A VOYAGE INTO NEW ENGLAND Begun in 1623. and ended in 1624. Performed by CHRISTOPHER LEVETT, his Majesty's Woodward of , and one of the Council of New-England. York's Bonaventure. Ship LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM JONES. August 21. 1624. TO THE RIGHT Honourable, George Duke of Buckingham his Grace, Thomas Earl of Arroundell and Surrey, Robert Earl of Warwick, john Earl of Houldernes, and the rest of the Counsel for New-England. MAy it please your Lordships, that whereas you granted your Commission unto Captain Robert Gorges, Governor of New England, Captain France's West, myself, and the Governor of New-Plimoth, as Counsellors with him, for the ordering and Governing of all the said Terretories, wherein we have been diligent to the uttermost of our powers, as we shall be ready to render an account unto your Honours, when you shall be pleased to require us thereunto. In the mean time, I thought it my duty to present unto your views, such observation as I have taken, both of the Country and People, Commodities & Discommodities: as also, what places are fit to settle Plantations in, in which not, what courses ate fit in my understanding to be taken, for bringing Glory to God, Hounour to our King & Nation, good unto the Commonwealth, & profit to all Adventurers and Planters: which I humbly beseech your Lordships to accept of, as the best fruits of a shallow capacity: so shall I think my time and charge well employed, which I have spent in these affairs. I have omitted many things in this my discourse, which I conceived to be Impertinent at this time for me to relate, as of the time of my being at Sea, of the strange Fish which we there saw, some with wings flying above the water, others with manes, ears and heads, and chase one another with open mouths like stone Horses in a park, as also of the steering of our Course, the observation of the Sun and Stars, by which the elevation of the Pole is found, the degrees of latitude known, which shows how far a ship is out of his due course, either to the North or South: likewise of the making of the land at our arrival upon the choast of New-England, how it did arise and appear unto us: how every Harbour bears one from another upon the point of the Compass: and what Rocks and dangers are in the way: how many fathom water is found by sounding at the entrance of every Harbour: and from how many of the several winds all the Harbours are land locked. But by this means I thought I should not only be tedious, but also be in danger of losing myself, for want of fit phrases, and sound judgement, in the Arts of the Mathematics and Navigation, (being but a young Scholar, though an ancient traveller by sea) and therefore thought better to omit those, than any thing I have relate. Thus beseeching God to bless your Honours. I rest at your Lordship's service. CHRISTOPHER LEVETT. The Contents. CHAP. I. Contains my discovery of diverse Rivers and Harbours, with their names, and which are fit for Plantations and which not. CHAP. II. Sheweth how the Savages carried themselves unto me continually, and of my going to their King's houses: and there coming to mine. CHAP. III. Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their several Gods, Squanto and Tanto. CHAP. FOUR Contains a description of the Country, with the commodities and discommodities. CHAP. V. Certain objections and answers, with sufficient proofs how it may be exceeding profitable to the common wealth, and all Planters and Adventurers. CHAP. VI Sheweth how by adventuring of 100 pounds more or less, a man may profit so much every year for 20. years, or more without any more charge than at the first. CHAP. VII. Sheweth how every Parish may befreed of their weekly payments to the poor, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certain objections against the things contained in this and the former Chapter: with answers there unto. CHAP. VIII. Contains certain directions for all private persons that in A VOYAGE INTO NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP. I. Contains my discovery of divers Rivers and Harbours, with their names, and which are fit for Plantations, and which not. THe first place I set my foot upon in New England, was the Isles of Shouldst, being Lands in the Sea, about two Leagues from the Main. Upon these Lands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden. The place is found to be a good fishing place for 6. Ships, but more cannot well be there: for want of convenient stage-roome, as this year's experience hath proved. The Harbour is but indifferent good. Upon these Lands are no Savages at all. The next place I came unto was Pannaway, where one M. Tomson hath made a Plantation, there I stayed about one Month, in which time, I sent for my men from the East: who came over in divers Ships. At this place I met with the Governor, who came thither in a Bark which he had from one M. Weston about 20. days before I arrived in the Land. The Governor then told me, that I was joined with him in Commission as a Counsellor, which being read I found it was so. And he then in the presence of three more of the Counsel, administered unto me an oath. After the meeting of my men, I went a coasting in two boats with all my company. In the time I stayed with M. Tomson, I surveyed as much as possible I could, the wether being unseasonable and very much snow. In those parts, I saw much good Timber. But the ground it seemed to me not to be good, being very rockey and full of trees and brushwood. There is great store of fowl of divers sorts, whereof I fed very plentifully. About two English miles further to the East, I found a great River and a good harbour called Pascattaway. But for the ground I can say nothing, but by the relation of the Sagamore or King of that place, who told me there was much good ground up in the river about seven or eight leagues. About two leagues, further to the East is another great river called Aquamenticus. There I think a good plantation may be settled, for there is a good harbour for ships, good ground, and much already cleared, fit for planting of corn and other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the Savages who are all dead. There is good timber, and likely to be good fishing, but as yet there hash been no trial made that I can hear of. About 6 leagues further to the East is a harbour called Cape Porpas, the which is indifferent good for 6 ships, and it is generally thought to bean excellent place for fish, but as yet there hath been no trial made, but there may be a good plantation seated, for there is good Timber, and good ground, but will require some labour and charge. About four leagues further East, there is another harbour called Sawco (between this place and Cape Porpas I lost one of my men) before we could recover the harbour a great fog or mist took us that we could not see a hundred yards from us. I perceiving the fog to come upon the Sea, called for a Compass, and set the Cape land, by which we knew how to steer our course, which was no sooner done but we lost sight of land, and my other boat, and the wind blew fresh against us, so that we were enforced to strike sail, and betake us to our Oars which we used with all the wit and strength we had, but by no means could we recover the shore that night, being embayed and compassed round with breaches, which roared in a most fearful manner on every side us: we took counsel