THE EPISTLE congratulatory OF Lysimachus Nicanor Of the Society of JESUS, TO THE COVENANTERS IN SCOTLAND.  
Wherein is paralleled our sweet Harmony and correspondency in divers material points of Doctrine and Practice.  JUDG. V XXIII. 
Curse ye Meroz (said the Angel of the Lord) curse ye bitterly the Inhabitants thereof: because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the Mighty.  JER. I. X. 
See, I have this day set thee over the Nations, and over the Kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build, and to plant.  
Anno Domini M.DC.XL.   

LYSIMACHUS NICANOR of the Society of JESUS, TO THE COVENANTERS IN SCOTLAND, Wisheth full Union and Peace with us.  
I Do hearty congratulare with you (most worthy Brethren of the holy League) and also rejoice in behalf of our Mother-Church of Rome at your begun return from your former errors and heresies. This puts us in expectation, that shortly your return shall be full: for seeing in so short time, and with so good success, you have forsaken the former erroneous Doctrine of the Protestants concerning the Civil Magistrate, and have happily joined with us, you will also betimes abjure all that yet remaineth. You have so well begun at the Head, the Civil Magistrate, that we trust you shall embrace the remanent members of our doctrine with a continued success, whereof you may justly glory.  
Quod fortuna ratum faciat quis dicere falsum  
Audeat, & tantae suffragia vincere sortis?  
I remember the salvation that was given to the Scots Protector (who is now our holy Father Pope Urbanus) about the time of his inauguration and consecration to be Pope, Salve Protector Scotorum, and of his answer, Agnosco nomen & omen: And now he is more ready to protect you then ever he was, since you draw so near unto him. And yet at your last defection to your King again at the Camp, we feared your revolt to your rejected Protestant doctrine: but this your last Protestation, wherein you recollect your strength, 
1 Julii, 1639.  puts us in hope that you will not return to your vomit.  
And albeit the Anticovenanters think you so near the height of impiety, that they say,  
Nil erit ulterius quod vestris moribus addat  
Posteritas.  
Yet we think it is praise worthy that you are come to such degrees of perfection, that your posterity shall be so fare from outstripping you, that they, imitating you, shall take you for their pattern. To them it shall be sufficient glory (seeing they cannot go beyond you) to do the same things which you have done: eadem capient facientque minores. And therefore you do most prudently in your Protestations defend your Covenanting without and against Authority, lest acknowledging a fault herein, you should defraud your posterity of the like remedy; or to use your own words, 
Protestat. in Sept. 1638. Reas. 5.  You should precondemne also the like laudable course in the like necessity to be taken by the Posterity. And therefore it is your wisdom to stand to the justification of all your proceed, and to refuse an Act of Oblivion, and accept of no less than an Act of Justification. It is so fare from being a fault which you have done, in taking the King's Castles, and thrusting out his other subjects out of their houses, with your other actions, that it is rather a meritorious work; 
Protest. 18. Decemb. 1638  and therefore you say well, We deserve and expect approbation and thanks from his Majesty in his own due time, for keeping his evil Counsellors and bad Patriots from putting hand in his best subjects. And in your last Petition to his Majesty after your Assembly, to desire your King to approve of your proceed, you say, that you are assured of his justification of your actions, and that you are afraid you should be thought to have offended in nothing so much as in Lenity.  
The Anticovenanters are no more offended with your writ & printed Books, (which they call infamous Libels, and Jesuitical Pasquil's) than they do please us, not that we delight in your contention; as the Vulture in the Apology beheld the strife of the Lion & the Boar, to snatch the prey from both parties, but with an assured hope that within short time you shall become our fratres fraterrimi, for your writings & actions promise no less; as being most conducible for our ends, & grounded upon our arguments. You shall do us no small pleasure, if you will cause to be drawn up such heads of Doctrine, wherein we do now of late agree, that setting those apart, as not controverted, we may confer with you in that wherein as yet we differ: and in the mean time, as by your diligent perusal of our books, our strong reasons have prevailed with you; so I pray you be instant in reading of them: which I hope shall produce the like effect in that which remaineth. For a preparative to this work, I will thankfully remember (so fare as my weak memory will serve) some points, which by hearing and reading your papers, I find first to be ours, and from us wisely received by you.  
First, your dislike of Monarchical government doth please us very well; for we dislike it so much, that (to speak this under the Rose) we cannot simply grant it to the Pope himself, but with such restrictions and limitations, that what we grant him now, we may take it from him the next day to ourselves, as I might instance in many particulars; but especially in his infallibility and temporal power; which we give him with such distinctions & limitations (if you will consider our books) that we intent for ourselves, that which we give him. But more especially, we agree with you in contemning the Monarchical government of the civil Magistrate: for as we say by that great pillar of our Church, Cardinal Bellarmine: 
Billa●. de Rom. Pont. li. 1. ca 3.  Haec gubernatio id requirit, ut sit quidam in republica summus aliquis Princeps qui & omnibus imperet, & nulli subjiciatur, that is, This government requireth this, that there should be indeed in the republic some Prince that is Supreme, both to command all, & be subject to none. For this government hath this great inconvenience, that when the Prince doth wrong his subjects (as you protest your King doth you) there is no remedy but patience; for why, all the Judges under him are but his Deputies, and all the power & authority they have of the Sword, is the Kings, & it can never stand with sense or reason, that his Majesties own Power & Authority can be used against Himself. And hence it is, that Princes being Legislators, are above their Laws, & may dispense with them as they think expedient. To this purpose says the Prince of the Schoolmen, Princeps non obligatur ●nis legibus, quia nemo sibi imperat, & sibi ipsi legem imponit; 
Tho●. quaest 93. a. 5.  A Prince is not bound to his own laws, because no man doth command himself, or impose a Law on himself. Though this see●e strange to ignorant men, yet it is most true, and therefore consider it well, for it's grounded upon good reason: for the Law is given by a Superior to an Inferior, and no man can be inferior to himself, and so can give no Law to himself; and since he can give no Law to himself, none of his Laws can oblige him.  
But what? shall he be an Exlex, a lawless man then? I answer with the Schoolmen in two Aphorisms. I. Princeps non potest servare legem suam ex affectu obedientiae, quia nullum agnoscit Superiorem in republica: sed tantum ex affectu illius virtutis, in cujus materia collocatur id quod lege statutum est: The Prince cannot keep his own Law, out of the affection of Obedience, because he acknowledgeth none in the republic to be Superior to him: But only he can keep his Law, out of the affection he hath to that virtue, in the matter whereof, that which is ordained by Law, is placed. II. Aphorism. Princeps tenetur quoadvim directivam, non quoad coactivam, ac proinde tam●tsi peccet contra suam legem, non tamen fit reus poenae per legem impositae quia nemo potest legitimè puniri nisi à Superiori. The Prince is bound to his Laws in so far as they have a virtue to direct him, but not as they have any coactive power. And therefore albeit he transgress his Laws, yet he doth not become guilty of the punishment of the Law, because no man can be punished lawfully, but by his Superior. For this cause, that saying of Cyrillus is remarkable. Nemo leges regum impunè reprobat, nisi reges ipsi; in quibus pravaricationis crimen locum non habet. Prudenter enim dictum est▪ impium esse, qui dixerit regi, Iniquè agis. No man can reject the Laws of Kings without punishment, but Kings themselves, in whom the crime of their transgression hath no place: 
Thom. loc. cit. Suar●●●th. 3. cap. 35. Laym. in▪ lib. 1. De ●●●th. cap. 9 Decan. cap. 6. de legel ●●●ana. quaest. 12. Syl. cit. quaest. 14. Vasqu●●. cit. cap. 3.  for it is wisely said, that he is an ungodly man who shall say to the King. Thou dost wickedly. As this is the judgement of the Fathers and Modern Divines, so is it the common judgement of all the Schoolmen, as they say themselves.  
Therefore since in Monarchical government, the supreme Prince hath such absolute power, it were well done to change it into a mixed government. If we had suffered the Roman Emperor to remain an absolute Monarch, (as you do your King) we had never gotten so much of our wills, and his Holiness the Pope would have been hindered from the fruition of his lawful supremacy over Emperors: and if you shall endure this your government, it will be a great impediment to the ends you aim at. For this cause, regimen temperatum ex Monarchia, Aristocratia, & Democratia mitius est● it's a more mild government that is mixed of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracie. You do well then to aim at it, for it is our advice. Bellarmine in that same place speaketh home to you. 
It llar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 1. c. 3.  Prasides provinciarum vel civitatum ne sint regis vicarii, aut annui judices, sed veri principes; qui & imperio summi principis obediant, & interim provinciam vel civitatem suam non tanquam alie●am, sed ut propriam moderentur. Let not the Precedents of Provinces, or cities be the King's deputies, or yearly Judges, but let them be true Princes; who may both be obedient to the command of their chief Prince, and in the mean time govern their province or city, not as it were another man's, but as their own; by this means, both a kind of Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracie may have place in the republic.  
Proceed therefore to the perfecting the good work which you have begun. Consider the power you have had, as absolute Lords over your Tenants, and as Princes and Chief over your Clans, every one of you being little Kings, like Dionysius Corinthi, commanding and ruling your Vassals, as you pleased; but see now how it is abridged by a new form of justice, by introducing Justice of peace, etc. Which (to say the truth) though it tend to the settlement and peace of the Kingdom, yet it mainly opposeth your former domineering, & makes your Vassals look more to the King and his Laws, then to you and your commands. It is certain by our well grounded principles, that there is no reason that your King of Scotland should be a more absolute Monarch than the Emperor of Rome; he is not like your King an absolute Prince by succession; but a conditional prince by election; tied by such strict conditions, which if he transgress, he may be thrust from them. For first, the Prince Electors may choose whom they please to be Emperor, by their Imperial Laws. Secondly, the Prince's Electors have power to judge and cognosce upon the Emperor's fault●. Thirdly, if they find him worthy of deposition, they may depose him. And by the Emperor Elect his own consent, it is statute and ordained, that if the Prince's Electors, or the whole body of the Kingdom shall withstand, or take arms against the Emperor, it shallbe accounted lawful without any crime of rebellion. Ex sanctione Henrici 7. & aurea bulla Caroli 4. & capitulatione Caesarta. Read this capitulation in Melchior Goladast. tom. 3. pag. 424. which is thus, Quòd si nos ipsi, (inquit Imperator) quod absit, aut quisquam successorum nostrorum, quod non speramus processu temporis aliquo, huic nostrae statutioni, aut ordinationi contravenire voluerit aut eam retractare aut alio quevis mode violare prasumserit: praesentium literarum autoritate, quas mera nostra autoritate, & potestatis regiae plenitudine, ex certa nostra Majestatis scientia, nec non cum consensu & bene placito praefatorum sacri Romani imperii principum Electorum, in robur perpetuae firmitatis sancivimus, ex tunc tam ipsi Electores quam caeteri Principes, ecclesiastici & saculares, praelati, comites, barones, nobiles & communitates sacrinostri imperii, universi ac singuli praesentes & suturi, licitum habeant sine rebellionis aut infidelitatis crimine, resistendi ac contradicendi nobis, & successoribus nostris, Romanorum regibus, vel imperat●ribus, in perpetuam libertatem.  
And I will assure you, his Holiness the Pope was not sleeping when the Emperor was thus clogged: and albeit it may be thought that this change of simple Monarchy in this mixed government, hath been a chief ground of all the bloody war of Germany this long time by gone, which would not have been if it had remained an absolute Monarchy: for while it so continued an absolute Monarchy in the Primitive Church, their plea was, Rogamus Caesar, non pugnamus: and, aliter nec debeo, nec possum resistere. 
Ambrosial. contra Auxen●.  Yet let not this trouble Us: for herein is fulfilled the prophecy of Christ while he said, He came not to send peace, but the sword. And again, this change is necessary, for else his Holiness the Pope should be subject to the Emperor, according to that of Paul, Let every soul be subject to superior powers: which he neither is nor aught to be. 
Rom. 13.1.  And therefore Bernard is herein deceived himself, while he makes this a general rule without exception, 
Bernard Epist. 42.  saying, Qui conatur ab ha● regula excipere, conatur decipere: for both Pope with us, and people with you must be a excepted. The Church of God hath ●●ter'd too much already in the Primitive times, she hath been too long in the Category of Passion, crying with tears Oramus non pugnamus: she ought now to be in the predicament of action, with Pugnamus & oramus, holding (that I may use your own words) a supplication in the one hand, and a sword in the other To this purpose Master Andrew Ramsey Minister of Edinburgh said pretty well, that it was God's will that the Primitive Church should confirm the truth by suffering, and that now the truth being confirmed, it's his will that we defend the truth by action, in resisting Tyrants; and what war is better than that which is for Religion? But here an Auticovevanter will reply perchance, & say. Where did ever any suffer under Tyrants for defending of your Presbyterial government of active or ruling-elders, and of passive or ruled-elders, which had its first beginning from Calvin in some sort; but as you have it, it was never in the world till the year 1638. For in Geneva it is only proper to the supreme Magistrate to choose the Lay-elders: for they are only Commissioners for the Signiory, neither hath the Minister any voice in their Election, much less the Multitude: and all that Calvin gave them, is praesse moribus, and in Church matters they are called ad consilium, but not ad consensum. But now in Scotland, not only the whole Church takes the supreme power to itself, but also every parish takes upon it to be an absolute independent society, choir contrary to the practice of Geneva, choosing their Ministers and Elders also without number, and to those Elders equal power is given with the Minister, in Presbyteries and Assemblies, in giving decisive sentence in matters of faith, and deciding of controversies, whereof, God knows, they are most ignorant: and in a word, they want nothing of the power of the Minister, but that they preach not, nor baptise in public congregations: & yet its common to see Laymen among them in private Conventicles to take upon them the calling of a Minister in preaching and praying. Or where did any at any time suffer for abjuring Episcopacy as an antichristian government? so this being a truth never yet confirmed by suffering, must not now be defended by resisting, according to Ramseyes own rule, but being an Article of his negative faith, it must first be confirmed by suffering. I would inquire then (says the Anticovenanter) of Ramsey, if he dare suffer for it, and be the Protomartyr in this cause? but he would be like the man that came to the marriage without the wedding garment, dumb and speechless. Or if he speak, it would be negative like his faith, saying with Athanasius, Quod non à patribus profectum est-sed nuper inventum, quid de co aliud exist imari debeat quam illud ipsum cujus Paulus mentionem facit, 1. Timoth. 4.1.  
But finding myself digressing, I will return to the point, which I was about, concerning government. Seeing this mixed government is most conducible for your ends, it were requisite that your Nobles would assume to themselves Princely Authority (as is thought some of you have done) & make progress in this good work. For (let me speak it between me and you) till you King's government be changed, you shall never lawfully resist him. For I have perused all your Divines and find them all condemning the lawfulness of resisting such a King as yours is: but at the most they hold it lawful in some cases only to resist conventionall or conditional Princes. Hence it was that the Ministers of Wittenberg were most opposite to our doctrine of resisting Princes, 
●p●● M●●●●. W●●●●h.  in their public sermons, but when they beheld upon what express conditions the Emperor was elected to the Empire to the which he was not borne, than they said, Docuimus quidem hactenus nullo modo resistendum esse Magistratui ignoravimus vero ex legum civilium praescripto, id in certis quibusdam casibus, etiam legitimè fieriposse. We have hitherto taught that the Magistrate by no manner of way ought to be resisted: for we did not know that by the prescript of the civil law, it might in some certain cases be lawfully done. So Pareus (as you know) was the last that wrote upon that subject, whose opinion when it was condemned by your learned Divines; his son Philippu● Pareus purposing to defend his father's opinion, yields his sword▪ and giveth over the combat even at the entry, 
Append. a● 13. ad Rom.  in those words: Loquitur enim D. parens meus, ut & Theologicaeteri juxta cum politicis & jurisconsultis iis quorum sententiam ac judicium in hoc argumento secutus est parens noster, non derege absoluta potestate indut●, sed de principibus sub conditione admissis. That is, my father, and the rest of the Theolognes', Politicians and Jurisconsalts, whose sentence & judgement in this argument my father hath followed, do not speak of a King endued with absolute power, but of Princes who are conditionally admitted. And therefore if you would make any lawful resistance for time to come, it's most necessary that you labour for a change of government now, and make yourselves free. We have Scripture for us, But if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. 
1. Cor. 7.26  Claudian did but deceive himself, neither can I endure him while he says  
Fallitur ogregio quisquis sub principe credit  
Servitium: nunquam Libertus gratior extat  
Quam sub rege pio.  
Nay, I say, Quam sub rege meo, such a King as is mine; so mine, that I may un-make him again, whom I have made mine. Try this at your Parliament, see if your King will yield to this order which I have told you of the Roman Emperor, to subject himself to you his Subjects, that the Majesty may reside in you. Audentes fortuna juvat. Your success may be gloryed of. Your King hath yielded so much unto you, that you may be confident to have this yielded also. If he had been a merciless Tyrant, he had been so fare from granting you all your Petitions, that he might have imposed more burdens upon you, who did refuse obedience to that which is judged by all your prime Doctors to be lawful. Thus those two famous Doctors of yours Gualther & Bullinger did write in an Epistle sent to the Schismatics in England, who had opposed themselves, as you do, to the Service-book of England. If in case (say they) any of the people be persuaded that those things savour of Popery, let them be taught the contrary, and perfectly instructed therein: and if so be, through the importunate crying out hereupon before the people by some men, many be disquieted; let them beware that do so, that they bring no greater yoke upon their own necks, and provoke Queen Elizabeth her Majesty, and bring many Ministers in such danger, as they cannot rid themselves again.  
I will show you an example hereof, which fell out in Germany at Magdeburge, and within the Territories of marquis Albertus. The Prince required the Ministers to follow the whole book of Augustan's confession, where is a Liturgy that hath all that is in yours, which you have condemned; but some m●e ceremonies, and doth retain the name of the Masse-book. Refusal thereof was made by the Nobility, Gentry, Ministers, and Citizens, even as some of all this rank among you have done. The Court hereon ran upon another deliberation, proposing Articles, which do not alter the doctrine and Liturgy, but thrust upon them m●e Ceremonies (which yet howsoever may well enough be borne, says Melancton, whom you call the light of Germany) adding withal a threatening, that they, who will not follow this prescription, should departed the Land. Upon this some too forward Ministers affirmed, It were good to affright the Court with some terrible writing, with the scare of Sedition, and with this Scarecrow to repress and hinder further alteration. Ill●ricus Flaccius was chief man, the Demetrius in this upreare, crying out (as your Ministers did) That rather desolation should be made of the Church: and, Princes are to be frighted with terror of Insurrection. But for my part (said Melancton I will be author of no such sour advice. Whereupon the ●est of the Ministers did slander Melancton (as Anticovenante●s say you do them) as Popishly affected, 
Couch Melan. part. 2 pag. 90.91.100.  and was upon the plot to reduce Popery, and wrote to Calvin to this effect. But truly I am of Beza's opinion, that they accused him without cause, as afterward Calvin knew more truly. For (says Beza) at the beginning it was not known with what intention that evil spirit, 
●●●a 〈…〉 1●●0.  and whole Troup of the Flaccinians raised so many tumults, and now at this time doth hinder the work of God against Papists. Thus Beza.  
