to the Court to sue for licence to pass over the Seas, the King as soon as he came to his presence, and had moved his suit, caused the presence chamber door to be set wide open, willed the standers by to give ear, and spoke a loud to the Bishop in this manner, as the same author reporteth, Licentiam transfretandi, quam a nobis postulare venisti libenter tibi concedimus, revertendi autem licentiam nullam damus, memores doli, ac proditionis quas in Parlemento Lincolniae cum Baronibus nostris in Regiam machinatus es Maiestatem, cuius rei litera signo tuo sigillata testis est, & testimonium perhibet contra te evidenter. Sed propter amorem beati Thomae Martyris, & Ecclesiae cui praees reverentiam, vindictam hucusque distulimus, reseruantes eam Papae, qui nostras iniurias ulciscetur, utpote speramus. A protectione vero nostra, te prorsus excludimus, omnem gratiam negantes & miserecordiam, quia re vera semper immisericors fuisti: Cumque Wintoniensis Episcopus pro eo intercederet, & Archiepiscopum Dominum suum esse diceret, Rex affirmavit, se omnium Praelatorum regni, & Regem, & Dominum esse principalem. We willingly grant you licence to pass over the Seas according as you are come to desire, but to return again we give you no licence at all, being mindful of the deceit and treason, which you did practise with our Barons, against our Kingly Majesty in the parliament at Lincoln, of the which thing your letter signed with your own seal is a witness, and evidently giveth testimony against you: Howbeit, for the love of Saint Thomas the Martyr, and for the reverence of the Church, over the which you are set, we have hither to differred the revenge, reserving it to the Pope, which, as we hope, will make revenge of our injuries. But we utterly exclude you from our protection, denying you all grace & mercy, because in deed you have always been an unmerciful man: And when as the Bishop of Winchester made intercession for him, & said, that the Archbishop was his Lord, the King affirmed, that he himself was the King and chief Lord of all the Prelates of the Realm. This I have exemplified the more at large, both to the end that you may see how great a traitor to his Prince, how unmerciful a tyrant to the Common people, King Edward the first, claimeth supremacy over the Clergy, and how foul a blemish to the Ecclesiastical order, this Bishop was, quite contrary to that which M. Polydore affirmeth of him: and also that you may understand, what authority King Edward the first in plain terms challenged over his Clergy, not such as Anselme offered King William Rufus, when he took Canterbury of his gift, saying, Summo pontifici debeo obedientiam, tibi consilium. I own my obedience to the high Bishop, and my counsel to you. But such as a true subject oweth to his Liege King, and lawful sovereign, and such as differeth no more from that which we at this day attribute to our Prince, then Principalis Dominus, and supremus Gubernator do vary in sunder. And yet (behold the madness of the time) after the death of this Bishop, the common people forsooth resorted to his tomb, and would needs have made a Saint of him, had not the Sepulchre been defaced and their folly stayed, by public ordinance. Chilham Castle, in Saxon Cyleham, that is, the cold dwelling. IN the allotment of Lands, for the defence of Dover Castle (whereof we have before spoken) Chilham fell to Fulbert of Dover, who, in consideration thereof, undertook to find at his own charge, fifteen able Soldiers, whereof three should ward in the Castle, every month, by the space of 20. weeks in the year. I suspect, that it came afterwards to the possession of the archbishop: For I remember that I once read, that King john came thither to treat with Stephan Langton the archbishop, for reconciliation to be had between them. Wye, the word in British signifieth, an Egg. WHat time king William the Conqueror endowed his Abbay of Battle in Sussex, he gave thereunto (amongst other) his Manor of Wye, containing at that time, seven hides, or plough lands, and being (before that time) of the Demesnes of the Crown. The Chronicles of Battle Abbay affirm, that there were sometimes two and twenty hundreds, subject to the jurisdiction of this Town: which if it be true, then (as far as I can reach by conjecture) the territory of Wye was the very same in compass, that now the Last of Screy, or Sherwinhope describeth, that is to say, the fift part of this whole Shire, consisting of two and twenty hundreds in number. The same King, granted to his Monks of Battle, wrek of the Sea, falling upon Dengemarishe a portion of Wye, The old, and new manner of wreck, at the Sea. and willed further by his Chart of donation, that if any fish (called a Craspeis') that is, crass piss, a great or royal fish, as whales, or such other, (which by the Law of Prerogative pertained to the King himself) should happen to be taken there, that the Monks should have it wholly: And if it fortuned to arrive in any other man's land, (lying between Horsmede, and Withburn) that yet the Monks should enjoy the whole tongue, and two third parts of the rest of the body. Now, in the Reign of King Henry his Son it fortuned, that a ship laden with the Kings own goods was wrecked within the precinct of this liberty, which his Officers would have taken, and saved to his use: but Geffray, (than Abbot of Battle) withstood them, & that so stoutly, that the matter by complaint came to the Kings own hearing: who (to make known how much he valued his father's grant) yielded the matter wholly, into the abbots own courtesy, The same Story observeth a thing touching Wreck, (or rather Varech, as the custom of Normandy from whence it came calleth it) not unworthy the recital, that is, that of ancient time, if a ship were cast on shore, torn with tempest, and were not repaired by such as escaped on live within a certain time, that then this was taken for Wreck, and so used along the coast: But Henry the first (saith the book) disliking the justice of that custom, ordained, that if from thenceforth any one thing (being within the vessel) arrived on live, than the ship and goods should not be seized for wreck. This decree had force during all his reign, and aught of congruence to have endured for ever: Howbeit, after his death, the owners of land on the Sea shore, showing themselves more careful of their own gain, then pitiful of other men's calamities, returned to the old manner: Which their unmerciful covetise, (as I suppose) provoked king Edward the first, by the statute, (that we call Westminster the first) to make restitution of King Henry's law, which (even to this day) remaineth in force, though not altogether so heavy against poor men (afflicted by misfortune of the Sea) as that former usage was, yet in deed, neither so easy as Christian charity would, nor so indifferent as the laws of other countries do afford, And therefore, I will leave it, as a thing worthy (amongst other) of reformation, when God shall give time. There was at this place, a College, The College valued in the Records, at ninety three pounds of yearly revenue, In which king Edward the second (after the burial of his father, and before his own Coronation) held the solemnity of a whole Christmas. Motindene, of Mod and dene ' that is, the proud valley, a name imposed (as I think) for the fertility. I Have not hitherto, found any thing touching the house of Motindene in Hetcorne, save only, that the head thereof was called Minister, and that the house itself was of the yearly value of sixty pounds: Neither would I have aforded it so much as paper, or place here, but only that you might understand, with what number of buildings, variety of sects, and plenty of possessions, Popery was in old time provided for, and furnished. No corner (almost) without some religious house, or other: Their suits and orders were hardly to be numbered: and as for their lands and revenues, it was a world to behold them. The value of the Religious houses in this Shire. I find, that the yearly extent of the clear value of the Religious livings within this Shire, amounted to five thousand pounds, bishoprics, Benefices, Friaries, chantries, and Saints offerings, not accounted, which thing also I do the rather note, to the end that you may see, how just cause is given us, both to wonder at the hot zeal of our ancestors in their spiritual fornication, and to lament the coldness of our own charity, towards the maintenance of the true spouse of jesus Christ. For, if ever, now most truly, is that verified, which the Poet long since said, Probitas laudatur, & alget. Canterbury, is called in Saxon Cantparabyrig, that is to say, The city (or court) of the men of Kent: which also agreeth with the British word Caer Kent, signifying the City of Kent. It is termed in Latin diversly, of some Doruernum, and Daruernum, of others, Durovernum: of some Dorobernia, and of some Dorobrinia, All which names, Leland conjectureth to proceed, either of the River called Stowr (as we have showed) or else of the British word Dour, which signifieth water, because the country thereabouts, is plenteously stored therewith. One other late writer, taketh it to be called Daruernum, as if it were, Dour are guerne, that is, the water near the Fen or Marish. TO the end, that (confusion avoided) each thing may appear in his proper place, it shall not be amiss, to part the treatise of this City into twain, whereof the first shall contain the beginning, increase, and declination of the City itself: The second shall set forth, the erection, and overthrow of the Religious houses and buildings within the same. The City, when it began. The author of the British story affirmeth, that one Rudhurdibras, or (as some copies writ it) Lud Rudibras, (a King of the Britons, almost nine hundredth years before the Incarnation of Christ) builded a City, which he called Carlem, or (as Henry of Huntingdon, in his recital of the cient British Cities, nameth it) Caer Kent, that is to say, the City (or rather) the chief City of Kent. For, in the process of the same History it appeareth in deed, that at such time as Vortiger, King of the Britons entertained the Saxon Captains, Hengist and Horsa, he sojourned at Canterbury, the head City of all that country, and that prerogative, it retained in the time of the Saxons themselves also: For by the testimony of Beda, and Mathewe of Westminster, it was (when Augustine arrived in Kent) Caput Imperij, Regis Ethelberti, the chief place in all the dominion of King Ethelbert. To this Augustine, the sade King gave (after a manner, as I conjecture) the Lordship, or royalty of the same city: For, I read (as I have before showed) that he gave him his own Palace, and builded another for himself at Reculuer: and it is to be seen in the ancient Saxon laws, that of old time the archbishops had their Coinage within the City. I find also in the book of doomsday, that King Edward the Confessor, had only one and fifty Burgesses, which yielded him rend within this City, and two hundredth and twelve other persons owing him suit, and that the Castle of Canterbury, and the residue of the inhabitants were subject to the Bishop, and the Religious houses. Howbeit, the Bishops were never absolute owners hereof, till the time of King William Rufus, who (as the Annals of Saint Augustine say) Dedit civitatem Cantuariae Anselmo ex solido, quam Lanfrancus tenuerat ex beneficio. This City (since the union of the kentish kingdom to the West Saxon) hath been chief maintained by two things: first, by the residence and hospitality of the archbishop, and Religious persons, and then by the liberality and expense of such, as either gadded to S. Thomas for help and devotion, or travailed towards the Sea side, for their private affairs and business. Among the Bishops, Theodore (a Graecian borne, and the seventh and last of those that came out of Italy) Lanfranc (the first Norman, advanced by the Conqueror) and Simon Sudburie (that lived under King Edward the third) have been the most beneficial unto it. Of the which, Theodore, by licence of Vitelianus (than Pope) founded within the City, The old School at Canterbury a School (or College) wherein he placed Professors of all the liberal Sciences, which also was the very pattern to the school that Sigbert the King of Eastangle afterward builded: but whether that were at Cambridge, or at some other place besides within his kingdom, I leave to Doctor Caius of Cambridge, and Master Key of Oxford to be disputed, and to indifferent Readers to be adjudged. The Reverend father, Matthew, now archbishop of Canterbury (whose care for conservation of learned Monuments can never be sufficiently commended) showed me not long since, the Psalter of David, and sundry Homilies in Greek, Homer also, and some other Greek authors, beautifully written in thick paper, with the name of this Theodore prefixed in the front, to whose Library, he reasonably thought (being thereto led by show of great antiquity) that they sometime belonged. The other two, Lanfranc, and Simon of Sudbury, did cost upon the gates and walls, bringing thereby both strength and beauty to the City. Such was then the first beginning, and increase of Canterbury: Let us now therefore see also, what harms it hath now sustained, and to what decay it is fallen. Besides sundry particular harms, done to divers of the Religious places, the town itself hath often received detriment by casualty of fire. For the author of the additions to the Chronicle of Asserus Menevensis affirmeth, that about the year after Christ seven hundredth fifty and four, it was sore wasted with fire. Again, in the year, nine hundredth and eighteen, Alfleda the mighty Lady of Mercia, besieging and burning the city itself, spoiled, killed, & expulsed the Danes, that then possessed it: In revenge whereof, they afterward, about the end of the reign of King Ethelred, did not only besiege, take, and burn this city, but also put to most barbarous and cruel death, Alphegus the archbishop, (for that he refused to charge his farmers and the citizens towards his ransom above their ability) and they siue of the Monks, Townsmen, and other common people, the whole nines throughout the multitude, reserving on live the tenth man only: So that they left of all the Monks but four, and of the Lay people four thousand and eight hundredth: Where (by the way) it is to be noted, that this city, and the country thereabouts (the people whereof, be like, fled thither for succour) was at that time very populous, having to lose forty three thousand and two hundredth persons: in which behalf, there want not some (I wot well) which do affirm, that it had then more store of buildings, than London itself: And truly it is well known, that they were very rich at Canterbury also, for not long before (by the advise of Siricius, their archbishop) they bought their peace at the hands of the Danes, with thirty thousand pounds of ready money. But let me proceed: fourthly, in the days of King Henry the second, even straight after the election of Thomas Becket the Archeshop, this city of Canterbury was wholly consumed with fire: And now lately and last, in the reign of King Henry the eight, it was in some parts blasted with flame, wherein (amongst other things) divers good books, which a Monk of S. Augustine's had brought from beyond the Seas, were brought to ashes. I had almost forgotten a story in Beda, where he maketh, Mellitum mendacium, (mention of Mellitus, I should have said) and reporteth, that when as (upon a time) a great part of this city was touched with fire, and that the flame hasted toward the house of this Mellitus (than archbishop there) he commanded, that they should bear him against it, even into the greatest fury thereof. And that whereas before it could not be quenched by any water, (though never so plenteously poured upon it) forthwith at his presence the wind turned, and at the vehemency of his prayer, the fire not only ceased to go any further, but also immediately went out, and was extinguished. I wot well, this writer is called, Venerabilis: but when I read this, and a number of such, which make the one half of his work, I say with myself, as sometime did the Poet, Quodcunque ostendis mihi sic, incredulus odi: What ever thing thou showest me so, I hate it as a lie. The decay of Canterbury, and other places. To proceed therefore in my former course, and to tell the truth, little had all these casualties of fire and flame been to the decay of this town, had not the dissolution and final overthrow of the Religious houses also come upon it. For, where wealth is at commandment, how easily are buildings repaired? and where opinion of great holiness is, how soon are cities and towns advanced to great estimation and riches? And therefore, no marvel, if after wealth withdrawn, and opinion of holiness removed, the places tumbled headlong to ruin & decay: In which part, as I can not on the one side, but in respect of the places themselves, pity & lament this general desolation, not only in this Shire, but in all other places of the Realm: So on the other side, considering the main Seas of sin and iniquity, wherein the world (at those days) was almost whole drenched, I must needs take cause, highly to praise God, that hath thus mercifully in our age delivered us, disclosed Satan, unmasked these Idols, dissolved the synagogues, and razed to the ground all Monuments of building, erected to superstition and ungodliness: And therefore let every godly man cease with me from henceforth to marvel, why Canterbury, Walsingham, and sundry such like, are now in these our days become in manner waste, since God in times paste was in them blasphemed most: And like the soldiers of Satan, and superstitious mammetry, howl, and cry out with the heathen Poet. Excessere omnes, aditis, arisque relictis, Dij, quibus imperium hoc steterat. etc. The Gods each one, by whose good aid This Empire stood upright Are flown: their entries and their altars eke abandoned quite. For, seeing God in all ages hath not spared to extend his vengeance, not only upon the persons, but upon the places also, where his name was dishonoured, striking the same with solitude and exterminion, as we read of Sodom, jerusalem, and others: How then should he forbear these harbours of the Devil, and the Pope, which in horrible crimes contended with Sodom, in unbelief matched jerusalem, and in folly of superstition, exceeded all Gentility. By the just judgement of God therefore, Canterbury came suddenly from great wealth, multitude of inhabitants, and beautiful buildings, to extreme poverty, nakedness, and deca●: having at this day, Parishes more in number, than well filled, & yet in all not above twelve, in which plight, for pity I will leave it, and (referring you to the statutes. 32. and 33. of Henry the eight, provided for the re-edifying of decayed houses, aswell in this City, as also in Roch●ster, Feversham, & the Five ports) I will turn me t● the History of the religious buildings. There was i● Canterbury, Continual contention, between the two great houses in Canterbury. within the time of late memory (besides others) two houses of great estimation and livelihood, the one being called Christ's church, and the other Saint Augustine's, the Monks of the which places, were as far removed from all mutual love and society, as the houses themselves were near linked together, either in regard of the time of their foundation, the order of their profession, or the place of their situation: And therefore in this part it might well be verified of them, which was wont to be commonly said, unicum Arbustum, non alit duos Erythacoes. For in deed, one whole City, nay rather one whole Shire and Country, could hardly suffice the pride and ambitious avarice of such two Religious Synagogues, The which as in all places, they agreed to enrich themselves by the spoil of the laity: So in no place they agreed one with another: But (each seeking every where, and by all ways, to advance themselves) they moved continual, (and that most fier● and deadly) war, for lands, privileges, relics, and such like vain worldly préeminences: In so much (as he that will observe it, shall find) that universally the Chronicles of their own houses, contain (for the most part) nothing else, but suing for exemptions, procuring of relics, struggling for offices, wrangling for consecrations & pleading for lands and possessions: For proof whereof, I might justly allege innumerable brawls, stirred between the Religious houses of this City, wrestling, sometime, with the Kings, sometime with the Archbishops, & oftentimes the one with the other, ●l which be at large set forth by Thomas Spot the Chronicler of S. augustin's: But, for as much as I myself delight little in that kind of rehearsal, & do think that other men (for the more part of the wiser sort) be sufficiently persuaded of these their follies, I will lightly pass them over, & labour more largely in some other thing. And because that the Monastery, or Priory of Christ's Church, was of the more fame, I will first begin with it. Christeschurche in Canterbury After that Augustine, the Monk, which was sent from Rome, had found such favour in the sight of King Ethelbert, that he might freely Preach the Gospel in his Country, he chose for assembly and prayer, an old Church in the East part of this City, which was long time before builded by the Romans, and he made thereof (by licence of the King) a Church for himself and his successors, dedicating the same to the name of our Saviour Christ, whereof it was called afterward, Christ's Church. After his death, Laurence his successor, brought Monks into the house, the head whereof was called a Prior, which word (howsoever it soundeth) was in deed but the name of a second officer, because the Bishop himself was accounted the very Abbot. For in old time, the Bishops were for the most part chosen out of such Monasteries, and therefore most commonly had their Palaces adjoining, and governed as abbots there: by means whereof it came to pass, that such Abbeys were not only much amplified in wealth and possessions, but also by favour of the Bishops, their good Abbates, overloked all their near neighbours, as hereafter in further course shall better appear. I find not, that any great cost was done vp●n this Church, till Lanfrancs days, who not only buided it almost wholly of new, and placed Benedict● Monks therein, the number of which he advanced from thirty, to one hundredth and forty, but also erected certain Hospitals, which he endowed with one hundredth and forty pounds by year, and repaired the walls of the City itself: And here by the way, it is to be noted out of Mathewe Westminster, that there were Monks in this house, ever since the time of Laurence the second archbishop, although some report, that Elfricus, was the first that expulsed the Secular Priests, and brought the Monks in place. Not long after Lanfrancs time, succeeded William Corboile, during whose government, this lately advanced building was blasted with flame, but he soon after re-edified it of his own purse, and dedicated it with great pomp and solemnity, in the presence of the King and his Nobles. After him followed Theobaldus (whom Pope Innocent the second, honoured with the title of Legatus natus: and then cometh Thomas Becket, the fift in order after Lanfranc, by whose life, death, Thomas Becket, the Archbishop & his history. and burial, the estimation of this Church was advanced beyond all reason, measure and wonder. For, not withstanding that it had been before that time honoured with the arm of S. Bartholomew, (a Relic that King Canutus gave) with the presence of Augustine that brought in Religion, with the burial of eight kentish Kings, that succeeded Wightred, and of a great number of archbishops after the time of Cuthbert: Likewise afterward with the famous assembly at the homage done by the Scottish King William, to King Henry the second, and at the Coronation of King john: with the several Marriages also of King Henry the third, and King Edward the first: and finally with the interrements of that Noble Edward (called commonly the Black Prince) & of King Henry the fourth: yet the death of this one man not martyred (as they feign, for the cause only, and not the death, maketh a Martyr) but murdered in his Church, brought thereunto more access of estimation and reverence, than all that ever was done before, or since. For after his death, by reason that the Pope had canonised his soul in Heaven, and that Stephan Langton had made a Golden shrine for his body on earth, and commanded the Annual day of his departure to be kept solemn, not only the Lay & Common sort of people, but Bishops, Noble men, and Princes, as well of this Realm, as of foreign parts, resorted on Pilgrimage to his tomb, & flocked to his jubilee for remission: In so much, that every man offering according to his ability, and thronging to see, handle, and kiss, even the vilest parts of his Relics, the Church become so rich in jewels and ornaments, that it might compare with Midas, or Croesus, and so famous and renowned (every pillar resounding Saint Thomas, his miracles, prayers and pardons) that now the name of Christ was clean forgotten, and the place was commonly called, Saint Thomas Church of Canterbury. I pass over the stately buildings, and monuments, (I mean Churches, Chapels, and Oratories) raised to his name: the lewd books of his life, and jests, written by four sundry persons to his praise: The blasphemous Hymns, and collects, devised by churchemen for his service: and sundry such other things, which as they were at the first inuen●● to strike into the heads of all hearers and beholders, more than wonderful opinion of devotion and holiness: So now the truth being tried out, and the matter well and indifferently weighed) they aught to work with all men, an utter detestation, both of his, and all their, hypocrisy and wickedness. For, as touching himself (to omit that which truly might be spoken in dispraise of the former part of his life, and to begin with the very matter itself, whereupon his death ensued) it is evident, both by the testimony of Mathewe Paris (a very good Chronicler, that lived under King Henry the third) and by the four Pseudo Evangelists themselves that wrote his jests, that the chief cause of the King's displeasure towards him grew upon occasion, that he opposed himself against his Prince, God's lawful and Supreme minister on earth, in maintenance of a most vile and wicked murder. The matter stood thus. Within a few of the first years of King Henry the seconds Reign, the Clergy of the Realm had committed above a hundredth several murders upon his subjects, as it was informed him: for remedy of which outrage, the King (by assent of his Nobility and Bishops, of which number Thomas Becket himself was one) took order at Claredowne, that if any Clerk from thenceforth committed felony, or treason, he should first be degraded, and afterward delivered to the Lay power, there to receive as to his offence belonged. Not long after, it chanced one Philip Broic (a Cannon of Bedford) to be apprehended for murder, and to be brought before the temporal justice, where he not only showed no remorse of the wicked fact, but also (in hope of Ecclesiastical exemption) gave very evil language to the judge: the judge complained thereof to the King, & the Cannon belike made means to the archbishop. For the King no sooner endeavoured to put his Law in execution, but the archbishop, (both forgetful of h●s duty to God, and his Prince, and unmindful of his own oath) set himself against it, affirming plainly, that he neither could, ne would suffer it. Hereupon the Prince waxed wroth, and by little and little his indignation so kindled, (by matter that the obstinacy of the Bishop daily ministered) that in the end it was to hot for Becket to abide it: Then speedeth he himself to Rome, and poureth into the Holy Father's bosom, complaint of most grievous oppression, extended against the Clergy: The Pope's Holiness, sorry to discourage so good a Soldier, as the Bishop was, and withal loath to lose so mighty a friend, as King Henry was, by letters and Legates, prayeth, commandeth, persuadeth, and threateneth reconciliation and atonement, which after great a do by the means of the French King, and other his instruments, was in a sort brought to pass. Then Thomas Becket returneth with the King's favour into the Realm, from whence he had six years before departed without licence, and therefore without, or rather against Law, and immediately seeketh to revenge himself upon such the Bishops, as had in his absence assisted the King. Which when the King (being then in Normandy) understood, it chanced him, in great grief of mind to cast out some words, that gave occasion and hardiness to Reginald Bear, William Tracy, Hugh Moruill, & Richard Bryton (four of his Gentlemen) to address themselves for his revenge: These four therefore, passed the Seas, came to Canterbury, found out the Bishop, followed him into his church, and upon the Stairs of the same, did him very cruelty, and despitefully to death. This shortly is the chief substance, and circumstance of all this Tragedy, drawn out of our own Countrymen, and Thomas his favourers, howsoever otherwise Erasmus (led by some sinister information) hath reported it, as shall hereafter appear in Otford. Wherein, as I can not on the one side allow this murder, (executed, not by any public Minister of justice, but by a private and injurious arm:) So on the other side, I report me to all indifferent & Godly Readers, whether such a life deserved not such a death, and whether these Popish Parasites, that have painted forth his praises, make not themselves, thereby partners of all his pride and wilful rebellion. I might here rest long, upon diverse other things concerning the King and this archbishop, namely, how that he suffered the King to hold his stirup twice in one day in Normandy, but in Prato Proditorum, as Mathewe Parise very prettily writeth it: How the King came with bore and bleeding feet to Canterbury, to purge himself of the murder: How he bared his body to the Monks of this house, and received of every Religious Person there, four, or five stripes, in which self year (by the way) their whole church was consumed with fire: and some other matters besides, which make manifestly for the proof of great presumption in the Clergy, and of vile abjection of the Princes of those days: But, because that I am fearful that I grow to long, I will leave Saint Thomas himself, and after (a few words more of this Church) step over to Saint Augustine's. After Thomas, this Church found three especial maintainers of the building, William Courtney which by his Testament bequeathed one thousand Marks towards the amendment of the body of the Church, the walls, and the Cloister: Thomas Arundel, which erected one of the Bell Towers, gave five Bells, and Christened them after the Popish manner: And Henry Chicheley, who both repaired the library with books and building, and did great cost upon one of the Bell Tower's also. Now to Saint Augustine's. Saint Augustine's. Augustine, having thus established a See for himself and his successors, obtained further of King Ethelbert (for the better furtherance of the service, that he had in hand) a Church, that then stood between the walls of the City, and S. Martin's, wherein the King himself used before to make his prayers, and offer sacrifice to his Idols: This Church, he purged from Profane abuse & name (as they say) and dedicated it to the service of God, and to the honour of Saint Pancras: Neither ceased he thus, but shortly after entreated the same King to build a Monastery in the soil adjoining, which he also appointed to the honour of Saint Peter, and Saint Paul and placed Monks therein: This Monastery, in memory of his benefit, lost the first name, and was ever after called Saint Augustine's. The dead, in old time were buried out of the Cities. Now whereas the true meaning, both of the King and Augustine was, that this Church (for so much as both then, and long after, it was not their manner to bury their dead within the walls of any City, a thing forbidden of old, by the law of the twelve tables) should be from thenceforth a common Sepulchre to all their successors, as well in the Kingdom, as in the archbishopric, yet such was the favour of the Bishops, following Augustine towards their own church, that in the process of time Saint Augustine's was defrauded of the Sepultures, both of the one & the other. For in Brightwaldes' days, the burial of the Kings was taken from it: and Cuthbert the archbishop in his life begged of King Eadbert, that for the advancement of Saint johns (a new Church, that he had erected for that purpose, and for the execution of judgements by the Ordale, and which was afterward fired with the flame of Christ's Church, whereunto it was near adjoining) the Bishops also might from thenceforth be buried there. And for the more surety to attain that his desire, he took order in his life (by oath of all his Covent) that they should suffer his corpse to lie three days in the ground after his death, before any Bell should be rung, or other open solemnity used, that might notify his departure to the Monks of S. Augustine's. Only jeanbright (the fourteenth Bishop) whom other copies call Lambright) was conveyed to the ground at Saint Augustine's, by this occasion. After the death of Bregwine (the archbishop) this jeanbright (then being Abbot of Saint Augustine's, and fearing that he should be deceived of the body of Bregwine, as Aldhun his predecessor had been beguiled of Cuthbert's before) he came appointed with armed men, determining to take it away by force, if he might not by fair means obtain it. But the crafty Monks of Christ's Church, had buried the body before he came, so that he was driven to departed home frustrate of his desire, and to seek his amends by action in the law. Notwithstanding, because they perceived hereby, that he was a man of good courage, and therefore very meet in their opinion to be their Captain, they shortly after choose him archbishop, in hope that he would have maintained their quarrel: but he nevertheless took such order, that he was buried in S. Augustine's with the rest of his predecessors. Popish brawls. Thus you see, how soon after the foundation, these houses were at dissension, and for how small trifles, they were ready to put on arms, and to move great and trouble some tragedies: Neither do I find, that ever they agreed after, but were either at continual brawling within themselves, either suing before the King, or appealing to the Pope, and that for matters of more stomach, than importance: As for example, whether the Abbot of Saint Augustine's should be consecrated or blessed in his own Church, or in the others: whether he aught to ring his bells to service, before the other had rung theirs: whether he and his tenants aught suit to the Bishop's Court: and such like, wherein it can not be doubted, but that they consumed inestimable treasure, for maintenance of their most peevish and Popish pride and wilfulness. If any man delight to know the particulars, let him read the writing of Thorn and Spot, their own Chroniclers, as for myself, I think it too long to have said thus much in general, and therefore will haste me to the rest. After the death of Ethelbert, Eadbaldus (his son) at the instance of Laurence, the archbishop, builded a fair Church in this Monastery, S. Maries, in Canterbury. which he called Saint Maries. In which place many years after (if at the least you will believe Thomas Spot) Saint Dunstane sensibly heard, and saw, our Lady Saint Adryan, and a sort of Angels singing and dancing together. After Eadbaldus, King Canute (the great Monarch of this Realm) Egilsine (the Abbot the fled for fear of the Conqueror) Scotlandus (whom the same King put in Egelsins' place.) Hugo de Floriaco (that was of kindred to king William Rufus, & by him made Abbot) were the persons that chief increased the building: some bestowing Churches and Chapels: some Dorters and dining places, and others other sorts of edefices. The Saints, whose dead bodies and relics, The Saints and Relics, at Canterbury. brought to this church great veneration, and gain, were these specially, Adryan, Albin, john. etc. religious persons: Eadbald, Lothar, Mul, & Wightred, sometimes Kings: S. Sexburg, & S. Myldred of Thanet, (whose body was given then by King Canute,) And Saint Augustine their founder himself. Of this last man (to let slip a many of others) this one miracle they report, S. August. that at such time as the Danes entered Kent, and spoiling this City, ransacked almost every corner thereof, this house of Saint Augustine's (only of all other) was never touched, By reason (say they) that when a Dane had taken hold of Saint Augustine's Pall or cloak, (wherewith his tomb was covered) it stack so fast to his fingers, that by no means possible, he could loose it, till he came and yielded himself to the Monks, and made sorrowful confession of his fault. Much like to this, it is written, that at the overthrow of Carthage, the hand of one that would have spoiled the God Apollo of his mantle, was found amongst the fragments. This our good fellow was not so cunning (belike) as Dionysius, for he took a golden cloak ●rom jupiter, and had no hurt at all thereby. But either this our Pall was weaved, Ex auro Tholosano, or else (which I rather believe) this Canterbury tale was forged A rabula Romano. Besides all these, the Monks seeing how little their relics were esteemed, in comparison of Thomas Beckets, and believing (as the Romans sometimes did of Dea Pessenuntia) that their house should be highly advanced, if they might get thither so glorious a God as he was, they made a foul shift for a piece of him also. There was a Monk of Christ's Church, called Roger, who had in charge to keep the Altar where Becket was slain. This man they chose to their Abbot, in hope (saith mine author) that he would bring somewhat with him: in which doing they were not altogether deceived, For he conveyed to them a great part of Thomas his blood that was shed, and a piece of his Crown that was pared off. Thomas Becket had two heads. But here by the way, mark (I beseech you) the gross juggling that these slow bellied sires used to delude the world withal. Erasmus (in his Colloquys) writeth, that the whole face of S. Thomas, being sumptuously set in gold, was religiously kept within a Chapel beyond the high altar, and that they told him, the rest of the body lay in a shrine of gold, and of great Majesty, which they showed besides. But the truth is, that at such time as the late godly and most Christian archbishop Cranmer, and the wise and noble counselor Cromwell, were at Canterbury, in commission for defacing of this Shrine, they found an entire body, and complete in all his parts within the same, as some yet on live, and then present, can testify: so that either this their great God, was a bishop Biceps, and lacked but one head more to make him Cerberus, or Chimaera: or else (which is most certain) these Monks were marvelous and monstrous magnifiers, of such deceivable trumpery, and wanted nothing at all to make them, Cretenses or Cecrops'. But to my purpose again, as touching the privileges, possessions, estimation and majesty of this house, it were too much to recite the one half, and therefore I will only let you know, that of ancient time the Abbot had allowance of a Coinage, or mint within himself, by grant of King Ethelstane: That he had place in the general counsel, by gift of the Pope Leo: That the house had five Covents, containing in all, sixty five Monks: And finally, that (besides jurisdiction over a whole Last of thirteen Hundreds (it had possession of livelyhoode to the value of eight hundredth and eight pounds by year. Now, besides these two great houses, there were in Canterbury some other also of less note: S. Gregory's in Canterbury. As S. Gregory's (a Church of Canons, belonging to the Hospital that Lanfranc built) which was fired in the time of King Stephan, and valued in the Records at thirty pounds by the year: The Hospital of S. Laurence, S. Laurence● Hospital. edified by Hugh (the Abbot of S. Augustine's) for his sick Monks, and rated at twenty pounds yearly: S. james Hospital, erected by Eleonor, S, james Hospital, S. sepulchres. the wife of King Henry the third: S. Sepulchres, a house of nuns, prepared (belike) to serve the necessity of the hot