in this extremity one of another what to do to save our lives, at length we resolved that to put to sea again in the night was no fit course, the storm being great, and the wind blowing right of the shore, and to run our boat on the shore amongst the breaches, (which roared in a most fear full manner) and cast her away and endanger ourselves we were loath to do, seeing no land nor knowing where we were. At length I caused our Killick (which was all the Anchor we had) to be cast forth, and one continually to hold his hand upon the rood or cable, by which we knew whether our anchor held or no: which being done we commended ourselves to God by prayer, & put on a resolution to be as comfortable as we could, and so fell to our victuals. Thus we spent that night, and the next morning, with much ado we got in to Sawco, where I found my other boat. There I stayed five nights, the wind being contrary, and the weather very unseasonable, having much rain and snow, and continual foggse. We built us our Wigwam, or house, in one hours' space, it had no frame, but was without form or fashion, only a few poles set up together, and covered with our boats sails, which kept forth but a little wind, and less reign and snow. Our greatest comfort we had, next unto that which was spiritual, was this, we had foul enough for killing, would enough for felling, and good fresh water enough for drinking. But our beds was the wet ground, and our bedding our wet . We had plenty of Craine, Goose, Ducks and Mallard, with other fowl, both boiled and roasted, but our spits and racks were many times in danger of burning before the meat was ready (being but wooden ones.) After I had stayed there three days, and no likelihood of a good wind to carry us further, I took with me six of my men, and our Arms, and walked along the shore, to discover as much by land as I could: after I had traveled about two English miles I met with a river which stayed me that I could go no further by land that day, but returned to our place of habitation where we rested that night (having our lodging amended) for the day being dry I caused all my company to accompany me to a marsh ground, where we gathered every man his burden of long dry grass, which being spread in our Wigwam or House, I praise God I rested as contentedly as ever I did in all my life. And then came into my mind an old merry saying, which I have heard of a beggar boy who said if ever he should attain to be a King, he would have a breast of mutton with a pudding in it, and lodge every night up to the ears in dry straw, and thus I made myself and my company as merry as I could, with this and some other conceits, making this use of all, that it was much better than we deserved at God's hands, if he should deal with us according to our sins. The next morning I caused 4 of my men to row my lesser boat to this river, who with much ado got in myself, and 3 more going by land: but by reason of the extremity of the wether we were enforced to stay there that night, and were constrained to sleep upon the river bank, being the best place we could find, the snow being very deep. The next morning we were enforced to rise betime, for the tide came up so high that it washed away our fire, and would have served us so too if we had not kept watch. So we went over the river in our boat, where I caused some to stay with her, myself being desirous to discover further by land, I took with me four men and walked along the shore about six English miles further to the East where I found another river, which stayed me. So we returned back to Sawco, where the rest of my company and my other boat lay. That night I was exceeding sick, by reason of the wet and cold and much toiling of my body: but thankes be to God I was indifferent well the next morning, and the wind being fair we put to sea, and that day came to Quack. But before I speak of this place I must say something of Sawco, and the too rivers which I discovered in that bay, which I think never Englishman saw before. Sawco is about one league to the North-east of a cape land. And about one English mile from the maine lieth six Lands, which make an indifferent good harbour. And in the main there is a Cove or gut which is about a cables length in breadth, and too cables length long, there too good Ships may ride, being well mored a head and starne, and within the Cove there is a great Marsh, where at a high water a hundreth sail of Ships may float, and be free from all winds, but at low water must lie a ground, but being soft oase they can take no hurt. In this place there is a world of fowl, much good timber, and a great quantity of clear ground and good, if it be not a little too sandy. There hath been more fish taken within too leagues of this place this year then in any other in the land. The river next to Sawco eastwards, which I discovered by land, and after brought my boat into, is the strangest river that ever my eyes beheld. It flows at the least ten foot water upright, and yet the ebb runs so strong that the tide doth not stem it: At three quarters flood my men were scarce able with four Oars to row a head. And more than that, at full Sea I dipped my hand in the water, quite without the mouth of the River, in the very main Ocean, and it was as fresh as though it had been taken from the head of a Spring. This River, as I am told by the Savages, cometh from a great mountain called the Crystal hill, being as they say 100 miles in the Country, yet is it to be seen at the sea side; and there is no ship arrives in New England, either to the West so fare as Cape Cod, or to the East so fare as Monhiggen, but they see this Mountain the first land, if the weather be clear. The next river Eastward which I discovered by land, is about six miles from the other. About these two rivers I saw much good timber and sandy ground, there is also much fowl, fish and other commodities: but these places are not fit for plantation for the present, because there is no good coming in, either for ship or boat, by reason of a sandy breach which lieth alongst the shore, and makes all one breach. And now in its place I come to Quack, which I have named York. At this place there fished diverse ships of Waymouth this year. It lieth about two leagues to the East of Cape Elizabeth, it is a Bay or Sound betwixt the Main and certain Lands which lieth in the sea about one English mile and half. There are four Lands which makes one good harbour, there is very good fishing, much fowl and the main as good ground as any can desire. There I found one River wherein the Savages say there is much Salmon and other good fish. In this Bay, there hath been taken this year 4. Sturgeons, by fishermen who drive only for Herrings, so that it is likely there may be good store taken if there were men fit for that purpose. This River I made bold to call by my own name Levetts river, being the first that discovered it. How fare this river is Navigable I cannot tell, I have been but 6. miles up it, but on both sides is goodly ground. In the same Bay I found another River, up which I went about three miles and found a great fall, of water much bigger than the fall at London bridge at low water, further a boat cannot go, but above the fall the River runs smooth again. Just at this fall of water the Sagamore or King of that place hath a house, where I was one day when there were two Sagamors more, their wives and children, in all