An Echo to the Plea for limited MONARCHY etc. Written and presented to his Excellency, the Lord General MONCK. In January last, and now reasserted, by the same Author. LONDON, Printed by T. M. for William Shears; and are to be sold at his Shop at the sign of the Bible, in Bedford street near Covent-Garden, 1660. An Echo to the Plea for limited Monarchy, etc. Written and presented to his Excellency, the Lord General Monck, in january last, and now reasserted, by the same Author. My Lord, WHen I presented my humble Address to your Excellency, in defence of the Monarchy of England, Though we had lively hopes, grounded chief on the presumption of your Virtue and prudence, yet had we no certain prospect, That your Excellency would so generously promote, or could so fortunately effect, this blessed and wonderful revolution; It hath since pleased God to use you as his glorious Instrument, in redeeming your Country from the Captivity, and Chaos, of a monstrous Oligarchy; and restoring it to the Beauty and Freedom of a lawful Government; under our natural, Prince: Wherein, as your Excellency hath the principal merit, the whole Nation the Benefit and Triumph; So have I, my Lord, this satisfaction, that all my assertions are already verified by such public evidence, as malice itself cannot contradict. My first Position was, That the Laws of England, being of Monarchical constitution, calculated, as it were, to that meridian, would not easily conform to the manners of Greece; or learn the language of Utopia; and most remarkable, indeed, it is, that whereas the whole body of our Law was lately out of Joint, like one tormented on the Wrack by Tyrants, to extort from him confessions against himself, and our Apostate Lawyers forced to double their files of Impudence, that, like goodly Oracles, they might pronounce, as they were prompted; our Laws are suddenly in frame, our Lawyers have soon recovered their Mother tongue, and forgotten that beggarly and Gypsy Dialect, which Committees had taught them; Our Juries are rescued from the terror of those Dilemmas, which daily propounded to them ruin, or perjury; our Judges are confident of their Authority, and fear not, lest they murder, whom they condemn; We are entirely possessed of our birthrights, not the footsteps of violence remain amongst us, under a Government so dear, and gentle, as if it were not national but paternal, and our daily amendments are as visible, as those of young men, after the Crisis of a : surely the difference of our temper, and complexion, since February last, evinces that the Physic, we took this spring, was very proper, and kindly. That Providence had singularly adapted our Government to our Genius, was my next assertion; For which I alleged, That English men having naturally an equal sense of honour and freedom, do no less contemn the Mechanic policies of a republic, then disdain the Insolences of a Tyrant; and that the late Protectors, (as odious and scandalous, as they were) found entertainment too good for such usurpers, not upon their own account, but for that their Empire was in itself, a kind of Bastard Monarchy, and an approach to the legitimate: Let our public and unaffected Triumphs, the shouts and Echoes, which filled the Air, at his Majesty's appearance; let our mutual embraces in the streets, as persons meeting at home, after their long and various exiles; Let the brightness of innumerable saces, which are now come forth their Dungeons, like just and happy souls with their renewed and refined Bodies, proclaim the general resurrection of our State, the re-integration of our being, and consummation of our worldly bliss, and let it be confessed; that our latter motions were as voluntary, and natural, as the former were violent, and Eccentrick. I Observed, That our ancient policybest agreed with our sober interest. Now the interest of a people consists in security and prosperity; our security, of late years, hath been no other than theirs, who live in a ruinous house, and an inffected air, or border upon the Turks and Tartars; What fatal Comets! What furious changes have we seen! And in how short a time! Wherein the City was manifestly threatened with sacks, the Country with Massacres, The Nation tossed like a Tennis-ball, betwixt the mutiny of Soldiers, and spleen of factions; Beside the danger of foreign enemies, hover over us, and gathering like Clouds, which (as terrible as now they seem,) were the best relief, we could reasonably then expect: How his Majesty's peaceable return hath redeemed and preserved us, (as in reason, it only could,) none I trust, wants either sense to discern or religion to acknowledge: We thrived like Bankrupts, or Prodigals, who having consumed their estates with luxury, seek to repair them by Projects; our very streets were prisons, and the whole Nation outlawed both for debt and felony; our trade, (the Nutriment of the body Politic) scarce yielded us a present subsistence, and that with such a manifest Declination, as tended to speedy famine: What a Jubilee to our Captivity! What Alms to our necessity! what omens of future happiness hath his Majesty already, brought us! It appears, indeed, we were sick of the King's evil, and he hath cured us, merely with his touch. And whereas our late Empyricks have, (with their wont arrogance, and an imposture answerable to their treachery in all that they undertook) long entertained us in fools Paradise, and fed our credulity with mountainous hopes, till even bread began to fail us; Fond surmising, that our wealth and welfare consisted in the form of a Republic; if our late woeful, and former happy experiences did not enough confute them; I would examine First, Whether were likelier to enrich us, that Government, which settled our distractions, diminished our burdens, confirmed our Charters, and established peace with all our neighbours, Especially those, with whom we principally hold commerce, or that, which, to infinite obstractions and discouragements at home, added our perpetual molestation and Ruin abroad by letters of Mart, the just reward of our