SWETHLAND and Poland Wars.  
A Soldiers return out of Sweden, and his News from the Wars: OR, Sweden and Poland up in Arms. And the entertainment of English Soldiers there: with the fortunes and success of those 1200. men that lately went thither.  
At London printed for Nathaniel Butter. 1610.   

To the Reader.  
COuntrymen, I have for your sakes drawn a Picture, both of my own, and other Englishmen miseries: You may in half an hour run over these afflictions, which I and the rest (that smarted by them) were many months enduring. I know it shall be a pleasure to you, to read what we have felt; and as great a happiness to me (who have published this:) if the Story of a poor soldiers travels, can bring you any contentment, let me find at your hands (I entreat you) the self same love which Sickemen receive from their friends, when they begin to recover; And that is a kind visitation and rejoicing, to see a crazed and weak body reduced to his former strength: Mine (I thank God) is now so, and shall grow more and more into health, by how much the more you pity my misfortunes: you cannot pity them, unless you know them, you cannot know them unless you read this over which I send you; and I would not willingly have you read, unless you buy, because you should pay for the Wars somewhat as well as I: not doubting therefore of the one, because I hope you desire the other: I wish your own wishes to you: and so farewell.  
  

A Soldiers Return out of Sweden, and his News from the Wars.  
THe Olive Tree of Peace (upon which groweth the happiness, wealth and prosperity of every Kingdom) hath flourished (even up to his full height) so long in England, that other Countries and kingdoms neighbouring by her, beholding the blessings, benefits and contentation which England hath gathered by tasting the fruits of Peace, have gotten some branches of that Tree, and (by our example) planted the same in their own Dominions. In doing of which, the French have filled their Coffers with Treasures, which before were opened by violence, empried by seditious Leagues, and wasted to nothing by the miseries of a tedious and intestine war: the Spanish have likewise with the same stream safely returned from the Mines of both Indies, and richly unladed their Argozies of Indian gold, upon their own shores, of which gold (before Peace inhabited amongst them) they were ever least save when they approached nearest home, as the bringers of it from thence hither, and the losers of it there, did in those times (the one with joy, the other with madness and sorrow) openly testify.  
So that these fires (whether of Ambition, of Zeal, or of Rage, I know not) which for many late years have named in the Low Countries, had not been kindled there, I think the very name of War had been almost forgotten, and the right pronunciation of it unknown to these parts of christendom. The violent heat of which Belgic fires was so lasting, and burned so high, that it served as a Beacon on the top of a hill, to call unto their help other foreign nations (who before were but lookers on) and enticed them (through the thirst of glory, honour and fame which are gotten in the fires) to become partners and sharers in the variable fortunes of those Battles of the Dutch and Spanish. Insomuch that the Drum being unbraced here, and hung up by the walls (as having no use of such thunder amongst us, unless it were for pleasure,) and most of our men of Action and of the Sword hearing the sound of theirs, and being drawn thither, I think it was then, and is now still possible to call together 20000. of our english nation into one place, and amongst them all not to find or pick out one Soldier, when in other foreign realms (vexed continually with uproars) it hath bin, and to this day is hard to call together 100000. and to cull out of them any other person but a Soldier.  
The School of War decaying, and being thrown down in one kingdom, hath from time to time been exect in another. And as men who profess other Arts and Sciences, will (if they love them truly) travel over the world to enrich their bosoms with the perfect knowledge of those things with which their souls are inflamed: So the military Scholar (whose best learning is Practise,) accounteth every Land his own country where this profession of Arms is held in honour: and no love of parents, wife, children, kindred or friends hath power to keep him from those glorious paths of danger.  
By this means, many Englishmen that were borne obscurely, and might (otherwise) have died forgotten, have by their noble adventures and services in foreign realms (far hence remoted) not only won eternal honours to their own names, but also crowned their nation and native country with never dying glories: And in despite of Envy & Oblivion (sworn enemies to virtue) who would beat down the memory of such high spirits, by throwing them into base and unknown graves, Fame does evermore build up tombs for them in her immortal chronicles.  
Whilst all men here at home sat playing with the Sunbeams of Quietness, and that all the low Country storms began likewise to be laid down calm, so that the English soldier had no place to retire to, but to come and lie idly on the bosom of his own country; behold, a fresh alarum awakes and calls him from hence into Sweden. In the wars of which kingdom what hath been done lately, I mean only, forsomuch as I, who was a servitor in them, and am now the trumpet to proclaim mine own fortunes there, have had trial, you shall now (dear countrymen) receive afaithfull and honest relation.  
Wherein I vow by the honour of a soldier, and by the love, obedience and loyalty which I own to no other than my own native country, I will set down nothing but that of which (for the most part) I have been Oculatus testis (an eyewitness.) And albeit in this relation the truth must compel me to deliver such matter, as happily may terrify those that never bore Arms, nor followed the fortunes of a Soldier, from ever going into Sweden and to serve in those wars: far are my thoughts (God bears record of them) from any such dissuasion, sithence all men that know what belongs to the field, can tell, that he who undertakes the life and condition of a Soldier, must endure worse and greater miseries, than I or any Englishman sent thither can undergo in Sweden. Omitting therefore the ground of their quarrel, and not so much as once touching the fire that hath now so sately kindled wars between the kings of Sweden and Poland, because the hearthurnings of kingdoms one against an other are diseases of State, and not fit to be meddled with by me, being beyond my cure, I will write a Story of my own fortunes there only, which gins as followeth.  