And it is true indeed, that the Flaccinians, who thus did combine against their Prince, did more advance our cause, than Melanc●on. and the remanent of your Doctors; whose judgement was, that the Church should not be troubled by refusing the Service book: and (as Melanctons' words are) to wrangle about a Surplice, or the like matter; where wisemen will exclaim against us, that we withstand and disobey Authority, and nourish contention with a foolish forwardness.  
Now seeing it hath pleased your King to deal thus with you, to lay no heavier burdens upon you, who have complained of a light one: but to grant you all that hitherto you have petitioned; see if you can obtain of him a change of the government. But I pray you, do it with great prudence and circumspection, laying such grounds, as you may firmly build upon them. For, if at the first you declare yourself, and say plainly; Sir, we desire your government changed, he will resile, and not grant it: and to proceed suddenly from one extremity to another, is difficult. Therefore first of all, by such fair ways as you can, be instant to take from him his negative voice in Synods and Parliaments, which is a thing so essential to Sovereignty, that it stands an●●alleth with it. For he being destitute of this P●llar, if in Parliaments by plurality of voices it be carried, that you will not have this man to reign over you, of necessity he mu●● be gone. Secondly, see if you can take from him the power of making Laws, and let the Parliament and Synods be the Law makers. You have taken this de facto already in your large properation, in Septemb. 1638. where you say in express terms, that the Parliament and Syned are the Lawmakers, and the Law-interpreters. As you have it de facto, see if you can get it de jure, established by Law; which if you obtain, you may think you have attained your end: for, if not the King but Parliament and Synods be the Legislators, he must he subject to such Laws as it shall please them to make, who are the two Supreme judicatories, to which in your protestation you appeal, from the King and his Council: thus subjecting your King to Parliament and Synod, which is a thing that ●ee can hardly suffer. But to please him withal, appoint him to be the Executioner of the Laws, and so let him have the name of a King. But it may be, ●hat if he have no more but the execution, of your Laws, that he shall rid himself of that too, if you grant him no more power; because men will say, He is not your King, but your Officer, or H! etc. Thirdly, if so be, that he shall be content with what portion of authority you judge sufficient, take heed that he fall not upon you who have thus kerbed him, and execute the laws against you: and therefore to make all cock sure, because he cannot do all by himself, but must have Officers under him; let this be granted to you also, to be Choosers of his Officers, and let those be such as you know most expedient for you: and so they shall be rather your men, than His. I heard that all this was motioned by you, but you have not shown me what success it hath taken.  
I have dwelled long upon this necessary point of the change of Government, and therefore I proceed to a second head, where into we fully conspire, and it is a very fit preparative to this intended change. 
Coven●●te●: in●●●m f●r d●se●si●e. a●g. 3.  And I cannot but applaud you for rejecting that former error, to defend that Kings are of Divine Institution, and do now hold with us, that they are of humane Institution by positive Laws. Inregnis hominum potestas regis est à popule, 
Bell de Concil●l●●, 2. cap. 19  quia populus facit regem. In the Kingdom of men, the power of the King is from the people, says Bellarmine: and commends Navarre, Qui non dubitat affirmare, nunquam populum ita potestatem suam in regem transfer, quin illam sibi in habitu retineat, ut in certis quibusdam casibus etiam 
* Al●●, astu.  actu recipere potest. Who doth not doubt to say, that the people did never so transfer their power to the King, but they did retain it habitually themselves; so that in certain cases they may actually take it from him again. Let all Protestant Doctors condemn this, yet let it never repent you to have received light from us. The best works that ever Augustixe wrote, were the books of retrectations; and the best works that you can do, is to forsake your errors. You say the people makes the Magistrate, and may be without him, and have been many a year without him. The Majesty doth remain in the people, and therefore, as it is said in the Gospel, May I not do with my own what I please? 
Bell, de cle●ie lib. 3. 〈◊〉 6.  So say we, Potestas immediate est tanquam in subjects in tota multitudine, & si causa legitimè adsit, potest multitudo mutare regnum in Aristocratiam & Democratiam. The power is immediately, as in the subject, in the multitude, and if there be a lawful cause, the multitude may change the Kingdom into an Aristocracy, or Democracie. When the King becometh an enemy to the Common wealth, he ought to be removed, Melius est ut pereat unus, quam unitas. And therefore you may not without reason say (as in your Zions Plea) to his Majesty, We must not lose you, and the Kingdom, by proferring your fancies, and groundless affections, before sound reason. You should complain to the heart that the head is much distempered; The Lion must be cured of the King's evil. The Potter may destroy the vessel which he hath made himself. (But I pray you let this be spoken under the Rose; for if we too much divulge it, it will make both you and us most odious to all princes, who will keep us at such a low ebb that we shall never be able to rise against them when we think it necessary.) When the shepherd becometh a Wol●e, let the dogs cha●e him away: he is for the people, and the people is not for him; when he turns to their hurt, let one who is for th●●r good be put in his place: for you know who said, Virtuti, non gener● debetur regnum. And it is better to have Kings by election then succession. And therefore you do mos● learnedly reason from the unreasonableness and absurdities of those Court Parasites (in your learned informations for Defensive arms against the King) who attribute such illimited power to their Kings, 
Covenanters in●●● at for D●●●nsive. ●●g. 1.  that they lose all the bonds of civil society against all the bonds of oaths and laws; suffering the Prince to do what he pleaseth, to the ruin of Religion, the Church and Kingdom; and the people shall do nothing but suffer themselves to be massacred or else sty, which is impossible. In parallel to this we say thus: The danger is so evident, 
Des●●●● of 〈◊〉 Cath●●●● 5.  & devitable, that God hath not sufficiently provided for our salvation and the preservation of the Church and holy Laws, if there were no way to restrain such wicked Princes, etc. 
〈…〉.  this were (as you say) to expone all to the fury of the Prince. 
Ibid.  And therefore we conclude in the same place with those words, The bond and obligation we have entered into for the service of Christ and his Church, far exceeds all other duties which we own to any humane creature: & therefore where the obedience to the inferior hindereth the service of the other, which is superior, we must by law and order discharge ourselves of the inferior. 
Covenanters inform for Defensive.  This our conclusion is most consonant to the words and sense of your second and fourth argument for war.  
And since you were put to this necessity to take up arms for your defence, notwithstanding of your Kings specious pretences, who could condemn you to press and urge the people, by your reasons to take up arms, to resist the violence of your King, 
Covenanters inform for Defensive. 57 Sigebert in anno 1088.  who was furiously inveding you as you say? and to thrust all away from their places that did withstand you, as traitors to you, the Church and Country, and unworthy of your society. I do not regard, neither need you to be offended at that idle speech of Sigebert; neither would I hear him, if he did not ask leave of all good men (from which number I will not be excluded) to speak, while he says thus, ●o speak, with the leave of all good men, this only novelty. I will not say heresy was not crept into the world (before the day's of ●elldebrand) that Priests should teach the people that they own no subjection to evil Kings, and that although they have sworn fidelity to him yet they must yield him none; neither may they be counted perjured for holding against their King, but rather he that obeyeth the King is excommunicate, and he that rebelleth against the King, is absolved from the blemish of disloyalty and perjury. etc. Thus he. And is this a matter to be condemned, I pray you? Do we not clearly see this performed among yourselves? the King himself will approve of it: for you are confident of it, while you say: We are very confident of his Majesty's approbation to the integrity of our hearts, 
properness S●p●● 1633.  and peaceableness of our ways and actions all this time past; and do protest that we will still adhere to our former proceed mutual defence, etc. And good reason, for rebellion for such an important business against a King, cannot be disloyalty; and they that have not followed your course, justly deserve Excommunication and Banishment. Athanasius was but too silly a man, being under the tyranny of Constantius the Arrian Heretic, that did not incite the people to rebellion, or to promove the designs of the Emperor's brother, who was Orthodox, and worthier of the Crown. Which if he had done, he might have made a better Apology to the Emperor Constantius, who charged him with the same, as if he had stirred up his brother, and the people against him. If he had done so, he might have made Peter's Apology, It's better to obey God then man. But because he did it not, he makes an Apology most beseeming a coward, who did not (as you did) with counsel and courage lead the people to war against their Prince: but says thus, Vincat quaso, apud te, 
Ad anisic Apo●●● a● Constant.  veritas: & ne relinquas suspicionem contra universam ecclesiam, quasitalia ant cogitentur aut scribantur à Christianis, 〈◊〉 potissimum Episcopis. Let truth I pray thee prevail with thee, and leave not a suspicion against the Catholic Church, as if such things were either thought or written by Christians, and especially by Bishops. I am not so mad, I am not beside myself, O Emperor, that thou shouldst suspect I had any such thought; I am not so mad, neither have I forgotten the voice of God, which saith, Curse not the King in thy heart, nor backbite the mighty in the secrets of thy chamber: for the birds of the air shall tell it, and the fowls that she shall betray it.  

Covenanter● inform. for Defensive. § 4.  This man was too fearful: but you were of another spirit, encouraging the people, and dehorting them from being afraid of shadows; yea, your Priests were good patterns to the rest to follow. There was one of them, who is worthy (if you could permit Images) to have his Statue engraven in Marble, 
Da●id 〈◊〉.  to eternize him to the world's end, who went so stoutly to the Camp upon his horse, with two Carabins at his Saddle, two Pistols at his side, with a broad Scottish sword; those five weapons were like unto David's sieve smooth stones which he took out of the brook to kill Goliath with. This David no doubt would have killed sive English at the first encounter with his five deadly weapons, and would have returned with triumph, saying with Paul, I have fought a good fight: for, 
2 Tim. 4.7. Nehem. 6.11.  should such a man as he fly? But if any shall produce the Canons of divers general Counsels, ordaining Clergy men that bear arms to be degraded and put from their place: And that of Davenant, Christ●● gladium verbi promittit, non ferri: 
Davenant deter. quaest. 4.  fugam suadet, non pugnam. Christ promiseth to his Pastors the sword of the word, and not the sword of Iron: he persuades to ●lie, but not to sight: the answer is easy. Those general Counsels though not intoto, yet pro tanto, are like your 6. general or national Counsels, which you have condemned, because they were against you: and Davonant is a Bishop, and so your adversary.  
A third error wherewith we were formerly tossed by you, is now removed, it concerneth the Church-government, which you at last, being put to it, do acknowledge to belong to the Church, not to the King. What hath he to do there?  
Let Kings take care of civil state,  
Let Church, of Church-matters debate.  
This was the presumption and error of Henry the 8. King of England, 
Bell. de Rom. Pontis. l. 1. ca 7.  as Bellarmine observeth. Is enim se caput ecclesiae Anglicanae constituit, & eodem modo censuit alios principes capita suprema in suis ditionibus esse. For he made himself Head of the Church, and after the same manner judged other Princes to be supreme heads within their own Dominions. And thus King Charles would also be: therefore in your Pretestations, you declare that it is your ancient grievance, 
Protestat. 18. Decemb. 1638.  That his Majesty takes upon him, that spiritual power and authority, which properly belongeth to Christ, as only King and Head of his Kirk The ministry and execution whereof is only given to such as bear Ecclesiastical government of the same So that in his Majesty's person some men press to erect a Popedom. And all your Protestant Divines do hold the same doctrine, as so many Court Parasites. The Fathers went too far on this way, 
August. contra l●●●●●● P●ti●●ae lib. 2. c. p. 92.  I will but name Augustine: All men (says he) ought to serve God, by common condition, as men: in another sort by several gifts & offices, by the which, some do this, some do that. No private person could command idols to be banished clean from amongst men which was so long before prophesied. 
Idem contra Cr●s●. lib. 8. cap. 51.  Therefore Kings▪ beside their duty to serve God common with all men) have, in that they be Kings, how to serve the Lord in such sort, as none can do, which are not Kings; for in this, Kings, as they are Kings, serve the Lord (as God by David enjoined them, Psal. 1.) if in their Kingdoms they command that which is good, and prohibit that which is evil not in civil affairs only, but also in matters concerning Divine Religion, etc. This man is so confident that in his 50. Epistle he cryeth out, Who being in their right wits dare allege the contrary? But truly the Donatists held the better part, they durst allege the contrary; so dare We, so dare you do: macti viri virtute nouâ. The father's judgement in such state matters is not approved by his Holiness the Pope. Bellarmine our trusty Champion speaketh better for you: That the civil Magistrate regit homines, ut homines sunt, & magis ratione corporum quam animarum: but on the contrary, the Church Governour regit homines, ut Christiani sunt, & magis ratione animarum quam corporum: ille habet pro fine temporalem quietem, & salutem populi▪ iste vitam & sempiternam foelicitatem: ille utitur naturalibus legibus. & institutis humanis; iste legibus divinis. The King governeth men as they are men, and rather in regard of their bodies then their souls: but the Church Governor governeth men as they are Christians, and rather in regard of their souls then their bodies. The end of the one is to procure the temporal quiet and safety of the people; the other hath for his end, everlasting life and happiness: the one useth natural Laws and humane institutions; but the other useth Divine Laws.  
And whereas your Doctors say, that the King is the Keeper of the Tables and the Minister of God for our good, and if for our good, then chief for our principal good, the good of our souls; to have a care of Religion according to the examples of the religious Kings under the Law, and Christian Princes under the Gospel, etc. Those, and many such like idle arguments are not worthy that I should stand to answer them, especially in an Epistle; for there is no such need of Kings, the people may well enough be without them, 
Covenanters informat. for Defensive. arg. 3.  for there was none till cain's days, as you say: The Church was well governed in the Primitive time while there was no Christian King. Ad annos fermeè 30●. nullus fuit in Ecclesia Christianus Princeps secularis. For the space of 300 years there was no secular Christian Pr●nce in the Church, says Bellarmine. And therefore, says he, 
Bell. de laicis, cap. 17.  Christus Ecclesiam regendam Petro & Episcopis commisit, non Tiberio & ejus Praefectis: He committed the government of his Church, to Peter and the Bishops, not to Tiberius' the Emperor and his Officers. He said to Peter, Feed my sheep; not so to Kings, but, Do my Prophets no wrong. The Churchmen must give an account to God of men's souls, Kings have no such account to make, as our Stapleton says well with you & therefore concludes, that not Kings, but the Church is to be obeyed in Ecclesiastical businesses; according to that of the Apostle, Obedite praepositit vestris. Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselves unto them for they watch for your soul. 
Heb. 13 17.  You do then as it becometh you, not to regard the King's words, nor ohey his Proclamations: but to persuade the people (that I may use your own words) to submit themselves obediently to follow their Leaders, 
Covenanters inform for Pes●n●ive.  whom God at this time hath largely furnished with counsel and courage for the good of his Church and Kingdom: The reason why they should follow them, and not be carried away with the King's Proclamations: quia potestas civilis subjecta est potestati spirituals quando utraque pars est ejusdem reipub. 
B●●● de 〈…〉 l●b. 〈…〉.  Christianae.  
A fourth error which you with good success have abolished, that you deny the power of convocating and distressing of Assemblies to belong to the Supreme Magistrate. In the Protestation in July 1638. you maintain your power of convocating Assemblies: therefore in the 27. August, 1638. it was well put in among your Instructions before the Assemblies, 
VIII. Instruct.  that the ablest man in each Parish should be provided to dispute Depotestate supremt Magistratús in Eccclesiasticis, praesertim in convocandis Conciliis. It's your wisdom to assemble when he commands you, so long as it is conducible for your ends; but yet you have power to assemble in a Nationall Assembly, in what place of the Kingdom you please. 
S●●rat●●● 〈…〉.  Socrates did smell too much of a Court Parasite, while he said, we make mention of Emperors throughout this History, for that since they became Christians, ecclesiastical matters depend on them & the greatest Synods have been, and yet are called by their appointment. He offended you who said that as Moses is custos utriusque Tabulae, so is he custos utriusque tubae: as the civil Magistrate is keeper of both the Tables; so he is keeper of both the silver Trumpets, for war, for calling of Assemblies, and dismissing of them▪ and that you would but blow the Trumpet of Sedition, it (without the King's authority) you should convocate Assembles either for peace, or for war.  
The marquis of Hamilton was too presumptuous, being called with the King's Authority, to discharge your last Assembly, which (as you said well) was to raise Christ's Court: and therefore, it was not ill advised by one of you, that seeing the marquis was faithful to his Master the King, so you ought to be faithful to your Master the King of kings Jesus Christ, and to defend his Royal prerogative above all the Kings of the earth. In your answer to the marquis of Hamilious Declaration, you affirm that your Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is independent, and in your Zions' Plea▪ you say, that your Presbyterian discipline is the Sceptre of Christ, swaying his own house according to his hearts desire, the soul the chief Commander in the c●mp Royal; and your ●ravers says, 
De dis●●p E ●cl s●●●g. 142.  Huic disciplinae omnes orbis Principes & Monarchas fasces suos submittere, & parere necesse est: There is a necessity that all the Princes and Monarches should submit their Sceptres, and obey this discipline. And your Mae Lellan (whom some call a fool) spoke not foolishly, while he preached, that the King had no more to do to meddle with your Assemblies; than you have to meddle with his Parliaments. It was wisely then doubt by you, in rejecting any protestation or appellation from your Assembly by the Bishops, and their adherents, to the King's Majesty; for such appellations ought not to be, seeing there is none Supreme above your Nationall Assemblies. And therefore, as you have not hitherto regarded their protestation and appellation, but have proceeded against them to deposition, and excommunication▪ so continue, and be not dismayed though they should renew their protestations and appellations, even in the words of Athanasius, in protesting against, and appealing from the partial councell of Tyrus, 
Athanasy▪ polo●. cap. 2.  which appellation and protestation of Athanasius, and the rest of the orthodox Bishops was in these words: Because we see many things spitefully contrived against us, and much wrong offered the Catholic Church under our rames we be forced to request that the debating of our matters may be kept for the Princes most excellent person. We cannot bear the drifts and injuries of our enemies; and therefore, require the cause to be referred to the most religious and devout Emperor, before whom we shall be suffered to stand in our own defence, and plead the right of the Church, etc. If those your Bishops flying to the King, as Athanasius and the rest of the orthodox Bishops did to the Emperor, shall procure an edict or command from the King, (as those did from the Emperor) to charge you all to appear before him to plead your cause, you ought not to appear as that miserable Synod of Tyrus did: The Edict was so peremptory, that they durst not resist. The Edict was in these words: Your Synod hath decreed I know not what in a tumult and uproar, while you seek to pervert truth by your pestilent disorder for hatred against your fellow Bishops. But the divine providence will (I doubt not) scatter the mischief of your contention, and make it plain in our sight, whether your Assembly had any regard of truth, or not. You must therefore all of you resort hither, to show the reason of your do, for so doth it seem good and expedient to me; to which end, I willed this rescript to be sent you, that as many of you as were present at the Council of Tyrus, without delay repair to the place of our abode, there to give an account how sincerely & sound you have judged, & that before me, whom yourselves shall not deny to be the sincere Minister of God in such cases etc.  
