THE IRISH MASSACRE; OR A true Narative of the Unparallelled Cruelties exercised in IRELAND upon the BRITISH Protestants, etc.  
THat causeless Antipathy which uses to administer unavoidable endless matter of dispute betwixt Magistracy and Populacy, betwixt those which command, and those which obey, hath in all ages and countries proved fatal, and productive of sad events. This is imputed almost by all Politicians (being no other commonly than Court Parasites) to the fault of those many, whose lot it is to be subjected to government, upon pretence that these never think their liberty lose enough; but for my part my reason rather leads me to impute the fault hereof to those few, which are entrusted with government, forasmuch as these scarce ever think their authority full enough. For that end which the diffusive body of the people aims at is probably its own weal, and this is no improper or just end, nor is it at all inconsistent with the true weal and happiness of those, which are placed above them: but that good which Commanders in chief aim at, oftentimes extends no further than to their own persons, or families, and this ever remains improper, or unjust, because it cannot stand with the welfare of those which are placed below them. Irrational creatures by instinct of Nature are directed to that which is their peculiar good: wherefore if we degrade the multitude to a brutish condition, if we deny them reason, and if under the name of multitude, we comprehend also all that are not invested with supreme power: yet unless we will deny them natural instinct too, we cannot suppose them utterly uncapable of that benefit and assurance which a well tempered policy holds forth to them. And if the gross number be not held so intelligent, as authority makes those which sit at the Stern, yet this hinders not, but that the gross number may act as regularly and pursue as just ends, as those which are deeper read in politics. And as for story, and antiquity, in all my reading I could never yet find one precedent, where the generality of a State convened or represented in an orderly form, did unjustly quarrel or unlawfully capitulate with their Lords, but the contrary is most remarkable every where, Quicquid delirant reges, etc. In these Civil wars, which now infest England, Scotland and Ireland, much hath been pleaded in behalf of the King's Prerogative, and much Rhetoric hath been used to lay the blame upon the Subjects disloyalty, and some think that in this war there is an intervention of some new matter, never before precedented or paralleled in any Age. But in my conceit, the first moving cause which imbroyles us all, is the same pretence of Sovereignty, which hath always produced the like effects else where, and though the King seem to disowne the Irish, as not Instrumental to his purpose, and the Irish disownes us, as not concurring with their projections; yet still there is no Novelty in the business, besides a more artificial and dark disguise, then formerly pieces of this nature have been covered with. Diversity of Religions hath been a wicked means to heighten enmity amongst our Nations, and is become an expedient which the Court makes great use of for a vizard to its designs; but diversity of Religions hath been long favoured at Court, and therefore we may conclude it is but subordinate to that cause for which it was so favoured. The Irish now murder us for aspiring to that liberty, which they themselves claim with less moderation than we do, not that they think us enemies to their liberty but to their Religton, nor because they are enemies in truth to our liberty but to our Religion. Nevertheless Religion, as Religion is not the supreme motive, or incentive of the Irish n this deadly feud: for the true Religion (which is but one and contented with a small train) may be loved for itself, by such as are truly zealots to it; whereas all false religions, and all false professors of the true Religion have other engagements then mere conscience. To pass by the vulgar therefore or common herd of people, which are but passive, as the waves are under the winds, and which do but borrow Religion from education merely, and naturally are most docile in that religion which is accompanied with the greatest present temporal emoluments: if we look upon the primary active party in Ireland (whatsoever their nugatory simulatory pretexts were, for the King's Prerogative) the true intent of their insurrection was the enlargement of the Romish faith, and their zeal to that faith was only inflamed by the many civil advantages which seemed attendant upon it. Popery hath now long since been discovered to be an imposture or nothing else but a sly sophism, to establish Empire in the long Robe, and wrest it from such as they account secular men, and as the Priests and Jesuits have been the main Incendiaries in all our differences, so we well enough know what their particular Interest was therein.  
'tis strange that any Princes, especially such as are capacious, and intelligent should think it any addition of royalty to them in the State to admit of a Superior in the Church, and to stoop to any rivality of dominion (though distinguished, and blanched over with the Epithet of spiritual) but 'tis more prodigious in Protestant Princes. Yet we must take notice Popery is an intoxicating potion mingled with all the force and skill of Magic, and as it sometimes soothes and smooths the people by curbing Princes for the Churches better accommodation, so also at other times and most constantly it saddles and bridles the people for both Priests and Princes satisfaction. And least protestant Princes should wholly abominate it, as adverse to their Grandour, with extraordinary professions of devotion to them it labours to infuse and insinuate these fragments of Machavell. First, that Subjects in general are enemies to Authority, nay the chiefest enemies that they ought to countermine and plot against. Secondly, that this enmity is best broken by breeding, and maintaining divisions among them. Then having laid these grounds, its next superstructions are, first that of all Subjects none are particularly so malignant to royalty as Protestants, and of all Protestants the British hold their Kings to the most narrow limits.  