About a fortnight before Midsummer, which was 1609. a company of Voluntaries to the number of 1200. soldiers, were at several times shipped from England to pass into Sweden, to aid the King of that Country in his wars against the king of Poland. To which aid divers other nations did likewise resort, as Frenill, High Dutch, etc. of all whom (as occasion ministereth) mention shable made in their due places. Of the English companies that went thither, the first was commanded by one calvin a Scot; who by appointment was made lieutenant Colonel and chief of the other Captains over the footmen. The names of which Captains are in this following Discourse set down.  
After the first company was gone, a second number of 300. men (of which I the relater of this, was one) were put into one ship belonging to Swoden, and came from thence for us. We being thus aboard, sails were presently hoist, anchors weighed, and by the assistance of God, wherewith the dexterity of the mariners was furthered, in a short time had we gotten into the main sea and with a prosperous gale went forward on our voyage. But man's security oft-times changeth God's favours into sudden indignation; for when every one at the parting from his own country had a merry and fearless heart to run to the certain dangers that stood ready to meet him in another foreign region: Behold (to put us all in mind, that God was the God of Hosts, and that whether we went forth to fight, or laid us down to sleep, whether we were on the seas, or on the land, our safeties and dangers lay all in his disposing) behold, I say, in the height of all our jollity, seeing so proud a sail swelling with the winds to carry us) the heavens on a sudden altered their looks, storines fell upon the waters, the waters threatened destruction to our ship, and we that were in her, stood wavering between the hopes of an uncertain life, & the dreadful terrors of a most imminent death. In this horror of the seas, were we lossed so long, that all our victuals were almost spent: the misery of which, threw us into more desperate fears: now were we assaulted by double deaths (Famine or Shipwreck) what course to take for our relief no man presently knew. Continue without food it was impossible, and as impossible was it for us to recover the land in any short time, without the assured destruction of us all. At this season, our commanders were these. viz 

Lieutenant Benson.  
Lieutenant Walton, who was Provost Martial of the field.  
And an Ancient of the Colonel's company.    
These our Commanders were by our rashness drove into worss fears than those were that laid hold upon ourselves; for whereas they were resolved (blow the winds how they could) to continue still at sea, and not to land, till they set footing at their appointed shores, the cemmon Soldiers had on the contrary part vowed and resolved to compel the mariners (seeing the present miseries. and no hopes promising better) to set us all on shore upon the first land that could be discovered. Our Commanders did what they could by dissuasion to alter this general resolution, because they feared it would be the loss of the greatest part of our Companies, if they came once to be scattered: and beside, they knew that it would redound to their dishonour and shame, if they should not discharge the trust imposed upon them by our Captains, which trust was to conduct us & land us before, whilst our Chieftains remained a while behind in England, to take up the rest of our Companies. Yet all this notwithstanding, Land being discovered, there was no eloquence in the world able to keep us aboard our ship, but every man swore if the master of the ship would not set us on the shore, the sails should be taken into our own hands, and what was resolved upon (touching present landing) should in despite of danger be effected. Upon this, the master of the ship and the mariners told us, that if we put to land in that place, we should all either perish for want of victuals, which were not to be had in that country or else should have our throats cut by the people. But the dangers in which we were, and which we felt, being more certain (as we imagined) than any other could be, of which we had yet no sense or feeling, & our hopes persuading us that we could not fall into worse, than those we tasted already: beside, all of us construing the words of the mariners, as not spoken by them, but as if they had been set on to do so by our commanders in the ship, who by all means favoured to keep us all aboard: At the last we resolved rather to try our bad fortunes on the land, and to famish there (if that kind of death must needs attend upon us) than to perish on the seas, which we knew could afford us no such mercy as the land was likely to lend us. So that in the end, we got so near the shore side, as the sails durst venture without dauger to the ship: and there casting anchor, our small boat was hoist out, & on shore we went, as fast as possibly we could. When our Officers saw, that there was no remedy, nor force to detain us aboard, they then disheartened us no longer, but to our great comforts told it, that the master of the ship (which thing he himself likewise openly confessed) knew both the Land and the Gonernour thereof (as indeed we proved afterwards he did:) and therefore desired they all our companies not to missebehave themselves toward the people, for that it was an Island called juthland, under the dominion of the king of Denmark, but subtect to the command of a Lord, who under the king (as his substitute) was the governor.  
And that we might be the better drawn to a civil behaviour towards th'inhabitants, our officers further told us, that they would repair to the Lord Governor of the country, and acquaint him with the cause of our unexpected landing there; upon which we all promised to offer no violence to the people; neither was that promise violated, because we found the inhabitants tractable, and as quiet towards us, as we to them: yet the greater numbers of them ran away with fear, at the first sight of us, because (as afterward they reported) it could not be remembered by any of them, that they ever either beheld themselves, or ever heard any of their ancestorsreport, that any strange people had landed in those places and parts of the Island: for they thought it impossible (as they told us) the any ship should ride so near the shore, as ours did, by reason of the dangerous Sands.  