I say then, if you shall receive such a charge from your King, you should not obey: (for in your sense that is, To betray the Royal prerogative of your King Jesus Christ) but return the answer of Core, Dathan and Abiram with ingemination, We will not come, 
n●m 16.12, 14. J●r. 2 31.  we will not come: or your Lords, Lay-Elders may return that of Jeremy, We are Lords, We will no more come unto thee. And if your King will not be content with your answer, prosecute your begun course with all diligence and earnestness; having begun in the spirit, end not in the flesh, but go on with that which they call disorders, till you get the King in your power, and then he shall know what subjects you will be. If the people of one city falling in sedition for matters of Religion, so prevailed & passed all power of resisting, 
〈◊〉 lib. ●. c●p. ●4.  that Anastasius the Emperor was fain to come to an open place without his Crown. & by Heralds to signify to the people, that he was ready with a very good will to resign the Empire into their hands: how much more may you who have many cities, by continuing your courses force your King to resign his Crown of Scotland? And howbeit the people of that city seeing the Emperor in so pitiful a case, were moved with the spectacle & changed their minds, & besought the Emperor to keep his Crown, and promised for their parts to be quiet: yet do not you so, till your King shall perform all your demands.  
From that which hath been done by you, 
5.6.  and repeated by me, I see other two errors banished, which I conjoin for brevity's sake, lest my Epistle should increase to a Treatise, viz. That the King is no more to be Precedent, nor supreme Governor in causes Ecclesiastical. It is the folly of your Divines, to make the Moderator of your Assemblies to be unto the King or his Delegate in Assemblies, as the Chancellor in the Parliament is to the King, or his Deputy in Parliaments. But I extol your courage, who now conclude with us, 
Bellarmin●.  Ad Regium officium pertinet, ut legibus & edict is suis, ●am fidem teneri, quam sacerdotes tenendam docent, etc. It's the duty of Kings, by their Laws & Edicts to cause that faith to be kept, which the Priests teach should be kept. For the spirit of the Prophets is subject to the Prophets. But is Saul also among the Prophets? Is it true that the Anticovenanter says, that in your Ecclesiastical judicatories, called 1 Sessions, 2 Presbyterles, and 3 Synods, there will be in the first, sometimes twelve, sometimes sixteen, in some places 24. Lay-Elders for one Priest? Secondly, in your Presbyteries, Lay-elders of equal power and number? Thirdly, in your Synods as many Lay-elders with their Assessors as there is Priests; all which Lay-elders have as great power in matters of Doctrine and Discipline as the Priests themselves, to judge, and pass Definitive sentence? etc. But I trust it is not so, for I hear that they are offended to be called Lay-elders, and will be called Ruling-elders, and Ecclesiastical persons, and so I doubt not but they have received orders from you. And therefore seeing Ecclesiastical persons among you, have the managing of Church-affaires, the civil Magistrate must be content to execute what you decree; neither ought he to judge otherwise then you judge; neither can he hinder you to make Laws in the Church. For, as Stapleton says very learnedly with you, Oves non possunt judicare pastors. Let the shepherds judge of the sheep, who must follow them; as Christ's sheep heard his voice and followed him. Therefore you have most valiantly shaken off that yoke of the King's supremacy in causes Ecclesiastical, 
Novemb● 29. 1638. Pro●●t in Juhi 1638 5 5.  and at the Cross of Glasgow proclaimed to the world (against the King's Proclamation for raising the Assembly) that your Assemblies are the supreme judicaterie in all causes ecclesiastical; and since supreme, its independent from the King, 
〈◊〉 appeal from 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 C●●●●●ll ●o●●e general Assembly and Parliament. 〈…〉 3.  and your reason is good: for that which is superior cannot be subject to that which is inferior. Now (as Bellarmine also says) Regimen Ecclesiasticum sublimius est Politico. The Ecclesiastic government is higher than the Politic: for Principatus politieus institutus est ab hominibus, & de jure gentium: at principatus ecclesiasticus est à solo Deo, & de jure divino. The Politic Government is institute by men, and of the Law of Nations: but the Church Government is from God alone, and of Divine institution. Therefore you conclude right, that the king hath no more power to appoint officers in the Church, than you have power to appoint officers of state for his Court.  
In Zions' Plea, pag. 289. You answer well to the Protestants objection, thus: If any object the Magistrates interposed authority, it's quickly answered, That his power is not to weaken any ordinance of God, but for guarding and making good all God's ordinances with the Sword. And in your protestation at Edinburgh, 18. December, 1638. you bring from your Book of Discipline, a full and perfect description of the King's authority in Church matters, which is this, To assist and maintain the discipline of the Kirk and punish them civilly who will not obey the censures thereof. And in your answer to the marquis of Hamilton his Declaration, you say, That the Supreme Magistrate, as a Son of the Kirke, aught to receive the true meaning of the Kirke and cause it to be received by those whom God hath subjected unto him. Yea, it is so f●rre from being a prerogative due to the Supreme Magistrate to be Supreme governor in causes Ecclesiastical, that it is a favour granted unto him to have any precedency in Synods without voicing, (except he would become a ruling Elder, and have accommission to come.) Therefore, it is most remarkable which you say in your Protestation 29. Novem. 1638. at Glasgow. After 39 Nationall Assemblies of this Nationall Church, where neither the King's Majesty, nor any in his name was present: At the humble and earnest desire of the Assembly, His Majesty graciously vouchsafed His presence either in His own Royal person, or by a Commissioner, not for voiting or mukiplying of voices; but as Princes and Emperors of old, in a Princely manner to countenance that meeting, and to preside into it for external order, etc. And this is all that we grant to Emperors and Princes in our Disputes against Protestants. And I pray you, what Royalist can answer the Arguments which you have borrowed from us? all their answer is, that they exclaim that you do borrow your Arguments from your enemies, yet not so great enemies, as they suppose; for the Jesuit is called the Popish Puritan: and the Puritan is called the Protestant Jesuit; and I trust that the like may be said of us, which is said of Christ and Franciscus. 
Turs. l●●.   
Exue Franciscum tunica, laceroque cucullo  
Qui Franciscus ●rat, jam tibi Christus erit,  
Francisci exuviis, si qua licet, endue Christum,  
Jam Franciscus ●rit, qui tibi Christus ●rat.  
And we are both by Papists and Protestants (though unjustly) branded with these vile Epithers, 
Ludav●de C●●zam.  to be called Holy Devils, the Standard-bearers of persidionsnesse, the Archetypes of Rebellion, the Bellows of Sedition, the Emissaries of the Devil, the King's evil, and the Incendiaries of the whole world, etc. and our Thuan is so fare out of Love with us, that he says our Society is,  
Nata Magistratum convellere, nata ministris  
Subtrahere obsequium, Praesulibusque suum.  
But albeit there were some od● between us, what is that to them, since they be good for you? who found fault with him who said, 
Mutemus clypeos, Danaumque insignia nobis  
Aptimus, Dolus an virtus quis in host requirat?   
Who can blame you while you say, 
Protestat. 18 Novem●● 1638.  that if Princes shall have such power in Assemblies, and in matters of Religion, than all Religion and Church-government should depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the Prince. and he may change it as he will? So says learned Stapleton in his dispute against the Protestant Doctrine: Posita hac potestate, nec in una provincia velregno din erit fidei unitas vel cultus, & religionis conformitas, quia finguli principes quod ipsis melius videbitur, flatuent, quorum decretis siro sistatur, perpetua erunt besla. This power being granted to Kings, than Unity of faith and worship, and conformity of religion will not remain lorg in one province or kingdom, because every Prince will ordain that which seemeth best in his eyes. To whose decrees if resistance be made, there will follow perpetual war. But this power being granted to the Church, which cannot err in her Synodical acts, there shall ever be Unity of faith depending upon the infallibility of Church Assemblies.  
For I see in the seventh place, that you do acknowledge the infallibility of general Counsels or Assemblies. For that Assembly which you did hold at Glasgow lately, 
Covenanters in●●●at for Defensive § 7.  is to you so infallible, that long time before, you do profess that you did swear for judgement and practice to adhere to the determination of it: And now of late, Julii 1. 1639 do protest before God and the world, that you will still adhere to it. And you have good reason so to do: for if general Assemblies may err, then, say we, 
●●l●. de au●●●. co●●●. or. Cap. 4.  Possent merito revocari in dubium omnes damnatae harese, & concilia nullo honore digna essent. All heresies which are condemned, may again be called in question, and our Assemblies esteemed worthy of no honour. And therefore you may justly fear, upon this ground, that your Assembly might err, and that you may be branded with error in your decrees, and have all called in question again which you have condemned. As for us of Rome, condemn your Assemblies who will, we shall never do it: but rather desire that you may still appoint the same Commissioners for your future assemblies, therein to confirm all which they had decreed in the former: for your acts of abjuring Episcopacy, the Articles of Perth, Service book, Book of Canons, pleaseth us very well: howbeit we do not throughly approve the reason of your acts. You have thrust away and excommunicated your Bishops, because you think them Antichristian: so do we excommunicate your Bishops, because they are Antichristian. But you think them Antichristian, because you make it an Article of your Negative faith, that they are a part of the Popish Hierarchy: And we think them Antichristian, because they are not so, neither do they acknowledge the Pope for their Head, but do declaim against him, and the greatest wound that ever we have received, is from such Bishops as they are, as Cranmet, Latimer, Ridley, Hooper, Jowell, B●lson, Andrew's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, stupor mundi; Whitgift, Babington, Abbots, King, Downame, Ussher, Morton, Davenant, Montague, Hall, White, and that arch-enemy of yours and ours Canterbury, with divers others, whom I like not to recite.  
In this particular, King James is opposite to us both, because (as Becanus well observeth) he holdeth, 
Recan. de prim. Reg. Angl. ca 7. Jacobi Regis praesa. monit.  that Bishops have their jurisdiction immediately from God, while he saith, Episcopos esse in Ecclesia debere, tanquam institutionem Apostolicam, ac ordinationem proinde divinam contra Puritanoes, contraque Bollarminum semper sensi, qui negat Episcopos à Deo immediatè suam jurisdictionem accepisse. Sed nihil mirum, à Puritanis cum stare, cum Jesuitae nihil aliud quàm Puritano-papistae sunt. I ever thought that Bishops ought to be in the Church, as an Apostolical institution, and therefore a divine ordinance against Puritans, and against Bellarmine; who deny that Bishops have their jurisdiction immediately from God; but no marvel that Bellarmine takes the Puritans part, seeing Jesuits are no other thing but Puritan-papists. And in that same place, the King showeth that from a general Council convocated by Christian Princes, for the settling of Religion, he would have Jesuits and Puritans excluded, whom he calleth by a common title novitios, & furiosos incendiarios: and says, 
Ibidem.  Mihi praecipuus labor fuit dejectos Episcopos restituere, & Puritanorum anarchiam expugnare. My chief labour was to restore the Bishops that were cast down, and to overthrow the anarchy of Puritans.  
We thank you also for removing the Articles of Perth; for they were not rightly established: for your Church did esteem those ceremonies to be only things indifferent, commended and commanded by Authority, for Decency and Order. The not observation whereof was held no damnable sin, if it were without contempt of Authority, and without the case of scandal; and at the most, your Church did hold that those ceremonies were only significant, and not operative, as we hold. But if they had been rightly established, you should have observed them as things necessary to salvation, and as parts of God's worship, which under pain of damnation ought to be performed, and that they are signs operater, working grace in those who observe them. And therefore seeing your Church did not hold this opinion of them, they a●e not Popish Ceremonies, and so not ours; and whatsoever you have more, that is not ours, we request you to abjure it.  
The condemning also of the Service-book is most acceptable unto us, because it is not our Masse-book; and that you may see how much we hate it, Be it known to you, that by venue of the Pope's Bull many years ago we will suffer no Roman Catholic to go to the Church, so long as the Service-booke is reading either in England or Ireland, and yet we will permit them to go to their Sermons, and of all Sermons we sympathise best with yours: So that it seemeth a most unfortunate book, having both us and you for its enemies.  
And since I am fallen upon this point, let me relate an History that passed between a Covenanter & an Anticovenanter, as it was reported to me, concerning this book, that you may make your use of it. The Covenanter demanded the cause, why he could refuse to join with them in a Supplication to his Majesty against the book of Common Prayer, seeing there were so many hands of able Ministers subscribing the same, and obliging themselves to make it good, that it was 1. Superstitious. 2. that it containeth the main essential parts of the Mass. 3. that it openeth a door to let in all Popery? The Anticovenanter answered thus, or to this effect: Because such unjust aspersions are cast upon that poor Book, which doth not contain so many Lines, as it doth suffer Lies, hated be all that love not truth; Papists and Puritans striving who shall speak most against it, I shall be so fare from becoming a causeless enemy to it, that I cannot deny it my friendship and helping hand. But because you are so furious, and I for speaking but one word in its favour have been hotly persecuted with tongues, and hands too; it will be better to be possessed with a Lethargy▪ then to appear in defence of this liturgy, which the most part, even of the Ministry, hath condemned with blind obedience, before they did see or read it. It might be sufficient for me to deny what you peremptorily affirm against it, and it's your part to prove the Affirmative: and your best Probation is your naked assertion, seconded with railing against all that will not believe you. But I pray you hear the Book speak for itself, and it shall ●urge itself of such calumnies, in the judgement of all indifferent men, and it will tell you that you are like David's enemies, cas●ing iniquity upon it where you find none, and laying to its charge the thing it never knew, and so do ha●e it without a cause.  
F●ist then, here it purgeth itself of all Superstition, at the ●ust entry of the book, where it showeth the reasons why some ceremonies are abolished, and some retained, in plain words, saying: The multitude of ceremonies are rejected, because of their multitude and superstition. And in the celebration of the Holy Communion, it recommends the use of common bread. But wherefore? for the avoiding of Superstition, says the book; so that at the very entry, the book is most careful to satisfy all scrupulous people, thus telling them that it hates superstition as well as they. Again, if there were any thing superstitions in this book, it must be enjoined as a thing necessary in itself, as unchangeable; the not observing of it would be damnable, as the breach of Gods Law. To all this the Book answers in the same place, that it enjoineth nothing in that manner but what the Word of God commands. And as for the ceremonies contained in it, it is so fare from esteeming them things necessary, that it placeth them in the rank of indifferent things. The keeping or omitting whereof is but a small thing, says the book: It says further, that those ceremonies are taken away which were most abused, and did burden m●ns consciences without cause, and that those which remain are retained for disciplin● and order. It tells that they are also changeable, and not to be compared to God's Law, whilst it says of them thus, Upon just causes they may be alt●red and changed, and therefore are not to be esteemed equal with Gods Law. What can any man say more against superstition than is said by the book itself? Therefore, it's very likely that they have not read the book, (as I am sure the most part have never done) or at least, have read it with an evilleye; who condemn it of Superstition, whereof it is most free.  
As for the second, that it doth contain the essential parts of the Mass, read and see the contrary in the book itself, which doth keep Christ's institution itself, and Paul's repetition of it, in such sort, that I think no Church can celebrate the Sacrament with more purity, sincerity, gravity, and none with more Majesty then by this book. But let me speak a little for it. I pray you, Why are you so sparing? you may say as well, that it contains the whole Mass, as the main essential parts of the Mass; for (if you have any Logic, or natural reason) you may so conclude: for where that is, which is essential to a thing, there the thing itself must be: But in this book (say you) are the essential parts of the Mass, what doth hinder then, but that it hath the Mass itself in it? for, if it have the main essential parts of the Mass, what doth it lack or want? not the proper accidents, for these do flow from the essential parts, and are inseparable from it. It can want nothing then of the Mass, unless it be some common accidents, which may be either present or absent, without any hurt of the subject. What boldness is this then to speak such a main essential lie? Let me either see that the book maintaineth, that, sub speciebus panis & vini, the body and blood of Jesus Christ is bodily offered up by the Priest, to God the Father, a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead; or else, lay your hand on your mouth, & speak no more.  
Finally, since it hath neither Superstition, not the essentials of the Mass, how can it open a door to Popery? certainly, it is purged from all such stuff, and restored to the ancient integrity, the least thing that might tend to superstition being thrust out of door, as Ammon did Tamar, without hope of return: and if any superstition would dare to enter, as the Sodomites at Lot's door, the door is so fast shut (by that which I have told you from the mouth of the book itself, in the beginning of the right use and abuse of Ceremonies) that they must despair of any entry.  
What needs all such uproar then without cause? such fearful Schisms such Dictatorial censures, and uncharitable verdicts, that they are all Papists, or Popishly affected, that ●un not with you to mischief? Show me but one masculine reason (and lay aside wife's tales) and I shall take it in place of many: & ●runt ultimi primi, I shall redeem my time with redoubling my course, and shall be so far from approving the least point, which you shall show to be Popery, that for that one points sake, it shall get no more pity than Samuel gave to Agag: I shall rend it in pieces.  