Secondly, that none are so fit to be opposed to British Protestant's herein, as those which are the professed Vassals of the Sea of Rome: and are now in a state of persecution. How far these poisonous, cursed suggestions have prevailed with our King, may be read in characters of blood all over our three Nations, and it is my intent at this time more fully to relate. The Irish Rebellion which with so much horrid fury, & slaughter broke forth upon the 23 of October, 1641. is my main subject, and I doubt not but that (discovered as it is already, though very much of it remain as yet in obscurity, in regard that the Court ever stood as in the dark to us, whilst we are placed in the light to the Court) will sufficiently verify that the prime engineers and Masters of this infernal plot had not religious but politic ends therein, and those not peculiar to Ireland, but common to all the three Kingdoms, and such as I have already intimated. But I must not frame a mere narrative, or play the Historian, I have to do with a shameless and lying generation, with whom Authorities themselves are scarce authentical: wherefore for my chief fundamental, I will insist upon that confession which was made, and penned by the Lord Macqueir himself. This confession was voluntarily written by the said Lord about June, 1642. whilst he was a prisoner in the Tower, and it was afterwards avowed by him at the day of his death in the presence of the Lieutenant of the Tower & of the two Sheriffs of London, and many others. And because it seems something concise in some passages, and a little too dark in others, and hitherto hath not been printed in so exact a Copy as it might, I shall now publish it, more perfect, and more punctually agreeing with the original, (which still remains in Master Becks hands of Lincoln's Inn) and for the better understanding of such as are not so inquisitive, or inspective I shall add some Observations, and give a few unquestionable Illustrations of mine own.  

The Confession follows in haec verba.  
JUNE 1642. BEing in Dublin Candlemas Term last was twelve month, the Parliament then sitting, Master Roger More did write to me desiring me that if I could in that spare time I would come to his house (for then the Parliament did nothing but sit and adjourn, expecting a commission for the continuance thereof, their former commission being expired) and that some things he had to say to me, that did nearly concern me, and on receipt of his Letter, the new Commission for continuing the Parliament landed, and I did return him an answer that I could not fulfil his request for that present, and thereupon he himself came to town presently after, and sending to me, I went to see him to his lodging, and after some little time spent in salutations, he began to discourse of the many afflictions and sufferings, of the Natives of that Kingdom, and particularly in those latter times of my Lord of strafford's Government (which gave distaste to the whole Kingdom) and then he began to particularise the suffering of them that were the more ancient Natives, as were the Irish, how that on the several Plantations they were all put out of their Ancestors estates; which sufferings as he said did beget a general discontentment over all the whole Kingdom in both the Natives; to wit, the old and new Irish, and that if the Gentlemen of the Kingdom were disposed to free themselves furtherly from the like inconveniency, and get good conditions for themselves for regaining their Ancestors (or at least a good part thereof) estates, they could never desire a more convenienter time, than that time, (the distempers of Scotland being then a foot) and did ask me what I thought of it. I made him answer that I could not tell what to think of it, such matters being altogether out of my element, than he would needs have an oath of secrecy from me, which I gave him, and thereupon he told me that he spoke to the best Gentlemen of quality in Lemster, and a great part of Conaught touching that matter, and he found all of them willing thereunto, if so be they could draw to them the Gentlemen of Ulster, for which cause said he, I came to speak to you; then he began to lay down to me the case that I was in then, overwhelmed in debt, the smallness of my estate, and the greatness of the estate my Ancestors had, and how I should be sure to get it again, or at least a good part thereof, and moreover how the welfare and maintaining of the Catholic Religion, which (he said) undoubtedly the Parliament now in England will suppress) doth depend on it, for said he it is to be feared, and so much I hear from every understanding man, the Parliament intends the utter subversion of our Religion; by which persuasions he obtained my consent, and so demanded whether any more of Ulster Gentlemen were in Town, I told him that Master Philip Rely, Master Torrilagh O Neile, brother to Sir Phillim O Neile, and Master Colloe Macmahone were in town, and so for that time we parted.  
The next day he invited Master O Rely and me to dine with him, and after dinner, he sent for those other Gentlemen Mr. Neale, and Mr. Macmahon, and when they were come, he began the discourse formerly used to me, to them, and with the same persuasions formerly used to me, he obtained their consent, And then he began to discourse of the feazebility and easiness of the attempt considering matters as they then stood in England, the troubles of Scotland, the great number of able men in the Kingdom (meaning Ireland) what succours they were (more than) to hope for, from abroad, and the Army than raised all Irish men, and well armed (meaning the Army raised by my Lord Strafford against Scotland) then of the manner how it ought to be done.  
First, that every one should endeavour to draw his own friends into that act, and at least those that did live in one Country with them, and when they had so done that there should be a set day appointed, and every one in his own quarters should rise out that day and seize on all the Arms he could get in his country, and send to the Irish in the low Countries, and Spain, to let them know of the day and resolution, so that they be over with them by that Day, or soon after with supplies of Arms, and Ammunition as they could, and this Day to be near winter, so that England could not be able to send forces into Ireland before May, and by that time there was no doubt to be made, but that they themselves would be supplied by the Irish beyond Seas, who he said could not miss of help from either Spain or the Pope; But that his resolution was not in all things allowed. For first it was resolved nothing should be done until first they had sent to the Irish over Seas, to know their advice, and what hope of succour they could give; for in them as they said, all their hope of relief was; and they would have both their advice and resolution, before any further proceed more then to speak to, and try the Gentlemen of the Kingdom, every one as he could convenietly, to see in case they would at any time grow to a Resolution, what back and strength they might trust to. Then Master Moor told them that it was to no purpose to spend much time in speaking to the Gentlemen, for there was no doubt to be made of the ancient Irish, that they would be ready at any time, And that all the doubt was in the Gentlemen of the Pale, but he said that for his own part he was really assured when they had risen out, the Pale Gentlemen would not stay long after them, at least that they would not oppose them in any thing but be Neuters, & if in case they did, that they had men enough in the Kingdom without them. Moreover he said, that he had spoke to a great man (who then should be nameless) that would not fail at the appointed day of rising out to appear and be seen in the Act, but that until than he was sworn not to reveal him. And that was all that was done at that meeting, only that Master Moor should the next Lent following, make a journey down into the North to know what was done there, and that he also might inform them what he had done, and so on parting Master Philip Rely and I did importune Master Moor for the knowledge of that great man that he spoke of, and on long entreaty, after binding us to new secrecy, not to disclose him until the day should be appointed, he told it was the Lord of Mayo, who was very powerful in command of men in those parts of Conaght wherehe lived, and that there was no doubt, to be made of him, no more than was of himself, and so we parted.  