Monks, esteemed at twelve pounds by year: The White Friars translated by one ●ohn Dig, White friars. to the Isle of Bynwhite, lately the house of one Rolph: And S. Myldreds' S. Mildred● in the South side of the City, long since (but not lately) an Abbay. There is extant in Canterbury also, the ancient and stately Palace of the archbishops, The Bishop's Palace. not that which King Ethelbert first gave to Augustine at Staplegate, for it was but a mean dwelling house, answerable to his small company, and first beginnings: but the very same which he secondly bestowed on him (when he left Canterbury, and went to Reculuer) which was his own, and his predecessors, the kings stately Court and Palace. This house, by that time Hubert the archbishop had aspired to the See, was decayed, either by age, or flame, or both: Who therefore puled down the most part of it, and in place thereof laid he foundation of that great Hall, and other the offices, ●hat are now to be seen: But by reason that he himself wanted time, (being prevented by death) and some of his followers lacked money (having otherwise, bestowed it lavishly) to perform the work, it rested till the days of Boniface, who both substantially, and beautifully finished it. Lastly, a little without the East wall of the city stood S. Martin's, S. Martin's was a Bishops See. where was sometime an ancient Church, erected by the Romans, in which (before the coming of Augustine) Bertha, the wife of King Ethelbert, having received the Religion of Christ before him, was accustomed to pray. In this small Oratory, Augustine (by the King's permission) celebrated divine service, & administered the Sacraments, until that by further taste of the King's favour, he obtained larger room to build his Monastery upon. And this Church was long time after, even until the coming in of the normans, the See of a Bishop, who (always remaining in the country (supplied the absence of the Metropolitan, that for the most part followed the Court: and that as well in governing the Monks, as in performing the solemnities of the Church, and exercising the authority of an archdeacon. Godwine was the last which sat in that chair, after whose death, Lanfranc (being as ielouze of a partner in his spiritual hierarchy, as ever was Alexander in his temporal Empire) refused to consecrated any other, affirming plainly, that Two Bishops were to many for one City. Nevertheless, because he needed the help of a substitute, he created in place thereof, one of his Chaplains, archdeacon of Canterbury. Hakington. BAldwine (an archbishop of Canterbury, S. Sepulchres by Canterbury. under the reign of King Henry the second) minding to advance the estimation of Thomas Becket, his lately murdered predecessor, and withal to make himself memorable to posterity, thought this one way the best for obtaining his double desire, namely, to build some stately Church Monument, and to match in the patronage thereof, Thomas that Prototraitour and rebel to his Prince, with Stephan the Protomartyr, and true servant of Almighty God. For which purpose, and to the end that his act might have the more countenance and credit, he obtained a licence from Pope Vrban, in this form as Mathewe Parise reporteth it. Presentium tibi authoritate mandamus, ut liceat tibi Ecclesiam in honorem beatorum Stephani, & Thomae, martyrum, constituere, & idoneis eam ordinare personis, quibus beneficia quae ad eorum sustentationem constitueris, canonicè debeas assignare. Item mandamus, ut quarta part oblationum, reliquijs Sancti Thomae monachorum usibus concessa, quarta fabricis ecclesiae deputata, quarta pauperibus deputata, quartam portionem reliquam liceat tibi in alios usus, pro tuae voluntatis arbitrio erogare. etc. This done, The Monks contend with the Archbishop and do prevail. he pulled down an old timber chapel that stood at Hakington, and raised in place thereof, a fair Church of hewed stone. But, for as much, as not only the charge to furnish that present building, was fetched from S. Thomas offering at Canterbury, (much to the decay of the Monks gain) but also the yearly maintenance thereof, was to be drawn from the same Hanaper, & to be bestowed upon certain Secular Canons, (a sort of religious persons, that the monks despised) who yet might happily in time to come, be made equal with the Monks themselves in the election of the Archbishop, to the general discredit of their holy order, and utter violation of their former Privileges, therefore the Covent of Christ's Church, thinking it fit to withstand such beginnings, complained hereof to Pope Innocents holiness (for urban was then dead) and were so well heard in their suit, that the archbishop's building was countermanded, and he with forced patience, contented to cease the work. Nevertheless, having hope, that if the thing were by great distance of place, removed out of the Monk's eye, he might with better quiet bring his desire to the wished effect, he attempted the like platform at Lambhithe, his own house near London: But before he had finished that work, he went into the holy Land with King Richard the first, and died without return, in which mean while, the Chapel of Hakington, being destitute of her Patron, was quite and clean demolished. Hubert succeeded Baldwine in the See, and put his hand to perform the building at Lambhithe, that his predecessor had begun, but the Monks (fearing still the former inconvenience) intercepted the whole profits of Saint Thomas offering, renewed their suit at Rome, and (feeding the Pope with that which should have maintained the building) made his holy ears so attentive, that he become wholly of the Monks devotion, and compelled Hubert at his own dispense, and to his great despite, to (maugre his Mitre) raze that Chapel also, and to make it equal with the ground. And thus you may see how the envious Monks hindered the felicity of Hakington, which otherwise by this kind of spiritual robbery, might in time have proved as famous as Boxley, Walsingham, or any other Den of Idolatry, whereas then it was with much a do, and great difficulty obtained, that a poor Chapel (served with a single Sir john, and destitute, both of Font, and churchyard) might remain standing in the place. howbeit since that time, it is become the Parish Church there. Harbaldowne, by Canterbury. The vanity of Man, and the subtlety of the Devil, be the cause of Idolatry. such hath been the nature of man, even from that time (in which not contenting himself to abide man, but aspiring by knowledge of good and evil to become God, he defaced the Image of his Creator, to the similitude of whom he was created) that he hath continually ever since, and that in matters concerning God, more trusted his own wit, than the wisdom of God himself, better liked his own invention, than God's holy institution, and preferred will worship, devised of his own brain, before reverent religion enjoined by the mouth of the Almighty. And such also hath been the continual craft of Satan, his sworn enemy, that (seeing him thus addicted to vanity and rebellion) he hath laboured from time to time to feed his evil humour, suggesting innumerable (and those most subtle) sleights to withdraw him from God, & draw him to Idolatry and superstition: So that in time by policy of the one, and proneness in the other, it was by degrees brought to pass, that not only the excellent and glorious creatures of God, the Angels, & men (I mean) the Sun and Moon, the Stars and Elements, were worshipped as Gods, But also, divine honour and reverence, was transferred from the highest God, to the most inferior, and basest parts of all his workmanship, the world at the length becoming so mad, that it would crouch and kneel, kiss, and knock, bow, bend, and make all signs of honour and reverence, not only to stocks and stones (that represented the bodies of mortal men) but to whatsoever trifle, trumpery, or baggage besides, that the Devil or his Ministers would have preferred as a monument, or relic of them. And therefore, no marvel was it, if God (seeing the world to abuse itself after a most froward and perverse kind of superstition) did by his just vengeance bereave unbelievers of all understanding and judgement, so that without any further doubt, or inquisition) they sticked not to embrace devoutly, whatsoever was commended, were it never so lewdly. For example whereof, behold here at Harbaldowne (an Hospital builded by Lanfranc the archbishop, for relief of the poor and diseased) the shameful Idolatry of this latter age, committed by abusing the lips (which God hath given for the sounding forth of his praise) in smacking and kissing the upper leather of an old shoe, reserved for a Relic, and unreverently offered to as many as passed by. Erasmus, setting forth (in his Dialogue entitled, Saint Thomas Beckets Relic. Peregrinatio religionis ergo) under the name of one Ogygius, his own travail, to visit our Lady of Walsingham, and Saint Thomas Becket, showeth that in his return from Canterbury towards London, he found (on the high way side) an Hospital of certain poor folks: of which, one came out against him and his company, holding a holy water sprinkle in the one hand, & bearing the upper leather of an old shoe (fair set in Copper and Crystal) in the other hand: This doting father, first cast holy water upon them, & then offered them (by one and one) the holy shoe to kiss, Whereat as the most part of the company (knowing the manner) made no refusal: So amongst the rest one Gratianus (as he feigneth) offended with the folly, asked half in anger what it was: Saint Thomas Shoe, quoth the old man: with that Gratianus turned him to the company, & said: Quid sibi volunt hae pecudes, ut osculemur calceos omnium bonorum Virorum? Quin eadem opera porrigunt osculandum sputum, aliaque corporis excrementa? What mean these beasts, that we should kiss the shoes of all good men? why do they not, by the same reason offer us their Hospital, and other excrements of the body to be kissed? This to the wiser sort, and such as have any light, may suffice for the understanding of Erasmus opinion & judgement touching such unreverent Relics: but yet jest some blind & wilful worshipper should think it but merrily spoken of him, and in another man's person, (as in deed Erasmus had many times Dextrun pedem in calceo sinistrum in pelui, according to the old Proverb) I will likewise add a few words, used in the end of his book, for explication of his own full mind in that matter. Notantur, qui reliquias incertas pro certis ostendunt, qui his plus tribuunt quam oportet, & qui questum ex his sordid faciunt. In this Dialogue all such are taxed, which show unto the people uncertain relics, for true and certain: or which do ascribe unto them more than of right is due: or which do raise filthy gain and lucre by them. But peradventure the authority of D. Erasmus is now (since the late Tridentine Counsel) of no weight with them, since by the sentence of the same, his works without choice be condemned as Heretical. Truly, that Counsel showed itself, more hasty to suppress all that good works of Godly men, then ready to correct or abolish any of their own fabulous books, or superstitious follies. And therefore let indifferent men judge whether the opinion of any one true speaking man, be not worthily to be preferred, before the determination of such a whole unadvised Synod. And as for such as in this light of the truth, will show themselves maintainers of such mammetry, I deem them like the Sabees, whose senses, (as Strabo writeth) are offended with sweet smelling savours, and delighted with the filthy smoke of burned goats hair, and therefore I say unto them, Sordescant adhuc, and so leave them. Norwood, that is to say, the North wood. IN the days of King Edward the confessor, one hundredth Burgesses of the City of Canterbury, aught their suit to the Manor of Norwood, as in that part of the book of doomsday which concerneth Kent, may yet most evidently appear. The building is now demolished, but the Manor was long time in the possession of certain Gentlemen of the same name, (of which race, one lieth buried in the body of the church at Adington, in the year a thousand four hundredth and sixetéene. And hereby it is probably (as me thinketh) to be conjectured, The old manner of naming men. that in ancient time, men were usually named of the places of their dwelling: For whereas before the coming in of the Conqueror, places (for the most part) had their appellations, either of their situation, or of some notable accident, or noble man, as Northwood in regard of Southwood, Anglefford by reason of the flight of the Englishmen, & Rochester because of Rof. And whereas persons also, had their callings (most commonly) either of some note of the body, as Swanshalse, for the whiteness of her neck: or for some property of the mind, as Godred, for his good counsel, & that by one single Surname only & no more, now immediately after the arrival of the Normanes (which obtained those lands, & which first brought into this Realm, the names of Thomas, john, Nicholas, Frances, Stephan, Henry & such like, that now be most usual) men began to be known and surnamed, not of their conditions and properties, but of their dwellings and possessions: So that the Norman that was before Thomas, and had gotten the township of Norton, Sutton. Inglefield, or Comb, was thenceforth called, Thomas of Norton, of Sutton, of Inglefield, of Comb, or such like, all which be undoubtedly) the names of places and not of persons. Neither did the matter stay here, but in further process of time, this Thomas of Norton, of Sutton, or of Comb, was called Thomas Norton, Thomas Sutton, or Thomas Comb, leaving out the particle (of) which before denoted his dwelling place: And thus (the Norman manner prevailing) the ancient custom of the Saxons and English men vanished quite out of ure. This whole thing, is best discerned by ancient evidences, and by the names of our Cheshire men yet remaining: For, old writings have commonly, joannes de Norton, Wilmus de Sutton, For such as we call now, john Norton, and William Sutton: and amongst the Gentlemen of Cheshire (even to this day) one is called (after their manner) Thomas a Bruerton, another john a Holcrost, and such like, for Thomas Bruerton, john Holcrost. etc. as we here use it. Thus much shortly of mine own fantasy, I thought not unmeet to impart, by occasion of the name of Norwood, and now forward to my purpose again. Leedes, in Latin of some Lodanum, of others Ledanum Castrum. RObert Crevequer, was one of the eight, that john Fynes elected for his assistance in the defence of Dover Castle (as we have already showed) who, taking for that cause the Manor of Leedes, and undertaking to find five Warders therefore, builded this Castle, or at the lest, an other, that stood in the place. For I have read, that Edward (then Prince of Wales, and afterward the first King of that name) being warden of the Five Ports, and Constable of Dover, in the life of Henry the third his Father, caused Henry Cobham (whose ministery he used, as substitute in both those offices) to raze the Castle that Robert Crevequer had erected, because Crevequer (that was then owner of it, & Heir to Robert) was of the number of the Nobles that moved and maintained war against him. Which, whether it be true, or not, I will not affirm, but yet I think it very likely, both because Badlesmere (a man of another name) become Lord of Leedes shortly after (as you shall anon see) and also for that the present work at Leedes pretendeth not the antiquity of so many years, as are passed since the age of the conquest. But let us leave the building, and go in hand with the story. King Henry the first, having none other issue of his body then Maude (first married to Henry the Emperor, Maude the Empress, true Heir to the Crown. whereof she was called the Empress, and after coupled to Geffray Plantagenet the Earl of Angeow) & fearing (as it happened in deed) that after his death, trouble might arise in the Realm, about the inheritance of the Crown, because she was by habitation a stranger and far of, so that she might want both force and friends to achieve her right: And for that also, Stephan (the Earl of Boloine, his sister's son) was then of great estimation amongst the noble men, and abiding within the Realm, so that with great advantage, he might offer her wrong: he procured (in full parliament) the assent of his Lords and Commons, that Maude, and her heirs, should succeed in the kingdom after him: And to the end, that this limitation of his, might be the more surely established, he took the fidelity and promise by oath, both of his Clergy and laity, and of the Earl of Boloine himself. Howbeit, immediately after his decease, Stephan (being of the opinion, that Si ius violandum est, certe regnandi causa violandum est. If breach of laws, a man shall undertake: He must them boldly break, for kingdoms sake.) Invaded the Crown, and by the advice of William the archbishop of Canterbury (who had first of all given his faith to Maude) by the favour of the common people, which adheared unto him) and by the consent of the holy father of Rome (whose will never wanteth to the furtherance of mischief) he obtained it, which nevertheless (as William of Newborowe well noteth) being gotten by pattern, he held not passed two years in peace, but spent the residue of his whole reign in dissension, war, and bloodshed: to the great offence of God, the manifest injury of his own cousin, and the grievous vexation of this country and people. For soon after the beginning of his reign, sundry of the Noble men, partly upon remorse of their former promise made, and partly for displeasure (conceived because he kept not the oath taken at his Coronation) made defection to Maude, so soon as ever she made her challenge to the Crown: So that (in the end, after many calamities) what by her own power, and their assistance, she compelled him to fall to composition with her, as in the story at large it may be seen. Now during those his troubles, amongst other things that much annoyed him, and furthered the part of Maude his adversary, it was upon a time sounded (by his evil willers) in the ears of the common sort, that he was dead: And therewithal suddenly divers great men of her devotion, betook them to their strong holds, and some others seized some of the Kings own Castles to the behalf of the Empress: Of which number was Robert, the Earl of Gloucester, and bastard brother to Maude, who entered this Castle of Leedes, minding to have kept it. But King Stephan used against him such force, and celerity, that he soon wrested it out of his fingers. King Edward the second, that for the love of the two Spensers, Bartholomew Badelesmere. incurred the hatred of his wife and Nobility, gave this Castle (in exchange for other lands) to Bartilmew Badelesmere (than Lord Steward of his household) and to his heirs for ever: who shortly after (entering into that troublesome action, in which Thomas, the Duke of Lancaster with his complices, maugre the King, exiled the Spensers) both lost the King's favour, this Castle, and his life also: For, whilst he was abroad in aid of the Barons, and had committed the custody thereof to Thomas Colpeper, Thomas Colpeper. and left not only his chief treasure in money, but also his wife and children within it for their security: It chanced, that Isabella the King's wife, minding a Pilgrimage towards Canterbury, and being overtaken with might, sent her Marshal to prepare for her lodging ther. But her officer was proudly denied by the Captain, who sticked not to tell him, that neither the Queen, ne any other, should be lodged there, without the commandment of his Lord the owner. The Queen, not thus answered, came to the gate in person, and required to be let in, But the Captain most malepertly repulsed her also, in so much that she complained grievously to the king of the misdemeanour, and he forthwith levied a power, and personally sumoned and besieged the piece so straightly, that in the end, through want of rescue and victual, it was delivered him. Then took he captain Colpeper, and hung him up: The wife and children of the Lord Badelesmere, he sent to the Tower of London: The treasure and munition, he seized to his own use: and the Castle he committed to such as liked him. But, as the last act of a Tragedy is always more heavy & sorrowful than the rest: so (calamity & woe increasing upon him) Badelesmere himself was the year following, in the company of the Duke of Lancaster and others, discomfited at Borowbrig, by the King's army, and shortly after sent to Canterbury, and beheaded. I might here justly take occasion, to rip up the causes of those great and tragical troubles, that grew between this King & his Nobility, for Peter Gaveston, & these two Spensers, the rather, for that the common sort of our English storiers, do lay the whole burden of that fault upon the King, and those few persons: But because the matter is not so plain as they make it, & withal requireth more words for the manifestation thereof, than I may now afford, & for that also there is hope, that a special history of the reign (penned by S. Thomas Delamore, which lived in the very time itself) may be hereafter imprinted & made common, I will only exhort the Reader (for his own information in the truth, and for some excuse of such as be overcharged) to peruse that work, wherein (I assure him) he shall find matter, both very rare, and credible. The priory at Leeds. As touching the priory at Leedes (which was a house of Regular Canons, and valued in the Records of the late suppression at three hundredth, three score and two pounds of yearly revenue) I find, that one Robert Crevequer (the author of the Castle peradventure, for this was done in the reign of Henry, son to the Conqueror) and Adam his son and heir, first founded it. Which thing might probably have been conjectured, although it had never been committed to History. For in ancient time, even the greatest personages, held Monks, Friars, and nuns, in such veneration and liking, that they thought no city in case to flourish, no house likely to have long continuance, no Castle sufficiently defended, where was not an Abbay, priory, or Nonnerie, either placed within the walls, or situate at hand and near adjoining. And surely (omitting the residue of the Realm) hereof only it came to pass, that Dover had S. Martin's, Canterbury Christ's Church, Rochester S. Andrew's, Tunbridge the Friars, Maydstone the Canons, Grenewiche the observants, and this our Leedes her priory of Canons at hand. Howbeit, I find in a Herald's note (who belike made his conjecture, by some coat of Arms lately apparent) that one Leybourne, an Earl of Salisbury, was the founder of it. In deed, it is to be seen in the Annals of S. Augustine's of Canterbury, that a noble man (called Roger Leybourne) was sometime of great authority within this Shire, notwithstanding that, in his time he had tasted of both fortunes: for in the days of King Henry the third, he was first one of that conjuration, which was called the Baron's war, from which faction, Edward the King's son, won him, by fair means to his part, and made him the bearer of his privy purse. afterward they agreed not upon the reckoning, so that the Prince (charging him with great arrearage of account) seized his living for satisfaction of the debt, by which occasion Roger once more, become of the Baron's devotions: But after the pacification made at Kenelworth, he was eftsoons received to favour, and was made warden of the Five Ports, and Lieutenant of this whole Shire. Now, though it can not be true, that this man was the builder of this priory (for the same Annals say, that it was erected long before) yet if he did but marry the heir, he might truly be termed the Patron or founder thereof, for by that name, not only the builders themselves, but their posterity also (to whom the glory of their deeds did descend) were wont to be called, as well as they. The description, and history, of the, See and Diocese of Rochester. THE learned in Astronomy, be of the opinion, that if jupiter, Mercury, or any other Planet, approach within certain degrees of the Sun, and be burned (as they term it) under his beams, That then it hath in manner no influence at all, But yieldeth wholly to the Sun that overshineth it: And some men beholding the dearness of these two bishoprics, Canterbury and Rochester, and comparing the bright glory, pomp, and primacy of the one, with the contrary altogether in the other, have fancied Rochester so overshadowed and obscured, that they reckon it no See or Bishopric of itself, But only a place of a mere Suffragan, and Chaplain to Canterbury. But he that shall either advisedly weigh the first institution of them both, or ●ut indifferently consider the estate of either, shall easi●● find, that Rochester hath not only a lawful, and canonical Cathedral See of itself, But the same also ●ore honestly won and obtained, then ever Canterbury ●d: For, as touching Rochester, Augustine (whom ●e Monks may not deny to be the English Apostle) or●ined justus Bishop there, Ethelbert (the lawful king ●f Kent) both assenting thereto by his presence, and confirming it by his liberal beneficence. By what means the archbishop's chair came to 〈…〉. But, how Canterbury came to have an archbishop's Chair, if you think that it hath not in that title already so sufficiently appeared, as that it therefore needeth not now eftsoons to be rehearsed, then read (I pray you) Garuas. Tilberiens. and he (in his book De otijs Imperialibus) will tell you, in Sanguine sanctorum, Dorobernensis ecclesia primatiam obtinuit. The Church of Canterbury obtained the Primacy, by the shedding of the blood of Saints. Rochester moreover, hath had also a continual succession of Bishops, even from the beginning, which have governed in a distinct Diocese, containing four Deaneries, and therefore wanteth nothing (that I know) to make it a complete and absolute Bishopric. In deed, the yearly value is but small, the slenderness whereof (joined with some ceremonial duties to the archbishop) happily have been the cause of abasing the estimation of it. But for all that, let us not stick with ancient Beda, and others, to say, that the Bishops See at Rochester was at the first instituted by Augustine, That a Cathedral Church was builded there, by King Ethelbert, to the name of S. Andrew, and that he endowed it with certain land for livelihood, which he called Priestfield, in token (as I think) that Priests should be sustained therewithal. This Bishopric may be said to be severed from Canterbury Diocese (for the most part) by the water of Medway, and it consisteth (as I said) of four distinct Deaneries, namely, Rochester, Malling, Dartford, and Shorham: Howbeit, with this latter, the Bishop meddleth not, the same being a peculiar (as they term it) to the archbishop of Canterbury, who holdeth his prerogative wheresoever his lands do lie, as in this deanery he hath not only had of old time certain mansion houses, with Parks and demeans, but divers other large territories, rents, and revenues also. In it therefore are these Churches following. Shorham, with the Chapel of Otford. Eynesford, with the Vicarage there. The deanery of shoreham. Dernth, and the Vicarage there. Fermingham, and the Vicarage. Bexley, and the Vicarage. Eareth, alias Eared. Northfleete, and the Vicarage. Mepham, and the Vicarage. Clyve. Grean, with the Vicarage. Farleigh, with the Vicarage. Huntingdon, alias, Hunton. Peckam, with the Vicarage. Wrotham, with the Chapel and Vicarage. Eightam. Sevenocke, with the Vicarage. Penshurst. Chydingstone. Hever. Gillingham, with the Vicarage. Brasted. Sundriche. Chevening, Orpington, with the Chapel and Vicarage. Hese. Kestan. Halstede. Woodland. Eastmalling, with the Vicarage. Ifeild. A Popish miracle. As touching the Bishops of this See, justus, (one of the same, that Pope Gregory sent hither from Rome) was the first, that sat in the chair, who was afterward translated to Canterbury, and of whom they report this for a singular miracle: That when his body (many years after the interment) was to be removed, it yielded a most pleasant savour, in the senses of all that were present: Which thing, how marvelous it was, when they had (after the common manner then used) before his burial, embalmed his body with most precious, delectable, and odoriferous spices, I dare make any man judge, if he be not more than a poor blind Papist, given over to believe all manner (be they never so gross, and beastly) illusions. In the whole race of the Bishops succeeding justus in this See, three amongst other's, be read of, most notable, Paulinus Gundulphus, and Gilbertus: of which the first after his death was there honoured for a Saint: The second, was in his life the best benefactor that ever their Church found: The third was so hateful & injurious to the Monks, that they neither esteemed him while he was on live, nor wailed him at all, after that he was dead. But of all these, we shall have place to speak more largely, when we shall come to the Church and Monastery: In the mean time therefore, it shallbe fit to show, with what courage this church upheld her rights and privileges, not only against the Monks of Canterbury (which laboured much to bring it under) but also against the See of the Archbishops itself, which was (for the most part) the chief patron & promose● ●f it. In the reign of King Henry the third, Monks contend for the election of the Bishop. and after the death of benedict. (the Bishop of Rochester) the Monks made choice of one Henry Sanford (that great Clerk, which afterward preached at Sedingburne) whereof when the Monks of Christ's Church had gotten understanding, they resisted the election, challenging that the pastoral staff or crosier of Rochester aught of very right to be brought to their house, after the decease of the Bishop, and that the election aught to be made in their Chapter. The Monks of Rochester maintained their own choice and so (the matter waxing warm between them (it was at the length referred to the determination of the Archebishope: he again posted it over to certain delegates, who hearing the parties, and weighing the proofs, gave sentence with the monks of Rochester, and yet lost (as they thought) good love and amity among them: But (as the Poet saith) Male sarta gratia, nequicquam coit, & rescinditur, Favour, that is, evil peeced, will not join close, but falleth a sunder again. And therefore this their opinion failed them, & that their cure was but patched: for soon after the sore broke out of new, and the Canterbury Monks revived their displeasure with such a heat, that Hubert of Borrow (the chief justice of the Realm) was driven to come into the Chapter house to cool it, and to work a second reconciliation between them. Neither yet for all that (as it may seem) was that flame clean extinguished. For not long after, the Monks of Christ's Church, seeing that they themselves could not prevail, entitled their archbishop Edmund with whom also the Rochester Monks waged law at Rome before the holy Father, (as touching the election of one Richard Wendene, or Wendeover, whom they would have had to Bishop) by the space of three whole years together, Sanint Cuthbertes feast why held double. and at the length, either thorough the equity of their cause, or the weight of their purse, overthrew him upon Saint Cuthbert's day, in joy whereof, they returned home withal haste, and enacted in their Chapter house, that from thenceforth for ever, Saint Cuthbertes feast (as a Tropheum of their victory) should be holden double, both in their Church and Kitchin. And not thus only, but otherwise also, hath the See at Rochester, well holden her own: for during the whole succession of threescore and three Bishops, which in right line, have followed justus, she hath continually maintained her Chair at this one place, whereas in most parts of the Realm besides, the Sees of the Bishops have suffered sundry translations, Bishops Sees, are translated from Villages to Cities. by reason that in the conquerors time, order was taken, that such Bishops, as before had their Churches in Country towns and Villages, should forthwith remove, & from thence forth remain in walled Towns and Cities: which ordinance could not by any means touch Rochester, that was a walled City long time before King William's government. But now, to the end the I may pursue the order that I have prescribed, I will set forth a Catalogue of the Bishops of Rochester by name, referring recital of their acts and doings, to their peculiar and proper places, as I have in Canterbury before. justus. The Catalogue of Rochester Bishops. Romanus. Paulinus. Ithamarus. Damianus. Putta. Cuichelmus. Gibmandus. Tobias. Aldulphus. Duime, or Duno: Eardulphus. Diora. Permundus, alias, Wermundus. Beornmodus. After him, these be inserted in a Catalogue that is before the Chronicle of Rochester. Tathnodus, Batenodus, Guthwulfus, Swithulfus, Buiricus, Chuelmundus, and Kyneferdus. Burhricus. Alstanus. Godwinus. Godwinus, the second Siwardus. Before, and at the time of the Conquest. Arnostus, 1077. Gundulphus. 1108. Radulphus. 1114. Aernulphus. joannes. After whom, in the former Catalogue, one other joannes followeth. Ascelimus, or Anselimus: and hitherto they were all Monks. Guelterus. Gualeramus. Gilebertus glanvil. Benedictus. Henricus Richardus Wendene, or Wendeover. 1250, Laurentius de Sancto Martino. Gualterus de Merton: Chancellor of England. joannes de Bradfield. Thomas de Inglethorp. 1291 Thomas de Wuldham. Hamo de Heth. joannes de Sepey. Wilmus Witlesey. Thomas Trelege. Thomas Brynton, or Braton. Richardus Barnet, elected, and not consecrated. Willelmus de Botelesham. joannes de Botelesham. elected only. Ghelyndon. elected only. Richardus Young: he made the windows at Frendsbury, and there it is to be seen in picture. 1418. joannes Kempe. joannes Langdon. Thomas Broune. Willielmus Wellis. joannes Lowe. Richardus Peckam. Elected only. Thomas Rotheram. joannes Alcocke. joannes Russel. Eadmundus Audeley. Thomas Savage. Richardus Fitz James. 1504 joannes Fisher. joannes Hylsey. 1539. Nicholaus Hethe. 1544. Henricus Holbeache. 1547. Nicholaus Rydley. 1549. joannes Ponet. 1550. joannes Skorey. Mauritius Griffin. 1559. Eadmundus Allen. Elected only. 1559. Eadmundus Gest. 1571. Eadmundus Freak. And thus much shortly being said, touching the See, & Bishops of Rochester in generality, it followeth, that I enter into the particular description of the Diocese, wherein I mean to follow the order that I have taken in Canterbury before: Namely to begin at the North-east corner, and from thence (first descending along the banks of Medwey, and then passing by the Frontiers of Sussex and Surrey, and lastly returning by the Thamise shore to the same point) to environ the whole Bishopric: which done, I will peruse what it containeth in the inner parts also, and then betake me to rest. Gillingham. The Harborowe of the Navy Royal. EVen at our first entry into the Diocese of Rochester, on the North-east part thereof, the Harborowe of the Navy Royal at Gillingham presenteth itself unto us, a thing of all other most worthy the first place, whether you respect the richesse, beauty, or benefit of the same. No town, nor City, is there (I dare say) in this whole Shire, comparable in value with this our Fleet: Nor shipping any where else in the whole world to be found, either more artificially moalded under the water, or more gorgeously decked above: And as for the benefit that our Realm may reap by these most stately and valiant vessels, it is even the same that Apollo by the mouth of Aristonice promised to Grece, when his Oracle was consulted against the invasion of Xerxes, & that his wondered army (or rather world of men in arms) saying, jupiter è ligno dat moenia facta Mineruae, Quae tibi sola tuisque ferant invicta salutem. High jove doth give thee walls of wood. appointed to Minerva, The which alone invincible, may thee, and thine, preserve. And therefore, of these such excellent ornaments of peace, & trusty aides in war, I might truly affirm, that they be for wealth, almost so many rich treasuries, as they be single ships: for beauty, so many princely Palaces, as they be several pieces: and for strength, so many moving Castles, as they be sundry sailing vessels. They be not many (I must confess, and you may see) and therefore in that behalf nothing answerable, either to that Navy which fought against Xerxes at Salamis, or to many other ancient Fleets of Foreign Kingdoms, or of this our own Island: howbeit, if their swiftness in sailing, their fury in offending, or force in defending, be duly weighed, they shallbe found as far to pass all other in power, as they be inferior to any in number. For look what the armed Hawk is in the air amongst the fearful Birds, or what the courageous Lion is on the land amongst the cowardly cattle of the field, the same is one of these at the Sea in a Navy of Common vessels, being able to make havoc, to plume, and to pray upon the best of them at her own pleasure. Which speech of mine, if any man shall suspect as Hyperbolical, let him call to mind how often, and how confidently (of late years) some few of these ships (incertain of their entertainment) have boarded mighty Princes Navies of a great number of Sail, and then I doubt not but he will change his opinion. But what do I labour to commend them, which not only in show, and all reason, do commend themselves, but also are like in deeds and effect to perform more, than I, in word or writing can promise' for them. Yea rather, I am provoked, at the contemplation of this triumphant spectacle, first to thank God our merciful Father, and then to think dutifully of our good Queen Elizabeth, The benefits that God hath given this Realm in the Reign o● Queen Elizabeth. by whose vigilant ministery, care, & providence, (drawing as it were, the net for us, whilst we sleep) not only the dross of superstition, and base monies were first abolished, the fear of outward war removed, rusty armour rejected, and rotten Shipping dispatched out of the way: But also, in place thereof, religion and coin restored to purity, the Domestical and foreign affairs of the Realm managed quietly, the land furnished with new armour, shot, & munition, abundantly, & this River fraught with these strong and serviceable Ships sufficiently. Which so apparent and inestimable benefits, the like whereof this Realm never at any one time, (and much less so long time together) hath enjoyed, if any man perceive not, he is more than blockish: if he consider not, he is exceeding careless: and if he acknowledge not, he is to to unkind, both to God to her Majesty, and to his own Country. But here again, for asmuch as it neither standeth with my present purpose, to depaint out her majesties praises, neither it lieth at all in my power, to set them forth in their true colours (for it requireth an Apelles, to have Alexander well counterfeited) I will contain myself within these narrow terms, and tell you the names of these Ships, as they lie in order. The names of the queens majesties Ships and Galleys. The Bonaduenture. The Elizabeth jonas. The White Bear. The Philip and Marie. The Triumph. The Bull. The Tiger. The Antelope. The Hope. The Lyon. The Victory. The Marie Rose. The Foresight. The Cadish. The Swift sure. The Aid. The Handmaid. The Dread not. The Swallow. The jennet. The Bark of Boulogne. Among all these (as you see) there is but one that beareth her majesties name, and yet all these (the Philip and Marie which beareth her sister's name, only excepted,) hath she (as it is said) since the beginning of her happy reign over us, either wholly built upon the stocks or newly re-edified upon the old moaldes. Her highness also knowing right well, that, Non minor est virtus, quam querere, parta tueri: Like virtue it is, to save that is got: As to get the thing, that erst she had not. Hath planted upnor Castle for the defence of the same. But besides these great ships, three good Galleys lie here on the side, which be thus called, The Speedwell. Try Right. Black Galley. Thus much of the Navy: As touching the harborowe itself, I have heard some wish, that for the better expedition in time of service, Some part of this Navy might ride in some other haven, the rather because it is many times very long before a ship can be gotten out of this River into the Sea: Indeed I remember, that I have read in Vegetius, that the