Our officers so soon as they were at land, went to the governor of the Island, whilst the soldiers (who stayed behind them) ran to the houses of the Islanders, of purpose to talk with the people, and at their hands to buy victuals for a present relief: but when we came among them, they could neither understand us, nor we them; so that the market was spoiled, and we could get nothing for our money: yet by such signs as we could make, they understood our wants, pitied them, and bestowed upon us (freely) a little of such things as they had. Yet in the end, a happy means of our relief was found out by a soldier amongst us, who was a Dane by birth, but his education having been in Engl. no man knew him to be other than an englishmen.  
This Dane made use of his own native language, to the good both of himself, and us, certifying the people (who the rather believed him because he spoke in their known tongue) of the cause that compelled us to land upon their ceased, and that we intended no mischief, violence, or money: to which report of his they giving credit, stood in less fear of us than before, and thereupon furnished us with all such necessaries, as the country afforded to sustain our wants. The food which we bought of them was only fish, and a kind of course bread, exceeding cheap. Of which food there was such plenty, that for the value of ●. d. we had as much fish as xx. men could eat at a meal, and yet none of the worst sorts of fish, but even of the very best and daintiest, as Mackerel and Lobsters, and such like. In which our trading with the poor simple people, we found them so ignorant, that many, yea most of them regarded not whether you gave them a counter, or a shilling; for the bigger the piece was, the more fish they would give for it: but besides fish we could get no other sustenance from them, or at least, could not understand that they had any other. But observe what happened in the mean time that we were thus in traffic with the Islanders for victuals, our Officers as before is said) being gone to the lord Governor, who lay about xii. english miles from the sea side, the master of our ship on a sudden hoist up sails, and away he went, leaving one of his own men at shore, who accompanied our Officers as their guide, through the Island. The cause of the ships departure, did so much the more amaze us, by reason it was so unexpected, & the reason thereof unknown to us: But we imagined the master of the ship and mariners feared to receive us into the vessel again, because some of our men at their being at sea, threatened the sailors, and offered them abuses before they could be brought to set us on land.  
On the next day following the Lord Governor of the Island came to us, bringing our Officers along with him, yet not being so confident of us, but that (for avoiding of any dangers that might happen) he came strongly guarded with a troup of Horsemen well armed. And (upon his first approach) demanding where our Ship was, it was fold him in what strange manner it stole away and forsook us: he than asked what we intended to do, to which we all answered that we would be ruled by our Officers: hereupon he inquired of them what they would have him to do in their behalfs, they requested nothing else at his hands, but only his favourable Pass through the Country, and a Ship to carry us forward into Sweden: to which request he made answer, that he could grant no such licence until he had made the king of Denmark acquainted with our being there, for the Island belonged to the King he said, and he was no more but an Officer or Substitute under him. Yet in consideration that our Ship had so left us in a strange land, he promised to do all that lay in his power to effect our good: but withal told us that the people had inward fears and were possess with suspicions, that our intents of landing upon such a coast (were not as we ourselves affirmed, only to get food, but rather to make spoil of the poor inhabitants. And therefore to remove all such fears and jealousies out of the people's hearts, he held it most convenient for the general safeties of both parties, to separate our numbers, and to spread us abroad in the Country, one and one in a house, where it was agreed that we should receive both a lodging, and meat, and drink, until he had sent to the King of Denmark, some of his own men with our Officers, to understand his majesties pleasure and what should become of us.  
To this we all agreed, and accordingly for that purpose, were by the Lord Governor, safely by this Armed horsemen which were his guard, conducted to his own house. To that place were all the people of the Island summoned together, they came at the appointed day to the number of five or six hundred, circling us round with Bills Halberds two-hand swords and divers other weapous: And at the first sight of us grew into such rage, that presently they would have cut all our throats, and hewed us to pieces but that the Authority, of the governor kept them from offering violence, yet was he fayne so use the fairest means of persuasion to allay their fury. For they would not believe but that our arrival there was to destroy them, their wives and children and make a conquest at last of their Island, Yet the Governor showed unto them all our number, which was but 300. men, and those all unweaponed, and so consequently, neither likely, nor able to undertake any mischief against them.  
Then stood up some bolder than the rest, and teaching the rest to be more cruel by swearing to have our bloods ere they stirred from thence, because (as they alleged) our yielding to be disarmed, was done but in policy to beguile them, with secureness, whereas they rather doubted that some second supplies were not far behind us, that would likewise land on their coasts, and join in the same conquest. But the Governor looking upon the condition of men so miserable as we appeared, with an eat of clearer judgement and pity, than the common people could, who were even blinded with their own fury, insslence and madness, showed the true nature of a wise magistrate, by mingling threats with mild speeches, charging the unruly multitude, upon pain of death, not to touch the least fluger of us, but to divide us equally into several villages, as it thould seem best unto them, and to bestow kind and loving entertainment upon us till they heard farther from him, which command of his they accordingly performed.  