The next Lent following Master More according to his promise came to Ulster, and by reason it was the time of Assizes in several Counties, there he met only with M. Rely, and nothing was then done, but all matters put off until the May following, where we, or most of us, should meet at Dublin, it then both being Parliament and Term time; In the mean time there landed in Ireland one Neale O Neale, sent by the Earl of Tyrone out of Spain, to speak to those Gentlemen of his name and kindred, to let them know that he had treated with Cardinal Richelieu for obtaining succour to come for Irrland, and that he prevailed with the Cardinal, so that he was to have Arms, Munition and Money from him, on demand to come for Ireland, and that he only expected a convenient time to come away, and to desire them to be in a readiness, and to procure all others whom they could to be so likewise, which message did set forward the proceed very much, so that Master More, Master Rely, my Brother and I, meeting the next day in Dublin, and the same Messenger being there too, it was resolved that he should return to the Earl into Spain with their resolution: which was that they would rise out 12. or 14. days before or after Alhollantide, as they should see cause, and that he should not fail to be with them by that time; (there was a report at that time and before, that the Earl of Tyrone was killed, which was not believed, by reason of many such reports formarly which was found to be false) and so the Messenger departed with directions, that if the Earl's death were true, he should repair into the Low-countries to Colonel Owen O Neale and acquaint him with his Commission from the Earl (whereof it was thought he was not ignorant, and to see what he would advise, or could do himself therein, and return an answer. But present after his departure the certainty of the Earl's death was known, and on further resolution it was agreed that an express Messenger should be sent to the Colonel to make all the resolutions known to him, and to return speedily with his answer, and so one Tool Connilly a Priest (as I think Parish Priest to Master More) was sent away to Colonel O Neale.  
In the interim there came several Letters and news out of England to Dublin, of Proclamations against the Catholics in England, and also that the Army raised in Ireland should be disbanded and conveied into Spain, and presently after several Colonels and Captains landed with directions to carry away those men, amongst whom Colonel Pluncket, Colonel Birne, and Captain Brian O Neale came, but did not all come together, for Colonel Pluncket landed before my coming out of town, and the other two after: whereupon a great fear of suppressing Religion was conceived, and especially by the Gentlemen of the Pale, and it was very common amongst them, that it would be very inconvenient to suffer so many men to be conveied out of the Kingdom, it being as it was said very confidently reported, that the Scottish Army did threaten, never to lay down Arms, until an uniformity of Religion were in the three Kingdoms, and the Catholic Religion suppressed. And thereupon both Houses of Parliament began to oppose their going, and the Houses were divided in opinion; some would have them go, others not; but what the definitive conclusion of the Houses was touching that point, I cannot tell, for by leave from the House of Lords I departed into the Country before the Prorogation: but before my departure I was informed by John Barnewall a Friar, that those Gentlemen of the Pale, and some others (Members of the House of Commons) had several meetings and consultations how they might make stay of the Soldiers in the Kingdom, and likewise Arm them for the defence of the King (being then much injured both of England and Scotland, as they were informed) and to prevent any attempt against Religion, for it was said (but very secretly) that the King did in those times say to Master Nicholas Plunket (one of the Irish Committee then in England) that if they would stick to him, he would stick to them; this I heard (I think) from the said John Barnewell, but in truth I am not sure whether from him or no, but certain I am, that he from whom I heard it, did confidently report it. And presently after I departed into the Country, and Master O Rely being a Member of the House of Commons stayed till the Prorogation, and on his coming into the Country sent to me to meet him, and I came to his house, where he told me that he heard for certain that the former narration of Barnewall to me (for I did acquaint him with it) was true, and that he heard it from several, there was also Emer Macmahone, (made privy formerly to all our proceed) at Mr. O Relies, lately come out of the place, where he met with the aforenamed John Barnewall, who told him as much as he formerly told me, and moreover that those Colonel's that lately came over, did proffer their service and industry in that act, and so would raise their men under colour to convey them into Spain, and then seize on the Castle of Dublin, and with the Arms there Arm their soldiers, and have them ready for any action, that should be commanded them, but that they ●●d not concluded any thing, because they were not assured how the Gentlemen of the remote parts of the Kingdom (and especially of Ulster) would stand affected to that act, and that assurance of that doubt was all their impediment; then we three began to think how we might assure them of the assistance and help of Ulster Gentlemen: It was thought that one should be sent to them to acquaint them therewith, and they made choice of me to come, by reason, as they said, that my wife was allied to them, and their Country woman, and would believe and trust me sooner than another of those parts, they or most of them being of the Pale, and so (without as much as to return home) to furnish myself for such a journey, (volens nolens) they prevailed, or rather forced me to come to Dublin to confer with those Colonel's, (and that was the last August was twelvemonth) coming to Town, I met Sir James Dillon accidentally before I came to my lodging, who was one of these Colonel's, and after salutation he demanded of me where my lodging was, which when I told him, we parted. The next day being abroad about some other occasions of mine own in Town I met him, (as he said) coming to wait on me in my Chamber, but being a good way from it, he desired me to go to his own Chamber being near at hand, and then began to discourse of the present sufferings and afflictions of that Kingdom, and particularly in Religion, and how they were to expect no redress, the Parliament in England intending, and the Scots resolving never to lay down Arms until the Catholic Religion was suppressed, than he likewise began to lay down what danger it would be to suffer so many able men (as were to go with them) to departed the Kingdom in such a time, neither (saith he) doth these other Gentlemen that are Colonel's, and myself affect our own private profit, so as to prefer it before the general good of the Kingdom, and knowing that you are well affected thereunto, (and I hope, said he, ready to put your helping hand to it on occasion) I will let you know the resolution of those other Gentlemen and mine, which is, we are ready to raise our men, and after to seize on the Castle where there is great store of Arms, and arm ourselves there; (this was the first motion that I ever heard, of taking the Castle, for it never came into our thoughts formerly nor am I persuaded never would, if it had not proceeded from those Colonel's, who were the first mentioners and contrivers thereof, for aught known to me) and then be ready to prevent and resist any danger, if the Gentry of the Kingdom like thereof and help us, for we of ourselves neither are able nor will do any thing therein without their assistance. I began according to the directions that were sent with me, to approve of the Resolution, & also to let him know how sure he might be of the assistance of those of Ulster, than he told me that for my more satisfaction, I should confer with the rest of those Colonel's themselves, as many as were privy to that action, and accordingly a place of meeting was appointed that afternoon; and at the time and place appointed I met Sir James himself, Colonel Barn, and Colonel Plunket, and that former discourse being renewed, they began to lay down the obstacles to that enterprise, and how they should be redressed.  