Read over that which you have condemned with judgement, and not with prejudice, and I shall oblige myself to make good those particulars: First, that you shall never be able to find any thing in it contrary to the word of God. 2. That it containeth nothing contrary to the practice of the Primitive Church, but which is most agreeable thereto. 3. That all the points which you condemn, are not controverted between our classical Divines and Papists, but agreed upon on both sides, as things not controverted. 4. That there is nothing in it contrary to our Confession of Faith in Scotland. Yea, which is much, you shall not show me one Protestant Divine of any note or eminency, even among the Reformers of Religion, who ever did condemn this book of the least point of Popery: But on the contrary did commend it, and defend it against all petty preachers who refused it, as you do. Learned Bucer thus affirmeth, 
Bucer, Script. Angl●●. in con. pag. 456.  In the Ceremonies of the English Liturgy, I have found nothing which is not taken out of the Word of God, or at least, which is repugnant to it, so it be favourably understood. Calvin himself perusing the liturgy, 
Cal● in epist. 200. fol. 336.  declared that he found no fault in it at all; and wrote to the English Exiles at Frankford, who had made a rent and schism in the Church, to be moderate and return to the Church Vos ultra modum rigidos esse nolim. I would not have you stiff above measure; and bids them return to Conformity, and proponeth his own opinion, in Anglorum controversia moderationem semper tenni, cujus me non poenitet. In the controversy of England I have ever kept a moderation, whereof I do not repent: and was very much offended with those who would not yield in such indifferent things, for peace sake. It was Calvin with Peter Martyr who by many arguments persuaded Bishop Hooper to conformity, especially to put on the Surplice, which he did. I might produce all the rest of those worthy Divines, Beza, Melancton, Bullinger, Peter Martyr, Gualther, Zanchius, who all of them condemn your opinion & schismatical practice, who had rather rend the body of Christ Jesus, then yield to any thing that doth not content your turbulent lusts: and therefore your prayers are turned into sin, while you pray the Lord of heaven truly and fully to inform his Majesty how fare this Book is full of idolatrous superstitions and popish errors, as you affirm in your Protestation against his Majesty's Proclamation. And it is no marvel that you condemn this Book of Common Prayer, seeing you have condemned your own book of Common Prayer made at your Reformation. The Ringleaders of your faction condemn all set Prayer whatsoever, all set form of celebration of the Sacraments & Marriages. The prayers which were read since the Reformation till this rapture, are now banished the Church, yea your Ringleaders have banished the Lords Prayer, and say that those who use it make it an Idol: and therefore in their prayers it is never mentioned, to the great scandal & grief of many poor souls among you, who yet love it, because Christ's command is when you pray, say, Our Father which art in heaven, etc. You Baptise, celebrate the Communion, not as you were wont to do after the form set down unto you at the Reformation: but every day after a divers form and manner, being changeable like the wind; so do you with Marriage. Thus you differ from yourself like the double-minded man, 
Jam. 1.8.  who is unstable in all his ways; wavering like the waves of the sea, driven with the wind, & tossed. And what pleaseth you to day, displeas●th you to morrow. You do also daily coin new Articles of faith, as to believe Episcopacy to be Antichristian: and the young Lay-elder government to be that which Christ hath appointed in his Church. It is an Article of your faith to believe, that to receive the body and blood of Jesus Christ, in the humble gesture of kneeling is idolatry. It is an Article of your faith, that it is Popery, if the Church set apart a day for the solemn and thankful commemoration of God's love to the world, who so loved the world, 
Galat 4 4  that when the fullness of time was come, sent forth his Son made of a woman, made under the Law, to redeem them which were under the Law; that we might receive the adoption of Sons. It is an Article of your faith, that it is Popery, if the Church doth set apart a day for the solemn and public commemoration of the Passion of Christ, 
Heb. 12.2.  that the people may look unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of their faith, who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame. It's an Article of your faith, that it is Popery to give the Communion on Pasch day. It's an Article of your faith, that it is Popery, if the Church appoint a day for the thankful remembrance of Christ's Ascension into Heaven. It's an Article of your faith, that its Popery, if the Church appoint a day for the thankful remembrance of the Descension of the Holy Ghost on Whitsunday, to give gifts unto men. It's an Article of your faith, that the Service-book is Popish. It's an Article of your faith, that the Book of Canons (which directly overthrows the Popish Supremacy) and the High Commission are abjured in your Confession of faith. It's an Article of your faith, that it was the intention of those whom you call blessed Reformers, that all the foresaids, which you have in your Covenant abjured expressly, was abjured by them also as well as if it had been expressly set down: which is the most ridiculous thing in the world; for intentio est actus immanens, which is impossible for any man to know, except it be revealed. And therefore since there is such difference among yourselves, every day bringing forth new dreams, since to you some things are sometimes indifferent, sometimes necessary good, sometimes necessary evil, sometimes a matter of faith, sometimes Not: I cannot but end this discourse with that of Hilarius in Application to you. 
Hilar. lib. 3. cont. Constant.  Faith is come now to depend rather on the time then on the Gospel: our state is dangerous and miserable, that we have now as many Faiths as wills, as many doctrines as manners. Whilst Faiths are either so written as we list, or so understood as we will, we make every year & every month a faith, and still we seek a faith, as if there were no faith. This I would fain know of you, what faith at length you believe! you have changed so often, that now I know not your Faith. That is happened unto you, which is wont to follow unskilful bvilders, ever disliking their own do, that you still put down that which you are still putting up. You subvert the old with the new and the new you rend asunder with a new correction: and that which was once corrected, you condemus with a second correction. O wicked men, what a mockery do you make of the Church! only dog's return to their vomit, and you compel the Priests to sup up those things which they have spit forth; and do you command them in their confession to allow that which before they condemned? What Bishops hand have you left innocent? What tongue have you not forced to falsehood? Whose heart hast thou not brought to the condemning of his former opinion? You have subjected all to your will, and to your violence. Thus Hilarius.  
And therefore of those your new-coined articles (especially of your abjuring Episcopacy, and establishing Presbyterial discipline) I may well say that of Jerom Plantatio vestra non est vetus, 
Jerom. in ●sal. 1●7.  sed novella est; non est de veterilege, non de Prophetis, non de Apostolis, sed de novis magistris est. Your plantation is not old, but a novelty, (for it is not three years old) it is not taken out of the old Law, nor from the Prophets, nor from the Apostles, but new masters. And therefore, adulterum est, impium est, sacrilegum est, quicquid humano furere instituitur, 
●●pr. lib. 1. c. 8.  ut dispositio divina violetur. Whatsoever is established by the fury of man, whereby the divine disposition is violated, is an adulterate, wicked & sacrilegious matter. And I hold that, as an undoubted rule of Augustine, Quod universalis tenuit ecclesia, 
August. lib. 4. de Bapt. cap. 24.  quodque non Conciliis institutum sed semper retentum est, non nisi Apostolicâ authoritate traditum rectissimè creditur. Whatsoever the Catholic Church hath holden, & which was not institute by Counsels, but ever kept in the Church, that is most rightly believed to be an Apostolical tradition: and he brings for instances those holy days, which your Covenant abjures, which hath ever been retained in the Church from the Apostles days. And albeit we could not prove Episcopacy from Scripture (as we may very well prove it, and is proved by those who defend the same) yet this unquestionable rule of Augustine will be sufficient to prove it to be of Apostolical institution; for you say, it is not of Divine institution, and I say, it is not instituted by Counsels: and yet all that are but little exercised in antiquity, shall find that Episcopacy was ever in the Church from the Apostles days, till this present time that it is called in question. And beside that rule of Augustine, consider that it is the general tradition of the Catholic Church, that Episcopacy hath ever been in it, as an Apostolical institution. And by this general tradition of the Catholic Church, we are as certain, that it is of Apostolical institution, as we are certain of the received number of the Canonical books of Scripture: for we receive and take that number upon the continued, general tradition of the Catholic Church of Christ from age to age. We reject and detest particular traditions of any present particular Church; such as are those of the Church of Rome, if they cannot show those traditions to have been generally received at all times in the Catholic Church. But there is no Protestant that doth not receive general traditions of the Catholic Church; such as is this, concerning the definite number of the books of the Canonical Scripture: and if I would assume a schismatical humour, I might with as good warrants deny, that there are so many books in the Canon, as the Catholic Church says there be; as you deny Episcopacy to be of Apostolical institution.  
Thus have I briefly shown you the passages between the Anticovenanter and Covenanter, which I leave to your consideration, and return to my purpose. From this sweet harmony in the preceding points, especially of your independent power in Church matters, there followeth another parallel by way of consequence, viz. that you may excommunicate your King, if he do not obey the Acts and Constitutions of your Assemblies. Thus you threatened King James, and his Council both, with excommunication, if he would not execute your Acts of your Assembly; and good reason, seeing it is the supreme judicatory, and the King is a son of your Church, from whom he ought to take the meaning. And if he be refractory, why may not the Assembly excommunicate him, as Ambrose did Th●●dosius? And as I have said already from your Travers, of your government, Huic disciplin● omnes Principes, etc. There is a necessity that all Princes & Monarches should submit their Sceptre, and obey this Discipline. It's your chief Commander in the Camproyall. Thomas Cartwright being asked, whether the King himself might be excommunicated, answered, That excommunication should not be exercised upon Kings, I utterly mislike: and so do we also; yea, albeit they be not Heretics themselves, yet if they do not punish such as their Pastors commands them, they may be excommunicate. Potest ac debet Pastor regibus jubere ut puniant Haereticos, 
Bellar. contra Barklaiun●.  &c nisi fecerint, etiam cogere per excommunicationem. The Pastor may, and aught to command Kings to punish Heretics, & if they do it not, even to compel them with excommunication. But especially, si sit Haereticorum vel Schismaticorum fautor, 
A●or. ins●. moral. part. 2. l. 10. cap. 9  receptor, vel. defensor; if he be a favourer, receiver or defender of Heretics and Schismatics. If your Bishops be such men, is not this your King's fault? your fault is, that you use but too much lenity, in not ascending from the Mitre to the Crown; for this may stand very well with your Tenent and Ours, though Protestant Divines disclaim it: for your Buchanan teacheth you, that not only it is lawful to excommunicate Princes, but that they should both depose him, 
Buchan. de ●ure reg. apud Scot pag. 70.  and destroy him; for he says, Ministers may excommunicate Princes, and he being by excommunication cast into Hell, is not worthy to enjoy any life upon earth. But truly Knox & Buchanan are more rigid than we are herein; for howbeit, we grant that it's lawful to excommunicate Kings, yet we hold it not necessary that upon excommunication, either deposition or killing. should follow. Indeed by our common Tenent it will follow, that excommunication is an antecedent to deprivation or killing; but we do not hold that deprivation or killing of Princes is a necessary consequent, or effect of excommunication. For (say we) quando talis effectus adjungitur, 
Sua●ez. de censur. disp. 15. sect. 6.  non est effect us ipsius excommunicationis, sed specialis poena simul cum excommunicatione imposita. When such an effect is joined to excommunication, it's not the effect of it, but a special punishment imposed with it. But it's wonderful to see the wide difference between this our Tenent and yours, and that which Protestants hold; for they make the power of the supreme Magistrate Architectonic, and subject unto it, all power civil & Ecclesiastical. So that, as in civil affairs they use the counsel and help of Politicians and Jurisconsults for establishing of Laws, according to reason; so in Ecclesiastical business, they use the help and advice of learned Divines for establishing religion according to God's Word, which ought never to departed from their hands. And it's most boldly said by them in the words of Bishop Davenant, Reges non ita astringuntur Episcoporum vel Theologorum suorum opinionibus, 
Daven. deter. quast. 19  quin si adversentur legi divina (cujus oportet reges studiosissimos & peritissimos esse) teneantur ex officio regio, veram religionem, illis omnibus licet reclamantibus, tueri, & subditis suis proponere: Kings are not so tied to the opinions of their Bishops and Theologues, but if they be contrary to the Law of God, (of the which Kings ought to be great studiers, and very well skilled) they are bound by their Kingly Office to defend the true religion, and set it before their Subjects, albeit all those Divines should cry out against it. But those men are Court Parasites, as your usual word is; or as Beeanus calls those that defend the King's Supremacy, regios adulatores, King-flatterers. And I admire that Tertullian being under Heathen Emperors should be guilty of those flatteries, while he says in a Courtlike compliment, Reges in solius Deipotestate sunt, 
Tersul. ad Scap.  à quo sunt secunds, post quem primi●ante omnes, & super omnes de●s & homines: Kings are only in the power of God, from whom they are second, after whom they are first, before all, and above all gods and men. But I like not to trouble myself with such men, but proceed to another head.  
Which is concerning the power of your Discipline in temporal things, wherein is a question whether our, or your discipline, the chief Commander in the Camp royal, have the greatest power. You do learnedly hold, 
Answer to the Marquis Hamillons Declaration.  that the King's high Court of Parliament, cannot hinder you to make Laws Ecclesiastical, seeing your Ecclesiastical government is independent. Yea, you do hold, that your Assemblies may repeal● and adnull, even the Ecclesiastical laws that are confirmed in Parliament, so that upon your recalling them, the sanction of the Parliament is nullitated, and of no effect. Your own words are Emphatical: 
Ibidem.  Albeit acts of general Assemblies b●● ratified in Parliament, yet a general Assembly may  those confirmed acts, which being anulled, the civil ratification and sanction falls ex consequenti. Certainly, I dare promise you the Pope's blessing for this most learned Thesis: for now a door is opened to let in all Popery, whether the King will or no; so that I trust (as I said at the beginning) our Union shallbe full. For since your Assemblies have such power over Parliaments, as to adnull all ecclesiastical laws confirmed therein (as you have done already with Episcopacy and the articles of Perth, which stand ratified and confirmed by divers acts of Parliament) than it shall be easy for you at any Assembly, when or where you will, to repeal and adnull all the ecclesiastical laws ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament in favour of the Protestant Religion: and to establish new laws for our Roman Religion in stead of it, though the King, Parliament and Council should resist you. You have good reason for it: for as Bellarmine says, 
B●ll. de ●lericis, lib. 1. cap. 29.  Habet se potestas ecclesiastica ad secularem, quomodo Spiritus se habet ad carnem, quam regit, moderatur, & aliquando cohibet. Caro autem nullum habet imperium inspiritum, neque illum ulla in re dirigere, vel judicare, vel coercere potest. Sic igitur potestas ecclesiastica, quae spiritualis est, as per hoc naturaliter seculari superior, secularem potestatem cum opu● est, dirigere, judicare, & coercere potest, ipsam verò à seculari dirigi vel coorceri nullâratione permittitur. The ecclesiastical power is to the secular power, as the spirit is to the flesh; which rules, moderates, and sometimes restrains. But the flesh hath no command over the spirit: neither can it direct, or judge, or restrain it in any thing. So then the ecclesiastical power which is spiritual, and therefore naturally superior to the secular, may direct, judge, and restrain the secular power when it is needful. But by no reason is it permitted to be directed or restrained by the secular power: and therefore when your King did by his Proclamation discharge your Assembly at Glasgow, which ought to direct him, and not be cohibited or restrained by him, you did well to sit still, and adnull divers acts of Parliament. And in your Protestation against the King's Proclamation for raising your Assembly, 
Protestat. Novemb. 29. 1638.  as it was your wisdom not to enter into direct action with his Majesty, so it was your courage, to summon all the Lords of his Majesty's Council who consented to the Proclamation to appear before the Parliament the 25 of May, 1639. There to be punished for giving the King evil council, viz to raise the Assemblies. When the K. commands one thing by acts of Parliament, or by his Proclamations, you may protest against the same, and command the contrary in your protestations and acts of Assembly: for as we say well, 
Author. lib. ad pers●cu●. Angl. fol. 336.  p●●et ecclesia praposites facultas est amplissi●a interdicendi nobis, ne reges obedient●â & absequio nestre honoremus. These that are set over us in the Church have a very large power given them, even to interdict us, that we honour not our Ks. with our obedience. So the Council of Trent commands all to receive the decr●●● without regard to their Prince's consent, and denounceth ex communication in case of refusal, requires an oath of obedience, approveth violence in rooting out of heresy, & ordains the Inquisition for them. Therefore when the King by his Proclamation did command that the Covenant of K. James as it was in 1581. year of God, should be subscribed, you by your authority did prohibit any to subscribe it, but will have your own subscribed. For this cause in your general Assembly you have set down An act discharging subscription to the Covenant which was subscribed by the King's Commissioner and Lords of the Council; which his Majesty, in his marginal note, calls a traitorous act. You have another excellent Act, discharging all Printers in Scotland to print any thing in Ecclesiastical affairs without the warrant of Jhons●on your Clerk You have Acts also concerning mills, salt pans, and market days on Monday and Saturday. And especially your Assembly hath anulled his Majesty's Court of high Commission: all this we see in the Index of your Acts, & all is well done, though it encroach upon the civil power: for in temperalibus Ecclesia non solù● praecipit, dirigit, 
Odoard. West. in Sanctu●r. juris Pontis ●. 6.  sed coercet, disponit, virtute potestatit gubernativa. In temporal things the Church not only commands & directs, but restrains & dispones by virtue of her gubernative power. And you know we do not maintain a direct power in temporal things, but an indirect power in ordius ad spiritualia; for we stand not upon words, when we are sure of the matter itself, and may bring all temporality within the compass of our power. But I pray you, why did you forget to adnull the Acts of Parliament that do ratify the King's Supremacy, especially in spiritual things? since you have anulled other Acts of Parliament, why have you prejudged yourselves so much as to leave those acts for Supremacy uncancelled? If you had remembered the complaint of your holy brethren in former times, you would not have forgotten this, but as you have de facto, taken it away, so de jure, you would have declared the same an unlawful act: for (as your predecessors said) If the King have supreme power in causes Ecclesiastical, 
Thinus addition to Holinshed, pag 446.  then there is nothing left of the whole ancient form of Justices and policies in the spiritual estate, but a naked shadow.  
I go on to a tenth Parallel, which is your dispensation with oaths, even with the oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, & with the oath of Canonical obedience. You will not upbraid us again with this, as if we were only enemies and traiters to Kings: For we dispense with no Subjects oath of Allegiance, so long as they defend the religion; but if they either fall from the religion themselves, or will not defend it by the civil sword, we do absolve subjects of their oath of Allegiance, as we did in the holy League of France, tying all to us by covenant very like unto yours, and in the end, took up arms against the King: for Kings fall from their authority, when they fall from religion, as you say in your Covenant: The King's authority and true religion are so strictly joined together, that they stand and fall together. And therefore you do well to limit your obedience unto him, so long as he defends the Religion and Laws, wherein if he fail, by oath of Covenant you have made a mutual band of defence against him, so that what is done to the least of you, shall be done to you all in general and particular. And so, if he shall do any harm to the meanest Kitchen boy, you are all in general & particular bound to take his part against your King. Now all this could not be lawfully done, without a Dispensation and Absolution from your oath of Allegiance taken long before the Covenant. Our enemies say, that they who thus being absolved from their oath of Allegiance, do take up arms against their Prince, will have such success in the end as Radulphus Duke of Swevia (whom Gregory the seventh absolved from his oath of Allegiance to Henry the fourth the Emperor,) received in battle against the Emperor, and hopes that they shall make the like confession as he did. 
He●mold in Chron Sla●orum. cap. 29.  For he being deadly wounded in the right hand, said to his company, You see how my right hand is sore of a hurt, it is the hand whereby I swore to my Lord and Master, that I would never annoy him, that I would never lie in ambush to intercept his glory: but the Pope's commands brought me to this, to break my Oath, and usurp an honour which was not due to me. You see, what end it is come to, I have received this mortal wound upon the hand that broke this Oath. Let them then who have incited us to do so, consider in what manner they urged us, for fear that we be not brought to the downfall of damnation, etc. But be not you troubled nor afraid of shadows: 
Covenanters inform. for Defensive. §. 4. & 2.  But let unity be earnestly recommended, as that which strengthens the cause, and will make you invincible. Your success hath been great hitherto, so that you may have confidence for the time to come.  
You have also dispensed with the Oath of Canonical obedience: for I cannot think that you would exact of your Clergy the Oath of your Covenant, except you did first give them a dispensation for their former Oaths. For all have sworn the Oath of Canonical Obedience, some once, some thrice, and all admitted since the year 1618. had sworn to Perths' Articles, and present government of the Church, and now have taken the direct contradictory Oath, and abjured them all. And therefore it was not ill advised by you, to make an Act in your general Assembly at Glasgow, Novemb. 1638. declaring the nullity of the Oath exacted by Prelates of intrants, and of their bonds of Conformity.  
But here I must tell you, that you are gone a little beyond us in your dispensation with the Oath of Allegiance to your King, and taking the Oath of mutual defence against him: for according to our practice, you ought by all means endeavoured to recall him from his errors, and being obstinate, then to excommunicate him: for as our Tolet says well, Licet sit notorium crimen principis, non absolvuntur vasalli à juramento (ut bene dicit Cajemnus) ante denunciationem ab Ecclesia: quâ factà, non solùm sunt absoluti ab obedientia, sed tenentur non obedire, nisi forte propter periculum vitae, vel damnum bonorum temporalium. Albeit the crime of the Prince be notorious, yet the Vassals are not absolved from their Oath (as Cajetan says well) before the sentence be denounced by the Church: which being done, they are not only absolved from obedience, but also are bound not to obey, except perchance for danger of their life, or loss of temporal goods. And Emanuel Sa says the same. 