Inimediatly upon this settling of them and us in quietness, one of our officers with two of the governors men, were sent away to the king of Denmark, to understand his highness pleasure, which Menengers were no sooner dispatched about the business, but the Islanders growing more and more suspicious, came again to the Governor and never would cease or give over troubling him, until they had gotten him to make proclamation (in hearing of us all) That if any of us would freely discover the true cause of our landing upon that coast, and reveal the plots of any dangerous enterprise intended against them, he should not only be rewarded with great store of money, and have new apparel to his back, but also should without tortures, imprisonment, or death be set free, and sent back again into his owns country This proclamation struck us all with fear and astonishment. because albeit we to ourselves were not guilty of any plot, or villainy intended to the place or people, yet we knew this might be a means to endanger all our lives, how innocent soever. Our suspicion of danger fell out according to our fears, for one Thomas Griffyn a Welsh man, one of our own company, but a person as it appeared, of a base and devilish condition, being tempted with the bait of gold, resolved to enrich himself, albeit it were by the shedding of innocent blood: And thereupon like a false traitor to all the rest of his fellows, he went and kneeled before the Governor, and with a face counterfeiting a guiltiness and fearful destruction, told him, that if he might be forgiven for his part, and have his life warranted, he would discover such a secret, that the opening of the same should be good to all the Country, and the concealing thereof the islands utter ruin, with the confusion of the people. The Governor being glad of this discovery so promised, assured Griffyn both of his life, and of the reward, willing him not to fear any danger, but boldly, and with a constant bosom to lay open what he knew: upon which words, the traitorous judas told him for certain, that we came thither only and for no other purpose than to surprise the Island, kill the inhabitants, make spoil of their wives and goods and having set fire of their towns and villages to fly to sea again. Yet for all this would not the Governor believe him, celling him it was a matter very unlikely, that so small a number, so distressed for want of food, so weather-heaten and so disarmed, should venture upon an enterprise so full of dangerous events, but the villain replied, that all these complaints of want, were but songs to beguile the people, for that upon the least alarum given, other ships that lay hovering at sea, and furnished both with men and armour, would on the sudden, and that very shortly land for the same desire of spoil, as these their fellows had done, and therefore counseled the Governor to prevent such imminent mischiefs betimes.  
The Governor being thus far urged, presently called before him lieutenant Walton, whose lodging was appointed in his house, and having related to him all that Griffin had discovered, and withal, demanding of lieutenant Walton what he could say to this matter of treason and conspiracy: the lieutenant at the first stood amazed, and utterly denied any such intended villainy, protesting by the faith of a Soldier, that this report of the Welsh man proceeded from the rancour of a vile traitor's heart, and therefore on his knees entreated the Governor, not to give credit to so base a villain (who for the greediness of a little money, went about to sell all their lives) and to make all th'inhabitants of the Island become murderers:) adding further, that if the Governor would but give him leave, he would make the treacherous slave before his face there presently confess that he had belied his fellows, and that there was no such Conspiracy amongst them. The Governor gave him authority to use his best means to try a traitor, because it was not he said, his desire to have the blood of any Christians, shed wrongfully: but if he should find the Welsh man's words to be true, he could do no otherwise than apprehend us as traitors to his King and the Country and to lay such punishment upon us, as should be sound due by their laws. But lieutenant Walton earnestly entreating the Governor, that if he had any such ill thought of us, he would be pleased to hold him in setters as prisoner for us all, till the truth might be found out: And that traitorous villain Thomas Griffyn being opposed face to face with the lieutenant still continuing in his first resolution, and most boldly persevering in his accusations against his poor countrymen that lay scattered in several houses about the Island, not hearing of any such matters: Behold how all that Griffyn had discovered, were by a strange accident strongly confirmed to pass for currant, and whatsoever lieutenant Walton had uttered in opposition of griffins slanders, were held as untruths, and traps to betray the Country. For, just as the traitor had told the Governor, that more ships were not far off, but were ready to second us upon our arrival, it chanced that in the very heat of this business, and their fears of danger where none was, two other ships full of armed soldiers came to the same place of the Island where our ship put in: These two ships had brought soldiers out of the low Countries (a cessation of wars being there) and were going into Swethland, as we were, but by cross winds and fowl weather, lay so long at sea, that wanting victuals, they were driven in hither for secure. Whose sudden approach and arrival being signified to the L. Governor, the welsh man's words were then thought true; all the fland was presently up in Arms to resist the strength and fucie of a most dangerous supposed enemy: and so secretly did the Inhabitants put on Annes that we who were kept like prisoners amongst them knew nothing of these uproars. But night approaching, the General gave special charge that secret watch should be set and kept over every soldier that lodged in any man's house which by the common people was as narrowly performed, for they did not only watch us as the Governor commanded, but amongst themselves a secret Conspiracy was made, that in the dead of night, when we should be fast asleep they should come and take us in our beds, and there to bind us with cords: it being an easy thing to do so, when our company were divided one from another over the whole Island. At the hour agreed upon, the plot was put in force, for they entered our Chambers, and bound every Soldier as he lay, making them all ready like so many sheep, marked out for the slaughter. For mine own part, I had five men and three women to bind me, who so cunningly tied me fast with cords, whilst I slept, and felt nothing, nor dreamt of any such matter, that with a twitch only I was plucked stark naked out of my bed, and laid upon the cold earth underneath a Table, with my arms bound behind me, so extremely hard, as four men could draw them together, my feet tied to the foot of the Table, and my neck bound to the upper part or board of the Table.  