First, if there should war ensue, how there should be money had to pay the soldiers.  
Secondly, how and where they should procure succour for foreign parts.  
Thirdly, how to draw in the Pale Gentry.  
Lastly, who should undertake to surprise the Castle, and how it should be done.  
To the first it was answered, that the Rents in the Kingdom every where, not having respect whose they should be, due to the Lords and Gentry thereof, should be collected to pay the soldiers, and moreover they might be sure (my that there was no doubt to be made thereof) to procure money from the Pope, who gave several promises formerly to my Lord of Tyrone (in case he could make way to come into Ireland) to maintain six thousand men yearly at his own charge, and that notwithstanding that my Lord of Tyrone was dead, yet that he would continue the same forwardness now.  
To the second it was answered by Colonel Birne, that help from abroad could not fail them, for (said he) Colonel O Neale told me, that he had, or would procure in a readiness, I do not remember which of those the Colonels spoke, or whether he spoke positive that Colonel O Neale had the Arms, or would procure them,) Arms for ten thousand men. And moreover (said he) I make no great question that if we send into Spain we shall not miss of aid, for I being in London the last year, in the Scots troubles, I was in conference with one of the Spanish Ambassadors there then, and talking of those troubles then a foot, he said, that if the Irish did then rise so, and send into Spain, their Messengers would be received under Canopies of gold; these last words he told me, and some one man that was present privately, whose name I cannot call to mind (neither well I remember whether he spoke to them all or no,) than it was thought that when they were once in Arms for the defence of the Catholic cause, they would be succoured by the Catholic Princes in Christendom.  
To the third it was answered by Colonel Plunket, that he was as morrally certain (for those were his words) as he could be of any thing that the Pale Gentry would join with and assist them, for (said he) I have spoke to several of them since my landing in the Kingdom, and I find them very ready and willing withal, I have at London spoke to some of the Committees, and particularly to my Lord of Gormonstone to let them know this Resolution, and they approved of it very well, and with all, they knew of the former consultations by those Gentry, told me by Barnewall. All this was not done at the first meeting, but at three or four meetings, and so at the last meeting it was resolved to the last doubt touching seizing the Castle, That Colonel Plunket and Colonel Birne should undertake that task, and they were named that first should secure them, that should take the Castle with men presently, namely Sir James Dillon who did undertake to be with them, within three (or at the most) four days with one thousand men, and so many more should come to them out of the North, for those two Colonel's did not intent to use above one hundred men in the surprisal, whereof they were to have twenty good able Gentlemen; for they made account that having the Castle, they with the Artillery would Master the Town until they were relieved from the Country, and then there was a set day appointed for the execution thereof, that was the first of the ensuing October, this being the latter end of August or the beginning of September, Anno 1641. (I do not know whither) and every one should make provision to rise that day, and also seize on all the forts, garrisons, and other places, where they think, any Arms should be, and in particular London-Derry, which should be undertaken by those of Ulster, and because there was a doubt made how all this could be done in so short a time, they did appoint that all that were there present should not fail to meet again there the twenty of September, to give an Account of all things, as well hopes as impediments, and if at that interveiw all things should happen to be well that they go forward, or if otherwise, to prolong the Execution of it to a more convenient time, and so we parted, every man into the Country, about his own task: and I in my way home, came to Master O Relies house, and there I received a letter from Sir Phelim O Neale, that his Lady was dead, and to be buried on the Sunday following, this being on the Saturday, and desiring me in all kindness to come to the burial, and Master O Rely having received another letter to the same effect, would needs have me go thither, (whereunto I was very unwilling, being weary, and withal not provided to go to such a meeting,) as well (said he) to prevent any jealousy from the Lady's friends, as also to confer with Sir Phelim touching all these proceed (for neither he nor I did ever speak to Sir Phelim concerning those matters before) but to his brother Mr. Tiloragh O Neale, & coming thither, we found Capt. Bryan O Neale, lately come out of the low Countries, sent over by Col. O Neale to speak to, and provoke those of Ulster to rise out into Arms, and that he would be with them on notice of their day; the same day, or soon after it; and it was asked of the said Captain, what aid he could send or procure, being but a private Colonel, or where he could get any? He replied that the said Colonel told him, that he had sent to several places that Summer to demand aid, and in particular to Cardinal Richeleiu into France, (to whom he had sent twice that year) and had comfortable and very hopeful promises from them, and especially from that Cardinal, on whom he thought the Colonel did most depend; so that there was no doubt to be made of succour from him, and especially when they had risen out, that it would be