Emanuel Sa in voce Tyrannus.  Tyrannicè gubernans, justè acquisito Dominio non potest spoliari sine publico judicio: latâ verò sententià, potest quisque fieri executor. Potest autem deponi à populo etiam qui illi juraverat obedientiam perpetuam, si monitus, non vult corrigi. A Tyrant that ruleth tyrannically, cannot have his justly acquired Dominion taken from him, without public judgement: but the sentence being given, any man may be the executioner, and he may be deposed by the people who have sworn perpetual obedience unto him, if after admonition he will not be amended. And then it followeth clearly which Suarez saith, 
Suarez lib. 6. cap. 3.  Si subditi juramento soluti sunt, quamvis rex ille proditionem vocet, omnisque regni aut reipublica conspirationem, revera tamen talis non est, sed justa defensie, vel justum bellum, seu supplicium. If the Subjects be absolved from their oath, albeit that the King call it treason, and a conspiracy of all the Kingdom and Commonwealth, yet certainly, it is no such thing, but a just defence, or just war, or punishment.  
But I must crave your pardon for saying, that you went beyond us; for there are some of us as hot-blouded as yourselves. De fide certum est quemcunque Principem Christi●●um, si à Religione catholica deflexerit, 
Philopat. 2. pag. 109.  & alios avocare voluerit, excidere statim omni potestate & dignitate, idque ante prolatam Papa sententiam: posséque & debere subditos, si vires habeaut, istins●●●● Hareticum ex hominum Christianorum dominatu ejicere. It is certainly a matter of Faith, that whatsoever Christian Prince shall departed from the Catholic religion, and shall withdraw others, doth immediately fall from all power and dignity, even before the Pope's sentence be given; and that the Subjects may, and should (if they have strength) cast forth such an Heretic from the dominion of Christian men. To this purpose, your Reformer Knox says well. 
Knox to England and Scotland, fol. 78.  If Princes be Tyrants against God and his Truth, their Subjects are free from their Oath of Obedience. And in his History of Scotland, pag. 343. he sets the Nobility on work, saying. God hath appointed the Nobility to bridle the inordinate appetite of Princes, and in so doing, they cannot be accused, as resisters of Authority. And again, 
Knox Appeal. fol. 33.  It is the duty of the Nobility to repress the rage and insolency of Princes, and then, he conjoins the Nobility and the people together against the Supreme Magistrate, saying, 
Ibid. fol. 28. & 30.  The Nobility and Commonalty ought to reform Religion, and in that case may remove from honours, and may punish such, as God hath condemned, Deut. 12. of what estate, condition, or honour soever. For as he says well in the same place, The punishment of such crimes as touch the Majesty of God, doth not appertain to Kings and chief Rulers only, but also to the whole body of the people, and to every member of the same; as occasion, vocation, and ability shall serve to revenge the injury done against God. I will not spend time to show this by your practices against Queen regent, who did oppose your course, 
Knox hist. of the Church of Scot pag. 217.  how by M. Knox and his followers, an Oath of Confederacy was taken: and the Nobility threatened to join with you under the pain of excommunication, pag. 272. Then an imperious letter was written to her Majesty, that if she should hinder their reformation, 
* Ibid. 265.  They should be compelled to take the Sword of just defence: and protested, that without the reformation which they desired, they would never be subject to any mortal man. And last of all, They deposed her Majesty at the Council of our good friend, M. Knox, 
Pag. 378.  by a formal act penned by M. Knox, and set down in his History of the Church of Scotland. And you do well (as you say in your Covenant) to follow the laudable example of your Progenitors, as dutiful children, according to that of the Wiseman. Hear, ye children, the instruction of a father, 
Prov. 4.1.  and attend to know understanding: for I give you good doctrine; forsake you not my law. And our worthy Father Mariana hath shown you a ready way, which you, as dutiful Sons, have hitherto diligently followed. Non dissimulandum esse, 
Marian. lib 6. de. reg. cap. 6 pag. 59  expeditam autem maxi●●●, & tutamviam esse, si publici conventus facultas detur, communi consensu, quid statuendum sit deliberare, fixum ratúmque habere quod communi sententià steterit. Monendus imprimus Princept erit, atque ad sanitatem revocandus, etc. qui si medici●am respuat, neque spos ulla sanitatis relinquatur, sentemi● pronunciatâ, licebit reipublica ejus imperium detractare pri●●●m. Et qu●●iam bellum necessariò concitabitur, ejus defendendi consilia explicare, expedire arma, pecumias in belli sumptus imperare populis: & si res feret, neque aliter se respublica tueri possit, codem defensionis jure, ac verò potiori auctoritate & propria, principem publicé hostem declaratum FERRO PERIMERE. This is not to be dissembled, that it is the most expedient and safe way, if a public meeting may be granted, to deliberate what shall be done by common consent, to hold that as firm and sure, which shall be concluded by common consent. First of all, the Prince is to be admonished, and to be brought to his wits again, etc. If he reject the medicine, and no hope of his recovery be left, when the sentence is passed upon him, the Commonwealth may first refuse his command; and because of necessity, there will be a stirring up for war, they may unfold their counsels for defence thereof, and show that it is expedient to have armour, and to command the people to advance monies for the charge of the wars. And if the matter will suffer, and the Commonwealth cannot otherwise defend itself, with that same right of defence, but with a better authority, and peculiar of their own, they may kill the Prince, being declared publicly an enemy.  
You have followed this counsel so full, that you have practised it to the last comma; yea, till you come to the last two words, FERRO PERIMERE. At which, the Anticovenanter cries out with a shout, God save the King, let his soul be bound up in the bundle of life. Let this dream of Ferro perimere be to them that hate him, and the interpretation thereof to his enemies.  
First of all, you sent from Edinburgh, thousands of letters to all corners of the kingdom for a 
* To convene them from Dan even to Beersheba.  public convention; then by the commòn consent of all that appear, your Covenant (made by the chief men of the confederacy) was sworn and subscribed, and all of them (bond not to give obedience to the King) but to hold sure and firm, what should be thought good by common consent. Your admonitions, supplications and protestations have been multiplied, but all in vain: for, as you say in your protestations, he is so fare from acknowledging those things to be unlawful, which you have condemned; that in his Proclamations he holdeth the plain contrary opinion; and only doth remove them, as they say, for the hardness of your heart, and to preserve peace in the Land. And therefore, since he rejects your medicine, as poison; Is there any hope of his recovery, that is, that ever he shall be of your judgements?  
And as for lata sententia, though it be not done formally, yet it's done very materially, in every corner of the Kingdom. It's a remarkable sentence passed by one of you, preaching upon some text of the Prophet Zacharie (though it may be said, that his Commenter was from a Sam. 15.16) The Lord hath forsaken our King, 
R. B.  and given him over to be led by the Bishops, the blind brood of Antichrist; who are hot begles, hunting for the blood of God's Saints. 
D.E.  And another preached as well, upon the 1 Cor. 10.1. Where he told, that they of the holy Covenant were like Israel at the red sea, and Pharaoh and his Host coming upon them. Another was as forward as any of them, 
H. R.  When he compared the King to a wicked Italian, who delighted to kill men both in soul and body. Another that he might hinder the people to subscribe the King's Covenant, 
G.Y.  preached unto them, That the Kings offer of the Covenant to them was, like I●abs salutation of Amasa, who tooks him by the beard, and said, art thou well my brother, and then stabbed him in the fifth rib. And M. Cant (whom for honour's sake I name) his Sermon at Glasgow is known to all our Society, he prayed God to take away the King's idolatry, and said, that the dear Saints in England had their nose and their cares slit, for the profession of the Gospel. I might be infinite in this point, but because it is so well known, I spare further instancing.  
The next point is Detractatio imperij, this you have done excellently, by not only refusing obedience to his Laws civil and ecclesiastical, and to his Proclamations; but also by continual protesting against him, and exhorting all to stand to the Covenant. You have also kept your counsel of war, provided Armour, laid taxations on the people to defray the charges: and the King is publicè hostis declaratus, publicly declared to be your enemy by the ministry, pressing them to Arms by your learned informations and have taken all his Castles and strength from him, and say that they are the ●eyes of your own kingdom, which you will keep yourselves. And lastly you are come so near to Ferro perimere, 
Protest. at Edenburg. 18. Decemb. 1938  that you have met him with offensive arms. But I pray you, what made you stand here? what made you make a period, where was no comma? Can you think it unlawful to kill a King, and yet set your muskets, pikes, and Canons before the face of a King, and shoot at random? it cannot be, that you have learned Knox and Buchanan so ill, and you deserve no reward. Let that golden sentence of Buchanan never be forgotten. Whiles he says, 
Buch, de sure reg. apud Scot pag. 40. Suarez. lib. 6. § 6.  It were good that rewards were appointed by the people, for such as should kill tyrants, as commonly there is for those, that have killed either Wolves or Bears, or taken their whelps.  
Your case was, that which is supposed by Suarez. Si supp●natur rex aggrediens civitatem ut illam injustè perdat, & cives interficiat, vel quid simile, tunc certè licebit principi resistere, etiam occidendo illum, si aliter fieri non possit defensi●, tum quia si pro vita propria hoc licet, multo magis pro communi beno, tum etiam quia civitas ipsa tunc habet justum bellum defensivum, contra injustum invasorem, etiamsi proprius sit rex. If it be supponed that the King is coming against a city, unjustly to destroy it, and to kill the Citizens, or any such like thing, Then certainly, they may resist the Prince, even killing him, if they cannot otherwise defend themselves: both because, if this be lawful to be done for a man's own life, much more for the common good, and also because the city itself hath then a just defensive war against an unjust invader, albeit he were their own King. This Thesis hath been well studied by you, for it is the ground of all your learned arguments for war.  
But now since his Majesty is returned bacl again with his army, and this first storm is gone without hurt, be not you idle, but labour for some friends at Court who may inform you of his Majesty's Proceed. And if you send any to court, let that be ever one of your instructions, which you gave to the Earl of Dumfermling, 
Novemb. 2. 1639.  and the Lord London. To have frequent and sure advertisement to you how affairs go, with their advice. Amen. And he still upon your guard, and let the Flaccinian counsel take place with you (if you hear that he shall refuse to approve of your proceed) to affright him with the terror of insurrection again. And desire all that are doubtful and scrupulous of this matter to read Knox History and buchanan's, where they shall find our doctrine very clear. The people's power is great. Populus rege est praestantior & melior, etc. The people are better than the King, and of greater authority. For the people hath the same power over the King, 
Buch. de jure reg. pag. 61. Jdem pag. 50  that the King hath over any one person. Populo ju● est, ut imperium cui vult deferat, the people have power to bestow the crown at their pleasure? its not birthright, nor succession, nor propinquity of blood that must be respected. Therefore Knox wrote to England and Scotland; It's not birthright only, nor propinquity of blood, that maketh a King lawfully to reign above a people, professing Christ Jesus. 
fol. 77.  Let his Majesty know that you are no Dunces, but men of learning who know the greatness of your power, and the smallness of his, notwithstanding of the flattery of Court Parasites.  
But before I end this point, I cannot but admire why you have not continued your Parliament even to the end, but suffered his Majesty to adjourn it, you profess that you follow the laudable example of your progenitors, but if you do as they did 1560. you would not grant his Majesty a Negative voice, nor suffer the Parliament to be adjourned, but to have done with it as you did with the Assembly at Glasgow, Novemb. 29. 1638. to continue it to the end, and then for the fashion to have sought his Approbation: for the reason is alike, as your assemblies are above him in spiritualibus, so are your Parliaments in temporalibus, and may be holden though there be neither Sword, Sceptre, not Crown there. For as Knox saith, those things were rather pompous and glorious vain Coremonies, than any substantial points of necessity required to any lawful Parliament. 
Knox hist. of the Church of Scotland pag. 502.  And therefore after you had kept that Parliament of your own accord in anno 1560. for the fashion's sake, you send to the King of France, and your Scotch Queen his wife, to desire them to ratify the same. But upon their refusal you spoke as it became you, of their ratification. We little regarded it, or yet do regard: 
Idem pag. 500  for all that we did was rather to show our dutiful obedience, then to beg of them any strength to our Religion. If you go not thus fare, you come short in following the laudable example of your Progenitors. And yet when I consider the instructions given by the body of the Parliament to the Earl of Dumfermling, and the Lord Lowdon, 
novemb. 2. 1639.  I perceive that you are not a foot behind your Progenitors, seeing you will not grant it to be in the King's power to prorogate the assembly, except, you all consent unto it, for your sixth Article of the instructions is thus. Item, If the King will not condescend●●● go on presently in Parliament, that the King prorogate▪ Parliament with consent of the states, according to the conditions which you have. I see further, that if he prorogate the assembly, it must not only be with your consent, but also he must grant your petition sent to his Majesty, by the Earl of Kinoull from the Parliament; before you will grant to any peaceable conclusion, or prorogation of the Parliament: for your sole Argument to have your petition granted in is these words. Without this point be granted, it is not possible to make a peaceable conclusion, or that they can rest satisfied with the prorogation of the Parliament. And lest that the people should rest satisfied herewith, and your Democracie take no good success, the Ministers would be exhorted to do their part, not to suffer the people to settle upon their dregs, but to hold them in perpetual motion till it end, to your perpetual quietness. This was the practice of the zealous Ministers your Predecessors in the days of Queen- Regent, Queen Many, and in the tender age of King james, who did both in private and public oppone themselves to authority for the maintenance of our tenants concerning the civil Magistrate, and our other Prerogatives. This made King james our common enemy, speak the truth in exceeding harsh terms, while he said. E ministerio homines nonnulli praecipites, 
Basilic. d●ron. pag. 147.  ignei, audaces, in hac humanarum divinarúmque rerum confusione, tam gratiosi apud plebem facti sunt, ut degustata dominationis dulcedine, ceperunt Democraticam reipub. formam sibi somniare; & primo aviae, deinede matris meae subversione elati (& nimirum blandiebatur ijs successus) postreme pupilari mea aetate ad Democratiae sua stabilimentum diu abusi, jam potestatem tribunitiam specerta deveraverant: ut in populari republica cunt plebem, quò vellent facilè circumducerent, omnium negotiorum momenta soli temperarent. Itaque nulla in mea pupillari atate vel post, seditie contigit, quin hos homines sui furoris & amentiae patronos seditiosi facere conati suut. Crebra adversus me in tribunitijs concionibus calumnta spargchantur, non quod crimen aliquod designassem, sed quia rex cram, quod omni crimine pejus habebatur. Some headstrong, fiery, bold men of the Ministers in this confusion of humane and divine things, became so gracious with the multitude, that having tasted the sweetness of government, they began to dream to themselves a democratical form of the Commonwealth. And first being puffed up with the overthrow of my Grandmother: and secondly, of my own mother, (and truly their success slattered them:) Last of all, having long time abused my tender age for the establishing of their Democracie, they had already by an assured hope fully taken to themselves a tribunitial power: that in a popular Commonwealth, they alone ruled all business of moment, seeing they might easily lead the people, whither they pleased. And therefore, no sedition hath happened either in my tender age or afterward, wherein the seditious did not make those men (the Ministers) the patrons of their fury and madness. There were frequent calumnies scattered abroad in their tribunitial sermons against me, not that I had committed any crime, but because I was a King, which was esteemed worse than all crims. Indeed I find our Father Becanus telling the same, that you are enemies to Monarchy, in the example of Queen Mary. An non Serenissima Maria, 
Recan examen. Concord. Angl.  Serenissimi Jacobi mater habuit primatum temporalem in Scotia? omnino habuit, An non per vos de facto privata est? Nemo dubitat. Had not the most illustrious Queen Mary, the mother of the most excellent King james, the Supremacy in temporal things in Scotland? [for neither you nor we will let them have it in spiritual things] certainly she had it: but did not you deprive her of it? no man doubts of it.  
I will follow out then another parallel, and that in, De ●acâ obedientiâ. Of blind obedience, which we both requice now of our people. Your Covenant was mightily called in question, even by the Commons, and yet you forced them to swear, and subscribe it upon your bare word? telling them, that since the Church men have sworn and subscribed it themselves, that the Commons ought to do it, and follow their Leaders, whom God at this time hath largely furnished with courage and counsel, for the good of his Kirk and Kingdom. I hear, that the things which you have condemned in your general assembly, where in the judgement of the common people of a contrary nature; but now, having in their Covenant sworn in judgement and practice, to follow the determination of the first general assembly that should be kept, they are forced to forsake their own judgement, and embrace the contrary, by virtue of the power of the general assembly. To this purpose we say: The people are to subject to their Leaders, that if they err in defining any doubt, the people 
* 〈…〉  vi regiminis, by the force of our government over them, aught to err. For in this blind obedience, * requiritur proprij voluntatis & judicij abu●gatio, mancipatio & in potestatem superioris deditio. There is required the deny all of our own will and judgement, and a giving ourselves over, as slaves in the power of our Superiors. To this purpose your Andrew Cant (whom I name oft for honour's sake) answered as he was very able to do, to those who would have heard of him some reasons for the subscription of the Covenant, which he so earnestly recommended in Glasgow, and never brought a reason for it; he told them true, that they must deny learning and reason, and help Christ a lift. And our ever honoured General, the first founder of our Society, Jguatius Loyola, 
Ignat. ●pist. de viatut. obed. 18.  tells us that Prudentia est imperantis non obedientis. Wisdom belongeth to the Commander, not to the obeyer. And therefore his ordinance is this to his followers. Statuere debetis vobiscum quicquid superior pracipit ipsius Dei praceptum esse & voluntatem, atque ut ad credenda que fides catholic a proponit, tot● animo assensuque vestro statim incumbit is, sic adea facienda quacunque superior dixerit, caco quoda●● impetu voluntatis parenda cupida, sine ullâ prorsû disquisitione feramini. You ought to resolve with yourselves that whatsoever your Superior commands you, is the command and will of God himself. And even as you without delay yield with full mind and assent to believe those things which the Catholic faith propones, so you ought to be carried to the doing of whatsoever your superior shall say, with a certain blind force of a will, that is desirous to obey. So said your Cant in that same Sermon at Glasgow, while he told the people, to whom he recommended the Covenant, That he was sent to them with a commission from Christ to bid them subscribe the Covenant, which was Christ's contract, and that he himself was come as a wooer to them for the bridegroom, and called upon them to come to be hand-fasted by subscribing that contract. And told them plainly, that he would not departed the town, till he got the names of all, who should refuse to subscribe that contract, of whom he promised to complain to his Master.  