Romans divided their Navy, and harboured the one part at Miseno (near Naples) upon the Tyrrhene Sea, and the other part at Ravenna, upon the Sea Adriaticque, to the end, that when occasion required, they might readily sail to any part of the world without delay, or windlassing: Because (saith he) in affairs of war, celerity doth as good service, as force itself. But for all that, whether the same order be necessary for us, or not, who though we have the use of sundry Seas, yet we enjoy not so large and distant dominions as they held, it is not our parts to dispute, but their office to determine, who for their great wisdom and good zeal, both can and will provide things convenient, as well for the safety of the Navy, as for the service of the Realm. And therefore leaving all this matter to the consideration of them that are well occupied at the helm, let us apply our oars, that we may now leave the water, and come to the land at Gillingham. After the sudden departure of king Hardicanutus the Dane, (which died of a surfeit of drink, taken at a noble man's marriage at Lambhith) the English Nobility thought good to take hold of the opportunity then offered, to restore to the royal dignity, the issue of King Ethelred, which he in his life had for fear of the Danes, conveyed into Normandy. For which purpose, they addressed messengers to Richard the Duke of Normandy, requiring him to send over Edward the only son (then left) of king Ethelred, and promising to do their endeavour to set him in his father's seat, So that he would agree to come accompanied with a small number of strangers: The which condition was devised, both for their own excuse and for the young Prince's safety: For before this time, & after the death of king Canutus, they had likewise sent for the same Edward, & Alfred (his elder brother that then was on live) putting them in like hope of restitution, to which request, the duke their grandfather assented, and for the more honourable furniture of their journey, gave them to company, divers young Gentlemen, of his own Country, whom he meant to make from thenceforth partners of their prosperity, A barbarous cruelty executed upon Strangers. as they had before time been companions of their misfortune: But when they were come into the realm, the Earl Godwine (who sought more the advancement of his own house to honour, than the restitution of the English blood to the crown,) perceiving that by no means he could make a marriage between Alfrede (the elder of the two) and Edgith his daughter, and yet, having hope, that Edward the younger would accept the offer, if he might bring to pass to set the garland upon his head, he quarreled at the company which came over with them, insinuating to the peers of the Realm, that alfred meant (so soon as he should obtain the crown) to place in all rooms of honour, his Normane Nobility, and to displace the English, his own country men. Which suspicion, he bet so deeply into the heads of many of the Noble men, and especially of his nearest friends and allies, that forthwith (upon his persuasion) they fell upon the strangers at Gillingham, and first killed nine throughout the whole number of the company, reserving on live each tenth man only: And afterward, (thinking the remainder to great) tithed the number also, slaying in the whole, about six hundred persons: As for Alfred (the elder of the young Princes) they apprehended, and conveyed him to the Isle of Ely, where first they put out his eyes, and afterward, most cruelly did him to death. But this Edward, fearing their fury, escaped their hands, and fled into Normandy: Howbeit, being now eftsoons (as I said) earnestly solicited by Godwine, and more faithfully assured by the Noble men, he once again adventured to enter the Realm, and taking Godwines' daughter to wife, obtained the Crown, and enjoyed it all his life long. I am not ignorant, that Simeon of Durham, and divers other good writers, affirm this slaughter to have been committed at Guylford in Surrey, and some other (of late time, and of less note) at Guild down, a place near Lamberhirst in the edge of this Shire: but because I find it expressly reported by Thomas Rudborne, and also the author of the Chronicle of Coventrie, to have been done at Gillingham, juxta Thamesim, I stick not (being now come to that place) to exemplify it, giving nevertheless free liberty to every man, to lay it, at the one, or the other, at his own free will and pleasure: Only my desire is to have observed, that in this one Story, there do lie folded up, both the means of the delivery of this realm of England from the thraldom of the Danes, and the causes also of the oppression and conquest of the same by the normans: For, as touching the first, it pleased the Almighty (now at length) by this manner of King Hardicanutus death, (which I have showed) to break in sunder the Danish whip, wherewith he had many years together, scourged the English nation, and by the mean of drink (the Danishe delight) to work the delivery of the one people, and the exterminion of the other, even in the midst of all their security, and pleasance: In which behalf, I can not but note the just judgement of God, Excessive drinking, and how it came into England. extended against those deep drinkers, and in their example to admonish all such, as do in like sort most beastly abuse Gods good creatures, to his great offence, the hurt of their own souls and bodies, and to the evil example of other men: For, whereas before the arrival of these Danes, the English men, or Saxons, used some temperance in drinking, not taking thereof largely, but only at certain great feasts and chearings, and that in one only wassailing cup, or bowl, which walked round about the board at the midst of the meal, much after that manner of entertainment, which Dido sometime gave to Aeneas, and is expressed by Virgil in these verses. Hic Regina gravem, auro gemmisque poposcit Implevitque mero pateram, quam Belus, & omnes A Belo soliti: Tum facta silentia tectis, jupiter (hospitibus nam te dare iura loquuntur) Et vos O caetum Tirij celebrated faventes, Dixit: Et in mensam laticum libavit honorem, Primaque libato summo tenus attigit ore. etc. The Queen commands a mighty Bowl, Of gold and precious stone To fill with wine: whom Belus King And all King Belus line Was wont to hold: than through them all Was silence made by sign, O jove (quoth she) for thou of hosts And gests both great and small (Men say) the laws haste put: give grace I pray, and let us all O you my Moors now do our best, These troyans for to cheer, Thus said she, and when grace was done, The Bowl in hand she clipped, And in the liquor sweet of wine her lips she scantly dipped. But now after the coming in of the Danes, and after such time as King Edgar, had permitted them to inhabit here, and to have conversation with his own people: Quassing and carousing so increased, that Dido's sipping was clean forsaken, and Bitias bousing came in place, of whom the same Poet writeth, Ille impiger hausit Spumantem pateram, & pleno se proluit auro. And he anon, The foamy bowl of gold upturnd, And drew till all was gone. So that King Edgar himself, seeing (in his own reign) the great outrage whereunto it was grown, was compelled to make law therefore, and to ordain drinking measures (by public Proclamation) driving certain nails into the sides of their cups, as limits and bounds, which no man (upon great pain) should be so hardy as to transgress. But this vice in that short time had taken such fast root, as neither the restraint of law, nor the expulsion of the first bringers in thereof, could supplant yet. For William of Malmesburie (comparing the manners of the English men, Great troops of serving men, came in with the normans. and Normanes together) complained, that in his time, the English fashion was, to sit bibbing, hold hours after dinner, as the Normane guise was, to walk and jet up and down the streets, with great trains of idle Serving men following them. And I would to God, that in our time also we had not just cause to complain of this vicious plant of unmeasurable Boalling: which whether it be sprung up out of the old root, or be newly transported, by some Danish enemy to all godly temperance and sobriety, let them consider, that with pleasure use it, and learn in time (by the death of Hardicanute, and the expulsion of his people) to forsake it: which if they will not, God in time either grant us the law of the Helvetians, which provided that no man should provoke other in drinking, or else if that may for courtesy be permitted, because (as the proverb is,) Sacra haec non aliter constant, yet God (I say) stir up some Edgar, to strike nails in our cups, or else give us the Gréekishe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potandi arbitros, Cup Censors, as I may call them, that at the least we may be driven to drink in some manner of measure: For it is not sufferable in a Christian Country, that men should thus labour with great contention, and strive, for the mastery (as it were) to offend God, in so wilful waste of his gracious benefits, In this History is couched also (as I have already told you) the first cause of the displeasure received by the Normanes against this Realm, and consequently the cause of their invasion succeeding the same: The cause of the Conquest of Enlande. For, whereas (after this cruelty, executed by the instigation of Godwine) it happened harold (his son) to arrive at Pountion, against his will, by occasion of a sudden perry or contrary wind, that arose while he was on seaboorde, whether for his own disport only, as some writ: or for the execution of the King's message, as others say: or of purpose to visit Wilnote and Hacun, his brother and kinsman (as a third sort affirm,) or for what so ever other cause, I will not dispute: But upon his arrival, taken he was, by Guy the Earl of Pountion: and sent to William the Duke of Normandy, where, being charged with his father's fault, and fearing that the whole revenge should have lighted upon his own head, he was driven to devise a shift for his deliverance: He put the Duke in remembrance therefore of his near kindred, with Edward the King of England, And fed him with great hope and expectation, that Edward should die without issue of his body, by reason that he had no conversation with his wife: So that, if the matter were well and in season seen unto, there was no doubt (as he persuaded) but that the Duke through his own power, and the aid of some of the English Nobility, might easily after the King's death, obtain the Crown. For the achieving whereof, he both vowed the uttermost of his own help, and undertook that his brethren, his friends, and allies also, should do the best of their endeavour: The wise Duke, knowing well, Quam malus sit custos diuturnitatis metus, How evil a keeper of continuance fear is. And therefore reposing much more surety in a friendly knot of alliance, them in a fearful offer, proceeding but only of a countenance, accepted harold oath for some assurance of his promise, but yet withal, for more safety, Harold, the King. affied him to his daughter, to be taken in marriage: And so, after many princely gifts, and much honourable entertainment bestowed upon him, he gave him licence to departed: But harold, being now returned into England, forgetteth clean, that ever he was in Normandy, and therefore so soon as King Edward was dead, he (violating both the one promise and the other) rejecteth Duke William's daughter, and setteth the Crown upon his own head: Hereof followed the battle at Battle in Sussex, and consequently, the Conquest of this whole Realm and Country. In contemplation whereof, we have likewise to accuse the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the inveterate fierceness, The uncourtesy of the English nation, toward strangers. and cankered cruelty of this our English nation against foreignes and strangers: which joining in this butcherly sacrifice with bloody Busyris, deserved worthily the revenging club of heavenly Hercules: which fearing (without cause) great harm, that these few might bring unto them, did by their barbarous immanity, Busyris, was a tyrant that sacrificed strangers: and was therefore slain by Hercules. give just cause to a great army to overrun them: And which dreading that by the arrival of this small troop of Norman Nobility, some of them might loose their honourable rooms and offices, provoked the wrath of God, to send in amongst them the whole rabble of the Norman slavery, to possess their goods & inheritances. It were worthy the consideration, to call to memory, what great Tragedies have been stirred in this Realm, by this our natural inhospitality and disdain of strangers, both in the time of King john, Henry his son, King Edward the second, Henry the sixth, and in the days of later memory: But, since that matter is parergon, and therefore the discourse would prove tedious and wearisome, and I also have been too long already at Gillingham: I will rather abruptly end it, only wishing, that whatsoever note of infamy we have heretofore contracted, amongst Foreign writers, by this our ferocity against Aliens, that now at the lest (having the Light of God's Gospel before our eyes, and the persecuted parts of his afflicted Church, as Guests and Strangers in our Country) we so behave ourselves towards them, as we may both utterly rub out the old blemish, and from henceforth stay the heavy hand of the just jupiter Hospitalis, which, otherwise, must needs light upon such stubborn and uncharitable churlishness. Chetham. Our Lady, & the Road of Chethan & Gillingham. Although I have not hitherto at any time, read any memorable thing recorded in history, touching Chetham itself yet, for so much as I have often heard (and that constantly) reported, a Popish illusion done at the place, & for that also it is as profitable to the keeping under of feigned & superstitious religion, to renew to mind, the Priestly practices of old time (which are declining to oblivion) as it is pleasant to retain in memory, the Monuments & antiquities of whatsoever other kind, I think it not amiss, to commit faithfully to writing, what I have received credibly by hearing, concerning the Idols, sometime known by the names, of our Lady, and the Rood of Chetham, and Gillingham. It happened (say they) that the dead Corpse of a man, (lost through shipwreck belike) was cast on land in the Parish of Chetham, and being there taken up, was by some charitable persons committed to honest burial within their Churchyard: which thing was no sooner done, but our Lady of Chetham, finding herself offended therewith, arose by night, and went in person to the house of the Parish Clerk, (which then was in the Street a good distance from the Church) and making a noise at his window, awaked him: This man at the first (as commonly it fareth with men disturbed in their rest) demanded somewhat roughly, who was there: But when he understood by her own answer, that it was the Lady of Chetham, he changed his note, and most mildly asked the cause of her coming: She told him, that there was lately buried (near to the place where she was honoured) a sinful person, which so offended her eye with his ghastly grinning, that unless he were removed, she could not, but (to the great grief of good people) withdraw herself from that place, and cease her wonted miraculous working amongst them. And therefore she willed him, to go with her, to the end that (by his help) she might take him up, and cast him again into the River: The Clerk obeyed, arose, and waited on her toward the Church: but the good Lady (not wonted to walk) waxed weary of the labour, and therefore was enforced for very want of breath to sit down in a bush by the way, and there to rest her: And this place (forsooth) as also the whole tract of their journey, (remaining ever after a green path) the Town dwellers were went to show: Now after a while, they go forward again, and coming to the Churchyard, digged up the body, and conveyed it to the water side, where it was first found. This done, our Lady shrancke again into her shrine, and the Clerk peaked home to patch up his broken sleep, but the corpse now eftsoons floated up and down the River, as it did before. Which thing being at length espied by them of Gillingham, it was once more taken up and buried in their churchyard. But see what followed upon it, not only the Rood of Gillingham (say they) that a while before was busy in bestowing Miracles, was now deprived of all that his former virtue: but also the very earth & place, where this carcase was laid, did continually, for ever after, settle and sink downward. This tale, received by tradition from the Elders, was (long ones) both commonly reported & faithfully credited of the vulgar sort: which although happily you shall not at this day learn at every man's mouth (the Image being now many years since defaced) yet many of the aged number remember it well, and in the time of darkness, Haec erat in toto notissima fabula mundo. But here (if I might be so bold, as to add to this Fable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Fabula significat) I would tell you, that (I thought) the Moral and mind of the tale to be none other, but that this Clerkly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, this Talewriter, (I say) and Fableforger, being either the Fermer, or Owner, of the offerings given to our Lady of Chetham, and envying the common haunt and Pilgrimage to the Rood of Gillingham, (lately erected Ad nocumentum of his gain) devised this apparition, for the advancement of the one, and the defacing of the other. For no doubt, if that age had been as prudent in examining spirits, as it was prove to believe illusions it should have found, that our Lady's path was some such green trace of grass, as we daily behold in the fields, proceeding in deed of a natural cause, though by old wives, and superstitious people, reckoned to be the dancing places of night Spirits, which they call Fairies:) And that this sinking grave, was nothing else, but a false filled pit, of Master Clerks own digging. The man was to blame, thus to make debate between our Lady and her Son, but since the whole Religion of Papistry itself, is Theomachia, and nothing else, let him be forgiven, and I will go forward. Alfred of Beverley, and Richard of Cicester, have mention of a place in East Kent, where Horsa (the Brother of Hengist) was buried, and which even till their days did continued the memory of his name. We have in this Shire a Town called Horsmundene, which name resolved into Saxon Orthography, is Horsgemyndene, and soundeth as much as, the Valley of the monument (or memorial) of Horsa. But for as much as that lieth in the south part of this Country toward Sussex, and for that I read that Horsa was slain at Ailesford, as you shall see anon) in an encounter wherein he joined with his Brother Hengist again the Britons, Horsted borne in Ailesford. which at that time inhabited Kent, it is the most reasonable to affirm, that he was buried at Horsted a place lying in this Parish, toward Ailesford, and now yet known by the same name, which signifieth, the place or steed of Horse. Hengist & Horsa two famous Captains. This Horsa, and his Brother Hengist (both whose names be Synonuma, and signify a Horse) were the Captains, and chief leaders of the first Saxons that came in aid of King Vortiger, as we have before showed: And after the death of Horsa, his Brother Hengist never ceased to war upon the Britons, till he had driven them out of Kent, and made himself King, as hereafter in fit place we will further declare. Frendsbury, in some Saxon copies freondesbyrig, that is, the Friends Court: in others, frinondesbyrig. A religious Skirmish between the Monks of Rochester, and the Brethren of Stroude. It befell in the reign of King Edward the first, by occasion of a great & long drought of the air, that the Monks of Rochester were agreed amongst themselves, to make a solemn procession from their own house thorough the city, and so to Frendsbury on the other side of the water, of a special intent and purpose to pray to God for rain. And because the day of this their appointed journey happened to be vehemently boisterous with the wind, the which would not only have blown out their lights, and tossed their bamners, but also have stopped the mouths of their singing men, and have toiled themselves in that their heavy and masking attire, they desired licence of the Master of Stroud Hospital, to pass through the orchard of his house, whereby they might both ease their company, and save the glory of their show, which otherwise through the injury of the weather must needs have been greatly blemished. The Master assented easily to their desire, and (taking it to be a matter of no great consequence) never made his brethren of the house privy thereunto. But they, so soon as they understood of this determination, called to mind that their Hospital was of the foundation of Gilbert glanvil, (sometime a bishop of Rochester) between whom and the predecessors of these Monks, there had been great heats for the erection of the same: and therefore fearing that the Monks (pretending a procession) intended to attempt somewhat against their privileges (as in deed all orders in Papistry, were exceeding jealous of their prerogatives) they resolved with all their might to resist them. And for that purpose, they both furnished themselves, and procured certain companions also (whom the History calleth Ribaldes) with clubs & bats to assist them, and so (making their ambush in the orchard) they awaited the Monks coming. It was not long, but the Monks (having made all things ready) approached in their battle array, and with banner displayed, and so (minding no harm at all) entered boldly into the house, and through the house passed into the Orchard, merely chanting their latin Letaine. But when the Brethren and their ribalds had espied them within their danger, they ran upon them, and made it rain such a shower of clubs and coulestaves upon the Monk's Copes, cowls, & Crowns, that for a while the miserable men knew not what way to turn them. After a time, the Monks called their wits and spirits together, and then (making virtue of the necessity) they made each man the best shift for himself, that they could: some, traversing their ground, declined many of the blows, and yet now & then bore off with head & shoulders: others, used the staves of their crosses, behaving themselves like pretty men: others made pikes of their banner poles: And others (flying in to their adversaries) wrested their weapons out of their hands: amongst the rest, one (saving his charity) laid load upon a married Priest, absolving him (as mine author saith) A culpa, but not A paena: Another, drove one of the Brethren into a deep ditch: & a third (as big as any Bull of Basan) espied (at the length) the postern, or back door of the orchard, whereat he ran so vehemently with his head & shoulders, that he bore it clean down before him, and so both escaped himself, and made the way for the rest of his fellows who also, with all possible haste conveyed themselves out of the jurisdiction of the Hospital, and then (shaking their ears) fell a fresh to their Orgia, I should have said to their former Orisons. After this storm thus blown (or rather born) over, I do not marvel if the Monks (as the reporter saith) never sought to carry their procession through Stroud Hospital for avoiding of the wind, for indeed it could not lightly blow more boisterously out of any quarter. And thus out of this tragical history, arose the bywoord of Frendsbury Clubs Friendsbury clubs. (a term not yet forgotten. Eslingham. The land of Frendsbury, was long since given by Offa the King of middle England, to Eardulph then Bishop of Rochester, under the name of Eslingham cum appendicijs, although at this day this other beareth countenance, as the more worthy of the twain: The benefice of Frendsbury (together with that of Dartford) was at the suit of Bishop Laurence, Appropriations of benefices. and by grant of the Pope, converted to an appropriation, one (amongst many) of those monstrous births of covetousness, begotten by the man of Rome, in the dark night of superstition, and yet suffered to live in this day light of the Gospel, to the great hindrance of learning, the impoverishment of the ministery, and the infamy of our profession, Rochester is called in Latin, Dorobrewm, Durobrewm, Dorubernia, and Durobrivis, in British, Dourbryf, that is to say, a swift stream: in Saxon, Hrofesceastre; that is, Rofi civitas, Rofes city, in some old Charters, Rofi brevi. SOme men, desirous belike, to advance the estimation of this City, have left us a far fetched antiquity, concerning one piece of the same, affirming that julius Caesar caused the Castle at Rochester (as also that other at Canterbury, and the Tower at London) to be builded of common charge: But I, having not hitherto read any such thing, either in Caesar's own Commentaries, or in any other credible History, dare not avow any other beginning of this city or castle then that which I found in Beda, lest if I should adventure as they do, I might receive as they have, I mean, The just note of more reading & industry, than of reason or judgement. And although I must, The City. (& will freely) acknowledge, that it was a City, before that it had to name Rocester (for so a man may well gather of Beda his words) yet seeing that by the injury of the ages between the monuments of the first beginning of this place, and of innumerable such other, be not come to our hands, I had rather in such cases use honest silence, then rash speech, and do prefer plain unskill and ignorance, before vain lying and presumptuous arrogance. For truly, the credit of our English History, is no one way somuch impaired, as by the blind boldness of some, which taking upon them to commit it to writing, and wanting (either through their own slothfulness, or the iniquity of the time) true understanding of the original of many things, have not sticked (without any modesty or discretion) to obtrude new fantasies and follies of their own forgery, for assured truths, and undoubted antiquity. As for examples of this kind, although there be at hand, many in number, and the same most fond and ridiculous in matter, yet because it should be both odious for the authors, tedious to the readers, and grievous for myself, to enter into them, I will not make enumeration of any: But staying myself upon this general note, I will proceed with the treatise of the place that I have taken in hand, the which may aptly (as me thinketh) be broken into four several portions. The City itself, The Castle, the Religious buildings, and the Bridge. The City of Rochester, took the name (as Beda writeth) of one Rof (or rather Hrof, as the Saxon book hath it) which was sometime the Lord and owner of the place. This name, Leland supposeth, to have continuance in Kent till this our time, meaning (as I suspect) Rolf, a family well enough known. What so ever the estate of this City was, before the coming in of the Saxons, it seemeth, that after their arrival, the maintenance thereof, depended chief upon the residence of the Bishop, and the religious persons: And therefore no marvel is it, if the glory of the place were not at any time very great, Since on the one side the ability of the Bishops and the Canons (inclined to advance it) was but mean, and on the other side, the calamity of fire and sword (bend to destroy it) was in manner continual. For I read, that at such time as the whole Realm was sundered into particular kingdoms, and each part warred for superiority, and inlarginge of bounds with the other, Eldred (than King of Mercia) invaded Lothar the king of this Country, and finding him unable to resist, spoiled the whole Shire, and laid this City waste. The Danes also, which in the days of king Alfred came out of France sailed up the river of Medwey, to Rochester, and (besieging the town) fortified over against it in such fort, that it was greatly distressed, and like to have been yielded, but that the king (Paeonia manu) came speedily to the rescue, and not only raised the siege, and delivered his subjects, but obtained also an honourable booty of horses and captives, that they besiegers had left behind them. The fame people, having miserably vexed the whole Realm in the days of King Ethelred, came at the last to this City, where they found the inhabitants ready in arms to resist them, but they assailed them with such fury, that they compelled them to save them selves by flight, and to leave the place a pray to their enemies: The which was somewhat the less worthy unto them, because King Ethelred himself (not long before) upon a displeasure conceived against the Bishop, had besieged the City, and would by no means departed thence, before he had an hundredth pounds in ready money paid him. And these harms, Rochester received before the time of king William the Conqueror, in whose reign it was valued in the book of doomsday at .100. s. by the year, & after whose days (besides sundry particular damages done to the city, during the sieges laid to the castle, (as shall appear anon) it was much defaced by a great fire that happened in the reign of King Henry the first, the King himself, and a great many of the Nobility, and Bishops being there present, and assembled for the consecration, (as they call it) of the great Church of Saint Andrew's, the which was even then newly finished: And it was again in manner wholly consumed with flame, about the latter end of the reign of King Henry the second, at which time that newly builded Church was sore blasted also: But after all these calamities, this City was well repaired & ditched about, in the reign of King Henry the third. As touching the castle The Castle. at Rochester, although I find not in writing any other foundation thereof, then that which I alleged before, & reckon to be mere fabulous, yet dare I affirm, that there was an old Castle above eight hundredth years ago, in so much as I read, that Ecgbert (a king of Kent) gave certain lands within the walls of Rochester castle, to Eardulfe, than Bishop of that See: And I conjecture, that Odo (the bastard brother to king William the Conqueror) which was at the first, Bishop of Borieux in Normandy, and then afterward, advanced to the office of the chief justice of England, and to the honour of the Earldom of Kent, was either the first author, or the best benefactor to that which now standeth in sight: and hereunto I am drawn, somewhat by the consideration of the time itself, in which many Castles were raised to keep the people in awe, and somewhat by the regard of his authority, which had the charge of this whole Shire, but most of all, for that I read, that about the time of the Conquest, the Bishop of Rochester received land at Ailesford, in exchange for ground to build a Castle at Rochester upon. Not long after which time, when as William Rufus (our English Pyrrhus, or Readhead) had stepped between his elder brother Robert and the crown of this realm, and had given experiment of a fierce and unbridled government: the Nobility (desirous to make a change) arose in arms against him, and stirred his brother to make invasion: And to the end that the King should have at once many irons (as the saying is) in the fire to attend upon, some moved war in one corner of the Realm, and some in another, But amongst the rest, this Odo betook him to his castle of Rochester, accompanied with the best, both of the English and the Norman nobility: This when the king understood, he solicited his subjects, & specially the inhabitants of this country, by all fair means and promises to assist him, & so (gathering a great army) besieged the Castle, and strengthened the Bishop and his complices the defendants in such wise, that in the end, he and his company were contented to abjure the Realm, and to lead the rest of their life in Normandy. And thus Odo, that many years before had been (as it were) a Viceroy, and second person within this realm, was now deprived of all his dignity, & driven to keep residence upon his benefice, till such time as Earl Robert (for whose cause he had incurred this danger (pitying the cause, appointed him governor of Normandy his own country. After this, the Castle was much amended by Gundulphus, the Bishop, who (in consideration of a Manor given to his See, by King William Rufus) bestowed three score pounds in building that great Tower, which yet standeth. And from that time, this Castle continued (as I judge) in the possession of the Prince, until King Henry the first, by the advice of his Barons, granted to William the archbishop of Canterbury and his successors, the custody, and office of Constable over the same, with free liberty to build a Tower for himself, in any part thereof at his pleasure. By means of which cost done upon it at that time, the Castle at Rochester was much in the eye of such as were the authors of troubles following within the realm so that from time to time it had a part, almost in every Tragedy. For, what time King john had war, with his Barons, they got the possession of this Castle, and committed the defence thereof to a noble man, called William Dalbinet, whom the king immediately besieged, & (through the cowardice of Robert Fitz Walter, that was sent to rescue it) after three months labour, compelled him to tender the piece: The next year after, Lewes (the French Dolphin) by the aid of the English Nobility, entered the same Castle, and took it by force: And lastly, in the reign of King Henry the third, Simon Mountford, (not long before the battle at Lewes in Sussex) girded the city of Rochester about with a mighty siege, and setting on fire the wooden bridge, & a Tower of timber that stood thereon, wan the first gate (or ward) of the Castle by assault, and spoiled the Church and Abbay: But, being manfully resisted seven days together, by the Earl Warren that was within, and hearing suddenly of the Kings coming thitherward, he prepared to meet him in person, and left others to continued the siege, all which were soon after put to flight by the king's army. This war (as I have partly showed before) was specially moved against strangers, which during that king's reign, bore such a sway (as some writ) that they not only disdained the natural borne Nobility of the Realm, But did also (what in them lay) to abolish the ancient laws and customs of the same. In deed, the fire of that displeasure was long in kindling, & therefore so much the more furious, when it braced forth into flame: But amongst other things, that ministered nourishment thereto, this was not the lest, that upon a time it chanced a Torneament to be at Rochester, in which the English men, of a set purpose (as it should seem) sorted themselves against the strangers, and so overmatched them, that following the victory, they made them with great shame, to fly into the Town for covert: But I dwell to long (I fear) in these two parts: I will therefore now visit the Religious building, and so pass over the bridge to some other place. The foundation of the Church of S. Andrew's in Rochester, S. Andrews Church in Rochester. was first laid by King Ethelbert (as we have touched before) at such time as he planted the Bishop's chair in the City, and it was occupied by Canons, till the days of Gundulphus, the Bishop, who because he was a Monk, and had heard that it was sometimes stored with Monks, made means to Lanfranc the archbishop, and by his aid and authority, both builded the Church and priory of new, threw out the Canons, and once more brought Monks into their place, following therein the example, that many other Cathedral Churches of that time had showed before. And this is the very cause, Priests had wives, in England, of old time. that William of Malmesburie ascribeth to Lanfranc, the whole thank of all that matter, for in deed both he and Anselme his successor, were wonderfully busied in placing Monks, and in divorcing Canons, and Secular Priests from their wives, the which (in contempt) they called, Focalia, no better then White kerchiefs, or kitchenstuffe: although both the law of God maketh the accomplishment honourable amongst all men, & the law of this country had (without any check) allowed it in priests, till their own time: For Henry of Huntingdon writeth plainly, that Anselme in a Synod, at London, Prohibuit sacerdotibus uxores, ante non prohibitas Forbade Priests their wives which were not forbidden before. And William of Malmesburie affirmeth, that he there decreed, Ne inposterum filij presbyterorum sint haeredes ecclesiarum patrum suorum, That from thenceforth priests sons should not be heirs to their father's benefices. Which I note shortly, to the end, that men should not think it so strange a matter (in this Realm) for Priests to have wives, as some peevish Papists go about to persuade. But to return to Gundulphus, from whom I am by occasion digressed: he (as I said) réedified the great Church at Rochester, erected the priory, and where as he found but half a dozein secular Priests in the Church at his coming, he never ceased, till he had brought together at the least three score Monks into the place. Then removed he the dead bodies of his predecessors, and with great solemnity, translated them into this new work: and there also Lanfranc was present with his purse, and of his own charge incoffened the body of Paulinus (the third Bishop of Rochester, who had left there the pall of the archbishopric of York, that was not recovered long after) in curious work of clean silver, to the which shrine there was afterward (according to the superstitious manner of those times) much concourse of people, and many oblations. Besides this, they both joined in suit to the King, and not only obtained restitution of sundry the possessions withholden from the Church, but also procured by his liberality and example, new donations of many other lands & privileges besides. To be short, Gundulphus (overliving Lanfranc) never rested building & begging, tricking & garnishing, till he had advanced this his creature, to the just wealth, beauty, and estimation, of a right Popish priory. But God (who moderating all things by his divine providence) showed him self always a severe visitor of these irreligious Synagogues) God (I say) set fire on this building twice with in the compass of one hundredth years after the erection of the same: and furthermore suffered such discord to arise between Gilbert glanvil, the Bishop of Rochester, and the Monks of this house, that he for displeasure bereaved them, not only of all their goods, ornaments, and writings, but also of a great part of their lands, possessions and privileges: and they both turmoiled themselves in suit to Rome for remedy, and were driven (for maintenance of their expenses, to coin the silver of Paulinus his Shrine into ready money which thing turned both to the great impoverishing of their house, and to the utter abasing of the estimation and reverence of their Church: for that (as in deed it commonly falleth out amongst the simple people, that are much led by the sense) the honour and offering to this their Saint, ended and died together, with the gay Glory and state of his Tumbs. By this means therefore, Gilbert become so hated of the Monks, that when he died, they committed him obscurely to the ground without ringing of Bell, Celebration of service, or doing of any other funeral Obsequys. But to these their calamities, was also added one other great loss, sustained by the wars of King john, who in his siege against the Castle of Rochester, so, spoiled this Church and priory, that (as their own Chronicles report) he left them not so much as one poor Pixe to stand on their Altar. It was now high time therefore, to devise some way, whereby the priory and Church of Rochester, might be, if not altogether restored to the ancient wealth and estimation, yet at the lest somewhat relieved from this penury, nakedness, and abjection. And therefore, Laurence of Saint Martin's, the Bishop of Rochester, perceiving the common people to be somewhat drawn (by the fraud of the Monks) to think reverently of one William, that lay buried in the Church, and knowing well that there was no one way so compendious to gain, Saint William of Rochester. as the advancement of a Pilgrimage procured at the Pope's Court, the canonisation of that man, with indulgence to all such as would offer at his