about 50. and we were but 7. They bid me welcome and gave me such victuals as they had, and I gave them Tobacco and Aqua vitae. After I had spent a little time with them I departed & gave them a small shot, and they gave me another. And the great Sagamore of the East Country, whom the rest do acknowledge to be chief amongst them, he gave unto me a Bevers skin, which I thankfully received, and so in great love we parted. On both sides this river there is goodly ground. From this harbour to Sagadahock, which is about 8. or 9 leagues, is all broken Lands in the Sea, which makes many excellent good Harbours, where a thousand sail of Ships may ride in safety; the sound going up within the Lands to the Cape of Sagadahock. In the way betwixt York and Sagadahock lieth Cascoe, a good harbour, good fishing, good ground, and much fowl. And I am persuaded that from Cape Elizabeth to Sagadahock, which is above 30 leagues to follow the Main, is all exceeding commodious for Plantations: and that there may be 20 good Towns well seated, to take the benefit both of the sea, and fresh Rivers. For Sagadahock I need say nothing of it, there hath been heretofore enough said by others, and I fear me too much. But the place is good, there fished this year two ships. The next place I came to was Capemanwagan, a place where nine ships fished this year. But I like it not for a plantation, for I could see little good timber & less good ground, there I stayed four nights, in which time, there came many Savages with their wives and children, and some of good account amongst them, as Menawormet a Sagamore, Cogawesco the Sagamore of Casco and Quack, now called York, Somerset, a Sagamore, one that hath been found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of our Nation, some from starving, others from killing. They intended to have been gone presently, but hearing of my being there, they desired to see me, which I understood by one of the Masters of the Ships, who likewise told me that they had some store of Beaver coats and skins, and was going to Pemaquid to truck with one Mr. Witheridge, a Master of a ship of Bastable, and desired me to use means that they should not carry them out of the harbour, I wished them to bring all their truck to one Mr. Coke stage & I would do the best I could to put it away: some of them did accordingly, and I then sent for the Sagamores, who came, and after some compliments they told me I must be their cousin, and that Captain Gorges was so, (which you may imagine I was not a little proud of, to be adopted cousin to so many great Kings at one instant, but did willingly accept of it) and so passing away a little time very pleasantly, they desired to be gone, whereupon I told them that I understood they had some coats and Beavers skins which I desired to truck for, but they were unwilling, and I seemed careless of it (as men must do if they desire any thing of them:) But at last Somerset swore that there should be none carried out of the harbour, but his cousin Levett should have all, and then they began to offer me some by way of gift, but I would take none but one pair of sleeves from Cogawesco, but told them it was not the fashion of English Captains always to be taking, but sometimes to take and give, and continually to truck was very good. But in fine, we had all except one coat and two skins, which they reserved to pay an old debt with, but they staying all that night, had them stole from them. In the morning the Sagamores came to me with a grievous complaint, I used the best language I could to give them content, and went with them to some Stages which they most suspected, and searched both Cabins and Chests, but found none. They seeing my willingness to find the thief out, gave me thankes, and wished me to forbear, saying the Rogues had carried them into the woods where I could not find them. When they were ready to departed they asked me where I meant to settle my plantation, I told them I had seen many places to the west, and intended to go further to the east before I could resolve, they said there was no good place and I had heard, that Pemoquid and Capmanwagan and Monhiggon were granted to others, & the best time for fishing was then at hand which made me the more willing to retire, and the rather because Cogawesco the Sagamore of Casco and Quacke, told me if that I would sit down at either of those two places, I should be very welcome, and that he and his wife would go along with me in my boat to see them, which curtesey I had no reason to refuse, because I had set up my resolution before to settle my plantation at Quacke, which I named York, and was glad of this opportunity, that I had obtained the consent of them who as I conceive hath a natural right of inheritance as they are the sons of Noah, and therefore do think it fit to carry things very fairly without compulsion (if it be possible) for avoiding of treachery. The next day the wind came fair, and I sailed to Quacke or York, with the King, Queen, and Prince, bow and arrows, dog and kettle in my boat, his noble attendance rowing by us in their Cannow. When we came to York the Masters of the Ships came to bid me welcome, and asked what Savages those were, I told them, and I thanked them, they used them kindly & gave them meat, drink and tobacco. The woman or reputed Queen, asked me if those men were my friends, I told her they were; then she drank to them and told them, they were welcome to her Country and so should all my friends be at any time, she drank also to her husband and bid him welcome to her Country too, for you must understand, that her father was the Sagamore of this place and left it to her at his death having no more Children. And thus after many dangers, much labour and great charge, I have obtained a place of habitation in New-England, where I have built a house, and fortified it in a reasonable good fashion, strong enough against such enemies as are those Savage people. CHAP. II. Sheweth how the Savages, carried themselves unto me continually, and of my going to their King's Houses: and their coming to mine. Whilst I stayed in this place I had some little truck but not much, by reason of an evil member in the Harbour, who being covetous of truck used the matter so, that he got the Savages away from me. And it is no wonder that he should abuse me in this sort, for he hath not spared your Lordships and all the Counsel for New-England. He said unto the Governor that the Lords had sent men over into that Country with Commissions, to make a prey of others. And yet for my own part I never demanded or took from any man in that Countery, the value of a denier, neither had I so much help from any Ship or Ships company as one man's labour the space of an hour, nor had I any provision or victual upon any terms whatsoever, save only, 1000 of bread and 22. bushels of pease, which was offered unto me, and not by me requested, for which I gave present satisfaction in Beaver skines: and also one Rownlet of Aqua vitae, which was brought to me 16. League's unexpected, which good manners bid me buy. Much more provision was offered to me by many Masters of Ships, but I had no need thereof, so I gave them thanks for their kindness, and refused all. Nay it is well known, that I was so fare from doing wrong to any: that I suffered the Land which was granted to me by Patent and made choice of before any other man came there, to be used, and my