I have yet more matter of congratulation: for, whereas formerly you did hold that Ecclesiastical laws do not bind the conscience, you do well now to maintain the contrary. And therefore you have deservedly deposed, & thrust from amongst you, those ministers, who only offered to suffer your laws bind the outward man, and to conform with you in practice, but would not covenant with you, nor swear to be of your judgement. As for example. They promised to sit at the receiving of the Communion, as you do sit on your tail, and thus would conform in practice with you, but they requested you not to burden their conscience, to believ sitting only necessary, and that keeling is Idolatry. The like may be instaneed in all the rest of the matters controverted amongst you. Since they would therefore conform in practice, and only differ in judgement; why might not you compel them to subscribe the covenant, and make them swear with you before God and the world, that they were convinced in their consciences, of the lawfulness of such things? The Scripture bids compel men to the wedding, neither need you regard them, who call your holy violence a Spanish inquisition.  
Furthermore, I am confident that you shall not be such enemies to our works of Supererogation, as formerly you have been: For when the King urged you to subscribe the confession of Faith, you refused it, drawing your reason from the very ground, which hath produced all our works of supererogation, which is this, That a good work, which is done of a man's own accord, is more excellent than that which is done by command of a Superior, as you reason learnedly in your protestation in September 1638. and so conclude, that you have done a more sincere work, and acceptable in covenanting without authority, than if you should do it now at the command of your Superior: for, (as you say) thus doing, the more liberty, the less hypocrisy, and more sincerity hath appeared. If this ground of yours be removed, then both your Covenant, and our Evangelicall Counsels will perish. And yet the Anticovenanter will say, that the Scripture calls him the good servant that doth his Master's will: and whosoever do more than they are commanded by their Masters, get Affricanus thanks: Non amo nimium diligentes.  
I thought to have congratulated with you, that you are most like unto us in Equivocation; for your own ends, to persuade the people to believ, that which your own heart knoweth to be most false. As for example, to persuade the people before they did subscribe the covenant, that it is for defence of the King, against whom (you say) no man is bound by the covenant to rise up in desensive arms: and that you are only bound to suffer, if his Majesty were to invade you. But when they have subscribed, than you tell them that they must provide armour, to resist the Kings coming to invade you. This made many poor simple men complain, that they were wronged, and that they would at least be perjured, if they should do so. Yet the Scripture is plain for such equivocation: for when the army sent by the King of Syria, came to Dothan, where the Prophet Elisha was to fetch him to the King, the Prophet came out to them, 
2 King 6.19.  and said, This is not the way, neither is this the city, follow me, and I will bring you to the man whom you seek. But he led them to Samaria, the quite contrary way. But here is the difference between you and the Prophet, that when he had misled them and brought them to Samaria, he did not detain them as captives from their Masters, but said, Set bread and water before them, that they may eat and drink, and go to their Masters. But you do not so, but keep them in the net, in the which they are taken, that they cannot escape; but must join with you against their Master: to whom they shall not return, but with defensive arms; such as are not shield and buckler, but pike, musket, and canon. I commend your policy herein, for you know, that the King doth not think, that the common people did ever aim at the contents and consequents of the Covenant, and so doth not impute any disloyalty unto them: and when he sees that you have them so close tied unto you, they become your buckler and defensive arms; for whose sake he hath spared you, whom he thinks to be heads of a faction against him, so that here multitudo sociorum parit impunitatem criminum. And to speak the truth, seeing he condemnoth your zeal to religion, as if it were rehellion against him; and yet hath given you such way, without curbing your course in the beginning, we cannot but say, that his innate Love to his ancient Kingdom, whereof he hath given plentiful testimonies, hath brought him to this straight, that he hath neglected his Father's direction, which he was taught by exper●●ce, and which King Charles will teach his Son by a double example. 
Basth●. Doron pa●. 14●.  The direction was this, Si ab initio clementians ostentes, crescet in immensum delinquentium numerus, crescet tui contemptus: & ●àm punire volueris, major erit sontium quàm insontium numerus, nec promptum erit discern●re unde facere oporteat initium panae. At que it a multos perdes invitus, quos tempestiuâ pancorum poenâ servare potuisses. Tu meo ex exemplo potes hic esse cautior, ●am ego cum mansuetudine mea instituissem populum trahere ad legum obedientians; contrà accidit ut omnia plena facta sint tumultibus. Ego verò promercede né grates quidem retule in. If at the beginning thou show clemency, the number of delinquents will greatly increase, and the contempt of thyself will increase: and when thou wilt punish delinquents, the number of the guilty will be more than of the innocent, neither shall it be ready for thee to discern, whereat thou must begin punishment. And so thou shalt destroy many against thy will, which thou mightest save by the timely punishment of a few. In this point thou mayst be more wary by my example: For when I had purposed by meekness, to draw the people to the obedience of the laws, the contrary happened; so that all was filled with uproars, And as for me, I got not so much as thanks for my reward.  
But go you on, and that you may more and more persuade them to adhere unto you, tell them, as you do, that if they shall come under the King's power, he will utterly destroy them; and that his Proclamations and promises are not to be regarded, since in your judgement ●e hath broken the oath at his Coronation, when he swore to God to defend his truth▪ but would now, if you did not resist him, destroy the religion, the laws and liberties of this Church and Kingdom, as your Protestations and Informations for war do fully show.  
It was also a notable Equivocation, whereby you thrust the simple people from subscribing the King's Covenant, commanded by his Majesty to be subscribed, as it was professed in anno 1581. and not according to your new interpretation added unto it. For in the 1581. it was a Covenant drawn up at his Majesty's special Command, and by his special authority, the oath and subscription was prescribed to his Subjects, and so they swore according to the meaning of the King, that was the exacter of this Oath. So that while his Majesty requireth it now to be subscribed, as it was professed then, he doth it in opposition to this present time, wherein you have put a new Commenter upon it, directly contrary to the meaning of King james, who first prescribed it. And it's too evident that jesuitism and Puritanisme were both odious to him, and that it was his chief labour (as he says himself) to hold up that which you are casting down, so that one of you doth not err, while you call him your enemy in superlativo, infestissimus hostis. But you did hinder this subscription by a most excellent Equivocation, while you say. That you would be guilty of mocking of God, 
Protest. Sept. 16●8. Reas. 2.  and take his name in vain: and as we are not to multiply miracles on God's part; so ought we not to multiply oaths and covenants on our part, and thus to play with oaths, as children do with toys. Thus the people who were withheld from the Covenant, think that all was true, which you said, not observing that it was an Equivocation: and also a pia fraus: for if they had but observed your practice, they would have seen it contrary to this reason of yours; for how oft have you sworn and subscribed your own covenant? At Edinburgh where you made it, it was sworn and subscribed by you; when you came home to your Parishes, it was reiterated solemnly by you; when you went to other Parishes, you did, as good examples to them, renew it again and again; and thought it not mocking of God, nor multiplying of oaths, or taking his name in vain.  

Answer to the marquis of Hamiltions Declaration.  But I observe another notable Equivocation, which is so profound in one part of it, that I think we must be your disciples to learn it: while you say, The swearer is not bound to the meaning of the prescriber of the Oath, nor to his own meaning; but is obliged to the reality rei juratae. I am sorry that you were put to this straight, to find out this evasion. The truth was (as I perceive) that your affrighting them with mocking of God, and taking his name in vain, did not hinder, but many thousands did subscribe after the Lord Commissioner, and Lords of Counsel. And this oath being taken, as it was in the 1581. year of God, when King James exacted it, it is too evident a consequence, that all that have taken this oath, are so fare from abjuring Episcopacy and the Articles of Perth, etc. that by the contrary, they are obliged to defend the same: So that they may say with King James, 
Protest. Sept. 1638.  Mihi praecipuus labor est dejectos episcopos restituere, & Puritanorum anarchian expuguare. Now, though in your protestation against the subscription of it, you made it one of your reasons why you could not subscribe it, because it was to be exacted according to the meaning of the exacter, which is King Charles, Heir of his Father's opinions, as well as of his Dominions: yet since it is subscribed by many, according to the meaning of the exacter, you remove that rub, by saying, that they are not bound to swear and subscribe according to the meaning of the prescriber of the oath. This is well, for then, when any taketh an oath, he may swear, not according to the exacters meaning, but according to his own; and so none needs to know what we swear.  
But the subscribers will say, we took the oath according to the meaning of the prescriber, and both our meanings, both who did exact and take the oath, was, that Episcopacy and Perths' articles were not abjured. To this you answer, that they are not bound to take it according to either of their meanings, but according to the reality rei juratae. If it be so, neither the exacter, nor the taker of the oath did know what they swore and subscribed unto. If this be to swear blind obedience, I approve it, if not, I will be glad to be farther made perfect in equivocating: for I can find no third, but either the oath must be taken according to the meaning of the exacter, or of the taker.  
But I take your meaning to be, that that oath of the King's Covenant ought to be taken, as we thought to have done with the Oath of allegiance taken by Roman Catholics in England. The King with his Council used all the wit and prudence that could be had, to cause them to take the oath without any Equivocation, or mental reservation, and that they should take no dispensation from the Pope, for taking such an oath: so that in this case, it was made so clear, that both the prescriber and the taker of the oath could not differ, but be of one mind. But our Pascenius did laugh this diligence to scorn, and found out a pretty way to elude such an oath, by telling them, that if the Pope did dissolve that oath, and declare it unlawful, they were no more tied to such an oath. 
Passens. Respon. ad ●p. i Mon●tor. jacob. Reg. tit. B. 2.3.  Vide (inquit) in tanta astutia quanta fit simplicitas, juramentum tot circumstantiis connexuisse existimabat, ut saluâ conscientiâ, nullâ ratione à quoquam dissolvi possit. Sed videre non potuit, fi pontifex juramentum dissolverit, omnes illius nexus, sive de fidelitate Regi praestanda, sive de dispensatione non admittenda, pariter dissolutos fore. Immon aliud dicam admirabilius, juramentum fi injustum aperte declaretur, neminem obligat, sed ipso facto nullum est. Regis verò juramentum injustum esse abi ipso ecclesiae pastore sufficienter declaratum est. Vides jam in fumum abiisse illius obligationem, ut vinculum quod a tot sapientibus f●rreum putabatur, minus sit quàm stramineum. Behold (says he) how much simplicity is in so much subtlety; he thought to have bound this oath by so many circumstances, that it could be dissolved no manner of way by any man with a safe conscience. But he could not see, that, if the Pope should dissolve this oath, all the knots of it, whether it be of fidelity to be performed to the King, or of a dispensation not to be admitted, are both alike dissolved. Yea, I will tell another more marvellous thing, if it be openly declared that the oath is unjust, it doth oblige no man, but by the fact itself it is null. Now this oath of the King is sufficiently declared by the pastor of the Church himself to be unjust. Now thou sees that the obligation of it is evanished in smoke: so that, that bond, which by so many wisemen was thought to be strong as iron, is weaker than a rope of straw.  
Thus it was with your Covenant; King Charles was very careful to have it subscribed according to his Father's meaning, who did prescribe the oath anno 1581. and his own meaning, which was the s●me with his Fathers, who approved Episcopacy and Parths Articles. So that all equivocation is here excluded: But (this Pas●enius trick makes all clear) if Dickson or Henderson, etc. shall dissolve this oath, and declare it unlawful, it hath no force, as being not according to the reality of the things themselves: and thus, are none more tied to the King by Covenant, but may break it as easily as Samson did his cords, and must run your course against his Majesty. I might insist on many instances to prove Equivocation amongst you, if it were needful, but I am confident you shall not be such enemies to it in time to come.  
Moreover, your pie frauds have not a little advanced your courses, for though the general cause of all this uproar was pretended to be for defence of religion, laws and liberties, yet (to speak under the R●se) it flowed from private causes and respects, for (not to speak of the contempt of Monarchy, nor of private fretting against Sovereignty by malcontents) the course his Majesty was taking with the tithes, to deliver the ministry, and meaner sort of the Laity from that which was counted bondage and slavery, made many fret to see themselves rob of that clientely and dependence of the Clergy and Laity, and of that power, command and superiority, which by the tye of tithes they did enjoy. Some had their private quarrels against the Bishops, many could not abide to see them preferred to be on his Majesty's ounsell, etc. And a great hatred was working against them, for being the chief instruments that the Ministers maintenance was augmented, and many of the Tithes restored bacl again, which made many think that in the end all the tithes, and Church-lands would return to the ancient owner, whereby many would be brought to a poor estate, if the tithes were taken from them, and some who have made Churches their habitation, would not have a dwelling place at all; and some others being ambitious of preferment both in Church and Policy, were no small causes of all this uproar. Now howbeit, from those and such like other motives, this disorder hath come: yet it's well dissembled by you, in taking this opportunity, to work your private intended ends, by making the multitude believe that all is for defence of Religion, Laws and liberties, which otherwise would be destroyed.  
His Holiness our Pope, did never laugh more hearty, than when it was told him, that you made the people believe that the book of Common Prayer was penned at Rome, and sent to the King, and that it was nothing but the mass turned into English; and that the King was a Papist, and intended to change the Religion. That your Bishops were Pensioners to the Pope, and that all, who would not subscribe your covenant, are Papists; truly he commended your Policy, to catch children with wiles, and men with lies. The aspersions you have cast upon King, Bishops, and Anticovenanters will make you noble. It's a good policy still to complain of Court and State, and to pry into great men's lives, to pick out some fault, and to make faults where we find none: still with Absalon saying, The men who have good and right causes, 
2 Sam. 15.3.4.  have no man to hear them, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any s●it or cause, might come unto me, and I would do him justice. Thus the silly multitude will lightly apprehend that you are blameless, who do so narrowly try and cry out against the faults of others, whom howbeit you do not wound, yet in the vulgar opinion you do greatly stain and blot them.  
Finally, we have both suffered much of our enemies for our practice against Kings and Princes, in cutting them away that are enemies to the religion. We need not be ashamed to confess, that the armour wherewith such kings are killed, are forged in our shop: you know that Hacks and Coppinger who wrote to Scotland to james Gibson, that he with the advice of the brethren, might tell their opinion concerning the spirit that moved them, & the act that they had in hand to be done, for the delivery of T. Cart wright out of prison, and killing of all their withstanders. That which Ravillack did effectu, was no more praiseworthy than that which they did affectu: all those our works are not to be accounted points of treason, but only sensible expressions of our Heroical Zeal to the defence of Religion, which ought to be more dear to us, than Kings or Princes, father or mother, brother or sister, all those cords must be broke, and bonds cast from us, when we see them to set themselves to take counsel against the Lords Anointed. Such men of courage who put their life in their hand, and cut off such wicked men, aught to be so fare from being counted traitors, that they should be rewarded for doing it, as your Buchanan says. Knox in his history of Scotland commends the privy murdering of the Cardinal of S. Andrew's perpetrated by Norman Lesley son to the Earl of Rothsey, and james Melvin calls it a godly fact, and propones it as an example to be followed by the posterity.  
In your Zions' plea, and other papers, you speak excellently of that Heroical fact of Felton your Martyr, 
Du. Buck.  and pathetically exhort the Nobles of the Land to follow his footsteps, saying, God hath chalked out the way unto you, God having offered himself to guide you by the hand, in giving this first blow, will you not follow home? the sprinkling of the blood of the wolf, if we can f●llow the Lord in it, may prove a means to save us. The counsel of Hushai to Absalon fort well with this business, that all Israel should be gathered from Dan to Beersheba, as the sand on the sea in number, who may with the ropes of their Prayers joined to the power of your hands, draw the city of their Babel into the river of destruction, until there be not one small stone found.  
You have most zealously embraced this profitable exhortation; and albeit your intended work took but small success, yet let not this interruption bequench your zeal, nor cause your heroical spirits to sail, but be forward in this cause, and let all your words be spoken by Talents, that authority may see that you do not scare it. Let our example encourage you; and your example encourage us. It was to this purpose manfully said by one of you. 
pain epist. to F.  Our zeal to God's glory, our love to his Church, and the due planting of the same, in this horeheaded age should be so warm, and stirring in us, as not to care what adventure we gi●, and what censure We abide, etc. The jesuites and Seminaries their diabolical bolanesse (he wrongs us in his epithet, seeing he followe● our way) will cover our faces with shame.  
It's true indeed, so long as we are not able to resist, and make out party good by strength of hand, there is a necessity that we must suffer, and like the poor man we must use entreaty: for it's our wisdom to consider the times, when we may be forward, and when not. Hence it was that in the days of Queen Elizabeth, when your power was little, that your answer was humble; for when the State and Clergy of England charged your sort of men with faction, sedition and schism, and judged that if you were kerbed betimes, you would bring desolation on Church & policy: your answer was mild (though it might seem to your adversaries mixed with passion, pride and Hypocrisy) while you said. 
Practise of Prelates.  Peace was by those men kept inviolate, for which of them ever dealt disorderly, or tumultuously? who ever of them in word or deed gave out any just suspicion of unpeaceable dealing? nay have they not in their ministry, in their examples, striven for peace more than any? for this cause (as your Buch●n. well observeth with us) Paul writing to the Romans says. Let every soul be subject to superior powers. 
Buch de●ure reg. pag 5●. Ibid. pag. 56.  Paul (says he) writes this in the infancy of the Church, there were but few Christians then, not many of th' m rich, or of ability, so as they were not ripe for such a ●u●pose, as if a man should write to such Christians as are under the Lurk, in substance poor in courage feeble, in strength unarmed, in number few, and generally subject to all kina● of injuries: would he not write as Paul did? So as the Apostle did respect the men h wrote unto, and his words are not to be extended to the body, or people of a Commonwealth, or whole city And he tells us in this case, 
〈◊〉 bid. pag. 57  if Paul were alive and did see wicked Kings reigning in Christian Commonwealths, Paul would say, That he accounted no such for Magistrates he would forbid all men for speaking unto them, and from keeping them Company: he would leave them to their subjects to be punished: 
Rel. lib. 3. de Pont. cap. 7.  neither would he blame them, if they accounted no such longer for their Kings. And as Bellarm. says, Talis consensu omnium potest, into debet privari suo dominio. Si hoc priscis temporibus minus factum sit, causa est, quia deerant vires. Such a King by the consent of all may, yea ought to be deprived of his dominion: if this in old times was not done, the cause was, because they had no strength.  
But now the times are changed, Hac atas alios mores postulat, this age requireth other manners, spare not big words, tell the head its sick, press the people to arms too, strike the Basilisk vein, since nothing but that will cure the pleurisy of your estate. 
Covenanters inform for Defensive. 5.2.  Your strength is great, yea so great that you profess yourselves invincible, if you krepe unity and verity, that is the doctrine which I congratulate.  
Certainly, you have an invincible General, your head Lesley. And as there is great union between us in doctrine and practice; so I perceive a great similitude between both our Generals, our Ignatius Loyola, and your Lesley. As for their birth, I cannot compare them, for neither Maphaeus, nor Ribadeneira, nor Valderana, nor Becanus, nor any that writes his life, tells us, who were his parents; so that it seems pater Ignatii fuit dubii generis, & mater communis generis. As for his life, 
Maphaeus in Vu● Jg●at. lib. 1 cap. 2.  we deny not the truth, for as our own writers say of his childhood. satis constat cum in pueritià, profanos admodum hausisse spiritus. It is certain, that in his childhood he drew in very profane spirits. And in adolescentià, militiae ac vanitati sese dedit. In his childhood, he gave himself to wars and vanity, 
Ribad. de vit Ign●●●. lib. 1. c. 〈◊〉.  being ready to serve any man for his pay, so that our Ribadencira caleth him Vanitatis vile mancipium, A vile slave of vanity.  