tomb, underpropping by mean of this new Saint, some manner of reverent opinion of the Church, which before, through defacing the old Bishop's shrine, was declined to nought. But to the end that it may appear, to what hard shift of Saints these good Fathers were then driven, and how easily the people were then deluded, you shall hear out of Nova Legenda itself, what great man this Saint William of Rochester was. He was by birth, a Scot, of Perthe (now commonly called Saint john's Town) by trade of life a Baker of bread, and thereby got his living, in charity so abundant, that he gave to the poor the tenth loaf of his workmanship, in zeal so fervent, that in vow he promised, & in deed attempted, to visit the holy land (as they called it) & the places where Christ was conversant on earth: in which journey, as he passed through Kent, he made Rochester his way, where, after that he had rested two or three days, he departed toward Canterbury: But ere he had gone far from the City, his servant that waited on him, led him (of purpose) out of the high way, and spoiled him both of his money and life. This done, the servant escaped, and the Master (because he died in so holy a purpose of mind) was by the Monks conveyed to Saint Andrew's, laid in the choir, and promoted by the Pope, as you heard from a poor Baker, to a blessed Martyr. Here (as they say) showed he miracles plentifully, but certain it is, that mad folks offered unto him liberally, even until these latter times, in which, the beams of God's truth, shining in the hearts of men, did quite chase away, and put to flight, this and such other gross clouds, of will worship, superstition, & idolatry. Besides this priory (which was valued by the Commissioners of the late suppression, at .486. pounds by year) there was none other religious building in Rochester) only I read, that Gundulphus (the Bishop before remembered) builded there an Hospital without the East gate, which he called Saint Bartilmew's. Saint Bartholomew's Hospital Now therefore am I come to the Bridge over Medway, not that alone which we presently behold, but an other also, much more ancient in time, though less beautiful in work, Rochester Bridge both the old, & the new. which neither stood in the self place where this is, neither yet very far off, for that crossed the water over against Stroud Hospital: and this latter is pitched some distance from thence toward the South, and somewhat nearer to the City wall, as to a place more fit, both for the fastness of the soil, and for the breaking of the swiftness of the stream, to build a Bridge upon. That old work, (being of timber Building) was fired by Simon the Earl of Leycester, in the time of King Henry the third, as hath already appeared: and not fully twenty years after, it was borne away with the Ice, in the reign of King Edward his Son. Wherefore, lest that as the Frost and flame, hath already consumed the thing itself: So the canker of time should also devour all memory thereof, I have thought meet to impart such antiquities, as I have found concerning that bridge, whereof the one was taken out of a book (sometime) belonging to the late worthy and wise counsellor, Doctor Nicholas Wotton, and which he had exemplified out of an ancient monument of Christ's Church in Canterbury, bearing this Title. Memorandum de Ponte Roffensi. etc. Episcopus Roffensis debet facere primam peram de ponte Roffensi, & debet invenire tres sullives, & debet plantare tres virgatas super pontem. Et hoc debent facere Borstal, Cukelstan, Frendsburie, & Stoke. Secunda pera debet habere tres full. & debet plantare unam virgatam: Et hoc debent homines de Gillingham & de Chetham. Episcopus Roffensis debet facere tertiam peram, & debet full. & plantare duas virgatas & dimid. Et hoc debetur de Halling, Trockesclive, Malling, Southflete, Stane, Pinendene & Falcham. Quarta pera debet tres full. & plantare tres virgatas. Et hoc debent homines de Borgham de sex full. & de Woldham cum Roberto Bisset & socijs suis, & cum Roberto Neue de trib. full. de Althea una full. de Henherst dimid. full. de Honden quartam partem unius. full. de Cusington dimid. full. de Boneheld dimid full: De Farleg unam full. De Ethles viginti quinque acres: de Theiston unam full. De Loose unam full. De Lillinton, duas full: De Stokebury, duas sul: De Gliselardland, de Sinelond, de Dalelond: De Lechebundlond, De Horsted. De Chelk. Quinta pera pertinet ad Archiepiscopum. Et debet tres full: & plantare quatuor virgat. Et hoc debetur de Wroteham, Nedestane, Woteringbery, Netherlestede, Pecham, & altera Pecham, Heselholt, Mereworth, Leyborne, Swaneton, Offehan, Di●tone, Westerham. Sexta pera pertinet ad Hundredum de Heyburne. & debet full: & plantare .4. virgatas: & hoc debent homines de Boxele, scilicet de .7. full. & dimid sed contradicunt. Dimid. full. de Dethling: unam full. & Dimid. & quartam partem unius Thornham .2. full. & tertiam, quam contradicunt: De Aldington unam full: & aliam, quam contradicunt: De Stokebery .2. full. de Eilnothington .2, full. de Bicknore i full. de Widneselle i full, de Holingeburne 6. full, de quibus Godinton debet 2. full & Bocton Archiepiscopi dimid full: de Heberton cum Frensted i full: de Lhed. s 3. full, de Herietesham cum Litlewrotha 2 full: de Wrenstede dimid full, de Wytheling cum Eastelne i full, de Lenham 4. full. & dimid. de Longele cum Otringdene 2. full & dimid. de Eastlenham 2. full, the Boctone Bavelingham i full, de Hulecumb 2. full, & dimid. quam contradicunt. de Farburn dimid. full, & dimid. quam contradicunt. de Suthone 7. full, & dimid. de Otteham 1. full, de Witherinton dimid. full. Notandum, quod ad 6. full, de Holingehorne debet Boctone dimid. full, Godinton 2. full, Buccherst dimid. jug. Wibendene & Hok●bery dimid. jug. Wythyherst 1 juger, Herindene dimid. juger. Hallebroc & Herebertest dimid. juger. Bresing 3. jug. Beaverepair dimid. juger. Stanburne & Thrumsted dimid. jug. Riple dimid. juger. Bradestrete dimid. juger. Brechedene quartam partem unius juger. Simon de porta 5. acras, Gilebertus de Thrumstede 15. acras. Terra Ospeck 5. acras. Thomas supra montem 10. acras. Sara de Dene, Robertus de Swandene cum socijs 45. acras. Bradherst 4. juger. Huking dimid. jug. Wodaeton. i jug. Herst. i. juger. Heyhorne dimid. jug. Lareye dimid. jug. Grenewey. i jug. Southgrenewey. i jug. Gerin cum socijs dimid. jug. Terra jacobi de Hannye dimid. juger. Cotenetun dimid. jug. Nutemannestowe, & terra Bellardi, dimid. jug. Sheldesbourn dimid. jug. Snade quartam partem. Worham 3 acras. Bode 5. acras. Simon Cockel 25. acras. Haeredes Thomae de la Dane. 5. acras. Walterus Larsone 5. acras. Wilhelmus Cliue 10. acras. Sep●ima, & octava pera, pertinent ad homines de Hoo. Et debent sex full: & plantare 4. virgat, & dimid. Nona pera pertinet ad Archiepiscopum, & debet 3 full & plantare 4. virgat. Et hoc debetur de & Cliue, Heigham, Deninton, Melton, Hlidesdon, Mepeham, Snodeslond, Bearlinges, Peadelesworthe, & de omnibus hominibus in eadem valle, The other antiquity I found in an old volume of Rochester Library, collected by Ernulsus the Bishop, and entitled, Textus de Ecclesia Roffensi: in which, that which concerneth this purpose, is to be read both in the Saxon, (or ancient English) tongue, and in the Latin also, as hereafter followeth. Ðis This is is þaers the bricaegeƿeorc Bridgewoorke on at Hrofecaestre; Rochester. Her Here syndon be genamod named þa the land. lands, þE for man the Hi which of scael men shall ƿeorcan; work. Aerest First the þaer● burgebiscop faeHð on Bishop of the City taketh on beginneth þone that earm end to to ƿercene work þa the land land peran. peer: & and þreo three gyrda yards to to þillianne. plank: & and iij. sulla to 3. plates to lyccanne; lay: ꝧ that is is, of from of borcstealle. Borstall, & and of Cucclestane. from Cuckstane, & of and from frinondesbyrig. Frendsbyry, & of Stoce; and Stoke, Ðanne Then seo the oþres second per peer gebyrað belongeth to to gyllingeHam. Gyllingham, & to CaetHam. and to Chetham, & an gird to and one yard to þillianne. plank, & iij. and 3. sulla plates to to leccanne; lay. Ðonne Then seo the þridde third peer per gebyrað eft þam biscope. belongeth again to the same Bishop, & þridde He●lf gird and two yards and a half, and three yards lacking a half, to to þillianne. plank, & iii sulla and 3. plates to to leccenne. lay, of of from Healingan. haling & of trotesclive and of Trosclif: & of meallingan. and of malling, & of fliote. and of Fleet, & of Stane. and of Stone. & and of pundene. of pyndene, & of and of falcHenHam; falkenham. Fakham Ðonne Then is is seo the feorðe forth paer þaes cinges. peer the Kings & and fiorðe 3. Half gird to þillanne. yards and a half to plank, & iii sulla to leccanne. and 3. plates to say, of of aeglesforda. Atlesford, & and of of eallan all þam that laeþe þe þerto that Lathe hundredth that thereunto liþ. lieth, & of ufanHylle. and of the uphille. men upon the hill, & of Aclea. and of Acley, Okeley, & of þam and of Smalanland. Smalland, & and of of Cusintune. Cosyngton, & of dudeslande. and of Dudslande, & of Gysleardeslande. and of Gisleardsland, & of ƿuldeHam. and of Woldham, & of and of burHHam. Burham, & and of of Acclesse. Acclesse. & and of of Horstede. Horstede, & of fearnlege. and of Farley, & of terstane. and of Teston, & of Cealce. and of Chalk, & of HennHyste. and of Henhyrst, & of and of Aedune; Edon. Ðonne Then is is seo the fift fift per paes peer the Arcebiscopes. archbishops, to ƿroteHam. to Wrotham, & to Maegþanstane. and to Maydstone, & to and to ƿoþringebyran. Wateringbyrie, & to Netlestede. and to Nettlested, & to þam and to the tƿam PeccHam. two Peckams, & to HaeselHolte. and to Haselholte, & to Maeranƿyrþe. and to Mereworth, & to Lillanburnan. and to Layborne, & to Sƿanatune. and to Swanton, & to OffaHam. and to Ofham, & to Dictune. and to Dytton, & to ƿesterHam. and to Westerham, & iiij. gyrda to þillanne. and four yards to plank, & iij. Sylle to and 3. plates to leccanne; lay. Ðonne Then is is syo the seoxte sixth per peer to to Holingaburnan. Holingborne, & to and to eallan all þam laeþe. that Lath, & iiij. gyrda to þelliene. And four yards to plank: & iiij. sulla to leccenne; and four plates to say. Ðonne Then is is syo the syoveþe. seventh, & syo eaHteþe per. and the eight peer to Hoƿaran land to the men of Hoo to to ƿyrcenne. work: & fift And four Healf gird to þillanne. yards and a half to plank: & vj. sulla to and six plates to lyccanne. say. Ðonne Then is is syo the nigaþa ninth per peer þaes the Aercebiscopes. archbishops, ꝧ is syo land per aet þam that is the land peer at the ƿest West aende; end: to to fliote. Fleet: & to His clyfe. and to his cliff: Bishops cliff & to HeHHam. and to Higham: & to and to denetune. Denton: and and to to Melantune. M●lton: and and to to Hludesdune. Ludsdowne: and and to to MeapeHam. Mepham: and and to to Snodilande. Snodland: and and to to berlingan. Berling, and and to to peadlesƿyrðe. Paddelsworthe: and and ealla ða daeneƿaru; to all that valley men: and iiij. gyrda to ðillianne. and four yards to plank: and and ðryo three sylle plates to leccanne; to say; Haec descriptio demonstrate apertè, unde debeat pons de Rovecestra restaurari, quotíens fuerit fractus. Primum, eiusdem Civitatis Episcopus incipit operari in orientali brachio primam peram de terra: deinde tres virgatas plancas ponere, & tres sulivas. 1. tres magnas trabes supponere: Et hoc faciet de Borchastalle, & de Cuclestana & de Freondesbiria, & de Stoche. Secunda pera pertinet ad Gillingeham, & ad Caetham: & unam virgatam plancas ponere, & 3. sulivas supponere. Tertia pera pertinet iterum ad Episcopum eiusdem civitatis, qui debet 2. uírgatas & dímid. plancas ponere: & 3. sulivas supponere: & hoc fiet de Heallinges, Trottesclive, Meallinges, Suthfleotes, Stanes, Pinnendene, & Falceham. Quarta pera pertinet ad Regem, & debet 3. virgat. & dimid. plancas ponere: & 3. sulivas supponere: Et hoc fiet de Eilesforda, & de toto illo laesto quod ad illud manerium pertinet: & de supermontaneis, & de Aclea, & de Smalaland, & de Cusintune, & de Dudesland, & de Gisleardes' land, & de Wul●cham, & de Burham, & de Aclesse, Horsteda, Fearnlega, Terstane, Cealca, Henhersta, & de Hathdune. Quinta pera est Archiepiscopi, & debet 4. virgat. plancas ponere, & 3. sulivas summittere: & hoc debet fieri de Wrotham, Maedestana, Oteringaberiga, Netlesteda, duabus Peccham, Haeselholt, Maerewurtha, Lilleburna, Swanatuna, Offeham, Dictuna, & Westerham. Sexta pera debet fieri de Holingburna, & de toto illo laesto quod ad hoc pertinet: 4. virgat. plancas ponere, & 3. fulivas supponere. Septimam & octavam peram, debent facere homines de How, & 4. & dimid. virgat. plancas ponere, & sex sulivas supponere. Nona pera, quae ultima est, in occidentali brachio, est iterum Archiepiscopi: 4. virgat. plancas ponere: & tres sulivas summittere: Et hoc debet fieri de Northfleta, Cliva, Heahham, Denituna, Meletuna, Hludesduna, Meapeham, Snodilanda, Berlinges, Peadleswrthe, & de omnibus illis hominibus, qui manent in illa valle. Et sciendum est, quod omnes illae sulivae quae in ponte illo ponentur, tantae grossitudinis debent esse, ut bene possint sustinere, omnia gravia pondera superiacentium plancarum, & omnium desuper transeuntium rerum. By these it may appear, that this ancient bridge consisted of nine Arches, or peers, & contained in length, about twenty and six rods, or yards, as they be here termed, Toward the reparation and maintenance whereof, divers persons, parcels of lands, and townships, (as you see) were of duty bound to bring stuff, & to bestow both cost & labour in laying it: This duty grew, either by tenure, or custom, or both: & it seemeth, that according to the quantity and proportion of the Land to be charged, the carriage also was either more or less. For here is express mention, not of Towns and Manors only, but of Yokes and Acres also, which were contributory to the aid of carrying, pitching, and laying of piles, planks, and other great timber. And here (by the way) it is to be observed, that so much of the work as ariseth of stone and earth, is called, Pera, of the Latin word, Petra: that the great ground posts, plates, or beams, be termed (Sullivae) of the old Saxon word (Sylle) which we yet every where know by the name of a Ground Sille: And that the Tables, or Boards, which are laid over them, are named (Plancae) or Planks, as we yet also in our vulgar language do sound it. But now in our time, by reason that divers Lands are purposely given to maintain the new Bridge, all this ancient duty of reparation is quite and clean forgotten, although by the statute 21. and 2. the forenamed lands remain liable, as before, yea and the new Bridge itself also (for want of the execution of that, or some other such politic way of maintenance) both presently lacketh help, and is like hereafter (if remedy in time be not applied) to decline to great ruin and decay: Which thing is so much the more to be foreseen, and pitied, as that the work is to the founder a Noble monument, to this City a beautiful ornament; and to the whole Country a great benefit, commodity, and easement. Of this latter work (being not much above eight score years of age) Sir Robert Knolles (a man advanced by valiant behaviour, Sir Robert Knolles a valiant captain. and good service under King Edward the third, from a common Soldier, to a most commendable captain) was the first Author: who after that he had been sent General of an army into France, and there (in despite of all their power) had driven the people like sheep before him, wasting, burning and destroying, Towns, Castles, Churches, Monasteries, and Cities, in such wise and number, that long after in memory of his act, the sharp points and Gable ends of overthrown Houses and minsters, were called Knolles Mitres: he returned into England, and meaning some way to make himself as well beloved of his Country men at home, as he had been every way dread and feared of Strangers abroad, by great policy mastered the River of Medwey, and of his own charge made over it the goodly work that now standeth, with a chapel & chantry at the end, & died full of years in the midst of the Reign of King Henry the fourth. Stroude, anciently called Strodes, of the Saxon word (Strogd) which signifieth Scattered, because it was a Hamlet of a few houses, that lay scattered from the City. ABout the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the third, The Hospital. Gilbert Glanuille, the Bishop of Rochester, (of whom you have already heard) founded an Hospital at Stroude, which he dedicated to the name of the blessed Virgin, and endowed with livelihood to the value of fifty and two pounds by year. A name, or family of men, The beginning of this scoffing by word, kentish tails. sometime inhabiting Stroude (saith Polydore) had tails clapped to their breeches by Thomas Becket, for revenge and punishment of a despite done to him, in cutting of the tail of his horse: The Author of the new Legend saith, that after Saint Thomas had excommunicated two Brothers, (called brocks) for the same cause, that the Dogs under the table would not once take Bread at their hands. Such (belike) was the virtue of his curse, that it gave to brute beasts, a discretion and knowledge of the persons, that were in danger of it. Boetius (the Scotishe Chronicler) writeth, that the like plague lighted upon the men of Midleton in Dorsetshyre: Who, because they threw Fish tails in great contempt at Saint Augustine, were both themselves and their posterity, stricken with tails, to their perpetual infamy and punishment. All which their Reports (no doubt) be as true, as Ovid's History of Diana, that in great anger bestowed on Actaeon a dears head, with mighty brow anthlers. Much are the Western men bound (as you see) to Polydore, who taking the miracle from Augustine, applieth it to S. Thomas, and removing the infamous revenge from Dorsetshyre, layeth it upon our men of Kent. But little is Kent, or the whole English Nation beholdding, either to him, or his fellows, who (amongst them) have brought upon us this ignominy & note with other Nations abroad, that many of them believe as verily, that we have long tails, & be monsters by nature, as other men have their due parts and members in usual number. Polydore (the wisest of the company) fearing that issue might be taken upon the matter, Angle Queen. ascribeth it to one special stock and family, which he nameth not, and yet (to leave it the more uncertain) he saith, that, that family also is worn out long since, and showeth not when: And thus affirming, he cannot tell of whom, nor when, he goeth about in great earnest (as in sundry other things) to make the world believe he cannot tell what: he had forgotten the Law whereunto an Hystorian is bound, Ne quid falsi audeat, ne quid veri non audeat. That he should be bold to tell the truth, and yet not so bold as to tell a lie. Howbeit his History (without all doubt) in places not blemished with such follies, is a worthy work, but since he inserteth them many times without all discretion, he must of the wiser sort be read over with great suspicion, & weariness: For, as he was by office Collector of the Peter pence to the Pope's gain and lucre, so showeth he himself throughout by profession, a covetous gatherer of lying Fables, feigned to advance the Popish Religion, Kingdom, and mitre. ¶ Halling, in Saxon Haling, that is to say, the wholesome low place, or Meadow. I Have seen in an ancient book containing the donations to the See of Rochester, Many kings at once, in Kent. collected by Ernulphus the Bishop there, & entitled Textus de Ecclesia Roffensi) a Chartre of Ecgbert (the fourth christened King of Kent) by the which he gave to Dioram, the Bishop of Rochester, ten ploughlandes in Halling, together with certain Denes in the Weald, or common wood. To the which Chartre, there is (amongst others) the subscription of jeanbert the Archbishop, and of one Heahbert, a King of Kent also, as is in that book termed. Which thing I note for two special causes, the one to show, that about that age there were at one time in Kent, more Kings than one: The other, to manifest and set fourth the manner of that time in signing & subscribing of Deeds and Charters, a fashion much different from the insealing that is used in these our days: and as touching the first, I myself would have thought, that the name King, had in that place been but only the title of a second Magistrate (as Prorex, or viceroy) substituted under the very King of the country for administration of justice in his aid or absence: saving that I read plainly in an other Chartre, of another donation of Eslingham made by Offa the king of Mercia, to Eardulfe, the Bishop of the same See) that he proceeded in that his gift, by the consent of the same Heahbert, the king of Kent, and that on Sigaered also (by the name of Rex dimidiae partis provinciae Cantuariorum) both confirmed it by writing, and gave possession by the delivery of a clod of earth, after the manner of seisin that we yet use. Neither was this true in Heahbert only, for it is evident by sundry Chartres, extant in the same Book, that Ealbert the King of Kent, had Ethelbert, (another King) his fellow, and partner: who also in his time was joined in reign with one Eardulfe, that is called, Rex Cantuariorum, as well as he. So that, for this season, it should seem, that either the kingdom was divided by descent, or else, that the title was litigious, and in controversy, though our histories (so far as I have seen) have mention of neither. The old manner of Signing, & Sealing, of deeds. This old manner of signing and subscribing, is (in my fantasy) also not unworthy the observation: wherein we differ from our ancestors, the Saxons, in this, that they subscribed their names (commonly adding the sign of the cross) together with a great number of witnesses: And we, for more surety, both subscribe our names, put our seals, and use the help of testimony besides. That former fashion continued throughout, until the time of the conquest by the Normans, whose manner by little and little at the length prevailed amongst us. For the first sealed Chartre in England, that ever I read of, is that of King Edward the confessors to the Abbey of Westminster: who (being brought up in Normandy) brought into this Realm, that, and some other of their guises with him: And after the coming of William the Conqueror, the Normans, liking their own country custom (as naturally all nations do) rejected the manner that they found here, and retained their own, as Ingulphus, the Abbot of Croyland, which came in with the conquest, witnesseth, saying: Normanni, cheirographorun confectionem, cum crucib. aureis, & alijs signaculis sacris, in Anglia firmari solitam, in cerae impressionem mutant, modumque scribendi anglicum reijciunt. The Normans, do change the making of writings, which were wont to be firmed in England with Crosses of gold, and other holy signs into the printing with wax: and they reject also the manner of the English writing. Howbeit, this was not done all at once, but it increased & came forward by certain steps & degrees, so the first and for a season, the King only, or a few other of the Nobility besides him, used to seal: Then the Noble men (for the most part) and no●e other, which thing a man may see in the History of Battle abbey, where Richard Lucy chief justice of England, in the time of King Henry the second, is reported to have blamed a mean subject, for that he used a private seal, when as that pertained (as he said) to the King, and Nobility only. At which time also (as john Rosse noteth it) they used to engrave in their seals, their own pictures, and counterfeits, covered with a long coat over their armours. But after this, the Gentlemen of the better sort took up the fashion, and because they were not all warriors, they made seals of their several coats, or shields of arms, for difference sake, as the same author reporteth. At the length, about the time of King Edward the third, seals become very common, so that not only such as bore arms, used to seal, but other men also fashioned to themselves, signetes of their own devise, some taking the letres of their own names, some flowers, some knots, & flowrishes, some birds, or beasts, and some other things, as we now yet daily behold in use. I am not ignorant, that some other manner of sealings besides these, hath been heard of amongst us, as namely that of King Edward the third, by which he gave, To Norman the Hunter, the hop and the hop town, with all the bounds up side down: And in witness, that it was sooth, He bit the wax with his fong tooth. And that of Alberie de veer also, containing the donation of Hatfield, to the which he affixed a short black hafted knife, like unto an old halfpenny whitle, in stead of a seal: and such others, of which happily I have seen some, & heard of more. But all that notwithstanding, if any man shall think, that these were received in common use and custom, and that they were not rather the devices and pleasures of a few singular persons, he is no less deceived, than such as deem every Chartre and writing, that hath no seal annexed, to be as ancient as the Conquest: whereas (indeed) sealing was not commonly used till the time of King Edward the third, as I have already told you. Thus far, by occasion of this old Chartre, I am strayed from the history of Halling, of which I find none other report in writing, save that in the reign of king Henry the second, Richard the Archbishop of Canterbury, and imediat successor to Thomas the Archtraytour of this Realm, ended his life, in the mansion house there, which then was, and yet continueth, parcel of the possessions of the See of Rochester: The circumstance and cause, of which his death and departure, I will reserve till I come to Wrotham, where I shall have just occasion to discover it. ¶ Ailesforde, or Eilesforde, called in some Saxon copies, Egelesford, that is the Ford, of passage over the River Egle, or Eyle: In others Angelesford, which is, the passage of the Angles, or English men. It is falsely termed of some, Alencester, Allepord, Aelstrea, by depravation of the writers of the sundry copies (as I suspect) and not otherwise. WIthin a few years after the arrival of the Saxons, the Britons (perceiving that Vortiger their King was withdrawn by his wife from them, and drawn to the part of their enemies) made election of Vortimer his son, for their Lord and leader: by whose manhood and prowess, they in short time so prevailed against the Saxons, that (slaying Horsa, one of the Chieftains, in an encounter given at this place, & discomfiting the residue) they first chased them from hence, as far as Tanet, (in memory of which flight, happily this place, was called Anglesford, that is the passage of the Angles or Saxons) and after that compelled them to forsake the land, to take shipping toward their country, and to seek a new supply: And truly, had not the untimely death of King Vo●timer immediately succeeded, it was to be hoped, that they should never have returned. But the want of that one man, both quailed the courage of the Britons, gave new matter of stomach to the Saxons to repair their forces, and brought upon this Realm an alteration of the whole Estate and Government. There landed within the Realm in the time of Alfred, two great swarms of Danish Pirates, whereof the one arrived near Winchelsey, with two hundredth and fifty sail of Ships, and passing along that River fortified at Apledore, as we have showed before: The other entered the Thamise, in a fleet of eighty sail, whereof part encamped themselves at Midleton on the other side of Kent, and part in Essex over against them. These latter, King Alfred pursued, and pressed them so hardly, that they gave him, both oaths & hostages to departed the Realm, and never after to unquiet it. That done, he marched with his army against those other also. And because he understood, that they had divided themselves, and spoiled the Country in sundry parts at once, he likewise divided his army, intending (the rather by that mean) to meet with them in some one place or other, which when they hard of, and perceived that they were unmeet, to encounter him in the face, they determined to pass over the Thamise, and to join with their countrymen in Essex, of whose discomfiture they had as yet received no tidings. But when they came at a place in this parish, called both now and anciently Fernham, Fernham. that is the ferny Town or dwelling, one part of the King's power courageously charged them and finding them given to flight, The Danes compelled to take the Thamise. followed the chase upon them so fiercely, that they were compelled to take the Thamise without Boat or Bridge, in which passage there were a great number of them drowned, the residue having enough to do to save their own lives, and to convey over their captain, that had received a deadly wound. No less notable was that other chase, wherein (many years after) Edmond Ironside, most fiercely pursued the Danes from Otforde to this town: in which also (as some writ) he had given them an irreparable overthrow, had he not (by fraudulent, The Danes, are chased from Otforde. and traitorous persuasion of one Edric, than Duke of Mercia, or middle England, and in the Saxon speech surnamed, for his covetousness Streona, that is to say, the Getter, Earl Edrie an infamus traitor. or gatherer) withdrawn his foot, & spared to follow them. No doubt, but that it is many times a part of good wisdom, and warlike policy, not to pursue over fiercely thine enemy that hath already turned his back towards thee, lest thou compel him, to make virtue of that necessity, and he (turning his face again) put thee in danger to be overcome thyself, which before hadst in thine own hand assurance to overthrow him: In which behalf, it was well said of one, Hosti fugienti pons aureus faciendus, If thine enemy will fly, make him a bridge of Gold. Nevertheless, for as much as this advice, proceeded not from Eadric, of any care that he had to preserve King Edmond'S power out of peril, but rather of fear, lest the whole army of Canutus should be overrun and destroyed: he is justly taxed for this, and other his treasons by our ancient historians, who also make report of the worthy reward, that in the end he received, for all his treachery. For, this was he (as William Malmsb. writeth, A noble example of King Edmund Ironside though some others ascribe it to his son) that afterwards (when these two Kings had by composition divided the Realm between them) most villainously murdered King Edmonde at Oxford, and was therefore done to death by King Canutus: who, in that one act showed singular arguments, both of rare justice, and of a right noble heart: Of justice, for that he would not wink at the fault of him, by whose means, he obtained the Monarchy of the whole Realm, & of great Nobility of mind, in that he plainly declared himself, to esteem more of his own honour, then of another man's Crown and Sceptre, & to have digested quietly, that impatiency of a partner in kingdom, which great Alexander thought as intolerable as two suns in the world at once: and which Romulus could in no wise brook, since he would not suffer one kingdom to content him and Remus, whom one belly had contained before. There was sometime at Eilefford, a house of Carmelite Friars: of the time of the foundation, or name of the founder whereof, I have not yet learned any thing. Mallinge, in Saxon, Mealing of Mealuing, that is, the Low place flourishing with meal, or Corn, for so it is every where accounted. THis Town, The names of Towns, ending in ing. (the name whereof having his termination in, ing, betokeneth plainly, that it is situate along the water, even as Yalding, Berming Halling, and others thereby) was first given to Burhricus, the Bishop of Rochester by King Edmund the Brother of Athelstane, under the name of three Plough lands in mealings. About one hundredth and fifty years after which time, Gundulphus (a successor in that See, as you have read before) having amplified the buildings, and multiplied that number of the Monks in his own City, raised an Abbay of women here also, The Abbay which (being dedicated to the name of the Blessed Virgin) during all his life he governed himself, and lying at the point of death, he commended to the charge of one Auice, (a chosen woman) to whom notwithstanding he would not deliver the Pastoral staff, before she had promised Canonical Obedience, fidelity, and subjection, to the See of Rochester, and protested by oath, that there should neither Abbess nor Nun, be from thenceforth received into the house, without the consent and privity of him, and his successors. Now, whether this Rus propinquum, and politic provision, The Solaces, of Sol● life. were made of a blind zeal that the man had to advance superstition, or of a vain glory to increase authority in his succession, or else of a foresight that the Monks, (which were for the most part called Monachi, of Sole living, by the same rule, that Montes have their name of removing) might have a convenient place to resort unto, and where they might (Caute, at the lest) quench the heats, kindled of their good cheer and idleness, God knoweth, and I will not judge. But well I wot, that this was a very common practice in Papistry: for as Saint Augustine's had Sepulchres, Saint Albans Sopewell, Shene Zion, the Knights of the Rhodes, the nuns of Clerkenwel, all adjoining, or subject to such obedience: so Sempringham, and some other of that sort, had both Male and Female within one house, and wall together, the world being (in the mean while) borne in hand, that they were no men, but Images, as Phryne said sometime of Xenocrates. This house was valued in the Records, at two hundredth and eighteen pounds of yearly revenue. Tunbridge, called of Mat. Par. Th●●ebrugge, corruptly for tonebrycge, that is, the Bridge over Tone: but if it be truly written tunbrycge, them it signifieth, the town of Bridges, as in deed it hath many. ALthough I found no mention of Tunbridge in that copy of Domesdaye book, which I have seen, The Castle. concerning the description of this Shire: yet read I in history, that there was a castle at Tunbridge soon after the conquest, if not even at the same time when that book was compiled: For omitting that which Hector Boetius writeth, concerning a battle at Tunbridge, wherein the Conqueror (as he saith) should prevail against Harold, because it is evidently false and untrue, unless he mean it of the continuance of the chase after the fight even to Tunbridge, I have read, that at such time, as Odo (joining with others of the Nobility) made defection from William Rufus, to Robert his elder brother, the King besieged at Tunbridge, one Gilbert, than keeper of the Castle, and compelled him to yield it. Happily this Odo (being the King's Uncle, and of great authority within the Shire, as we have before showed) had erected this Castle, & given the charge to Gilbert, but howsoever that were, certain it is, that the Castle was long time held of the Archbishops of Canterbury, and continued many years together in the possession of the Earls of Clare, afterwards called of Gloucester. For, in the days of King Henry the second, Thomas the Archbishop, required homage of Roger, than Earl of Gloucester, for his Castle of Tunbridge, who knowing the King to be half angry with the archbishop, and wholly on his own side, shaped him a short answer, affirming stoutly that it was none of his, but the Kings own, as a Lay fee. Falcasius, (a hired Soldier, that was entertained by King john, during the wars with his Nobility) took by force this Castle from the Earl of Gloucester, and kept it for a season to the King's behoof: King Henry the third also, after the death of Gilbert the Earl of Gloucester, scised the Wardship of his Heir, and committed the custody of this Castle to Hubert of Burghe: But Richard the archbishop, (surnamed the great) being offended thereat, came to the King in great haste, and made his claim, by reason, that the Earl Gilbert died in his homage: the King gave answer, that the whole Earldom was holden of him, & that he might lawfully commit the custody of the Lands to whom soever it liked himself. Hereat the Bishop waxed warm, and told the King plainly, that since he could not have right within the Realm, he would not spare to seek it abroad: & forthwith hasted him to the holy Father at Rome, where he so used the matter, that he obtained judgement for his part, but he for all that never had execution, by reason that he died in his return toward home: yet you may here see, by the way, that in those days, The Clergy was law less. there was no Law in England to rule the proud Prelacy withal, not not so much, as in things mere Lay and temporal: To be short, the same King Henry, not long before the battle at Lewes in Sussex, burned the City of Rochester, and took this Castle by a sudden surprise, wherein he found (amongst other) the Countess of Gloucester: But it was not long before he stored the Castle with men of war, and restored the Lady to her former liberty. There was sometime near to this Castle a priory, The priory at Tun-Bridge. whereof the Earls of Gloucester, and their Heirs, were reputed the first Authors, and patrons: And in our memory, there was erected a fair Free School, by the honest liberality of Sir Androw judde, a Citizen, and Mayor of London, which submitted the same to the order and oversight of the company of Skinners there, whereof himself had been a member. Round about the Town of Tunbridge, The Low the of Tunbridge. lieth a territory, or compass of ground, commonly called, the Lowy, but written in the ancient Records and Histories, Pencata, or Lenga, and being (in deed) a French League, of ground, which (as I find in the Chronicles of Normandy) was allotted at the first upon this occasion following. There was in Normandy, a Town (and land thereunto adjoining) called Bryonnie, which was of the ancient possession of the Dukedom, and had continually remained in the hands of the Dukes there, till such time as Richard (the second Duke of that name) gave it amongst other Lands to Godfrey, his natural brother, for his advancement in living. This Godfrey enjoyed it all his life, and left it to one Gislebert his Son (which happily was Gilbert, the Captain of Tunbridge Castle, of whom we had mention before) who also held it so long as he lived. But after the death of Gislebert, Robert (the Duke of Normandy, and Elder Son to King William the Conqueror) being earnestly laboured to bestow it upon on Robert, Earl Mellent, (whose offspring were sometimes Earls of Leycester within this Realm) seized it into his own hands, pretending to unite it to the Dukedom again. But when Richard (the Son of Gislebert) understood of this, he put to his claim, and making his title by a long continued possession, (even from Godfrey his grandfather) so encountered the suit of Earl Mellent, that to stop Richard's mouth withal, it was by the device of the Earl, and by the mediation of Duke Robert, which he made to his Brother William Rufus, brought to pass, that Richard should receive in recompense, the Town of Tunbridge in England, and so much land about it, as Bryonnie itself contained in circuit: And to the end that the indifferency of the dealing might appear, and his full satisfaction be wrought, they caused Bryonnie, and the land about it, to be measured with a line, which they afterward brought over with them into England, and applying the same to Tunbridge and the land adjoining, laid him out the very like in quantity: in so much that long time after, it was a common and received opinion in Normandy, that the Leagues of Bryonnie and Tunbridge, were all one in measure and compass. This, together with the Town and Castle, came at the length (as you have seen) to the hands of the Earls of Gloucester, between whom, and the archbishops of Canterbury, 42. H. 3. there arose oftentimes contention, both for the limits of this league, and for the pre-eminence of their privileges. At the last, Boniface the archbishop (next but one in succession after Richard, of whom we spoke before) and Richard the Earl (and Heir to Gilbert) agreed in the reign of King Henry the third, upon a perambulation to be made between them, and so the strife for their bounds was brought to an end. But as touching their privileges, and jurisdiction in the place, it fell out by inquisition in the time of King Edward following, that the archbishop had nothing to do within the league, that the Earl had return of writs, creation of certain Officers, an especial sessions in Eire. &c, most of which things the Town hath not these many years enjoyed: But yet it was agreed, after the perambulation so made between Boniface and the Earl Richard, that the Earl and his heirs should hold the Manors of Tunbridge, Vielston, Horsmund, Melyton, and Pettys, of the archbishop and his successors, by the service of 4. knights fees, and to be high Stewards, and high Butlers, to the archbishops, at the great feast of their inthronizations, taking for their service in the Stewardship, seven competent Robes of Scarlet, thirty gallons of wine, thirty pound of wax for his light, livery of Hay and Oats for fourscore Horse by two nights, the dishes and salt which should stand before the archbishops in that Feast, and at their departure the diet of three days at the costs of the Archbishops at four of their next Manors, by the four quarters of Kent, wheresoever they would, And minuendum sanguinem, So that they repaired thither, but with fifty Horses only: And taking also for the Office of Butlership, other seven like Robes. 