timber to be cut down & spoilt, without taking or ask any satisfaction for the same. And I doubt not but all others to whom you gave authority, will sufficiently clear themselves of all such imputations. He said also he cared not for any authority in that place, and though he was forbid to truck, yet would he have all he could get: in despite of who should say to the contrary, having a great Ship with 17. pieces of Ordinance and 50. men. And indeed his practice was according to his words, for every Sunday or once in the week, he went himself or sent a boat up the river and got all the truck before they could come down to the Harbour. And so many Savages as he could get to his stage, he would enforce them to leave their goods behind them. One instance amongst marry I will give you. On a certain day there came two Savages to his place, who were under the command of Somerset or Conway I know not whether, at which time they were both with me at my house, but the other two who went to him, knew not so much, but afterwards they understanding of it, came prefently over, but left their Cotts and Beaver skines behind them, whereat Somerset and Conway were exceeding angry: and were ready to beat the poor fellows, but I would not suffer them so to do. They presently went over the Harbour themselves in their Cannow to fetch their goods, but this man would let them have none, but wished them to truck with him, they told him they would not, but would carry them to Captain Levett, he said Levett was no captain, but a jackanapes, a poor fellow etc. They told him again that he was a Rogue with some other speeches, whereupon he and his company fell upon them & beat them both, in so much that they came to me in a great rage against him, and said, they would be revenged on his Fishermen at sea, and much ado I had to dissuade one of them for going into England to tell King james of it, as he said; when they came to me in this rage, there was two or three Masters of Ships by, and heard every word. But all this did me no hurt, (save the loss of the truck, which by diverse was thought to be worth above 50. li.) for the two Sagamores whom he enticed from me, and incensed against me, at length used means to be friends with me, sending one who asked me, if I were angry with them, I told them no, I was not angry with them for any such matter as lousy Cotts and skins, but if they were Matchett, that is, naughty men, and rebellious: then I could be Mouchick Hoggery, that is very angry, and would Cram, that is, kill them all. When they came themselves to me to seek peace, they brought me a Beaver Coat, and two Otters kines which they would have let me had for nothing, but I would not take them so, but gave them more than usually I did by way of Trucke, I then told them likewise that if at any time they did Trucke with me, they should have many good things in leiu of their Beaver: and if they did not Trucke it was no matter, I would be good friends with them, at which they smiled and talked one to the other, saying the other man was a jackanapes, and that I had the right fashion of the Aberieney Sagamores, than they began to applaud or rather flatter me, saying I was so big a Sagamore, yea four fathom, which were the best words they could use to express their minds: I replied that I was a poor man as he had reported of me. They said again it was no matter what I said, or that jackanapes (which is the most disgraceful word that may be in their conceit,) for all the Sagamores in the Country loved poor Levett and was muchicke sorry that he would be gone, (and indeed I cannot tell what I should think of them, for ever after they would bring me any thing they thought would give me content, as Eggs and the whole bodies of Beaver, which in my coneite eat like Lamb, and is not inferior to it: yea the very coats of Beaver, & Otter-skinnes, from off their backs, which though I many times refused, yet not always, but I never took any such courtesy from them but I requited them answerably, choosing rather to neglect the present profit, than the hopes I have to bring them to better things, which I hope will be for a public good, and which I am persuaded were agreevous sin, to neglect for any sinister end. And a little before my departure there came these moors to see me, Sadamoyt the great Sagamore of the East Country, Manawormet, Opparunwit, Skedraguscett, Cogawesco, Somersett, Conway and others. They asked me why I would be gone out of their Country, I was glad to tell them my wife would not come thither except I did fetch her, they bid a pox on her hounds, (a phrase they have learned and do use when they do curse) and wished me to beat her. I told them no, for then our God would be angry. Then they run out upon her in evil terms, and wished me let her alone and take another, I told them our God would be more angry for that. Again they bid me beat her, beat her, repeating it often, and very angrily, but I answered no, that was not the English fashion, and beside, she was a good wife and I had children by her, and I loved her well, so I satisfied them. Then they told me that I and my wife and Children, with all my friends should be heartily welcome into that Country at any time, yea a hundreth thousand times, yea Mouchicke, Mouchicke, which is a word of weight. And Somersett told that his Son (who was borne, whilst I was in the Country, and whom he would needs have to Name) and mine should be Brothers and that there should be mouchicke legamatch, (that is friendship) betwixt them, until Tanto carried them to his Wigwam, (that is, until that they died. Then they must know of me how long I would be wanting, I told them so many Months, at which they seemed to be well pleased, but wished me to take heed I proved not Chechaske in that (that is, a liar.) They asked me what I would do with my house, I told them I would leave 10. of my men there until I came again, and that they should kill all the Tarrantens they should see (being enemies to them) and with whom the English have no comarsse. At which they rejoiced exceedingly, and then agreed amongst themselves, that when the time should be expired, which I spoke of for my return, every one at the place where he lived would look to the Sea, and when they did see a Ship they would send to all the Sagamores in the Country, and tell them that poor Levett was come again. And thus instead of doing me hurt, I think that either he or I have done good to all Planters, by winning their affections, (which may be made use of without trusting of them.) But if your Lordship should put up this wrong done unto you, and the Authority which you gave them, never expect to be obeyed in those parts, either by Planters or Fishermen; for some have not stuck to say, that if such a man, contemning authority, and abusing one of the counsel, and drawing his knife upon him at his own house, which he did, should go unpunished, then would not they care what they did hereafter. And truly let me tell your Lordships, that if ever you intent to punish any for disobedience, or contempt of authority, this man is a fit instrument to make a precedent of, for he is rich, and this year will gain the best part of 500 pounds by that Country, and he hath neither wife nor child, for whose sakes he should be spared. And if he go free, as he hath domineered over us, to whom your Lordships gave authority, but no power to put it in execution, so will he grow