a means to the Cardinal to give aid; we did the more credit him in regard of the former treaty between the said Cardinal and the Earl of Tyrone, (as formerly is said) for my own part, I did and do believe that the Colonel doth depend on France for aid, more than on any other place, as well for these reasons, as also, that Omer Macmahone formerly mentioned, told me that presently after the Isle of Rees enterprise (he being then in the Low Countries') did hear for certain that the Earl of Tyrone, together with the Colonels, did send into France to the Marshal of France (that was the General of the French forces at the Isle of Rees) to deal with him for procuring of aid, to come then for Ireland, and that he received in answer from the said Marshal, that he was most willing and ready to contribute his indeaveours for his furtherance therein, but that for the present he could not answer my Lord's expectation, by reason that the King had wars then in Italy, which he thought would be at an end within half a year, or little more, and then my Lord should not doubt of any thing that he could do for his assistance, but those wars continued a great deal longer; so for that time that enterprise failed: and after the burial was done, I gave those Gentlemen knowledge of what I had done at Dublin, and how I was to return thither, and then they began to think how to surprise London-Derry, they being near it, but could not then agree in the manner, and so Sir Phelim desired me to take his house in my way going to Dublin, and that I should have a Resolution to to carry with me touching London-Derry, and thereupon I parted home, but soon after came to Dublin, to the afore-appointed meeting with those Colonels: But first, I took in my way Sir Phelim O Neales' house, to be certain what he had done; and his answer was, that he knew that matters could not be put in execution by the fift of October, as was appointed, and that they would make another longer day for it, and that he would provide for the taking of London-Derry by that day; and so I came to Dublin, to give an account of that was done, and also know what further should be done: I was not two hours in my lodging when Master Moor came to me (who knew of what was done by those Colonels formerly by Coll. Birne, and told me that the Messenger sent to Colonel Neale was come with answer, desiring us not to delay any time in rising out, and to let him know of that day before hand, and that he would not fail to be with us within fourteen days of that day with good aid, also desiring us by any means to seize the Castle of Dublin if we could, for he heard that there was great provision in it for war, and Mr. Moor moreover said, that time was not to be over-slipped, and desired me to be very pressing with the Colonels to go on in their resolution, but on meeting with them they were fallen from their former resolution, because those of the Pale would do nothing therein first, but when it was done, they would not fail to assist, as Colonel Plunket did affirm, and so on several meetings, it was resolved on by them to desist from that enterprise for that time, and to expect a more convenient time; but before that their resolution, Sir Phelim O Neale, and the aforesaid Capt. Brian O Neale followed me to Dublin (as they said) to assist and advise me how to proceed with that Colonel (but neither they nor Mr. Moor would be seen therein themselves to those Gentlemen, but would meet me privately, and know what was done at every meeting, alleging for excuse, that I being first employed in that matter, it would not be expedient that they should be seen in it; and moreover they would not be known to me to be in Town, but by a few of their friends, until they were in a manner ready to departed, at least, as long as I was in Town, for I left them there, but when I made them acquainted with their determination of desisting from that enterprise, they thought it convenient that we should meet with Master Moor, and Colonel Birne, to see what was further to be done concerning the former intention of their own, and accordingly we did send to them, that they should meet us, and at that meeting, where were only Sir Phelim, Mr. Moor, Colonel Birne, Captain Neale, and myself: after long debate, it was resolved, that we, with all those that were of our faction should go on with that determination, that was formerly in May concluded, to wit, to rise out, and moreover to seize on the Castle, (as the Colonels were purposed) for if it were not for their project, and the advise sent by Colonel Neale we would never venture to surprise it, neither was it ever thought on in all the meetings and resolutions between us, before that those Colonels did resolve on it, but by reason that the other Gentlemen that were private to their proceed were not present, the certainty of the time, and the manner how to execute it, were put off to a further meeting in the Country; and this was resolved in Dublin on the Saturday at night, being the 26. or 27. of Septemb. and that meeting was appointed on the Saturday following at Mr. Collo. Ma●●●hones house in Far●●y, in the County of Monaghan, but by reason that at the meeting the Gentlemen of Limster could not be present, considering the remoteness of the place from them, it was thought fit that Mr. Moor should there meet to receive the final resolution, and should acquaint them therewith, and in the mean time Col. Birne, who had undertaken for Col. Plunket, should inform them all of the intention conceived, and dispose them in a readiness against that day that should be appointed, and thereupon we all left the Town, only Sir Phelim stayed about some other his private occasions, but did assure his being there at that day.  