In these miserable tortures lay I, and all the rest (in several houses) all that night, and the most part of the next day, our arms and legs being pinched and wrung together in such pitiless manner, that the very blood gushed out at the singer's ends of many.  
The enduring of which torments was so much the more grievous, because none knew what we had done that could incense them to this so strange and spiteful cruelty, neither could we, albeit we inquired, learn of our tormentors the cause, because we understood not their language. But to me whilst I stood thus upon the rack, the old woman mine Hostess came often running in and cried in her language to me Traue up jesus, which was as much to say, Pray to jesus: by which words of her I perceived they meant to kill me: And still she mumbled out a story, which I could not interpret, of one William, who lay at the next house I knew, so that I guessed her meaning was, that William, and all the rest of our company were in fetters too, like myself. Yet my private thoughts freed all the rest, because I was persuaded they had dove nothing to deserve such tyrannous handling: Marry of myself, and my neighbour William I stood somewhat in a perilous doubt, that they punished us for a knavery committed the very self same evening, after which we were entangled in the net, and could by no struggling get out. And that was this  
I happened that night, when this conjuring was to bind us like wicked spirits in such damnable circles, to sup with the said William at his lodging: and whilst we sat merrily at our meat, not mistrusting what Spiders were weaving over our heads, to catch us like flies in their cobwebs, and then to kill us, into our room comes stumbling a pedlar, with a pack and a box at his back: We having so fit an anvil to break jests upon, forgot ourselves where we were, and brganne to grow merry in English with Signior Mountebank our Medlar, but he gambling in his language to us, as fast as we did in ours to him, both laughed at one another, yet knew not for what. At last down throws he his pack and box on the Table, and being a merry lad, and a customer to the house, went out of our room to visit the household. In the mean time my pew fellow William spying his opportunity. opened the Pedlar's box, which he thought had been crammed with sweet meats, but in stead of Sugar plums he sonnd nothing there but Soap, the purchase of which scouring booty, make William's heart leap for joy, for (quoth he) my linen thou seest is fowl, and this Soap shall make me to morrow a clean gentleman. And thereupon like a conscionable Chandler took out some half a pound and gave great weight: the one half of which prize I shared in, because I had as much need as he to be washed, yet none of us both had need of the shaving which we met withal an one afterwards. But note how justly I was plagued: The self same Peolar was one of the men that helped to bind me; the knave was less merciful in tying his knots than a Beadle or Hangman, and more nimble to bind my hands behind me, than to bind up his pack. I seeing what ware the Pedlar made of my body, and how villainously the rest of his Consort played upon these hempen strings, that were wownd up about my arms, legs, and neck, thought verily that he and his crew had found me guilty for his Soap, and so convemning me behind my back, came likewise to punish me both behind my back, and to my face.  
But crying out to them, because I saw they jested not with me, that the Soap was in my pecket, all the pitiful signs I could devise were made, to show I had thrust it there, but they for all the noise I made, plied their trussing me up in halters worse than five hangings, neither regarding the cries of the poor, imitating therein many worldly rich men, nor understanding whether I cursed them to the pit of Well, for so hard binding me, or whether I prayed them to unloose me, neither did Monsieur Pedlar miss his half pound of Soap, so that I was worried by a sort of curs, I knew how, and where, but I knew not why.  
Whilst thus the whole Island was full of the cries of wretched men, and that every house seemed a shambles, ready to have Innocents' there butchered the next day, and that every Islander had the office of a common cutte-throate or executioner, God's wonderful working turned the stream of all their cruelty: For the two ships that came out of the Low Countries, and whose arrival drove so many miserable souls almost upon the rocks of destruction, having in that doleful and ruinous night, gotten some provision aboard, weighed Anchor, and departed towards Swethland.  
Which happy News being served up at breakefnst to the Lord Governor betimes in the morning, and that the Ships had offered no violence to the Country, but had paid for what they took: About eleven of the clock the very same day at noon, we were all like unto so many dead men cut down, and bidden to stand upon our legs, although very few had scarce legs that could stand.  
This bloody feast being thus ended, and all storms as we well hoped, being now blown over to our freedom, and sitting at liberty from our tormentors; on the neck of these former miseries fell a mischief more dangerous to us then all the rest: for tidings were brought to the Governor, that our Ancient, who travailed with the governors two men to the King, had traitorously murdered those his guides, and then ran away himself: upon this rumour, nothing but thundering and lightning flew from the common people's mouths: there was no way now with us but one, and that one was, to have all our throats cut, or our heads cleft with their axes. But the governor pitying our misfortunes, laboured both by his authority, and by fair speeches, to keep that manyheaded dog (the multitude) from barking. And in the end, when he saw nothing but the blood of us poor Engishmen would satisfy their thirst, because they still held us in suspicion and fear, he most nobly, and like a virtuous Magistrate, pawned to the inhuman Rascals, (to my knowledge) his honour, all that ever he was worth, yea his very life unto them, that within three days the messengers sent to the King, should return home, and that during those three days we should be of good behaviour to the Islanders: and besides that they did not return in such a time, that then he would deliver us up into their hands, to be used (or rather misse-used) in what manner they best desired.  