unmannerly too with your Lordships, as he hath already begun. And it will discourage men hereafter to take any authority upon them, or to go about to reform any abuses in those parts. And also it will hinder Planters for going over, if Fishermen be suffered not only to take away their truck, but also to animate the Savages against them, for this is the way to cause all Planters to have their throats cut. But I leave these things to your Lo. consideration, who have as well power as authority to punish such rebellious persons. Thus having acquainted you with what I have done, seen, and heard; now give me leave to tell you what I think of the Savages, the inhabitants of that country: as also to justify the innocent, I mean the Country of New-England, against the slanderous reports of this man, and some others which I have heard, and likewise to deliver my opinion, what courses I conceive to be most convenient to be taken, for bringing most glory to God, comfort, honour and benefit to our King and our own Native Nation. CHAP. III. Sheweth the nature and disposition of the Savages, and of their several Gods, Squanto and Tanto. I Have had much conference with the Savages, about our only true God, and have done my best to bring them to know and acknowledge him, but I fear me all the labour that way, will be lost and no good will be done, except it be among the younger sort. I find they have two Gods, on they love: and the other the hate, the god they love: they call Squanto, and to him they ascribe all their good fortunes. The god they hate they call Tanto, and to him they ascribe all their evil fortunes, as thus, when any is killed, hurt, or sick, or when it is evil wether, than they say Tanto is hoggry, that is angry. When any dies, they say Tanto carries them to his wigwam that is his house, and they never see them more. I have asked them where Squanto dwells, they say they cannot tell but up on high, and will point upwards. And for Tanto, they say fare west, but they know not where. I have asked them if at any time they have seen Squanto, or Tanto, they say no there is none sees them, but their Pawwawes, nor they neither, but when they dream. Their Pawwawes are their Physicians and Surgeons, and as I verily believe they are all Witches, for they foretell of ill wether, and many strange things, every Sagamore hath one of them belongs to his company, and they are altogether directed by them. On a time I was at a Sagamores house and saw a Martin's skin, and asked if he would truck it, the Sagamore told me no, the Pawwawe used to lay that under his head when he dreamt, and if he wanted that, he could do nothing, thus we may perceive how the devil deludes those poor people and keep them in blindness. I find them generally to be marvellous quick of apprehension, and full of subtlety, they will quickly find any man's disposition, and flatter & humour him strangely, if they hope to get any thing of him. And yet will they count him a fool if he do not show a dislike of it, and will say on to another, that such a man is a Mechecome. They are slow of speech, and if they hear a man speak much they will laugh at him, and say he is a Mechecum, that is a fool. If men of place be to familiar with them, they will not respect them: therefore it is to be wished that all such persons should be wise in their Carriage. The Sagamores will scarce speak to an ordinary man, but will point to their men, and say Sanops, must speak to Sanops, and Sagamors to Sagamors. They are very bloody minded and full of Tracherie amongst themselves, one will kill another for their wives, and he that hath the most wives is the bravest fellow: therefore I would wish no man to trust them, what ever they say or do, but always to keep a strict hand over them, and yet to use them kindly and deal uprightly with them; so shall they please God, keep their reputation amongst them, and be free from danger. Their Sagamors are no Kings as I verily believe, for I can see no Government or Law amongst them but Club Law: and they call all Masters of Ships Sagamore, or any other man, that they see have a command of men. Their wives are their slaves and do all their work the men will do nothing but kill Beasts Fish etc. On a time reasoning with one of their Sagamors about there having so many wives, I told him it was no good fashion, he then asked me how many wife's King james had, I told him he never had but one, and she was dead, at which he wondered, and asked me who then did all the King's work. You may Imagine he thought their fashion was universal, and that no King had any to work for them but their wiufs. They have no apparel but skins except they have it from the English, or French, in winter the wear the hair side inwards, in summer outwards. They have a piece of a skin about their loins like a girdle and between their legs goes another, made fast to the girdle before and behind, which serves to cover their nakedness, they are all thus apparelled, going bare headed with long hair, sometimes you shall not know the men from women but by their breasts, the men having no hair on their faces. When their Children are borne they bind them on a piece of board, and sets it upright, either against a tree or any other place. They keep them thus bound until they be three months old, and after they are continual naked until they be about five or six years. Ye shall have them many times take their Children & bury them in the snow all but their faces for a time, to make them the better to endure cold: and when they are not above 2. years old, they will take them and cast them into the Sea, like a little dog or Cat, to learn them to swim. Their weapons are bows and arrows, I never saw more than two fowling pieces, one pistol, about four Halfepikes, and three Curt-laces amongst them, so that we need not to fear them much, if we avoid their Treachery. Their houses are built in half an hour's space being only a few poles or boughs stuck in the ground and covered with the barks of trees. Their Language differs as English & Welsh. On a time the Governor was at my house, and brought with him a Savage who lived not above 70. miles from the place which I have made choice of, who talking with another Savage they were glad to use broken English to express their mind each to other, not being able to understand one another in their Language. And to say something of the Country: I will not do therein as some have done, to my knowledge speak more than is true: I will not tell you that you may smell the corn fields before you see the Land, neither must men think that corn doth grow naturally (or on trees,) nor will the Dear come when they are called, or stand still and look one a man, until he shoot him, not knowing a man from a beast, nor the fish leap into the kettle, nor on the dry Land, neither are they so plentiful, that you may dipp them up in baskets, nor take Codd in nets to make a voyage, which is no truer: then that the fowls will present themselves, to you with spits through them. But certainly their is fowl, Dear, and Fish enough for the taking if men be diligent, there be also Vines, Plume trees, Cherey trees, Strawberries, Goosberies, and Raspes, Walnutts, chestnut, and small nuts, of each great plenty, there is also great store of parsley and diverse other hole some Herbs, both for profit and pleasure, with great store of Saxifrage Cersa perilla and Anni seeds. And for the ground there is