On the Saturday I came to Mr. Macmahones' house, there meet only Mr. Moor, Mr. Macmahone himself, Captain Neale, Emer Macmahone, and myself (and thither the same day came that Messenger that was sent to Coll. Neale, and did report the Colonels answers and advice verbatim, as I have formerly repeated from Mr. Moor) and by reason that Sir. Phelim his brother, or Mr. Philip O Rely that were desired to meet, did not meet, we stayed that night to expect them; and that night I received a Letter from Sir Phelim, intteating us by any means not to expect him until the Monday following, for he had not, nor could dispatch some occasions nearly concerning him, but whatsoever came of them, he would not fail on the Monday. And the next day after receipt of the Letter, being Sunday (by Mr. Moor's advice) we departed from Mr. Coll. Macmahones house, (to prevent (as he said) the suspicion of the English living thereabouts to Lourosse, in the County of Ardmaugh to Mr. Torilagh O Neales' house, not Sir Phelims' brother, but Son to Mr. Henry O Neale of the Fues, Son in Law to Mr. Moor, and left word that if Sir Phelim, or any of those other Gentlemen did come in the mean time they should follow us thither (whether only went Mr. Moor, Captain O Neale, and myself) and there we expected until the Tuesday subsequent, before any of those did come: On the Tuesday came Sir Phelim and Mr. Emer Macmahone, all the rest failing to come, Mr. Colonel Macmahons wife was dead the night before, which was the cause that he was not there, but I gave his assent to what should be concluded to join therein, and execute what should be appointed him, and then we five, viz. Sir Phelim, Mr. Moor, Captain O Neale, Emer Macmahone, and myself, assuring ourselves that those Gentlemen absent would both allow and join to what we should determine, did grow into a final resolution, grounding all, or most part of our hope and confidence on the succour from Colonel Neale, to seize on the Castle, and rise out all in one day, and the day was appointed on the 23. of that month, this being the fift day of October, having regard therein to the day of the week whereon that day did fall, which was the Saturday, being the Market day, on which day there would be less notice taken of people up and down the streets: Then began a question who should be deputed for the surprisal of the Castle, and then Mr. Moor said he would be one of them himself, and that Coll. Birne should be another, and what other Gentlemen of Leinster they could procure to join with them, and seeing the Castle had two gates, the one the great, and the other the little gate, going down to my Lord Leiutenants' Stables, hard by which Stable without the Castle was the stotehouse for Arms, they of Leinster would undertake one Gate, and that should be the little Gate, and the great Gate should be undertaken by those at Ulster, (and said he) of necessity one of you both (meaning Sir Phelim & me) must be there for the better countenance of that matter, it being the glory of all our proceed; his speeches were well liked of all present, but Sir Phelim would be exempted from that employment, and so would I; but then all of them set on me, desiring me to be one; alleging for reason that their proceed & resolutions were very honourable and glorious, being for Religion, and for to procure more liberty for their Country, as did (said they) of late Scotland; and that in taking the Castle consisted all the glory and honour of the said Action, all which should be attributed to them that should be employed therein, and so by consequence all or most part to me, being (as they said) the chief in that enterprise; and moreover Sir Phelim said, that he would endeavour to take or procure others to take London-Derry the same day, and if he should be away, that place would not be taken. With these and many other persuasions they obtained my consent, and then the Captain offered himself. We began then to consider what number should be employed in that act, and they concluded on two hundred men, a hundred from each Province, for those Gates which they seize on, of which number Sir Phelim O Neale should send forty with an able sufficient Gentleman to conduct them; and likewise Captain Neale twenty, Master Colonel Macmahone ten, Master O Rely ten more, and I should bring twenty. Then began a doubt how they should raise those men, and convey them to Dublin without suspicion; and it was answered, that under pretence of carrying them to those Colonels that were conveying Soldiers out of the Kingdom, it might safely be done; and to that purpose Sir Phelim O Neale, Master More, and the Captain had several blank Patents with deputations to make Captains to those Colonels, which they sent to those Gentlemen, that should send men to Dublin, for the more colour; Then they bethought of what was to be done in the Country that day, and it was resolved that every one privy to that matter, in every part of the Kingdom, should rise out that day, and seize on all the Forts and Arms in the several Counties, to make all the Gentlemen prisoners the more to assure themselves against any adverse fortune, and not to kill any but where of necessity they should be forced thereunto by opposition (which those that were appointed for taking the Castle should observe) and in particular they bent all their aim in Ulster to take that day London-Derry, which Sir Phelim did undertake; Knockfergus, which they thought Sir Henry O Neales' brother would do, and to that end Sir Phelims' Brother Terilaugh O Neale should be sent to them; and the Nurie, which should be undertaken by Sir Margeriasse, and his Brothers, for whom Sir Phelim (in regard they were his brothers in law, his deceased Lady being their Sister) did undertake. Moreover it was agreed, that Sir Phelim, Master O Rely, Master Coll. Macmahone, and my brother should, with all speed they could, after that day raise all the forces they could and follow us to Dublin, both to arm the men and secure us, and defend and garrison the Town and Castle, and likewise Master More should appoint Leinster-Gentlemen to send like supply of men. All which I was by their appointment to inform Master O Rely, I being next him, together with what he was to do for his own part. Then there was fear of the Scots conceived, that they would presently oppose themselves, and that would make the matter more difficult; to avoid which danger it was resolved not to meddle with them or any thing belonging to them, and to demean ourselves towards them as if they were of us, which we thought would pacify them from making any opposition, and if the Scots would not accept of that offer of Amity, but would oppose us, we were in good hope to cause a stir in Scotland, that might divert them from us. And I believe the ground for that hope was, that two years before in or about the beginning of the Scots troubles, my Lord of Tyrone sent one Terilagh O Neale (a Priest) out of Spain (and this I take it was the time that he was in Treaty with Cardinal Richelieu) to my Lord of Argyle, to treat with him for help from my Lord, for him to come into Ireland, and as was said for a marriage, between the said Earl and my Lord of Argyles daughter (or Sister I know not which) and this messenger took Ireland in his way thither, with whom Master Terilagh O Neale, Sir Phelims' Brother, had conference, from whom this relation was had. That said messenger went into Scotland as I did hear from the said Master Neale, or from Emer Macmahone afore named, I know not from which of them; but what he did there I