But at Pompeiopolis being courageously fight, his leg was sore wounded, and it was good for him, 
Be● in.  for ac●epto hoc luculento vulnere, ad Deum conversus est. Having gotten this great wound, he was converted to God, and his leg was amended; but yet, non nihil claudicavit, seà honesty, 
Ribad. lib. 4. ap. 18.  & quoth ambulan li moderatione tegeretur: He halted a little, but decently, and which he might hid by the moderation of his walking, and become the founder and general of our holy Society. All this hath happened to your General, in his childhood, youth-hood, in his wound, in his halting, in his conversion, and becoming General of your holy Society. But from the halting of both our Generals, the Anticovenanters draw an ominous conclusion, that we are like Israel in the days of Elias, halting between God and Baal, and running creeked courses. But notwithstanding of our halting, they shall find that we can run, and give them matter enough to work on. They have so sensibly found it so, in our General Ignatius, that all in our Church, who are not of our order, wish that he had never been hurt in war, that so he might have there remained, and never turned home, where in peace he doth more hurt, than he did in wars; for abroad (say they) he fought against the common enemy, but at home, he raiseth and fostereth seditions and treasons against Princes. The same do many of you say of Lesley, and apply that to him, which our men speak of our Loyola.  
Quam bello plus pace noces, & ad otia versus  
Crudelis animum vertis ad insidias.  
Scotia & in media conscripto milite regnas,  
Diraque (fraterno nomine) bella geris.  
But I pray you, as we have followed our General Ignatius his command, by yielding up ourselves, our wills and judgements cacâ obedientiá, as he did require; so do you with your General, in following his command and directions. And so much rather I require this of you, because I hear, there are divisions among you, 
1 Cor. 11.18.  and partly I believe it, for there must be also heresies among you, that they which are approved may be made manifest. But you may amend this breach, consider wisely, where the division is likeliest to be, and prepare your salve for every man's sore, and your bait for every man's humour. If it be among the Nobility, then extol and praise what they have done, tell, that all men's eyes are upon them, as the noble reformers of the Land; let them hear of the noble facts of their progenitors, commend perseverance, and show them what cowatdize is, and what infamy will follow to yield to their Prince. Put them in remembrance of that noble sentence of ours. 
To●it. lib. 5. cap. 6  Si nobilis invasus, posset vitam servare fugie●do, non tenetur (si inde infamiam contra●●●t) fugere, s●d hostem occider● potest. If a noble man being invaded, may save his life by flying, yet he is not bound to fly, if he contract infamy thereby, he is rather bound to kill his enemy, much less to yield. Let the women in the streets continue to preserre those young David's ten times above their Prince, and still pray for them. And if there be any of the Nobility of greater worth, tell them, that the whole business depends upon them, and that you will do all by their direction, and that they shall be made immortal, by recording their acts to posterity to come.  
If you sear division in the ministry, it's easy to help that, keep those under, who are not zealous in your cause: let them not be acquainted with your mysteries, nor be chosen Commissioners for assemblies: if there be any matter of importance to be commended to the people send either conjunctly or severally, some zealous ministers to their pulpits, to rouse up the multitude, and put the like edge upon such cold-rise ministers, and if they become not more zealous, put them in fear of Deprivation.  
If you fear any division among the Commons, it's likely that some of them have seen the King's extraordinary savour toward them: but you ought to be careful, that they see not the King's Proclamations; and if any have seen them, let them be persuaded that his Majesty's Proclamations have this only end, to divide them, and then to destroy them; and that all other fair promises shall have no real performances. Be not you behind the King in your promises to them also, and howbeit, you have a hundred thousand pound to take of them, yet be not sudden, but by delaying; put them in hope that you will never exact it: For if you go now to exact it, it will make them repine and grumble, and say, instead of Salomons easy yoke, we are oppressed with Rehoboams heavy burdens, and so make a rapture, and return every man to his tent, and in the end submit themselves to their Solomon again. And especially, let the ruling Elders command their ruled Elders, or ministers, to be diligent in season and out of season, to keep the multitude in their zealous humour, for if they do not uncessantly blow upon them, they will be like mare mortuum, and never be moved. Cease not to possess them with an evil opinion, of all that oppones themselves to your courses either by word or writing, make them believe that all, that writ against your confederacy, are unnatural enemies to their Country, and that it is not against your faction which they do, but against Church and Kingdom; and suffer no man to deny this to be a Nationall quarrel, or to call it a Faction, and all that refuse to cast in their lot with you, call them the cursed inhabitants of Meroz, that will not help you against the mighty.  
And let all that follow their King, be called the King's faction, according to the example of your progenitors, who called all that followed the Queen, a faction, which they would punish, as Traitors; whensoever God should put the sword of justice in their hands, 
Knox. hist. of the Church of Scotland. pag. 364.  that is, when they should find themselves able to depose the Queen, (as they did) and repress her Subjects. There is another thing which I desire you to remember to try where those ministers, that have been most opposite to our doctrines and practices, have had their residence in the ministry, that you may place able and zealous men for our cause in those same places, to build up the people which they have destroyed. This work is well begun by you, in bringing Henderson from the Country, to the town of Edinburgh, Dikson to Glasgow, and Rhetorfort and Blair (who could not get liberty to vent our Doctrine elsewhere) to S. Andrews. and in particular let them be careful over the studients in Colleges, ●uo semel est imbuta recens servabit odorem testa diu.  
And as for those, who like the men of Succoth, and the inhabitants of Meroz, refused to join with you, it's well that you did not take the th' rnes of the wilderness, and briers to teach them, to beat down their houses, this may content them, albeit you restore not their goods, which you took while you plundered their houses. Though they be busy seeking it, yet you are not bound according to our rules, Nullus tenetur cum vitae peri●ulo, 
Tolet. lb. 5. cap. 37.  aut famae rem alterius restituere, sunt enim vita & fama nobili oris ordinis quam res. No man is bound 01 with the danger of his life or good name to restore another man his goods again, for life and a good name are of a more noble order than goods are: for albeit there be no danger of your life to restore every man his own, yet your name is not safe, for if you restore to each man his goods again, at least it will be a  acknowledging of your robbery, and that is hurt some to a good name. But some say, that it is a matter of conscience, to restore a man's goods again, which is better than a good name, yea the way to recover a good name: but I refer this to the schools.  
I have some matter of expostulation with you, but I will be loath to do it now, who have begun to congratulate with you for that sweet Harmony both in opinions and reasons which is of late grown up amongst us. Rome was not builded in one day, we must not look that at the first you can receive all our doctrine, though in a short time you have profited much. Et vos conversi convertite fratres. Master Cant could preach at Glasgow, in what need England and Ireland standeth of the Covenant, where some have their ears cut for the defence of the truth, and are groaning under the tyranny of the whore of Babel. And since so it is, you should pity the blindness of those people, who have not a learned man in England or Ireland to lead them, but the blind leadeth the blind; But I perceive you are not negligent herein, your Ironical preterition is most notable, while you say, 
Answer to the Marquess of Hamiltons' declaration.  We do not meddle with the Kirks of England or Ireland, but recommend to them the pattern shown on the Mount. But what pattern of the mount is this I pray you? is it the Pattern shown by you on Dunce hill, called by your preachers mount Zion, with an army against the face of your King? if it be so, it's a worthy pattern that requireth imitation. But if the Pattern on the mount, be the Pattern of your discipline, you do well herein, to imitate your progenitors: for they were desirous to have Episcopacy thrown down in England as you are now, or as we are desirous; for their pride is so great, that the least of them says, that they have no more dependence from the Pope, than he from them: that their calling and place is of as great power and authority, as his is within his diocese, thus limitating the universal Bishop, as if he were only a Diocesian. Yea they are not ashamed to say, that all the Popish bishops are but equivocally called Bishops, and univocally are the Pope's slaves: for as they have their power and authority from the Pope, so are they tied to his obedience by oath. Romans pentifici veram obedientiam spondeo acjuro. 
Form. Iu●●. Bulla Pii 4.  I promise and swear to give true obedience to the Pope of Rome. So that as the Bishops of Apulia said, so (say they) must all popish Bishops say, Nos nihil aliud sumus praeterquam creatura & mancipia pontificis. 
Carol Molm. consil. sape. Council T●●d. n. 21.  We are no other thing but the creatures and slaves of the Pope. And since the Pope will be only universal Bishop, and all the rest depending on him, as their head, they tell our Bishops in the words of Gregory. Si unus universalis est, restatut vos episcopi non satis. If there be one universal Bishop, it remaineth that you are no Bishops. 
G●g. lib. 7. ep. 70.  Therefore I say, seeing your Bishops are greater enemies to our Hierarchy, than yourselves are; you shall want no help that we can afford, to have them removed. I have seen your gibson's letter to Coppinger, Hackets fellow labourer in England: Where he says, The best of our Ministers are most careful of your estate, and had sent for that effect, a Preacher of our Church this last Summer (1590.) of purpose to confer with the best afflicted ministers of your Church, to lay down a plot, how our Church might best travel for your relief. But you do as well to send libels and informations, as to go in your own persons.  
But before I proceed any further either in my congratulation or exhortation, I must relate unto you what I heard of that Anticovenanter, of whom I spoke lately, when he read, That you did recommend to the Church of England and Ireland the pattern on the mount.  
This (says he) brings to my remembrance a pretty Apology written by Melancthon. Vulpecula cauda amissa, reliquis vul●ibus callidè persuasit, ut similiter & ipsae caudas resecarent, ne sola turpis & deformis in suo genere videretur. A fox having lost her tail, craftily persuaded the other foxes, that they would likewise cut off their tails, lest she herself alone, should seem the foul and deformed beast of all that kind. Thus is their case who recommend their pattern to others. But certainly, while they thus labour to remove episcopacy, as unlawful, and set up a new discipline as the only lawful, in Christ's Church, they do differ as much from their first Reformers, as wisemen do from madmen. For it is certain, that even Calvin who first invented this discipline, did it not because he judged Episcopacy antichristian, or unlawful, much less did he recommend his discipline as a pattern to others: but it was only mere necessity which moved him, for if those who were bishops at the Reformation would have forsaken the Pope as their head, and embraced the reformed Religion, their calling had never been called in question, as appeareth by the words of Calvin to Cardinal Sadolete. Talem nobis hierarchiam si exhibeant, in qua sic emineant Episcopi, 
Calvin. epist. ad Card. Sadolet.  ut Christo subesse non recusent ut ab illo tanquam unico capite pendeant, & ad ipsum referantur: in qua sic inter se fraternam societatem colant, ut von alio modo, quam ejus veritati sint colligati, tum vero, nullo non anathemate dignos fatear, si qui erunt, qui non cum reverenter, summaque obedientia observent. If they do bring unto us such an Hierarchy, wherein the Bishops shall so be preferred, that they refuse not to submit themselves to Christ, that they also depend upon him as their only head, and have their relation to him, in which Hierarchy they may so keep brotherly society among themselves, that they be not other ways knit together, but by his truth: then surely if there shall be any, that shall not submit themselves to that Hierarchy reverently, and with the greatest obedience that may be, I confess there is no kind of curse whereof they are not worthy. A fore sentence for a covenanter. Beza likewise himself hearing that some did offend at the innovation of discipline (which necessity put upon them) and thought that he and his colleagues did set out the same as a pattern for other Churches, to follow, was not a little displeased, and told that it was never their intention to prescribe such a discipline, where the old might be kept, he wisheth them to keep it still. 
Beza de g●ad. minist. cap. 23.  Frnantur igitur illo quivolent & poterunt. Therefore let them enjoy Episcopal government who desire and may do it: and says in that same place, Absit ut tune ordinem temerè aut superbé reprehendam. God forbidden that I should rashly or proudly reprove that order, and therefore in the 21. chap. of the cited book, having spoken of the tyranny of the Popish Bishops did hinder the reformation, he tells us, that he doth neither mean Protestant Bishops, nor yet set forth their discipline, as a Pattern to be followed. Neque tamen nujus tyrannidis omnes archiepiscopes, sen episcopes hodie vocatos accusamus: quae fuerit enim haec arrogantia? i●ò cunctos, sic hodie appellatos (modo sanctissimorum illoruns Episcoporum exemplum imitentur, & tam misere deformatam d●mam Dei, ex verbi divini regula instaurent) ut ecclesia Chrianae sidos pastors, cur non agnoscamus, & omni reverentia prosequamur? nedum ut (quod falsissimè & impudentissime aonnulli nobis objiciunt) cuipiam ussiam ecclesiae sepuenduns nostrum peculiare exemplum praescribamus. And yet we do not accuse all, that are this day called Archbishops or Bishops, of this tyranny: for what arrogancy were that? yea, why should we not acknowledge, and honour with all reverence, all that are this day so called, as the faithful pastors of the Christian Church: so being they would imitate the example of those most holy Bishops in the primitive Church, and reform by the rule of God's word the deformed house of God? much less that we should prescribe to any Church in any place, our peculiar example to be followed, which most falsely, and most shamelessly some object unto us. So the authors of the Augustan Confession declare ingeniously, that it was not any dislike at Episcopal government, 
Augustan. Confess. A●●c. 14.  but the cruelty of Popish Bishops, who did by all means hinder the reformation of Religion, which did dissolve that government and Canonical policy, quam magnopere cupiebamus conservare, which we earnestly desired to preserve. And therefore, seeing popish Bishops were in place then, and Protestant Bishops could not be set in their place, they declared to the world in their confession, that (notwithstanding it was removed) they did approve it, and were so free from having the fault imputed to them, that it did not remain among them; that they were most willing it should be continued, if those Popish Bishops would forbear their persecution, and turn Protestans, and study to advance the Reformation. 
Ibidem.  For they say, Hiciterum testatum volumus, nos libentur conservaturos esse ecclesiasticam & canonicam politiam, si modo Episcopi desinant in nostras Ecclesias savire, Haec nostra voluntas, & coram Deo, & apud omnes gentes ad omnem posteritatem excusabit nos, ne nobis imputari possit, quod episcoporum authoritas labefactetur. Here again, we will have it testified, that we shall willingly keep still the Ecclesiastical and Canonical policy, if so be the Bishops will forbear to rage against our Churches. This is our will, and it shall excuse us before God, among all Nations to all posterity, that it cannot be imputed to us, that the authority of Bishops is decayed. 
Ibid de potest. Eccles.  And again, in that same confession they say, Saepe jam testati sumus, no● von solùm potestatem Ecclesiasticam quae in Evangelio instituta est, summâ pietate venerari, sed etiam Ecclesiasticam politiam, & gradus in Ecclesia magnopere probare, & quantum in nobis est conservare cupere: non detractamus authoritatem Episcoporum, modò non cogant facere contra mandatum Dei. Hac votuntas liberabit nos coram Deo, & judicio univers●● posteritatis, né j●dicomur re● hujus schismatis, quod initio excitatum est injustâ damnatione doctrinae Lutheri. We have already oftimes testified, that we, not only with the greatest piety that can be, do reverence that Ecclesiastical power instituted in the Gospel, but also do very much approve the Ecclesiastical policy, and degrees in the Church, and desire to keep it, as much as we can: We do not refuse the authority of Bishops, if so be they do not compel us to do against the Command of God. This our will shall deliver us before God, and in the judgement of all our posterity, that we be not judged guilty of that Schism, which at the beginning was raised by the unjust condemning of the Doctrine of Luther. O how fare do those Covenanters differ from those Reformers! How can they clear themselves before God, the Reformed Churches, and the ages to come, who have made this great Schism? They not only have condemned, that which all reformed Churches do commend, but also study to hatch the cockatrice egg, and bring forth serpents, Schisms and Rebellions in other calm Churches, who live at peace. Look now fare these Reformers did tender Episcopacio, as much do these Covenanters hate it: It is not sufficient to them, to have thrust from them without any cause their Bishops, (except it be that the Bishops have carried themselves to them, as David did to Adonijah. 
1 King. 1.6.  And his father did not displease him at any time, in saying, Why hast thou done so? by which too gentle dealing, they gave them occasion to rise up against them) but they themselves must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, busy Bishops in another man's Diocese; yea, be universal Bishops, within the King's Dominions, by their seuslesse (yet malicious) libels and letters, to his Majesty's good Subjects in England and Ireland, labouring to produce the like Disorders among them, that they should not remain alone filthy and deformed in the Church of God. Howbeit, all good and learned men (even among those, who have not Episcopal government) do declare their dutiful and reverend respects to Bishops; yet, for the accomplishing of their bad ends, it hath been their chief labour, first and last, to make Bishops most odious and contemptible to all men.  
Thus Cant at Glasgow in his Sermon (because the Bishop of Glasgow did dwell in the Castle, near to the Cathedral Church) told the people, that Satan had his dwelling among them, and Antichrist had a nest among them: and cried, pull down, pull down Antichrists nest, with many other expressions, more worthy of the speaker; than of the Hearers; there wanted nothing to draw the multitude to the perpetrating of a mischief against that old reverend Father, but that God suffered not any to be a head to the furious multitude.  
Thus they have too obsequiously observed the direction of their book entitled, 
Zions' Plea, pag. 196.  Zions Plea: Where it's said, Ministers and Magistrates must labour, and cause others to labour for an holy hatred of Prelates, and their brethren, with an holy hatred, to dash the brains of the Babylonish Prelacy against the stones. And according to Luke 19.27. But those mine enemies, that would not that I should reign over them, bring hither, and slay them before me. And strike that Hazael in the fifth rib, yea, if father or mother stand in the way, away with them. Strike the Basilisk vein, for nothing but this will cure the pleurisy of this our state. This is a notable policy, and as well learned by the Covenanters, as taught by their masters, and have made such proficiency herein, that they stand in more need of a bridle, than of a spur; they have by lies and calumnies with the changeable multitude so prevailed, that they have not so much as any being among them, but as they say, Have swept the dirt and dust out of God's house, and sent them to the land of Nod. But yet, Thanks be to God, notwithstanding of their throwing stone● at them, they have not dashed their brains against the stones, and for Ha●ael● fift rib, they have only smote a Bishop's coach-horse. And as for this Basilisk vein, which they would have stricken, it's of a higher nature, than the kill of Bishops; for it's borrowed from the jesuites, who by that phrase, understand the kill of Kings and Princes: Wherefore one of them said, Erratum valac fuiss● in fisto Bartholomai, 
Carol. Scrib●n.  quòd scci● non f●●rit vena Basilica, id est, quòd parcitum fuit regi Navarra, & principi Condensi. It was a great salt, that in the feast of Bartholomew the Basilisk vein was not stricken, that is to say, that the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Co●di● was let alone. But they have done as much as they can, to strike at this Basilisk vein through the Bishop's sides. For I remember, when at the beginning of these disorders many did ask, why they did make the Bishops their adversaries, and complain upon them, since they did never require any thing, but by warrant of his Majesty's authority, whom they ought to obey; it was usually answered, Some man must be whipped, and rather the Bishops, than any. God knows how foul a Commenter this might suffer. And as for those calumnies, filthy ballads, which these men set out to the disgrace of themselves, rather than of those whom they hate; they deserve no other answer, than that of the Prophet. The vile person will speak villainy, and his heart will work iniquity, 
Esa. 3●. 6.  to practise hypocrisy, and to utter error against the Lord, etc. And in particular, this sentence doth justy appertain to that vile person, Alexander Sempill, who for whoredom, drunkenness, and all kind of Licentiousness, hath not a second in Scotland, and now by means of whorish Women, 
Prov. 6.16.  is brought to a piece of b●ead, and extreme poverty, having nothing left but a decrepit body, an intoxicate brain, and railing tongue: so that I wonder, who could be so base, as to lend him their hand to write for him that foolish, (but seditious) ballad, called the Bishop's bridles. And I marvel more, that the Covenanters have made this pattern of wickedness, to be their fittest man to present to England and Ireland, their partern on the Mount: for they print nothing there now without the approbation of one Johnson, Clerk of their assemblies. 