20 Gallons of wine, fifty pound of wax, like livery for threescore Horses by two nights, the cup wherewith the archbishops should be served, all the empty hogsheads of drink, and for six tun of wine, so many as should be drunk under the bar also. The archbishop hath an Earl to his Butler. The Articles of which their composition, were afterward accordingly performed, first between Gilbert Earl of Gloucester, and Robert Winchelsey the archbishop, next between the same Earl, and the archbishop Reignoldes: Then between Hugh Audley the Earl of Gloucester, and the archbishop john Stratford: After that between the Earl of Stafford, (to whom the Lordship of Tunbridge at the length came) and Simon Sudbury archbishop, in that See: and lastly between William Warham the archbishop, and Edward the late Duke of Buckingham, who also executed the Stewardship in his own person, and the Butlership by his deputy Sir Thomas Burgher Knight: the whole pomp, and Ceremony whereof, I have seen at greater length set forth, and described, then is meet for this time & place to be recounted. Asherst, in Saxon, Acsehyrst, that is, the Wood consisting of Ashes. IN the south-west corner of this Shire, toward the confines of Sussex and Surrey, lieth Asherst, The Roo●● of Asherst was a growing Idol a place now a days so obscure (for it is but a Town of two houses) that it is not worthy the visiting: but yet in old time so glorious for a Rood that it had of rare property, that many vouchsafed to bestow both their labour and money upon it. It was beaten (forsooth) into the heads of the common people (as what thing was so absurd, which the Clergy could not then make the world to believe?) that the Rood (or Crucifix) of this church, did by certain incrementes continually wax & grow, as well in the bush of hair, that it had on the head, as also in the length and stature of the members, and body itself. By means whereof it came to pass, that whereas the fruits of the Benefice wear hardly able to sustain the Incumbent, now by the benefit of this invention (which was in papistry, Nowm genus aucupij) the Parson there was not only furnished by the offering to live plentifully, but also well aided toward the making of a hoard, or increase of Wealth and Riches. But as Ephialtes, and Octus, the Sons of Neptune who (as the Poets feign, waxed nine inches every month) being heaved up with opinion, and conceits ceipt of their own length and hantines, assaulted heaven, intending to have pulled the Gods out of their places, and were therefore shot through, & slain with the arrows of the Gods: Even so, when Popish Idolatry was grown to the full height and measure, so that it spared not to rob God of his due honour, and most violently to pull him (as it were) out of his seat, than this growing Idol and all his fellows, were so deadly wounded, with the heavenly arrows of the word of God (Qui non dabit gloriam suam sculptilibus) that soon after they gave up the ghost, and lest us. Between this Town and Depeforde (which is the whole breadth of the Shire, on the west end) I find nothing committed to history: and therefore let us haste, and take our next way thither. ¶ Depeforde, in Latin Vadum profundum, and in ancient Evidences West Greenewiche. THis town, being a frontier between Kent and Surrey, was of none estimation at all, until that King Henry the eight, advised (for the better preservation of the Royal Fleet) to erect a Storehouse, and to created certain officers there: these he incorporated by the name of the Master and wardens of the Holy Trinity: for the building, keeping, The masters of the navy Royal. and conducting of the Navy Royal. There was lately reedefied a fair Bridge also, over the Brook, called Ravensbourne, which riseth not far of in the Heath above Bromley. ¶ Greenewiche, in Latin, Viridis finus: in Saxon, grenapic; that is to say, the Green Town. In ancient evidences, Eastgreenewiche, for difference sake from Depforde, which in old Instruments is called westgreenewiche. IN the time of the turmoiled King Ethelred, the whole fleet of the Danish army, lay at road, two or three years together before Greenwich: And the Soldiers, for the most part, were encamped upon the hill above the town, now called Black-health: During this time, they pierced this whole Country, sacked and spoiled the City of Canterbury, and brought from thence to their ships, Aelphey, the Archbishop: Alphey, the Archbishop was cruelly slain. And here, a Dane (called Thrum) whom the archbishop had confirmed in Christianity the day before, struck him on the head behind, and slew him, because he would not condescend to redeem his life with three thousand pounds, which the people of the City Diocese were contented to have given for his ransom: Neither would the rest of the Soldiers suffer his body to be committed to the earth, A popish mind. after the manner of Christian decency, till such time (saith William of Malmsb.) as they perceived that a dead stick, being anointed with his blood, waxed green again, and began the next day to blossom. But referring the credit of that, and such other unfruitful miracles (wherewith our ancient monkish stoaries do swarm) to the judgement of the godly and discreet Readers, most assured it is, that about the same time, such was the storm and fury of the Danish insatiable ravin, waste, spoil, and oppression, 32. Shires in England. with in this Realm besides, that of two and thirty Shires (into which number the whole was then divided) they harried and ransacked sixteen, so that the people being miserably vexed, the King himself (to avoid the rage) first sent over the Seas his wife and children: afterward compounded, and gave them a yearly tribute: and lastly for very fear forsook the Realm, and fled into Normandy himself also. They received (besides daily victual) forty eight thousand pounds in ready coin, Great sūm● of money paid to the Danes. of the subjects of this Realm, whilst their King Swein lived: & twenty one thousand after his death under his son Canutus: upon the payment whereof, they made a corporal oath, to serve the King (as his feodaries) against all strangers, and to live as friends and allies without endamaging his subjects. But how little they performed promise, the harms that daily followed in sundry parts, and the exalting of Canutus their own countryman to the honour of the Crown, were sufficient witnesses. In memory of this Camp, certain places within this parish, are at this day called Combs, namely Estcombe, Westcombe, and Midlecombe almost forgotten: For Comb and Compe in Saxon (being somewhat declined from Campus in Latin) signifieth a field or Camp, for an Army to sojourn in. And in memory of this archbishop Aelpheg, the parish Church at Greenewiche (being at the first, dedicated to his honour) remaineth known by his name even till this present day. Thus much of the antiquity of the place: concerning the latter history, I read, that it was soon after the conquest, parcel of the possessions of the Bishop of Lysieux in France, and that it bore service to Odo, than Bishop of Baieux, and Earl of Kent: After that, the Manor belonged to the Abbot of Gaunt in Flaunders, till such time as King Henry the fift, seizing into his hands (by occasion of war) the lands of the Prior's Aliens, bestowed it, together with the manor of Lewsham, and many other lands also, The Priory of Shene. upon the Priory of the Chartrehouse Monks of Shene, which he had then newly erected: to this it remained, until the time of the reign of King Henry the eight, who annexed it to the Crown, whereunto it now presently belongeth. The Observant Friars, that sometime lived at Greenewiche (as john Rosse writeth) came thither about the latter end of the reign of king Edward the fourth, The friary. at whose hands they obtained a chantry with a little Chapel of the holy cross, a place, yet extant in the town: And (as Lilley saith) King Henry the seventh builded for them that house adjoining to the Palace, which is there yet to be seen. But now lest I may seem to have said much, of small matters: and to have forgotten the principal ornament of the town: I must (before I end with Greenewiche) say somewhat of the Prince's Palace there. Humphrey therefore (the Duke of Gloucester, & Protector of the Realm, The Palace a man no less renowned for approved virtue, and wisdom: then honoured for his high estate and parentage) was the first that laid the foundations of the fair building in the town, and tower in the Park, and called it, his Manor of pleasance: After him King Edward the fourth bestowed some cost to enlarge the work: Henry the seventh followed, and beautified the house with the addition of the brick front, toward the water side: but King Henry the eight, as he exceeded all his progenitors in setting up of sumptuous housing, so he spared no cost in garnishing Greenewiche, till he had made it a pleasant, perfect, and Princely Palace. Marry his eldest daughter (and after Queen of the realm) was borne in this house: Queen Elizabeth his other daughter, our most gracious & gladsome Governor, was likewise borne in this house: And his dear son King Edward (a miracle of Princely towardness) ended his life in the same house. One accident more touching this house, and then an end: It happened in the reign of Queen Marie, that the Master of a Ship, passing by, whilst the court lay there, and meaning (as the manner and duty is) with sail and shot to honour the Prince's presence, unadvisedly gave fire to a piece, charged with a pellet in stead of a tampion, the which lighting on the Palace wallranne through one of the privy lodgings, and did no further harm. ¶ Blackheathe. adjoining to Greenewiche, lieth the plain, called (of the colour of the soil) Blackheathe, the which, besides the burden of the Danishe Camps (whereof we spoke even now) hath borne three several rebellious assemblies: The rebellion of jack Straw. One in the time of King Richard the second, moved (as it shall appear anon in Dartford) by jack Straw, whom William Walworth, than Mayor of London, slow with his Dagger, in Smithfielde: in memory whereof, the City had given them (for increase of honour) a Dagger, to be borne in their shield of arms. The rebellion of jack Cade. jack Cade (that sergeant Mortimer) and his fellows, were leaders of the second: who passing from hence to London, did to death the Lord Say, and others in the time of King Henry the Sixt. These two (besides other harms, that usually accompany the mutinic and uproar, of the common and rascal sort) defaced foully the Records and monuments both of the law, and Armoury: The parts of Rolls remaining yet half brent, do witness the one: And the heralds unskill, (coming through the want of their old Books) is sufficient testimony of the other. The third insurrection was assembled by Michael joseph (the black Smith) and the Lord Audley, The rebellion of the black smith under the reign of King Henry the Seventh: at which time they and their complices, received their just desert, the common number of them being slain and discomfited, and the leaders themselves taken, drawn and hanged. Of this last, there remaineth yet to be seen upon the Heath, the places of the Smiths Tent, called commonly his forge: And of all three, the grave hills of such as were buried after the overthrow: These hillocks in the West Country (where is no small store of the like) are called Barrows, of the old English word BurgHer; which signifieth Sepulchres, or places of burying, which word, (being a spring of that old stock) we do yet retain alive. The first and last of these commotions, were stirred of a grief that the common people conceived, for the demand of two subsidies, of which the one was unreasonable, because it was taxed upon the Polls, and exempted none, were he never so poor: The other was unseasonable, for that it was exacted, when the heads of the common people were full of Parkin Warber. The third and midlemoste, grew upon a grudge, that the people took, for yielding up the Duchy of Ang●ow, and Maynie, to the King of Sicil: The coming in of whose daughter (after that the King would needs have her to wife, notwithstanding his precontract made with the Earl of Armenac) was not so joyfully embraced by the Citizens of London upon Blackheathe, wearing their read Hoods, Badges, and blue gowns: as in sequel, the Marriage, and whole government itself, was known to be detested of the country Commons, by bearing in the same place, Harness, Bows, Bills, and other Weapon: But because I cannot (without pain and pity) enter into the consideration of these times, and matters, I will discourse no farther thereof, but cross over the next way to Lesnes, and prosecute the rest of the bounds of this Bishopric. Lesnes, mistaken, as I think for Lesƿes (Leswes) which signifieth, Pastures. I Can easily have believed, that the name Lesnes, had been derived out of the French, and that it had been first imposed at the foundation of the Abbay, saying that I find the place registered in the Book of doomsday, by the very same, and none other calling. And therefore I am the rather led to think that the name is Saxon, and there miswritten, (as many other be, by reason that the Normans were the penners of that book) Lesnes, for Leswes, the word which (in the Saxon tongue) signifieth Pastures, and is not as yet utterly forgotten, forasmuch as till this day Pastures be called Lesewes in many places: This is my fantasy touching the name, wherein if I fail, it forceth not greatly, since the matter is no more weighty: Concerning the History of the place, only I find, that Richard Lucy a privy counsellor of the State, and chief justice of the Realm, in the time of King Henry the second, Lord Richard Lucy. founded an Abbay there: the temporalties whereof amounted (as I find) to seven pounds six Shillings and eight pence: But as for the extent of the whole yearly value, I have not learned it. Earethe, in some old evidences, Eared, derived (as I guess) of Aerre Hyðe, that is the old Haven. FOr plain example, that our Elders before the conquest, The ancient manner, of the trial of right to Lands. had their trials for title of land, and other controversies, in each shire, before a judge, then called Alderman, or Shyreman, of whom there is very frequent mention in the Laws of our ancestors the Saxons, the which some years since were collected and published in one volume: and for assured proof also, that in those days they used to proceed in such causes, by the oaths of many persons (testifying their opinion of his credit, that was the first swearer, or party) after the manner of our daily experience, as in the oath yet in ure, and called commonly Wager of Law, is to be seen: I have made choice of one History, containing briefly the narration of a thing done at this place, by Dunstanc, the Archbishop of Canterbury, almost a hundredth years before the coming of King William the Conqueror. A rich man (saith the text of Rochester) being owner of Cray, Earithe, Ainesford, and Woldham, and having none issue of his body, devised the same lands (by his last will, made in the presence of Dunstane, and others) to a kinswoman of his own, for life, the Remainder of the one half thereof, after her death, to Christ's Church at Canterbury, and of the other half to Saint andrew's of Rochester, for ever: he died, and his wife took one Leofsun to husband, (who overliving her) retained the Land, as his own, notwithstanding that by the form of the devise, his interest was determined, by the death of his wife: Hereupon complaint came to one Wulsie, for that time the Scyreman (or judge of the County, (as the same book interpreteth it) before whom, both Dunstane the archbishop, the parties themselves, sundry other Bishops, and a great multitude of the Lay people, appeared, all by appointment at Eareth: and there in the presence of their whole assembly, Dunstane (taking a cross in his hand) made a corporal oath upon the book of the Ecclesiastical laws, unto the Shyreman, Wager of Law. (which then took it to the King's use, because Leofsun himself refused to receive it) and affirmed that the right of these lands, was to Christ's Church, and to Saint andrew's. For ratification and credit of which his oath, a thousand other persons (chosen out of East, and West Kent, Eastsex, Midlesex, and Sussex) took their oaths also, upon the Cross, after him. And thus, by this manner of judgement, Christ's Church, and Saint andrew's were brought into possession, & Leofsun utterly rejected for ever. The town of Eareth, is an ancient corporation, but whether it hath been at any time, of greater account, I find not: & therefore, having already declared in manner, whatsoever it hath note worthy, I will set down this one thing, and leave it. Toward the latter end of the reign of King Henry the sixth, there were taken at this Town, four very great and rare fishes, of which one was then named to be Mors Marina, another a sword fish, and the rest were supposed to be Whales. Crayforde, in Saxon Creccanford, that is, the Ford, or passage over the water Crecca, now called Cray. AFter the death of Horsa, Hengist. & Horsa. (of whom we have spoken in Ailesford before) The Saxons made his brother Hengist their only King and leader. And he, minding forthwith to show himself worthy of his newly attained Honour, and willing to supply in himself the defect of his deceased Brother, pursued the Britons fiercely, and gave them sundry great encounters: in divers of which, although he sped doubtfully, yet at the last meeting with them at Crayford, he slew four of their chief captains, and so discomfited the whole number, that the Britons quite abandoned this Country, and with great fear fled to London before him. After this fight, the Britons not only never invaded Hengist (as Ralph Higden writeth) but fled him like fire, The beginning of the kentish Kingdom. as the Saxon History reporteth: so that even then, and not before, it might truly be said, that he had gained the possession of the Kentish Kingdom. The place is named of the water Cray, which beginning at Orpington (untruly so termed for Dorpendun, which signifieth the head, Orpenton, & the course of Cray water. or spring of the Hill water) runneth by Saint Marie Cray, Paul's Cray, Fotescray, and Crayford (to all which it likewise giveth name) and cometh at length to Dartford, where it mingleth with the River Darent, and so openeth into the Thamise. Dartforde, in Saxon, Derentford; in latin, Derenti vaduntit signifieth, the ford, or passage over the River Derent. Mesopotamia signifieth a country encompassed with rivers NOw be we returned into Mesopotamia, for so me thinketh that this country, lying between the Rivers of Darent and Medwey may well be termed. And here you must call to mind that, which you heard in Rochester before: namely, that King john won the Castle of Rochester from William Dalbyney, through the faint heart and cowardice of Robert Fitzwalter, whom the Nobility had sent of purpose, to rescue it: & now (the place so requiring) you shall understand the whole manner of the thing, and how it happened. Rochester castle besieged The Noble men, that maintained the war against King john, understanding that he laid siege to the Castle at Rochester, and fearing that William Dalbiney (or Dalbinet) the captain thereof, could not long defend it without supply of such things as he wanted, and they could not well minister: determined to give some adventure to raise the siege. And for that purpose, made Robert Fitzwalter general of a great army: This man, when he came to Dartford, met with a Gentleman of the order of the Temple, of whom he demanded sundry questions, for intelligence of the numbered of the King's camp: Who (finding him to be afraid) told him (of set purpose) that the King's army was much greater than his, whereas in deed his power was thrice so big as the Kings: Here upon Robert, (being with this false terror stricken into an exceeding great fear, whose companion is flight, as Homer well saith,) without further inquisition, sought to save himself by the swiftness of his feet, and so through faint heart left Rochester to the uttermost adventure. If King john had followed, I think it would have become of him, as it sometime chanced of a livered man: who, hearing great praise of Hercules strength, forthwith conveyed himself into a cave, and when he had spied him (by chance) passing that way, he died out of hand for extreme fear. I read, that in the time of King Henry the third, Frederic the Emperor, sent hither the archbishop of Colein, Princes, may woo by picture and mary by proctor. accompanied with sundry Noble personages, to demand Isabella the King's sister to be given him in marriage: the which (for asmuch as the Ambassadors liked the young Lady well) was (after such a solemnisation, as in absence may be performed) married unto him at this Town, and then delivered to the Orators to be carried over. Whereby I make conjecture, that although there be not in story, mention of any great building at Dartford, before the time of the Abbay, which was raised long after this marriage, yet there was some fair house of the Kings, or of some others, even at this time there: For otherwise I know not how to make it a meet place, for so honourable an appointment. But leaving all conjecture, The Abbay certain it is, that afterward King Edward the third, founded there a fair Monastery for women, which at the general dissolution, was found to be worth three hundredth: and eighty pounds by year, and of which King Henry the eight (not without great cost) made a fit house for himself and his successors. The same King Edward the third, The old manner of Tournament. at one time in his return from France, proclaimed a general Torneament, or justs, to be holden at Dartford, which he and his Nobles performed moste honourably. This manner of exercise, being then used, not at the Tilt (as I think) but at random, and in the open field, was accounted so dangerous to the persons having to do therein, that sundry Popes had forbidden it by decree, and the Kings of this Realm (before King Stephan) would not suffer it, to be frequented within their land: so that, such as for exercise of that feat in arms, were desirous to prove themselves, were driven to pass over the Seas, and to perform it in some indifferent place in a foreign Country: But afterward, King Stephan in his time permitted it: and then after him King Richard the first, not only allowed it, but also encouraged his Nobility to use it: And so by little and little, the danger being sufficiently provided for, and the men waxing expert, it grew in the time of the Kings that followed (especially in the reign of this Edward the third) to a most pleasant, usual, and familiar pastime. But, to return to Dartford again: The first motive of the rebellious assembly of the Common people of this Shire, The occasion, of jacke Straws his rebellion. that chanced in the time of King Richard the second (whereof you heard some what in Blackheath before) was given at this Town, by occasion that a naughty fellow (being appointed to levy the groats, that were by parliament taxed upon every Polle) dishonestly entreated a young Damsel (Daughter to one john Tyler) that dwelled in Dartford, which thing when the Father heard of, he fell at words with the Officer, and from words to worse, so that in the end he slew him: This done, the Common people of the Town, partly for grudge at the imposition, partly for maintenance of the thing, which they thought well done: and partly to eschew the punishment that by execution of justice might fall upon them, assembled their neighbours, and growing to some number, made this Tyler their captain, named him jacke straw: and did further, as you in part heard before, and may at more large read almost in every English Chronicle. This Town (as Crayford before) hath the name of the water running by, commonly called Derent, The cour●● of the river of Derent. but corruptly, after the opinion of Lelande, who thinketh the true name to be Dorquent, which in British soundeth the Clear water: It springeth at Titsey in the edge of Surrey, and taketh in the way Westram, where john Frith was borne, Otford, Ainsford, and Darent (whereto it leaveth the name) and coming to this Town, carrieth Craye with it into the Thamise. ¶ Gravesende, in Saxon, Gerefesend: in Latin, Limbs Praetorius. THe original cause of the name of this place, lieth hid in the usual name of the officer, lately created in the Town: He is commonly called portreeve, but the word (anciently and truly sounded) is Portgereve, The name of Portreve whereof it cometh. that is to say, the Ruler of the Town. For port (descending of the Latin word Portus) signifieth a port Town, and Gereve (being derived of the Saxon verb gereccan to rule) was first called gerecfa, and then gerefa, and betokeneth a Ruler: So that, portreeve, is the Ruler of the Town, and Grevesend, is as much to say, as the Limit, Bound, or Precinct of such a Rule or Office. Of the very same reason, they of the low and high Germany (whence our language first descended) call one ruler, Burgreve, another Margreve, and the third Landsgreve: The name of Sheriff. And of the same cause also, our Magistrate now called a Sheriff, or (to speak more truly, Shyrereve) was at the first called (Shire gereve) that is to say, Custos Comitatus, the reeve, or Ruler of the Shire. The head officer of Maydston, long since had this name: yea the chief governor of the city of London likewise, before the time, either of Mayor, or Bailiff there, was known by the name of portreeve, as in the Saxon Chartre of King William the Conqueror (sundry examples whereof be yet extant) may appear. London had a portreeve. It began thus, pilliam cyng great ƿilliam bisceop. & godfreges portgerefan. & ealle þa burHƿaren þe on lunden beon; William the King, greeteth William the Bishop, and Godfrey the portreeve, and all the Citizens that in London be. etc. To make short, in ancient time, almost every Manor had his reeve, The office of a reve. whose authority was, not only to levy the Lords rents, to set to work his servants, and to husband his Demesnes to his best profit and commodity: but also to govern his tenants in peace, and to lead them forth to war, when necessity so required. And although this name, and so much of the authority as remained, was (after the coming in of the normans) transferred to another, which they called Bailiff: yet in sundry places of the Realm (especially in Copiholde Manors, where old custom prevaileth) the word, Reue, is yet well enough known and understanded: Neither aught it to seem any what the more strange, because I call now reeve, that which in old time was Gereve, for as much as this particle (Goe) was in process of time, in some places changed in sound to (y) and in some other parts clean lost and forgotten: As for example, whereas the Saxons used to say, he was Geboren, they of the West country pronounce it, he was yborn, and we of the countries nearer London, he was borne. Thus far the Etymon of the name (Greves end) hath carried me out of the History, whereto I did the rather yield, because I had not much to writ concerning the place itself. Howbeit I read, that in the beginning of the reign of King Richard the second, whilst the Lord Nevel was by the King's appointment, entered into France, with a great company of English soldiers, the Frenchmen entered the Thamise with their Galleys, and brent divers towns, and at the last, (coming to Gravesend) spoiled and set it on fire also: The fear of the like harm to follow, caused the noble King Henry the eight, to build a platform at the same town, and three or four others, in places adjoining, even at such time as he fortified along all the coasts of the Realm, upon such cause as we have already opened. ¶ cliff at Hoo, written commonly in ancient Books, Cloveshoo, for CliofesHoo, which is as much to say, as Clifs hoo, or Cliff at Hoo. THeodore the seventh archbishop of Canterbury, and the first (in the opinion of William Malmsb) that exercised the authority of an Archbishop, which appeared (as others say) in that he took upon him to depose Wilfrid of York, called together a Synod of bishops at Hereford: in which it was agreed amongst them, that for the more speedy reformation of abuses that might creep into the Church, they should all assemble once every year at Cloveshoo upon the Kalends (or first day) of August: By virtue of which decree, Cuthbert, the eleventh Archbishop, summoned the bishops of his Province to the same place, and there (amongst other things worthy note) it was enacted, that priests themselves should first learn, and then teach their parishioners, the Lords prayer, and the Articles of their belief in the English tongue: A learned age in which priests had more latin than english, and yet almost no latin at all. To which decree, if you list to add the testimony of King Alfred, who in his preface upon the Pastoral of Gregory, that he translated, saith, that when he came first to his kingdom, he knew not one priest on the South side of the river of Humber, that understood his service in Latin or could translate an Epistle into English. And if you will adjoin the also, which Alfric writeth in his poem to the Grammar, that is to say, that a little before the time of Dunstane the archbishop, there was never an english priest the could other indite, or understand a latin epistle, Then I doubt not but you shall evidently see, how easy it was for the Devil and the Pope to creep into the Church of England, when (whole ages together) the Clergy was so well fed, and so evil taught. But to our matter again. By virtue of the same decree and ordinance also, two other Councils were holden at Cliff at Hoo: one under Kenulph, the King of Mercia, or middle England, and the other in the reign of Beornwulfe his successor. This place would I have conjectured to have lain in the heart of England, both because it seemeth likely that the common place of meeting should be most fitly appointed in the midst of the Realm, and for that it is manifest by the history, that it was in the domini- of the King of Mercia, which I fear not to call middle England. But, for as much as I once read a note, made by one Talbot (a prebendary of Norwiche, and a diligent travailer in the English history) upon the margin of an ancient written copy of William Malmsburies' book De Pontificibus, in which he expounded Clovesho, to be Cliff at Hoo near Rochester: and for that I do not find the express name (Cloveshoo) in all the catalogue of that precinct which was sometime the kingdom of Mercia (although there be divers places therein that bear the name of Cliff, as well as this) I am contented to subscribe to Talbots opinion: but with this protestation, that if at any time hereafter I find a better, I will be no longer bound to follow him. And thus have I now visited the places of chief note that lie in the skirts of the Diocese, whereunto if I had added a few other that be within the body of the same, The order of this description. I would no less gladly, than I must necessarily, finish and close up this winter's travail. Swanscombe, called in Saxon, Spegenscomb, that is, the camp of Sweyn, the Dane, that encamped at Grenehithe hard by. AS the whole Shire of Kent oweth to Swanscomb everlasting name, for the fruition of her ancient franchises obtained there: So I for the more honourable memory of the place, can gladly afford it room, both at the beginning, and toward the end of my labour. The matter for the which it is especially renowned, is already bewrayed in the discourse of the ancient estate of this Shire, whereunto I will refer you: And at this time, make note of a thing, or twain besides, and so pass over to the residue. The Manor The Manor. of Swanscombe, is holden of Rochester Castle, and oweth service toward the defence of the same, being (as it were) one of the principal Captains to whom that charge was of ancient time committed, and having subject unto it, sundry Knights fees, as petty Captains, or inferior soldiers, bound to serve under her banner there. The church of S. Hildeferthe. The Church at Swanscombe, was much haunted in times past, for Saint Hildeferthes help (a Bishop, by conjecture of his picture yet standing in the upper window of the south I'll, although his name is not read in all the Catalogue of the Sarons) to whom such as were distracted, ran for restitution of their wits, as thick as men were wont to sail to Anticyra, for Hell●borus. This cure was performed, by warmth, close kéepeing, and good diet: means not only not strange, or miraculous, but mere natural, ordinary, and reasonable. And therefore, as one the one side, they might truly be thought mad men, and altered in their wits, that frequented this pilgrimage, for any opinion of extraordinary working: So on the other side, S. Hildeferth (of all the Saints that I know) might best be spared, seeing we have the keeper of Bethleem, who ceaseth not (even till this day) to work mightily in the same kind of Miracle. ¶ Mepham, anciently written MeapaHam. SImon Mepham (the archbishop that performed the solemnities at the inauguration of King Edward the third) had both his name & nativity of this town, although Polydore Virgil, hath no mention of the man at all, in his history, or catalogue of archbishops, either not finding, or forgetting, that ever there was any such. It is probable also, that the same Bishop built the church at Mepham, for the use of the poor, which William Courtney (one of his Successors) repaired four score years after, and annexed thereunto four new houses for the same end and purpose. Besides these notes, it hath chanced me to see an antiquity of Mepham, The ancient form of a Testament. which both for the profit and pleasure that I conceived thereof, I think meet to insert, though happily some other man may say, that I do therein, and in many others also, nothing else but Antiquiora Diphtera loqui: Nevertheless, to the end that it may appear, what the ancient form and phrase of a Testament was, how the Husband and the wife joined in making their Testaments, how lands were devisable by testament in old time, by what words estates of inheritance were wont to be created, how the lords consent was thought requisite to the testament of the tenant, and how it was procured by a gift of Heriot (which as Bracton sayeth, was done at the first, Magis de gratia, quam de iure) Furthermore, that you may see how this Town of Mepham, and sundry others came at the first to Christ's church, Saint Augustine's, and Rochester: and finally, that you may know, as well what advancement to Gentry was then in use, as also what weapons, jewels, and ornaments were at that time worn and occupied, I will set before your eye, the last will and testament of one Byrhtric and his wife, which was a man of great wealth and possessions within this Shire, and had his abiding at Mepham more than six hundredth years ago. Ðis This is is Byrhtrices' Birtricks and and Aelfsƿyðe Elfswithes His his ƿifes wives niHsta last cƿide. þe Hi cƿaedon on MeapaHam. on Heora maga testament, declaration, which they declared at Mepham, in their kinsfolks geƿitnesse; hearing: witness: ꝧ ƿaes ƿulfstan Vcca. that was, Wulstan Vcca, and and ƿulfsie Wulfsie His his broðor. brother, and and sired Syred Aelfrides' Elfrides' suna. son, and and ƿulfsie Wulfsie se the blaca. black, and and ƿine wine preost. the priest, and and Aelfgar Elsgar on of MeapaHam. Mepham. and and ƿulfeH Wulfey ordeges Ordeys suna. son, and and AelfeH Elfey His his' broðor. brother, and and byrHtƿara Birtwar Aelfrices laf. Elfrices widow, and and bryHtric Britric Hise maeg. & her cousin, and Aelfstan bisceop. Elfstane the Bishop. Aerest His cyne Hlaford aenne First to his natural Lord, beaH on HundeaHtotigan one bracelet of four score mancysen Marks of golds. gold, and and ane one Handsecs hatchet dagger handknife of on as eal sƿa miclan. much: and and feoƿer Horse. and four horses, tƿa geraedede. two of them trapped: and and tƿa two sƿrd sword gefetelsode. trimmed, and and tƿegen two Hafocas. hawks, and and ealle all His his Heador Hundas; hounds. hedgehoundes And þaere And to the Lords wife Hlaefdian Lady aenne one beaH bracelet on of þrittigan thirty mancusan marks of golds. gold: and and aenne one stedan. horse stead palfrey to to forespraece entreat ꝧ see cƿyde standan most. that this testament stand may. And And for for His his saƿle. soul, and and His his yldrena. elders ancestors into Sct. Andree. to Saint Androes Rochester tƿa two sulung plough-land aet at denetune; Dentun. And Hio for Hire saƿle. and Hire yldrena. And they both for their souls and their elders, tƿa aet langafelda; two at Longfield. ploughland And And þider in for high ðrittig to the thither same place, for them thirty mancies golds. marks of gold, and and aenne one sƿeor collar neckbracelet beaH on of feoƿertig forty mancysan. marks, and and a ane cuppan Cup seolfrene. of silver, and and Healfne a half head band covered with gold baend gyldenne; bend gilden. And And caelce every gear year to at Heora their gemind. mind years mind tƿegra two daga feorme days ferme from rend corn and victual of of HaeslHolte. Haselholte: and and tƿegra of ƿoðringaberan. and ij. of baerlingan, two days of from Watringbery: and two days out of Berling, and ij. of HaeringeardesHam; and two days out of Hertesham. And to cristes circan And to Christ's church lx. 60. mancies golds. marks of gold, thirty. þam biscope. thirty to the Bishop archbishop and and thirty. þam Hirode; thirty to the Covent: And And aenne a sƿeor neck beaH bracelet collar on of lxxx. 80. mancies. marks: and and tƿa two cuppan cups seolfrene. of silver, and and þaet the land aet land at MeapaHam. Mepham, And And to to Sct. Saint Augustine. Augustine thirty. 