rebellion; Next, Whether (waving projects,) they can reasonably propound to the Merchant, any solid advantage in a Free-state, which may not as well be admitted in our Monarchy, Where the Prince, (besides his security and satisfaction to govern a flourishing people,) hath an immediate dependence on our Trade, in the main of his revenüe, and may therefore be presumed to advance, but never to obstruct it. My main Proposition was; That the English Monarchy did eminently include all the benefits propounded in a Commonwealth, and had the lustre of a Diadem with the substance of a Free state; Neither I suppose hath experience herein been wanting to my reasons; Already have we seen an Election of our Deputies, as popular, as in the freest of States, (unless perhaps, the Royal party should complain of Qualifications, for certainly none other aught, or can,) by this convention hath our KING been remitted to his Regal power, with such a suffrage That being convinced either in the clearness of his title, the greatness of his merit, or necessity of the Act all concurred, like streams to the Ocean; Already have we seen his Majesty, (waving his advantage in a more equal choice, nay suspending the exercise of all his Prerogatives,) confirm, (or rather constitute) this convention, and make them Arbitratours of his dearest concernments; we have seen him hitherto, I am sure; as little interposing in our Laws, or controlling the Parliament, in the debate of his interests, as if he had no negative, and were indeed, that cipher or chief Magistrate, which some have insolently designed him; If by consenting, he wound us not through his own side, There is little fear, that he will prejudice us by Refusal. Nor doth, or ever, I suppose will the upper House obstruct the Passage of any Bill, which may innocently tend to the setlement or enlargement of our Liberties. But remembering by whose Writ they were summoned, and withal whose safety they consult as just and wise Mediators, study to reconcile the service of the King with the good of the People, on both of which their own wellbeing seems equally to depend, for that they are subjects, as well as, Peers. This doubtless is the happy temperament, which will with God's blessing intercept discord, and prolong our Peace; their Lordships, serving as a Rampart to the Nation against Arbitrary Power, as a screen to his Majesty against popular encroachments: Wherein the History of former Errors hath furnished them with such future cautions, as they cannot, methinks again miscarry without supine default: However we are already (by the restitution of Monarchy, and Peerage,) abundantly secured from those Precipitated Counsels, and abortive Votes, which rendered all our policy fantastic, whilst, being Governed at random, we were only shuffled from one Anarchy to another. And what the wisdom of many ages had maturely collected, could in one morning, be dissipated with the breath of Factious and Capricious Juntoes, who were indeed, too dextrous in demolishing, but knew not how to build. The settlement of the Militia in the ancient way of Trained Bands, under Lords, and Deputy Lieutenants, men of Interest in their Countries, and without other dependence on his Majesty than their Allegiance, how doth it proclaim the innocency of the King's intentions? How doth it vindicate the present Authority, as the gentlest and happiest in the world, which after such accumulation of indignities commits itself (as it were) to popular Protection, & demands no greater security, than it affords the meanest! How doth the equal distribution of his favour, & prudent choice of his servants, considering the number and variety of pretences, and comparing it with the partiality of late usurpers, at once stop the Mouth of Calumny and vest in his Majesty, a peculiar Right to be the sole Judge of Merrit! Those, who professing to tie him up to rigour of Law, grudged him the exercise of his Clemency, how are they ensnared and confounded in their pretences; whilst, from the verdicts of enraged Juries, and pursuites of deserved Vengeance, they resort for shelter, to that sanctuary, which they so lately, and spitefully profaned. His Majesty's frugality, (whose example promises even a reformation of our manners, as it hath already confuted their envious presages, who for want of greater Objections, made use of a scare crow, by suggesting to us (forsooth) the ruinous pomp and expense of a Court; so I hope, it may give us occasion to consider, how chargeable it is to maintain usurpers, and factions, in comparison of a lawful Prince; Even as Wives are commonly cheaper than Concubines; Neither would his Majesty, I presume, complain, or require our aid upon any Ordinary account; But alas, we may not in reason look for miracles at his hand, nor in Justice, expect that he should pay our debts: For who doth not see, That in all public engagements, (but especially the present,) we ourselves are Principals, and the King our surety; he certainly had no part in contracting them, unless perhaps, the fanatics have taught us to make use of our own wrong, by charging him with the Occasion, because indeed, they were contracted to drive and keep him out: Would he have taken advantage of legal forfeitures and late examles, Haberdasher's Hall and Drury House might both have satisfied the Public debts, and filled his Coffers; If submitting his interests to our wishes, he have no retume, his Clemency is not well requited, and it will behoove us to want it no more: However, not the proudest Champion of freedom, or foulest detractor of Prerogative can deny, That his Majesty hath been truly tender of our concernments, modest in his demands; And his beginnings will at least appear very favourable to our Purse-strings, when we remember, how they were lately worn out with handling. The Great Charter, and Petition of Right, which were even buried in their own dust, (being supplanted by instruments, and Projects of Government, framed to the passion or humour of Intruders,) are now revived and celebrated as a kind of civil Decalogue for his