So he prints himself 〈◊〉  This AS or Alexander Sempill is so beastly and apisl●, that he can find no other matter or subject for his ballad, but to allude to one Rew's preaching on Balaams' ass, which they make to be the Church of Scotland, that have thrown off the Bishops, their riders: and therefore must sell their bridles. This Preacher Rew, did not put shame enough upon that Church, but this AS must second him, and continue its shame. That of the Wiseman is fit for them, A whip for the horse, a bridle for the Ass, 
Prov. 26.3.  and a rod for the fools back.  
But since they delight in this comparison, and will have their Church to be an Ass, and the Bishops their riders; I shall not displease them so to call it. But let them remember that the Bishops road upon this Ass meekly, dealing with them, 
1 Cor. 4.21.  not with the rod, but in love, with the spirit of meekness. But the Lay-Bishops have thrown them off, and now ride so furiously like Jehu, that we complain with the Psalmist. 
a Psal. 66.12.  Thou hast caused men to ride over our heads, we went through fire and water: they 
b 2 King 4.24.  drive and go forward, and slack not their riding: they study to make her a wild 
c jer. 2.24.  Ass used to the wilderness, that snuffeth up the Wind at her pleasure, and is so fare drawn away in the wilderness, that his Majesty hath taken more pains to find her out, and bring her from her wandering, 
1 Sam. 9.3.  than Saul did in seeking his father's asses, he sought his Father's asses but three days, but his Majesty hath sought this ass three years. There is no question but she would be found and return, 
Esa. 1.3.  for the ass knows her Master's crib: but her riders will not suffer her, persuading her that his Majesty will miscrably handle her: though they assuredly know themselves, that his Majesty will do no more harm to her, than the Lion did to the ass, whereon the seduced Prophet road, 
1 King. 13.28.  the Lion did not tear the Ass, the Scripture says, but killed the seduced rider. This is the only fear they have, not for the ass, but for the riders, who have justly provoked the Lion's wrath, as the messenger of death; and to be buried with the burial of an ass, 
jer. 22.19.  drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of Jerusalem. Here the Anticovenanter would have proceeded, but I not being desirous to trouble myself in dispute with him, cut him off with your words. The Covenanters are exhorted not to be moved with remonstrances, were they never so specious▪ but submit themselves obediently to follow their leaders, 
Covenanters inform for Defensive. §. 4.  wh●m God at this time hath largely furuished with courage and counsel, for the good of his Kirke and Kingdom. But he answered me, The leaders of this people cause them to err, 
Esa. 9.16.  and they that are led of them, are destroyed.  
But leaving him, I return to my exhortation. If you cannot persuade men to your pit ne on the mount, at least labour to possess them with the opinions and doctrines, which you have received of us. I specially his is the duty of Blair and Livingston, to water the good seed which they have sown in some of the hearts of some of your countrymen in the North part of Ireland: and by their frequent exhortations and letters, to persuade them to grow, and be fruitful in those matters. Especially let them, by fearful threatings of God's judgements, aff●ight them from taking that unl wfull oath which establisheth the King's Supremacy, and is urged by my Lord Deputy, (to whom, I confess, his Master's honour is more dear, than the Apple of his eye) so violently, that he will suffer no man to vilipend it, but will have them swear such an oath, that they shall never tak● arms against their King, nor protest against him, but to obey his royal commands. Whereby thus violently he hath put your covenant out of credit among the Scots there, except you provide some remedy.  
I hear that not only Blair and Livingston, but that Rhetorfort, and Dickson also, have lent their helping hand, and have written a learned refutation of that Oath to be taken by the Scots there. I am sorry that I did not see it, that I might have increased my congratulati n. Did you ever see the two Apostolic brieft, which our holy Father ●aulu● 5. sent to the Catholics in England, that were urged with the same Oath, that is pressed upon your brethren now? Or did you ever read Bellarmine's letter to Blakwell? if you did, they have helped you well in that matter, I am sure. Becanus tells us the sum of all which the Pope and Cardinal did write. Vterque negat saluâ conscientiâ praestari pos●e, 
Bec m. dis●id. Angl.  hoc juramentum à rege propositum, quia abnegarent sidem Catholicam. They both deny, that that oath prescribed by the King, can be taken with a safe conscience, because they would deny the Catholic Faith. They say, you say the same, only you add many fearful judgements upon both the exacter and takers of the same. And therefore you may say of them that take this oath, 
Ibid.  as Becanus doth, Hoc faciunt ad extremam patem & politiam conservandam, quae pluris abillis quam fides & religio astimatur, ideóque politici poti●s quàm Christiani appellandi sunt. They do this that they may preserve outward peace, which they esteem more than of Faith and Religion; and therefore they ought rather to be called Politicians than Christians. 
Became resut. T●tu●e t●●●● p. 1 parant. 1.  For no man will grant the King's Supremacy, excepto Sacellano, & quibusdam aliis adulatoribus regiis. Except the King's Chaplain, (Bishop Andren es) and some other Court Parasites. And here by the way I must tell you a notable untruth of that Bishop Andrew's, in his dispute against Bellarmine: he holds that the Puritans do willingly take the oath of Supremacy. But albeit he was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having five tongues, yet with none of his five tongues could he speak true in this, as our Becanus proveth from no less than the testimony of his own Master K. james, in his Basil. Doron. But I find one Richardus Thomsonus in Elencho refutationis Torturae torti, defending Andrew's, and reconciling him with his master, by telling, that the King spoke of Scots Puritans; and the Bishop of English Puritans. Whether this may satisfy or not, I leave it to a farther inquiry.  
If the for lost brother of our society Abernethie hath done our Church any service among you, in the farthering and promoving this your happy return to us; he hath sowell deserved, that there is hope for him to be received of us again. Howbeit his crimes were so ugly, that we did exclude him from our Church and orders; 
2. Cor. 2 6.  yet sufficient to this man is the punishment inflicted upon him by many. For he hath reconciled himself (as the people of Gath feared David would do) with your heads and hearts: in enlightening your brain with the knowledge, & your hearts with the love of many principal points of our doctrine. 
1 Thes. 2.17.  Exhort him to continue unto the end. I endeavoured myself to have come unto you, I desired to see you earnestly, and would have come unto you once and again, but Satan hindered me.  
Though in this my congratulatory Epistle, I have sometimes inserted my counsel and exhortation unto you, let not this displease you, as if I thought you deficient herein, or that you had need of spurs, who run with born-down-head. For all my exhortations are nothing else, but a pleasant repetition of your do, and a sympathising expression of our conjunct approbation thereof. So that my recommendation of that to your practice, which you are doing, is so fare from insimulating you of negligence, that it is rather a commendation of your actions, according to that of the Poet.  
Qui menet ut facias, quod jam facis, ipse monendo  
Laudat; & hortatu c●mprobat ipse suo.  
Salute all our friends, and especially at your night-meetings for devotion, salute the sisters with a holy kiss. To whom you do but your duty when you acknowledge your cause much obliged unto them, and that in those your esther's and judith's your work had but a small beginning: and when men durst not resist the beginnings, it's wisely observed by you, that God moved the spirit of those holy women to scourge the buyers and sellers out of God's house, and not to suffer the same to be polluted with that foul Book of Common Prayer. Those holy Matrons who wast themselves with Fasting, have deserved so well at your hands, that you should exhort them, (as Paul did Timothy) to take a little wine to comfort them: and to encourage them to proceed zealously in your cause, for they are the weaker vessels, and wine will strengthen them. Read 1 Esdras chap. 3. ver. 21. Where it is said thus. Wine is exceeding strong, it makes every heart rich, so that a man remembreth neither King nor Governor, and it maketh to speak all things by talents. And when they are in their cups, they forget their love both to friends and brethren, and a little after draw out swords, etc. Albeit this be a passage out of Apocrypha, yet your practice says it is not false.  
Our women here carry a sinistrous opinion of your women, whom they call viragoes and monsters of women, a disgrace to their sex, man-like-women, and a new kind of Hermaphrodits; because of their violent and turbulent carriage (as they call it) in abusing all men that are contrary minded, they say,  
Non metuunt leges, sed cedit viribus aequum,  
Quámque lupi saevae plus firitutis habent.  
That is, they fear no Laws, but equity giveth place to force, and they have more savage cruelty in them than the very Wolves. But our Ladies are mistaken, not knowing that this proceeds from Zeal. Impetus hic, sacrae semina mentis babet. This violence of theirs hath the feeds of a holy mind: And they being free citizens, aught to have full freedom: their tongues are their own, what Lord can them control? If Tiberius when he was railed upon in the city, took it patiently, saying, In libera cevitate oportet linguam esse liberam. Why should not free Subjects in a free kingdom, have free tongues, and free hands too? especially of Women, when religion is in question. Gutlielmus Postellus set out a book, which he entitled: Of the victory of women. I would have the like done by some of you, especially by him, who gave his ghostly blessing to those manful women (who show their valour against their adversaries, in beating them and their books out of God's house) My blessing light upon you all my dear Bird all. Break not off your nocturnal devotions, and assembling together for the better, and not for the worse. But do it more secretly than Andrew Lesley, of whom they say, that he forsook Ireland to go to the Covenant, the first fruits whereof was, to forsake his wife, to join himself with an harlot. The good old Matron of the holy Sisters of Edinburgh, did more cunningly cover her daughter's infirmity of the flesh, 
R. A.  who (as she said to her sisters at their meetings) had fallen in a holy fornication with a brother, not out of Lust, but Love: and therefore decreed, that she should not confess it before the congregation, lest the Gospel should be scandalised, and that it was better to fall in the hands of God, by swearing that she did not know the man, than to fall in the hands of men, by confessing her carnal fact. We say well to this purpose, 
To●●t liv. 3. cap. 9▪  Mentiri in confession, non semper est peccatum mortale. To lie in confession, is not ever a mortal sin: but it was a pity, that shortly after she had sworn, her swelling belly belied her; and yet, here the shame and scandal of your devout profession was more than your sin; for that kind of sin is but a weakness and infirmity, and if it be acted for good ends and intentions, it is no sin at all. Therefore, it's well said by a father of our Society. Si quis pollutionem desideraret ob bonum finem, 
I lem lib. cap. 13.  scilicet sanitatem, vel ad levandas tentationes quibus interdiu asslig●tur, non est peccatum. If any desire, etc. for a good end, to wit, for their health; or to put away the tentations, wherewith they are troubled all the day long, it's not a sin. And therefore it's thought, when those holy Sisters are longest out at their night-devotions, they are much amended in their health the next day. And we do also hold, 
* De judicili l. 2. Decret. 6 Cap. ● Et Ch●ici.  Adulterium inter minora, crimina censendum esse, That Adultery is to be esteemed among the smaller crimes; 
† Caus. 31. qu. 1. Cap. Hac ratione.  & esse aliquam honestam fornicationem. and that there is some honest fornication. Or (as that Matron called it) holy fornication.  
But this is very ominous which I hear, that many husbands will not suffer their wives to frequent those night-meetings as they were wont to do. That is a fearful presage, that that order and society shall be cried down, except they get it confirmed by assembly. For we had a Society of Sisters called, Congregatio jesuitissarum, suppressed by our holy Father Pope Vrban the 8. anno 1631. Quia novum ordir●m instituerunt assumpto Jesuitissarum nomine,— qua per multa opera sexus, 
Bulla V●ban. Papae 8. Roma edita. 1631.  ingenii imbecillitati, & modestiae muliebri, virginali presertim pudori minimè comementia, attentarunt & exercuerunt. Because they did institute a new order, assuming the name of jesuitisses, who have attempted and exercised many works, which do not become the weakness of their sex and ingeny, nor the modesty of women, and especially most unbeseeming virginal shamefastness. The like case may befall your society, if it be not prevented; if your Le●kie and his Colleagues be not authorized, it's to be feared that the society of those Sisters shall get a down-fall.  
I have heard of the great controversy between him and some ministers of Sterling shire, and that the matter was debated in your assembly, but what was done, I was not fully informed; only I heard of your moderation, that you thought it not fit, to discharge his new society by act of assembly, but by way of counsel, but he rejects your counsel, and though he hath not an ordinary calling, yet he tells that he hath an extraordinary calling from God, and bids you, behold it in the fruits of his labours.  
But I am most of all afraid for our selus, though we have an ordinary calling and authority for our order. We are so hated both by friend and foe, at home and abroad, that we are daily perplexed, especially since the ●dnulling of the Jesuinssaes' order: upon which some Poet (by way of prophecy, as is thought) made those verses, with a fiat.  
Foemineus sexus sociis immixtus jesu  
Transcendit sexus munia foeminci.  
Non tulit hanc labem VRBANI vigilantia Papae,  
Suppressit Socias, mox Sociosque premet.  
We have suffered already great hurt in divers places, being hunted to and fro, as if we were Malefactors. And I doubt not but you know how weak we are in France, we dare not deny the King of France his Supremacy, and must acknowledge his Dominion to be independent, in respect of men, and that the King holds his Kingdom by virtue of, 
Prov. 8.15.  Per me reges regnant, by me Kings reign. The Doctors of the University of Paris have done us much evil, 
2 Tim 4.14.  the Lord reward them according to their works. They have condemned some of the works of our Father Becanus in their Universities, and have published the same to the world, whether the Pope would or no; and are also become Court-Parasites. And their chief labour is by their doctrine in contradiction to you and us, to corrupt all especially Nobleman's children, that come to their Universities: and at least once a year, make every one of them under their hands, to profess the King's independent power and authority. Therefore now our holy League is wholly dead, and death feeds upon it in the grave, 
Psal. 49.14.  and we are become vile, and herein are turned Saduceans, to deny the resurrection of our holy League, or any such insurrection, so long as such doctors (as the S●rbonists) shall thus infect the land, and make noble and ignoble such Court Parasites. But your case is far better than ours at this time: for you have put away from your Universities such as withstood you, and have placed such men in your Universities of Glasgow and S. Andrew's and Edinburgh, who will cause the scholars to drink such a full draught of our doctrine, that they shall vomit out all which your adversaries taught them. We are not so happy, our enemies prevail daily against us. But yours are dying, especially the Archbishop of S. Andrew's, to whom we wished no better death, nor more honourable burial, than that Martyr and brother of our Society john Ogleby got, whom he caused to be hanged at the Cross of Glasgow, because he stood to the defence of our doctrine, which he brought within the compass of Treason, by the laws of your kingdom, which I pray you to abrogate. D. Baron that great enemy of ours, is also dead (as they say) in persecution. At this we do both rejoice, as if we had found a great spoil.  
We had also great credit (according to our hearts desire) at Constaminople and among the Galathians, and divers parts in the East, but by the means of the King of great Britain, etc. his ambassador, and Cyrillus Patriarch of Constantinople, (who is of the Religion of the Church of England, and disclaims the Pope's jurisdiction, even as the Bishops of England do) We are all banished the Turks bounds, and a Shipfull of us was sent home to Italy from Constantinople. Since we cannot get liberty to remain in the East, we purpose to come to you in the West, where there is neither Patriarch nor Bishop to trouble us, as Cyrillus did at Constantinople.  
But if King Charles follow the direction of his Father King james our common enemy, your case will be little better than ours was at Constantinople. For after he hath directed his son to beware of Puritans, as most pestilent follows, both in Church and policy, whom neither the King's favours and bounty, nor their own promises and oaths can make faithful and loyal, but being above measure arrogant, they belch out nothing but calumnies and seditions, and contrary to the Word of God follow their own dreams and conceits, as the only rule of their conscience, he says most pathetically. 
Basilic doron. pag. 148  Testor illum magnum Deum (nec testamentum condenti fas est mentiri) nunquam inter montanos aut limitancos nostros latronos, majorem ingratitudinem, aut per fidiam reperiri posse, quam inter hos phanaticos nebulones: nee paterec, si pacatè vivere decreveris, ut hi eadem tecum patria fruautur, nisi fortè patientiae experienda ergo, ut Socrates vixit cum Xanthippo. I take the great God to witness, as if I were making my testament (and it is not lawful for him that maketh a testament to lie) that there can never be more unthankfulness; or perfidiousness found among our High-land and bordering robbers, then among those brainsick villains. Neither do thou suffer them to enjoy that same country with thee, if thou purpose to live peaceably, unless perchance, for the exercise of thy patience, as Socrates lived with Xantippe.  
This is a dreadful advice, and our case is so miscrable, that it is our lot and destiny to be like Ishmael the wild man, whose hands were against every man, and every man's hands against him. But let us not be dismayed, not our hearts melt, nor our hands be faint; 
Gen. 16.12.  but let us join hand in hand together, (Virtus unita fortior) And we shall speak with the enemy in the gate. And the righteous shall be delivered out of trouble, and the wicked shall come in his stead, Prov. 11.8.  
I have many other things to write to you, which I will delay till I have the opportunity to write a second Epistle, which shall be, so soon as I hear what fruits this first Epistle shall produce: Which, I pray you cause to be printed among you for your common good, because I could not get many copies sent to you, being so far from you beyond sea. If As' Bridles was thought worthy to be printed by your authority, in contempt of the Bishops; why may not this my Epistle be printed, for the edification of your Society. Let it not offend you that I have not railed in this my Epistle against authority in Church and policy: for our Society hath been so oft reproved for railing that I do now begin to forbear it, for the honour of our Order, neither will we permit infamous Pasquil's longer to come forth, and it were good that you did so too, and let us speak home to the purpose, convincing our adversaries with evident reasons; and make their errors and heresies known to the world, rather than to vent our spleen against them with calumnies; This doth but open the mouth of our adversaries; but that will stop it: this makes disgrace return upon ourselves, but the other, makes us gracious. If we rail, when we should reason, we get no answer, but increpet te Dominus. But when we reason, without railing; we beget in them dissentiendi pudorem. & veritatis timorem. A bashfulness to descent from us, and a reverence of the truth; which in time, will bring forth a profession of it.  
Farewell. From my study at Basileopolis The first of january, 1640.