30. mancies marks golds. of gold, and and ij. two cuppan cups seolfrene. of silver, and and Healfne half a baend bent gyldene; gilt, And And þaet the land land aet at derentan Darnt byrHƿara to Byrware His for daeg; his life days: And And after after Hire his daege days into to Sct. Saint Andree. Androes, for for unc. us, and and uncre our yldran; elders ancestors And And barl●ngas Berling to ƿulfeHe Wulfee, and and He he sell ten shall give a Hund peninga thousand pence into Sct. to Saint Andree Androes for for unc. us, and and uncre our yldran; elders. And And ƿulfsie to Wulfsie ƿoðringabiras. Wateringbyrye, innon within ꝧ that gecind; kindred. And And syrede HeselHolt innon ꝧ gecende; to Syred Haselholt, within that And ƿulfege. and Aelfege And to Wulfei, and Elfey His his' breðer brother HerigeardesHam Hartesham, innon within ꝧ that gecind. kindred, to to ƿulfege Wulfee ꝧ the inland. inland, demeans and and Aelfege to Elfey ꝧ ûtland; the outland. tenancy And And ƿulfstane to Wulfstane uccan. Vcca. ƿolcnestede Walkenstede, innon within ꝧ that gecynd; kindred: And And an a Hanðsecs' hatchet dagger on of ðrym three pundan; pounds. And þa tin Hyda on Straettune And those ten plowlands at Streiton into to þaem the minster minster church to at ƿolcnestede. Walkenstede. And ꝧ land aet fealcanHam And the land at Falcham, after after byrHƿara Byrwares' daege, days, into to Sct. Saint Angry. Androes, for for Aelfric Elfrices Hire soul Hlaford. their Lord, and His yldran. and his ancestors, sƿa even Heora as their cƿide will ƿaes; was. And And bromleaH Brumley aeftre after briHtƿara Britwares' daege into days to life Sct. Saint Andree. Androes, sƿa as Aelfric Elfric Hire their Hlaford Lord it Hit becƿaeð. bequeathed, for for Hine him and and His yldran; his elders. ancestors And And Snodingeland Snodland eac also into to S. Andree aeftre Hire daege. sƿa Aelfere Hit becƿaeð Saint Androes, after their days, even as Elfere it bequeathed, Aelfrices faeder. and He seoðan on geƿitnesse Eadgife being Elfrices father, and he afterward in the witness hearing presence of Edgive ðaere the Hlaefdian. Lady, and and Odan of Odo Aercebisceopes. the archbishop, and and Aelfeges of Elfey Aelfstanes Elfstanes sunu. son, and and Aelfrices of Elfric His his' broðor brother, and and Aelfnoþes pilian. of Elfnothe pilia, and godƿines aet faecHam. and of Godwine of Facham, and and of Eadrices' Eadric aet of Ho. Hoo, and and Aelfsies of Elfsie the preostes priest on of Crogdaene; Croyden. And And ƿulfstane to Wulfstane lx. 60. mancas marks golds of gold to to daelanne deal for for unc us and and uncre our yldran. and elders: and oðer other sƿile such, 60. marks ƿulfsige to Wulfsie to to daelanne; deal, between God and them be it and and Haebban have Heom they ƿið with god God gemaene. together, give if high they Hit it ne do done; not. And And ƿulfsige tydices egg. to Wulfsie, Titaesey, and and ðam boc. the writing innon within ꝧ that gecind. kindred: & ij. spuran on iij pundan; And ic bid and two spurs of three pound. And I pray for for gods God's lufan love, minne my dear leofan lief Hlaford. ꝧ He ne Lord, that he do not þafige suffer ꝧ aenig man uncerne cƿide aƿende; that any man our testament do break, turn aside And And ic I bid pray ealle all gods Gods freond. friends ꝧ Hi ƿHrto filstan; that they thereto help Haebbe ƿið god gaemaene ƿe Hit brece. & god Have they it with God together, Between them and God be it that it do break, and God sy Him symle mild þe Hit Healdan be to them always mild, merciful that it hold keep ƿille; william. It shall suffice, for the most part of the matters (worthy observation) in this Testament, The ancient estate of a Gentleman, and by what means gentle was obtained in the old time. that I have already pointed at them with the finger (as it were) for that they appear, and show themselves manifestly at the first sight: Only therefore, touching the estate and degree of this Testator, I will (for the more light, and discovery thereof) borrow a few words of you. He himself here calleth Aelfric, his Lord, & natural Lord, & saith further, that Aelfere was Father to this Aelfric: Now, what Aelfere & Aelfric were, it is not hard to find: for all our ancient Hystorians tell us, that in the days of King Edgar, of King Edward the Martyr, & of King Ethelred, these men were by birth, cousines of the blood royal: by state (Eorles) which word we yet retain in English, and which we commonly call (Comites) in Latin, for that at the first they were partners and companions (as I may say) with the King, in taking the profits of the Shire, or County: that they were also by dignity (Ealdormen) that is, Senators, and Governors of all Mercia, or middle England: And finally that they were of such great power and credit, that Alfer the Father, immediately after the death of King Edgar, restored all such priests throughout middle England, to their houses, as the King (by advice of Dunstane the Monk) had in his life expulsed, for the placing of his Monks: And that Aelfric the son, resisted king Ethelred in that siege of Rochester, whereof you heard when we were there, For as much therefore, as Aelfric was Hlaford, or Lord, to our Testator, and that Hlaford and Ðegn, that is to say, Lord and servitor, be words of relation, I gather that he was Ðegn, which signifieth properly a Minister, or free Seruiteur, to the King, or some great parsonage: but usually at those times taken for the very same, that we call now of the Latin word (Gentilis) a Gentleman, that is (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) a man well borne, or of a good stock and family. Neither doth it detract any thing from his Gentry at all, that I said he was a Minister, or servitor: For I mean not thereby, that he was (Servus) which word (straightly construed) doth signify a servant, or slave, whom they in those days called ðeoƿe: but my mind is, that he was a servitor of free condition, either advanced by his own virtue and merit, or else descended of such Ancestors, as were never degraded: And that name, the Prince of Wales, or eldest Son of our King of this Realm, doth not, in the life of his Father, disdain to bear: For, out of the very same olde-woord (Ðenian) to serve, is framed his Poesy, or word upon his arms (ic Dien) I serve. And thus I suppose that it is manifest, that Byrthryc our Testator was by condition a Noble man, or (which in common acceptance abroad is all one with it) a Gentleman. Howbeit, to the end, that both this thing may have the more authority and credit, and that it may withal appear, what degrees of Nobility and Gentry there were in this Realm before the coming in of the normans, and by what merits men might ascend, and be promoted to the same, I will reach a little higher, and show you another English (or Saxon) antiquity, which I have seen placed, in divers old copies of the Saxon laws, after the end of all, as a note or advertisement. Hit ƿes Hƿilum on Englalagum ꝧ leod and lagum It was sometime in the English laws, that the people and for begeþincðum; And þa ƿaeron leod ƿitan ƿeorðscipes the laws were in reputation: And then were the wisest of the ƿyrða. aelc be Hismaeðe. Eorl and ceorl people worship worshipful worthy, every one after his degree: Earl, and Ceorl. Ðegn & Ðeoden; And give Ceorl geþeaH. ꝧ churl, Thein, and under Thein. and if a churl thrived so that He Hefde he had fullice fully fif Hida agenes land. Cirican. five hides of his own land, a Church, & cycenan. belHus. and burHgeat. setl. & sundernote & a kitchen, a belhouse, and a gate, a seat, & a several office on Cynges in the kings Healle. hall, þonne then ƿaes was He he þanonforð ÐegenrigHtes thenceforth the Theins ƿeorðe; And give Ðegn geþeaH. ꝧ He þenode right worth. worthy And if a Thein did so thrive, that he served thee Cing. king, and His radstefne and on his message journey progress rad on His Hirede. rid in his household, give see If he þonne Hefde Ðaegen ðe Him filigde. ðe to then had a Thein that followed him, served him, the which to the toward Cynges kings utfare journey expedition fif Hida Hafde. five hides had, plowlandes and on Cynges and in the king's setl His Hlaford seat his palace ðenode. Lord. served, and and ðriƿa thrice mid with His aerend his errand message gefo ra had gone to to Cynge. See most siððan mid His foraðe His Hlaford the king, He might Such an one afterward with his foreothe his lords aspelian. aet mislican neodan; part play at any great need. And give Ðegn geðeaH. And if a Thein did th●ue so, ꝧ He ƿearde to Eorle. that he become an Earl, þonne ƿaes He siðð an EorlriHtes than was he afterward an Earls worthy ƿeorðe; right worthy. the rights of an Earl. And give Massere geþeaH. ꝧ he feared And if a Merchant so thrived that he passed þrige ofer ƿid Sae. be His thrice over the wide broad Seas, of his agenum own craefte. craft, science cunning se ƿaes he was þonne syððan thenceforth Ðegn riHtes a Theins right ƿeorðe; worthy. And And give if leornere geþeaH. þurH lare. ꝧ He Had Haefde. and a Scholar so prospered thrived thorough learning, that he degree had, & þenode served xpe. se ƿaes þonne siððan maeðe and munde Christ, he was then afterward of dignity and peace privilege sƿa so micelre much ƿyrðe. sƿa þaerto gebyrede. worthy, as thereunto belonged: buton unless He he forƿorHte. forfeited so, trespassed ꝧ He þaes Had note notian ne most; that he the use of his degree use ne might might not use By this you see, first, that in those days there were but three estales of free men (for bondservants, The degrees of Freemen Earl, Thein and Churl which we now sense call by a strained word (Villains) are not here talked of, that is to say, an Earl, or Noble man, the highest: a Theyn, or Gentleman, the middlemost: And a Churl, or Yeoman, the lowest: for as touching that which is here spoken of the servant of the Theyn, or Gentleman, I deem it rather meant for a prerogative belonging to the master, then mentioned as a several degree in the man. Neither doth it make against me in this division, that you shall many times read, of Ealdorman, Scyrman, Heretoga, Seðcundmā, Alderman, Shireman &c were names of offices. tƿelfHyndman, tƿyHindeman: for these be not names of difference in degrees, but do either denote the offices and dignities, or else the estimation and values of those to whom they be attributed: as Alderman and Shyreman, do signify that Earl or Noble man, to whom the government and charge of a Shire, or other Precinct, was committed: Hertoga, that Earl or great man, that was (Imperator Belli) the Lieutenant of the field: Syðcundman, that Gentleman, that had the manred (as some yet call it) or the office to lead the men of a Town, or Parish: And as for tƿelfHindman, it was given to the Theyn, or Gentleman, because his life was valued at Twelve hundredth shillings (as in those days the lives of all sorts of men were rated at certain sums of money) And tƿyHindman, to the Churl or Yeoman, because the price of his head was taxed at two hundredth shillings: which thing (if it were not expressly set forth in sundry old laws yet extant) might well enough be found in the Etymology of the words themselves, the one called a Twelfhynd, as it were, a Twelve hundred man, and the other a Twyhind, for a man of Two hundredth. Furthermore, you may here behold, with what discretion and equity, our elders proceeded in bestowing these promotions: for where as all Nobility and Gentry, cometh either by Descent, or by Purchase, whereof the first, if it be not accompanied with virtue, is but an empty sign, and none other thing, than (as one well said) Nobilitatem in Astragulis gestare. But the latter (being both the maker and maintainer of the first) as it aught by all reason to be rewarded with due ensigns of honour, to the end that virtue may be the more desirously embraced: So have they here appointed three several path ways to lead men straight unto it, that is to say, Service, Riches, & Learning, or (to speak more shortly) Virtue and Riches, in which two (as Aristotle confesseth) all the old Nobility consisted, Wisdom is more profitable, when it is joined with riches. & which two as the Ecclesiast. or Preacher teacheth) make a good accomplishment, for (saith he) Vtilior est sapientia, cum divitijs coniuncta. And in this part, you may lastly perceive also, that out of all those trades of life, which be (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that is to say, conversant in gain, they admitted to the estate of Gentry such only, as increased by honest Husbandry, and plentiful Merchandise: Of the first of which Cicero affirmeth, that there is nothing meeter for a Freeborn man: Merchandise, and Husbandry And of the other, that it is praise worthy also, if at the length being satisfied with gain, as it hath often come from the Sea to the Haven, So it change from the Haven into lands and possessions. And therefore (in my fantasy) where as Geruas. Tilber. (in his observations of the Exchequer) accounteth it an abasing for a Gentleman to occupy Publicum mercimonium, common buying and selling, it aught to be referred to the other two parts of Merchandise, that is, to Negotiation, which is retailing, or keeping of a standing shop, and to Inuection (which is to exercise Mercerye, or (as some call it) to play the Chapman: and not to Navigation, which (as you see) is the only laudable part of all buying and selling. And again, whereas in our law it is reputed a Disparagement for a ward in Chivalry (which in old time was as much to say as a Gentleman) to be married to the daughter of one that dwelled in a borrow, I think that it also aught to be restrained to such only as professed handicrafts, or those base Arts of buying and selling, to get their living by. But of all this matter, my Masters the Heralds can better inform you, to whom (lest I be blamed for thrusting my Sickle into an other man's Harvest) I will without any more, refer you. Tunbridge, Wrotham, this town, and Northfleete, do lie north and south one from another: and it is a common and received opinion amongst the Country people, that you may be conveyed from the Thamise side, to the edge of Sussex in these four Parishes: So that the whole Shire by that reckoning, should be but four Parishes broad, and yet .19. or 20. miles over, on this part. If any man doubt of the truth, let himself make the trial, for I dare not warrant it. Wrotham, in Latin Vaginacae: It is in the doomsday book corruptly written (Brotcham) for I suppose, that ƿyrHam, is the very right name, given for the great plenty of woorts or good herbs that grow there. THere was in Wrotham, of ancient time, a Manor house, pertaining to the See of the archbishops. For Geruasius witnesseth, that one Richard (the archbishop that succeeded Thomas Becket) lay there: And that after such time as he had, by great largition and bribery, prevailed at Rome both against King Henry (the Son of the second of that name) in his own consecration: against Roger the Bishop of York in the quarrel of pre-eminency, and against other in other vain suits, (so that it might never be more truly said of that City in Paganism itself Romae omnia ire venum, then in that time of Papistry) he had a most terrible dream or vision in in his sleep at Wrotham, the manner whereof, (as he reporteth) was this. It seemed to him, that a very grave and reverend parsonage, came to his bed side by night, and demanded of him in a loud voice, who art thou? with which noise, when the archbishop awaked, and for fear answered nothing, it added moreover, Thou art he that hast scattered the goods of the Church committed to thy charge, and therefore I will scatter thee: and so with the word vanished out of sight. The archbishop arose in the morning, and having intended a journey to Rochester, addressed him self thitherward: but this vision continually presented itself before the eye of his mind, and so troubled him, that for ease of his inward grief, he began to disclose the whole order of it to such as were in his company: whereof he had no sooner made an end, but he was forthwith stricken with such a horror, and chille cold, that he was driven of necessity to alight at Halling in his way, where in great torment he ended his life, the next day following. This house continued here until the time of Simon Islip, the archbishop: who having a desire to finish the Palace at Maidston, which john ufford his predecessor had begun, and wanting wherewith to accomplish it, not only pulled down the building at Wrotham, and conveyed the stuff thither, but also obtained of the Pope, licence to levy a tenth throughout his whole Province, to perform his work withal. Kemsing. 1. The worship of many Gods. IN the late time of the Popish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Image of Edithe (the Daughter of King Egdar, and sometime Prioress of Wylton in the West Country) was religiously frequented in the churchyard at Kemsing, Saint Edith, and her offering. for the preservation of Corn and Graine, from Blasting, Myldewe, Brandeare, and such other harms as commonly annoyed it: The manner of the which sacrifice was this: Some seely body brought a peck, or two, or a Bushel of Corn, to the Church: and (after prayers made) offered it to the Image of the Saint: Of this offering, the Priest used to retain the greatest portion, and then to take one handful, or little more of the residue (for you must consider he would be sure to gain by the bargain) the which after aspersion of holy water, and mumbling of a few words of conjuration, he first dedicated to the Image of Saint Edithe, and then delivered it back, to the party that brought it, who then departed with full persuasion, that if he mingled that hallowed handful with his seed Corn, it would preserve from harm, and prospero in growth, the whole heap that he should sow, were it never so great a mass. I remember, that I have read in Terentius Varro, that the old Romans (amongst innumerable others) had in great veneration, one God, which (of Robigo, a canker in Corn) they called Robigus, and to whom they made devout intercession and solemn sacrifice, for the preservation and delivery of their grain, from the self same annoyances, that ours is subject unto. How much that God of the Romans, and our Goddess of Kemsing, differed in profession, let some Popish gadder after strange Gods make the account, for I myself can find no odds at all. And truly, The old & new Romans, agre in many points of religion. were it not that I am loath to anticipate now before time, that which I shall (God granting) have both fit place, and meet time to utter hereafter, I could easily show, that the old Romans, and our new Romanistes, agreed in manner throughout, both in the property and number of their Gods (if at the lest they be numerable) in the manner and multitude of their sacrifices, in the times and forms of their solemnities, in the report of their false and feigned miracles: and finally, almost in that whole heap and dunghill of their filthy and superstitious Idolatries, But I will await convenient seasons, and at this time give to every man the same, and none other counsel, than Plautus, (a heathen Poet in deed, and yet in this behalf more heavenly than any papist) sometime gave in the like case, saying: unus dum tibi propitius est jupiter, tu hosce minutos Deos flocci feceris. While jupiter is thy friend, set not thou a straw by these petty Gods. Otforde, in Saxon, Ottanford. WE have mention in ancient history of two famous battles foughten at Otford, whereof the one happened amongst the Saxons themselves, contending for glory and supreme sovereignty. The other, between the Danes & Saxons, striving for lands lives, and liberty. In the first, Offa the King of Mercia (having already joined to his dominion, the most part of Westsex, and Northumberland, and seeking to have added Kent also) prevailed against the inhabitants of this country, not without great slaughter of his own subjects, and after the victory, he transferred (as it were in triumph) the archbishop's Chair into his own kingdom, as you heard in the beginning. In the other fight, King Edmund (surnamed for his great strength, Ironside) obtained against King Canutus the Dane, a most honourable victory, and pursue▪ him (flying toward Shepey) until he came to Ailesford committing upon the Danes such slaughter, and bloody havoc, that if Edric the traitor, had not by fraudulent counsel withholden him, (as we have before declared) he had that day made an end of their whole army. These be the written antiquities that I find of Otford, S. Thomas Beckets spiteful miracles. which happily some men will esteem less, than the unwritten vanities of Thomas Becket, sometime owner of the place: And therefore, lest any should complain of wrong, you shall hear what they be also. It was long since fancied, and is yet of two many believed, that while Thomas Becket lay at the old house at Otford, (which of long time belonged to the archbishops, and whereof the hall and chapel only do now remain) and saw that it wanted a fit spring to water it: that he struck his staff into the dry ground, (in a place thereof now called Saint Thomas Well) and that immediately water appeared, the which running plentifully, serveth the offices of the new house till this present day: They say also, that as he walked on a time in the old Park (busy at his prayers) That he was much hindered in devotion, by the sweet note and melody of a Nightingale that sang in a bush besides him, and that therefore (in the might of his holiness) he enjoined, that from thenceforth no bird of that kind should be so bold as to sing there abouts: Some men report likewise, that for as much as a Smithe (then dwelling in the town) had cloyed his horse, He enacted by like authority, that after that time no Smithe should thrive within the Parish. Innumerable such toys, false Priests have devised, and fond people (alas) have believed, of this jolly Martyr, and Pope holy man: which for the unworthiness of the things themselves, and for want of time (wherewith I am straightened) I neither will, nor can, now presently recount, but must pursue the residue, that pertaineth to this place. For besides this Thomas, S. Bartilmew of Otford, and his offering. there was holden in great veneration at Otford another Saint, called Bartilmew the Apostle (as I trow) for his feast day was kept solemn, both with a fair, & good fare there. This man served the person as purveyor of his poultry, & was frequented (by the parishioners, & neighbours about) for a most rare & singular property that he professed. For the manner was, that if any woman (conceived with child) desired to 〈…〉 forth a male, she should offer to Saint Bartholmewe a Cock chicken, and if her wish were to be delivered of a female, she should then present him with a Hen. This Saint, was as good as Manci pera, whereof the common Adage grew: and he differed not much from the Priests of old Rome, called Luperci: For a little of the water of the one, and the doing of a certain Ceremony by the other, was (at pleasure) as able as Saint Bartholomew, to make barren women become fruitful. Assuredly, through the fraud of this fox, the Country people (as wise as capons) were many years together rob of their Hens and Cocks: till at the length it chanced King Henry the eight (after exchange made with the archbishop for this Manor of Otford) to have conference with some of the Town, about the enlarging of his Park there: Among the which, one called Master Robert Multon (a man, whom for the honest memory of his godly zeal and virtuous life, I stick not to name) detesting the abuse, and espying the Prince inclined to hear: unfolded unto him the whole pack of the idolatry, and prevailed so far in favour, that shortly after, the King commanded Saint Bartholmewe to be taken down and delivered him. Thus have you heard, the contention of the Saxons, the overthrow of the Danes, the fraud of Popish Priests, the folly of simple folks, and the fall of deceitful idolatry. Now a few words for example of the prodigality of a proud Prelate, and then to the residue. The Palace at Otford. William Warham the archbishop, minding to leave to posterity, some glorious monument of his worldly wealth, and mis begotten treasure, determined to have raised a gorgeous Palace for himself and his successors in the City of Canterbury, but (upon occasion of a difference that arose between him and the citizens for the limits of his soil there) he changed his former purpose, and in displeasure towards them, bestowed at Otford, thirty & three thousand pounds, upon the house that is now to be seen, notwithstanding that himself, and Cardinal Morton Cardinal Morton. his immediate predecessor, had not long before liberally builded at Knolle, a house little more than two miles from it. For, that house also (so called of the situation, which is upon the knap or Knoll of a hill,) had Cardinal Morton in his time purchased of the Lord Say, Erasmus doth misreport the cause of the contention, between the King, and Thomas Becket. and appropriated to the See of the archbishopric. But now before I can departed from Otford, I am to beg licence, for a word or two more, as well for the satisfaction of mine own promise heretofore made, as also for the direction of my Reader, which otherwise by the countenance of a certain famous and learned writer, might be quite and clean carried from me. Des. Erasmus taking occasion, in the Preface to Francis the French King (prefixed before his Paraphrase upon S. Marks Gospel) to discourse upon the great troubles & wars that were in his time between the Princes of Christendom, declareth, that it were a laudable labour for some man of the Clergy (even with the hazard of his life) to become the instrument of their reconciliation: And amongst other examples of times passed, he bringeth in Thomas Becket, who (as he speaketh) spared not to exercise the evangelical liberty (meaning excommunication, belike) upon the King himself, and that for a very small matter: wherein, although he profited little in his life (saith he) yet by his death he purchased both gain and glory, to himself, and the whole Clergy. Which said, he addeth in effect as followeth: They contended (saith he) not for reconciling Princes one to another, but the controversy was only for a certain withdrawing house, called Otforde, a place more meet for a religious man's meditation, then for a Prince's pleasure, with the which (saith Erasmus) I myself could not have been greatly in love, till such time as Willam Warham the Archbishop, bestowed so great cost upon it, that he might be thought rather to have raised a new house in the place, then to have repaired the old: for he left nothing of the first work, but only the walls of a hall, and a chapel: Thus far out of Erasmus. Wherein first (by the way) you may espy the reason that moved King Henry the eight, to take that house by exchange from the archbishop, namely, because Warham (not contented to continued it a plain house, fit to withdraw himself unto for contemplation and prayer) had so magnificently enlarged the same, that it was now become meet, to make a Palace for a King's habitation and pleasure. But let us come to our matter. You see here that Erasmus maketh this house, the matter, and motive of all the contention, that was between the King and the archbishop: which if it be so, then have not I faithfully dealt, in laying the cause thereof to be such, as appeareth in Canterbury before, and consequently, I have too too much abused the Reader. But for a short answer hereto, I do eftsoons avow, that not only William of Newburgh, Roger Hoveden, and Mat. Parise, (whom chief I have followed in this story, and which all, were, either men living when the matter was in hand, or borne immediately after) do plainly testify with me, that the ordinances made at Clarendune, were the very subject and motive of all that strife: but also the whole number of our hystoriens following, yea and the very authors of the Quadriloge itself (or song of four parts, for they yield a consent, though it be without Harmony) do all, with one pen and mouth, acknowledge the same. Among the r●ste, Polydore showeth himself exceeding angry, with some that had blown abroad some such like sound, of the cause of this great hurley burley: for he saith plainly, that they were Amentiae pleni, qui deblaterabant, Thomam conseruandarum possessionum causà, tantum iniuriarum accepisse. stark mad, which babbled that Thomas did receive so many injuries, for saving of his possessions. But for all this, to the end that it may fully appear, both that Erasmus hath said somewhat, and also from whence (as I suppose) this thing was mistaken, I pray you hear the Quadriloge or story of his life itself: for that only shall suffice to close up the matter. It appeareth by the authors of that work, that after such time as the King and the Bishop had long contended (and that with great heat) about the Statutes of Clarendune, & that the Bishop, upon great offence taken, had made three several attempts to cross the Seas toward the Pope, and was always by contrary wind repulsed, and driven to the land again: The King in his just indignation, sought by all possible means to bridle his immoderate peevishness: & therefore, first resumed into his own hands, all such honours and castles of his own as he had committed to the Bishops custody: Then called he an assembly of all his Nobility & bishops to Northampton castle, where before them all, he first charged Thomas with .500. l. that he had long before lent him: for the repayment whereof, he there compelled him to give five several sureties: This done, he called him to an account for .30000. Marks, received of the revenues of the crown, during the time that he was Chancellor. Now, whiles the Archbishop was much troubled with this matter (sometime denying to yield any account at all, sometime craving respite to make a resolute answer, but always delaying the time, and meditating how to shift the place) there cometh (on a time) into his lodging, the Bishops of London and Chichester: who, finding him at supper, said unto him (word for word of the Quadriloge) as followeth, that is, That they had found out a way for peace: and when the archbishop had required, under what form, they answered: There is a question for money between you, The Manor of Wingham. and the King: If therefore you will assign unto the King, your two Manors, Otford and Wingham in the name of a pledge, we believe that he being therewith pacified, will not only resign you the Manors again, and forgive you the money, but also a great deal the sooner receive you to his favour. To this, the archbishop replied, The manor of Heche was sometime belonging to the Church of Canterbury (as I have hard) which the King now hath in demean: And albeit that the only challenge of the thing is sufficient cause to have it restored to the Church of Canterbury, yet I do not look that it will be done in these times: Nevertheless, rather than I will renounce the right, which the church of Canterbury is said to have in that Manor, either for the appeasing of any trouble whatsoever, or for recovery of the King's favour, I will offer this head of mine (and touched it) to any hazard or danger, what soever it be: The Bishops being angry with this, went out from him, and told the King of all, and his indignation was sore kindled with it. Thus much out of the Quadriloge faithfully translated. Now, upon the whole matter it appeareth: first, that the quarrel was for the laws of Clarendùne (which yet depended) and then, that, even as a fire, being once kindled, the flame seeketh all about, and embraceth whatsoever it findeth in the way: So the King being offended with the rebellion of this Bishop, left no stone untaken up, that might be hurled at him, & therefore brought in against him, both debts, accounts, and whatsoever other means of annoyance. Moreover, that this matter of Otford and Wingham (for as you now see it was not Otford alone) was not at all tossed between the King and the archbishop, but only moved by the pacifiers (these two Bishops) as a meet mean of reconciliation, in their own opinion and judgement: or, if it may be thought, that they were sent and suborned by the King himself with that devise: yet is it manifest, that the right of the houses themselves were not desired, but only that they might remain as a pain till the account were audited: Neither if the gift of this house would have made an end of the strife, doth it by and by follow, that the contention was moved at the first about it. And therefore as on the one side you may see, that Erasmus his report is but matter of Preface and no Gospel: So yet on the other side it is evident, that of such and so lusty a stomach was this archbishop, that if former cause had not been, yet he could have found in his heart to fall out with his Prince for this, or a smaller matter. For, what would he not adventure for a Manor or twain in lawful possession, that would not stick to hazard his head before he would release that right, which he thought he had to a piece of land, and that but only by hearsay, or supposition? But it is more than time to make an end, and therefore leaving Thomas, and his house in the bottom, let us climb the Hill toward Sennocke. Holmes Dale, that is to say, the Dale between the woody hills. Reigate Castle in Surrey. THere are as yet to be seen, at Reigate in Surrey, the ruins of an ancient Castle sometime belonging to the Earls of Surrey, which alfred of Beverley calleth Holme, and which the Country people do yet term, the Castle of Holmesdale. This took the name, of the Dale wherein it standeth, which is large in quantity, extending itself a great length into Surrey, and Kent also, and was (as I conjecture) at the first called Holmesdale, by reason that it is (for the most part) Conuallis, a plain valley, running between two hills, that be replenished with store of wood: for, so much the very word (Holmesdale) itself importeth. In this Dale (a part of which we now cross, in our way, to Sennocke) the people of Kent (being encouraged by the prosperous success of Edward their King (the Son of alfred, and commonly surnamed Edward the Elder) assembled themselves, and gave to the Danes, that had many years before afflicted them, a most sharp and fierce encounter, in the which, after long fight, they prevailed, and the Danes were overthrown and vanquished. This victory, & the like event in an other battle (given to the Danes at Oxford, which standeth in this same valley also) begat, as I guess, the common by word, used amongst the inhabitants of this vale, even till this present day, in which they vaunt after this manner. The vale of Holmesdale, Never won nor never shall. Sennocke, or (as some call it) Seven oak, of a number of trees, as it is conjectured. About the latter end of the reign of King Edward the third, The School. and Alms house. there was found (lying in the streets at Sennocke) poor child, whose Parents were unknown, and he (for the same cause) named after the place where he was taken up, William Sennocke. This Orphan, was by the help of some charitable persons, brought up and nurtured, in such wise, that being made an Apprentice to a Grocer in London, he arose by degrees (in course of time) to be Mayor, and chief Magistrate of that City. At which time, calling to his mind, the goodness of Almighty God, and the favour of the Townsmen, extended towards him, he determined to make an everlasting monument of his thankful mind for the same: And therefore, of his own charge, builded both an Hospital for relief of the poor, and a Free School for the education of youth, within this Town: endowing the one and the other, with competent yearly living (as the days then suffered) towards their sustentation, & maintenance: But since his time, the School was much amended by the liberality of one john Potkyn, which lived under the reign of King Henry the eight: & now lately also, in the reign of our sovereign Lady, through the honest travail of divers the inhabitants there, not only the yearly stipend is much increased, and the former litigious possessions quietly established: but the corporation also changed into the name of two Wardens, and four assistants, of the free School of Queen Elizabeth in Sennocke. The present estate of the Town itself is good, and it seemeth to have been (for these many years together) in no worse plight: The Town. And yet find I not in all history, any memorable thing concerning it, save only, that in the time of King Henry the sixth, jack Cade, and his mischievous meinie, discomfited there Sir Humphrey Stafford, and his Brother, two Noble Gentlemen, whom the King had sent to encounter them. Eltham. ANthonie Beck, that Bishop of Durham which in the reigns of King Henry the third, & of King Edward his Son, builded Aucland Castle in the Bishopric of Durham, Somerton Castle in Lincolneshyre, and Durham place at London, was (by the report of john Leland) either the very Author, or the first beautifier, of this the Prince's house here at Eltham, also. It is noted of that man, that he was in all his life and Port, so gay & glorious, that the Nobility of the Realm disdained him greatly therefore. But they did not consider (belike) that he was in possession Bishop of Durham, which had jura Regalia, the Prerogatives of a petty Kingdom, and that he was by election, patriarch of jerusalem, which is near Cousin to a Popedom, in which respects he might well enough be allowed to have Domus splendidas luxu Regali, his houses not only as gay as the Noble men's, but also as gorgeous as the Kings. To say the truth, this was not to build up the spiritual house with lively stones, resting on the chief corner to Heaven, and to Godward, but with Mammon and Material stuff to erect warlike Castles for the nourishment of contention: and stately Palaces, for the maintenance of worldly pride and pleasure, towards Hell and the Devil. Howbeit, this was the whole study of Bishops in the Popish Kingdom, and therefore letting that pass, let us see what become of this piece of his building. King Henry the third (saith Mat. Parise) toward the latter end of his reign, kept a Royal Christmas (as the manner than was) at Eltham, being accompanied with his Queen and Nobility: and this (belike) was the first warming of the house (as I may call it) after that the Bishop had finished his work. For I do not hereby gather, that hitherto the King had any property in it, forasmuch as the Princes in those days, used commonly both to sojourn for their pleasures, and to pass their set solemnities also in abbeys and Bishops houses. But yet I believe verily, that soon after the death of that Bishop, the house came to the possession of the Crown: for proof whereof, I pray you hear and mark what followeth. The wife of King Edward the second, bore unto him a Son at this house, who was thereof surnamed john of Eltham. What time King john of France (which had been prisoner in England, came over to visit King Edward the third (who had most honourably entreated him) the King and his Queen lay at Eltham to entertain him. King Henry the fourth also, kept his last Christmas at Eltham. And King Henry his Son and successor, lay there at a Christmas likewise, when he was feign to departed suddenly, for fear of some that had conspired to murder him. Furthermore, john Rosse writeth plainly, that King Edward the fourth, to his great cost, repaired his house at Eltham: at which time also (as I suppose) he enclosed Horn park, one of the three, that be here, and enlarged the other twain. And it is not yet fully out of memory, that king Henry the seventh, set up the fair front over the mote there: since whose reign, this house, by reason of the nearness to Greenewiche (which also was much amended by him, and is through the benefit of the River, a seat of more commodity) hath not been so greatly esteemed: the rather also for that the pleasures of the emparked grounds here, may be in manner as well enjoyed, the Court lying at Greenewiche, as if it were at this house itself. These be the things that I had to remember in Eltham: And (to make an end of all) these be the places, whereof I meant to make note in this my Xenagogie and perambulation of Kent, the first and only Shire that I have described: wherein although I have not spoken of sundry Towns, not inferior, at this present, in estimation to a great many that I have handled, and happily equal with them in antiquity also, yet I think I have neither pretermitted many that be much worthy of observation, nor scarcely omitted any, that be mentioned in such books of History, as be easily to be had and obtained: but as for the Feodaries and Tenors of land, Genealogies & Arms of men, Ebbs, Floods, & Tides of the Sea and Rivers, flats, Bars, Havens, & such other things, although somewhat might have been severally said concerning each of them, yet have I wittingly, and without touch, leapt over them all: Partly for the incertainty, partly that I scatter not any seed of dissension and envy, and partly lest whilst by disclosing secrets I labour to serve the curiosity of some few, I either offend many of the sadder sort, or deserve evil of the whole estate. Now therefore I will deliver you, and rest me: wishing, that some other man, of greater profit in reading, depth in judgement, and dexterity in penning, would take in hand to amend the description of this, and to add the residue. For as I at the first, assayed it to prove myself, to provoke some, and to pleasure and profit others: So, having now achieved it (according to my slender skill) if any man shall like to take this my base metal (drawn out of a few Sowze, into many Sheets, as you see) & shall hammer it to some further and finer fashion, I will not only not envy it, but most heartily thank him, and gratulate to our Country, that so good a turn & benefit. And, as touching the description of the rest of the Realm, knowing by the dealing in this one, that it willbe hard for any one man (and much more for myself) to accomplish all, I can but