could never hear, by reason that my Lord of Tyrone was presently after killed; they were the more confirmed therein, hearing that my Lord of Argyle did say (near on the same time as I guess, and when the Army was raised in Ireland as I think) to a great Lady in Scotland; I know not her name, but did hear that she was much embarked in the troubles of that Kingdom, then; she questioning how they could subsist against the two Kingdoms of England and Ireland, that if the King did endeavour to stir Ireland against them, he would kindle such a fire in Ireland as would hardly or never be quenched; And moreover we knew my Lord to be powerful with the Islanders, or Redshanks in Scotland, whom we judged would be prone and ready to such Actions, they for the most part being descended out of Ireland, and holding the Irish language and manners still; and so we parted, the next day being Wednesday, from Lough Rosse, every man about his own task; and so when I came home I acquainted my brother with all that was done, and what they had appointed him to do, and did likewise (according as they appointed me) send to Master O Rely to let him know as much. And the eighteenth of the same month I began my journey to Dublin, and when I came to Dublin being the day before the appointed day of putting that resolution in execution there, I met with Captain Con O Neale sent out of the Low-Countryes by Colonel O Neale, (who came after the messenger sent by us formerly to the said Colonel, and was by him dispatched with his Answer) to encourage us in our resolution, and to speedy performance, with assurance of succours, which he said would not fail on the Colonel's behalf; And for the more certainty of help from him, and to assure us that the Colonel had good hopes to procure aid from others, he said that it was he himself that was employed from him to Card. Richelieu twice that Summer, who gave them very fair promises to answer the Colonels expectation, with which he said that the said Colonel and himself were really assured of the Cardinal's aid, and that he was likewise commanded by the Colonel upon our Resolution of the day to give notice thereof to him, and that he would be within fourteen days over with us with aid; but he the said Con O Neale landing 9 or 10. days before, and meeting with Captain Brian O Neale, who made him acquainted with what was resolved, he did write all the matter to Colonel O Neale; so as he was sure of his speedy coming. And that Evening he and I came to meet the other Gentlemen, and there we met Master Moor, Colonel Birne, Colonel Plunket, Captain Fox, and another Leinster-Gentleman, a Captain I think of the Birneses, but I am not sure wheiher a Birne or a Tool, and Captain Birgan O Neale; and taking an account of those that should have been there, it was found that Sir Phelim O Neale and Master Collo Macmahone, did fail of sending their men, and Colonel Birne did miss Sir Mergan Cavanagh that had promised him to be there, but he said he was sure he would not fail to be that night or the next morning in Town, and of the two hundred men that were appointed, there were only eighty present, yet notwithstanding they were resolved to go on in their Resolution, and all the difference was at what time of the day they should set on the Castle, and after some debate it was resolved in the afternoon, and the rather hoping to meet the Council there then; for they said, if they should take the Castle, and be enforced by any extremity for not receiving timely succour out of the Country, having them, they could not want; and so parted that night, but to meet in the morning to see further what was to be done; and immediately thereon I came to my Chamber, and about nine of the clock Master Moor and Captain Fox came to me and told me that all was discovered, and that the City was in Arms, and the Gates shut up, and so departed from me, and what became of them, or of the rest I know not, but think that they escaped, yet how or at what time I do not know, because I myself was taken that morning.  
After a deliberate reading and rumination of this account (given by Macquir) I shall desire the Reader to be distinct in these particular considerations. First, I would have him observe here the principal Agents in this desperate Assassination. Secondly, I would have notice taken what the end and pretences were which moved, and enraged these Agents. Thirdly, what the opportunities and contingencies were which made that very season pitched upon for action. Fourthly, what the stratagems and policies were which attended their enterprise. Fiftly To what degrees of cruelty they did at last arrive. These particulars being truly and clearly laid open, together with some other additional evidences of the like authority, conclusions will issue of themselves, acquainting us with the causes of all our miseries, and amounting to no less than what I have already premised and presumed.  
1. First therefore we see here a difference is to be noted between the most eminent plotters, and the most violent executours of this mischief: the Lord Macquir gives a good relation of the executours, but not being acquainted with the conspiracy itself, till it had been matured by others, and was communicated to him by Roger Moor, about nine months before the general eruption; He says nothing thereof; but 'tis plain, that these Counsels were laid long before by the Popish Clergy: for by the connivance of our Governors in Ireland, that Country had its Titular Archbishops, Bishops, Vicars-general, Provincial Consistories, Ecclesiastical Deans, abbots, Priors, Monks, Nuns, Jesuits, Priests, and Friars without number, besides all hierarchical Officers, and as well in Towns as in the Country had free use of the Mass. Dr. Jones had it from the mouth of a Fransciscan, that before the dismal day of October, there was a great meeting at a religious house in Westmeath of the Romish Clergy, and some others, whereat the question was debated, what course should be taken with the English, and how the government of the State should be new moulded. And in May 1642. there was a general congregation held at Kilkenney wherein the Church of Ireland was annexed to the Sea of Rome, and the State made no less in effect then purely democratical: and one Act was passed for sending Ambassadors in behalf of the whole Kingdom to the Pope, the Emperor, the King of France and Spain, and those to be of the Church Prelates, with one of the Nobility and a Lawyer: Moreover all the acts of Kilkenney were only subscribed by three Archbishops, six Bishops, and twenty others either of the Clergy, or some holy orders, or officers belonging to the Hierarchy: whereby it appears that the Nobility, Gentry, and Commonalty of Ireland (though the adventurous and active part of the war be left to them) have as yet but very little or no share in the directive or gubernative part; much less had they whilst the matter was but in consultation; Besides, we know the ecclesiastics, were ranged into fit stations, and as there was a just number appointed to attend at home for managing of business in Ireland, so there was as vast a proportion distributed abroad into the Court of Rome, and all other Courts of Europe for foreign Agency and correspondency. Wherefore if the Apostolic sea ever did lively represent the bottomless pit reeking forth thick fumes, or darkening the sky with swarms of odious Locusts, doubtless at this time by the emission of so many Regulars and Seculars, upon such confounding messages, it did verify and explain that dim prediction.  