Majesty's practice. Liberty and Freehold, than which nothing hath been rendered cheaper are already so sacred; That in stead of detaining, or seizing our persons upon bare and general surmises, the m●st obnoxious are permitted to find bail; or if the fact be not too notorious, upon examination, without further suit discharged; And in lieu of prejudicated Committees, we have impartial Juries to decide our property: We have done, I hope, will that reason of state, which was wont to fill all our prisons, without an impeachment, and professed the punishing of men for their supposed principles, without any thing proved or alleged against them. Our Laws which like porters or mean Solicitours, were employed and sent on Errands, by every faction, are now grown stately, and will not step aside, for any man's business, but their own; nor is any for presumed Gild, so proscribed, as to forfeit the Interest of his Country, without contempt recorded, since by being offenders, we cease not to be English men, And for that the Public is more concerned in the lawfulness than greatness of punishments. We have learned, God be thanked, like freemen and our Father's Children, again to challenge our Birthrights, and think ourselves no longer tenants at will of our Estates; Nay Justice is now the least of our demands, it is favour and bounty which we pretend to. The Legislative and Ministerial power are, I suppose, sufficiently severed, or if they be not, his Majesty I am sure is not in fault, who referring all things to the determination of the Law, without assuming any cognisance of private Interests, contents himself religiously to provide, That our Courts of Justice be filled with Persons of the greatest honour and ability, and nothing decided by unsworne Judges; Nor doth he interrupt any legal, or countenance any Illegal course, or to any public Act, to distinguish his Government from the exactest of Commonwealths; The Nation (once so happily united,) is now Alas distributed into several tribes, with names and marks of enmity, and reproach; And though such distinctions are too apt to create a Partiality in the administration of Justice, (as, to our sorrow, we have lately felt,) yet since our prince's return, none, I am confident, will affirm, that his judgement or private Character hath prejudiced his right, which his Majesty holds himself obliged, indifferently to extend to all, even as the wisdom of God communicates his daily providences, and Bounties: hitherto tend those pious, and candid purposes and endeavours to abolish (if possible) even the mention of late miscarriages, so frequently declared so solemnly recommended to us; A fingular Omen of our future satisfaction, For, what soundness of health may we hereafter expect, who are already in so good a temper? And why should we not, with God's blessing upon such hopeful overtures of his Majesty's Government. Promise ourselves all the beauties of spotless Justice, All the comforts of flowing equity, All the influences of a benign Constelation? Neither need we doubt but that our prince will readily comply with our requests in whatsoever can modestly be desired of him, either to prevent any just fear, or supply any real defect being thereunto incited by his goodness, his promise, and indeed his Interest: so as, for aught I see, such as are yet dissatisfied, will find more trouble, in consulting the wantonness of their Appetites, then obtaining what they fancy; wherein, no difficulty can arise, but this, That his Majesty may perhaps, think it more fit and just, to gratify the sobriety of the Major part, in maintaining, than the Curiosity of a few, in altering our ancient, and approved establishments; And thus, I fear, he will have frequent occasion to advise; being importuned by factious, and unreasonable addresses. It appears my Lord, I hope to your excellency, How notably you have merited of your Country, by one loyal and memorable expedition which with success, equal to its desert, hath at once translated us from Egypt to Canaan, without any Wilderness in our way; hath redressed all our complaints, & answered all our temporal expectations; wherein as men indeed we are fully satisfied, but as Christians there yet remains something so considerable to us, that neither our blessing nor your Triumph is complete without it: See my Lord, how Christ's Vineyard lies yet uncultivated & unfenced, The Church of England, I mean, once so amiable and glorious, now so despicable and forlorn, her Altars polluted, her Temples profaned, her truth confounded, her priesthood vilified, her possession alienated, and her bread given to the dogs: Your Excellency is summoned to assist in the reparation of this fatal breach, in the restoration of this goodly fabric, both piety and charity requires it: The end is Excellent, and the work methinks, not difficult; she hath already the Law for her Warrant, the King for her advocate the Nation for her Witness, and no adversary, but devout sacrilege without any colour of title but the same violence, which excluded Monarchy, peerage, and common right: on your generous Resolutions, My Lord, it depends with that courage of yours, which so lately asserted the freedom of our Parliaments, now to secure, & if need be, so rescue his Majesty from there insolence whose requests are menaces whose very loyalty is seditious, and who appealing still to their own Passions will neither be tied by the duty, nor tried by there Country; In a word who are only modest and just when they are weak with whose virtues we are not now to be acquainted. My Lord, If proceeding in your great atchivements, your Excellency shall for the future prove an Equal Champion of the King's Authority, the People's liberty, and consequently, the Church's Rights (for I take it, it is now manifested, that they all hold by one title your name will be great in our stories, and Precious in our memories, your Garlands will every year bud with fresh flowers and the love and honour of your Country will if Possible) exceed the Rewards conferred on you by his Majesty. July, 17. 1660. FINIS.