wish in like sort, that some one in each Shire, would make the enterprise for his own Country, to the end that by joining our pens and conferring our labours (as it were) Ex symbolo, we may at the last by the union of many parts and papers, compact a whole and perfect body and Book of our English antiquities. The Customs of Kent. ALthough good order would have borne the rehearsal of the Ancient Customs of this Shire, in that general discourse which we had in the beginning as touching the estate of this whole County, the rather for that it was there showed by what means and policy they were conserved: yet, lest the recital of the same (being of themselves large and manifold) might have been thought too great a Parenthesis, or rather an interruption of the History, wherein we were as then but newly entered, I thought it better to reserve them for this place, to the end, that both the one and the other, might appear, without breach, or confusion. These Customs, therefore, being (for the most part) discrepant from the common laws of our Realm, and annexed to such lands within this Shire, as bear the name of gavelkind, are commonly called gavelkind Customs, for that they prevail and have place, in lands of gavelkind nature. In which respect, it shall not be amiss to show, for what reason those lands were at the first so termed, and why they do yet hitherto continued the name. Two conjectures I have of the reason of this name, the one grounded upon the nature of the descent, and inheritance of these lands themselves: the other founded upon the manner of the duty and services, that they yield: both which I will not stick to recite, and yet leave to each man free choice, to receive either, or to refuse both, as it shall best like him. The name Gavelkind, whereof it arose. I gather by Cornelius Tacitus, and others, that the ancient Germans, (whose offspring we be) suffered their lands to descend, not to the Elder Son alone, but to the whole number of their male Children: & I find in the 75. Chap. of Canutus law (a King of this Realm before the Conquest) that after the death of the father, his heirs should divide both his goods, and his lands amongst them. Now, for as much as all the next of the kindred did this inherit together, I conjecture, that therefore the land was called, either Gavelkyn, in meaning, Giveall kin, because it was given to all the next in one line of kindred: or Give all kind, that is, to all the male children: for kind, in dutch, signifieth yet a male child: Besides this, the Welshmen also (who but now lately lost this custom) do in their language call this descent, Gwele, and in their Latin Records, Lectus, progenies, & gavella, of their own word, Gefeilled, which signifieth Twins, or such as be borne together, because they do all inherit together, and make (as it were) but one heir, and not many. And here (by the way) I cannot omit to show, that they of this our Kentish country, To shifted land is an old term. do yet call their partition of land (shifting) even by the very same word that the law of Canutus many years since termed it, namely (Scyftan) in Latin, Herciscere, that is, to shifted, departed, or divide land. My other conjecture, is raised upon the consideration of the rent and services going out of these lands: for it is well known, that as Knight's service land, required the presence of the tenant, in warfare and battle abroad: So this land (being of Socage tenure) commanded his attendance at the plough, and other the lords affairs of husbandry, at home: the one by manhood defending his Lord's life and person, the other by industry maintaining with rent, corn, and victual, his estate and family. This rent, and customary payment of works, the Saxons called, gafol, and thereof (as I think) they named the land that yielded it, gafolette, or gafolcynd. that is to say, land Let for rent, or of the kind to yield rent. In this sense I am sure, that the rents, customs, and services, which the tenants of London pay to their land lords, were wont (and yet are) to be recovered, by a writ, thereof called Gavellet, as by an ancient statute, made in the tenth year of King Edward the second, entitled, Statutum de Gaveleto, in London, and by daily experience there, it may well appear. Thus much then, as concerning the Etymon of this word gavelkind, being said, let us proceed further. The antiquity of gavelkind custom. It hath already appeared, how the Kentishmen, immediately after the Conquest, obtained the continuation of their customs: and it is very manifest by ancient writers, that the same (for the more part) have been in ure and exercise ever since. For (omitting that which Thomas Spot hath written concerning the same matter, for as much as it is already recited at large) Glanuile, a learned man, that flourished in the reign of king Henry the second, in his seventh book, and third chapter: Bracton, that lived in the time of King Henry the third, in his second book, De acquirendo rerum dominio: And Bretton, that wrote under King Edward the first, and by his commandment: have all express mention, of lands partible amongst the males by usage of the place, and some of them recite the very name of Gavelkind itself. But most plainly of all, an ancient treatise, received by tradition from the hands of our elders (whereof I myself have one exemplar, written out as I suppose, in the time of King Edward the first) agreeing with the daily practice of these customs, proveth the continuance of them, to stand with good law and liking. The division of this discourse. And therefore, forbearing (as needless) further testimony in that behalf, I will descend to the disclosing of the customs themselves: not numbering them by order as they lie in that treatise, but drawing them forth as they shall concern, either the land itself, or the persons that I will orderly speak of, that is to say, particularly the Lord and the Tenant: The husband and the wife: The child and the guardian, and so after addition of a few other things incident to this purpose, I will draw to an end. As touching the land itself, What lands be of Gavel kind nature in which these customs have place, it is to be understanded, that all the lands within this Shire, which be of ancient Socage tenure, be also of the nature of Gavelkind. For, as for the lands holden by ancient tenure of Knight's service, they be at the common law, & are not departible after the order of this custom, except certain, which being holden of old time by knights service of the archbishop of Canterbury, are nevertheless departible, as it may appear by an opinion of the judges in the King's bench .26. H. 8. fol. 4. And that grew by reason of a grant, made by King john, to Hubert the archbishop, Some Knight fee is gavelkind. the tenor whereof (being exemplified out of an ancient roll, remaining in the hands of the Reverend father, Mathewe, the archbishop now living) hereafter followeth. joannes dei gratia, Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, Dux Normaniae, Aquitaniae, & comes Andegaven. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, justiciarijs, Vicecomitibus, Praepositis ministris, & omnibus Ballivis, & fidelibus suis: Salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse, & praesenti charta nostra confirmasse, venerabili patri nostro ac Chro. Huberto, Cantuar. Archiepiscopo, & successoribus suis in perpetuum, quòd liceat eyes terras, quas homines de feodo Ecclesiae Cantua. tenent in Gavelkind, convertere in feoda militum. Et quod idem Episcop. & successores sui, eanden in omnibus potestatem, & libertatem habeant in perpetuum, in homines illos qui terras easdem ita in feodo militum conversas tenebunt, & in haeredes eorum quam ipse Archiepiscopus habet, & successores sui post eum habebunt, in alios milites de feodo Ecclesiae Cantuar. & in haeredes. Et homines illi, & haeredes eorum, eandem & omnem libertaetem habeant in perpetuum, quam alij milites de feodo Ecclesiae Cantuar. & haeredes eorum habent. Ita tamen, quod nihilominus consuetus redditus denariorum, reddatur integre de terris suis, sicut prius, xenia, averagia, & alia opera, quae fiebant de terris ijsdem, convertantur in redditum denariorum aequivalentem. Et redditus ille reddatur, sicut alius redditus denariorum. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus, quod quicquid praedictus Archiepiscopus & successores sui post eum, de terris illis in feodo militum secundum praescriptam formam convertendis fecerint, ratum in perpetuum & stabile permaneat. Et prohibemus ne quis contrafactum ipsius Archiepiscopi, vel successorum suorum, in hac part venire praesumat. Teste E. Eliense, & S. Bathon, Episcopis. G. filio Petri, comite Essex. Willmo Marescallo, comite de Penbroc. Roberto de Harocort. Garino, filio Geraldi. Petro de Stoke. Ric. de Reverus. Roberto de Tateshal. Datum per manum S. Archid. Willielmi apud Rupem aurival. 4. die Maij Anno regni nostri tertio. But now for as much as it is disputable, whether this Chartre of the King be of sufficient virtue to change the nature of the gavelkind land or not, and for that the certainty of the lands so converted into Knight fee, doth not any where (that I have seen) appear, (save only that in the book of Aid, levied in this Shire, Anno. 20. E. 3. it is four or five times noted, that certain lands there, be holden in Knight's service, Per novam licentiam Archiepiscopi) I will leave this, and proceed to prove, that all the lands of ancient tenure in Knight's service, be subject to the ordinary course of descent at the common law. And that may I (as me thinketh) sufficiently do, both by the express words of a note. 9 H. 3. in the title of prescription. 63. in Fitzherbert: by the resolution of the same Fitzherbert, and Norwiche, justices, 26. H. 8. 5. And by plain recital in the act of parliament, made. 31. H. 8. Ca 3. by which statute, the possessions of certain Gentlemen (there named) were delivered from this customary descent, and incorporated to the common law. For (amongst other things) in that act it is said, That from thenceforth, such their lands shall be changed from the said custom, and shall descend as lands at the common law, and as other lands being in the said county of Kent, which never were holden by service of Socage, but always have been holden by knights service, do descend. By which words it is very evident, that the makers of that statute, understood all lands holden by knights service, to be of their proper nature descendable after the common law, and that Socage tenure was the only subject in which this our custom of gavelkind descent prevailed, and held place. But when I thus speak of Socage, and Knights fee, Ancient Knight fee, is not of the nature of gavelkind. I must always be understanded to mean of a tenure long since, and of ancient time continued, and not now newly, or lately created: for so it may fall out otherwise then is already reported. As for example. If land anciently holden by Knight's service, come to the Prince's hand, who afterward giveth the same out again to a common person, to be holden of his Manor of Eastgrenewiche in Socage, I suppose that this land (notwithstanding the alteration of the tenure) remaineth descendable to the eldest son only, as it was before: As also, in like sort, if lands of ancient Socage service come to the crown, and be delivered out again, to be holden either of the Prince in Capite, or by knights service of any Manor, I think it aught to descend according to the custom, notwithstanding that the tenure be altered. And if this be true, in the grant of the King himself, then much less (saving the reverence due to king john's Chartre) may the archbishop by a new creation of tenure, The change of gavelkind tenure is no change of the nature of Gavelkind. make to his tenants any alteration, of this old custom and manner. For, as the pleading is, Quod terrae praedictae sunt de tenura & natura de Gavelkind: even so the truth is, that the present tenure only guideth not the descent, but that the tenure and the nature together, do govern it. And therefore, as on the one side, the custom can not attach, or take hold of that which was not before in nature subject to the custom, that is to say, accustomably departed: So on the other side, the practice of the custom, long time continued, may not be interrupted, by a bore alteration of the tenure. And this is not my fantasy, but the resolution of all the justices (as judge Dalison himself hath left reported) 4. &. 5. Philippi & Mariae: And also of the Court. 26. H. 8. 5. where it was affirmed, that if a man being seized of gavelkind land, holden in Socage, make a gift in tail, & created a tenure in Knight's service, that yet this land must descend after the custom, as it did before the change of the tenure. A contrary usage, changeth not the nature of gavelkind. Moreover, as the change of the tenure can not prevail against this custom: So neither the continuance of a contrary usage, may altar this prescription. For it is holden. 16. E. 2. prescription. 52. in Fitzherbert, that albeit the eldest son only hath (and that for many discentes together) entered into Gavelkind land, and occupied it without any contradiction of the younger brothers, that yet the land remaineth partible between them, when so ever they will put to their claim. Against which assertion, that which is said. 10. H. 3. in the title of prescription. 64. namely of the issue taken thus, Si terra illa fuit partita nec ne, is not greatly forcible. For although it be so, that the land were never departed in deed, yet if it remain partible in nature, it may be departed when so ever occasion shall be ministered. And therefore, even in the form of pleading used at this day (Quod terra illa, a toto tempore etc. partibilis fuit, & partita) it is plainly taken, that the word (partibilis) only is of substance, and that the word (partita) is but a word of form, and not material, or traversable at all. Yea, so inseparable is this custom from the land in which it obtaineth, that a contrary descent (continued in the case of the Crown itself) can not hinder, but that (after such time as the land shall resort again to a common person) the former inveterate custom shall govern it. As for the purpose. Lands of Gavelkind nature come to the queens hands, by purchase, or by escheat, as holden of her Manor of. A. Now after her death, all her sons shall inherit and divide them: But if they come to her by forfeiture in Treason, or by gift in parliament, so that her grace is seized of them in jure Coronae: then her eldest son only (which shall be King after her) shall enjoy them. In which case, although those lands which the eldest son (being King) did possess, do come to his eldest son after him (being King also) and so from one to another, by sundry descents: Yet the opinion of Sir Anthony Browne was. 7. Elizab. that if at any time after, the same lands be granted to a common person, they shall revolt to their former nature of Gavelkind, and be partible amongst his heirs males, notwithstanding, that they have run a contrary course, in divers the discentes of the Kings before. But much less may the unity of possession in the Lord, frustrate the custom of Gavelkind descent, as it may appear 14. H. 4. in the long Recordare. Only therefore these two cases I doubt of, concerning this point, and thereupon judge them meet to be inquired of. That is to say, first, if a tenancy in gavelkind escheat to the Lord, by reason of a Ceasser (as hereafter it shall appear that it may) or if it be granted unto the Lord by the tenant, HeaHbeorg, in Saxon, is a high defence: and the customs of Normandy that call fiene or fee, de Haubert which oweth to defend the land by full arms, that is, by horse, haubert, target, sword, or helm: and it consisteth of. 300. acres of land which is the same (as I suppose) that we called a whole Knight's fee without any reservation, which Lord holdeth over by fee of Haubert, or by Serieancie (both which I take to be Knights service) whether now this tenancy be partible amongst the heirs males of the Lord, or no. For the ancient treatise of the kentish Customs so determineth, but I wot not whether experience so alloweth. The other doubt is this, if it be so that any whole town, or village in Kent, hath not at any time (that can be showed) been acquainted with the exercise of Gavelkind descent, whether yet the custom of gavelkind shall have place there or no. Toward the resolution of which later ambiguity, it shall tend somewhat to show, how far this custom extendeth itself within this our country. * The custom of Gavelkind, is universal in Kent. It is commonly taken therefore, that the custom of Gavelkind is general, and spreadeth itself throughout the whole Shire, into all lands subject by ancient tenure unto the same, such places only excepted, where it is altered by act of parliament. And therefore. 5. E. 4. 18. and. 14. H. 4. 8. it is said, that the custom of Gavelkind is (as it were) a common law in Kent. And the book. 22. E. 4. 19 affirmeth, that in demanding gavelkind land, a man shall not need to prescribe in certain, and to show, That the Town, borrow, or City, where the lands be, is an ancient town, borrow, or city, and that the custom hath been there (time out of mind) that the lands within the same town, borrow, or city, should descend to all the heirs males. etc. But that is sufficient enough, to show the custom at large, and to say, That the land lieth in Kent, and that all the lands there be of the nature of Gavelkind. For, a writ of partition of Lands in gavelkind (saith Master Litleton) shallbe as general, as if the lands were at the Common law, although the declaration aught specially to contain mention of the Custom of the Country. This universality therefore considered, as also the strait bond (whereby the custom is so inseparably knit to the land, as in manner nothing but an act of parliament can clearly dissever them) I see not, how any City, Town, or borrow, can be exempted, for the only default of putting the Custom in ure, more than the Elder Son (in the case before) may for the like reason prescribe against his younger Brethren. But here, before I conclude this part, I think good first to make Master Litletons' answer to such as happily will demand, what reason this custom, The reason of gavelkind Custom. of gavelkind descent hath, thus to divide land amongst all the Males, contrary to the manner of the whole Realm besides. The younger sons (saith he) be as good gentlemen, as the Elder, & they (being alike dear to their common ancestor, from whom they claim) have so much the more need of their friends help, as (through their minority) they be less able than the elder Brother to help themselves: secondly to put you in remembrance also of the statute of Praerogatina Regis, Ca 16. Where it is said, that Faeminae non participabunt cum Masculis, The Females, shall not divide with the Males: which is to be understood, of such as be in equal degree of kindred, as Brother and Sisters. etc. For, if a man have issue three Sons, & the Elder have issue a daughter, & die in the life of his Father, and the Father dieth: In this case (it is holden) that the daughter shall join with the two other Brethren her Uncles, for that she is not in equal degree with them, as her Father was, whose heir she nevertheless must be of necessity. What things shall ensue the nature of the land. And now, thus much being spoken, touching the name, tenure, nature, generality, necessity, reason, and order of gavelkind, it is worthy the labour, to show of what quality the Rents, Remainders, Conditions, Vouchers, Actions, and such other things (of the which some be issuing out of these lands, some be annexed unto them, and some be raised by reason of them) shallbe. In which behalf, it may generally be said, that some of them shall ensue the nature of the Land, and some shall keep the same course that common Law hath appointed. But in particular, it is to be understood, that if a Rent Rent. be granted in Fee out of gavelkind land, it shall descend to all the Males, as the land itself shall do. And, Ald. and Chart. in 7. E. 3. were of opinion, that albeit a tenancy be of gavelkind nature, yet the rend service, by which that tenancy is holden, might well be descendable at the common Law. The like shallbe of a Remainder Remainder of gavelkind land: for if it be tailed to the Heirs Males, they altogether shall inherit it, as Fitzherb. & Norwiche two justices, thought. 26. H. 8. 8. But that is to be understood of a descent only: for if lands of gavelkind nature be leassed for life, the Remainder to the right Heirs of I at Style. Which hath issue four Sons & dieth, & after the Leassée for life dieth now the Elder Son only of. I at Stile shall have this land, for he is right Heir, and that is a good name of purchase. 37. H. 8. Done. 42. en Master Brook: But if the lands had been given to I at Style for life, the remainder to his next Heir Male, this had been an estate tail in I S. himself, and then the Land (as I take it) should have descended to all his Sons, in so much as in that case the words (next Heir Male) be not a name of purchase. Howbeit, it was greatly doubted 3. & 4. Phil. & Mariae (as justice Dalison reporteth) if a remainder be devised by Testament (Proximo haeredi masculo) whether in that case the Elder Brother only shall have it, in so much as (in the understanding of the Law, which is a judge over all Customs) he is the next Heir Male: and therefore inquire of it. As touching Vouchers, it appeareth. 11. E. 3. Vourcher. that all the Heirs in Gavelkind shallbe vouched for the warranty of their ancestor, and not the eldest only. But the opinion of Master Litleton, and of the justices. 22. E. 4. is clearly: that the Elder Son only shallbe rebutted, or barred, by the warranty of the ancestor. To be short, Condition. the Elder Son only shall entrée for the breach of a condition: but the rest of the Brethren shallbe joined with him in suing a writ of Attaint, Attaint, and Error. to reform a false verdict, or error to reverse an erroneous judgement: And they all shallbe charged for the debt of their ancestor, if so be that they all have Assetz in their hands: But if the eldest only have Assetz remaining, and the residue have aliened their parts, than he only shallbe charged after the mind of the Book. 11. E. 3. Det. 7. And this also for this part, at this time shall suffice. Now a word or twain, touching the trial of right in this gavelkind land, & then forward to the rest of my purpose. There be at the common law, two sorts of trial in a writ of Right, by Battle, and by the Grand Assize: No battle nor grand Assize in gavelkind of the which two, this Custom excludeth the one, & altereth the other. For, Battle it admitteth not at all, & the Grand assize it receiveth, not by the election of 4. Knights, but of 4. Tenants in Gavelkind, as it may be read in the ancient treatise of the Customs of this Country. But when I speak of the treatise of the Customs (you must know) I mean not the which was lately imprinted, but an other with much more faith & diligence long since exemplified: a Copy whereof you shall find, at the end of this Book. For, not only in this part, the words (Ne soient prizes per battle) be clean omitted in the imprinted Book, but in sundry other places also the words be mangled, the sentences be curtailed, and the meaning is obscured, as by conference of the variations, it may to any skilful reader most easily appear. But all that, I will refer to the sight and judgement of such, as will search and examine it, and (returning to my purpose) show you, what belongeth to the Lord of this gavelkind land, by reason of this Custom. And, for because the Prince is chief Lord of all the Realm, (as of whom all lands within the same be either mediately or immediately holden) let us first see what right (by reason of this custom) belongeth unto him. Forfeiture in Felony. If Tenant in Fee simple, of Lands in gavelkind, commit felony, and suffer the judgement of death therefore, the Prince shall have all his Chattels for a forfeiture: But as touching the Land, he shall neither have the Eschete of it, though it be immediately holden of himself, nor the Day, Year, and Waste, if it be holden of any other. For in that case, the Heir, notwithstanding the offence of his ancestor, shall enter immediately, & enjoy the lands, after the same Customs and services, by which they were before holden: in assurance whereof, it is commonly said, The Father to the Bough, The Son to the plough. But this rule holdeth in case of Felony, and of murder only, and in case not of treason at all: And it holdeth also in case where the offender is justified by order of Law, and not where he withdraweth himself after the fault committed, and will not abide his lawful trial. For if such a one absent himself (after proclamation made for him in the County) and be outlawed: or otherwise, if he take Sanctuary, and do abjure the Realm, then shall his Heir reap no benefit by this Custom, but the Prince or the Lord, shall take their forfeiture in such degree, as if the Lands were at the common law. Which thing is apparent, both by the Book. 8. E. 2. abridged by Master Fitzherbert, in his title of prescription. 50. And by 22. E. 3. fol. Where it is said, that this Custom shall not be construed by equity: but, by a strait and literal interpretation. And also by the plain rehearsal of the said treatise of the Customs itself. And in this behalf also, some have doubted, whether the Brother or Uncle shall have the advantage of this Custom, because the words thereof extend to the Son only: but let us proceed. There belongeth moreover, due by the Tenant, to each common person, being his Lord of Land in Gavelkind, Suit to his Court, the oath of fidelity, and the true doing and payment, of all accustomed Rents, Duties, and Services. Also if the Tenant die, leaving his Heir, within the age of fifteen years: the Lord hath authority to commit the nurture of the body, and the custody of the goods, and lands of the infant, to the next of the kindred, to whom the inheritance cannot descend. But, as neither the Lord aught to take any thing for the custody, neither to tender to the Heir any marriage at all: So must he take good heed, that he credit not the custody to any person, that shall not be able to answer therefore. For if the Heir, at his full age of fifteen years, shall come to the lords Court, and demand his inheritance, although the Lord may distrain the guardian to yield his account (as it appeareth. 18. E. 2. avowry. 220. Yet in default of his ability, the Lord himself, and his Heirs, remain charged to the Heir for the the same. Furthermore, if the Tenant shall withdraw from the Lord his due rents, and services, the custom of this Country giveth to the Lord, a special, and solemn kind of Cessavit, and that after this manner. Cessavit, in Gavelkind. The Lord, after such a ceasing, aught by award of his three weeks Court, to seek (from Court to Court, until the fourth Court) in the presence of good witness, whether any distress may be found upon the Tenement, or No: And if he can find none, then at the fourth Court it shallbe awarded, that he shall take the Tenement into his hands, as a distress, or pledge, for the Rent and services, withdrawn, and that he shall detain it one year and a day, without manuring it: within which time, if the tenant come, and make agreement with the Lord for his arrearage, he shall enter into his tenement again: but if he come not within that space, then at the next County Court the Lord aught openly to declare all that his former proceeding, to the end that it may be notorious: which being done, at his own Court, next following the said County, it shallbe finally awarded, that he may enter into that Tenement, and manure it as his proper demean. And that the forfeiture, due to the Lord for this ceasser of his Tenant, was five pounds (at the lest) besides the arrearages: it doth well appear by the old kentish by word, recited in the often remembered treatise of these Customs. Neg he sith sealed and Neg he sith geld. And five pound for the were, ere he become healder That is to say, Hath he not since any thing given? nor hath he not sense any thing paid? Then let him pay five pound for his were, before he become tenant, or holder again: But some copies have the first verse thus. Nigond scythe seld, and nigon sith geld: That is, Let him nine times pay, and nine times repay. And here (by the way) it is to be noted, that this word (were) in old time signified, the value, or price of a man's life, estimation, or countenance: For, before the Conquest, each man in the Realm was valued at a certain sum of money, having regard to his degree, condition, and worthiness, as is more at large showed in the Table to the translation of the Saxon laws, whereunto for this purpose I will sand you. This custom of Cessavit, is set forth in the treatise of Customs, and hath been allowed of (as Master Frowike. 21. H. 7. 15. reported) in time passed, but whether it be also at this day put in ure, I cannot certainly affirm. But now, as these advantages arise to the Lord from his Tenant: So on the other side, the Lord also aught to suffer his Tenant to enjoy the benefit of such customs as make for his avail. And therefore, first he aught to let him alien his land at his own pleasure, without suing to him for licence: He aught also to be contented with one suit to his Court for one tenement although the same happen to be divided amongst many: of very right also he aught to admit an essoin, if any be cast for the Tenant, whether it be in a cause of Plaint, or for common suit to his Court: And lastly he may not exact of him any manner of oath, other than that of Fidelity, which groweth due by reason of his Tenure. Tenant by the Courtesy. And thus leaving the Lord and his Tenant, let us come to the husband and the wife, and first show what courtesy the husband shall find by order of this custom after the death of his wife that was seized of lands of gavelkind tenure: and than what benefit the wife may have after the decease of her Husband dying seized of Lands of the same kind and nature. The Husband (saith our treatise of gavelkind Custom) shall have the one half of such gavelkind land, wherein his wife had estate of inheritance, whether he had issue by her or no: And shall hold the same during so long time, as he will keep himself widower, and unmarried. For if he marry, he looseth all. Neither may he commit any waste, more than Tenant by the courtesy at the common law, may. So that one way (namely, in that he shall have his wives land for life though he never had issue by her) this our Custom is more courteous than the common law: but an other way, (I mean in that he shall have but the one half, and that with a prohibition of second marriage) it is loss beneficial. Howsoever it be, it holdeth place, and is put in practice at this day. Tenant in D●wer, The difference between common Law, and Custom therein. The wife likewise, after the death of her Husband, shall have for her life, the one moiety of all such lands of gavelkind tenure, whereof her Husband was seized of any estate of inheritance during the coverture between them. Of which Custom also, though it exceed common measure, the common law of the Realm (bearing always special favour to Dower) hath evermore even hitherto showed good allowance: Nevertheless, as tenant by the courtesy after this Custom, had his conditions annexed: so tenant in Dower, by the same Custom, wanteth not some conditions following her estate. One, that she may not marry at all: & an other, that she must take diligent heed, that she be not found with Child, begotten in fornication. For in either case she must lose her Dower: But yet so, that lawful matrimony is by a mean (contrary to the apostolic permission) utterly forbidden, And the sin of secret Lechery (according to the Popish Paradox, Si non caste tamen caute) is in a sort borne and abidden, seeing that by this custom, she forfeiteth not in this later case, unless the child be borne, and heard to cry, and that of the country people, assembled by hue and cry: For then (saith the custom) See that his wend, See his lend: But corruptly, for in true Saxon letters it standeth thus See þat Hire ƿende. Se Hire lend. That is to say, He that doth turn, or wend her: Let him also give unto her, or lend her. And thus the custom, making like estimation of both the cases, depriveth her of her living, as well for honest marriage, as for filthy fornication. In which behalf, as I must needs confess, that the later condition hath reason, because it tendeth (though not fully) to the correction of sin and wickedness: So yet dare I affirm, that the former is not only not reasonable, but merely lewd and irreligious also. For, although the Ethnics did so much magnify widowhood, that (as Valerius reciteth) Faeminas, quae uno matrimonio contentae erant, corona pudicitiae honorabant, and although that the common law also (being directed by the Popish Clergy, which therein followed the error of Jerome) doth in another case, by the name of Bigamy, dislike of a woman's second marriage: Yet Saint Paul saith plainly, Mulier, si dormierit maritus eius, libera est, ut cui vult nubat, modò in Domino. But yet for all this, seeing that our treatise of usages reciteth it, seeing also that common experience of the country approveth it, and that the common law of the Realm (as it may be read, Praerogativa Regis Cap. 16. & 2. H. 3. in prescription. 59) admitteth it: let us also for this place and purpose, be contented to number it amongst our customs, and so proceed with the residue. It appeareth, by that which is already said, that the common law, and this custom, differ in two things concerning Dower: One, in that the common law giveth but a third part, whereas the custom vouchsafeth the half: Another, in that this custom giveth conditionally, whereas the gift of the common law, is free and absolute. Now therefore, there remain to be showed, certain other points, wherein they vary also. As, if the husband commit Felony: at the common law, his wife hath lost her title of Dower, but by the custom of this country, she shall not lose her Dower for the fault of her husband, but only in such case, where the heir shall lose his inheritance, for the offence of his father. Which thing is manifest, both by the treatise of our kentish customs, and by the opinion of the Court 8. H. 3. prescription. 60. At the common law also, the wife shall be endowed of a possession in law, but (as me thinketh) she shall have no Dower by this custom, but only of such lands, whereof her husband was actually and really seized. For the words be (Des tenements, dount son Baron morust seiset, et vestu,) which word (vestu) being clean omitted in the imprinted book, enforceth a possession in deed, and not in law only. And therefore, if lands in gavelkind descend to a married man, which dieth before he make his entry into the same, inquire whether it be the manner to endow his wife thereof, or no: for use is the only Oracle that in this case I can send you unto. Again, at the common law, a woman shall be endowed of a fair, or of any such other profit. But, (for as much as the words of this customary Dower, be (terres & tenements) and for that all customs shall find a literal and straight interpretation) the opinion of Master Parkins is, that no Dower lieth of a fair, by this custom. Furthermore, if the wife recover her Dower at the common law, she aught of necessity to be endowed by meats and bounds: But in Dower after this custom (saith the same author) she may very well be endowed of a moiety, to be holden in common with the heir, that enjoyeth the other half. Lastly, this custom, besides Dower of the one half of the husbands land, Dower of chattels. provideth Dower of the moiety of such goods also, as he died possessed of, if he had no children, and of the third part, though he leave issue: whereas the common law (at the lest in common practice at this day) hath no consideration of any such endowment. These than be the differences, between the common law of the Realm, and the particular custom of this country concerning Dower: the comparison whereof, and whether sort of Dower is more beneficial, I will not now attempt, and much less take upon me, to determine, lest I myself might seem rashly to prejudicate in another thing, wherein I most gladly desire to be judged by other men: namely, whether a woman, entitled to Dower in Gavelkind, may wain her Dower of the moiety after this custom, and bring her action to be endowed of the third at the common law, and so exempt herself from all danger of these customary conditions, or no? The Resolution of which doubt, will depend chief upon comparison, whether it be more advantage to her, to have the third at the common law absolutely, or the moiety by the custom conditionally. For if the Dower at the common law be better for her, than it seemeth reasonable that she should stand to the worse, which is the custom: even as tenant by the courtesy, must take the moiety that the custom giveth, and not ask the whole, as Common law appointeth. And yet thereto it may be replied, that the cases be not like: for so much as that of Dower is much more to be favoured. I myself once heard two reverend judges of opinion, that the woman was at liberty, to ask her Dower of the third, or of the Moiety: But because it was uttered by them in a passage of sudden speech, and not spoken upon studied argument, I will not use the authority of their names, to get the matter credit with all, but leave it at large, to be better inquired of. Partition of chattels. After the husband and the wife, there followeth next in order of our division, the child and his Garden, whom also (since they be Relatives, as the other be, and that their interests carry a mutual, and Reciproquè eye, each having respect to other) we will likewise couple together in one treatise. And because the custom was wont to commit the custody, not of the lands only (as the common law doth) but of the goods and chattels also, we will first show, what portion of goods did grow to the child, by the death of his parent. Partition of chattels. The manner of this country sometime was (as it appeareth by our old treatise) that after the funerals of the dead man performed, and his debts discharged, the goods should be divided into three equal portions, if he left any lawful issue behind him: of which three, one part was allotted to the dead, for performance of his legacies: another to the children, for their education: and the third to the wife for her sustentation and maintenance: But if he had no children left on live, than was the division into two parts only: of which, the one belonged to the wife for her endowment, and the other to her departed husband, to be bestowed by his executors, if he made a testament, or by the discretion of the ordinary, if he died intestate. The self same order is at this day observed in the City of London, London. and the same in effect, was long since used throughout the whole Realm. For it is evident, both by the law of King Canutus before remembered, by Master glanvil in his book Ca 18. and by the words of Magna Carta, that the wife and Children had their reasonable parts of the goods by the common law of the Realm, howsoever it came to pass at the length, that it was admitted for law but in such Countries only, where it was continued by daily usage (as it is holden. 