large & goodly Marsh to make meadow, higher land for pasture and corn. There be these several sorts of earth, which I have seen, as, Clay, Sand, Gravill, yea and as black fat earth, as ever I saw in England in all my life. There are likewise these helps for ground, as Sea-sand, Oreworth or Wrack, Marle blew and white, and some men say there is Lime, but I must confess I never saw any Limestone, but I have tried the Shells of Fish, and I find them to be good Lime. Now let any husbandman tell me, whither there be any fear of having any kind of Corn, having these several kinds of Earth with these helps, the Climate being full as good if not better than England. I dare be bold to say also, there may be Ships as conveniently built there as in any place of the world, where, I have been, and better cheap. As for Plancke, crooked Timber, and all other forts what soever can be desired for such purpose, the world cannot afford better. Masts and Yeards, of all sises, there be all so Trees growing, whereof Pitch and Tar is made. And for Sailes and all sorts Cordish you need not to want, if you will but sow Hemp and Flax seed, and after work it. Now there wants nothing but Iron, and truly I think I have seen Ironstone there, but I must acknowledge I have no great judgement in Minerals, yet I have seen the Iron-workes in England, and this Stone is like ours. But howsoever if the Country will not afford Iron, yet it may be easily brought, for it is good Ballast for Ships. There is also much excellent Timber for joiners and Cooper's: howsoever a worthy Noble man hath been abused, who sent over some to make Pippe-staves, who either for want of skill or industry, did no good. Yet I dare say no place in England can afford better Timber for Pippe-staves, than four several places which I have seen in that Country. Thus have I relaited unto you what I have seen, and do know may be had in those parts of New-England where I have been, yet was I never at the Mesachusett, which is counted the Paradise of New-England, nor at Cape Ann. But I fear there hath been too fair a gloss set on Cape Ann. I am told there is a good Harbour which makes a fair Invitation, but where they are in their entertainment is not answerable, for there is little good ground, and the Ships which fished there this year, their boats went twenty miles to take their Fish, and yet they were in great fear of making their Voyages, as one of the Masters confessed unto me who was at my house. Neither was I at New-Plimoth, but I fear that place is not so good as many other, for if it were in my conceit, they would content themselves with it and not seek for any other having ten times so much ground as would serve ten times so many people as they have now amongst them. But it seems they have no Fish to make benefit of, for this year they had one Ship Fished at Pemoquid, and an other at Cape Ann, where they have begun a new Plantation, but how long it will continue I know not. Neither was I ever farther to the West, than the Isles of Shouldst. Thus have I done with my commendations of the Country. I will now speak the worst I know by it. About the middle of May you shall have little Flies, called Musketoes, which are like Gnatts, they continue as I am told, until the last of july. These are very troublesome for the time, for they sting exceedingly both night and day. But I found by experience that boots or thick stockings would save the legs, gloves the hands, and tiffeney or some such things which will not much hinder the sight will save the face, and at night any smoke will secure a man. The reason of the abundance of these creatures, I take to be the woods which hinders the air, for I have observed always when the wind did blow but a little, we were not much troubled with them. And I verily think that if there were a good number of people planted together, and that the woods were cut down, the earth were tilled, and the rubbish which lieth on the ground wherein they breed were burnt, and that there were many chimneys smoking, such small creatures would do but little hurt. Another evil or inconvenience I see there, the the snow in winter did lie very long upon the ground. But I understand that all the parts of Christendom, were troubled with a cold winter so well as we. Yet would I ask any man what hurt snow doth? The husbandman will say that Corn is the better for it. And I hope Cattell may be as well fed in the house there as in England, Scotland, and other Countries, and he is but an ill husband that cannot find employments for his servants within doors for that time. As for Wives and Children if they be wise they will keep themselves close by a good fire, and for men they will have ne occasion to ride to Fairs or Markets. Sysses or Sessions, only Hawks and Hounds will not then be usefulll. Yet let me tell you that it is still a most Christmas before there be any winter there, so that the cold time doth not continue long. And by all reason that Country should be hotter than England, being many Degrees farther from he North Pole. And thus according to my poor understanding I have given you the best information I can of the people and Country, commodities and discommodities. Now give me leave to oppose myself against the man before mentioned, and others, who speaks against the Country, and plantations in those parts, and to set down such objections as I have heard them make, and my answers, and afterward let wisdom judge: for my desire is, that the saddle may be set on the right horse, and the Ass may be rid, and the knave punished, either for discouraging or encouraging too much, whosoever he be. CHAP. V. Certain objections and answers, with sufficient proues how it may be exceeding profitable to the Commonwealth, and all planters and adventurers. THey say the Country is good for nothing but to starve so many people as comes in it. It is granted that some have been starved to death, and others have hardly escaped, but where was the fault, in the Country or in themselves. That the Country is as I have said, I can bring 100 men to justify it; but if men be neither industrious nor provident, they may starve in the best place of the world. About two years since one Mr. Weston sent over about 50 persons to plant, with little provision; when they came there, they neither applied themselves to planting of corn nor taking of fish, more than for their present use, but went about to build Castles in the Air, and making of Forts, neglecting the plentiful time of fishing. When Winter came their forts would not keep out hunger, and they having no provision before hand, and wanting both powder and shot to kill Dear and Fowl, many were starved to death, and the rest hardly escaped. There are four of his men which escaped, now at my plantation, who have related unto me the whole business. Again, this last year there went over divers at one time, and to one place, with too little provision, some of them are dead, yet I cannot hear of any that were merely starved, except one whose name was Chapman, a Londoner, and whether he was starved or no is uncertain; but if he were, God's just judgement did appear. For this man (as I am told, by an honest man, who came from London with him) brought at the least 80 pound worth of provision, and no more but himself and two servants, which was sufficient for at the least 18 months, if it had been well used. And yet in 5 months after his arrival in New