Well: but after the Jesuits and Priests had been long in conjuration about this woeful tragedy, at last the troubles of Scotland have occasioned a Parliament in England, and raised an Army of Papists in Ireland; and now all advantages concurring, such of the Lords & Gentry, as are most apt for innovation are to be solicited, and rightly instructed how to draw in other concurrent parties in all the four several Provinces.  
The common people are not to be trusted with the knowledge of any thing till the very night itself approaches; nay the very Gentry themselves, except some few chosen ones, are not to receive this secret till all things are ready for execution: the Sacraments of the Mass, and of Confession (which are made umbrages to draw the multitude together, and mysterious attractives to engage in this hellish sacrifice,) are not to be solemnised before the day appointed. There was fear that the multitude could not be prepared without discovery; but there was no fear that the multitude would not consent without preparation. At a meeting therefore in Dublin 8 months at least before this infamous October, when one of the Conspirators advised to employ time in speaking to, and trying the Gentry of Ireland, till advertisement could be received from the other undertakers beyond the seas: Master Moor replied, that it was to no purpose to spend much time in speaking to the Gentry; for there was no doubt to be made of the Irish, that they would be ready at any time; but all the doubt was in the Gentry of the Pale. Howsoever for his part his affirmation was that he was really assured, when the Irish were up, the Pale Gentry would not stay long after. He further proceeded also to entreat that the Lord of may (who was very powerful in command of men in those parts of Connaught wherein he lived) had been spoken to by himself, and that his consent was granted, yet not without an oath for concealment of the same. But I will go on with the Lord Macquir, to mention the principal Lay-conjuratours who were not only taken in by the ecclesiastics for mere action, but were also admitted to some part of the contrivance at least nine months before; and we shall see some use may be made of the same. The first instanced in, is Roger Moor, alias Roei Morace of the family of the Moraces' of Leix in Lemster, which County together with the Territories of Offali were escheated to the Crown by Act of Parliament, and were planted with English in the Reign of Queen Mary. Nevertheless also the father of this Roei being civil and of peaceable disposition, though a Papist, was by Queen Elizabeth cherished and sufficiently provided for by a grant of fair and large possessions in the County of Keldare and Meath to him and his heirs in fee, and the same did descend to this Roei. Here was Justice done long since by a Popish Queen to his damage, here is grace shown lately by a Protestant Queen to his advantage: what pretence of quarrel therefore can this afford to R. Moor for Papists against Protestants, or for former times against latter? The Lord Macqueir himself, and his family may next take place; and we must take knowledge, that Sir Conor Ro. Macqueir his Grandfather was divested of the dignity of Macqueir, and the County of Termanagh, and unable to right himself, was reinstated by the aid of the English, after which also he had not only the Barony of Maghere staffana, but also a yearly pension for life granted out of the Exchequer by King James. And not long since Bryan the Son of Sir Connor, and father of this Lord, obtained a Patent from King Charles of the Barony of Eviskillim; if these offices be accounted disobligations or provoke the Irish against the English, or stir up Papists against Protestants, certainly either the Irish differ from other Nations, and Popery differs from other Religions, or else the nature of ingratitude must needs be changed from what it was.  
Philip O Rely comes now in view; and his Father Captain Hugh Mac-shane O Rely had from King James a grant and confirmation in fee of a fair estate in Lands, lying within the County of Oavan, one of the escheated Counties of Ulster. Of all the Rebels none scarce ever did pursue the English and the Reformed Religion more perfidiously, and desperately, than this Philip and his family, yet here is to be seen what it cost King James to incense him so deeply against us.  
Sir Phelim O Neale, and his brother Torilah may present themselves after the O Relies; and these in their minority being left Orphans by Oge O Neal their father, were liberally bred up in learning, and carefully recommended by our State to the tuition of the Lord Calfield, and when they had attained to full years, their father's inheritance with some additions was settled upon them. Yet 'tis conjecturable that for as much as the Province of Ulster did escheat by the several treasons and attaindors of the Earls, Tyrone, Tyrconell, and others, if Tyrone had again restored himself according to the design of these O Neales', the titles and possessions of this Family in Ulster would have been shrewdly shaken, or at least their power eclipsed. Nevertheless the O Neales' now for such offences as these, butcher a thousand of English, and for their first sacrifice slay the young Lord Calfield their old Guardians son, and yet it must pass by the laws of Popery for a very fair, equitable, and grateful retaliation. Colonel Mac-Mahon and his Family next in order, never could complain of any molestation, or disinherison by English plantations, but all the Mac-Mahons of Farny and their chief had been extirpated by the O Neales', if the power of the English had not supported, and preserved them. Sure such meritorious obligations upon any other than either Irish, or Catholics, would have procured some other acknowledgement. We may now conclude with Sir Con. Mageniis and his brethren, and Sir Arthur his Father; and 'tis apparent, that upon the settlement of Ulster, though he was in actual rebellion with the Earl of Tyrone, whose daughter he had married, yet he obtained from King james a grant and confirmation of the territory of Ireagle in the County of Down to himself and his heirs in fee. Had an Indian, or Mahometan been so treated, we may well expect he would have studied some other requital than the total extirpation of those which so treated him, or he would have thought something else had appertained to gratitude besides murder and revenge. I thus rank these conspirators by themselves, because their task was domestical, and most of them were of Ulster; and therefore policy required that where the greatest difficulty was, most industry was to be used. For 'tis to be noted, that in Munster, and in Conaght, where the English were thinner planted, and less fortified, there was not that fear of opposition as in Ulster and Lemster, where the Scots and English were closer embodied, and surer garrisond, but especially near Dublin where the Seat of Justice was, and the five adjacent Counties,