17. E. 2. and in many other books) & that all the writs in the Register De rationabili part bonorum, Have mention of the special Custom of the Shire, in which the part is demanded. But as in deed at this day, partition of Chattels is not used (though in the mean time it hath not lost the force of common law as many think) through out the whole Realm: so is it (so far as I can learn) vanished quite out of all ure within this Country also. And therefore, seeing the Garden is delivered of this charge, we also will leave to speak further of the goods, and come to the partition and custody of the land of this Infant. If a man die seized of lands in gavelkind, Partition, of gavelkind lands of any estate of inheritance, all his Sons shall have equal portion: & if he have no Sons, than aught it equally to be divided amongst his daughters: But yet so, that the eldest Son or Daughter, hath by the Custom a pre-eminence of election, and the youngest Son or Daughter, a preferment in the partition. For as of ancient time, there aught to be granted to the eldest, the first choice after the division: so to the part of the youngest, there aught to be allotted in the division, that piece of the Mesuage, which our treatise calleth Astre. (Astr●) what it meaneth. By which word is meant, (as I conjecture, for otherwise I have not learned) either the Hall, or chief room of the house, either else the well for water, or the south side of the building. For (Astre) being sounded without (s) may come of the Latin word Atrium, which signifieth a Hall, or of Haustrum, which betokeneth the Bucket of a well, or of Austrum, the south side: every of which have their particular commodities above the rest of the house or tenement. Or otherwise (if that shall like any man better) being sounded with (s) it may be deduced from the French word (Asistre) by contraction (Astre) which is as much, as a site, or situation, and with the Article (le) before it (Lestre) a churchyard, or Court about a house. But whatsoever the word mean, I will not longer labour in it, seeing that at this day there is no such regard made in the partition, but only consideration had that the parts themselves be equal and indifferent. Now therefore, if the Child be under the age of 15. years, the next Cousin, to whom the inheritance may not descend, shall have the education, & order of his body, & lands, until such time as he shall attain to that age, even as the Garden in socage at the common law shall keep his until the ward aspire to fourteen. And in all other things also, this customary Garden is to be charged and to have allowance, in such sort, and none other, then as the Garden in socage at the common law is: Save only (as it is partly remembered already) that he is both chargeable to the Heir in account for his receipt, & subject also to the distress of the Lord for the same cause: Garden, after the custom. Yet do I not hear, that the Lords take upon them (at this day) to commit the custody of these Infants, but that they leave it altogether to the order of the next of the Kin, the rather (belike) for that they themselves (if they intermeddle) stand chargeable, in default of the ability of such as happily they might credit therewithal. So that upon the whole matter, the adds consisteth only in this, that Garden in Socage at the common Law shall keep the land till the Infant be fourteen years of age, and Garden by this custom till he have attained fully fifteen: which diversity, ariseth not without great reason: For whereas the Infant in Socage at the common law, Sale is at 15. year●● cannot make alienation of his land until he have reached to the full age of 21. years (although he be long before that, free from all wardship) The Infant in Socage by this Custom, may give and cell his land so soon as he is crept out of this Custody. And therefore it was expedient (at the least) to add one year to the common Law, before he should be of power to departed with his inheritance, which otherwise (being unadvisedly made away) might work his own impoverishment and overthrow. And truly it seemeth to me, that the Custom itself hath a watchful eye upon the same matter, in so much as it licenseth him at fifteen years, Not to give his Land (for that he might do for nothing) But to give and cell his Land, which it meaneth he should not do without sufficient recompense. Such like interpretation, the common Law also seemeth to make of this custom both by the opinion of Vavasor. 5. H. 7. who said the it was adjudged that a release made by such an Infant was void: by the sentence of the Book. 21. E. 4. 24. where it was said, that an infant cannot declare his will upon such a Feoffment: and by the judgement of Hank. 11. H. 4. who also held, that a warranty, or grant of a reversion made at such age, was to no purpose at all, although a lease with release might happily be good by the Custom, because that amounteth to a Feoffment. And, in my simple judgement, it is not fit that this Custom should be construed by equity, for as much as it standeth not with any equity, to enable an infant, of little discretion, and less experience, to cell his land, and not to provide withal that he should have, Quid pro quo, and some reasonable recompense for the same: for that were, not to defend the Pupil and Fatherless, but to lay him wide open to every sly deceit, and circumvention. In which respect, I cannot but very well like of their opinion, Sale good at. 15. years who hold, that if an Infant in gavelkind, at this day will cell at xv. years of age, these three things aught of necessity to concur, if he will have the sale good and effectual. The first, that he be an heir, and not a Purchasour, of the land that he departeth withal: The second, that he have recompense for it: and the third, that he do it with livery of seisin by his own hand, and not by warrant of Attorney, nor by any other manner of assurance. And these men for proof of the first and second point of their assertion, do build upon the words of our written Custom, where it is said Del heure que ceux heirs de gavelkind, soient, ou ount pass lage de. 15. ans, list a eux, lour terres & tenements, Donor & Vender) in which, the words (Ceux Heirs) do restrain the Infant that cometh in by Purchase: And (Donor & Vender) in the copulative, (for so they lie in deed, though the imprinted book have them disiunctively) do of necessity imply a recompense, for as much as, Vendere, cannot be Sine precio. And for maintenance of the third matter, they have on their part, besides the common usage of their own Country, the common law of the whole Realm also: which expoundeth the word (Donor) to mean a Feoffment (as I have before showed) and which not only disalloweth of any gift made by an infant, but also punisheth the taker in trespass, unless he have it by livery from the infants own hands. Thus have I run over such customs, as by mean of this gavelkind tenure do appertain, either to the Lord or the Tenant, the husband or the wife, the child or the Garden: To these I will add (as I promised) confusedly, a few other things, of the which, some belong generally to the kentish man throughout the whole Shire: Some to the inhabitants of some particular quarter of the country: and some to the tenants in gavelkind only, and to none other. It appeareth, Not villains in Kent. by claim made in our ancient treatise, that the bodies of all kentish persons be of free condition, which also is confessed to be true .30. E. 1. in the title of Villeinage. 46. in Fitzherbert: Where it is holden sufficient for a man to avoid the objection of bondage, to say, that his father was borne in the Shire of Kent: But whether it will serve in that case to say, that himself was borne in Kent, I have known it (for good reason) doubted. It seemeth by the same treatise, Appearance. that such persons as held none other land then of gavelkind nature, be not bound to appear (upon Summons) before the justices in Eire, otherwise then by their Borsholder, and four others of the borrow, a few places only excepted. The like to this Privilege is enjoyed at this day in the Sheriffs Lathe, where many whole borrows be excused by the only appearance of a Borsholder, and two, four, or six other of the inhabitants. Furthermore, C●men. I have read in a case of a written report at large of .16. E. 2. which also is partly abridged by Fitzherbert, in his title of prescription, that it was tried by verdict, that no man aught to have comen in lands of gavelkind, Howbeit, the contrary is well known at this day, and that in many places. Chase and drive out. The same book sayeth, that the usage in Gavelkind is, that a man may lawfully enchase, or drive out into the high way to their adventure, the beasts of any other person, that he shall find doing damage in his land, and that he is not compellable to impound them, which custom seemeth to me directly against the rule of the common law, But yet it is practised till this present day. Attaint. The parliament 15. H. 6. 3. minding to amplify the Privileges of gavelkind, granted to the tenants of that land, exemption in Attaints, in such sort as the inhabitants of ancient demean, and of the Five Ports before had: But within three years after, upon the complaint of some of the Gentz of the Country (which informed the parliament house that there was not in the whole Shire above the number of 30, or 40. persons, that held to the value of 20. li. land, out of gavelkind, who in default of others, and by reason of that exemption, were continually molested by returns in Attaints) that Act was utterly repealed. The Statute .14. H. 8. Cap. 6. giveth liberty to every man, Changing of ways. having high way (through his Land in the Weald) that is worn deep, and incommodious for passage, to lay out an other way, in some such other place of his land, as shallbe thought meet by the view of two justices of the Peace, and twelve other men of wisdom and discretion. Finally, the general Law, made 35. H. 8. 17. For the preservation of Copies woods, through out the Realm, Goppies. maketh plain exception of all woods within this Weald, unless it be of such as be common. Thus much, concerning the customs of this our Country, I thought good to discourse, not so cunningly (I confess) as the matter required, nor so amply as the argument would bear (for so to do, it asketh more art and judgement, than I have attained) But yet sufficiently (I trust) for understanding the old treatise that handleth them, and summarily enough for comprehending (in manner) whatsoever the common, or Statute, law of the Realm hath literally, touching them, which is as much as I desired. Now therefore, to the end that neither any man be further bound to this my discourse upon these customs, than shallbe warranted by the Customs themselves, neither yet the same customs be henceforth so corruptly carried about as hitherto they have been, but that they may at the length be restored to their ancient light and integrity, I will set down a true and just transcript of the very text of them, taken out of an ancient and fair written roll, that was given to me by Master George Multon my Father in law, and which some time belonged to Baron Hales of this Country. I will adjoin also, mine own interpretation in the English, not of any purpose to bind the learned unto it, but of a desire to inform the unlearned by it. Kent. These sount are les the usages, usages, & les and custumes, customs, les the ques which le the comunaute comunalty de of Kent Kent, cleiment claimeth auer to have en in the tenements Tenements de of gavelkind, gavelkind, e & en in gentzes the men of Gavilekendeys, gavelkind, These words between the stars were taken out of an other old copy. * allows en Eire john de allowed in Eire before john of Berewike, Berwick, e sos companion, and his companions, justices the justices en in Eire, Eire en in Kent, Kent, le. the 21. 21. an year le of Roy Ed. fitz. le Roy Henry * Cestascavoir, que toutes les King E. the Son of King Henry. * That is to say, that all the cors' bodies de of Kenteys' kentish seyent men francs, be free, Free men. auxi aswell come as less the autres other fraunz free bodies cors of Dengleterre. England. Esechator. Et que ilz ne duivent le eschetour le Roy And that they aught not the escheator of the King to elire, choose, ne nor unkes ever en in nul any temps time ne fesoint, mes le Roy prengne, ou did they: But the King shall take, or face prendre, tiel come luy plerra, de ceo qui soit cause to be taken, such an one as it shall please him, to serve him mistier a luy seruir. Et quilz pusent lour terres in that which shallbe needful. And that they may their lands & & lour their tenements tenements donor & vender, Give and cell lands without licence. saunz congee demander a give and cell, without licence asked of their lour seignerages: saws a seignorages les rentzes Lords: Saving unto the Lords the rents and e les the services services dues des mesmes le tenements. due out of the same tenements. Et que touz, e chescun, And that all, and every of them, puseit per Brë le roy, may by writ of the king, ou or per by plaint, plaint, Plede, by writ, or pleinte. pleader pur lour plead for the obtaining drou purchaser, auxibien de lour Seignerages, come des auters of their right, as well of their Lords, as of other men. gentzes. Et clament auxi, que la Commune de Gavylekendeys, And they claim also, that the commonalty of Gavelkindmen, que ne tenent mes que tenemenz Gavylekendeys, which hold none other than tenements of gavelkind nature, ne deivent venir a la comune Somonse deal Eire, ought not to come to the common summons of the Eire, mes but ke per Borgesaldre, only by the Borsholder, & and iiij. four homens' men de of la the Borghe: borrow: Appear by Borsholder. horse except pris les villees que deivent responder per xij. hommes en le Eire. the towns, which aught to answer by twelve men in the Eire. Et And they clament claim auxi, also, No escheat for felony, but of goods only. que sil nul tenant en gavelkind seit attaint that if any tenant in gavelkind be attainted de of felony, felony, per que for the which il he suffer suffereth juice de mort, judgement of death, eit le R●y the King touz ses chateux, shall have all his goods, e & son heir eir heir meintenant forthwith apres after sa his mort death seit shall inherit de touz be inheritable to all says his terres lands & & tenemenz tenements que which il he tient held en in gavelkind Gavelkind en in fee, fee, e en heritage, e les tiend●a per●●●● les & in inheritance: and he shall hold them by the same services services et & customs, customs, sicone ses ancestors les tyndront: dont est dist as his ancestors held them: whereupon it is said en in Kenteis: Kentish: þe the father father to to þe the boghe, bough, and & þe the son son to þe plogh. to the plough. And if Et he si il eit have a femme, Dower, of the one half wife, meintenant seit dough forthwith t be she endowed by ꝑ the le heir, heir sil seit dage, (if he be of age) de of la the meytie, one half de touz les terres e tenemenz que son Baroun tint of all the lands & tenements which her husband held de of gavelkind gavelkind nature en in fee, fee: a aver, e a tener solonc la form de to have & to hold according to the form suthdyte. hereafter declared. Et And de of tiels such terres lands le the Roy King ne auera An shall not have the year, ne nor waste, wast, Flying for felony, causeth forfeiture. mes tant soulment les chateux, sicome il est avamtdit. Et si but only the goods as is before said. And if any man of nul Gavylekendeis Gavelkind, either pur felony, either for felony, ou or pur for Ret suspicion de of felony. felony, se suthtres A draw him de la pees, out of the country, e scit en count demand come il appent, & be demanded in the county as he aught, e & puis be vtlaghe●ou sil se met en scinte eglise, et foriure la terre one afterward outlawed: or put himself into the holy church, & abjure the le Reaume, le Roy avera lan e le waist de ces terres, & the land & the King shall have the year & that waste of his lands & of touz all ses his tenemenz tenements, ensemblement oue touz together with all his goods ces and chateus, chattels: issint que apres lan, e le tour, le plus ꝓcheyn Seig●ou Seigneurs. So that after the year the day, the next Lord, or Lords, eyent shall leur have their escheats Eschetes de celes terres e tenemenz, of those lands and tenements, chescun every Seigneur Lord ceo, that que which de is luy est tenu immediately sans holden men. of him. E clament And they claim auxi, also, que that si if ascun any tenant tenant en in gavelkind gavelkind murt, die, Partition, amongst the heirs males et seit and be an inherit inheritor de of terres lands e de and tenemenz tenements de in gavelkind, gavelkind, que touz ses fitz that all his sons shall partent part cel that heritage inheritance per by ovele equal porcioun. portions. Et And si nul heir if there be no madle ne seit, seit la party feit entre les females sicome hei●e male, let the partition be made between the females, even entries les freres. as between brothers. Et la message seit autreci entre eux And let the messsage also be departed departi, mes le astre demorra all pune, between them: but the Astre The Astre. shall remain to the youngest son, ou or all punee, daughter: e lafoy value seit de ceo liure a chescun des And be the value thereof delivered to each of the parceners' parceners de of cel that heritage heritage, a. from xl. forty pes de cel Astre, si feet from that Astre, if le the tenement tenement le will peut so suffrir. suffer. E And donkz than le eyen frere eit let the eldest brother have la primere electioun, e les autres apres per degree. the first choice, & the others afterward, according to their degree. Ensement Likewise de of mesons houses que which serront shall be trovets found en in tieus such messages. Messages, seient departye entre les heirs per onele porcioun, let them be departed amongst the heirs by equal portions, Ceo est that is asavoir per peies sil est mistier, Saw le covert del Astre, to weet, Courtesan, in other copies. by foot if need be, Saving the Covert of the Astre, que remeynt all pune, which shall remain to the youngest son, ou all punee sicome il est avandist, or daughter, as is before said: issi que nequedont que le punc face renable gre a ces So nevertheless, that the youngest make reasonable amends to his parceners de la party que a eux appent parceners for the part which to them belongeth, per agard de by the award of bone good gentzes. men. One suit, for all the parceners. E des avaunditz tenemenz dont un soul Suit And of the aforesaid tenements, whereof one only suit tant soulement soleit estre feit avaut, ne seit per la resoun de la was wont to be made before time, be there not by reason of the partition party for'rs un soul suit faite sicome soleit avant, but one sole suit made, as it was before accustomed: mes But que tous les parceners facent contributi●un a celui que face yet let all the parceners make contribution to the parcener which maketh la suit pur eux. Ensement seient les chateus de Gavylekendeys the suit for them. Partition of goods. In like sort let the goods of gavelkind persons parties en treis apres le exequys e les debts rendues, si il y cit be parted into .3. parts, after the funerals & the debts paid, if there be issue multer en vie, issi que la mort eyt la une party, e les fitz lawful issue on live: So that the dead have one part, & his lawful e les filles muliers lautre party, et la femme la tierce party. sons and daughters an other part, and the wife the third part. Et si nul issue mulier en vie ne seit, And if there be no lawful issue on live, eit la mort la meite, let the dead have the one half, e la femme en vie lautre meytie. Et si le heir, ou lez heirs, seit, and the wife on live the other half. And if the heir, or heirs, shall be ou seyent de deins le age de xv. ans, seit la nurture de eux under the age of .15. years, Custody of the heir in Gavelkind. let the nourtriture of them be committed baille ꝑ le Seig. all plus procheyn deal sank a qui heritage ne by the Lord, to the next of the blood to whom the inheritance can peut not descendre, descend, issi que le Seign. pur le bail rem ne prengne. So that the Lord take nothing for the committing Et quill ne seit marry per le Seign. mes per sa volunte thereof. And let not the heir be married by the Lord, but by his own demeine, & per le counsel de ces amiss sil veut. Et quant cel will, and by the advise of his friends, if he william. And when such heir, ou ceux heirs sont de plener age de xu auns, seient a heir, or heirs, shall come to the full age of fifteen years, let their eux lour terres, e lour tenemenz livres, ensemblement one lour lands and tenements be delivered unto them, together with their chateaux, et oue les enprowemenz de celes terres outre goods, and with the emprovements profits of the same lands, remaining renable sustenance: de quel enprovement, e chateux, above their reasonable sustenance: of the which profits and goods, seit tenu a respondre celui qui de luy a tera la nurture, let him be bound to make answer which had the education of the ou le Seigneur ou ses heirs que cel nurture auera baille. heir, or else the Lord, or his heirs, which committed the same education. Et ceo fet a savoir que del hour que ceux And this is to be understood, that from such time as those heirs gavelkind seient, ou ount pass le age de xv. auns, heirs in Gavelkind, Sale at xv. years of age be of, or have passed, the age of fifteen years, list a eux lour terres ou tenemenz donor e vendre it is lawful for them, their lands or tenements, to give and cell a at lour their volunte, Sawes les services au chefz seignorages come ill at their pleasure: Saving the services to the chief Lords, as is est devant dit. Et si nul tiel tenant en gavelkind meurt, e eit before said. Dower, of the one half And if any such tenant in Gavelkind die, and have a femme que survive, wife that overliveth him, seit cele femme meyntenant douwe de let that wife by and by be endowed (of la meite des tenements dont son baroun morust vestu e the one half of the tenements whereof her husband died vested & seisi, per les heirs sil seient de age, ou per les Seigneures seized) by the heirs, if they be of age, or by the Lords, if si les heirs ne saint pas de age, the heirs be not of age: issi que ele eyt lafoy So that she may have the moiety one half meite de celes terres e tenemenz, a tener tant come ele see of those lands and tenements, to hold so long as she keepeth tyent veve, her a widow, Forfeiture of Dower. ou de enfanter seit attaint per le auncienne or shallbe attainted of childbirth, after the ancient usage, usage: ceo that est is to asavoir, que quant eel enfaunte, e say, that if when she is delivered of child, the lenfant seit oy crier, E que le hu e le cry seit leave infant be heard cry, and that the hue and cry be raised, e le pais ensemble, and the country be assembled, e eyent weve de lenfant ensi faunte, and have the view of the child so e de la mere, borne, and of the mother, adonks perde son dower interment, e then let her lose her dower wholly, and autrement nyent, tant come ele se tient veue, otherwise not, so long as she holdeth her a widow: dont il est whereof it is dist en kenteys: se þat His wend, see His lend. said in Kentish: he that doth wend her, let him lend her. Tenant by the courtesy, of the one half. E And clament auxi, que home que prent femme, que eit heritage they claim also, that if a man take a wife which hath inheritance de of gavelkind, Gavelkind, e la femme murge avant luy, and the wife dieth before him, eit le Baroun let the husband have le meite de celes terres et tenemenz, tant come the one half of those lands and tenements whereof she died seized il se tient vevers (doubt ill morust seisei) saunz estrepement, so long as he holdeth him a widower, without doing any strip, ou waist, ou exile fere, le quel kil y eit heir entre or waste, or banishment, whether there were issue between eux them, ou or noun. not: Et sil prent femme, And if he take another wife, trestout perde. let him lose all. The descent of Gavelkind, changed. Ei And si nul tenement de gavelkind escheat (et ceo escheat seit a if any tenement of Gavelkinne do escheat (and that escheat be to nul seigneur que tiene per fee de hawberk ou per seriauncye) any Lord which holdeth by fee of Hawberke, or by Sericancie) per by mort, death, ou or per by Gavelate sicome il est suthdite, is hereafter said, ou li ●●it or be to him rendu de son tenant que de li avant le tint per quiteclamaunce rendered given up by his tenant which before held it of him by quiteclaime de ceofete, ou seit sa escheat ꝑ Gavelate sicome il est de suthdit thereof made, or if his escheat be by Gavelate as is hereafter said, remeyne cele terre as heirs impartable. let this land remain to the heirs unpartable: Et ceo fet asavoir, And this is to be la ou le tenant ensirendant, understood, where the tenant so rendering, nule service retent doth retain no service deuers say, sawet nequedent as autres Seigneurages fees fermes to himself, but saveth nevertheless to the other Lords their fees, e les rents dont les avant diz tenemenz de gavelkind fermes, and the rents wherewith the aforesaid tenements of ensi rendus avaunt furent charges per ceux, ou Gavelkind (so rendered) were before charged, by him, or them, per celuy, Forfeiture by Ceslavit or G●uelate que le charger poent, ou poeyt. which might charge them. Eclament auxi, que si And they claim also, that if any nul tenant en gavelkind retain sa rent, e son service del tenant in Gavelkind retain withhold his rent, and his services of the tenement tenement quill tient de son Seign. querge le Seign. per which he holdeth of his Lord, let the Lord seek by the agard de sa court de treys semeynes en tree semeynes trwe award of his court from .3. weeks to .3. weeks, to found some distress distress sur cel tenement tant que a la quart court, a totefet upon that tenement, until the fourth court, always with per tesmoynage, Et si dedens cel temps ne truss distress on ce witnesses: And if within that time he can found no distress in them tenement per queux il puisse son tenant iustiser, tenement, whereby he may have justice of his tenant, Donc a la Then at the quart court seit fourth court let it be agard, awarded, quill pregne cel tenement en that he shall take that tenement into sa mein en noum de destress, his hand, in the name of a distress, ausi come boef ou vache, as if it were an ox, or a cow, e le tiene un an, and let him keep it a year, e un iour en sa mein sance meyn and a day, in his hand without manuring overir: dens quell term, it: within which term, si le tenant vent, e rend says if the tenant come, and pay his arrearages, arrearages, e feit renables amends de la detenue, and make reasonable amends for the withholding, a donc eit, e ioise son tenement sicom ses ancestors e Than let him have and enjoy his tenement as his ancestors and lie avant le tyndront. Et sil ne vent devant lan, he before held it. And if he do not come before the year, e le tour and the day pass, donc auge le Seign. all prochein Count suiant oue resmoynage paste, then let the Lord go to the next county court with the witnesses de sa court, e face la pronuncier cel process pur of his own court, & pronounce there this process, to have tesmoynage aver further witness. Et per agard de sa court, apres ceo Count And by the award of his court (after that county tenue, entra, e meynouera en celes terres e tenemenz, court holden) he shall enter, & manure in those lands & tenements, sicome en son demesne. Et si le tenant vent apres, e voill● as in his demeans own. And if the tenant come afterward, and will ces tenemenz reaver e tener sicome ill fist deuaunt, face rehave his tenements, & hold them as he did before, let him make 'gree all Seigneur, sicome il est auncyenement dist, agreement with the Lord, according as it is anciently said: NegHe syþe seld. and neg He syþ geld: and fif pond for þe ƿere. oer He become Healder. Aussi il cleyment que nul home deit serment sur liure fere, Also they claim, No oath, but for fealty. that no man aught to make an oath upon a book, per destress, ne per poer de Seigneur, (neither by distress, nor by the power of the Lord, ne de Baylif, nor his bailyfe) encounter sa volunty saunz bref le Roy (sinon pur feaute against his will, without the writ of the King (unless it be for fealty. fear a son Seigneur) meske per deuaunt Coronner, ou altar to be done to his Lord) but only before the Coroner, or such other minister le Roy, qui Real poer eyont de enquerer de minister of the King, as hath Royal power to inquire of trespass fet encounter la Coronne nostre Seigneur le Roy. Essoignes trespass committed against the crown of our Lord the king. Ecleyment And auxi, que checun Kenteys put autre assonier en they claim also, that every kentish man may essoin an other, lafoy court le Roy, en Count, en hundredth: e en la either in the King's court, or in the county, or in the hundredth, or in the court son Seigneur, la ou assoigne gist, aussi bien de common Court of his Lord, where essoin lieth, & the aswell in case of commune suit, come de play. Estre ceo il cleyment per especial fet le Roy suit, as of plea. Moreover they claim by an especial deed of king Henry, pere le Roy Edward, que ore est, que dieu Garde, No battle nor graun● assize, in Guelkinde lands. que Henry the 3 father of King E. which now is (whom god save) that of the tenements que sont tenus en gavelkind ne scit prise battle, the tenements which are holden in Gavelkind, there shall no battle ne grand assize per xij. chivallers, sicome aillours be joined, nor grand Assize taken by xii Knights, as it is used in est prise en le reaume: ceo est a savoir, la ou tenant e le demandant other places of the realm: this is to weet, where the tenant & demandant tenant per gavelkind: mes en lu de ces grandes assizes hold by gavelkind: But in place of these ground assizes, seient prizes jurees per xii. homes tenantzes en gavelkind: Issi let juries be taken by xii men, being tenants in Gavelkind: so the que quatre tenantzes de gavelkind elisent twelve tenantzes de Gavyle four tenants of gavelkind, choose xii tenants of gavelkind to kende jurors. E la chartre le Roy de ceste especiaute est en la be jurors. And the chartre of the King, of this especialty, is in the guard Sire johan de Norwode le tour S. Elphegh en Canterbyre, custody of Sir John of Norwood, the day of S. Alphey, in Canterbury, le an le Roy Edward, le Fiz le Roy Henry xxi the year of King Edward the son of king Henry, the xxi. sont les usages de Gavilekend, e de Gavylekendeys en Kent, These be the usages of Gavelkind, & of gavelkind men in Kent, que furent devant le conquest, e en le Conquest, e totes hours which were before the conquest, and at the Conquest, and ever teskes en ca, since till now. The names of such persons, as procured their possessions to be altered from the nature of gavelkind, by act of parliament made .31. H. 8. Cap. 3. Thomas Lord Cromwell. Thomas Lord Burghe. George Lord Cobham. Andrew Lord Windsor. Sir Thomas Cheyne. Sir Christopher Hales. S. Thomas Willoughby. S. Anthony Seintleger. S. Edward Wootton. S. Edward Bowton. S. Roger Cholmley. S. john Champneys. john Baker Esquire. Reignold Scot john Guldeford. Thomas Kempe. Edward Thwaites. William Roper. Anthony Sands. Edward Isaac. Percival Harte. Edward Monyns. William Whetnall. john Fogg. Edmund Fetiplace. Thomas Hardres. William Waller. Thomas Wilforde. Thomas moil. Thomas Harlakenden Geffrey Lee. james Hales. Henry Hussey. Thomas Roydon. ¶ The names of such, as be likewise provided for. E. 6. Ca Sir Robert Southwell. S. james Hales. S. Walter Hendley. S. George Harper. S. Henry Isley. S. George Blage. Thomas Colepeper of Bedgebirie. john Colepeper of Ailesforde. William Twisden. Tho. Darrell of Scotney. Robert Rudston. Thomas Roberts. Stephan Darrell. Richard Covarte. Christopher Blower. Thomas Hendley. Thomas Harman. Thomas Lovelace. Thomas Colepeper. The names of such, as be specified in the act made for the like cause, 5. Elizabeth. Cap. Thomas Browne of Westbecheworthe in Surrey. George Browne. It were right worthy the labour, to learn the particulars and certainty, (if it may be) of all such possessions, as these men had, at the times of these several Statutes, for that also willbe serviceable in time to come. A Table, containing the principal places, and matters, handled in this Book. A Angles, or Englishmen. Page 2 archbishopric of Canterbury. Page 62 archbishops contend for the primacy. Page 65 archbishops all named. Page 70 Armour. Page 112. 211. Apledore. Page 146. 162 Ail, or Eile a River. Page 177. Correction of adultery. Page 180. Appropriations. Page 292 Ailesforde. Page 321. Asheherst. Page 333. Adington. Page 258. Aldington. Page 149. B Brytones, or Welshmen. Page 1. 12. Borsholder, what he is. Page 22 Bridges of stone. Page 49. 303 boroughs in Kent. Page 52. British History. Page 59 Flamines turned into Bishops. Page 62 Barons and Citizens. Page 94. 101. Bull of Gold. Page 134. 218. Thomas Becket Tharchbishop, look Thomas. etc. Bilsington. Page 154 Beacons. Page 160 Boxeley. Page 181. Baramdowne. Page 217 Barons war. Page 219. 298 Burial of the dead. Page 244 Bishop of Saint Martin's. Page 250 Bartilmew Badelsmere. Page 262 Bishops of Rochester named. Page 271 Benerth. Page 169 Blackheath. Page 340 Blacksmithes' rebellion. Page 340 Saint Bartilmew and his offering. Page 375. Anthony Beck, an edifying Bishop. Page 384 C julius Caesar. Page 1 Customs of Kent. Page 22. 388 Cities in Kent, Page 50. 91 Castles in Kent. Page 52 Cross of the archbishop. Page 67 Cursed bread. Page 87 Cinque Portes. Page 93 Constableship of Dover castle. Page 102 Contentions between religious persons. Page 67. 128, 237. 251. 269. 290. 301. Courtopstreete. Page 148 Carmelite Friars. Page 166. 324 Contempt of Good Counsel worthily punished. Page 168 Cranmer the archbishop. Page 186 Lord Cromwell. Page 186 Charteham. Page 220 Chilham. Page 227 Canterbury. Page 231 Thomas Colpeper. Page 262 Feast of Saint Cuthbert. Page 270 Cruelty against Strangers, Page 7, 278 284. Conquest of England. Page 283 Chetham. Page 286 Crayford, and Cray River. Page 345 Cliff at Hoo. Page 352 D doomsday book. Page 93 Danes, and their whole History. Page 107. 162. 322. 337. deal. Page 117 Dover. 119, the Castle. Page 121 Doncastre. Page 195 Drinking and Carousing. Page 280 Depeford. Page 335 Dartford, & Darent river. Page 346. 349 E Ethelbert the King. Page 18 Eadric, the King. Page 19 King Edward the confessor. Page 89 Eastrie. Page 114 Saint Eanswyde. Page 136 King Edward the first, claimeth supremacy over the Clergy. Page 226. Saint Edith, and her offering. Page 372 Elizabeth our Queen. Page 58. 275. Eslingham. Page 292 Edmond Ironside. Page 323 Erasmus Roterodam. Page 255, 377 Edric the Earl, an infamous traitor. Page 323 An Earl, Butler to the archbishop. Page 331. Earithe. Page 343 Eltham. Page 384 FLETCHER Fifteen and tenth of Kent. Page 25 franchises. Page 48 forests and Parks in Kent, Page 48 Fairs in Kent. Page 51 Flamines turned into Bishops. Page 62 Folkstone. Page 136 Farley. Page 172 Fermes, why so called. Page 172 Feversham. Page 202 Frendsbury. Page 290 Fernham. Page 322 G Gentlemen of Kent by name. Page 54 Geffray of Mounmouth. Page 59 Goodwin Sands. Page 84 Godwyne the Earl. Page 84. 86. 120 Genlade and Gladmouthe, Page 205 Gillingham. Page 274 gavelkind. Page 22. 388. Grenewiche. Page 336 Gravesend. Page 349 Gentlemen, and gentry, of old time. Page 363 H Heptarchy of England. Page 1. 3 hundreds, how they began. Page 21 Hills of name, in Kent. Page 49 Houses of honour in Kent. Page 53. 211 Hospitals in Kent. Page 53 King Henry the eight. Page 117. 200 Hubert of Borough. Page 162 Hyde haven. Page 141. Havens, why they decay. Page 141. Hydeland. Page 1●2. Holy Maid of Kent. Page 149 Harlot, whereof so called. Page 178 High ways. Page 213 Hakington. Page 251 Harbaldowne. Page 254 Harold the King. Page 284 Horsmundene. Page 288 Horstede. Page 289 Halling. Page 317 Hengist, and Horsa, two Captains. Page 15. 289. 345 Saint Hildeferthe. Page 354 Husbandry. Page 368 King Henry the second. Page 239. 377 Holmesdale. Page 382 I jutes. Page 2 Inglishmen. Page 2 Ingland first inhabited. Page 12 Inglishmen first named. Page 20 Indigenae, what they be. Page 12 Ippedfleete. Page 82 Ightam. Page 197 English speech corrupted. Page 205 decayed. Page 209 King john of Ingland. Page 133, 203. 217 jacke Cade. Page 340. 384 jacke straw. Page 340. 348 KING Seven Kingdoms in Ingland. Page 1. 3 Kent, how situated 7. why so named, 7. 167. Her gentry, 10. 5. Her yeomanry, 10. 65. Fertility. 8. 9 Artificers. 11. First inhabited part of all Ingland. 14 hath many Kings, 14. 317. One King. 15. 345. her kings names 17. she keepeth her old Customs. 22. particularly set down. 25. hath three steps. Page 158. knights fees. Page 48 Kemsley down. Page 190 Kentish tails. Page 315 Kemsing. Page 372 Knolle. Page 377 Knights service. Page 9, 368. 389 L Laws of Ingland. Page 5 Laths how they began. Page 21. 212. London spoiled of the archbishopric. Page 63 Lymne, and Lymene. Page 145 Lymen, a River. Page 146. 165 Lyming. Page 216 Leedes. Page 260 Lady of Chetham. Page 286 Livery of seisin. Page 317 Lord Dane, and Lourdan. Page 111 Lowy of Tunbridge. Page 329. Lesnes. Page 342 M Marriage. Page 16. 299. 405 Markets in Kent. Page 50 Minster Abbay. Page 80. Saint Myldred. Page 81 Miracles. Page 81. 116. 136. 152. 268. 336. Saint Martin's night. Page 210 Saint Martin's. Page 128 Maidston. Page 174 Medway, a River. Page 176 Mylton. Page 190 Minster. Page 198 Monks contend forcibly against the King. Page 203 Mottindene. Page 230 Maude the Empress. Page 260 Malling. Page 325 Mepham. Page 355 Merchandise. Page 368 N Nor ●ans. Page 3 Neshe. Page 160 Newendene. Page 165 Names of towns fetched from Rivers adjoining. Page 174, 205 Norwood. Page 258 Naming of men. Page 258 Navy, See Ships. Names of Towns in Eng. Page 325 O Order of this description. Page 62. 77 161. 207. 215. 273, 353. 386. Odo the Earl of Kent. Page 123. 178. 297. Order of Templars. Page 132 Orpington. Page 345 Otford. Page 374 PEA picts. Page 2 Parks, see Forestes. Polydore Virgil. Page 60. 222. 316. 355 Ports, see Cinque Portes. Pope. 133. 217. 220 abolished. Page 157 Passage over the Sea. Page 143 Piccendene Hothe. Page 178 Purgatory. Page 192 parliament without the Clergy Page 221. priests wives, see Marriage Priests unlearned. Page 352 Papism and Paganism agreed in many points of religion. Page 373 portreeve, whereof it cometh. Page 349. Partition, of lands .409. of goods Page 408. Q Quinborow. Page 200 R Rivers in Kent. Page 49. Religious houses in Kent. Page 53. and their values. Page 230 Rome whereof named. Page 81 Relics. Page 82. 105. 216. 247. 255 Richeborowe. Page 90 Rutupi. Page 90 Rother, a River. Page 146. 165 Rumney. 156. and the Marsh. Page 158 Rood of grace. Page 182 Saint Rumwald. Page 186. 188. Reculuer. Page 207 Robert Wynchelsey the archbishop. Page 222 religious houses valued. Page 230 Sir Roger Laybourne. Page 263 Bishops of Rochester named. Page 271 Rood of Gillingham. Page 286 Rochester. Page 293, 354 Rochester bridge. Page 303 Sir Robert Knolles Page 313 Ravensborne, a river. Page 335 Reue, whereof it cometh. Page 350 Reigate Castle. Page 382 S Scots. Page 2 Saxons. Page 2. 79 Samothees. Page 12 Shires, how they began. Page 20. 337 Swanscombe. Page 23. 354 Schools in Kent. Page 54. 233. 383 Stonor. Page 83 Sandwiche. Page 91. 105 Ships. Page 97. 112. 274. 335 Sandowne. Page 118 Stephan Langton Tharchbishop .. Page 133. 197 Saints in the Papacy. Page 137 Saltwood. Page 139 Shypwey. Page 144 Seawatche. Page 160 Stone. Page 164 Sittingbourne. Page 191 Shepey, Page 198 Sheep of England, Page 198 Stouremouthe. Page 208 Saint Stephans. Page 251 King Stephan. Page 260 See of Canterbury, look in archbishopric See of Rochester. Page 266 Shorham Deantie. Page 267 Seas of Bishops translated from villages. Page 271 Cruelty against Strangers. Page 7 278. 284. Servingmen. Page 282 Strowde. Page 290. 315 Sealing and signing. Page 318 Socage tenure. Page 9 391 Sheriff, whereof it cometh. Page 350 Sennocke. Page 383 T Tithings, how they began. Page 21 Tanet. Page 78 Order of the Templars. Page 132 Thomas Becket Tharchbishop Page 143, 239, 248. 255. 374. 377 Trial of right, Page 178. 343 Tongue Gastle. Page 195 Tenham. Page 197 Decay of Towns. Page 236 Towns named, see names. Tunbridge. Page 327 thieves, how suppressed. Page 21 Torneament. Page 347 Testament, or last william. Page 356 W Wasseling cup. Page 1● Writers of Kent by name. Page 58 Winchelsey. Page 94. 96 Lord Wardens of the Ports by name. Page 102 Walmere. Page 118 William Longchamp the Bishop of Ely. Page 129 William Courtney Tharchbishop. Page 139 Westenbangar. Page 140 William Warham the archbishop. Page 151 Weald of Kent, Page 167 Wool of England. Page 198 Wantsume, a river. Page 97. 207 Wingham. Page 211 Wapentakes. Page 212 Wrotham. Page 370 Wyngham. Page 380 Watches at the Sea Page 160 Watling street. Page 213 Wye. Page 228 Wreck at the Sea. Page 228 Saint William of Rochester. Page 301 University at Canterbury. Page 233 Whoredom punished. Page 180 vagabonds Page 21 Wager of Law Page 344 Y Yarmouthe. Page 95 Yeoman, whereof so called. Page 10 Yeomanrie of Kent. Page 10 Yenlade, see Genlade. Imprinted at London, for Ralph Newberry dwelling in Fleetstreet, a little above the Conduit. Anno Domini. 1576.