But God (whose help is most ready, when wretched man hath most need of him) put forth a hand of mercy, and preserved us: for our Ancient with the governors two men, came home upon the third day, to the governors house, and brought from the King of Denmark his licence, to carry us not only through the country, but commanding that we should be allowed shipping also, at convenient place, to carry us to Sweveland, whither we were to go: And according to this licence the Governor caused us to be called all together the very next day; at which time, Thomas Griffin the Welsh judas, who had all this while lain feasting in the house of the Lord Governor, began to tremble and to repent him of his villainy, begging most base forgiveness on his knees, both from the Governor, and us his countrymen and fellow Soldiers, protesting that what he did came out of his fear to save his own life. But our Officers (upon hearing him speak thus) had much ado to keep the companies from pulling down the house whore Griffin lay, because they would in that rage have hewed the villain in pieces.  
But leaving him and all such betrayers of men's blood to the hell of their own consciences, let us set forward out of this infortunate Island, & not stay in any place else, till in small boats we come by water to Elzinore in Denmark, where we joyfully got aboard once more; and are hoisting up sails for Sweveland. Yet even in this sunshine day a storm falls upon us too: for our Officers not having sufficient money to furnish us with victuals, we were enforced to pawn our Ancient and Lieutenant Walton, for the safe return of the ship, with condition that they should not be released until a sufficient sum of money was sent to defray all charges. So that we left our Officers behind us; but the King of Sweveland did afterwards release them, and then they came to us. But before their coming, we having a good wind, landed at a place called Newleas in Sweve: and from thence were carried to Stockholme, (the King's seat) and there was the King at the same time: between which two places it was a days march on horseback.  
Upon this our arrival at Stockholme, we met with the rest that had gone before us, and with divers others of our countrymen, that came out of the Low-countries, as before is related. In this place we lay so long, and had such poor means, that wanting money to buy food, we wanted food to maintain life, and so a number of us were ready to starve: till in the end, our miseries making us desperate, we fell together by the ears with the Burghers of the town: in which scambling confusion and mutiny, every man got one thing or other, of which he made present money to relieve his body withal: yet lay we at the walls of the city, crying out continually for money, money, till our throats grew hoarse with bawling, but the stones of the walls gave more comfort to us, than the inhabitants. One day (above all the rest) we heard, that the King was to ride a hunting; and we imagining that all the abuses, wrongs, and miseries, which we endured, proceeded from some underhand hard dealing, and packing of our Captains and Officers, resolved to gather about the King at his coming forth, & to cry out for money: but the King being angry (as we supposed) came riding amongst us, drawing his pistol from the saddle bow, as if he purposed to have shot some of us: but seeing none of us to shrink from him, nor to be dismayed, he road back again, we following him, & desiring; he would either give us money, or else to kill us outright; one amongst the rest (whose name was William Attane) spoke to the King aloud, thus: I hold it honour to die by the hands of a King, but basely to starve to death, I will never suffer it. Upon these our clamours, the King looking better upon our necessities, sent money the next day, and immediately after gave us a months means in money, and two moan this means in cloth, to make us apparel.  
Of the cloth we received some part, but the money being paid, was by our Captains sent into England, to their wives; no part of it ever comning to the poor common Soldiers hands: for presently upon this, we were commanded aboard the ships, with promise that when we were aboard we should have our money. But being in the ships under hatches, away were we carried with provision only of one months victuals, when by reason of the weather we were forced to lie eight weeks at sea: in all which time we had nothing but pickelled herrings, and salt stremlings, with some small quantity of hard dried meats: by which ill diet, many of our men fell sick and died. In the ship wherein I was, we lived fourteen days without bread, all our best food being salt herrings, which we were glad to eat raw; the best of us all having no better sustenance.  
At the last it pleased God to send us to a place called Vfrasound in Fynland, where we landed, (Fynland being subject to the King of Sweveland.) From Vfrasound we were to go to Weyborough, a chief town in the country of Fynland: where we no sooner arrrived, but our Soldiers ran some one way, and some another, so long that the Captains were left alone with the ships. This running away of them, being done only to seek food, so great was their hunger.  
By this careless dispersing themselves, they lost the command of the whole country, which they might easily have had, if they had been united together: and not only were deprived of that benefit, but of horses also which were allowed by the King for them to ride upon.  
So that, what by the reason of the tedious journey, (which we were to travel, being fourscore leagues) and what by reason of the extreme cold, being a month before Christmas, at which time the snow fell, and never went off the ground until Whitsuntide following, but all the rain and all the the snow that fell, fréezing continually, divers of our men were starved to death with the frost.  
Some lost their fingers, some their toes, some their noses, many their lives: insomuch that when we all met at Weyborough, we could make no make no more but 1400. able men; and yet when we were landed at Vfrasound we were 2000 strong, the extremity of the cold country having killed so many of our Soldiers in so little time.  
At our landing at Weyborough we had good hopes to receive better comforts, both of money and victuals: for the inhabitants told us, the King had allowed it us, and in that report they spoke truth: yet contrary to our expectation, we lay there about 14. days, and had nothing but a little Rice, of which we made bread, and a little butter, which was our best relief. Drink had we none, nor money: our Captains gave us certain leathern pilches only made of sheep's skins, to keep us from the cold.  