England he died miserably. Let me tell you a strange thing of this man (I have it but by relation from one of his companions) he paid for his passage, and his men's, and provision, so that he needed not to have spent any thing until his arrival in New England, yet would he at Plymouth (where the ship stayed too long for him and others, spent seven or eight pound a week in wine, Tobacco, and whores, and for the maintaining of this expense he daily fetched his provision from aboard, and sold it at a low rate. And when they were at Sea, his Tobacco being spent, he gave usually six pence for a pipe; he gave also a suit of , valued to be worth 50 shillings for so much Tobacco as was not worth half a crown. Nay at last, as his Comrade told me, he was glad to become servant to one of his servants. Then his Master told him, that if he would work he would allow him one biscuit cake a day, if not he should have but half a cake. He made choice of half a cake, without work; and so a base lazy fellow made a lamentable end. Where was the faultnow, in the men, or the Country? Another objection which I have met with is this: That there is nothing got or saved by sending men over to plant; neither is it beneficial either to private men, either Adventurer or Planter, or good for the Commonwealth. For answer hereunto, first for matter of profit, it is well known to all the Merchants of the West Country, who have left almost all other Trade but this, and yet is grown rich thereby. Secondly, for the Commonwealth consider these things: 1 the great complaint that hath for a long time been made in England, that our land is overburdened with people, and that there is no employment for our men; so that it is likely they must either starve, steal, or prove mutinous. And whether plantations be a means to help this inconvenience or no, I desire to know? It hath been likewise said unto me, that it benefits the Commonwealth nothing at all to send men over with provision of victuals, and continual supplies. To that I say, let such men as you send thither to plant have provision as Chapman had for 18 months, and if after they cannot live of themselves, and be beneficial either to the common wealth or to themselves, let them dye Chapman's death. Again, Plantations may be beneficial to the Common wealth, by the enlargement of his Majesty's Dominions. Again, by the increase of Shipping, (which is the strength of a Nation, and that without wasting of our timber which is a commodity that I fear England will find the want off before many years pass over, for if timber go to decay as now it doth, we shall scarce have any to build or repair, Ships or houses. Again tell me whither it would be benifitiall to the Commonwealth to have all our idle persons kept to work and our populous Nation disburdened, and yet to have them ready to serve our King and Country upon all occasions. Lastly, tell me whither it would be benifitiall to the Commonwealth to have all poor people maintained out of those Artes. And every parish freed from their weekly payments to the poor, which if I do make to appear, then let me be accounted an unworthy fellow. But first let me set down an other objection, which seems to be of great force, and yet in my conceit is like the rest shallow, and that is this. If say they there be so many plantations, there will be no room in the Country for such Ships as do come yearly to make voyages, and by this means Ships shall lie still and decay Mariners and Fishermen shall want employment, and so all will be out of frame if ever we shall have wars. And therefore howsoever it may be benefitiall to some few persons, yet it will be hurtful to the Commonwealth. And consequently all such as have any hand in such businesses are evil members in the Commonwealth. I answer that if these things were throughly examined by his Majesty, the Parliament or Counsel Table, it would plainly appear, that the most of them which keep such ado against Plantations, are the greatest enemies to the public good, and that their show of care for the Commonwealth is nothing but a colour, for the more cleanly concealing of their unknown profits. It will also appear, that plantations are for the public good and by that means there shall be more an better cheap Ships built, and employed, more Mariners and Fishermen kept to work then now there are, and more people partakers of the benefits then now there oath. Which I prove thus, first there may be Timber had to build Ships, and ground for Corn and keeping of , and all for little or nothing. Secondly there may be more men trained up in fishing then now there is, whose trade is decayed in England, and they ready to starve for want of employments. Thirdly, there may be twice so much fish taken every year as now there is. For Ships that go to make Voyages, seldom or never keep their boats at Sea above two Months or ten weeks, for making their Voyage, and I dare maintain that there is Fish enough to be taken, seven Mounths in the year, if men be there ready to take all opportunities. Fourthly, the more Fish that is taken the more Ships there must be for the transportation of it. Fiftly, whereas now none doth take the benefit but a few Merchants, not all the Merchants in the Land, no not one of a thousand. By Plantations, not only all the Merchants in the Land, but all the people in the Land may partake thereof. And now to show you how the profit may arise. CHAP. VI Shows, how by adventuring of a 100 pounds more on less, a man may profit so much every year, for 20. years or longer, without any more charge than at the first. I Must confess I have studied no other Art a long time but the Mysteries of New England's Trade, and I hope at last: I have attained to the understanding of the secrets of it, which I think the Fishermen are sorry for. But it shall be no longer concealed, for that I think every good subject is bound to prefer the public, beforre his own private good. First therefore, I will show you the charge which every Merchant is at yearly, in sending their Ships to fish there, and so near as I can the profit they make of such Voyages. Then we will see the charge which planters must be at, in sending men over to stay there, and the profit they are likely to make, and so by comparing the one with the other, we shall see, which is the better and more profitable course. A Shipp of 200. Tunn, commonly doth carry in those Voyages 50. men, these men are at no charge but 20. shillings a man towards their victuals, neither have they any waiges, but in leiu thereof they have one third part of all the fish and train. Another third part there is allowed the owners of the Ship for their fraught, and the other third part is allowed for the victual, salt, nets, hooks lines and other implements for taking and making the Fish. The charge of victualling (which is usually for 9 Mounths,) the salt etc. doth commonly amount to about 800 pounds, and for that they have (as I said one third part of the Fish) which is, near 67. ton, the Ship being laiden, which will make 1340, kintals, (at the Market) sometimes when they come to a good Market they sell their Fish for 44. Rials a kintal, and so to 36 Rials, which is the least, but say they have 40, one time with another, and at that rate one third of that Ships lading doth yield 1340 pounds, which they have for disbursing of 800 pounds nine Mounths. Now take notice that they are but 8 or 10 weeks in taking