At this place we received Arms to defend us against the enemy, and six companies that were allowed by the King for horsemen, received horses there. From thence we were to march into Russia, where our enemies continued. But the journey was long and uncomfortable: for we marched from newyear's day until Whitsuntide, continually in snow, having no rest, but only a little in the nights. So that the miseries and misfortunes which we endured upon the borders of Fynland, were almost iusufferable, by reason the number of them seemed infinite. For all the people had forsaken their houses long before we came, because they were evermore oppressed by Soldiers: by which means we could get neither meat nor drink, but were glad to hunt cats, and to kill them, or any beast we could lay hold on, and this we baked, and made them serve for daily sustenance.  
The greatest calamity of all was, we could get no water to drink, it had been so long frozen up, and the snow so deep, that it was hard to say, whether we marched over water, or upon land. So that we were compelled to dig up snow, and with stones red hot, to melt in tubs. and then to drink it.  
This affliction continued about 12. or 14. days, till we came into Russia. Upon our very first entrance into which kingdom, we marched over an Arm of the Sea, that was 8. leagues over, many of us starving to death in that passage, by the cold fréezing winds that blew the same day. In which frosty journey, I saw so much bread as a man might buy for twelve pence, sold away in little bits for the value of forty shillings.  
But this misery ended the next day, at our setting foot into Russia, where we found plenty both of corn and cattle; only the people of the country ran away, leaving all their goods behind them, but so cunningly hidden, that the best policy of ours could hardly find them out.  
By this means of the people's running away, we were glad to play the Millers, and to grind all our corn ourselves, to bake our bread, and to dress our own victuals. Then marched we up to Novegrade, (a chief city in Russia) where we were to receive all our means the rested behind unpayed: but our Captains beguiled us, and kept it for themselves: yet to stop our mouths, they told us we should go into Muscovy, and there all reckonings should be made even.  
We had scarce marched above three days towards Muscovy, but that news came, how a certain number of our enemies lay in a sconce by the way; the strength of them was not perfectly known, but it was thought they were not above 700. And the we must use some strat agem to expel them fro thence: upon which relation, our Captains drew forth to the number of 300. English horsemen, and 200. French horsemen: so that in all we were about 500 that were appointed to set upon the supposed 700. Polanders (our enemies) that so lay ensconced: upon whom we went. Our chief Commander in that service was Monsieur La Veile, a French man, who so valiantly led us on, that the enemy hearing of our coming, fled over a water that was by the seonce; yet not with such speed, but that we slew to the number of 400. of their side, and lost only three men of our own: but we took the sconce.  
About the sconce stood a fair town called Ariova, with a river called the Volga, running through the middle, but no bridge over it: only a few boats and sloates, (made & cut out of trees) were there, to carry the people over from the one half of the town to the other.  
This sconce furmshed us not only with great store of riches, but also with a number of Polish horses: and as many arms as served to arm 500 men, our want of that commodity being as much as of any thing beside: for of those five hundred men that went upon the service, there were not 300. fixed arms; yet through the hand of him that deals victories, or overthrows, as it pleaseth him best, the day was ours.  
Over this riner Volga the enemies were never driven before, either by the Emperor of Russia, or by the King of Sweveland: for which cause (as afterward we heard) the next day when they departed from the other side of the river, they burned that half of the town on which side they were themselves, and in most bloody, barbarous, & cruel manner, made havoc both of men, women, & children, albeit (not above half a year before, the inhabitants on that side had revolted from their own Emperor, & turned to them. In which tyrannical uproar, their custom was, to fill a house full of people, & then (the doors being locked upon them, that none might issue forth) the house was fired about their ears: and oftentimes were young children taken by the heels, and cast into the midst of the flames. This inhuman tyranny being practised not only, by the Poles, that were our enemies, but even by those Russes that were traitors to their own emperor, & served under the Poles, and were called Cassakes, whose cruelty far exceeded the Polish.  
The town being thus burnt to the earth, all the 6000. (which as I said before, fled over the river, out of the sconce, & were by us supposed to be but 700.) came down in full battalion to the rivers side with such fierceness, as if presently they and their horses would have swom over, to fight with us, which being perceived, our poor 500 stood ready to resist them. But whether they feared our numbers to be greater than they were, and the we had some other secret forces, I know not: but away they marched, the self same day in which they came down in that bravery not doing any thing; of which we for our parts, were not much sorry; because if the battles had joined, we knew ourselves far unable to withstand them. And this was the service of the most note that we went upon.  
Two or three other sconces & towns we took from our enemies, they not once daring to resist us, because they knew nothing of our numbers & force. But the dishonest dealings of our Captains, made the whole army discontent; insomuch the our Soldiers would often times deny to go forth upon service, because they had been almost a year in the land, and had received no more but one rubel, (amounting to the value of 10. s. English.) So that upon these discontents, 50. of our men ran away to the enemy at one time, & discovered to them our strength. After which we durst not be so bold as before we had been.  
The fire of a new conspiracy was likewise kindling, but it was perceived, and quenched with the blood of the conspirators, of which the chief were hanged. On there-therefore we went: when we came within 40. leagues of Muscovy, news was brought that the enemy had beleaguered 7000. Russes that were our friends, and that unless we forced the siege to break up, the 7000. Russes would every man be starved where they lay. This sad report, (albeit we had resolved never to go upon any more service, until we had our pay) so wrought in our hearts, that we much pitied the miseries of others, because we ourselves had tasted of the like.  