all their Fish, and about one Mounth longer in making it fit to be Shipped. Which being considered, then say that such men as are sent over to plant, have 12 months' provision, which will amount to 1066 pounds 13 shillings 4 pence, these men stay in the Country, and do take the benefit both of the first & last fishing season, & all other opportunities, the Fishing continuing good, at the least seven Months in the year, though not all at one time: now I hope you will grant that they are as likely to take two Ships lading as the other one, which if they do, one third thereof at the same rate will amount to 2680 pounds, the charge you are at being deducted, the profit is 1019 pounds 6 shillings 8 pence. Now tell me seriously, which is the more profitable course? Again consider, that in all likelihood this Fish is to be taken in 5. Months, then have you 7. Months more to employ your men in the Country every year, about building of Ships, cleaving of pipe-staves, or any other thing, and will that be worth nothing? Truly this I will say, send men over but with 18 Month's provision, and Cattles, and Corn to plant, and other necessaries, and they shall afford you thus much profit yearly, without ever putting you to more charge if God bless them with health, and you from losses, (and I never heard of any great loss by adventuring thither) and that you be fitted with good and understanding men to over see the business, who is able to direct them. CHAP. VII. Sheweth how every parish may be freed of their weekly payments to the poor, by the profits which may be fetched thence. With certain Objections against the things contained in this, and the former chapter, with answers thereunto. AND thus have I shown you what hopes there is of profit by plantations, yet have I shown you no other means to raise it, but by fish and timber. I would not have you say there is nothing else in the Country to make any benefit of; for I assure you it is well known to myself, and others who have been there, that there are divers other good things there to be had; but I do not love to speak of all at one time, but to reserve some, to stop the mouths of such prating coxcombs as will never be satisfied with any reason, but will always cavil though to little purpose. And me thinks I hear some such people buzzing in some other objections, and bidding me stay, and not fish before the net, for there are many lets, as these; There are many ships go, that makes not so good voyages as I speak of; for they are so long beaten in their passage, or on the coast, that the best of the fishing is past before they be there. To that I answer, I speak not what every ship doth, but what some do, and all others may do, if they be in the Country to take all opportunities. 2 Obict. That it is not possible to make Plantations so public a business, as that it should redound to the benefit of all the King's Subjects. And again that there will never be so much money razed as to establish such Plantations, for that most men in this age respects their own profit 100 times more than the public good; and their hearts are so glued to the world, that you shall as soon hang them as draw any thing from them, though it be to never so charitable an use. And if it should be by way of commandment, it would be a grievance not to be endured. But I would ask such men whether they be so void of charity, as that they will not do themselves good, because some others shall have some by it also? And whether they will be grieved at a man for showing of them how, by the disbursing of 20 shillings, they shall have 20 shillings a year for seven, ten or twenty years, and perhaps for ever? My desire is not that any should be compelled. Only this I could wish, that every parish would adventure so much as they pay weekly to the relief of the poor (which is no great matter.) And so every shire by itself, would send over men to plant. And if after 18 months they shall not yearly return so much profits continually as will keep their poor, and ease their purses (provided always, as I said before, that they send such men as are fit, and that the justices of every Shire be careful to appoint such a man to be their Captain and Director as is honest, and of good understanding, and that God bless them from losses,) will I be contented to suffer death. And yet let me tell you, that if it should please God, that once in seven years a ship should be cast away (which is more than hath been usual, for I dare say, that for every ship that is cast away in those voyages, there is 100 which cometh safe) yet it is but that years profit lost, and perhaps not half. Another objection may be this, That all men are not Fishermen, and that it is not so easy a thing to take fish, as I make it. To that I answer, That take a survey of all the men that goeth in these voyages, and there shall not be found one third of them that are merely fishermen, and no other Trades. Nay, I know many ship-Companies, that have amongst them house-Carpenters, Masons, smith's, Tailors, Shoemakers, and such like, and in deed it is most fit they should be such: and I saw by experience, that diverse who were never at Sea before this year, proved very good fishermen: but I could wish that ever a fist part of a Company be Fishermen, and the rest will quickly be trained up, and made skilful. I would to God that some one Shire, or more, would begin this godly and profitable course. For certainly, God hath created all for the use of man, and nothing hath he created in vain. And if we will endure poverty in England wilfully, and suffer so good a Country as this is to lie waist, I am persuaded we are guilty of a grievous fin against God, and shall never be able to answer it. I could also wish, that the Lords both spiritual and temporal, the Knights and others to whom God hath given abundance of these outward things, would (for the honour of God, the comfort of the poor of our Land) join together, and by a voluntary contribution raise a sum of money, and employ it this way: And that the profits might go to the maintaining of poor children, and training them up in this course, by which they may be kept from begging and stealing. CHAP. VIII. Contains certain directions for all private persons that intends to go into New-England to plant. NExt unto this I could wish, that every private man that hath a desire this way, would consider these things which I will here set down before he go too fare, lest he deprive himself of the profit I have showed may be had, and be one of those that repent when it is too late, and so bring misery upon himself, and scandalise the Country, as others have done. 1. That it is a Country, where none can live except he either labour himself, or be able to keep others to labour for him. 2. If a man have a wife and many small children, not to come there, except for every three loiterers, he have one worker; which if he have, he may make a shift to live, and not starve. 3. If a man have but as many good labourers as loiterers, he shall live much better there then in any place I know. 4. If all be labourers, and no children, then let him not fear, but to do more good there in seven years then in England in twenty. 5. Let no man go without 18 months provision, so shall he take the benefit of two seasons before his provision be spent. 6. Let as many plant together as may be, for you will find that very comfortable, profitable and secure. FINIS.