Our General (whose name was Euerhorne) was a Fynlander, and with a company of Fynland blades (as they term them,) well appointed on horseback, was by the King of Sweveland, sent after us, as our Convoy, until we should come to Pontus le Guard, who was chief General over the whole army of strangers that came into the land: so that according as he was sent and charged by the King, he overtook us before we came to Ariova. By the entreaty therefore of this Fynlander, and the flattering promises of our own Captains, we were contented to go upon this service, and to deliver the Russes, or to die ourselves in the action. Yet with condition, that (as they promised to us) we should by the way, meet our chief General (Pontus le Guard) who with certain numbers of English, French, & Dutch, (which the year before were come into the land) was upon a march out of Muscovy, not only to meet us, but to join with us, and pay us all our money which remained good to us; provided likewise, that so soon as ever we should release the 7000. Russes, our money should be paid down. On these conditions (I say) we yielded to to go upon the business.  
At length Pontus le Guard met us (according to the promise:) and with him was money brought to pay us, and his word given that presently we should receive it. But the lamentable estate, in which the poor besieged Russes were (within the sconce) being at the point of death for want of food, required rather speedy execution, than deliberation: so that the necessities of their hard fortunes craving haste, on we went, having about 19 or 20000. Russes, that were people of the same country, joined to our army, to aid them in this enterprise. But as we all were upon a march, the enemy having received intelligence of our approaching, set forward to the number of 8000. lancers and more, to intercept us by the way: and being within one days march of the place to which we were likewise going, they set fire upon three or four villages hard by the place where we lay at gcasse with our horses, for a token that they were coming. And this was done upon Midsummer day last in the morning, by break of day. Then came they thundering with shouts and cries to set upon us: but no sooner was the Alarm given, when the greatest part of those 19 or 20000. Russes, that were joined to us as our aid, fled most basely, before any blow was ginen. This sudden cowardice of theirs, somewhat amazed us: but the hour being now come, wherein we were not to talk of dangers, but to go meet dangers, with our six companies of English horse, we bravely resisted the hollanders, and with great hurt to them, but with little loss upon our part, charged them three several times.  
At last Pontus le Guard (our chief General) took his heels and fled too, leaving us utterly destitute of all direction: which much astonished us, as not well understanding what to do: for our greatest strength (being by their flight) taken from us, none but we strangers were left in the field, and of us there was not in all, above two thousand, and of that number there were above six hundred French horsemen, who seeing both the General gone, and the Russes fled, turned their backs upon us, and ran away too most valiantly, yet not out of the field, but to the enemy.  
Then were we not above twelve or rouretéene hundred at the most left to resist eight thousand at the least: upon whom notwithstanding, our six companies of English horsemen, charged three several times, without any great loss, but with much honour: And at the fourth time, for want of powers to second them (which the French should have done) all our six companies were scattered and overthrown with the loss of few of our colours. The captains over these six companies of horse, were these.  
Viz. 

Captain Crale, of whose company I was.  
Captain Kendricke.  
Captain Benson.  
Captain Car.  
Captain Colbron.  
Captain Creyton.    
Which six Captains had not in all their companies, above 500 men.  
In this battle, Captain Creyton was slain in the field; Captain Cràle was shot in the knee, and within a short time after, died of that wound; not above twelve of his company escaping. Captain Kendricke was wounded in divers places of the head, and died. Captain Benson was shot in the hand, and wounded in the head, and yet escaped, and lived: only Captain Car and his Cornet escaped, but all his company scattered & lost. divers other Officers were slain, whose names I cannot remember.  
Thus were all our English horsemen dispersed and overthrown, to the number of 500 and upwards: Our General Euerhorne with his companies of Fynland, or Fynsco blades, were also put to retreat: so that there was not left in the field, above 6. or 700. which were footmen. And of these, one half was English, one half Dutch, who kept only a certain place by a wood side, barricadoed about with Wagons, having with them four field pieces, with which they did great spoil to the enemy. But their number being but few, neither durst they venture on the enemy, nor durst the enemy enter upon them, but kept them still (as it were besieged) in that place only, because they could no ways escape. The inconvenience of which cooping up in so narrow a room, being looked into, and the dangers on every side well considered, it was held fittest for safety, to summon the enemy to a parley. In which parley, the enemy offered, that if they would yield, and fall to their sides, they should have good quarter kept. And if any man had desire to go for his own country, he should have liberty to go with a passport, from the King of Poland. Or if any would serve the King of Poland, he should have the allowance of very good means duly paid him. Upon these compositions they all yielded, and went to the enemy; only Captain York & his Officers, with some few of their Soldiers, went back into the country, and came not to the enemy; as the rest had done: who from thence marched up to the Polish Leaguer, being ten miles distant from the place, and there they continued. But such as desired to travail to their own ceuntries, were sent to the King of of Poland's Leaguer, which lay at that time, at a place called Smolensco, and there accordingly had their Pass, to the number of 100 of which number I myself was one. What became of the rest, I know not: but I with five more, held together in travail, until we came to Dantzicke, a great town in Prussia, being distant from Smolensco, one hundred leagues.  
FINIS.